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MARKERS XVII

n<*

Edited by
Richard E. Meyer

Markers XVII

Annual Journal of
the Association for
Gravestone Studies

Edited by
Richard E. Meyer

Association for Gravestone Studies
Greenfield, Massachusetts

Association for Gravestone Studies

278 Main Street, Suite 207
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301

ISBN: 1-878381-10-5
ISSN: 0277-8726
LCN: 81-642903

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

Cover illustration: Tree-stump gravestone of David Huston, 1884, Talbott
Cemetery, near Bono, Indiana. Photograph by Richard E. Meyer.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Obituary: Warren E. Roberts (1924-1999) 1

Simon J. Bronner

Domesticating the Grave: Italian-American Memorial
Practices at New York's Calvary Cemetery 8

Joseph J. Inguanti

William Coye: Father of the Plymouth Carving Tradition 32

James Blachowicz, in collaboration
with Vincent F. Luti

The Quaker Graveyard 108

Silas Weir Mitchell

Applications of Developing Technologies to

Cemetery Studies 110

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel

John Solomon Teetzel and the Anglo-German Gravestone

Carving Tradition of 18th Century Northwestern New Jersey 124

Richard F. Veit

By Their Characters You Shall Know Them: Using Styles

of Lettering to Identify Gravestone Carvers 162

Gray Williams

The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies 206

Richard E. Meyer

Contributors 236

Index 239

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE
ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES

EDITORIAL BOARD

Richard E. Meyer, Editor
Western Oregon University

Gary Collison, Assistant Editor
The Pennsylvania State University, York

Theodore Chase Julie Rugg

Harvard University University of York

Editor, Markers V-IX (United Kingdom)

Jessie Lie Farber James A. Slater

Mount Holyoke College University of Connecticut

Editor, Markers I

Dickran Tashjian
Richard Francaviglia University of California, Irvine

University of Texas at Arlington

David Watters
Barbara Rotundo University of New Hampshire

State University of New York at Albany Editor, Markers II-IV

Wilbur Zelinsky
The Pennsylvania State University, University Park

If asked, "Which do you feel is the best of the Markers issues you have
edited?", I would most likely reply, "the most recent one." Upon deeper
reflection, this may or may not be qualitatively true, but the feeling
nonetheless is genuine: the excitement which comes with each new group
of essays takes about a year to moderate - just in time to be reinvigorated
by the next offering. This year's excitement - which I hope you will feel
as well - is fueled by several important new carver studies, a significant
contribution to our understanding of the diversity of ethnic memorial
practices, an examination of the relevancy of new technologies to ceme-
tery studies, and a practical explication of the role of lettering in carver

identification. The inclusion of a poem in last year's edition met with such
success that it will now become a recurring feature in Markers, along with
"The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies."

Several changes have occurred on the journal's editorial board. Gary
Collison, Professor of American Studies at Penn State York, has been
appointed Assistant Editor: his special responsibilities will involve mar-
keting strategies and development of an expanded web page for the jour-
nal. Also, as announced in Markers XVI, the place on the editorial board
vacated by the death of Warren Roberts has been ably filled by Julie Rugg
of the University of York (United Kingdom). Dr. Rugg's international per-
spective and specialized expertise in contemporary memorial practices
will be of immense value.

Once again, I offer my thanks to the current year's contributors for the
high quality of their submissions, and also to the individual members of
the journal's editorial review board for their dedicated efforts, good judge-
ment, and consistently high standards. A very special word of thanks to
Simon Bronner for the sensitive memorial, at once moving and informa-
tive, he has provided in his obituary for Warren Roberts. Appreciation is
due to AGS members Joe Edgette and Claire Deloria for providing photos
of Warren. Fred Kennedy of Lynx Communication Group, Salem, Oregon,
and Patti Stephens of Philomath, Oregon again deserve special praise for
the production and design skills which make Markers the handsome vol-
ume it is. The officers, executive board members, staff, and general mem-
bership of the Association for Gravestone Studies are, of course, what
make it all possible in the first place. And if it wasn't for Lotte Larsen
Meyer and her faith in me, I wouldn't be writing this right now.

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life,
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information
concerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal
may be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of
this issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E.
Meyer, Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 /
E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publi-
cations, membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278
Main Street, Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836.

R.E.M.

Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999)

OBITUARY: WARREN EVERETT ROBERTS (1924-1999)

Simon J. Bronner

Followers of gravestone, folklife, and material culture studies have
lost a guiding light with the death of Warren Roberts. His essays on
recording material culture are still required reading in the field, and his
presence is still felt in the many students who remember his classes and
the colleagues who know his contribution to several organizations.
Besides his service as an editorial board member for Markers, he also
served in leadership positions for the American Folklore Society, Pioneer
America Society, Early American Industries Association, Society for the
North American Cultural Survey, and the Hoosier Folklore Society. I
remember and honor him as a teacher, dissertation director, friend, and
fellow fieldworker.

Warren Roberts invited students from his graduate seminar on folk
material culture at Indiana University to his house at the end of each
semester. They admired his reconstruction of a New England saltbox
house majestically proclaiming his roots in Maine as well as his fidelity to
preindustrial life. They usually stood in awe at the furniture he made with
his own hands and gawked at his extensive antique tool and basket col-
lections. He was a marvelous host and a dedicated teacher who gracious-
ly extended himself to students and colleagues. He gave of himself for
this field of material culture that was also something of a cause for him.
On one occasion in the late 1970s, the students had a token of apprecia-
tion to give him. It was a bumper sticker, and he beamed as he read aloud
its message: I brake for cemeteries.

It was about this time that he was turning his attention more fully to
cemeteries and gravestones in his consideration of American material cul-
ture. I believe that his turn joined the areas he had covered in his passage
through several material worlds. He had built a reputation for architec-
tural and craft studies, well represented in his chapters on architecture,
craft, and recording material culture for the seminal textbook Folklore and
Folklife: An Introduction, edited by Richard Dorson (University of Chicago
Press, 1972).1 He referred often in his essays to the functional integration
of objects in an ecological system of labor and land. His primary concern
- finding instrumental roles that objects fulfill in forming a traditional
"way of life" - became known as the "functional approach."2 He had in

Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999)

mind an ambitious project of developing an outdoor folk museum at
Indiana University and scoured the countryside for examples of tradi-
tional buildings, tools, and crafts to display He moved several buildings
and waited for his dream to become a reality. And he kept waiting, and
ultimately became frustrated with the obstacles to the project's progress.
As his dream of an outdoor museum faded, he found public outdoor dis-
plays of traditional life already in place. They were craftsmen's tools on
tombstones, and he found them in cemeteries near his Bloomington,
Indiana, home. I well remember his excitement over his discovery, and
more than a few times he invited me to join him in the quest for more
examples. My impression was that he thought of those cemeteries as the
most revealing museum of cultural function. They featured engaging arti-
facts that brought together landscape, craft, custom, and design; they
offered insights into the relation of individuals to society, community and
region, ritual and life, ethnicity and labor. He published a note on them in
1978 in the journal Pioneer America (vol. 10, pp. 106-11) and followed with
a host of essays on gravestones and their carvers. It marked a turning
point in his research, and indeed in his career.

That career sadly came to an end on February 1, 1999 at the age of 74.
He held the distinction of being the first Ph.D. in folklore from Indiana
University, and he remained at the university to teach for almost fifty
years. The significance of his instruction in the folklore department and
work for the Folklore Institute was his advocacy for material culture stud-
ies. His specialty when he began his degree was in oral traditions. His
undergraduate thesis at Reed College in 1948 was on the ballad, and his
doctoral dissertation was on the diffusion of folk tales. In 1958 he pub-
lished his dissertation as The Tale of the Kind and Unkind Girls (W. De
Gruyter, 1958; republished Wayne State University Press, 1994). In 1959,
he was awarded a Fulbright grant to study in Norway and while there he
became involved in the prominent Scandinavian folklife and outdoor
museum movements. Upon his return, he introduced material culture
seminars into the curriculum at the Folklore Institute and expanded his
communication with American material culture scholars and institutions.
He taught a two-semester sequence of folk architecture followed by folk
crafts and folklife. He also led a "field" school during many summers
where he brought graduate students to Dubois County, Indiana, to
engage in folklife fieldwork. A regular stop was the Catholic cemetery in
Jasper, where he showed students tree-stump tombstones (the subject of

Simon J. Bronner

several articles he wrote) and German metal markers. Many names who
would become leaders of material culture studies generally and grave-
stone studies in particular came out of those seminars (e.g., John Michael
Vlach, Michael Owen Jones, Howard Marshall, and Tim Evans). His stu-
dents and many colleagues honored him with a festschrift in 1989 entitled
The Old Traditional Way of Life, edited by Robert E. Walls and George H.
Schoemaker (Trickster Press).

The title of the festschrift refers to his "credo" that he espoused in his
essay on "Investigating the Tree-Stump Tombstone" in 1985. Based on his
research of stone carvers of gravemarkers in the unusual shape of tree
stumps, he stated that "if the goal of folklife research is to study the tra-
ditional way of life of the preindustrial era, it should also be our goal to
study the ways in which that way of life persists into the present and the
influences of that way of life on modern life. In such a study we can hard-
ly ignore the owner of the artifact."3 In his reply to Michael Owen Jones,
he distinguished his view of folklife studies from other branches of cul-
ture studies with which he was once associated: "folkloristics tries to deal
with only a few elements, mainly tales and songs, and ignores the rest.
Folklife research concentrates on one society. Some of its research goals
have been and should continue to include discovering how homogeneous

Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999)

that society was. Folkloristics, however, includes the study of all human
societies, and behaviors that transcend cultures."4 From his study of
tombstones, then, he articulated the mission he set out for folklife as a cul-
tural reconstruction of communities living in tradition.

For American gravestone studies, his work had another significance.
It raised awareness of memorial forms and their makers other than the
"headstone," and regionally it brought more attention to areas outside of
colonial America. His "Notes on the Production of Rustic Monuments in
the Limestone Belt of Indiana" for Markers in 1990 pleaded the case for a
functional approach in gravestone studies. Susanne Ridlen took up his
challenge in her dissertation of tree-stump tombstones (directed by
Warren Roberts) and reported her findings in Markers in 1996 as "Tree-
Stump Tombstones: Traditional Cultural Values and Rustic Funerary Art."
I reported on tree-stump tombstone makers in the journal Pioneer America
and the book Grasping Things.5 But Roberts's influence is not just about
naming and describing "tree-stump tombstones." He encouraged open-
ing more types of gravestones for scrutiny. The title of his volume of
essays states his view succinctly: Looking at the Overlooked (UMI Research
Press, 1988). In his comments and papers, he applauded field work to
identify and interpret a diversity of forms and factors for gravestones
within community, environmental, and cultural contexts. I view that
effort in Richard Meyer's important books on gravemarkers and his pro-
duction of this journal. Meyer credits Roberts with providing the inspira-
tion for his own research concerning occupational imagery on grave-
markers.6

At the time of his death, Roberts was telling me about bringing togeth-
er his work on craft and social function. His plan was to connect furniture
makers and gravestone carvers, designs for domestic and public land-
scapes, and tools for the living and the dead. He espoused the folklife
spirit to the end. It was about making connections, it was about the sig-
nificance of the quest. He reminded us of the links of creativity and tradi-
tion, community and custom. I remember him and honor his spirit.

Simon J. Bronner

NOTES

1. For his important architectural and craft studies, see Log Buildings of Southern Indiana
(Bloomington, IN: Trickster Press, 1984); "The Whitaker-Waggoner Log House from
Morgan County, Indiana," in American Folklife, ed. Don Yoder (Austin, TX: University
of Texas Press, 1976); "German American Log Buildings of Dubois County, Indiana,"
Winterthur Portfolio 21 (1986): 265-74; "Ananias Hensel and His Furniture:
Cabinetmaking in Southern Indiana," Midwestern Journal of Language and Folklore 9
(1983): 69-122; "Turpin Chairs and the Turpin Family: Chairmaking in Southern
Indiana," Midzvestern Journal of Language and Folklore 7 (1981): 57-106.

2. See Simon J. Bronner, "Concepts in the Study of Material Aspects of American Folk
Culture," Folklore Forum 12 (1979): 133-72; Thomas Schlereth, ed. Material Culture
Studies in America (Nashville, TN: American Association for State and Local History,
1983).

3. In American Material Culture and Folklife, ed. Simon J. Bronner (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI
Research Press, 1985), p. 136. See also his reference to the "credo" in Material Culture
Studies: A Symposium, ed. Simon J. Bronner, pp. 2-3 (special issue of Material Culture, vol.
17, 1985).

4. "Reply: Folklife Research and Folkloristics," in American Material Culture and Folklife,
ed. Bronner, p. 152.

5. See Susanne Ridlen, "Tree-Stump Tombstones: Traditional Cultural Values and Rustic
Funerary Art," Markers 13 (1996): 44-73; Simon J. Bronner, "The Durlauf Family: Three
Generations of Stonecarvers in Southern Indiana," Pioneer America 13 (1981): 17-26;
Simon J. Bronner, Grasping Things: Folk Material Culture and Mass Society in America
(Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1986). Also, a new work by Susanne Ridlen,
Tree-Stump Tombstones: A Field Guide to Rustic Funerary Art in Indiana, is in press as of
this writing, with a scheduled publication date in 1999.

6. Richard E. Meyer, "Tribute to Warren Roberts," AGS Quarterly 23 (Summer 1999): 2.

Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999)

APPENDIX

Warren Roberts' Gravestone Studies

"Investigating the Tree-Stump Tombstone in Indiana." In American Material Culture and
Folklife: A Prologue and Dialogue. Edited by Simon J. Bronner. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI
Research Press, 1985; reprinted Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1992, pp.
135-143.

"Notes on the Production of Rustic Monuments in the Limestone Belt of Indiana." Markers
7 (1990), pp. 172-193.

"The Sincerest Form of Flattery: Originals and Imitations in 'Rustic Monuments' of the
Limestone Belt of Indiana." In Warren E. Roberts, Viewpoints on Folklife: Looking at the
Overlooked. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1988, pp. 145-161.

"Tombstones in Scotland and Indiana." Folklife: A journal of Ethnological Studies 23 (1984-
1985), pp. 97-104.

"Tools on Tombstones: Some Indiana Examples." Pioneer America 10 (1978), pp 106-111.
Reprinted in Warren E. Roberts, Viewpoints on Folklife: Looking at the Overlooked. Ann
Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1988, pp. 133-144.

"Traditional Tools as Symbols: Some Examples from Indiana Tombstones." Pioneer America
12 (1980), pp. 54-63.

Simon J. Bronner

Italian-American Memorial Practices

Fig. 1. The Queens Boulevard gates of Calvary Cemetery.

DOMESTICATING THE GRAVE:

ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEMORIAL PRACTICES

AT NEW YORK'S CALVARY CEMETERY

Joseph J. Inguanti

Memory

I begin this essay by recounting two personal events separated by
about twenty-five years. The more recent one takes place in the mid-
1990s. I have gone with my parents and my Aunt Elsie, my mother's sis-
ter, to visit the graves of our dead. Leaving suburbia behind, we have
traveled west on the Long Island Expressway to get to Calvary Cemetery
in the Borough of Queens, New York City (Fig. 1). As always, the first stop
is the plot where my maternal grandparents are buried. I get out of the car
and immediately busy myself with tidying the grave. I scratch at the
earth, removing thatch and bits of trash; I water the grass. My dark sun-
glasses conceal my tears. My actions are therapeutic. I contemplate the
memory of my grandparents, but I am also compelled to work. I must
alter the landscape. Even this perfunctory clean-up attests to my presence
here, to my visit. As usual, Aunt Elsie wears her emotions on her sleeve.
Overcome as she watches me work, she tells me between sobs that my
grandparents are "looking down," witnessing my labor on their grave.

The other, earlier, event is more accurately a compendium of events all
rolled into one powerful set of images from the late 1960s and early 1970s.
I am a child seated with my father's side of the family at the dining room
table in the home of my father's brother Nino and his wife Antoinette.
Adjacent to the table, along the interior wall that the dining room shares
with the kitchen, is a sideboard, the piece we New Yorkers call a buffet or
buffet table, although I have never seen one used to serve a buffet. Nor
have I ever seen one set up quite like Aunt Antoinette's buffet table! It is
fitted with a glass top under which Aunt Antoinette has placed the memo-
rial cards supplied by the funeral home for every dead relative in the
extended family and every close friend she has known. Her shrine even
features newpaper obituaries which often have a grainy picture of the
deceased in life. I learn from these clippings that dead people are pictured
in sfumato; the ben day dots composing their faces are somehow more
diffuse than those of the living. Like an altar, there are white candles at

10 Italian-American Memorial Practices

either end of the buffet table. Tucked behind photos hanging on the adja-
cent wall are blessed palms from Palm Sunday.

My father, the successful, acculturated businessman is far from the
Old World and its old ways. He finds Aunt Antoinette's buffet table
shrine distasteful, morbid. At home, he refers to it mockingly as "death
under glass." I laugh at this name but I am fascinated by my aunt's funer-
ary shrine and always try to steal glimpses of it while in her dining room
without lingering in an obvious way.

Family Obligations

While my reminiscences may be seen as yet another instance of
America's current obsession with personal history (the driving force
behind both PBS's Ancestors series and Warner Brothers' The fenny Jones
Show), they go beyond the personal. These memories reveal an important
attitude toward the dead among New York's Italian Americans. Like
other denizens of heaven, the dead are omniscient observers of the living.
In the Italian- American belief system the dead play a role similar to that
of the saints. Much like a favorite saint, the dead may be addressed direct-
ly, personally, and informally. This continuing relationship with the
deceased is strongest with dead family members.1

The dead remain present in the consciousness of the living by means
of material reminders and the rituals surrounding them. In my Aunt
Antoinette's remarkable project, the dead "sit" in the dining room at a
table adjacent to the table for their living relatives.2 Joseph Sciorra has
pointed out that yard shrines and outdoor altars constructed by New
York's Italian Americans may incorporate images and possessions of
deceased family members. Sciorra stresses that these "shrines and altars
are extensions of home, and hence family life, into the public sphere."3
Similarly, at Calvary Cemetery the decorating and landscaping models
chosen by Italian Americans are domestic ones. This is not surprising; the
home is the site of the most important Italian-American institution, the
family.4

In the Italian-American family, love is expressed by dovere, duty, which
often takes the form of work. The tidiness, cleanliness, and order so
important in the Italian-American house and garden extends to the ceme-
tery. This insures that the public image of one's dead family members is
presentable and attractive. Like that of the living, the home of the dead
should reflect the bella figura, the appropriate, graceful bearing of the

Joseph J. Inguanti 11

occupant.5 An overgrown, slovenly property might elicit a cry of "faccia
brutta" (literally "ugly face"), a shame-producing derision that expresses
both the disgust and pity of the speaker. Indeed, the custom of grave-tend-
ing makes clear the contiguity and permeability between the realm of the
living and the realm of the dead in the Italian- American belief system.

At Calvary Cemetery, New York's Italian Americans transform bare,
anonymous graves into tidy, beautiful homes for the dead. While Italian
immigrants to the metro New York region brought with them a very
potent funerary art tradition, this tradition was modified through contact
with attitudes toward the landscape present in American dominant cul-
ture. Thus, grave-tending practices at Calvary Cemetery play a small but
important role in the construction of a third culture, the Italian- American
culture.

Calvary Cemetery and Italian American Cultural Identity in
Metropolitan New York

In the popular imagination, Calvary Cemetery is known as New
York's Italian cemetery. This may of course be due in part to its appear-
ance in the Academy Award winning film of 1972, Francis Ford Coppola's
The Godfather. Coppola's editing demonstrates his incredible savvy about
Italian- American interactions with the landscape. The scene in which Vito
Corleone, played by Marlon Brando, drops dead - among the tall, staked
tomato plants of his Long Beach, New York garden - fades to Corleone's
funeral cortege entering the Queens Boulevard gates of Calvary
Cemetery. In the presence of family and the appropriate plant materials,
Corleone /Brando's contact with the earth is sanctioned. This is in marked
contrast with his previous experience with the ground, gunned down in
the mean streets of the city, his body clinging to life, sprawled on asphalt.
What makes the cemetery scene striking in its verisimilitude, aside from
the gorgeous period clothes and vintage cars, is its representation of the
Italian-American good death. As in the tomato garden scene,
Corleone/Brando's body lies in the presence of family and plant materi-
als in a verdant "island" in the midst of the metropolis. Coppola's adap-
tation of Mario Puzo's novel offers a realistic glimpse at a lavish Italian-
American funeral circa 1950.

Works of fiction aside, one must consider why Calvary Cemetery, the
oldest and largest of New York's Catholic Archdiocesan cemeteries, really
is New York's Italian- American cemetery. It is also necessary to define

Italian- American Memorial Practices

who, at least for the purposes of this paper, the Italian Americans are. It
seems that Calvary Cemetery's identification with Italian Americans is
largely an accident of history. Located on the land of the former Alsop
farm, in what was then Newtown Township, Long Island (today a portion
of the Borough of Queens), Calvary Cemetery was opened in 1848 to sat-
isfy the burial demands of New York's burgeoning Roman Catholic pop-
ulation. A large percentage of these Catholics was made up of recent
European immmigrants. By the turn of the century, Italian immigration
surpassed that of any other group, exceeding 100,000 immigrants a year.
The figures soon rose to 250,000 a year in the early years of the twentieth
century.

Of these immigrants, the overwhelming majority (about 80%) hailed
from the southern provinces of the Italian mainland and Sicily, escaping
what southern Italians still call "la miseria" - high taxes, overpopulation,
and a series of agricultural crises (especially those involving oranges and
wine) in a region lacking other industry. While Jews and Protestants were
among the Italian immigrants, Roman Catholics were the dominant reli-.
gious group. Nonetheless, local, non- Vatican-sanctioned beliefs and cus-
toms were strong among this nominally Catholic majority. In the present

Fig. 2. Trinity Church Graveyard, Manhattan.

Joseph J. Inguanti

context, then, the term "Italian Americans" refers most specifically to this
group: Catholic southern Italians of The Great Migration of the turn of the
century and their descendents.

Catholic Cemeteries in New York

Before the opening of Calvary Cemetery in 1848, New York's Catholics
were buried in Manhattan. The first Catholic cemetery was established in
1785 on the corner of Barclay and Church Streets, the present location of
St. Peter's Church. Prior to 1785, Catholics were buried in a section of the
graveyard of Trinity Church, New York's famous, old Episcopalian con-
gregation (Fig. 2). The site of the second Catholic church in New York, Old
St Patrick's at Prince and Mott Street, was also originally cemetery land.6
Against this historical backdrop, Calvary's novelty in terms of style, loca-
tion, and size becomes clear. Calvary Cemetery presents a marked depar-
ture from the prior Catholic pattern of small Manhattan cemeteries which
gave rise to churches or, as in the case of Trinity Episcopal, was already a
churchyard. Calvary is something else. It is a former farm once far from
the bustle of the city but now enveloped by it; and it is vast (Fig. 3).

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Italian-American Memorial Practices

With their winding avenues and scenic hillocks, Calvary's early sec-
tions conform to the rural cemetery style which was rapidly gaining pop-
ularity in mid-nineteenth-century America (Fig. 4). The rural cemetery
aesthetic stressed contemplation of picturesque, albeit contrived, land-
scape features and plantings, and some of the grander examples of this
type of cemetery are represented by Mount Auburn in Cambridge,
Massachussetts, and Laurel Hill in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Opening
a few decades prior to massive Italian immigration to New York, Calvary
was positioned to receive the remains of Italian-born immigrants and
their descendents and to do so in a new style.

The Domesticated Grave

It is difficult to determine whether the graves of the earliest Italian
immigrants buried at Calvary were adorned by survivors according to the
domestic model that prevails today. The first reliable entry of interment of
an Italian-born person appears in the record for November 22, 1853 (Fig.
5). On that day, Angiolinia Metzger, dead of "Consumption of the lungs"
at age 35, was buried in Range 6, Plot G, Grave 3. Inspection of the site
reveals only dry, compacted earth; Mrs. Metzger 's is an unmarked grave

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Joseph J. Inguanti

amidst the modest headstones of marked graves. One wonders whether
Angiolinia Metzger's husband, who was to join his wife in eternal rest a
few years later, was too poor to afford a stone or whether a modest mark-
er has disappeared over the years. There is virtually no evidence of grave-
tending, decoration, or ornamental plantings in this very old section of
the cemetery. Poignant in its desolation, this area and all who are buried
in it seem forgotten.

Metzger's grave is very early; it pre-dates the unification of Italy into
a single nation-state by several years. Moreover, its barren appearance is
atypical of the majority of Italian-American graves at Calvary. Graves like
Metzger's or the mere presence of incalculable amounts of people of
Italian descent among the 1.75 million souls resting in Calvary are not
what make this cemetery manifestly Italian American. It is the arts of the
grave that develop in the early twentieth century - as the generation of
the peak years of Italian immigration dies - that provide Calvary with a
visual vocabulary that has a distinctly New York Italian-American accent.

Prior to the arrival of the Italians, the Irish were the largest Catholic
ethnic group in New York. Likewise, the Irish were the predominant
group interred at Calvary Cemetery during the its earliest decades. Irish-
American markers from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth

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<rU

ato\d

<3fy at* ^y -£*-£;^

Fig. 5. Register entry for interment of Angiolinia Metzger.

Italian- American Memorial Practices

century are inscribed in English. It is common on these markers to declare
the ethnicity of the decedent by including in the inscription a County
Kerry or County Cork birthplace. Italian- American markers from the late
nineteenth century through the early twentieth century are frequently
inscribed in Italian, often in a southern Italian dialect. Moreover, the use
of photoceramic portraits is an important feature from the turn of the cen-
tury to the middle of the twentieth century, with the peak in popularity
occurring in the 1920s (Fig. 6). While photoceramic portraits of the dece-
dent are present on the markers of other ethnic groups, they are most
common on the stones of Italian immigrants and their descendents. At
Calvary, then, the presence of a photoceramic portrait bespeaks Italian
ethnicity almost as strongly as an Italian language inscription.7

The photoceramic portrait establishes the important link between the
private space of the Italian- American home and the public space of the
cemetery. Never candid, these images are formal, studio photographs of
the deceased taken during life. Using the dialect of Messina, one infor-
mant called such a photo a ritrattu, (in Italian, ritratto), the word for por-
trait. In form and use, these tombstone ritratti follow the conventions for

'ii..t^i#Bi^*i

Fig. 6. Italian inscription and photoceramic portrait
on the Bamonte monument.

Joseph J. Inguanti 17

portrait photographs of family members that adorned the walls of Italian
families in the New World during this period. Del Guidice has pointed
out that photos displayed on the walls of the home rarely depicted living
relatives.8 Both the wall photos and the tombstone photoceramic portraits
feature an oval shape and a convex surface. Thus, at least as early as the
first decades of the twentieth century, the granite slab that bears an image
in the cemetery has as its formal and functional analogue the interior
walls of the Italian- American home.

At Calvary Cemetery, the plot, the actual land under which dead fam-
ily members lie, is the most intensely domesticated feature of Italian-
American graves. A historical explanation of the American domestic land-
scape is in order here. Contemporary with the planning of Calvary and
immediately preceding the huge influx of Italians to New York, a new
conception of the American domestic landscape came into being. As
Bormann, Balmori, and Geballe have noted, "by 1870, detached housing
had emerged as the suburban style of choice, with drawings typically
depicting an isolated structure surrounded by a yard."9 With the subur-
banization of the American residential landscape came a codification of
regions of the domestic landscape that we accept as "givens" today. Thus,
the landscape at the front of a suburban house is ornamental. From street
to front door the typical planting scheme moves from lawn to flower beds
to foundation shrubs. Private and less formal, the back yard is used for
kitchen gardens, storage, and play.

By the mid-nineteenth century, the curvilinear layout of streets and the
seamless greensward of lawns, unbroken by property boundaries, was a
feature of American's new suburban "garden cities" such as Llewellyn
Park, New Jersey, located only twelve miles outside Manhattan.10 Calvary
Cemetery's earliest rural style sections in fact precede the construction of
Llewellyn Park, but both cemetery and suburban subdivision must be
seen as part of the mid-century taste for "a semirural lifestyle."11 Indeed,
the earliest rural style sections of Calvary Cemetery and even its later
lawn park style sections bear striking resemblances to contemporaneous
suburban housing developments in both hardscape and landscape plan.
The traditional Italian custom of propitiating the dead with offerings of
food, flowers, and mundane, useful objects, encountered in New York a
cemetery aesthetic that celebrated the landscape and shared much with a
new residential model. Here in America, a poor agrarian people who had
left a land that had ceased to sustain them now reveled in the possibilities

18 Italian-American Memorial Practices

offered by both the residential landscape and the cemetery.

What develops in twentieth century America is a uniquely Italian-
American domestic landscape. Italian-American residential landscapes
stress tidiness, order, and productivity. Describing Italian Canadians, Del
Guidice has written that:

Italians are among those groups guilty of cutting down stately trees, espe-
cially the 'useless' elms, oaks, and conifers that produce no fruit. Mere
shade trees are replaced with fruit trees. Backyard lawns are plowed into
vegetable gardens or cemented over to make patios. Hybrid tea roses are
rooted out to make room for tomatoes. Nature is thereby 'cleaned up':
ordered and made to produce.12

Similarly, in his classic 1974 study of Italian Americans, Blood of My
Blood, Richard Gambino describes his move as a sixteen year old to sub-
urban Long Island:

No sooner had we moved into a modest secondhand split-level than we
began completely to churn up the little plots of land in front and behind the
house... Everything literally was turned upside down. We planted new
grass, new shrubs, new trees on the two bits of earth. Of course my father
set aside a corner, neatly marked off by stakes, exclusively for tomato and
strawberry plants. I was puzzled and only later understood that we were
completely redoing the land, making it ours by giving it a look completely
of our family.13

This Italian- American involvement with residential landscapes gives
rise to one of many metro New York ethnic stereotypes. Clad in shorts,
workboots, and sleeveless ribbed white undershirt, is the weed whacker-
wielding New York area landscapes a hard-working Italian-American
man. The stereotype is so prevalent that one Suffolk County, Long Island
lawn service man uses it to his advantage. His business is called The Sod
Father!

In a typical working class and middle class New York Italian-
American residential landscape, everything has a clearly defined place
(Fig. 7). In the example shown here, hydrangea and low-growing juniper
are hemmed in by Belgian block in a rock garden; white impatiens are in
a wooden planter, placed in front of a foundation planting of Japanese
yew. In front of the stucco porch wall, the homeowner has planted
marigolds. These are flanked by evergreens in tubs. The entire composi-
tion stresses control, placement, order - and in the last element - rigorous
symmetry.

Joseph J. Inguanti

The Cult of Cultivation

In modern English, the noun "cult" and the verb "cultivate" and its
variants connote very different concepts. However, both words derive
from the Latin colere: "to attend to, to respect, to cultivate, to till, to dwell,
to inhabit, to worship." Italian-American memorial practices recall the
ancient convergence of veneration and tilling, cultic activity and habita-
tion. The striking similarities between residential and cemetery landscap-
ing among New York's Italian Americans make an undeniable visual
statement: the grave is the new home for the dead.

At Calvary's well-tended Italian-American graves, the clearly defined
zones for planting, the choice of plants for each zone, and the arrange-
ment of the plants within these zones, are all consistent with the Italian-
American domestic landscape. In the cemetery planting scheme, the
tombstone, an upright masonry structure, plays a role analogous to that

Fig. 7. Front yard of an Italian- American home,
Long Island, New York.

Italian- American Memorial Practices

of the house in the domestic landscape. According to species and land-
scape function, plants are arranged at front, back, or sides of the marker
just as they would be arranged at front, back, or sides of the house in the
residential landscape.

The Front: the Decorative Zone

As is the case with the house, the area in front of the tombstone is the
decorative zone. At Calvary Cemetery it is common to find foundation
shrubs flanking the front end of the foundation stone to which the grave
marker is anchored. In the boroughs and suburbs of New York, evergreen
shrubs are the most common choice for the foundation plants placed in
front of practically every home. In the cemetery, as in the front yard,

• N

Fig. 8. Dwarf Alberta Spruce at the Saccente grave.

Joseph J. Inguanti

Fig. 9. A Simple composition of annual plants.

Italian-American Memorial Practices

Italian Americans opt for symmetrical arrangements of compact, rigor-
ously geometrical shrubs. Coniferous shrubs that demonstrate human
intervention through shearing or breeding, such as the dwarf Alberta
spruce (Picea glanca 'Conica'), are the preferred choices for foundation
plants at Calvary and at the Italian- American home (Fig. 8). The loose
forms of the "natural" landscaping tradition do not appeal to New York's
Italian Americans.

It is likely that the use of formal, symmetrical plantings at memorial
monuments was familiar to Sicilian immigrants as a prestige statement.
Dating from 1849, the plans for the grand centotaph to Guiseppe
Bonanno-Chiaramonte e Bonanno, principino di Linguaglossa, Palermo,
include a symmetrical pair of tall Italian cypress trees.14 Focusing on con-
temporary Italian- American interiors, Noyes has observed a similar prac-
tice: the arrangement of both sacred and secular bric-a-brac in Italian-
American homes is almost invariably symmetrical.15 These formal
reminders of altars and shrines attest to the sanctity of both home and
grave in the Italian-American belief system. Iorizzo and Mondello pro-
vide further evidence of symmetry, cleanliness, and order in Italian-
American domestic assemblages.16

Fig. 10. Annuals, including petunias and marigolds,
at the Sciascia and Apicella graves.

Joseph J. Inguanti

The most common landscape enhancements in the decorative zone,
the front of the deceased person's "home," are flowering plants.
Flowering plants are set into the ground directly in front of the granite
base upon which the gravemarker rests. Like the foundation shrubs, flow-
ering plants are most frequently planted in simple, balanced composi-
tions. A typical planting scheme may feature a centrally placed "gerani-
um" (actually a pelargonium, not a true geranium) flanked by two bego-
nias (Fig. 9).

While perennials, especially sedum, are common at Calvary's Italian-
American graves, flowering annuals are much more abundant. Requiring
spring planting, summer irrigation and deadheading, and fall uprooting
and disposal, a plot of annual flowering plants ensures frequent visits
from the family grave tenders if it is to look its best. Annuals demand an
ongoing interaction on the very earth that separates the survivors from
the interred (Fig. 10). In a society in which love among family members is
often expressed by productive and creative activities, this type of giving
is modified but not curtailed by death. The Cemetery's pledge of "per-
petual care" amounts to little more than removing spent bouquets, mow-

Fig. 11. Artificial and natural plants, a statue of the Virgin,
and edging bricks at the Frascelli grave.

Italian-American Memorial Practices

ing the lawn, and trimming around the tombstones. With their frequent
"visits" to deceased relatives, Italian Americans bring their own ethnical-
ly inflected version of perpetual care to Calvary.

Italian Americans often bring bouquets of fresh flowers to Calvary.
These are placed in water in green, cone-shaped holders. A spike at the
pointed end of the cone keeps the holder steady in the earth. I have also
observed floral offerings at Italian-American graves in homemade
"vases" fashioned from truncated cardboard milk cartons covered in alu-
minum foil. Flowers are placed centrally on the grave at the base of the
headstone. Plastic flowers are presented in a similar fashion; their green
plastic stems are inserted directly into the earth or they are mixed into a
bouquet of fresh flowers. In some cases, the use of sacred statuary, sym-
metrical arrangements of natural and plastic plant offerings, and edging
bricks underscore the similarities between graves at Calvary and the land-
scaping of front yards among New York's Italian- American community
(Fig. 11).

Fig. 12. Plot of tomatoes behind the Fusaro and La Bianca markers.

Joseph J. Inguanti

The Back: The Productive Zone

Analogous to the backyard of a residence, the area behind the tomb-
stone may be used by Italian Americans to grow fruits and vegetables. In
her study of South Philadelphia Italian-American funerals, Elizabeth
Mathias reported that the planting of shrubs and sometimes tomato
plants was a custom of Italian "peasant-immigrants" from the 1850s to the
1930s.17 At Calvary Cemetery, however, I discovered two large plots of
healthy tomato plants as recently as the summer of 1994. The tomato gar-
dens were located at the back of two Italian- American tombstones whose
fronts were adorned with cut, planted, and artificial flowers (Fig. 12).
Squash vines, a peach tree, and a fig tree grew on neighboring plots (Figs.
13 and 14). In all cases, the fruit- or vegetable-bearing plants were plant-
ed behind or beside the grave, never above the burial site. The fruits and
vegetables grown at these graves announce the ethnicity of the family;
these plants are typical of Italian- American gardens in the boroughs and
suburbs of New York. Field research in Sicily and central Italy in 1998

Fig. 13. Peach tree beside the Gisolfi marker.

Italian-American Memorial Practices

revealed no evidence of the persistence of this custom in the Old World.
One must conclude that an immigration-era practice has survived longer
in New York than in Italy.

The Permanent Testament to Ethnic Identity

The preservation of old, pre-immigration customs and beliefs about
the dead, the abandonment of others, and the possibilities offered by the
landscape and lifestyle of metropolitan New York, create at Calvary
Cemetery a uniquely Italian-American grave style. Francesco Faeta's 1980
study of grave culture in Calabria, Italy sheds light on the continuity and
change of Italian customs in America. Faeta's text stresses the awesome
power of the dead as a motivating factor in providing a new home for the
dead.18 In southern Italy the dead must be attended by the living; the liv-

m MEMORJA DELLA M
MIA CAPA SPOSA I

CALOGERA
MOPTA 1L-12 MACC 04 M
OUR DEVOTED FATHER 1

FRANK mom

k**-«L. u

Fig. 14. Fig tree beside the Bonomo marker.

Joseph J. Inguanti

ing are obliged to make the dead comfortable in the hereafter. Otherwise,
the dead may seek to return to the home they inhabited during life.19 The
photos in Faeta's text depict the veneration of burial sites. Survivors clean
monuments and present gifts to the dead. Counted among these offerings
are money, candy, fruit, cigarettes, religious figurines, and flowers. On
Palm Sunday family members bring palm fronds and olive branches to
the graves of their dead. In these photos we see that almost all plant offer-
ings - whether fruit, stem, or flower - are cut or potted. There is little evi-
dence of digging, planting, or cultivating.

I noticed a similar pattern in Sicilian cemeteries in 1998. The Campo
Santo del Comune di Floridia, the cemetery of the city of Floridia in the
Province of Siracusa, was the most carefully considered. A large flower
farm directly across the street from the entrance to the cemetery meets the
demand for fresh-cut flowers of exceptional quality. As is common in
Italy, most markers at Floridia have built-in urns for floral offerings.
Arriving at the cemetery on a Monday, one is dazzled by the profusion of
fresh-cut flowers left over the weekend on almost every grave (Fig. 15).
The variety of floral colors and textures softens and invigorates the stark
white markers. Less prevalent, but certainly common at Floridia and

Fig. 15. Flowers and potted plants at the Campo Santo del
Comune di Floridia, Floridia, Province of Siracusa, Sicily.

28 Italian-American Memorial Practices

other Italian cemeteries, is the custom of leaving potted plants at the
grave. The sensitive beholder cannot help but be deeply moved by the flo-
ral offerings at Floridia Cemetery. One is not only affected by the breath-
taking beauty of this tapestry of flowers but by the ongoing devotion to
the dead that it represents.

In Sicily, as in Calabria, the intensive involvement with the earth of the
cemetery that one notes in New York is strikingly absent. For example,
growing tomatoes at the grave is unknown here. Even the planting of
shrubs or flowers is not currently practiced in southern Italy to the extent
it is in New York. Stone, not earth, characterizes the texture of the con-
temporary Italian cemetery. Tall, multi-unit, above-ground vaults and in-
ground burials, each covered entirely by a large stone slab, are the cus-
tomary places of interment in Italy. However, the physical differences in
monuments do not adequately address the social and historical differ-
ences between the Italian and Italian- American contexts.

According to informants in Sicily, only the poorest members of the
community are buried in the ground without the usual stone slab covering
the burial site. Except for their extremely modest markers, such grass-cov-
ered burials look ordinary and familiar to American observers. Thus it is
the potter's field at Floridia Cemetery that most resembles the rural style
or lawn-park style cemetery aesthetic to which Americans are accustomed.
And yet, extensive planting and cultivation of the earth is not practiced.
Floral offerings are common, as are potted plants, some of which are dug
into the earth, pot and all. Nonetheless, the overall effect of this Sicilian
cemetery seems provisional and impermanent when compared to Calvary
Cemetery in New York. This, in fact, is with good reason. According to my
Sicilian informants, a grave is not one's "final resting place" as it is the
United States. Instead, the family of the deceased leases the grave for a
specified number of years. After the expiration of the lease, the skeletal
remains are removed from the grave and placed in the cemetery's ossuary.

In New York, the Italian-American memorial ritual called a "visit" dif-
fers significantly from the Italian veneration of the dead. Bearing trowels,
watering cans, and plants from the nursery, Italian Americans arrive at
Calvary on a Saturday or Sunday and busy themselves with their own
expression of domestication. In a cemetery whose formal and historical
similarities to suburban residential landscapes are clear, New York's
Italian Americans push the mainstream American activity of weekend
gardening beyond its usual context. Residential landscape practices are

Joseph J. Inguanti

Fig. 16. Decorated hat on the Leonardi marker.

30 Italian-American Memorial Practices

made to extend from the home of living family members to Calvary
Cemetery, where they play a crucial role in making and maintaining a
home for the dead.

The custom of interment, exhumation, and transfer to an ossuary is
not praticed in New York. At Calvary, burial in the ground is the most
common method of interment. The grave is viewed as the final, perma-
nent resting place for the deceased. The fact that families purchase rather
than lease graves at Calvary further underscores the analogy between the
Cemetery and the residential housing tract. For Italian Americans who are
apartment dwellers, a grave at Calvary might be the only parcel in which
the "American Dream" of home ownership is most closely realized.

The Italian origins of domestication of the grave involve fear of the
dead, and the need to placate the dead, and the need to provide the dead
with a "new home."20 Today, no one descended from the great Italian
migration of a century or so ago would present their motivation for grave-
tending in this light. Grave-tending is performed with little, if any, expla-
nation. Nonetheless, with shrubs and annuals in front of the marker, figs
or tomatoes in back, and even a decorative hat hung on a tombstone as
one might do on the front door of a house (Fig. 16), Italian-American
grave-tending at Calvary recapitulates a residential model.

This vernacular art form offers insight into the Italian- American belief
system. With the extension of the residential landscape to Calvary
Cemetery, New York's Italian Americans make clear the retention of the
dead as family members. This involves providing the dead with an attrac-
tive, homey, and permanent resting place - a landscape rich in decorative
and horticultural affirmations of Italian-American ethnicity. By domesti-
cating the grave, New York's Italian Americans construct at Calvary
Cemetery a facet of their own ethnic identity as they honor and remem-
ber their dead.

NOTES

1. In Roman Catholicism there is a close association of saints and souls. The Feasts of All
Saints and All Souls' Day are celebrated on consecutive days, November 1 and 2,
respectively. The Feast of All Saints grew out of the Early Christian custom of solem-
nizing the anniversary of a martyr's death. See The Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "All
Saints" and "All Souls' Day."

2 Such a household shrine bears striking similarities with those of pre-Christian Rome.
Kleiner points out that according to the ancient Roman historian Pliny, wax masks of
deceased ancestors were displayed in household shrines located in the alae, or wings of

Joseph J. Inguanti 31

the atrium. Thealae were located in front of the tablinum, the dining room of the house.
See Diana E.E. Kleiner, Roman Sculpture (New Haven, CT, 1992), 36. Moreover, banquet
iconography is extremely common on Etruscan sarcophagi.

3. Joseph Sciorra, "Yard Shrines and Sidewalk Altars of New York's Italian Americans,"
in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 3, ed. Thomas Carter and Bernard L.
Herman (Columbia, MO, 1989), 197.

4. For a discussion of the Italian-American home and family, or "domus," see Robert
Anthony Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street: Faith and Community in Italian Harlen, 1880-
1950 (New Haven, CT, 1985), 75-106.

5. For a discussion of bella figura at Italian- American funerals, see Elizabeth Mathias, "The
Italian-American Funeral: Persistence through Change," Western Folklore 33:1 (1974):
43-44.

6. For the history of Catholic burial practices in New York see Catholic News, Thursday,
October 26, 1973.

7. For a detailed discussion of Italian-American use of photoceramic tombstone portraits,
see John Matturi, "Windows in the Garden: Italian-American Memorialization and the
American Cemetery," in Ethnicity and the American Cemetery, ed. Richard E. Meyer
(Bowling Green, OH, 1993), 14-35.

8. Luisa Del Guidice, "The 'Arch villa': An Italian Canadian Architectural Archetype," in
Studies in Italian American Folklore, ed. Luisa Del Guidice (Logan, UT, 1993), 74; 96.

9. F. Herbert Bormann, Diana Balmori, and Gordon T. Geballe, Redesigning the American
Lawn: A Search for Environmental Harmony (New Haven, CT, 1993), 22.

10. Ibid., 28.

11. Kenneth T Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New
York, NY, 1985), 73.

12. Del Guidice, "The 'Archvilla'," 62.

13. Richard Gambino, Blood of My Blood: The Dilemma of the Italian-Americans (Garden City,
NY, 1974), 129.

14. Maria Clara Ruggieri Tricoli, II "funeral teatro": Apparati e mausolei effimeri dal XVII al XX
secolo a Palermo (Palermo, Sicily, 1993), 242.

15. Dorothy Noyes, Arts of Italian Americans in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, PA, 1989), 70.

16. Luciano J. Iorizzo and Salvatore Mondello, The Italian Americans (Boston, MA, 1980),
125.

17. Mathias, "The Italian- American Funeral," 50.

18. Francesco Faeta, "Morte, Immagine, Presenza," Imago Mortis: simboli e rituali delta morte
nella cultura popolare dell'Italia meridionale (Rome, Italy, 1980), 5-17.

19. Mathias, "The Italian-American Funeral," 36-38, describes similar beliefs in South
Philadelphia.

20. Faeta, "Morte, Immagine, Presenza," 7.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

XnK

)

v;. 4

les inxeri:! ■,,

■\-i

Fig. 1. Sarah Spooner, 1767, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

WILLIAM COYE: FATHER OF THE PLYMOUTH CARVING TRADITION
James Blachowicz

In Collaboration with Vincent F. Luti
on William Coye's Origins and Work in Rhode Island

Introduction: by Vincent F. Luti and James Blachowicz

Almost as interesting as the modest body of work left us by William
Coye is the story of his identification as a gravestone carver. Before 1998,
a number of his markers were attributed to two other stonecutters:
Vincent F. Luti had attributed four of Coye's markers in the Narragansett
Basin area and one in Nova Scotia to Stephen Hartshorn of Providence,
Rhode Island, while James Blachowicz had attributed three of Coye's
stones in Plymouth, Massachusetts and one in South Carolina to the
Plymouth carver Lemuel Savery. Before proceeding to a discussion of his
background and work, therefore, a brief account of our discovery of these
two errors and our path to William Coye is in order.

In 1983, Luti published an essay on the Providence stonecarver
Stephen Hartshorn.1 It drew special attention to six stones, with the mark-
er for the Rev. Richard Round (1768) the key to the group, that had ear-
marks of Hartshorn work but were so singular in their design elements
that they had to be treated outside the discussion of the main body of his
work. Luti's earlier, longer draft on Hartshorn took care of the problem by
presenting a hypothesis that they were carved by somebody closely tied
to the Hartshorn shop who either died or moved away, since no others of
this style could be found anywhere in the Narragansett Basin area. But the
1983 essay, more assuredly, claimed them as Hartshorn's by placing them
early in his career to account for some oddities of lettering at a stage in his
development toward later, documented work. The discovery of an
unknown stone in Nova Scotia (for Jane MacKareth, 1770) seemed to pro-
vide the conclusive link to close the circle of indecision, and an
Association for Gravestone Studies Newsletter release was issued to con-
firm all seven stones now as having been carved by Hartshorn.2

And so matters lay for almost fifteen years.

In 1998, James Blachowicz published his account of the carving tradi-
tions of Plymouth and Cape Cod.3 In his analysis of the early work of the
person he took to be the first resident Plymouth carver, Lemuel Savery, he

34 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

singled out three Plymouth gravestones as well as one in Georgetown,
South Carolina, as being perhaps Savery's first attempts at carving. He
did note, however, significant lettering differences on these stones as well
as similarities to a few other Plymouth stones, two or three of which
seemed to resemble the work of Stephen Hartshorn and one of which was
probated to a William Coye.

At the time, nothing was known of William Coye except two occur-
rences of his name in probate records, one of which pays him for the
gravestone of Nathaniel Goodwin (1771; see Fig. 12) in Plymouth. Yet
because there was no apparent body of work significantly like the
Goodwin stone, it was suggested that, while Coye may have been respon-
sible for other stones in Plymouth, he may also have been only a middle-
man, perhaps supplying the stone for some other carver.

In Blachowicz's research on the background of Lemuel Savery, how-
ever, it came to light that William Coye had married Savery's sister Ruth
when Lemuel was fifteen. This suggested a closer connection to actual
stonecutting. Perhaps it was Coye who taught Savery how to carve and
who influenced his early designs.

Lettering similarities between the Nathaniel Goodwin stone and the
markers for Sarah Spooner (1767; Fig. 1) and John Cobb (1750; see Figs. 3a
and 3b), also in Plymouth, together with the fact that the Spooner stone
had a border quite like those Luti at the time had attributed to Stephen
Hartshorn, led Blachowicz to approach Luti, who had studied all of the
carvers of the Narragansett Basin in depth, to consider a possible connec-
tion between the Spooner stone (and Coye) and the work of Hartshorn.
Two other stones in Plymouth, those for Bathsheba Drew (1767; see Fig. 5)
and Samuel Marson (1769; see Fig. 9), so resembled others (near
Providence) attributed to Hartshorn that it seemed likely they were
Hartshorn's work and that somehow he had influenced Coye. Luti agreed
that the stones for Drew and Marson might well be Hartshorn's, but that
the Spooner marker, because of its Boston-type portrait figure, was not,
although it obviously owed a considerable debt to Hartshorn, as he him-
self had noticed some years before. Both Coye and the four or five
Plymouth stones which might be attributed to him, however, remained
relatively orphaned. This is how matters stood until early 1998.

Blachowicz had noted in his essay that the Spooner stone, with its
Hartshorn-like borders, may be Coye's, but since there were no individu-
als named Coye in the Plymouth area he subsequently considered the

James Blachowicz 35

possibility that Coye had not picked up Hartshorn's style in Plymouth but
rather somewhere closer to Providence. He asked Luti to check genealog-
ical records in Rhode Island to see if, perhaps, there was a William Coye
born in that area around 1751, making him a youthful sixteen at the time
the Spooner stone, which showed evidence of a juvenile technique, was
carved. Luti did uncover a number of deed, court, and vital records there
for the Coys, as well as the record for the birth of a William Coy (spelled,
unlike in Plymouth records, without the final "e") in Bristol, Rhode Island
in 1750. This led very quickly to Luti's discovery of a remarkable set of
documents - a record of a lawsuit - which not only positively identified
Coye as a Rhode Island carver but also tied him to the handful of special
stones in the Narragansett Basin area Luti had formerly attributed to
Hartshorn, as well as to the Spooner and other Hartshorn-type stones in
Plymouth. Simultaneously, Blachowicz concentrated on Coye's move to
Plymouth, his later history and his work there, ultimately discovering
that Coye had at different times close associations with the three
Plymouth carvers who succeeded him, and that he was also probably
responsible for another handful of interesting markers in Plymouth in the
1790s.

This essay presents the results of this recent research. All of the histor-
ical information in the section on William Coye's origins in Rhode Island
- up to his move to Plymouth - was uncovered by Vincent F. Luti in his
investigation of Rhode Island gravestones and records. Blachowicz picks
up the story with Coye's move to Plymouth, in about 1770, at the age of
twenty.

After reviewing Coye's history, we shall move to his body of work.

[Because William Coye's name is spelled almost without exception as "Coye"
in Plymouth records, which cover most of his life, this spelling of his name will
be used throughout. References to his family in Rhode Island, however, will retain
"Coy."]

William Coye in Rhode Island: by Vincent F. Luti

By 1684, Hugh Woodbury had left Salem, Massachusetts to settle in
Bristol, Rhode Island. There, with his wife, Mary Rawford, he started the
line of descendants that would lead to William Coye's mother, Sarah
Woodbury (b. 1723, Bristol; d. 1812, Providence).4 Also in the seventeenth
century, two brothers, Matthew and Richard Coy arrived in Boston.
Richard appears variously in Boston, Salisbury, Wenham, and Brookfield,

36 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Massachusetts.5 After his murder by the Indians in King Philip's War,
Richard Coy's wife, Martha, returned to Boston with her children, four
male lines, one of which produced a John Coy, 1717. Here the genealogi-
cal source cited ends. The other brother, Matthew Coy, made his way to
Duxbury, Massachusetts in Plymouth County with his wife, Elizabeth,
and two sons, the line of one of which produced a John Coy, born in 1725
in Preston, Connecticut, where Matthew had eventually migrated. A John
Coy of Preston married Sarah Luce on January 9, 1749/50, seeming to rule
out this 1725 John as the father of William Coye.6 No other John Coy mar-
riage of this particular period is listed for Connecticut. However, it is not
unlikely that other male lines, as yet unresearched, descending from
Richard and Matthew, produced more John Coys. One of these, who had
married Sarah Woodbury in Bristol, Rhode Island in 1745, was the father
of William Coye.7

From his first appearance in Bristol records on March 21, 17458 to 1755,
John Coy appears in town records serving out his civic duties variously as
hogreeve, highway surveyor, constable, petit and grand juror, and taking
"ye oath of bribery and corruption," which made him a freeman of the
town. Like one of his founding ancestors, Richard, John Coy plied the
wine and strong waters trade in his tavern in Bristol. It was probably at
this location that four of his five children were born of Sarah Woodbury.9

The stonecarver William Coye was born in Bristol on October 16, 1750.
His older brother, Samuel, probably played an important part in William's
future. His other two brothers, John and Jonathan W., don't seem to have
had an impact upon William's life, but documentation on them is scant.
However, his sister, Sarah, would lead William to carve the famous stone
of her husband's sister, Molley Danforth (see Fig. 7).10 And through his
aunt, Margaret Woodbury, he would come to carve the even more famous
stone of his cousin, Sarah Swan (see Fig. 4), daughter of Ebenezer Swan
and Margaret Woodbury.11

William's father, John Coy, appears in a great many court cases in
Bristol which indicate that his tavern business had ongoing financial
problems both in collecting and paying. He last appears in any records in
January, 1757.12 His early death can then be deduced also from two
sources in Bristol Town Records. By May 13, 1756, Coy had sold all four
of his properties.13 In December, 1756, "Sarah Coy the wife of John Coy in
behalf of her said husband prayeth for License to Keep a Tavern or pub-
lick house for Entertainment."14 In April of 1758, Sarah Coy was given

James Blachowicz 37

license to keep a tavern "in case she hires the widow Howland's house."15
Previously, it had always been her husband who was granted licenses.
Had he died or was he now incapacitated? And why did she have to hire?
Was her husband's property in jeopardy? In any case, we know for sure
that on May 27, 176516 the Bristol Town Meeting voted that a debt due the
town from John Coy, deceased, be canceled, and in a recorded document
of February, 1766, but actually written on January 13, 1760, Sarah Coy was
freed of "all her husband owed me" in the will of Jonathan Woodbury, her
uncle.17 So less than fifteen years into her marriage, Sarah Coy had five
orphaned children under fifteen years of age to bring up. Unfortunately,
there is a complete gap here on their doings, and it is not until October 3,
1768 that we hear of Sarah again in what is a very suggestive and impor-
tant piece of evidence: Sarah Coy, widow, by deed of sale conveys her
rights of inheritance from her mother of part of a dwelling house and land
in Bristol to her sister-in-law, Lydia Woodbury, and her sister, Margaret
Swan.18 Furthermore, and not insignificantly as we shall see later, we find
in an account book of Jacob Whitman, Providence, the following entry for
"Thomas Greene of Bristol" (emphasis mine), debtor, for March 7, 1767:
"to a Bottel of Snuf [ordered?! James Greene [delivered?] to Mr Coys to
send to Bristol 0-2-3."19 The entry is in Jacob's own shapeless hand (he
used a scribe ordinarily). So at least one Coy, most likely the eldest there,
Samuel, now nineteen years old, was in Providence. This is the only shred
of documentary evidence that might help fix the date by which the criti-
cal move to Providence, where William Coye would become a stonecarv-
er, occurred. On March 9, 1769, in Providence, according to the remark-
able set of court papers already alluded to, William Coye agreed to cut the
gravestone of Reverend Richard Round (see Fig. 8). So in the period
between 1760 and 1768, somehow, Samuel Coy became a painter in
Providence and William a stonecarver.

It would appear that by 1769, the court case date, the widow Sarah
Coy was either renting in Providence or staying with someone. After this
date she never again appears in Providence records until her death there
on August 26, 181220, where she was buried in West Cemetery, although
records of removals from the entire cemetery do not contain her grave.21
There are also no other records for William, who remained a minor while
in Providence, until he had settled in Plymouth around age twenty (i.e.,
by 1770). His mother stayed in Providence, living most likely with her son
Samuel, until his death in 1783,22 and /or with her daughter, Sarah, mar-

38 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

ried to Job Danforth of Taunton (November 5, 1769), who ran a successful
business in Providence.23

A discussion of William Coye, a minor, in his Providence, Rhode
Island period must begin with the papers of the Providence lawsuit initi-
ated by his mother, Sarah Coy, against David Bullock of Rehoboth,
Massachusetts, across the Seekonk River.24

The first document in the case is dated Rehoboth, March 29, 1769. It
reads:

Mr Coy (sr, sd?) I should be glad if you would get them Stones ready
[implying a prior agreement, see below] by the 10th Day of April for I
Design to be at Providence then with a Load of Brick for you & Mr Brown
Pray dont fail me from yours to serve David Bullock

I have here in sent you a Paper with ye Description of the writing left in ye
form I would have it wrote

The gravestone inscription accompanying this letter matches word for
word the text Coye engraved.

The next document, too long to quote in its entirety, dated April 10,
1769, has the following information culled from it and here paraphrased:

• William Coy of Providence, infant, sues by Sarah Coy, widow,
David Bullock of Rehoboth for a broken promise to pay for the
gravestones of Rev. Richard Round.

• William Coy undertaking for "some time past the trade (or occu-
pation) of Stone Cutter, and still using the said trade," on March
29th of 1769, undertook to cut two gravestones to be completed by
the tenth day of April 1769.

• The agreement to do so was set on March 9, 1769, at Providence
and Bullock would pay six pounds or a load of merchandizable
brick for the stones.25

• Coy asks nine pounds in damage of David Bullock.

Then follows the order for the sheriff to arrest David Bullock and bring
him to court (Nathaniel Wheaton posted bail).

The remaining four documents are sheriff's orders to bring in wit-
nesses: Jonathan Holden, William Rawson and Jacob Pearce, John Malem,
and Samuel Bullock and Stephen Hartshorn. Samuel Coy's name is
scratched out of one of these witness writs. Research on these witnesses
brought out:26

• Jonathan Holden, a complete blank.

• William Rawson, a minor; his father, Stephen, owned property

James Blachowicz 39

across the street from where Samuel Coy in 1770 (after the court
case) would first buy land; Rawson's origins were in Bristol, Rhode
Island.

• Jacob Pearce, a "free molatto man/' boatman and labourer.

• John Malem (Malen), a few court cases 1754-1762, barber and
peruke maker.

• Samuel Bullock, David's father and executor of Richard Round's
estate.

• Stephen Hartshorn, mason and stone cutter.

Concluding the case is a document in which the jury finds for William
Coye, with him being awarded four pounds, sixteen shillings. The
Richard Round probate papers show that the same amount of money was
paid "to a pair of gravestones."

The gravestone that was at issue here was the marker for Reverend
Richard Round (see Fig. 8), Baptist minister of Rehoboth - the key stone I
had used to connect Hartshorn, whom I originally thought had carved it,
to a set of other "singular" stones in the area, including the well-known
marker for Sarah Swan in Bristol. In addition to the fascinating look these
documents provide into the life of a young stonecutter, therefore, they
also put William Coye in Providence and establish him as the carver of the
Round stone as well as two or three other of the special stones I had ear-
lier associated with the Round stone through design and lettering simi-
larities.

The question arises as to whether Coye studied under Hartshorn at all.
Seth Luther was living and carving at the far north end of town,
Hartshorn in the far south end where documents place Samuel Coy.27
Luther and Coye works are totally incompatible. Attempts to fill in
Hartshorn genealogy (marriages in particular) to connect him to the Coy
family have failed due to incomplete records in Rhode Island. All we have
to go on in this respect is that the Hartshorns had also lived in Bristol,
where the Coys came to locate. A tantalizing bit of evidence that unfortu-
nately eludes further research is the fact that one of Stephen Hartshorn's
sisters, Dorothy, married a John Pearse.28 One of William Coye's brothers,
Samuel, also married a Pearse, Mary.29 But given the huge proliferation of
Pearses in the Providence /Bristol area, no connection between these two
particular Pearses has yet been found (the Samuel Coy/Pearse connection
will be discussed later in relation to William Coye's move to Plymouth).
There is another family connection that might have some significance. It

40 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

regards the account book of Jacob Whitman, mentioned earlier. Stephen
Hartshorn's sister, Hannah, had married Jacob Whitman.

We do know, but only right after the 1769 Bullock court case, that
Samuel Coy on June 9, 1770, purchased property on modern Planet Street,
six blocks north of Hartshorn, which he sold on May 22, 1772, and not
until 1772 did he buy a lot on Transit Lane adjoining Hartshorn's home-
stead property and a riverfront property also close by Hartshorn's river-
front lot.30 These properties on the docks were probably where they car-
ried on their businesses. What all this comes to is that the adjoining prop-
erties of Samuel Coy and Stephen Hartshorn come only after William
Coye had left Providence for Plymouth.

At the time of the court case in 1769, none of the Coys apparently
owned property in Providence, and all the children were minors except
Samuel, who, turned twenty-one in that year, appears in an advertise-
ment of June 3, 176931 as partner in a paint shop business, Coy and
Waterman. It was only in June of 1770 that Samuel made his first docu-
mented property purchase. It can be assumed that the Coy of Coy and
Waterman is Samuel on the basis that, from this date on, Samuel Coy is
always called a painter in numerous documents. His older brother, John,
was a cordwainer, and his youngest brother, Jonathan, was only twelve,
so they are ruled out. It is important to remember that signs in the colo-
nial period would most likely have drawn and painted artwork on them
besides lettering, and in many cases were wood-sculpted as well to rep-
resent the trade.

There is one tantalizing piece of documentation in all this that does
prove Stephen Hartshorn had a helper in his shop. In an account book of
Obadiah Brown, Providence merchant, there is an entry for January 19,
1764 of a charge to Stephen Hartshorn "to 141b Sugar Dd his boy 0-7-0. "32
Hartshorn's oldest son, Jacob, was born in 1761, so this "boy" could quite
conceivably have been William Coye, who on that date would have been
thirteen years and three months old. An impoverished, widowed young
mother, Sarah Coy would have had to farm out her two teenage boys.
Both had artistic bents apparently, Samuel for signs, painting, gilding and
"flowring,"33 and William for carving. Stephen Hartshorn's shop would
be the logical place to farm out William as "boy" and /or apprentice.

What brought the Coys to Providence and in what order (together or
separately?) remains a complete mystery. Bristol was prosperous and
Sarah Woodbury Coy had property there, the inheritance rights to which

James Blachowicz 41

she relinquished in October of 1768.34 William was perhaps already begin-
ning to carve in Providence in late 1767. It is possible he (and his brother,
Samuel?) had preceded the rest of the family in moving there.

Did William Coye at some point come to work under George Allen,
the stonecarver, in Rehoboth, across the tidal river from Providence? It
would appear not, since elements of design work, lettering, and chisel
handling in Coye are significantly different from those of Allen. But the
only certainty of a connection between Hartshorn and Coye lies in the
writ calling Hartshorn to testify in Coye's court case against Bullock.

Now the question arises as to when Hartshorn himself, thirteen years
older than Coye, learned and started to carve. Who taught him, did they
learn together, or was it that as a mason who worked with chisels and
stone he would first easily pick up or develop gravestone carving skills by
himself? If either of the men, Hartshorn and Coye, trained under Allen, it
would more likely be Hartshorn, who already had a mason's chisel skills.

What of Hartshorn's earliest work? The description and account of the
tomb of Obadiah Brown is enumerated in great detail, partly in a so-called
Obadiah Brown account book and partly in a Moses Brown (his son-in-
law) account book. Some six names are listed in conjunction with its con-
struction. One reference, on page 107, is to Stephen Hartshorn on
December 29, 1764, for a charge for "picking up and Laying Stones 4-13-
5." In 1765, in the Moses Brown account book, page 67, we find this reduc-
tion in Stephen Hartshorn's debts to the Browns: "by his bill Cuting
Stones ord for the Tomb of Obad Brown, Esq. Deceasd 4-13-5." A very
interesting footnote to this tomb is in the Obadiah Brown book, page 203,
for June 30, 1768: "paid Seth Luther for Makg an /A/ instead of an /I/ in
the Name on the Tomb 0-6-0." Seth Luther was the gravestone carver in
the north end of Providence whose house and shop were adjacent to the
burial ground where the tomb was located. All of this fairly convincingly
verifies Stephen Hartshorn carving gravestones between June 1762, the
death of Obadiah Brown, and December 1764, the first charge for work-
ing on the tomb. Most regretably, the tomb today is a slate slab replace-
ment.

There are at least twenty-nine Hartshorn stones that predate 1765, six
of which are positive backdates from after 1775, and eight fall stylistical-
ly between 1769-1774. Thirteen have pre-1768 characteristics and two
show transitional elements. He had to have had an established carving
business by the time the Coys arrived in Providence, but not terribly

42 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

much before. It must be remembered that a number of graveyards in
Providence underwent removal, and loss of many early stones of both
Hartshorn and Coye is quite likely. Furthermore, the Hartshorn invento-
ry taking was not intended to be exhaustive, merely representative (186
stones).

To summarize, then. That the Coy brothers had artistic talent is evi-
denced not only in the early stones of William but also in the fact that
Samuel in his ad speaks of the skill to do "all Manner of Painting, Gilding,
Drawing and Writing upon Signs in the most neat and genteel Manner."
William Coye, once established in Plymouth, oddly enough was often
cited as a painter, not a gravestone carver, which could well have includ-
ed work carving and /or painting signs. So with some native artistic tal-
ent, a brother, Samuel, who had gone into the illustrated sign painting
business, and a neighbor, Stephen Hartshorn, who was an established
mason and gravestone carver, William Coye would proceed quickly to his
chosen art.

Born in 1750, by 1767 William could have been old enough and big
enough to handle and learn gravestone carving. We can assume that his
initial practice work for a while remained just that and was never placed
in cemeteries. Curiously missing, however, is work that could be called
collaboration with Hartshorn. The only stone that even suggests this is
that for Mehethabell Ward well, 1764 (backdated), Bristol, Rhode Island
(Fig. 2). The lettering of this stone chains right into that of Richard Round
(see Fig. 8)35 and later Coye stones, but the winged effigy face does not; it
has more characteristics of Hartshorn than of Coye. This stone could even
be backdated since the lettering appears to be much better and of a later
date than the 1767 Sarah Spooner stone in Plymouth. What very little
bunching there is of early Coye stones appears first with 1767 dates.

William Coye in Plymouth: by James Blachowicz

We know that William Coye was still in Providence for his lawsuit
against Bullock in June of 1769. The earliest record of his presence in
Plymouth is a document dated March 21, 1771, which has him and a num-
ber of other Plymouth citizens being appointed hogreeves.36 He is also
listed on the Massachusetts Tax Valuation rolls in Plymouth for 1771 (but
as yet with no taxable property of his own); this is dated September 22,
but no doubt was begun some months earlier. The Plymouth stone for
Nathaniel Goodwin (see Fig. 13) is also dated 1771 - the only existing

James Blachowicz

Fig. 2. Mehethabell Wardwell, 1764, backdated, Bristol, Rhode Island.
Probably carved by William Coye.

44 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

gravestone for which William Coye is cited in probate records (the estate
settlement is dated December 31, 1772).37 Coye may have moved to
Plymouth as early as 1770, however, for he probably carved the dedica-
tion stone for the new powder house in Plymouth, which is dated
September 11, 1770.

William Coye married Lemuel Savery's older sister, Ruth, in Plymouth
on May 24, 1772 (when Lemuel was fifteen).38 Also in 1772, Coye and
Samuel Pearse ("both Plymouth Painters") bring a suit against a Samuel
Hill, also a painter, for an amount promised to them. Coye and Pearse
agree to arbitration of the case in April of that year.39

Who is this Samuel Pearse? Plymouth vital records have a Samuel
Pearce/Pierce marrying an Elizabeth Hersey on January 21, 1762.40
Samuel is here listed as being from Bristol, Rhode Island. Another suit,
which came to court in January of 1765, has Samuel Pearse as a cord-
wainer from Bristol.41 His first two children are born in Bristol, the second
in 1765.42 Then in a suit which is heard in Plymouth in April of 1766, and
again, in another suit a year later, he is referred to as a "Plimouth cord-
wainer."43 This indicates that he moved to Plymouth from Bristol in late
1765 or early 1766. However, since the first two suits were brought by
Plymouth citizens, we can also assume that Pearse had commerce with
and probably traveled to Plymouth from time to time before moving
there.

William Coye's brother, Samuel Coy, married a Mary Pearse in Bristol
in about 1771. u She was born in Bristol on April 3, 1747, the eighth of
eleven children of Nathaniel Pearse and Mary Lindsay.45 The eldest child
of this family was Samuel Pearse, born October 25, 1733 in Bristol (other
records, cited below, confirm that this is the same Samuel who appears
with Coye in Plymouth court records). Thus, Samuel Coy, William's older
brother, probably arranged with Samuel Pearse, who was to become his
brother-in-law the following year, and who was already in business in
Plymouth from about 1765, to receive William and provide him a place to
work. As we have seen, Samuel Coy was employed as a painter in
Providence; William probably worked with him in this trade (as well as
cutting gravestones) before moving on to Plymouth to join Samuel Pearse.

In two other court records (1772, 1773),46 Pearse's occupation is listed,
not as cordwainer or painter, but as "trader," and in another (1774)47 as
"shoreman." Perhaps Pearse was an agent for Bristol goods in Plymouth
(and vice-versa). This might explain Coye's ability to place six or seven

James Blachowicz 45

stones in Plymouth before he moved there. The fact that at least two of
these early Plymouth stones have a Bostonian look (Coye seeking to pro-
vide work for his prospective new clientele in Plymouth of the sort they
were accustomed to) suggests that Coye was familiar with this style in the
stones that Boston carvers had deposited in Plymouth. Coye may have
even acted as an agent for Pearse, going back and forth between
Providence and Plymouth a few times before his final move to Plymouth.
Samuel Pearse was fairly prosperous at this time: the Massachusetts Tax
Valuation for 1771 records that his property in Plymouth included two
houses, a separate shop, a warehouse, a vessel capable of shipping sixty
tons of cargo, a horse, a cow and four goats, two acres of pasturage and
five acres of tillage capable of yielding ten bushels of grain.

The 1772 Plymouth court record indicates that William Coye was in
business as a painter with Samuel Pearse. There are also two other records
of suits, dated 1790 and 1799, which I will review below, that list Coye as
a painter. In addition, there are five records over a nine-year span in
which William Coye is paid by the county for work on county property:
the earliest is in 1789, where Coye is paid fifteen shillings "for painting the
Court House Windows, Shutters, and Sashes, and for paint and Oil"48; in
a 1794 record, he is paid for "painting the prison house and prison"49; in
1796, he is paid about four pounds for "paint, oil and labor on the court
house"50; in 1798, $12.70 is paid "to William Coye for paints and oils and
two days' work for the county"51; and finally, in 1799, he is paid $8.50 "for
five days work done by himself and one by his Boy."52

While Coye was undoubtedly continuously employed as a painter, we
should not think that he did not also engage in stonecutting. Each of the
five Plymouth gravestone carvers that succeed Coye - Lemuel Savery,
Amaziah Harlow, Jr., Nathaniel Holmes, and John and Winslow Tribble
(as well as John Tribble's nephew Hiram Tribble, who carved in Kingston)
- is also listed as a "painter" in various records. The painting of flat sur-
faces is rather unskilled work, open even to the relatively untrained (as it
still is); it is the type of work a young man might first break into, and per-
haps keep as a continuous source of income, to supplement or be supple-
mented by other employment. Most gravestone carvers, at least through
the early nineteenth century, could not support themselves on the income
from stonecutting alone. Painting is also seasonal, for exterior work
would probably not be undertaken in cold or rainy weather; perhaps
stonecutting occupied these particular painters' winter time. We should

46 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

also not forget, as Samuel Coy's advertisement discussed earlier demon-
strates, that some types of painting, of signs and architectural details, for
example, require more skill - including the ability to letter.

There is another court case in which Samuel Pearse appears which is
relevant for William Coye's history. Pearse is sued in October 1772 by
John Fordery Edmonds and his wife Elizabeth for failure to pay three
notes, one dated March 17, 1770, one April 11, 1770 and the third July 22,
1771.53 The court record states that these three notes were made to
Elizabeth before she had married John Edmonds, that is, when she was
Elizabeth Stephenson, a widow. Pearse pleaded in the case that "he does
not like the plaintiffs well enough to pay them his money." The court
found in favor of the plaintiffs and ordered Pearse to pay them a little
over 200 pounds. Pearse may have been short of cash: in order to pay
"sundry debts" to an Isaac Symmes, he mortgages to Symmes in the very
same month a half-acre of land with a barn, as well as part of his fish-cur-
ing yard, a transaction which gained him 180 pounds.54

The rather large amount of money involved in the three notes of the
Pearse/Edmonds case, if it wasn't an outright loan, may indicate that
Elizabeth Stephenson, recently widowed, had something of value to offer
Pearse sometime in 1770. Elizabeth's previous husband was John
Stephenson. One account of property transactions in Plymouth reports
that "a lot on the south corner of Howland Street was conveyed in 1768,
by Thomas Southworth Howland ... to John Stephenson, who built a
house on the lot and carried on the business of stone-cutting."55 But this
report is erroneous in some respects. For one thing, John Stephenson had
died before 1768, for his wife Elizabeth is appointed administer of his
estate in June of 1767. Further, it is evident from the inventory of his estate
that he was a prosperous clothier, not a stonecutter: this inventory
includes many yards of various fabrics - silk, flannel, serge, cotton, etc., as
well as other items (such as sixteen felt hats) valued at over 1800
pounds.56

John and Elizabeth Stephenson's daughter, Elizabeth, would marry
Lemuel Savery eighteen years later. She was seven years old when her
father died; her brothers, Jasper Hall and William, were about one year
and one month, respectively57

Having inherited at least part of her husband's estate, Elizabeth,
widow of John Stephenson, may have sold some of it off to Samuel Pearse
in about 1770. The Tax Valuation List for 1771 records Elizabeth's proper-

James Blachowicz 47

ty at the time: a house, an adjoining shop (the clothing store?), a cow, and
a stock of goods valued at 150 pounds (a servant is also listed). As we
have already seen, the same tax list includes among other property of
Samuel Pearse a separate (that is, detached) shop. Perhaps this shop was
part of the transaction between Elizabeth Stephenson and Samuel Pearse
sometime in 1770, to be used for painting and stonecutting; but if it was a
property transaction, more property would have had to be involved, for
the shop by itself would not have cost 200 pounds.

Then, between July 1771 and May 1772, the widow Elizabeth
Stephenson married John Fordery Edmonds. She still had three under-age
children at the time: Elizabeth (who was twelve) and Jasper Hall (who
was six) were placed under the guardianship of Daniel Diman in July
177258; the youngest, William (who was five), was taken by Ephraim
Spooner, who became his guardian.59 At this time, some of their father's
estate is transferred to the keeping of their guardians.60 John Fordery
Edmonds dies on February 26, 1776, and his widow, Elizabeth, dies on
June 26, 1777.61 Her three children then inherit the remainder of their
father's property, the large Stephenson house divided equally among
them.62 It is also in 1777 that the eldest child, Elizabeth (the daughter of
John), marries a George Deverson; but he dies before 1785.63

In the probate settlement for Elizabeth Stephenson Edmonds, William
Coye is paid about forty shillings.64 Perhaps this is enough for grave-
stones, but he was paid twice that amount for the Goodwin stone. There
is no surviving gravestone for Elizabeth Edmonds in Plymouth.

If Samuel Pearse had acquired some of the Stephenson estate from
Stephenson's widow in 1770, it is probably William Coye who begins
stonecutting on this property. We know that this is precisely where
Savery's stonecutting shop was, for this is the very property his wife,
Elizabeth Stephenson Savery, sells off after Lemuel's death. Elizabeth
acquired another third of her father's house from her brother Jasper in
178965 (this transaction lists Lemuel Savery as a "painter"). This shop was
on the south corner of Howland Street, across from Burial Hill and just a
block west.

In summary, then. We know Samuel Pearse had some business deal-
ings with Elizabeth Stephenson around 1770 (after John Stephenson's
death but before her remarriage). And we know Samuel Pearse is in busi-
ness (painting) with William Coye in April 1772, and probably from
Coye's first days in Plymouth in 1770. Pearse may thus have purchased or

48 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

rented part of the Stephenson property for his business activities and took
on William Coye as a painter and stonecutter. Coye marries Ruth Savery
in May 1772, and in turn takes on her brother, Lemuel, as an apprentice to
stonecutting (and painting). Thus Coye, his wife, and Lemuel Savery are
perhaps all living (or at least working) at the Stephenson property. This
may have provided the circumstance for Lemuel to become acquainted
with Elizabeth (Stephenson) Deverson, whom he would marry. By that
time, Coye may have himself given up any thought of carving on a regu-
lar basis.

Samuel Pearse did repay his debt to Elizabeth (Stephenson) Edmonds.
In a deed dated June 8, 1774, Pearse signs over to her a house, lot, and gar-
den, valued at 220 pounds. Elizabeth simultaneously cancels Pearse's
debt to her.66 In this transaction, it is Samuel's brother, Nathaniel, Jr. (from
Bristol), who exercises Samuel's power of attorney, acquired four days
before; and on the other side, it is Elizabeth Edmonds who has her hus-
band John's power of attorney (acquired 9 March 1773), which empowers
her "to act on all matters relative to his and our trade and business." John
Edmonds' occupation is here listed as "apothecary." It is perhaps worth
noting that around October of 1773 Elizabeth brings suit against her hus-
band, being afraid that he "will do her . . . some great bodily harm, or
burn her . . . dwelling house."67 She asks the court to "order John to obtain
sureties for the peace and for being of the good behaviour" until the
court's next term. The court hears both their testimonies and finds in
favor of Elizabeth, committing John to this bond. At the same session,
three other men, including Daniel Diman, guardian to Elizabeth's two
oldest children, bring a similar suit against John Edmonds, testifying that
they too are afraid that he will burn their houses. We cannot know exact-
ly what the issue was here; perhaps John was upset that much of
Elizabeth's former husband's estate was in the hands of her children's
guardian. Is this why Elizabeth, not John, exercised power of attorney in
the above transaction?

On June 30, 1773, Samuel Pearse mortgages to his father Nathaniel (for
one year) a piece of land and a building near the water which he had used
for curing fish.68 He received 300 pounds in this transaction. This is fur-
ther indication, perhaps, of financial difficulties. Within a year, his father
releases this property back to him.69 At the same time, Samuel Pearse sells
a lot with buildings to Samuel Jackson for 133 pounds - a transaction that
took place in Bristol (had Samuel moved back there?). Then, three years

James Blachowicz 49

later, he also sells the fish-curing building to Samuel Jackson.70 1 found no
further mention of Samuel Pearse in Plymouth records after this date.

William Coye served briefly in the Revolutionary Army. He enlisted
on July 29, 1778, and was discharged on September 13th. This month was
spent in Rhode Island, although the company was raised in Plymouth
County.71 He was also one of many Plymouth men organized for military
duty in 1781; but he apparently was never activated.72 There is also a
record of a Plymouth town meeting on June 23, 1777 where Coye gives
evidence relevant to charges brought against Ichabod Shaw for being a
Tory sympathizer.73

Although I found few property transactions in which Coye was a
party, the Tax Valuation List for 1784 indicates that he did own one-third
of a house (but no other property). Might he have acquired one of the
three tenements on Howland Street left to Lemuel Savery's wife,
Elizabeth, and her brothers by her father?

Besides a suit brought by a Henry Warren in 1790, in which Coye is
again cited as a painter,74 there is another quite important record in which
Coye is sued by a John Bartlett in November of 1799.75 It is important
because it lists William Coye as a co-defendant with Amaziah Harlow -
and names them both as "Plymouth painters." Amaziah Harlow, Jr. is a
Plymouth gravestone carver who begins work in about 1792 and contin-
ues for about ten years, producing about eighty stones.76 That Coye is in
business with Harlow in 1799 supports my contention, to be developed
below, that it is Coye who is responsible for a handful of Plymouth grave-
stones dated 1795 to 1798, some of which were lettered by Harlow.
Harlow should not be viewed as Coye's apprentice in the traditional
sense, however, since he was three years older than Coye.

Plymouth church records contain the deaths of four children of
William Coye and Ruth Savery from 1776 through 1788, but neither these
children's names nor ages are given (the two who died in 1776 were vic-
tims of smallpox). There is a Sally Coye (born in about 1779) who marries
Samuel Burbank on October 6, 1797; they have at least seven children.77
This is probably William Coye's (and Ruth Savery's) daughter, for there is
also a record of a transfer of property from William Coye to Samuel
Burbank in 1798.78 Samuel Burbank, who was Lemuel Savery's nephew,
may himself also have apprenticed at stonecutting with Savery: he is
probably the "Narrow-Nose carver," whose work I examined in Markers
XV.79

50 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Ruth Savery Coye dies on April 10, 1790 and William remarries, to
Mary Carver, widow of James Carver, on September 22, 1790.80 Mary
Carver sells her late husband's house and part of a lot to Samuel Jackson
in 1793, who in turn sells it in 1797 to William Coye; Coye sells the garden
of this property to his son-in-law Samuel Burbank a year later.81 Just a few
days after Mary Carver dies on September 11, 1798, Coye sells the house
and lot (the record here also includes a "shop") to Samuel Burbank, who
the same day sells it to his brother John, who was a cooper. The records
indicate that this house and lot were adjacent to William Coye's own
house.82

William Coye remarries again, at the age of forty-eight, to Rebecca
Brown, on February 24, 1799. In the US census for 1800, he is living with
one female between twenty-five and forty-five (Rebecca, presumably),
another female between seventeen and twenty-five, and a male between
ten and sixteen (his and Ruth Savery' s children? Or perhaps Rebecca's
from a previous marriage?).83 Rebecca dies eight years later, on September
19, 1808. In the 1810 census, William is living alone.84 He marries for a
fourth time, at the age of sixty-four, to Eliza Shurtleff on June 5, 1814. He
dies in Plymouth two years later, on December 10, 1816.85 There is no
record of his burial in Plymouth.

While the documentary evidence is clear that William Coye was a
painter, an 1893 genealogy of the Savery family lists Ruth Savery's hus-
band simply as "Dr. Coy."86 This would seem implausible on its face, but
the latest court record in which William Coye's name appears (for a ses-
sion held in April 1815, just a year before his death) lists him as "Plymouth
physician,"87 despite the fact that just two years earlier, in a record which
has the same man, a Zenus Cushman of Middleborough, suing him, Coye
is simply a "Plymouth Labourer."88 We have to remember, of course, that
most of those who called themselves "physicians" in eighteenth-century
Massachusetts had not studied at professional schools and so were in no
way equivalent to the M.D.s of the later nineteenth century. Further, unlike
their English counterparts to some extent, "physicians" could cover every-
thing from surgeons to apothecaries.89 While there is no evidence that
Coye studied with another physician, he may well have had some basic
practical skills which he simply formalized into a title. Or perhaps he had
acquired John Fordery Edmonds' apothecary shop.

Between 1775 and 1792, there is only one gravestone which William
Coye may have carved, that for Susanna Attwood (1785; see Fig. 30) in

James Blachowicz 51

Plymouth; yet if this is significantly backdated, Coye may not have carved
at all in this seventeen-year span, having ceded gravestone carving to his
younger brother-in-law, Lemuel Savery (these were, in fact, Savery's most
productive years). From 1792 through 1798, however, we find a flurry of
fifteen stones which are probably Coye's. Lemuel Savery died late in 1796
or early in 1797: perhaps Coye was helping Amaziah Harlow fill in this
vacuum. Harlow, as we shall see, was carving a few stones at this time,
but his numbers decline in 1796 and 1797 (eleven stones for the two years)
- the two years in which we find a number of Coye stones; yet Harlow's
numbers rise dramatically in 1798 (fifteen stones), that is, after Coye had
once again cut back. This is the same time that Coye and Harlow were
apparently in business together as painters. Harlow may thus have taken
over stonecutting completely in 1798, acquiring a new apprentice -
Nathaniel Holmes.90

While it might be unusual for a carver to have such a long gap in his
career, Coye was still a relatively youthful forty-six in 1796, and grave-
stone carving was never a full-time occupation for him anyway. His
"career" yielded hardly more than fifty gravestones (if my ascription of all
of these stones to him is correct). Yet he was apparently available to pro-
vide advice and instruction to aspiring Plymouth carvers - for Lemuel
Savery, certainly, but also for Harlow and even Nathaniel Holmes, with
whom he collaborated on two late stones just past 1800. By the time
William Coye died at the age of sixty-six in 1816, Savery and Harlow were
already dead and Holmes had moved on to Barnstable. John Tribble was
then thirty-four and the heir of the Plymouth carving tradition.

Coye's Gravestones in His Rhode Island Period: by Vincent F. Luti

In addition to the four distinctive stones in the Narragansett Basin area
we now attribute to William Coye, and a single early marker in Nova
Scotia, Blachowicz also ascribes to Coye thirty-eight stones in Plymouth,
eight on Cape Cod, one in North Carver, and a single stone in South
Carolina (see Appendix). Eleven of these fifty-three stones are made of
sandstone: nine in Plymouth, the one in North Carver, and one in Orleans.
While it's likely that a significant number of Coye's gravestones have not
survived, especially the sandstone type, this number should represent a
fairly complete total of those we have left (included in the fifty-three is
one missing stone, for Elizabeth Edmonds; Coye is paid an amount in
Edmonds' probate that may be sufficient for a gravestone).

52 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Twelve of these gravestones were probably carved before Coye's move
to Plymouth in 1770: the four Narragansett stones, seven in Plymouth,
and probably the marker in Nova Scotia. Four of Coye's nine early
Plymouth markers (these include two after 1770) are made of sandstone
and five are slate.

In his article in Markers XV, Blachowicz had surmised that William
Coye had carved the sandstone marker for Sarah Spooner (Fig. 1), based
on similarities between its lettering and that on the 1771 stone for
Nathaniel Goodwin (see Fig. 12), probated to Coye.91 He and I also
observed that the borders on the Spooner marker were similar to those on
the 1767 stone for Bathsheba Drew (see Fig. 5) in Plymouth as well as to
the borders on a trio of Narragansett stones - those for Mehethabell
Ward well (1764; Fig. 2), Sarah Swan (1767; Fig. 4), and Molley Danforth
(1769; see Fig. 7) - that I had ascribed to Stephen Hartshorn. Thus it was
the gravestone for Sarah Spooner that linked Goodwin to Drew, Plymouth
to Rhode Island, Coye to Hartshorn. It was the key that ultimately opened
the way to William Coye's true identity and his body of work.

The Spooner marker was not only the "first stone" of our search for
William Coye; it may well have been the first stone he carved, or at least
the earliest we now have of those that have survived. We have already
suggested that 1767 is very probably the year he began carving "good"
markers, for this is the year we first have multiple Coye stones appear.
The Spooner stone may be Coye's first not only because it has the earliest
date of any of these 1767 markers (January 25), but also because its letter-
ing possesses a significantly juvenile quality (which Blachowicz had
noted in Markers XV92).

Blachowicz and I agree that it is the uneven character of the lettering
on the Spooner stone that separates it from the others. Note especially the
following features: The upper half of the second capital "S" is larger than
the bottom half; the second vertical stroke of the capital "N" in "SPOON-
ER" is higher than the first vertical stroke; the "s" of "lies" doesn't appear
to sit on the same horizontal line as the beginning of the word; there's an
error in the "the" after "Interrd"; and another error in reversing the "c"
and "e" of "deceased"; and a third error in making the lower-case "s" in
"deceased" more like an "f"; and there's the fact that the letters are large,
taking too much space - making necessary the two hyphenations in the
inscription.

If the Swan and Drew markers were indeed also carved in 1767, but

James Blachowicz

ft*.-

,*/EfM*-*

J 7 Llr

,**■•■>'--.,

Fig. 3a. John Cobb, 1750, backdated, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

perhaps some months later, then these months were apparently sufficient
for Coye's style to acquire more assurance. Because it is sandstone and not
slate, of course, the incisions will be less sharp, but even so it is possible
to see that its inscribed letters are less precisely executed than on Coye's
other stones.

Although the border on the Sarah Spooner stone ties Coye's style to
Hartshorn and to Providence, the cameo portrait here (in slight profile),
like the fruit-borders on Nathaniel Goodwin's stone, suggests that Coye
was on these markers imitating the Boston carvers with whose work he
was no doubt familiar in Plymouth.

There are a number of similarities between the Spooner marker and
the 1750 stone for John Cobb (Figs. 3a and 3b). Note the typical "ye" and
"y" and the curling serif on the capital "C" on Cobb and on the capital "S"
on Spooner. These two stones are so close in their lettering and execution
that we are probably safe in taking the Cobb marker to be backdated,
carved perhaps at about the same time as Spooner.93

Fig. 3b. Tympanum of John Cobb stone prior to its damage.

James Blachowicz 55

I should add that Blachowicz uncovered an intriguing note in
Harriette Merrifield Forbes' papers in which, under the heading "portrait
stones/' she has "John Cobb. Plymouth. Coye."94 Curiously, however, she
does not list the portrait stone for Sarah Spooner. Blachowicz could find
no evidence in her papers for her attribution of the Cobb marker to Coye.
Perhaps she had come to this conclusion solely on the basis of the resem-
blance between its lettering and that on the Nathaniel Goodwin stone,
which Blachowicz will discuss below.

These sandstone markers in Plymouth may have been Coye's first, but
they are either closely followed by or at least contemporaneous with three
slate stones: those for Mehethabell Ward well (1764, backdated; Fig. 2) and
Sarah Swan (1767; Fig. 4), both in Bristol (two of the four stones we must
now take from Hartshorn and give to Coye), and the 1767 marker for
Bathsheba Drew (Fig. 5) in Plymouth. Caution, however, is advised on the
Wardwell stone since due to its small size, attributive design elements are
either weak or missing and the stone may, in fact, be a collaboration with
Hartshorn.

In the Swan and Drew stones, as well as in that for Molley Danforth
(see Fig. 7), Coye demonstrates his predilection for scene-like composi-
tions as well as "figural" work, that is, for depicting full-length bodies
and not just faces. Since Hartshorn did not do any figural work at all in
this Rhode Island period, what prompted Coye to it? Probably seeing the
figural work of George Allen in the Providence area (quite stunning), and
a desire to be different from Hartshorn, showing off his drawing skills
(amateurish, nevertheless).

Both Hartshorn and Coye in turn drew their ideas from George Allen
in an identically "debased" form; large numbers of Allen stones to draw
on were already in place in Providence. One need only look at and com-
pare the treatment of eyeballs. Allen models the pupils; Hartshorn and
Coye place a simple drill hole there. Allen was a superb drawing master,
who wielded a chisel with much greater finesse; they were lesser, amateur
imitators.

An exemplary case of an Allen/Coye influence is Allen's Sarah
Antram stone (1736) in Providence (Fig. 6). It is the only known stone still
extant in the Narragansett Basin that employs full figured, correctly and
handsomely modeled angels. They clasp spears and shields and are bear-
ing a finger-pointing Sarah heavenward. From a puffy cloudbank a
bewiskered sun peeks out. Coye's Swan and Drew area stones have clum-

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

£ £>%

Fig. 4. Sarah Swan, 1767, Bristol, Rhode Island.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 5. Bathsheba Drew, 1767, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

sy, full figures on them, and another even has the identical bewiskered
sun (Molley Danforth, 1769, Taunton, Fig. 7). Also, Coye's effigy faces, like
many of Allen's, have a more adult or rather significant jaw line, whereas
Hartshorn's faces are often more cherubic, fat-jowled and "jawless" (none
of this is infallible, only a guideline to be measured against other ele-
ments). It is tempting on seeing all these and other design similarities to
think then that Coye apprenticed under Allen. Had that been the case,
why is it that Hartshorn, not Allen, is called as a witness in the court case
discussed earlier? That leaves only Hartshorn still the most likely candi-
date to teach young William the craft. Their model was Allen; but never-
theless, together, they made their own original choices, such as the flame-
like leading-edge feathers on their wings that Allen did not use or the pre-
viously mentioned drill holes. Coye's earliest lettering also departs sig-
nificantly from Allen's.

Distinctive features of the lettering on these early Coye stones include
the "ye," the curved descending stroke of the "y" (note that the upper
right stroke of the "y" approaches the vertical more than does the upper
left), and a "7" whose horizontal stroke ends at the left with a serif that
points up as well as down.

Fig. 6. Sarah Antram, 1736, Providence, Rhode Island.
Carved by George Allen.

James Blachowicz

The 1768 Reverend Richard Round stone (Fig. 8) is a beautiful and del-
icately carved winged, wigged effigy with elaborate, dense foliate borders

Fig. 7. Molley Danforth, 1769, Taunton, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Fig. 8. Reverend Richard Round, 1768, Rehoboth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye (documented in lawsuit).

James Blachowicz 61

and a long epitaph. On the back of the headstone is scratched "IC." The
skill of the stonecarving clearly shows that Coye had been carving for
some time, and the lettering is at an advanced stage of skill and not unlike
Hartshorn's. It is necessary to work forward and backward from this doc-
umented stone to account for the other Coye work carved and placed in
the Providence area. This precisely was already done by intuition in my
1983 essay in Markers II.95

The borders on the Spooner, Swan, Round and Danforth stones are
almost identical - the Drew border being a slightly less dense variant. To
this group we may add the carefully worked 1769 marker for Samuel
Marson (Fig. 9) in Plymouth. The lettering is a bit more simplified here,
but the "t," "y," "g," and "7" are characteristic of Coye's work. It also fea-
tures sculpted leading-edge feathers and uses the "Here lies Interr,d" for-
mula.

The Marson stone provides a second example (after Round) of Coye's
typical effigy or cherub's face. These two faces are fully frontal, unlike
those found on Spooner and Cobb. As we shall see, Coye returns to such
fully frontal faces frequently in the gravestones he carves later on in
Plymouth, but most of them, beginning with the 1769 stone for Mercy
Thomas, are quite crudely executed in comparison with Round or
Marson. Coye gives us a third fully frontal face on the 1770 stone for Jane
MacKareth (Fig. 10) in Nova Scotia, discovered by Deborah Trask. This
was probably carved at about the time Coye made his move to Plymouth.
The full cherub here seems to be a slightly more primitive version of that
on the Round and Marson stones, but the wide-open eyes with delineat-
ed irises and pupils, the sculpted leading-edge feathers, the border, and
the lettering are all typically Coye's. Further, the grinning skull on the
footstone (Fig. 11) is quite like the smaller version on the marker for
Molley Danforth, dated a year earlier.

This re-ascription of stones in the Rhode Island area from Hartshorn
to Coye proceeded from the discovery and establishment of signature ele-
ments that separate the work of the two men. Invariant, associative sets
are not extensive, unfortunately, since both carvers had a similar look to
their lettering and design work, but Blachowicz and I agree that some ele-
ments are quite useful and probably sufficient. Right away it was discov-
ered that Hartshorn for his entire career never changed the way he made
the number "5," with no serif defining the top crossbar. Coye, on the other
hand, always employed a quite pronounced serif in this position. If noth-

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

. $

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p&g

f^-4w':^^«S¥^#^^:^i^e»^^a?S

Fig. 9. Samuel Marson, 1769, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

ing else, this element clearly distinguishes the men's work at the lettering
level in the Rhode Island period. Coye's lettering is also characterized, but
not invariantly, by a letter "t" with an open triangle forming the crossbar
stroke, which is never found in Hartshorn. Hartshorn often spaced the
capital letters of the deceased's name rather widely; Coye did so a bit on
Wardwell's stone, if it is his. The foliage on Coye's borders seems a bit
more densely compacted than does Hartshorn's. The descending stroke of
Coye's "y" is usually noticeably curved; Hartshorn's is usually straighter.
Exceptions include the Round stone, where Coye uses both kinds of "y,"
and some of Coye's later work in Plymouth, where his "y" tends to
straighten out. Even if Coye's "y" is not a foolproof means for distin-
guishing his lettering from Hartshorn's, it does help to distinguish it from
later Plymouth carvers, as we shall see.

Fig. 10. Jane MacKareth, 1770, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

At the design level there are also distinguishing characteristics, but not
totally invariant, such as Hartshorn's more pear-shaped effigy head vs.
Coye's more ovoid form and the manner of forming the eyes. Both men
derive these two elements from Allen and very casually all three men's
work looks alike. Hartshorn's cherubic face is rounder at the jaw and less
vertically elongated than Coye's. Close examination of Hartshorn eyes
show less bulging and a consistent double outlining of the upper lid,
which creates more space between the eye itself and the eyebrow than in
Coye. Coye's eyes bulge considerably, most always having no double out-
lining of the upper lid, and finish off the outer reaches of both eyelid and
eyebrow with a pronounced upward sweep. However, this latter element

h»a*s ■ ' rf ■

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■rir:

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Fig. 11. Jane MacKareth footstone.

James Blachowicz 65

is also found in Allen and in some early Hartshorn. Caution is in order.

To close out this Rhode Island period in the life and work of William
Coye, we turn once again to the documented pair of bookends that not
only define this period, connecting it seamlessly to the early Plymouth
period as well, but set the attribution picture for the two types of tympa-
num work that he did: Rev. Richard Round defining the effigy or cherub
type, and Nathaniel Goodwin the figural type. And with this begins the
discussion of William Coye's move to Plymouth and his work there. No
work of his ever again shows up in the Narragansett Basin.

Coye's Gravestones in his Plymouth Period: by James Blachowicz

If William Coye's stone for Sarah Spooner was carved late in 1767
rather than early (but still some months before his other stones), then per-
haps he was actually able to see William Codner's marker for Patience
Watson (1767)96 set in place in Plymouth - a stone whose borders may
have inspired those on Coye's John Cobb stone and whose cameo portrait
of a woman's face in slight profile may have spurred Coye to try some-
thing similar on the Spooner stone. But if he didn't see this stone, Coye
would certainly have seen the marker for John Watson (1753) there, also
with a cameo portrait. A distinctive gravestone from the shop of an
accomplished Boston-area carver like Codner or John Homer could make
an immediate impact, with a local imitation appearing, perhaps, within
months of the original.

Some such Bostonian marker may also have served as the inspiration
for the 1771 Nathaniel Goodwin stone (Fig. 12), the only other existing
gravestone besides the Richard Round marker documented to William
Coye.97 This stone has a distinctive decoration, very carefully carved, with
an elaborate border of grapes and other vegetation, and a small winged
portrait surmounted by a family crest. It suggests again that Coye was
intentionally trying to "fit in" in Plymouth. It is one of nine surviving
sandstone markers in Plymouth (and two others elsewhere) which are
also probably Coye's work. In fact, he may have been responsible for just
about all of the sandstone markers on Burial Hill.98 No doubt there were
a number of others which have not survived.99

The sandstone markers for Mary Bacon (1772) and South worth Shaw
(1772) did survive, but they are rather weathered. They bear small, simi-
larly posed cherubs, with a space separating the upper arch of the
upraised wings from the head. The leading-edge feathers of the wings are

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

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Fig. 12. Nathaniel Goodwin, 1771, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Probated to William Coye.

James Blachowicz

sculpted in significant relief, rather than incised flatly - a feature that
helps to identify Coye's work, but not infallibly.100 While the inscriptions
are difficult to make out, we can see Coye's distinctive "ye," and also his
upward-serifed "7."

The faces on these two stones are fully frontal, but that on the dam-
aged 1773 sandstone marker for Hannah Symmes (Fig. 13) is, like the
Spooner and John Cobb markers, shown in slight profile. Semi-profile
depictions are difficult, and often a carver who executes excellent fully
frontal faces will produce faces in semi-profile which are significantly less
satisfactory. As we shall see, Coye will offer semi-profiles on some later
stones as well.

There are a number of similarities between the documented Goodwin
stone and these other sandstone markers that make an ascription of them

Fig. 13. Hannah Symmes, 1773, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

68 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

all to William Coye plausible. Besides the fact that they form a rare sand-
stone group in Plymouth, they all have the opening "Here lies Interr,d the
Body"101 as well as the characteristic "ye" (including the slope of the
descending stroke on the "y"), and other lettering similarities. It is espe-
cially the border on the Spooner stone, of course, that reinforces the
ascription of this sandstone group to Coye. The Spooner stone is again the
key: its lettering connects it to the documented Goodwin stone, and its
borders connect it to the documented Round stone.

It is not clear why Coye carved his four Rhode Island stones in slate
while he had nine (and probably more) sandstone markers in Plymouth,
at least four of which - Spooner, Cobb, the surviving footstone for James
Curtis (1767), and the remnant for Josiah Cobb (1744) - were probably
carved while he was still in Rhode Island. We have already seen that he
also has three slate stones in Plymouth from this early period (Drew,
Marson and Thomas). Luti offers one suggestion - that Coye may have
been used to working in sandstone in masonry work (perhaps with
Hartshorn), and so was more able to obtain this material than slate. Yet
Coye appears to have used sandstone after his move to Plymouth as well
- on six stones between 1771 and 1774 (he also carved six slate stones in
this period). This may be misleading, however, because of the possible
effect of "precarving."

Gravestones are often carved some years after the dates inscribed on
them. This is referred to as "backdating." This commonly occurs if the
estate of the deceased takes some time to settle, or if a family sets up a
stone for a relative whose grave had gone unmarked for some time.
Backdated stones are thus usually the first ones listed on a chronological
survey of a given carver's output. They will tend to be scattered over a
few years, with gaps between. We usually look for the year (or years) in
which a given carver's stones tend to cluster, therefore, in estimating
when he really started to carve.

Precarving is perhaps less frequent than backdating, but it can also
give an erroneous picture of a carver's evolving style and output. A pre-
carved stone is one that had been carved at a certain time, but not yet
inscribed, and then put away for a while before the carver inscribes it for
a given client. It is well known that carvers had such stocks of uninscribed
but carved gravestones. These might total four, ten or even more at any
given time.102 This does not present too serious a problem for an analysis
of a carver's output and evolving style - as long as there is not too long a

James Blachowicz 69

delay between the carving and the inscribing. But longer delays do occur,
especially in two different circumstances. After the Plymouth carver
Lemuel Savery died, ten or more of his carved stones made their way into
the hands of other carvers who inscribed them - as late as four years after-
wards. It is an easy matter to correct for this type of precarving delay, of
course, for we can be sure that these stones were all carved before the
death of the carver (if, that is, we know when the carver died). But the pre-
carving delay may also be appreciable, where it is more difficult to detect
and hence a more serious source of misinterpretation, at the beginning of
a carver's career. This is because an apprentice carver will no doubt prac-
tice on stones that either he or his master may not deem worthy to use in
the usual way. These might be sent out to distant burial grounds where
there is no great concern about maintaining a clientele and hence less
attention paid to the quality of the product; or an apprentices' s early
stones might be used as footstones; or they might be set aside until some
occasion arises in which they might be used.

In this last circumstance, a carver's early stones may appear signifi-
cantly later in his career, either as footstones or even headstones, depend-
ing on the situation and locale. I suspect that a precarving delay as long
as five or six years was involved in the earliest stones that Lemuel Savery
carved, stones dated as late as 1778 that may have been carved (but not
inscribed, naturally) as early as 1773. These stones precarved in 1773,
however, appeared simultaneously with 1778 stones that were not pre-
carved and were significantly different in style. Because, in a young carv-
er, we often find significant stylistic changes and adjustments over the
course of three to six years, we may erroneously think that the same carv-
er could not have been responsible for the two disparate styles. And if, by
concentrating on the inscriptions (which, of course, are not subject to this
precarving delay), we judge that the same man inscribed both styles of
stone, we may conclude either that, still, different carvers were responsi-
ble for the tympanums, or that the same carver was somehow supporting
two disparate styles simultaneously. And all the while the answer may
simply be that the carver was using up his old juvenile stock.

This may have been the case with Coye's six sandstone markers dated
after 1771. While the cherubs on these stones are difficult to make out in
any case (because of weathering), they may well have been carved when
Coye first began his stonecutting career back in Rhode Island. Thus, it is
possible that Coye used sandstone hardly if at all in Plymouth after the

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Nathaniel Goodwin marker, which itself could have been carved on stone
that he had brought with him from Providence. Or perhaps all of the
sandstone was brought with him from Rhode Island and he gradually
used it up by 1774. But this still does not explain why we find no sand-
stone markers in the Narragansett area.

There are about a dozen more stones which Coye probably produced
in the 1770s before he leaves gravestone carving more or less to his broth-
er-in-law, Lemuel Savery. One of these was for William Rider (1772) in
Plymouth (Fig. 14), which features a cameo portrait of a man standing
behind a tomb, holding a scroll.103 The general proportions of the arms of
this figure recall the figures on the earlier stones for Spooner, Swan, Drew

.• V I

otr.r V4[,y/:/fRfD:f:B

for}'" ''lir; 2n
1

r~7 r /' r.

Fig. 14. William Rider, 1772, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 15. William Rider footstone.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Fig. 16. John Bartlett, 1773, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Probably carved by William Coye. Letters recut.

James Blachowicz

and Danforth, and the scroll is like that on the Danforth stone. The letter-
ing is probably Coye's as well, although it bears some resemblance to the
early letters of Lemuel Savery. I shall discuss the problem of differentiat-
ing Coye's from Savery' s work shortly. The cherub on the Rider footstone
(Fig. 15) is also probably Coye's. While it is more difficult to execute a
well-formed face on a smaller stone such as this, this face is somewhat
typical of the uneven and rather crude samples we find on a number of
Coye's markers. It does not resemble very closely the finer work that

Fig. 17. Melatiah Lothrop, 1771, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Probably carved by John Homer.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Savery was capable of, even from the beginning.

Another of these twelve stones of the 1770s is for Francis LeBaron
(1773)104 in Georgetown, South Carolina. Here we find a quite similar por-
trait and lettering which resembles Coye's other work - the "t" and the
numerals, especially the "7."105

The now fragmented stone for [Jab]ez Har[low] (1773)106 has lettering
which is probably Savery' s (the descending strokes of the "y" and the
"ye" are straight), but the border may well be Coye's. We do not general-
ly find borders on Savery' s other markers, and the border here resembles
that which Coye used on his stone for John Cobb (1750).

The 1773 gravestone for John Bartlett (Fig. 16) features a large skull in
semi-profile with crossed bones.107 I ascribe the Bartlett stone to Coye on
the basis of its lettering: the numerals of the date and the "t" are quite like
those on the LeBaron stone and the sandstone markers. This comparison
is not straightforward, however, because the letters on the Bartlett stone
were probably recut (deepened to make them more visible) at some later
time; the numerals and letters on the footstone, however, remain as they
were originally cut. The Bartlett marker appears to be an imitation of the

ii.e:ncioT?^ cil

Fig. 18. Elesebath Sears, 1772, Brewster, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

1771 stone John Homer cut for Melatiah Lothrop (Fig. 17) in Plymouth just
two years before - down even to the jagged crack positioned between the
eye sockets and the two tiny cherubs on the shoulders of the stone.108 The
marker for Thomas Foster (1777) features a skull and crossed bones
almost identical to those on the Bartlett stone, but the lettering here is
Lemuel Savery's work. Coye may have carved the tympanum as late as

^; **#**»>

Fig. 19. Elesebath Sears footstone.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

1777; or perhaps this is a case of precarving, where Savery used a unin-
scribed skulled stone Coye had produced when he carved the Bartlett
stone.

A distinctive marker which ties Coye's work in the early 1770s to his
earlier stones for Round, Marson, and MacKareth is that for Elesabath
Sears (1772) in Brewster (Fig. 18). The shape of the head and the eyes are
unmistakably like those on these earlier stones. The footstone (Fig. 19),
however, is puzzling. The cherub is very crudely and superficially
engraved and resembles neither Coye's nor Savery' s early types. Perhaps
it is precarved - a very youthful practice stone of either Coye's or
Savery' s, now fit for use only as a footstone in a distant burial ground.

Coye did carve a few other cherub stones in the 1770s, such as the 1775
marker for Sarah Hopkins (Fig. 20) in Orleans. Here again, while it may
be that it is the small size of the stone that did not permit Coye to provide

Fig. 20. Sarah Hopkins, 1775, Orleans, Massachusetts.
Probably carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

a cherub as finished and proportioned as others of which we have seen
him capable, perhaps a better explanation for this rather unattractive and

Fig. 21. Hannah Goodwin, 1772, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Early narrow-faced cherub carved by Lemuel Savery.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

-" '*& ':X:_

■ ' ■f'x ■ . "■■■■,■■■■.■

Fig. 22. Martha Holbrook, 1775, Wellfleet, Massachusetts.
Probably carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

unsatisfactory result - as well as for comparable work in the stones for
Mercy Thomas (1769), Mary Hovey (1774), Deborah Harlow (1775), and
Joseph Snow (1775) - is that Coye simply did not take the time to make it
better. There is a variability in the quality of the entire body of his work
that invites such a judgment (assuming, of course, that there is not yet
another carver at work here).

Lemuel Savery has about a dozen gravestones, mostly in Plymouth,
with a similarly styled cherub and with inscriptions that are often quite
difficult to distinguish from Coye's - executed, probably, while Savery was
Coye's apprentice. An example is the 1772 marker for Hannah Goodwin
(Fig. 21). The cherubs on these early Savery stones are all quite like each
other and better executed, I think, than Coye's. Savery's eyes are less
bulging than Coye's, and the mouth is recognizable in Savery's later work.

While the lettering on Coye's and Savery's early stones is quite simi-
lar, the following rather subtle differences help to divide them: Savery's
ampersand tends to curl under the whole body of the symbol; the lower
portion of Savery's "a" tends to be slightly wider than the upper portion
(not so Coye's); the descending stroke of Savery's "y" is in general less
curved than Coye's; Coye's "e" is not chiselled as sharply as Savery's and

Fig. 23. Anne Bassett, 1775, Dennis, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

there is more variability in it; Savery's "i," f-like "$," and "r" all tend to be
narrower than Coye's; the serifs on Savery's "i" tend to be straighter and
more horizontal than Coye's (at least early on); Coye will tend to put an
upward-pointing serif at the upper left of his "7"; and, in general, there is
less uniformity and more unevenness in Coye's lettering than Savery's.
Using these principles, I would guess that Savery lettered Coye's 1772
stone for William Rider (Fig. 14), while Coye may have lettered Savery's
markers for John Lewis Bartlett (1776), Samuel Higgins (1776), and a late
stone, for George Cooper (1795), which may have been inscribed after
Savery died or left Plymouth.

Although Coye's smaller cherub stones are usually not very attractive,
he obviously took more care in the interesting large slate for Martha
Holbrook (1775; Fig. 22) in Wellfleet. We have the "ye" and "g" again, as
well as sculpted leading-edge feathers, a portrait in semi-profile (but not
very well proportioned), and a bonnet rather like that in the portrait on

■'.:

i ■ "-•'" ''■:,>:^

,./■■:,.::

• 1 I *'W- .

n .' ' '. • ^^:$&ftfelf^

,.. ir, ' j£f

.^<v-/^^W >* . J*

,■'

. -'-' *-./- v- ..•'•■<.-*■

> -T • ■ :" <H

Fig. 24. Plymouth powder house dedication stone, 1770, Plymouth,
Massachusetts. Probably carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

the Spooner stone. A connection to Plymouth may be found in the fact
that the stone for Martha's son, Ezekiel (1776), alongside, was carved by
Lemuel Savery.

Another Cape stone dated 1775 is that for Anne Bassett in Dennis (Fig.
23), where Coye uses the distinctive grinning skull we saw twice before,
but here it is winged and the principal element of the tympanum; this,
and the stone for Elizabeth Howland (1797) in North Carver, are the only
instances of this use. The Howland stone, which is sandstone but dated
twenty-two years later, was probably carved in the 1760s or 1770s.

Before moving to Coye's later work, there is another exceptional stone
to consider. This is not a gravestone, but the dedication stone for the new
Plymouth powder house built in 1770,109 adjacent to the burial ground
(Fig. 24). The inscription is in Latin and much damaged, the stone looking
as if it had been pelted with shot. A portion of the inscription was also
apparently deliberately chiseled away (a reference to the King, perhaps).
It reads at the end: "... po...us fuit Die undecimo Kalendas Septembris
Anno Domini 1770." That is, the powder house was dedicated September
11, 1770. Note the nice little powder horn at the top and the tiny cannon

Fig. 25. Andrew CroswelL 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

at the bottom. I attribute this work to Coye on the basis of the numerals
in "1770" and the surviving "t" higher up: they match other samples of
his work fairly well. This may have been his first commission after begin-
ning his residency in the town.

Let us now consider Coye's later stones, all in Plymouth. These are
dated 1785 through 1805, most of them between 1795 and 1798.

There are twelve stones which we can link with each other on the basis
of the cherub carved in the tympanum. The faces of these cherubs are all
confidently carved, with good symmetry, superior to the smaller, careless
cherubs of Coye's stones in the 1770s. The lower lips all tend to be fuller
than any Harlow carved. What is perhaps especially distinctive is the
treatment of the eyes: they are very wide-open, looking rather like those

the. tncmor\

L >1V

l8TO:

*A\ ho dipd at Mtfithfvs " Vm\ ^irt

. ;( Vi h<1 . . i s . (;.h em' :ii1!eri-ed^ ' :t '

[ciiujarx"

\jW-s

W 1L

Fig. 26. Capt. Coomer Weston, 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye. Lettered by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.

James Blachowicz

on Coye's Round and Marson stones, executed thirty years earlier.110
Compare the cherubs on the stones for Andrew Croswell (1796; Fig. 25)
and Capt. Coomer Weston (1796; Fig. 26), for example, with that on the
1769 Samuel Marson stone (Fig. 9). The Marson stone could well have
served as a model for Weston.

The cherubs on the stones for Hannah Morton (1795), Margaret Cobb
(1796; Fig. 27) and Lucy Jackson (1796) have jaws that are less wide than

Fig. 27. Margaret Cobb, 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye. Lettered by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

those on the Croswell and Weston markers, but the hair is rendered
quite similarly.111 While the face on the Cobb stone is probably Coye's
work, however, it is possible that Amaziah Harlow, Jr. contributed the
wings (as well as the inscription), for the leading-edge feathers here are
closer to his style.112 Harlow also probably lettered the Morton and
Weston stones.

The faces of the cherubs on the stones for Capt. Abraham Hammatt
(1797; Fig. 28) and for Lewis Holmes (1798), are similar, but the hair has
now become more curled. The Hammatt stone is an especially fine piece

Fig. 28. Capt. Abraham Hammatt, 1797, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz

of work: Coye's skill is evident not only in the realistic proportions of the
face, but also in the excellent oval acanthus border and inscription. The
letters are very precisely carved and positioned perfectly in the oval
frame. Significantly, the oval border bears a close resemblance to the ver-
tical borders on the Cobb (1750) and Harlow (1773) stones. The Lewis
Holmes marker, however, was probably lettered by Amaziah Harlow.

Coye's and Harlow's partnership is physically embodied in the 1793
gravestone for Sylvia and Meriah Paty (Fig. 29) - where each carver con-
tributed one of the two cherubs for the double tympanum. Harlow's
cherub (on the left) may have been executed in his first or second year of
carving.

Coye's stone for [E]lenor Churchill (1792) may be precarved; it has an
older style cherub (without any hair at all) and resembles some of the
early work of Stephen Hartshorn.113 And Coye's sandstone marker for
Elizabeth Howland (1797), with a grinning skull of the type he had used
twenty-five years earlier, is also likely precarved.

The earliest stone (1785, but possibly backdated) of this later group,
that for Susanna Atwood (Fig. 30), has a similar face, but here with dif-
ferently styled hair and with splayed wing feathers. Unlike the other

Fig. 29. Sylvia and Meriah Paty, 1793, Plymouth, Massachusetts.

Cherub on left carved by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.;

cherub on right carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Fig. 30. Susanna Atwood, 1785, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Carved by William Coye.

James Blachowicz 87

stones of the later period, it also utilizes the more archaic opening "Here
lies interrd."

The cherub on the Robart Davee stone (1794) is carved in a more shal-
low relief, but the eyes and mouth resemble the others; although Harlow
probably lettered this stone, he was incapable of executing such a well-
chiseled face.

Coye also carved the faces on two late stones which were lettered by
Nathaniel Holmes.114 The first is the 1804 marker for Fanney Crombie
(Fig. 31); we can confidently ascribe it to Coye, for it is signed "Will Coy"
at its base - his only signed stone. It may actually have been Holmes who
inscribed this signature (the letters resemble his), in order to give Coye
credit for the cherub. The face is quite like Coye's others, with wide-open
eyes and full lips. It is harder to ascribe to him the drapery or swag above
this figure; we have no other incidence of this device on Coye's other
stones, while it does commonly appear on Holmes' (and Harlow's). I
would guess, therefore, that Coye and Holmes collaborated on this tym-
panum. The same is probably true of the 1805 marker for Elizabeth
Harlow (Fig. 32). We see again the wide-eyed and full-lipped face, here in
slight profile (which Holmes never attempted); but both the drapery and
urn are quite like those which appear on a number of other Holmes
stones. The spiky trailing-edge feathers on the wings here were duplicat-
ed on Holmes' William Bray stone, also dated 1805, which he carved in
Yarmouth.113 It is thus probably the second (and last) collaboration
between the fifty-five-year-old Coye and the twenty-two-year-old
Holmes, executed just before Holmes left Plymouth for good.

Beyond the evidence of stylistic considerations, support for the idea
that it is William Coye who carved this late set of stones comes from the
conjunction of two facts: first, while none of the cherubs on these stones
are Harlow's (except one on the double cherub stone), Harlow appears to
have lettered a number of them; and second, these stones were carved at
the approximate time that Harlow and Coye were probably in business
together. Besides the Margaret Cobb stone, there is another marker in
which Harlow and Coye may have collaborated on the same cherub. The
head, hair, wings and eyes on the cherub carved on the 1795 stone for
Mary Pope (Fig. 33) seem to be Harlow's, but the mouth is more finely
carved and better positioned on the face, quite unlike any we see on
Harlow's other stones. Coye was probably responsible - a rare and inter-
esting case of collaboration on the same face.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

Fig. 31. Fanney Crombie, 1804, Plymouth, Massachusetts.

Human figure carved by William Coye; other features and lettering

by Nathaniel Holmes. Signed "Will Coy."

James BJachowicz

More tentatively, I attribute five more stones to William Coye. The first
is that for Betsy Shaw (1795), in Plymouth (Fig. 34). Besides the fact that it

Fig. 32. Elizabeth Harlow, 1805, Plymouth, Massachusetts.

Cherub face by William Coye; other features and lettering

by Nathaniel Holmes.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

falls in the same brief period as Coye's other late stones, the key feature
here is the small cherub hovering above the tomb (Fig. 35). Although a bit
damaged, the face is like that on the cherubs of the other stones of this
group, and the sculpted leading-edge feathers reinforce this connection.
The general treatment is perhaps closest to the cherub on the Susanna
Attwood stone. The scallops on the horizontal border at the base of the
stone also resembles what Coye had used for his early Narragansett
stones. If it is Coye's, it would be another example of his scene composi-
tions. Although the lettering is somewhat like that on the Abraham
Hammatt stone, there is not enough evidence to attribute it to Coye as
well. These letters may have been recut and deepened later.

The second stone is for Elisha Nelson (1797; Fig. 36). The dramatic
cloud-borne eye in the tympanum is rounded like the eyes of the other
cherub-stones; and the lightly incised cherubs rising up to the cloud are
delineated just enough to notice the shape of the leading-edge feathers as
well as the eye and hair treatment. Compare the shape of the jaw to that
of the cherub on the Betsy Shaw stone; and the letters as well. Coye is also
the prime suspect here.

The third in this group is the stone for William Morton Jackson (1801).

BH^BBMl— B— W^^— 1—1

Fig. 33. Mary Pope, 1795, Plymouth.

Mouth possibly carved by William Coye;

all other features and lettering probably by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 34. Betsy Shaw, 1795, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Possibly carved by Willam Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

The cherub here has his characteristic sculpted leading-edge feathers, but
both the cherub and the inscription are rather crudely done. The letters
closely resemble those on the Nelson stone and some others of these late
markers.

The fourth and fifth markers are for [...]man Higgins (1795) in Orleans
and Rosseter Cotton (1796) in Plymouth. Only the bottom half of the
Higgins stone remains, but the lettering points to Coye. The Cotton stone
features a small urn and swag, but the lettering is very like that on the
markers for Elisha Nelson and William Morton Jackson.

There is a final stone to consider. It is the 1797 footstone for Capt.
Abraham Hammatt (Fig. 37). The headstone (Fig. 28) is certainly Coye's,
but the cherub on the footstone is quite unlike that on the headstone, show-
ing evidence of more youthful technique. It has oblong (but not sculpted)
leading-edge feathers - of the sort Coye and Harlow used. Yet the eyebrows
seem wrong when compared to Harlow's typical execution. Perhaps it is an
early Coye stone, which had been left over from his less accomplished
phase, and which was only fit for use as a footstone in 1797. Or this may be
an early effort of Nathaniel Holmes, who was a tender fourteen in 1797; yet
this cherub is not quite like Holmes' other early cherubs.116

Fig. 35. Detail of gravestone for Betsy Shaw.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 36. Elisha Nelson, 1797, Plymouth, Massachusetts.
Possibly carved by William Coye.

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

We have seen that Nathaniel Holmes, the fourth in succession of resi-
dent Plymouth carvers, lettered the Crombie and Elizabeth Harlow
stones, and collaborated with Coye on their tympanums. Holmes may
thus have apprenticed not only with Harlow but also with Coye. We
know that Harlow and Coye were in business together as painters in 1799.

Fig. 37. Footstone for Capt. Abraham Hammatt, 1797,
Plymouth, Massachusetts.

James Blachowicz 95

Holmes, who is first listed in Barnstable records as a painter, may have
been the "Boy" mentioned as Coye's assistant for painting work paid by
the county in a 1799 record. If he was, then William Coye would have
been not only the father of Plymouth gravestone carving but also the
occasional mentor of his three immediate successors.

Conclusion: by James Blachowicz

Given that William Coye carved relatively few gravestones, his work
would hardly seem at first to deserve the attention this study has given
him. Yet there are a number of factors and facts about his carving career
that warrant this special treatment. There are his distinctive compositions
for the tympanums of his earliest stones (Swan, Drew, Danforth), the
Adam-and-Eve depiction on the Swan stone, especially, taking its place as
a unique representation in gravestone art. There is his apparent attempt
to modify his Narragansett style to one more acceptable to his Plymouth
clientele. There is his return to carving later in his life, where, in addition
to some traditional but well-carved cherubs, he may have provided more
scene compositions for Betsy Shaw and, with more experimental iconog-
raphy, in the cloud-borne eye for Elisha Nelson. And there is the fact that
he was teacher and collaborator for three successive Plymouth carvers.
We may even find on two or three stones a collaboration between Coye
and another carver (Harlow, Holmes) in the same tympanum - in one case,
perhaps, on the same cherub's face - demonstrating a degree of shared
work not evident in the work of other carvers. For these reasons, William
Coye is an interesting gravestone carver, even if not a very productive
one.

But there is in addition a valuable lesson to be learned from the case of
William Coye - a lesson about basic principles of gravestone research and
carver identification. William Coye's modest yet significant contribution
to gravestone art nearly went undiscovered. Had unique documentary
evidence not come to light, he would have been a victim of what might be
called the "conservative" principle of carver research: where there is no
identifiable body of work, there is no distinct carver. In unusual circum-
stances, however, such as was the case with Coye, whose work was small
in quantity, somewhat idiosyncratic in style, variable in quality, spread
discontinuously over two states, and divided into two periods separated
by seventeen years, a "body" of work may be nearly invisible. Who
would have thought that the same man carved the stones for Sarah Swan

96 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

(1767) in Bristol and Abraham Hammatt (1797) in Plymouth?

This body of work would have remained invisible had it not been for
one or two surviving documents. The particular lesson here: carver iden-
tification based principally on design criteria will always be risky. Yet
even the indispensable documentary evidence that probate records pro-
vide may be pushed aside if there is no apparent body of work: hence, the
payment to William Coye for the Nathaniel Goodwin stone could under-
standably be taken as a payment to a middleman delivering the stone
rather than to a carver.

It is the very fact of the near loss of William Coye that should make us
wonder how many other undiscovered carvers may be lurking in the bod-
ies of work of known carvers. One cannot but be struck by the fact that in
eighteenth and nineteenth-century New England, many men were able to
shift their occupations rather readily as circumstances demanded. The
same person might appear in various records as "painter," "cordwainer,"
"trader," "shoreman," "laborer," "yeoman" - and even as "physician"
and "stonecutter." How confident are we that there are not in fact many
men who each made only a handful of gravestones - a dozen or fewer
perhaps - who will never be identified and whose work will forever be
erroneously included in the bodies of work of other, more productive
carvers? These lost carvers might also help account for our inability at
times to identify the man from whom a beginning carver first learned his
craft. When we cannot find this "craft-parent," we are tempted to con-
clude that the carver acquired this skill without any help. Yet how many
unknown men might there be who were responsible for transmitting
carving skills, and thereby filling in these gaps?

Of course, there is also a danger in the "liberal" principle of carver
research - the reverse of Occam's razor - where we multiply carvers with-
out necessity. The same man may very well be responsible for quite
diverse styles of work, not only in those cases where a style changes
because of a geographical move, or a lapse of a number of years - as we
have seen with Coye - but also among stones in the same locale appar-
ently carved at the same time. While at present I cannot exclude the pos-
sibility that, given the differences among the stones for Sarah Spooner,
Bathsheba Drew, Samuel Marson and Mercy Thomas, all in Plymouth and
all falling in a two-year span, more than one carver was responsible, my
judgment is that these are normal variations within Coye's range. We
have also seen that Coye probably carved some stones more carefully

James Blachowicz 97

than others, again perhaps encouraging the impression that two different
men may have been at work.

Carver identification thus runs into the same sometimes nightmarish
problems that bedevil the authentication of Greek statues or impression-
ist paintings. These risks contribute, I suppose, to the challenge and enjoy-
ment of the task.

NOTES

The photographs in Figs. 3b, 8 and 26 are from the Daniel and Jesse Lie Farber Collection of
Gravestone Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, and are reproduced with permis-
sion. Those in Figs. 10 and 11 are by Kathleen Flanagan (stone #710); courtesy Nova Scotia
Museum & Old Burying Ground Foundation. All other photos are by James Blachowicz.

1. Vincent F. Luti, "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles
Hartshorn of Providence," Markers II (1983): 149-69.

2. Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone Studies 13:2 (1989): 1-2.

3. James Blachowicz, "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod,"
Markers XV (1998): 38-203.

4. For Woodbury genealogy, see L. A. Underhill, William Woodbury (Providence, RI, 1904),
R. I. Historical Society Library, ms. unpaged; and James N. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. ,
Bristol, vol. 6, part I (Providence, RI, 1894). Relevant probate records are in Taunton,
Mass., vol. 2:48, 49, 151, 158, 168, 191, 236, 247.

5. For Richard Coy of Wenham genealogy, see Marion W. P. Carter, Coy-Coye Family (1931 ),
ms. unpaged; J.H. Temple, History of North Brookfield (1887), pp. 63, 65, 92, 194; Adeline
P. Cole, Notes on Wenham History 1643-1943, p. 38; Myron 0. Allen, The History of Wenham
(1860), pp. 33, 50, 197; Wenham Vital Records (1904), pp. 19, 101, 189; New England
Historic Genealogical Register, vols. 56:60, 61:334; Report of the Records Commissioners
(Boston, MA, 1883), vol. 9:100.

6. For Matthew Coy of Preston genealogy, see Mormon church IGI database; Frederic W.
Bailey, Early Connecticut Marriages as Found in Ancient Church Records Prior to 1800 (New
Haven, CT, 1896-1906), 4:35; Report of the Records Commissioners (Boston, MA, 1883), vol.
9:48, 55, 65, 99, 104, 219. The 1749/50 marriage citation for John Coy is from Early
Connecticut Marriages, vol. 4:38.

7. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Bristol, vol. 6, part 1:16; and Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Record
of Births, Deaths and Marriages 1680, vol. 4:18-19.

8. Bristol, R.I. Town Meeting Records Book 2, 1718-1780, p. 150.

9. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Bristol, vol. 6, part 1:71; and Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Record
of Births, Deaths and Marriages 1680, vol. 4:171.

98 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

10. John J. May, Danforth Genealogy (Boston, MA, 1902). On p. 42, the death date of Molly
Danforth is erroneously given as 1828.

11 . L. A. Underhill, William Woodbury. No record was found for the birth of Sarah Swan, but
an account book of Dr. Thomas Monro, RIHSL, entry #65, contains a moving three-
month narration of the lingering, painful death of young Sarah, an almost daily
accounting of visits, spirits, powders, unguents, emplasters, and endless lancings of her
legs. For April 17, 1767, the entry reads "to a Visit 3/. . ." [followed by a wiggly line: no
spirits, powders, unguents, emplasters, lancings]. Sarah Swan died that day. It is no
wonder that her young cousin, William Coye, chose to give her a memorable memori-
al, unlike any ever carved in colonial New England. Adam and Eve's fall and redemp-
tion become the transliteration of Sarah's trial and salvation.

12. R. I. Judicial Archives, Pawtucket, Record Books, Bristol, Superior Court vol. 1:4, 20, 23,
53; and Bristol Court of Common Pleas vol. 1:10, 15, 68, 69, 76, 79, 80, 104, 188, 189, 191,
198, 199. There is also a record that Mr. John Coy, on April 2, 1756, was paid as per
receipt 25-19-0 pounds from the account of John Bosworth's estate: Bristol, R.I. Town
Hall, Wills & Inventories 1746-1760, vol. 1:253.

13. Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Land Records 1746-1756, vol. 1: 1, 2, 40, 104, 198, 365. The first
purchase was one half a still house and land in the south end of town, bought on
February 20, 1746/7 for 450 pounds and sold January 23, 1749 for 250 pounds. The
other acquisitions, of July 22, 1748 and June 8, 1752, formed a continuous band of prop-
erty from the waterfront to High Street inclusive of, west to east crossing Thames Street
to Hope Street, water to the ship channel, beach flats, still house, dwelling, shop and
land, and then one acre, and a two-acre lot with "tenement or messuage" (land and /or
buildings under tenantship) with barn between Hope and High Streets. Rogers
Richmond bought the entire holdings for 1,000 pounds on May 13, 1756 and resold all
of it to George Coggeshall on December 30, 1761 for 1,800 pounds (Land Evidence 1:365
and 2:202-204). The 2:202-204 entry contains a very elaborate description of the house
bounds.

14. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Wills and Inventories 1746-1760, vol. 1:309.

15. Ibid., 1:300.

16. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Town Meeting Records, Book 2, 1718-1780, p. 270.

17. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Wills 1760-1793, vol. 2:65.

18. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Town Council and Probate Records, Book 2, Part 1, 1760-1792, p.
134.

19. Jacob Whitman, Account Book, Rhode Island Historical Society Library, Providence, R.I.,
item #10.

20. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Providence Newspapers, vol. 18:362.

21. William Chapin, West Burial Ground Inscriptions (Providence, RI, 1913).

James Blachowicz 99

22. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I., Providence County (1892), vol. 2:264, taken from "The five
books of Providence," vol. 5:535, and from probate vol. 6:382.

23. Ibid., vol. 2:160, taken from the First Congregational Church records, Providence, RI.

24. R. I. Judicial Archives, Pawtucket, RI. The papers are in a file folder under the
Providence Court of Common Pleas, Record Book vol. 6:5.

25. The "load of merchandizable brick" is puzzling. What use had a nineteen year old for
this particular barter goods? William would soon be a painter in Plymouth, the occu-
pation already followed his brother, Samuel, in Providence. Does the load of bricks con-
nect William to Stephen Hartshorn, who was a mason and gravestone carver, as pay-
ment in kind for instruction in stone carving?

26. Documents searched were Providence Deeds and Vital Records at the City Hall
Archives; Court cases at the Rhode Island Judicial Archives; and Rehoboth Probates in
Taunton, Massachusetts.

27. See articles by Vincent F. Luti in Rhode Island History 39 (1980) and Markers II (1983).

28. Will of Jacob Hartshorn, Providence City Hall Archives, case A770, vol. 5:256 of Wills.
A mistake has been made somewhere. In the colonial copy book, 5:256, Jacob signs his
will as of 1760 but on his stone, carved some years after his death by his son, Stephen,
the death year is given as 1759.

29. Given the confusion in Pearse genealogies over the alleged childhood death of this
Mary, the question arises as to how the death of her brother, John, was also deduced in
modern writings. Their father was Nathaniel Pearse of Bristol. John was born March 28,
1735 (original Bristol Town Hall Records), and on March 12, 1736 a "Mr. Nathaniel
Pierce's child" died (from Edith Monro: see below). A copy book, St. Michael's Church,
Bristol, 1908 (original unknown), beside his baptism, May 15, 1735, has his burial,
March 13, 1735 (sic). No extant original document says that John Pearse died that day,
March 12, 1736. That is a deduction by Pierce genealogists who may have, however,
seen an original document no longer extant. It is almost certain now that Mary Pearse
did live to marry William Coy's brother, Samuel. The paper trail for Mary Pearse runs:
a. FC. Pierce, 1888, gives her birth April 3, 1747 of Nathaniel & Mary Lindsay; b. FC.
Pierce gives her death, December 23, 1748; c. C.G. Hurlburt, 1927, picks up on both
these dates adding "single"; d. H.C. Pierce, 1936, gives Mary of Nathaniel & Mary,
1747-1748; e. A Mormon microfilm taken from a Bristol copy book (i.e., not the original)
has: "Dec. 23, 1748, Capt. Pearse's child scalded (i.e., died); f. Edith Monro in 1965 made
a typed transcription - Deaths Records of Bristol R.I. 1729-1755 (RIHS Library) - of a doc-
ument she had seen "copied as much as legible, from a very old record on pages sewn
together, now very frail and damaged, 4X6 1/2," of a book of Deaths in Bristol. On her
page 21 is written: Dec. 23, 1748, Capt Pearse's child Icabod died. This original book of
deaths has not been found. It can be concluded now that Mary lived and married
William Coye's brother, Samuel.

30. Providence City Hall Archives, deeds vols. 18:389 and 20:39, 40 for the Planet Street lot
and dwelling, and for the two locations adjoining or nearby Hartshorn properties, vols.
19:179, 224, 286 and 20:70, 74, 141.

100 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

31. Providence Gazette and Country Journal, RIHSL microfilm. From an account book of
William Barker, chairmaker, Providence, RIHSL ms collection, we know Coy and
Waterman were still in business as of June 26, 1772, and up to 1777 there are debit
entries. The advertisement reads:

To be SOLD cheap for Cash, by

COY and WATERMAN,

At their shop, the sign of the Painter's Arms, opposite Moses Brown's, Esq;
in Providence, A Compleat Assortment of Painters Colours, viz. White and
Red Lead, Spanish White and Brown, by the Hundred, Quarter or single
Pound; Stone and English Oker, Umber, Verdigrease, Vitriel, Dutch and Rose
Pink, India Red, Vermilion, Drop Lake, Prussian Blue, King's yellow Leaf
Gold, Lampblack, &c. Likewise Window and China Putty, Spirits of
Turpentine, Linseed Oil, and a few curious Maps and Pictures. The Colours
may be had dry, or ready prepared with Oil, fit for Use.

Said Coy and Waterman do all Manner of Painting, Gilding, Drawing, and
Writing upon signs, in the most neat and genteel Manner, and will work as
cheap for Cash, or Country Produce, as any Person in Town, Newport or
Boston.

In the RIHS Library print collection there is an 1822 watercolor scene by Joseph
Partridge of the First Baptist Church, Providence, that shows this shop from the rear
with its shed extension.

32. Obadiah Brown, Account Book 1763-1789 (Day Book, vol. 17), p. 40.

33. Jonathan Peck, Bristol merchant, Account Book 1769-1783, Rhode Island Historical
Society, has the following credit on p. 182 to Mr Samuel Coy of Providence, April 1775:
"credit by Mr Coys account painting gilding and flowring chase 2-2-6."

34. Bristol, Rhode Island Toion Council and Probate Court Book 2, part I: 134.

35. See Luti, "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles Hartshorn of
Providence," pp. 162-66.

36. Records of the Town of Plymouth, Vol. 3. p. 237. A "hogreeve" is someone charged with
preventing and /or assessing damage done by stray swine.

37. Plymouth County Probate Records; Vol. 21, p. 330.

38. Plymouth Church records. Their intention to marry was published on April 18, 1772.

39. Plymouth Court records; Vol. 14, p. 427.

40. Their intention to marry was published the preceding December 2nd. Vincent Luti locat-
ed an entry in the account book of Jonathan Peck, a Bristol merchant, which records
Samuel Pearse's indebtedness for a horse and chaise which he took to Plymouth. This
was dated May 4, 1762; perhaps Pearse used the chaise to bring his Plymouth wife,

James Blachowicz 101

Elizabeth (whom he married in Plymouth earlier that year), to his home in Bristol. (The
account book is at the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.)

41. Samuel & Elizabeth Pearse vs. Joseph Greenleaf, Abington (records of the Court of
Common Pleas of Plymouth County; Vol. 13, pp. 1-3).

42. His four children are: Experience (1764- ), Elizabeth (1765- ), Sarah ( - ) and Samuel
(1769- ), but at least two of these children die in Plymouth before 1773, one on October
25, 1770, and another on August 17, 1772 (Plymouth church records). Samuel Pearse
was married before, to Mary Munro in 1754 in Bristol. They had at least five children.
Mary died in 1760.

43. 1766: Samuel Pearse vs. Henry Richmond, Plymouth Husbandman (records of the
Court of Common Pleas of Plymouth County; Vol. 13, pp. 176-180). 1767: Samuel Pearse
vs. Richard Holmes (Vol. Vol. 13, pp. 510-13).

44. Information on the family of Mary Pearse was found in Bristol vital records and the IGI
genealogical database of the Mormon Church.

45. As we have seen, Vincent F. Luti has determined that, despite information provided by
some genealogies of the Pearse family in Rhode Island, which has Mary Pearse dying
as a child, it was not Mary but her brother, Icabod, who died young.

46. John Fordery Edmonds (Plymouth physician) and Elizabeth his wife vs. Samuel Pearse
(Vol. 14, pp. 437-442); Francis Adams (Kingston cooper) vs. Samuel Pearse (Vol. 15, pp.
88-91). In Joseph Gifford vs Samuel Pearse, heard in October 1772, Pearse is a "cord-
wainer" (Vol. 8, p. 441).

47. William Watson vs. Samuel Pearse (Vol. 15, pp. 161-62). He is also listed as a shoreman
in a property transaction in 1769 (Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 55, p. 222).

48. General Sessions of the Peace, Plymouth County, Vol. 4, pp. 193-95.

49. Ibid., Vol 5, pp. 69-71.

50. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 132-34.

51. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 175-78.

52. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 234-36.

53. Court of Common Pleas, Plymouth County, Vol. 14, p. 440.

54. Plymouth County records of Deeds; Vol. 57, p. 207.

55. William T. Davis, Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 229.

56. Plymouth County Probate records; Vol. 20, pp. 483-84.

102 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

57. Plymouth records contain no references to Elizabeth's older brother John, born in 1757,
other than to his birth. In the estate settlement after Elizabeth Edmonds' own death,
there is a record of payment to her son, George Davison (Probate Vol. 25, p. 152). This
would indicate that she had married a Davison before her marriage to John
Stephenson. But perhaps this was a reference to her son-in-law George Deverson, who
married her daughter a few months earlier. I have not been able to discover her maid-
en name; perhaps it was Hall, since her son was named Jasper Hall Stephenson. I
should add that Plymouth church records have Elizabeth's daughter, Elizabeth, born in
Boston (there is no place of birth indicated for her older brother, John).

58. Plymouth County Probate; Vol, 21, p. 147. (Samuel Pearse had sold two and a half acres
of woodland to Daniel Diman for 400 pounds in 1768; Deeds, Vol. 54, p. 518.)

59. Ibid., Vol. 25, p. 151.

60. A house and lot valued at 250 pounds, located at the corner of the county road and
Howland Street - probably the main Stephenson residence - was entrusted to Ephraim
Spooner (Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 57, p. 150).

61. Plymouth church records.

62. Plymouth Probate; Vol. 25, p. 149.

63. Their intention to marry was published in Plymouth church records on January 14,

1777.

64. Plymouth Probate; Vol. 25, p. 151.

65. Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 71, p. 207.

66. Ibid., Vol. 58, p. 79.

67. Court of Common Pleas, Plymouth County, Vol. 3, pp. 455-56. Besides Daniel Diman
(below), the other two men who brought suit against John Edmonds were John
Waterman and Lemuel Drew; all three were housewrights.

68. Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 58, p. 80.

69. June 12, 1775; Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 57. p. 206.

70. January 8, 1778; Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 59, p. 97.

71. Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, Vol. IV (Boston, MA, 1900), p.

57.

72. Records of the Town of Plymouth; Vol. 3.

73. "Mr William Coye Says that in Discourse with Mr Shaw concerning Generall Lee being
taken prisoner Shaw Sayd he was Glad Genl Lee was taken, that he was a traytor &

James Blachowicz 103

hoped that he would meet with his deserts or to that purpose. He then Explained him-
self by Saying that Generall Lee was a half pay officer in the King's Army & Sayd he
took him to be a Spye & traytor to our Armey & that we Should do better without him";
Ibid., p. 331.

74. Plymouth County Court of Common Pleas; Vol. 17, pp. 526-530.

75. Ibid., Vol. 20, pp. 13-18. This suit was discontinued and never came to court.

76. My study of Harlow's work is found in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of
Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 79-94.

77. These are: Samuel (b. 15 Mar 1799); William (b. 24 Dec 1801); Sally (b. 12 Nov 1802);
Mary Ann (b. 5 May 1805); Walter D. (b. 28 Jun 1807); David (b. abt. 1808); Catherine D.
(b. 28 May 1810). (All information taken from the LDS Church IGI database.)

78. Plymouth County Deeds; Vol. 86, p. 153. Sarah Coye Burbank is listed as living alone -
a widow? - in the 1840 US Census (p. 268). There is also a Susan Coy (spelled without
the final "e") who married an Elijah Wilson in Plymouth on June 27, 1853. They have
at least one child, Johnny C. Coy, born in Plymouth in 1862, who dies at one year of age.
If descended from William, Susan Coy would be, perhaps, a great-grandchild. There is
also a Charles J. Coy born in Hanson on December 25, 1821, son of Ephraim and Mary,
and a Hiram G. Coy, born in Hanson on February 30, 1830, son of Enos and Betsy.

79. "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 73-79. Samuel
Burbank's mother, Priscilla, was Lemuel Savery's older sister. Thus, he is probably a
first cousin to Sally Coye, whose mother was Priscilla's sister, Ruth. Samuel's younger
brother, Nehemiah, may have succeeded Samuel as an apprentice to Savery: he may be
the "Goggle-Eye Carver," whose work I also examined in this same article (pp. 71-73;
76-79). Samuel and Nehemiah Burbank later took up the trades of tailor and hatter,
respectively. A much more complete account of Savery's work and that of these two
carvers, along with my reasons for identifying them as the Burbank brothers, will
appear in my An American Craft Lineage: The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth
and Cape Cod: 1770-1870, forthcoming.

80. Plymouth vital records. Their intent to marry was published on July 24.

81. Plymouth County Deeds; Vol. 86, pp. 152-53.

82. Ibid.

83. p. 6.

84. p. 117.

85. Dates of marriage and death from Plymouth vital records.

86. A. W. Savary, A Genealogical and Biographical Record of the Savery Families and of the Severy
Family (Boston, MA, 1893), p. 74.

104 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

87. Plymouth County Court of Common Pleas, Vol. 25, pp. 253-60.

88. Ibid., Vol. 24, pp. 125-31.

89. See Eric H. Christianson, "The Medical Practitioners of Massachusetts, 1630-1800:
Patterns of Change and Continuity," in Medicine in Colonial Massachusetts: 1620-1820
(Boston, MA, 1980), pp. 49-67.

90. For a study of the work of Nathaniel Holmes, see my "The Gravestone Carving
Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 95-128.

91. Ibid., pp. 53-56.

92. Ibid., p. 56.

93. Blachowicz has determined that the remnants of two more sandstone markers in
Plymouth, the stump of the headstone for Josiah Cobb (1744) and the bottom half of the
footstone for James Curtis (1767), also appear to be Coye's work and may have been
carved at about the same time he carved Sarah Spooner and John Cobb, that is, while
he was in Providence.

94. The Forbes papers are in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society in
Worcester, MA. The note is contained in Box 4, Folder 5. In her listing of carver attri-
butions (Box 4, Folder 3), she has two entries under Coye: Nathaniel Goodwin and
Elizabeth Edmonds - the two individuals whose Plymouth County probate records
pay Coye.

95. "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles Hartshorn of
Providence."

96. For a photo of the Watson stone, see Harriette Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England
and the Men Who Made Them, 1653-1800 (Boston, MA, 1927), p. 44.

97. Plymouth County Probate records; Vol. 21, p. 330.

98. In his book of inscriptions, Burial Hill: Plymouth, Massachusetts (Plymouth, MA, 1894),
Benjamin Drew refers to these sandstone markers as "Goodwin stones," after the
Nathaniel Goodwin stone.

99. The stone for Josiah Cobb (1744) is now only a stump, identified with the help of
Drew's book of inscriptions; the Hannah Symmes (1773) stone is in pieces, stacked in
the powder house adjoining Burial Hill; the Lewis Bartlett (1773) stone is broken in half,
with much of the inscription obliterated (identifiable with the help of Drew); the foot-
stone for James Curtis (1767) is missing its upper half and its headstone.

100. These sculpted leading-edge feathers are found on nineteen of Coye's cherubs (some-
times in a less sculpted form), but they are missing from nine others.

101. Luti informs me that Stephen Hartshorn used "Here lies Interr,d" on only one stone.

James Blachowicz 105

102. An advertisement that the stonecutter William Sturgis ran in the Nantucket Inquirer in
1834 announcing the opening of his shop informs his prospective clientele that he had
"40 pairs" of carved gravestones ready to inscribe.

103. I had tentatively ascribed this gravestone to Lemuel Savery in "The Gravestone
Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 57-59.

104. See the photo of this marker in Ibid., p. 58.

105. Benjamin Drew reports that there was a portrait of a man from the waist up on the
sandstone marker for Lewis Bartlett (1772); this portrait has not survived.

106. See the photo of this marker in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and
Cape Cod," p. 62. There, I had ascribed this entire stone to Savery.

107. In Ibid., pp. 51-53, 1 had tentatively ascribed this stone to Savery.

108. See also Homer's contemporary 1773 stone for Paul Titcomb in Newburyport, MA, pic-
tured in Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England, p. 51.

109. The 1770 powder house no longer exists; the stone is now attached to the interior wall
of the present powder house.

110. This is why, in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," p. 86,
I referred to the carver of these stones (I had not yet guessed that it was Coye) as the
"Lemon-Eye" carver.

111. The marker for Ruben Higgins (1795) may be added to this group, but lichen has made
its features less recognizable.

112. See my "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," figs. 27 and
31.

113. It is not impossible, I suppose, that this is Hartshorn's cherub - perhaps an old reject
stone Coye had carried with him from Providence?

114. In "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," p. Ill, I attributed
the entire tympanums of both of these stones to Nathaniel Holmes.

115. See Ibid., Fig. 39.

116. For an example, see Ibid., fig. 35.

106

Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition

APPENDIX

Gravestones Attributed to William Coye (complete list)

All Plymouth stones (unless otherwise indicated) are on Burial Hill.
Documented stones are in bold. Signed stone is in italics.

1744

Cobb, Josiah

Plymouth, MA

1750

Cobb, John

Plymouth, MA

1764

Wardwell, Mehethabell

Bristol, RI (East Burial Ground)

1767

Curtis, James [footstone]

Plymouth, MA

1767

Drew, Bathsheba

Plymouth, MA

1767

Swan, Sarah

Bristol, RI (East Burial Ground)

1767

Spooner, Sarah

Plymouth, MA

17681

Round, Rev. Richard

Rehoboth, MA (Burying Place Hill)

1769

Danforth, Molley

Taunton, MA (Plains Cemetery)

1769

Thomas, Mercy

Plymouth, MA

1769

Marson, Samuel

Plymouth, MA

1770

MacKareth, Jane

Halifax, NS

1770

[Powder House Dedication Stone]

Plymouth, MA

17712

Goodwin, Nathaniel

Plymouth, MA

1772

Bacon, Mary

Plymouth, MA

1772

Bartlett, Lewis

Plymouth, MA

17723

Rider, William

Plymouth, MA

1772

Sears, Elesebath

Brewster, MA (Sears)

1772

Shaw, Southworth

Plymouth, MA

1773

Bartlett, John

Plymouth, MA

17734

Har[low], [Jab]ez

Plymouth, MA

1773

LeBaron, Francis

Georgetown, SC

(Prince George Winyah Church)

1773

Symmes, Hannah

Plymouth, MA

1774

Hovey, Mary

Plymouth, MA

1774

Sparrow, Lieut. Richard

Orleans, MA

1775

Bassett, Anne

Dennis, MA (Dennis Village)

1775

Harlow, Deborah

Plymouth, MA

1775

Holbrook, Martha

Wellfleet, MA (Duck Creek)

17753

Hopkins, Sarah

Orleans, MA

1775

Snow, Joseph

Wellfleet, MA (Duck Creek)

17774

Foster, Thomas

Plymouth, MA

1785

Attwood, Susanna

Plymouth, MA

1792

Churchill, [E]lenor

Plymouth, MA

17935

Paty, Sylvia

Plymouth, MA

17955

Davee, Robart

Plymouth, MA

1795

Higgins, [...]man

Orleans, MA

1795

Higgins, Ruben

Orleans, MA

17955

Morton, Hannah

Plymouth, MA (Chiltonville)

1795

Shaw, Betsy

Plymouth, MA

James Blachowicz

107

17965'8

Cobb, Margaret

1796

Cotton, Rosseter

1796

Croswell, Andrew

17965-8

Harlow, Katharine

17965

Jackson, Lucy

17965

Weston, Coomer

1797

Howland, Elizabeth

1797

Hammatt, Cpt. Abraham

1797

Nelson, Elisha

17985

Holmes, Capt. Lewis

1801

Jackson, William Morton

18046

Crombie, Fanney

18057

Harlow, Elizabeth

Plymouth, MA

Plymouth, MA (South Pond)

Plymouth, MA

North Carver, MA (Lakenham)

Plymouth, MA

^oye documented as carver of this stone in lawsuit

2probate reference to William Coye

3possibly inscribed by Lemuel Savery

inscribed by Lemuel Savery

5probably inscribed by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.

inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes; drapery probably by Holmes

"inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes; drapery and urn probably by Holmes

8wings possibly carved by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.

Coye also probably carved the mouth on the stone for Mary Pope, 1795, Plymouth (121),
with Harlow carving the rest.

108

The Quaker Graveyard

Middletown Friends Meeting House Cemetery,

Middletown, Pennsylvania.

Photo: Richard E. Meyer.

109

THE QUAKER GRAVEYARD
Silas Weir Mitchell

Four straight brick walls, severely plain,

A quiet city square surround;

A level space of nameless graves, -

The Quakers' burial-ground.

In gown of gray, or coat of drab,

They trod the common ways of life,

With passions held in sternest leash,

And hearts that knew not strife.

To yon grim meeting-house they fared,

With thoughts as sober as their speech,

To voiceless prayer, to songless praise,

To hear the elders preach.

Through quiet lengths of days they came,

With scarce a change to this repose;

Of all life's loveliness they took

The thorn without the rose.

But in the porch and o'er the graves,

Glad rings the southward robin's glee,

And sparrows fill the autumn air

With merry mutiny;

While on the graves of drab and gray

The red and gold of autumn lie,

And wilful Nature decks the sod

In gentlest mockery.

110

Developing Technologies

Fig. 1. Magnetometer being used to determine presence
of any unmarked graves.

Ill

APPLICATIONS OF DEVELOPING TECHNOLOGIES
TO CEMETERY STUDIES

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel

Introduction

Beyond gravestones as art and artifact, inscribed gravemarkers are
data archives, yielding the deceased's given and surname, birth- and
death-dates, revealing gender, age, ethnicity (as possibly deduced from
surname or other indicators), and seasonal conception, natality, and mor-
tality patterns. Inscribed stones often further specify familial status via
relationships, e.g., daughter, son, wife, mother.1 Additionally, inscriptions
sometimes include migration, military service, and occupational data,
while commemorative inscriptions offer potential insight regarding the
deceased and perceptions others held of them.

Scholarly examination of cemeteries and gravestones is increasingly
multi-disciplinary, involving the arts, humanities, and social sciences,2
and while studies date back more than 100 years,3 it is still an emerging
field.4 The Association for Gravestone Studies (AGS) was formed in
December of 1976, itself prompted by "The Dublin Seminar" held in June
of that year.5 Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone
Studies was first published in 1980, becoming an annual in 1986.

AGS's proposed statement of purpose:

... to educate the public on the historic and artistic importance of early
gravestones and graveyards, and ... encourage communities to protect,
restore and record their burying grounds, ... promote research into the
technology of gravestone preservation, and . . . work toward the creation of
model laws that would aid their protection . . . and . . . provide guidance and
assistance to . . . the study and preservation of funerary art,6

was also a call for a delineation of data-collection methods. Baker, Farber,
and Giesecke promptly and meticulously responded, publishing in the
first issue of Markers a "... method whereby information from cemeteries
can be gathered, organized, and maintained by local groups for use by
both the professional and lay researcher."7

Despite different disciplines having become involved in cemetery
studies, none have contributed substantially more to systematic data col-
lection strategies than the principles established in this initial piece pub-
lished twenty years ago. Hence, only the passage of time and the devel-

112 Developing Technologies

opment of new technologies make it possible to supplement and extend
their strategies.

The emerging technologies reduce data-collection time and labor, and
also enhance data retrieval and analysis from stones in poor condition.
Previous strategies for teasing data from eroded and worn gravestones
are labor- and time-intensive and not consistently satisfactory, e.g.,
light /shadow intensification. Moreover, some methods for retrieving
illegible engravings are abrasive, requiring physical contact with the
stone, e.g., gravestone rubbings or shaving cream and squeegee. Such
physical contact poses potential, additional damage;8 shaving cream (and
other similar substances), for example, while bio-degradable, may
"clean," stain, or chemically react with the stone.

Physical contact of this sort may conceivably be prohibited by some
future code of ethics adopted by AGS or some similar body, just as rub-
bings of temple engravings, now defined as national treasures, have been
banned in Thailand. Objectively, the frequency of gravestone rubbings in
the United States is probably not sufficient to be destructive. However, the
issue is a matter of recognizing professional ethics and standards, as well
as the emergence of technologies that can facilitate data collection and
eliminate the necessity of physical contact with gravestones.

In this essay, we inventory technological developments with applica-
tion to the recording and study of gravestone data. Because of the variety
of manufacturers /brands of the technologies and the unique eccentricities
of operating procedures, the inventory is intended to be suggestive and
not explicitly instructive. Such technologies include global positioning
systems (GPS), video and still photography, personal computers, magne-
tometers, and ground-penetrating radar (GPR).

Global Positioning Systems

Like real estate, cemetery studies are dependent upon location, loca-
tion, location, whether the location of a particular cemetery, a particular
section of a cemetery, or a particular stone in a cemetery. Generally, ceme-
tery locations can be specified "... by citing route numbers, road names,
prominent landmarks, and mileage figures," though a more accurate
method "... is to identify location by giving the coordinates of a United
States Coastal and Geological Survey map."9

Specifying coordinates has been enhanced with the development of
the Global-Positioning System (GPS)10, which became operational in

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 113

1985. n A hand-held GPS receiver establishes location in three dimensions
(longitude, latitude, elevation)12 using time and velocity/distance calcu-
lations via pseudo-random code transmissions from four (or more) satel-
lites in the constellation of twenty-four NAVSTAR (Department of
Defense [DOD]) satellites. Nearly 400 commercial GPS receiver models
are available from more than 60 manufacturers, ranging in cost from less
than 200 dollars to tens of thousands of dollars. Accuracy varies from the
100 meter to the millimeter level (horizontal), depending on method,
hardware, and software, generally increasing with cost.

Standard Positioning Service (SPS), available without charge or
restriction, offers 100 meter horizontal accuracy, generally sufficient and
useful for specifying location of cemeteries in the relative isolation of the
western United States and Appalachia, where roads are not in close prox-
imity. Greater accuracy is compromised by both DOD's deliberate degra-
dation of signal (Selective Availability [SA]) and by other sources of bias
(e.g., atmospheric [tropospheric and ionospheric] bias, satellite geometry
or Horizontal Dilution of Precision [HDOP], ephemeris/ orbital error,
satellite clock error, and receiver error).

Precise Positioning Service (PPS) enables authorized users (e.g., mili-
tary, certain government agencies) to avoid Selective Availability, yielding
22 meter horizontal accuracy. Differential GPS (DGPS), either real-time or
post-processed, using GPS receivers at reference locations (base stations)
to eliminate sources of bias, offers meter- to centimeter /millimeter- level
accuracy. However, DGPS is expensive, costing thousands to tens of thou-
sands of dollars, and generally requires considerable training and exper-
tise, although for approximately three thousand dollars, code-phase
DGPS, with commercial providers of bias corrections, can offer meter-
level accuracy, often sufficient for many cemetery applications.

As GPS applications (e.g., geology /geography, engineering, agricul-
ture, archaeology, demography) increase, such technologies, along with
instructional use, are increasingly found on college and university cam-
puses and costs should continue to decrease. However, it should be noted
that GPS requires a full and unobstructed view of the sky, often difficult
or impossible to achieve in older cemeteries. Moreover, with high accura-
cy GPS, antenna /receiver height must be considered if the intended loca-
tion is ground level. Hence, prior to centimeter-level accuracy becoming
"user friendly" and commonplace, some convention for identifying the
precise coordinates of individual graves must be established. Such con-

114 Developing Technologies

vention should be independent of gravestones for three reasons. First,
gravestones, unfortunately, can be toppled, moved or removed. Second,
because stones are of varying height, establishing location from the top of
stones is unsatisfactory (given the issue of antenna height). Finally, the
heights of stones can obstruct some sector of the sky if attempting to
establish coordinates from the bases of stones. Thus, grave location might
then be established from the center of the grave, perhaps conventional-
ized as one meter from the center of the base of the stone.13

Video Cameras

In addition to establishing cemetery /grave locations, quality photo-
graphic records are indispensable. Though still photography (e.g., 35mm)
will undoubtedly remain the standard, relative to video, it is more expen-
sive, labor-intensive, and time-consuming (given film and processing
costs and time).

A video camera, in addition to a 35mm, can be used to record each
gravestone in a cemetery. Essential in making a video record of grave-
stones is the inclusion of a scale, perhaps a checkered meter stick, so that
stone size can be accurately determined from the video. The video cam-
era should be steadied with a tripod or camera pole to eliminate move-
ment and distortion, the lens "zoomed" to nearly fill the frame with the
gravestone. What was prescribed in 1980 for still photography remains
accurate for video:

In all instances, the camera should be positioned so that the vertical sides
of the stones are parallel to the sides of the view finder. If the camera is
pointed upward or downward, the shape of the stone will be distorted.14

Shot from a completely still /stationary point, each stone can be video-
taped for a brief time, e.g., one minute, and, when replayed, the video of
each stone can be paused /freeze-framed with minimal distortion so that
the engraved data can then be transcribed for coding. Alternatively, by
recording each stone for a minute, most engraved data can be transcribed
without pausing.

While video-taping each stone, the marker's inscriptional data should
also be read aloud clearly and slowly to take advantage of the audio capa-
bilities of the camera. Together, the audio and video recordings facilitate
a complete transcription of stones. Additional commentary and observa-
tion regarding stone quality and uniqueness might also be included.15

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 115

It is even possible to convert analog video signals into digital format
in order to capture still images for computer manipulation with digital-
editing software (such as Adobe Photoshop). Transferring video into the
computer requires the installation of a capture card that converts analog
to digital and compresses the data.16 To enhance quality, frames should be
captured in real time (with the tape playing, not paused). Once in the
computer, software editing packages (e.g., Adobe Photoshop) allow
adjustment of image attributes (i.e., hue, saturation, brightness, contrast,
sharpness). The application of this technology is ideally suited to our
cemetery video since scenes with substantial motion do not compress as
well. However, depending on screen resolution and compression technol-
ogy, among other things, the quality of the digitized image may be inferi-
or to that of its analog counterpart, disqualifying it as a permanent pho-
tographic record.17 Again, much of the advice Baker, Farber, and
Giesecke18 offer regarding the still photographic record is applicable to
the video record as well. Lighting is a major consideration, and
"Dependence on the position of the sun can be avoided by the use of a
mirror. . . ,"19 to reflect light to a shaded stone. Now, even less dependence
on the sun's position can be attained through battery-pack halogen flood
lights, though in most instances reflected sunlight is sufficient.

Video recording avoids expensive film and development. A two-dol-
lar tape, used in the SP mode (for two-hour recording) for superior reso-
lution, can record 120 gravestones, allowing one minute for each.20 This
would require five rolls of 24-exposure, 35mm film that would also have
to be developed. Additionally, video records stone color, and resolution is
usually sufficient to allow notation of stone texture/quality However, the
video records may not be as archival as their film counterpart, or may
require more meticulous storage conditions.

Still Photography

When gravestones are illegible, video technology is not sufficient.
Therefore, worn, eroded, or otherwise compromised stones might be
identified while in the field so that they can be photographed with still
photo cameras. Two important options to consider are digital photogra-
phy and photo scanning.

Digital cameras, allowing enhancement once images have been down-
loaded to computers, can tease engravings back to legibility.21 JPEG (Joint
Photographic Expert Group) is the most common still picture compres-

116 Developing Technologies

sion format for PCs, and without such compression technology only one
image could be recorded on a (3.5") floppy disk. JPEG can record about 40
images in Standard mode, or 20 images in Fine mode. As image file size
decreases, more images can be stored on a disk, but image resolution also
decreases, making image enhancement more difficult.

As with most technologies, quality varies directly with cost, and none
of the cheaper-end digital cameras ($200-$400) can yield pictures compa-
rable to 35mm quality. Also, as has been noted, "... prints from digital
cameras are expensive and not as archival as their film counterparts/'22
with floppy disks maintaining integrity for only about fifteen years.
However, price will continue to drop as technology improves, and as that
technology improves, the ability to read stones that are all but obliterated,
without ever touching the stone, will become a tool common to cemetery
research. Moreover, digitized images on diskettes are ready to be posted
on the world-wide web (www), facilitating immediate research collabo-
ration long distance.

While many lower-priced digital cameras provide marginally ade-
quate quality, higher-quality resolution can be attained by scanning
35mm photographs with a high-resolution computer scanner.23 Scanning
resolution can be adjusted from 72 dots per inch to 1000 dots per inch, and
since 35mm possesses the resolution of 1000 pixels per inch, compared to
a digital camera at 100 pixels per inch, greater resolution is being scanned
into the computer for editing and manipulation /enhancement with Photo
Shop or similar software. Greater resolution initially offers greater resolu-
tion of the final enhanced image. However, a scanned image of such high
quality (2 MB) will not fit on a floppy disk (1.4 MB), making the issue of
transporting the image to other computers, perhaps for collaborative
research, problematic. ZIP drives are available for approximately $150,
and a $20 disk can accommodate 100 MB. JAZ drives, costing about $500,
with disks from $50 to $100, can accommodate 1 GB, and can gain access
through the parallel port using a $100 traveller.24

Ground Penetrating Radar

Often, cemeteries contain not only illegible gravestones, but simply
fieldstones marking graves. While sometimes counted, such stones and
their graves are virtually ignored, relegated to the 99 /missing-data code
of the social sciences and removed from analysis. Burials designated by
fieldstones lack explicit status indicators - no name, no gender, no age, no

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 117

birth nor death dates - and their identities are only as enduring as the
lives and memories of those who laid them to rest. Fieldstones were
placed to acknowledge final resting places, not then of unknowns, but of
those inevitably destined to become unknowns.

The use of fieldstones may be attributed to the age status or the eco-
nomic status of those interred. Warner25 notes that children are relegated
to secondary places, marginalized by small stones, while Dethlefsen26
goes further, suggesting that infants and young children are under-repre-
sented in older cemeteries by an absence of engraved markers, expressing
an anticipation of infant /childhood mortality prior to this century. With a
stark expectation of infant /child mortality, there was not the investment,
economically and emotionally, in children that there is today. This is sim-
ilar to Philippe Aries'27 notion that in medieval society, "the infant who
was too fragile as yet to take part in the lives of adults 'did not count'."28

Others link fieldstone graves with economic deprivation - i.e., they are
the graves of poor folk29 - implicitly supported by those who claim a pos-
itive correlation between wealth and status after death.30 Thus, fieldstone
graves may be either disproportionately those of children or those of poor
folk. These two interpretations are not necessarily mutually exclusive or
exhaustive, but the implication of either is substantial. If the graves are
largely those of the economically deprived, then the poor, at least by name
or cemetery inventory, are substantially under-represented in cemeteries.
Conversely, if such graves are largely those of infants and young children,
then infant and child mortality is significantly under-represented in any
cemetery census, skewing mean age and child mortality.

Graves marked only by fieldstones might speak for themselves
through a kind of "non-intrusive excavation." Technologically, remote-
sensing capabilities can image subsurface features. Ground Penetrating
Radar (GPR), and its variant forms, Micro Imaging Radar or Micropower
Impulse Radar (MIR), can detect subsurface features, e.g., caskets, with
some precision.31 However, more importantly for our application since it
must be assumed that any caskets used have long since deteriorated, this
technology can also delineate disturbed earth and backfill. Hence, GPR
can discern the backfilled grave from the surrounding, undisturbed
earth, defining its dimensions (width, length, depth) with sufficient pre-
cision.

Prior to the commercialization of funerary practices, graves were
opened (dug) manually by relatives and friends of the deceased.

118 Developing Technologies

Excavation, conceivably hampered by obstacles like large rocks and
frozen ground in the winter,32 was minimized by making the grave no
larger (especially length and depth) than necessary. Hence, grave length
may be some indicator of the deceased's age status. Any grave less than
four feet in length might then be interpreted as a child's grave, and any
grave more than five feet in length might be interpreted as an adult grave.
Those graves between four and five feet in length cannot be interpreted in
terms of age status.

Child /adult ratios of the anonymous graves could be compared to the
child /adult ratios as represented by the engraved tombstones. If the
ratios are comparable or if the adult proportion of the anonymous graves
substantially exceeds the adult proportion of the inscribed graves, it
would be reasonable to conclude that the "unmarked" graves are dispro-
portionately the graves of poor. Alternatively, if the anonymous graves
are disproportionately those of children, at least relative to the compared
ratios, then insight into the view and place of children in earlier society is
offered.

GPR transmits high-frequency radio waves through a transducer (or
antenna) in direct contact with the ground. The radio waves strike sub-
surface objects or strata with varying electrical conductivities and dielec-
tric constants and bounce back to the transducer and are received by a
digital control unit where data are merged to generate images of hyper-
bola (arches) indicating arrangement and depth of subsurface features.
GPR depth of penetration depends upon the conductivity of the ground
and the frequency of the antenna used. Transducer frequencies for shal-
low depths (e.g., cemetery applications) provide high resolution.33 GPR
units are also suitable for cemetery application34 because they are small
enough to be pulled by a person walking.

GPR is still a developing technology, costing tens of thousands of dol-
lars and considerable expertise to operate and interpret. However, its
applications continue to grow, now including construction sciences, min-
ing, environmental sciences, military, geology, glaciology, archaeology,
history, and criminology, giving rise to an increasing number of units at
universities and in private consulting /contracting firms offering GPR ser-
vices for a per-diem cost. With each biennial International Conference on
Ground-Penetrating Radar, now approaching its eighth (May of 2000),
new applications and refinements emerge.35

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 119

Magnetometers

Occasionally, it is not merely a matter of graves being marked by field-
stones, but of graves, or suspected graves, being completely unmarked.
Perhaps only local legend claims the location as a cemetery, or perhaps
only a few gravestones have survived, but small patches of particularly
lush vegetation (grass or flowers) or slight depressions cannot positively
be declared as graves because they are completely unmarked. Such
depressions might be resultant borrow-pits as settling graves were filled
in. Essentially, the number and location of graves or the cemetery bound-
ary is unknown.

A magnetometer survey (see Fig. 1) can determine the presence of
graves. A baseline/benchmark reading is first done in the general prox-
imity of the suspected graves /cemetery, but clearly beyond any possible
cemetery boundary. Comparing the magnetometer survey of the suspect-
ed cemetery to the benchmark reading can determine if the soil has been
disturbed, as well as the presence of metal objects (i.e., change in magnet-
ic susceptibility), e.g., coffin handles, hinges, nails, buckles, and so on.
Such "hits" appear as "bulls-eyes" on contour maps. While the definition
yielded by magnetics is relatively coarse, the presence and pattern of such
"hits" might then justify the use of GPR, a more discriminating but com-
plicated and expensive process.

Conclusions

The array of applicable technologies is vast, and their development is
so rapid that any specifics we have articulated may well have become
obsolete or obsolescent by the time this essay appears. However, our
intent is not to suggest that those who are involved in cemetery research
necessarily become experts in any or all of the technologies discussed, but
rather to recognize that such technologies and experts exist and are often
accessible at community colleges, four-year colleges, and universities.
Moreover, many possessing technical expertise are eager to demonstrate
new and expanding applications of the technologies, which help to justi-
fy a continuing acquisition of developing technologies.

As technological developments unfold, increasing applications for
cemetery research will become apparent that are currently both unimag-
ined and unimaginable. Perhaps the utilization of airborne and satellite
remote sensing, already finding applications for archaeological investiga-
tions, will become routine tools for cemetery studies. Clearly, the efficacy

120 Developing Technologies

of studying the past is enhanced by our willingness to run with open arms
and minds into the future.

NOTES

We are grateful to Dr. William J. Gibbs, Director of Media Services at Eastern Illinois
University, for his expertise, advice and his critical reading of this paper. The photograph
shown in Figure 1 is by Nicole Heller, courtesy of Kari Kirkham, Parkinson Geology Lab,
Southern Illinois University.

1. For example, see Gary S. Foster, Richard L. Hummel, and Donald J. Adamchak,
"Patterns of Conception, Natality, and Mortality from Midwestern Cemeteries: A
Sociological Analysis of Historical Data," The Sociological Quarterly 39:3 (1998): 473-489.

2. Richard E. Meyer, "Introduction: 'So Witty as to Speak,'" in Cemeteries and Gravemarkers:
Voices of American Culture, ed. Richard E. Meyer (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989; rpt. Logan, UT,
1992), 5; Richard E. Meyer, ed., Ethnicity and the American Cemetery (Bowling Green, OH,
1993), backcover; see also, any issue of Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for
Gravestone Studies.

3. For example, H. Carrington Bolton, "Decorating of Graves of Negroes in South
Carolina," Journal of American Folk-Lore 4 (1891): 214; Andrew Downing, "Public
Cemeteries and Public Gardens," The Horticulturalist 4(1849):10; A. G. Harkness, "Age
at Marriage and Age at Death in the Roman Empire," Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society 27(1896):35-72; Ernest Ingersoll, "Decoration of Negro Graves,"
Journal of American Folk-Lore 5 (1892):68-69.

4. Meyer, Cemeteries and Gravemarkers, 329.

5. Jessie Lie Farber, "Introduction," Markers l(1980):7-8.

6. Ibid. ,9.

7. Joanne F. Baker, Daniel Farber, and Anne G. Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data,"
Markers 1(1980):99.

8. See Lance R. Mayer, "The Care of Old Cemeteries and Gravestones," Markers
1(1980):119-141.

9. Baker, Farber, and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 100.

10. GPS is a component of the Geographic Information System (GIS), which began emerg-
ing in the 1960s. Basically, a GIS constructs a computerized lamination of spatial infor-
mation, each layer representing a single, spatial feature. Individual data layers are geo-
referenced or loaded using the same coordinate system, and such "dimensionally lam-

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 121

mated" maps readily lend themselves to analytical manipulations. Of particular rele-
vance is the Geographic Resources Analysis Support System (GRASS GIS), a general
purpose GIS developed at the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Construction Engineering
Research Laboratory (USA-CERL; for more, see Scott Madry, "GIS and Remote Sensing
for Archaeology: Burgundy France; Applications of Remote Sensing and GIS in
Archaeology," [http://deathstar.rutgers.edu/projects/france/france.html], The Grant
F. Walton Center for Remote Sensing and Spatial Analysis, Rutgers University).
Graceland Cemetery in Chicago now employs a computer system which uses GIS soft-
ware that involves aerial maps and scanned family plot cards, and such applications
will increase.

11. Martin Dodge and Simon Doyle, "GIS Timeline - the 1980s," ( http://www.casa.
ucl.ac.uk/gistimeline/ )1997), Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, University
College London.

12. Elevation (relative and absolute) can also be established by hand-held (wrist or pock-
et) altimeters, which can range from less than one hundred to several hundred dollars.

13. For references and elaboration of GPS, see Peter H. Dana, "Global Positioning System
Overview," ( http://www.utexas.edu/depts/grg/gcraft/notes/gps/gps.html ), The
Geographer's Craft Project, Department of Geography, University of Texas at Austin
(1998); see also, FieldWorker Products Ltd., "GPS Information," ( http://www.field
worker.com/gps.html ), 1425 Bayview Avenue, Suite 105, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
M4G 3A9 (1998).

14. Baker, Farber, and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 112.

15. As an aside, relatively inexpensive software programs now exist which can transcribe
or convert the spoken word to files for several word-processing programs. Such pro-
grams require "acclimation" by the operator speaking/reading to the program for
about two days. It is most efficient for the program to become "acclimated" to the oper-
ator's tape-recorded voice. That way, the researcher can tape record gravestone data in
the field and the software can transcribe the data directly from the recording rather
than necessitating the researcher reading the data a second time.

16. Quality of the digitized image depends on the capture card used and on quality
format at the source, with S-VHS, Hi-8, or Betacam being superior to VHS. See
John Mareda, ACM SIGGRAPH 97 Course #20, Computer Animation Using Digital
Video for the Web Multimedia, and Broadcast; Compressed Digital Video for
Low Bandwidth Systems - Digital Video in Multimedia, "Video Capture Cards,"
( http://www.swcp.com/~netmaps/sig97/mult/tsld009.htm ); "Capturing Video,"
( http://www.swcp.com/~netmaps/sig97/mult/tsld011.htm ), Triconix Research,
Inc., Albuquerque, NM (1997).

17. Kevin Omura, "Kevin's Camera Pages," ( http://www.starblanket.com/~photogra
phy/ ), (1998).

18. Baker, Farber and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 108-116.

122 Developing Technologies

19. Ibid., 111.

20. Recording at a slower speed (e.g., LP or SLP/EP) will maximize the number of stones
that can be recorded on a single tape, but it will decrease the clarity and resolution of
the visual image. Video quality can be maximized with Super VHS, but equipment
costs, exceeding $20,000, make it prohibitive for most.

21. The authors have had remarkable success reading illegibly eroded stones with digital
enhancement through Paint, a program routinely available in Windows 95 and 98
Accessories.

22. www.starblanket.com/~photography/

23. Such scanners, with software, cost approximately $700; the figure doubles for one with
a transparency adapter to scan slides.

24. For an extended consideration of capacity, see Susan Gregory Thomas, "Closet Space
for the PC," U.S. News and World Report (May 11, 1998), pp.66-67.

25. W. Lloyd Warner, The Living and the Dead (New Haven, CT, 1959), 294.

26. Edwin Dethlefsen, "Colonial Gravestones and Demography," American Journal of
Physical Anthropology 31(1969):323-324.

27. Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. R. Baldick,
(New York, NY, 1962):128.

28. For discussion of parental investment in children, see Arlene S. Skolnick, The Intimate
Environment: Exploring Marriage and the Family, 6th ed., (New York, NY, 1996), 371-374;
see also Melissa Haveman, "A Socio-Historical Analysis of Children's Gravestones,"
Illness, Crisis and Loss 7 (1999):267-287.

29. James K. Crissman, Death and Dying in Central Appalachia: Changing Attitudes and
Practices (Urbana, IL, 1994), 122.

30. For example, Lynn Clark, "Gravestones: Reflectors of Ethnicity or Class," in Consumer
Choice in Historical Archaeologi/, ed., Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood (New York, 1987), 383-
395; William Kephart, "Status After Death," American Sociological Review 15(1950): 635-
643.

31. Find Electronics, ( http://www.findmall.com ), "Find's BBS Forum," ( http://www.
findmall.com/wwwboard/messages/1308 and http://www.findmall.com/www
board/messages/9153 ).

32. Crissman, Death and Dying in Central Appalachia, 60-64.

33. See GeoModel, Inc., "Basic Principles of Ground Penetrating Radar," ( www.geo
model.com/gprtext.htm ), 5728 Major Blvd., Suite 200, Orlando, FL 32819.

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 123

34. For examples of GPR use in cemeteries, see Ronnie Hyre's webpage, "Geo-Scan's
Ground Penetrating Radar Information Page," ( http://www.geo-scan.com ).

35. GPR 2000 Home Page ( http://www.cssip.elec.ug.edu.au/gpr2000 ), Department of
Computer Science and Electrical Engineering, The University of Queensland, Qld 4072,
Australia.

124

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

!HR!HVll^HHiK^ra'l:''>''.:.>'ii:.

Fig. 1. Gravemarker for the Windem (Windemuthin) sisters, Stillwater
Cemetery, 1748. A backdated example of the D Carver's work.

125

JOHN SOLOMON TEETZEL AND THE

ANGLO-GERMAN GRAVESTONE CARVING TRADITION

OF 18TH CENTURY NORTHWESTERN NEW JERSEY

Richard F. Veit

Introduction

During the last two decades of the 18th century a handful of skilled
bilingual artisans supplied German- and English-language gravemarkers
to the inhabitants of northwestern New Jersey. Two particularly active
carvers, John Solomon Teetzel and another individual who signed his
works simply "D," or in one instance "J.S.D.", were responsible for pro-
ducing roughly 120 gravemarkers. The artistic memorials they produced
highlight the distinctive regional culture of New Jersey's frontier.

Northwestern New Jersey's 18th century gravemarkers provide a
happy medium between the stark but elaborate Puritan iconography of
eastern New Jersey's stone carvers and the white marble markers of the
lower Delaware Valley, which are generally devoid of ornament. Teetzel
and the D Carver were artisans who knew their clients' preferences and
carefully steered a middle ground between two distinct neighboring artis-
tic traditions. Moreover, their ability to work in both German and English
allowed them to span ethnic boundaries and reflects the distinctive
regional culture of which they were a part.

Anthropologists, geographers, and historians have long employed a
culture area approach in examining settlement patterns. This has certain-
ly been true of scholars focusing on the Middle Atlantic region.1 Working
within the even more circumscribed boundaries of New Jersey, Peter
Wacker and Charles Stansfield have succeeded in defining several region-
al cultures.2

Socially and economically, New Jersey's loyalties were divided
between the neighboring states of New York and Pennsylvania. Referring
to this situation, Benjamin Franklin described New Jersey as a "barrel
tapped at both ends."3 This major east- west rift aside, 18th century New
Jersey was one the most ethnically diverse of the thirteen colonies. Major
ethnic groups included English and Welsh, Scotch and Scotch Irish,
Dutch, French, Germans, and Swedes. Second- and third-generation
immigrants from New England also comprised a major portion of the
state's early settlers. The historian W. Winterbotham, writing in 1796,

126 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

summed up the situation as follows:

Many circumstances concur to render the character of the inhabitants vari-
ous in different parts of the State. They are a collection of Low Dutch,
Germans, English, Scotch, Irish, and New-Englanders, or their descen-
dants. National attachment and mutual convenience have generally
induced these several kinds of people to settle together in a body, and in
this way their peculiar national manners, customs and characters, are still
preserved, especially among the poorer class of people, who have little
intercourse with any but those of their own nation. Religion, although its
tendency is to unite people in those things that are essential to happiness,
occasions wide differences as to manners, customs, and even character.4

New Jersey's Colonial Gravemarkers

In terms of colonial gravemarkers, at least four distinct regional tradi-
tions are visible in the state. They correspond roughly with the various
national group enumerated by Winterbotham. East-central New Jersey -
modern Morris, Essex, Union, Middlesex, and Monmouth counties - was
the southernmost extension of the New England gravestone-carving
school. The slate gravemarkers of the Carolinas might be seen as a further
extension, but they were generally imported from New England and not
locally carved.5 East Jersey's sandstone carvers, many of whom were the
transplanted, though lineal descendants of New England's Puritans, pro-
duced gravemarkers which paralleled the three-phase evolution in New
England noted by Harriette Forbes, and later by James Deetz and Edwin
Dethlefsen.6 Beginning in the 1680s, New Jersey carvers in Elizabethtown
(now Elizabeth) and Newark carved death's heads, hourglasses, and
cherubs in local reddish-brown sandstone. In the mid-1 8th century
winged cherubs became more popular, and by the end of the 18th centu-
ry monogrammed stones had come to the fore.7

Southern New Jersey's gravemarkers have little in common with those
of the northern part of the state. With the exception of some informal
fieldstone markers, even the earliest colonial gravestones in this section of
the state were carved from marble. These marble markers, largely shorn
of decoration, though sometimes carved in shapes reminiscent of New
England gravestones, were almost all produced in Philadelphia. In fact,
there is no indication that a local carving tradition developed in the region
until the early 19th century, and even then these artisans, stranded on the
state's coastal plain, were dependent upon imported stone. The dividing
line between the iconographically rich markers of the northern segment

Richard F. Veit 127

of the state and the plain markers in the south follows the course of Route
33 as it runs across the state from Trenton in the west to Ocean Grove in
the east.

The only substantial, non-genealogical, study of southern New
Jersey's gravemarkers to date is Elizabeth Crowell's Ph.D. dissertation on
Cape May County's 18th-century gravemarkers.8 Crowell concluded that
the lack of ornamentation on these stones reflects the Quaker influence in
Philadelphia, which affected carvers who belonged to, and in many cases,
were serving other denominations.9 Her conclusions for Cape May
County also hold true for the early marble markers of Atlantic,
Burlington, Camden, Cumberland, Gloucester, Ocean, and Salem coun-
ties. These areas were generally settled by English immigrants or the
descendants of English immigrants moving south from New England.

Northeastern New Jersey's gravemarkers, while sharing general simi-
larities with those of the east-central portion of the state, show a higher
portion of Dutch-language carving. Currently, this region's 18th century
carving remains largely unexamined, and any further statements would
be premature.

The fourth and final culture region identified here, and the focus of
this article, is northwestern New Jersey, particularly Warren, Sussex, and
western Morris counties. Though this part of the state is located adjacent
to the Delaware River and contains some exceptionally fertile farmlands,
it remained a sparsely settled frontier until the late 18th century. A num-
ber of factors converged to limit European settlement in this region. First,
natural barriers impeded settlement; the Delaware River was navigable
only as far north as Trenton, a growing colonial settlement. Individuals
interested in traveling farther up the valley of the Delaware had to make
their way by foot or canoe. Second, the Kittatinny Ridge proved an
impediment to pioneers moving overland from the east. The same factors
which acted to limited European settlement made the region a natural
refuge for Native American populations displaced from other parts of the
state by burgeoning colonial populations.

When, in the years following the Revolution, full-scale movement into
this region began, it followed an unusual course. Most of the major migra-
tory efforts in American history have trended from east to west; however,
the settlement of northwestern New Jersey was due, in part, to an east-
ward migration. Many of these settlers were Scotch-Irish or Germans
traveling east from Pennsylvania.10 Most came from already established

128 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

settlements, but others were first-generation immigrants. According to
historian Hubert Schmidt, these Germans "Known generally as Pala-tines
. . . came from the Rhine Valley and contiguous areas. A combination of
religious persecution and long-time economic depression made many of
these people receptive to the idea of emigrating."11 Arriving near the end
of the colonial period, these settlers, and in particular the German emi-
gres, created a distinct regional culture with its own architectural style
and gravemarking tradition.

German-Language Gravemarkers in the Eastern United States

The best known colonial German-language gravemarkers in the east-
ern United States are found in Pennsylvania. To date, only two general
overviews of these rich and varied markers have been published. The first
was Preston Barba's Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study in Folk Art.12
Somewhat more recently, Thomas Graves published an excellent exposi-
tion entitled "Pennsylvania German Gravestones: An Introduction" in
Markers V. It is accompanied by a lengthy pictorial essay by Daniel and
Jessie Lie Farber.13 Brief introductions also appear in The Art of Rural
Pennsylvania, authored by Frances Lichten, and in Pennsylvania German
Folk Art: An Interpretation, by John Joseph Stout.14 Regional studies of
Germanic gravemarkers in Lebanon County and the Cocalico Valley have
also been carried out, but much work remains to be done.15

Pennsylvania's German-language gravemarkers are concentrated in
Berks, Lancaster, Lebanon, Lehigh, Montgomery, and Schuylkill counties.
Depending on when and where they were made, these gravestones were
carved from sandstone, slate, or marble. Iconographically, they differ con-
siderably from New England's gravemarkers. Leering death's heads,
even on the earliest gravemarkers, are quite rare. Instead, popular
German folk art motifs were employed, including "'trees of life'
(Lebensbaum) , hearts, suns, moons, and stars."16 Flowers, swastikas,
hearts, hex signs, and rosettes were also common. Rosettes also appear on
a handful of New Jersey gravemarkers. According to Thomas Graves:

The rosette has had many meanings and associations over the centuries,
especially among the German peoples, who have called the rosette a
Gliickstern (lucky star) or Gliickrad (Lucky wheel). The six-pointed star was
the symbol of Frau Sonne [lady sun] and Frau ¥ or tuna [lady fortune]. As
Lady Fortune operated the ever present wheel of fortune, the rosette is an
appropriate motif for a gravestone.17

Richard F. Veit 129

Many of the Pennsylvania German gravemarkers show distinct simi-
larities with contemporary Baroque gravemarkers found in the
Palatinate.18 Some of the local markers are quite thick, three to five inch-
es, and often they are elaborately decorated, sometimes on both faces as
well as on the sides. Many of the most ornate sandstone gravemarkers in
Pennsylvania are uninscribed. This puzzling situation has been explained
in various ways. As Graves notes, they may have been sample stones, sold
at discount to customers unable or unwilling to pay for inscriptions, or
they may have marked suicides."19 Another explanation is that inscrip-
tions and epitaphs were once painted on the markers but in the interven-
ing years have worn off.

Cherubs, often quite stout, with disproportionately small wings and
profile busts, also decorate the tympanums of several 18th century
Pennsylvania German gravemarkers. But they are infrequent, and do not
appear to correlate with the Great Awakening or any other religious
trends. The urn and willow is also noticeably absent, at least before the
19th century, when regional carving styles began to be subsumed by
national styles.

Three other popular designs were hearts, tulips, and the tree of life. As
Preston Barba notes:

In the course of time the heart was accepted as the seat of the human emo-
tions and took its place in German peasant art as the favored symbol of
life. ... As the token of love and human affections it is found everywhere in
folk art and continued to be a most favored symbol among our German
pioneers in Pennsylvania, whether in a secular sense as on datestones,
barns, and household utensils, textiles and ceramics, or with religious sig-
nificance on fraktur and on tombstones, frequently with a tree of life grow-
ing from it.20

Tulips were also common. In fact, Barba calls the tulip the "'sine qua
non' of our Pennsylvania German folk art." Tulips were introduced into
Germany by the Turks in the middle of the 16th century and, during the
following century, were the focus of intense interest. At first, they were
quite valuable and their possession was limited to the very wealthy; how-
ever, as time went on, they became popular with the middle and lower
classes. The flower's popularity carried over into the New World, where
the design became one of the most popular folk art motifs.

The tree of life, an ancient design with strong Biblical connotations, is
another popular motif. Barba associates its popularity with the

130 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Pennsylvania Germans to the pre-Christian tree worship practiced in cen-
tral and northern Europe.21 The symbol seems to have easily made the
transition to Christianity, where the practice of decorating with holly and
evergreens in the winter became common and is still well represented at
Christmas time today.

It should be noted that the gravemarkers of Moravian communities in
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and North Carolina are quite dissimilar from
the stones found in Lutheran, Reformed, and Union church cemeteries.
The Moravians favored small rectangular gravemarkers, often carved
from marble. They carried minimal information - generally the name,
age, and, in some cases, birthplace of the deceased. These markers were
laid flush with the ground. At least in North Carolina, the inscriptions
were highlighted with paint.22 These markers were intentionally shorn of
all decoration and reflect the equality of all the brethren in God's eyes.

The peripatetic 19th century historians John Barber and Henry Howe,
writing in their Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey, described the
Moravian cemetery at Hope, New Jersey as follows:

The graveyard, like most of this denomination, is laid out as a garden and
planted with trees, under which are seats for visitors. The graves are
devoid of the disagreeable coffin-like shape of our own; but resemble
flower-beds, and in many cases are covered with myrtle and other orna-
mental plants. The monuments are small slabs laid horizontally upon the
graves, the inscriptions uppermost, and bearing simply the name, age, and
place of decease ... A slab of gray stone about two feet long is laced hori-
zontally over each grave with a simple inscription, recording the name,
birth, and death.23

As Ruth Little, author of Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of North
Carolina Gravemarkers, notes, "Differences in wealth and social status so
obvious in the materials, size, and design of gravemarkers in other ceme-
teries were intentionally and completely absent from God's Acres" [the
Moravian cemeteries].24

New Jersey's German-Language Markers

In New Jersey, German-language gravemarkers are found in Warren,
Sussex, and Morris counties. These three northwestern counties were set-
tled, in part, by eastward-moving German immigrants, arriving in the
mid- and late 18th century. The earliest surviving Germanic gravemark-
ers date to the 1760s. They were generally carved on fieldstone and show

Richard F. Veit 131

a minimum of decoration. It was not until the 1780s that two carvers
began to regularly provide for the commemorative needs of this region's
settlers. One of these carvers, John Solomon Teetzel, signed many of his
stones and carved in a distinctive style, allowing his work to identified
with some degree of surety. The other carver, who simply signed his
stones "D," or in one case "J.S.D," may have been Jacob Dodderer, a resi-
dent of Stillwater, a hamlet in Hardwick Township, Sussex County.
Dodderer, who was born on July 28, 1742 in Murhardt, Wuerttemberg,
Germany, is the only individual with the correct combination of initials to
appear in any of the standard local histories.25 However, as the attribution
is currently unconfirmed, he will be referred to simply as "the D Carver"
or "Herr D" in this article.

The D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel were the two most active
German-language gravestone carvers in northwestern New Jersey. Herr D
carved 20 gravemarkers between 1785 and 1799, while his contemporary,
Teetzel, carved at least 99 gravemarkers between 1789 and 1800. Both men
worked a fine-grained local sandstone that varies in color from light gray
to tan. They also employed similar decorative motifs: flowers, four-point-
ed stars, and hearts. Neither carver left behind a particularly rich docu-
mentary record. While this makes understanding their motivations more
challenging, it also highlights the importance of these artifacts for under-
standing the past.

Both D and Teetzel worked, and presumably lived, in Hardwick, New
Jersey. During their lives, Hardwick [also spelled Hartwick] was part of
Sussex County: today it is part of Warren County.26 Hardwick is bounded
on the southeast and south by Paulinskill Creek, on the northwest by
Pahaquarry Township, and on the southwest by Blairstown Township. As
late as 1880, it had a population of 583.27 The area's first settlers arrived in
the 1730s and 1740s, and included both Germans and Quakers. The earli-
est surviving record of a town meeting in the township, which dates to
March 8, 1774, lists a Jacob Dodderer as "Surveyor of the Highways." He
also appears as a freeholder in 1799.28 Dodderer, or one of his relatives,
may well have been the D Carver.

Jacob Dodderer, the D Carver?

Sporadic references to Dodderer appear in the colonial documents of
northwestern New Jersey. In 1775, Elizabeth Collins, an orphan, chose
him as her guardian, and as early as 1771 he was witnessing wills and tak-

132 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

ing inventories for his neighbors.29 Dodderer was bilingual, and some of
the inventories he compiled were written in German while others were in
English. He continued to serve his neighbors in this capacity until 1801
when, perhaps due to advanced age, he ceased his labors. During this
time he compiled some 14 inventories. Dodderer died on April 30, 1813.
He was survived by his wife, Lydia. His son Abram, daughter Elizabeth,
and grandson Peter are mentioned in his will. At his death, he was a mod-
erately wealthy individual, with a household inventory valued at $455.39,
somewhat above the average of his neighbors. He also owned a gristmill
and farmland totaling over 100 acres.30

Twenty gravemarkers carved by the D Carver are found in the
Stillwater Cemetery. Seven of them are signed. As noted earlier, the mark-
ers do not bear his full name, but are simply inscribed D, or in one case
J.S.D. The earliest of his products dates to 1748; however, it is probably
backdated. It marks the graves of two sisters, members of the Windem or
Windemuth (also spelled Wintermuth and Windenmuthen) family. This
family grouping comprises the most interesting and elaborate set of 18th-
century German-language markers in the state. Because they are so
unusual, and contain such detailed information, full translations from the
German are provided here. I have taken the liberty of modernizing archa-
ic grammatical forms.

As mentioned above, the earliest gravemarker is for M.C.F.W. and
M.I.W., two sisters, who died in 1748 (Fig.l). The marker has a bilobate
top and is decorated with two hearts, within which are displayed the ini-
tials of the sisters. A single footstone, likewise decorated with two hearts,
also commemorates the sisters. The lettering on the headstone is in
German but uses English-style letters, with dots and colons used to sepa-
rate words. The marker reads:

IN IN

DEM THIS

GRABE GRAVE

RUHEN 2 SCH WESTERN REST 2 SISTERS

BEYDE GESTORBEN AN BOTH DIED IN

1748.: M.C.F. WINDEM 1748: M.C.F. WINDEM

GEBOH. D. 11 NOV 1740 BORN THE 11TH OF NOVEMBER 1740

GESTOR.D. 29 IAN 1748 DIED THE 29TH IANUARY 1748

M.I.W.GEBOH. D.27. M.I.W. BORN THE 27TH

MAY 1744. GESTOR. MAY 1744. DIED

D. 31. JAN. 1748 THE 31 JANUARY 1748

Richard F. Veit

133

On the reverse the stone is signed "IWM 1785 D." The initials "IWM" may
represent the friend or family member who commissioned the stone; 1785
is apparently the year it was carved, nearly forty years after the sisters
died; and D was the carver.

Another gravemarker, apparently erected at the same time as that for
the Windem sisters, marks the resting place of John Peter Bernhard. This
marker has an arched top and is undecorated, but displays a simple band
outlining the stone's border. It reads:

HIER

RUHET DER JOH.
PET. BERNHARD.
GEBOH: ZU KERSEN
HEIM DER GRAF-
SCHAFT BOLANDEN
IN EUROPA.:.ER 1ST
MIT FRAU U. KINDEN
IN AMERICA KOMEN
ANO 1731 UND
STARB DEN 28.
AUG. ANO 1748

HERE

RESTS JOHN

PETER BERNHARD

BORN IN KERSENHEFM

IN THE EARLDOM OF

BOLANDEN

FN EUROPE.

WITH HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN

HE CAME TO AMERICA

IN 1731 AND

DIED THE 28TH

AUGUST 1748

This stone is also inscribed "IWM 1785 D" on its reverse face.

A third marker, again believed to have been carved by the D Carver,
stands nearby. It too was made from the same gray sandstone and
inscribed with a thin border around the edge. The stone is for "MARG,"
presumably Margaret Elizabeth Windemuthin (Fig. 2). It is inscribed:

M.E.W.
ALHIER
RUHET
MARGrELIS.
WINDEMUTHFN
GEBOHRNE BERNHART
1ST GEBORN ANO
1721 D:5 AUG ZU
KERZENHEIM FN DER
GRAFSCHAFT BOLAN
DEN IN EUROPA.
FN AMERICA KOMEN
MIT VATER u .MUT-
TER u. 2 SCHWEST
ANO 1731. STARB
D. 15. FEBRUARY ANO
1800. IHR ALTER
WAR 78 JAHR 6
MONATH u 10 TAG

M.E.W.

HERE

RESTS

MARG: ELIS

WINDEMUTHIN

BORN BERNHART [maiden name]

BORN ON

THE 5TH OF AUGUST IN THE YEAR 1721

IN KERZENHEFM IN THE

EARLDOM OF BOLANDEN

IN EUROPE

CAME TO AMERICA

WITH HER MOTHER AND FATHER

AND 2 SISTERS

IN 1731. DIED

THE 15TH OF FEBRUARY IN

1800, HER AGE

WAS 78 YEARS, 6

MONTHS AND 10 DAYS

134

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 2. Marg. Elis. Windemuthin headstone,
1800, Stillwater Cemetery.

Richard F. Veit

135

Although this gravemarker is not signed on the reverse like the others, a
small D is inscribed on the front near its base (Fig. 3). It is also interesting
that the English word "February" is employed in the otherwise German
inscription. This may be a hint that the carver was bilingual and slipped
between languages as he was carving.

The next gravemarker in this family grouping is for John George
Windemuth. It is the tallest of the group, standing roughly four feet in
height, and is cut in a head and shoulder form. Again, a thin band runs
around the outer edge of the marker's face and separates an oval area at
the top from the body of the marker (Fig. 4). The initials IGW are inscribed
twice in the "head" portion of the marker. This appears to have been a
deliberate attempt to obscure a face which was carved on the "head," then
rubbed away before the initials were carved. It seems that the carver
etched a very crude cherub at the top of the stone; then, for some
unknown reason, he attempted to remove the design. The initials were
clearly carved by the D Carver. Cherubs were commonly carved on mark-
ers in the graveyards of eastern New Jersey from the 1730s until the 1780s;

Fig. 3. Detail showing the small D carved at the base of
Marg. Elis. Windemuthin headstone.

136

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 4. John George Windemuth headstone, 1782, Stillwater Cemetery,

the most elaborate example of the D Carver's work.

A simple face carved at the top of the stone was rubbed out and

replaced with the initials of the deceased.

Richard F. Veit

137

perhaps Herr D chose to emulate a carving he had seen in another part of
the state. In the survey carried out for this study, I was only able to find
three other 18th century cherubs in Warren and Sussex counties. All of
them mark the graves of persons of English descent with close genealog-
ical ties to eastern New Jersey. These markers were carved by Uzal Ward
of Newark and Ebenezer Price of Elizabethtown. The person who com-
missioned the gravemarker may have found this cherub, a graven image,
unacceptable and it was removed. A similar face carved on an accompa-
nying footstone was left intact, but is today nearly obscured by lichen
(Fig. 5). The inscription on the headstone reads:

I.G.W.
I.G.W.

ALHIER
RUHET IN GOT
JOH: GEORG WIN
DEMUTH, GEBOHREN
D: 11 MAY 1711 IN PUNG
STAD IN EUROPA. NACH
AMERICA KOMEN ANO 1736
VERHEYRATH MIT, M:
ELIS BERNHARDT IN ANO
1739, UND ZEUGETEN 8
KINDER : LEBETE IM
EHESTAND 43 JAHR
UND 3 MONATH. ANO
1782 DEN 19 DEC.
UM 10 UHR STARB ER
SEIN ALTER WAR 71
JAHR 3 MON: UND 8
TAGE UND VERLIES
3 SOHNE UND 3 TOCH
TER LEBEND

HERE

RESTS IN GOD

JOHN GEORGE WINDEMUTH

BORN ON

THE 11TH MAY 1711 IN PUNGSTAD

IN EUROPE. HE CAME TO

AMERICA IN 1736

AND MARRIED

M. ELIS. BERNHARDT IN THE

THE YEAR 1739, AND BEGAT 8

CHILDREN. LIVED IN

WEDLOCK 43 YEARS

AND 3 MONTHS. IN THE YEAR

1782 ON THE 19TH OF DECEMBER AT

TEN O'CLOCK HE DIED

HIS AGE WAS 71

YEARS, 3 MONTHS AND 8

DAYS AND HE LEFT

3 SONS AND 3 DAUGHTERS

STILL LIVFNG

On the reverse of the headstone is an inscription in German that in trans-
lation reads "This stone was made in 1785, D"As mentioned above, the
accompanying footstone is inscribed with a crude face, the initials of the
deceased, and the year 1782.

The fifth and final example in this series may have been the marker
that led to the whole group. It is for Joh. Heinr. Schuster, who died in
February 1785. Its inscription records that Herr Schuster was born in

138

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 5. John George Windemuth footstone.
It too features a simple face carved in the tympanum.

Richard F. Veit

139

Fig. 6. John Schuster headstone, 1785, Stillwater Cemetery.
Note the small soul or ghost carved at the base of the stone.

140 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Birschdorf in Europe in 1720, married M. Glockner in 1740, lived in wed-
lock 45 years, and died February 6, 1785 at the age of 63. Again, the mark-
er shows the thin border; however, rising from the base of the stone is a
small figure which appears to be a ghost (Fig. 6). A footstone accompanies
the headstone: it displays a skull and crossbones bearing the deceased's
initials and an inscription in German, which, when translated, reads "I
rest and sleep in peace."

In terms of their inscriptions, these markers employ two conventions
also seen on Pennsylvania's German-language gravemarkers: the spousal
biography and the immigration biography. According to Graves, "The
'spousal' or 'family' biography names the husband or wife and usually
one or more of the following items: the wife's maiden name, the year the
couple was married, the number of children." He continues, "The features
of an immigrant biography include the immigrant's place of birth and
sometimes ... the year of immigration."31 By employing these forms, a
wealth of genealogical information is provided.

Perhaps these three families, the Schusters, Windemuths, and
Bernhardts, had come to America together. If they arrived in Stillwater in
the 1730s from Bolanden and Pungstad, they would have been on the very
edge of the frontier. When Joh. Schuster died, not one, but four grave-
markers and accompanying footstones were carved. Each is different in
its particulars, but similar in overall design. All are signed "D" on either
the front or the back and were apparently the work of the same artisan.
Perhaps, with Schuster's passing, one of his survivors decided the time
was appropriate to permanently commemorate the first European settlers
in the region.

Herr D produced some fourteen other stones, two of which are signed.
The signed markers are for Martin Schwartzwetter, who died in 1795, and
George Ginsburg, who died in 1799. Both differ significantly from his pre-
viously described work. They are not carved using English lettering, but
in German gothic lettering. The D Carver's English lettering employed
several lettering conventions which allow his work to be easily distin-
guished. His "I," though capitalized, is dotted. The number 1 forks at its
base, and the letters G and E have triangular tails. These two stones, on
the other hand, employ gothic lettering which is indistinguishable from
John Solomon Teetzel's carving. Schwartzwetter 's stone is signed with a
small D in the lower front (Fig. 7). Ginsburg's is signed J.S.D. Neither is
ornamented, and their forms are more regular than D's earlier work.

Richard F. Veit

141

Fig. 7. Martin Schwartz wetter gravemarker (1795), Stillwater

Cemetery. Signed D, the marker's form and carving strongly

resembles John Solomon Teetzel's work. The epitaph reads:

'Here in the earth I will remain, free from all worry and trouble, until

the Day of judgement, when Christ as my shepherd, will extend his

kind hand and reawaken me to live in joy and glory."

142 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

The inscriptions are also different. Gone is the detailed genealogical
information, replaced by rhyming epitaphs in German. These stones,
while quite dissimilar from D's earlier work, bear a strong resemblance to
the work of John Solomon Teetzel, the most prolific of northwestern New
Jersey's stone carvers. In fact, the lettering is so different from D's other
stones that, if these markers were not signed, they could easily have been
assigned to Teetzel. The combination of initials is similar too, but the last
letter is distinctly a D, not a G. As carvers sometimes worked together,
and occasionally collaborated on the same gravemarkers, it is possible
that the D Carver and Teetzel did in fact work together on these stones.
Still, if Teetzel did the lettering, it is surprising that someone else signed
the markers. For now, these gravemarkers remain somewhat puzzling.

John Solomon Teetzel in Hardwick

John Solomon Teetzel is only slightly less enigmatic than the D Carver.
According to his own gravemarker, located in Trafalgar Township, Halton
County, Ontario, Canada, John (Johannis) Solomon Teetzel (Tietsel) was
born in "Upper Saxony Germany" on February 27, 1762.32 Research in
DAR records by genealogist Albert King indicates that an individual with
this same name served as a private from New York State during the
American Revolution.33 However, Henry Havens, author of a General
Index to the Laws of the State of New York, notes that one Johannis Tietsel
arrived in New York City as a passenger from Germany on the ship
GREEN LEAF in 1789.34 If the Teetzel who landed in 1789 is our man, he
would have been 27 years old on his arrival in the young United States
and could not have served in the Revolution, as it had ended six years ear-
lier. An arrival date of 1789 also correlates quite well with his signed
gravestones, which primarily date from the 1790s.

Teetzel was apparently not a landowner, and no tax records exist to
cast light on his financial status. He was clearly literate, and perhaps
because of this he, like his contemporary and possible co-worker the D
Carver, assisted in taking several inventories in the 1790s. On February 24,
1 794, he and Conrad Arwine made an inventory for John Kunkle, Jr. of
Hardwick. In 1795, he witnessed the will of George Keen, Sr., also of
Hardwick, and on January 3, 1799, he witnessed the will of John Henry
Snover of Knowlton, Sussex County. Just over a month later he and
Abraham Bescherer made Snover's inventory.35 This correlation between
taking inventories and providing gravemarkers is interesting, and may

Richard F. Veit 143

simply reflect the literacy of these two carvers in a community where lit-
eracy may not have been widespread. Although Teetzel and Dodderer
recorded numerous inventories and wills, these documents fail to record
any payment for cutting gravestones or for other burial expenses. In fact,
references to gravestone carvers are notoriously rare in New Jersey, mak-
ing the identification of carvers somewhat more challenging than in New
England, where payments to carvers are regularly noted in these docu-
ments.

Teetzel carved and signed gravemarkers in New Jersey from 1789 to
1800. During this period of eleven years, he made 99 gravestones and was
the single most active carver identified in the northwestern portion of the
state. His work is found in fourteen cemeteries in four counties: Morris,
Somerset, Sussex, and Warren (see Fig. 8 and Table 1). It is concentrated
within the area settled by German immigrants in the late 18th century.
Cemeteries with sizable numbers of his stones are associated with the Old
Stone Union Church in Long Valley (founded c.1759); the Stillwater
Presbyterian Church (founded by 1769); and, the Yellow Frame
Presbyterian Church (founded 1786) on Dark Moon Road, also in Sussex
County. The first two churches were home to important German congre-
gations. Interestingly, Stillwater Presbyterian Church was begun as the
"Lutheran Congregation of Hartwick" and subsequently became a Dutch
Reformed Church and, eventually, a Presbyterian congregation36

All told, Teetzel' s work is found from Newton in the north to
Lamington in the south, and from Sparta in the east to the Delaware
River. The D Carver's work, on the other hand, is found only in
Stillwater. It is worth mentioning that a tour of eastern Pennsylvania's
18th century cemeteries failed to reveal any markers produced by these
two carvers.

Despite serving German congregations, the majority of Teetzel's
gravemarkers - 86 in all - are inscribed in English, while only 13 were
carved in German. Two of the latter are signed. Many of the English-lan-
guage markers are for individuals of known German descent. However,
Teetzel was nearly the only carver in town, so during the 1790s almost all
the local gravemarkers were carved by him. Only occasionally is a
Philadelphia carver or an East Jersey carver represented.

144

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 8. Images of gravemarkers on the map indicate approximate
locations where stones carved by John Solomon Teetzel are found.

Richard F. Veit

145

Cemetery

Number of
Location Teetzel Markers

Fairmont Presbyterian

Tewksbury Hunterdon Co.

Long Valley German
Reformed and Lutheran
or Old Stone Union

Long Valley Morris Co.

Lamington Presbyterian

Bedminster, Somerset Co.

Newton

Newton, Sussex Co.

Stillwater

Stillwater, Sussex Co.

Vaughan

Sparta, Sussex Co.

Blair Academy

Blairstown, Warren Co.

First Presbyterian Oxford

Oxford, Warren Co.

Yellow Frame Presbyterian

Frelinghuysen, Warren Co.,
on Sussex Co. border

10.

Johnsonburg Christian

Frelinghuysen, Warren Co.

11.

Knowlton Presbyterian

Blairstown, Warren Co.

12.

Saint James Lutheran

Greenwich, Warren Co.

13.

Swayze Family

Hope, Warren Co.

14.

Union Brick Church

Blairstown, Warren Co.

Total

Table 1. Cemeteries containing gravemarkers carved by

John Solomon Teetzel. The Stillwater Cemetery also contains

20 gravemarkers carved by the D Carver.

Very little is known about Teetzel's life, other than his work as a stone
carver. Gravestone carving was most likely not his primary occupation.
Some years saw him carve only four or five gravemarkers, hardly enough
to support a craftsman and his family. In 1792, Teetzel cut only one mark-
er. During the mid-1 790s, from 1793 to 1796, he averaged fourteen stones
a year. He remained productive until 1800, carving four stones in that year
(see Table 2).

146

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Year or Time Period

Number of Dated Markers

1770s

1780-1788

1789

1790

1791

1792

1793

1794

1795

1796

1797

1798

1799

1800

Total

Table 2. Number of gravemarkers
carved by Teetzel per year (1789-1800).

Several backdated Teetzel gravemarkers also exist. The earliest dates from
1776 and marks the final resting place of Mary Brown; another, dated
1783, is for Catherine Rice, and the third, from 1788, is for Christopher
Adams. In all three cases, a husband or wife had died and their heirs wait-
ed for the surviving spouse to pass away before purchasing a matched
pair of gravemarkers.

Teetzel' s markers are somewhat easier to identify than are those of the
D Carver. While the D Carver utilized a gray, fine-grained sandstone,
Teetzel used both gray sandstone and an iron-stained tan sandstone. It is
my belief that Teetzel chose these colorful stones for their aesthetic quali-
ties. Moreover, Teetzel's markers are quite regular in form, with squared
edges, while D's have no sharp corners and are generally curvier.

In his ten years of carving, Teetzel signed 44 of his gravemarkers,
roughly 45% of those he produced (see Table 3). All but one are signed on
the obverse. His most common mark was simply an uppercase T in the
bottom center of the gravemarker. Less frequently, he would carve his ini-
tials, J.S.T., above a small image of a gravestone (see Fig. 9). This was
always located at the bottom of the stone. In some cases he carved the
name J.S. Teetzel in the same location. On Catherine Flack's gravemarker
in the Long Valley Union Cemetery, he carved TEETZEL in large capital

Richard F. Veit

147

letters across the roughly-finished back of the stone. His most informative
signature is on the Debora Do we stone, which dates to 1796. Located in
the Swayze Family Cemetery on Route 519 in Hope Township, it is signed
on the front, near the base, "Teetzel in Hard wick" (Fig. 10). Surprisingly,
the inscription on this gravemarker is attributed to T. Cool. Perhaps Cool
was Dowe's bethrothed.

Signed Teetzel Gravemarkers Number

Upper-Case letter "T" 36

Name: "Teetzel" 4

Initials: "J.S.T" 2

Name and Initials: "T.S.Teetzel" 1

Name and location: "Teetzel in Hardwick" 1

Table 3. Various signatures used by Teetzel on
gravemarkers he carved.

Fig. 9. Johannes Kunesset gravemarker, 1794, Stillwater Cemetery.

One of the ways John Solomon Teetzel marked his gravestones was

with his initials and a small image of a gravemarker.

148

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Teetzel's lettering was also distinctive, and it aids in identifying his
work. Prior to lettering a stone, he lightly etched guidelines across its sur-
face. In some cases, these are still visible. Three characteristics are most
useful in identifying his lettering. All of his As have a downward-point-
ing central bar. Terminal ds, as in the word "aged," are always lowercase,
even though all other letters are carved uppercase. And the letter I, as was
the case with the D Carver, is always dotted. While D would split words
with a simple "-," Teetzel used an "=" sign. On English-language grave-
markers, extremely elaborate cursive lettering was occasionally used to
inscribe the initials of the deceased on the stone's tympanum (see Fig. 11).
Only his German-language carving was done using Gothic lettering (Fig.
12). Regardless of language, the letters are well formed and clearly cut.

Other characteristics serve to distinguish his work. All of his grave-
markers have a border, generally lA inch wide, carved so as to parallel the
edges of the stone. The stones are very evenly shaped, with smoothed
sides and face. Almost all have rectangular bodies with arched tympa-

Fig. 10. Debra Dowe gravemarker, 1796, Swayze Family Cemetery,

Hope Township. Inscribed "TEETZEL IN HARDWICK,"

it is the only marker that notes where Teetzel worked.

Richard F. Veit

149

M(l I

) J

I HL H IGI

I. "HE.' • vr:

Fig. 11. Peter B. Shaver gravemarker, 1799, Stillwater Cemetery.
A good example of a Teetzel monogram.

150

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 12. Martha Flach gravemarker, 1793, Long Valley Lutheran/Union
Cemetery. An illustration of Teetzel's German-language carving skills.

Richard F. Veit

151

nums. The rare exceptions are shared gravemarkers which mark the rest-
ing places of two family members and have bilobate tops.

Teetzel's iconographic vocabulary was somewhat broader than the D
Carver's, yet did not include anthropomorphic images. All of Teetzel's
designs were very lightly carved in the tympanum of the gravemarker.
Other than the aforementioned borders, he did not employ secondary
design motifs such as flowers, ivy, or columns, as are commonly found in
sidebars paralleling the edges of 18th century East Jersey gravemarkers.

Common Teetzel designs include simple flowers (Fig. 13), ivy, four-
pointed stars (Fig. 14), and, most commonly, the monogram of the
deceased (see Fig. 11). In a series of seminal works written in the late 1960s

Jt-

iui_niur::ANNA

■BOTH F>0KN i FXR1]A^ J h1*- m
..ONtlPlfo TOT &

Fig. 13. Philip and Anna Miller gravemarker, 1793, Yellow Frame

Presbyterian Church cemetery. The lightly incised quatrefoil flowers

which decorate this stone are one of Teetzel's favorite designs.

152

Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Fig. 14. Catherina Flach gravemarker, 1793, shows another

characteristic Teetzel design, a four pointed star. The inscription

translates as "Here rests Catharina Flach, who died November 9th,

1793, aged 22 years 9 months, 3 weeks, and 3 days. She is now counted

among the children of God and her place is among the Saints. In the

book of Wisdom (Psalms), 3rd chapter, 3rd verse."

Richard F. Veit 153

and early 1970s, anthropologists James Deetz and Edwin Dethlefsen
argued for a three-stage evolution in gravemarker decoration: death's
head, cherub, and urn and willow. The graveyards of northeastern New
Jersey also display the death's heads, and cherubs; however, urns and wil-
lows are generally absent. As already noted, southern New Jersey's
gravemarkers are shorn of almost all decoration. In the northern part of
the state, the monogram seems to have been a substitute for the urn and
willow.

Deetz argued that the urn and willow reflected a "growing seculariza-
tion of religion."37 I would argue that the monogram reflects an increas-
ing emphasis on the individual. While the earlier death's heads and
cherubs were abstract representations of spiritual beliefs, only infrequent-
ly are true portraits of the deceased shown on their gravemarkers.
However, by the end of the 18th century, a new emphasis had come to be
placed on the individual. At the same time, gravemarkers became avail-
able to a wider segment of the population than ever before, thanks in part
to the efforts of rural artisans like the D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel.
The fact that they opted to sign their work is equally revealing in terms of
this change.

Teetzel' s monograms are quite elaborate, and consist of swirling,
curlicued letters, struck boldly into the stone. His other designs are much
less common. Table 4 enumerates the number of gravemarkers with dif-
ferent decorative motifs. Monograms were the most common design. At
the same time, it is readily apparent that most of Teetzel' s gravemarkers
were undecorated.

Decorative Motif Number of Markers

Ivy 1

Star-Like Design 2

Four-Lobe Rowers 11

Monogram 24

Table 4. Decorative motifs employed on Teetzel gravemarkers.

The inscriptions on Teetzel' s gravemarkers, as well as those carved by
the D Carver, are equally informative. Out of 99 gravemarkers, 49 bear
epitaphs or Biblical verses in addition to their other inscriptions.
However, when German-language and English-language gravemarkers

154 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

are separated, some differences become readily apparent. All of the
German-language gravemarkers have either an epitaph or Bible verse in
addition to their basic inscription. On the other hand, forty-three of the
English-language gravemarkers - roughly 44% - have Bible verses or epi-
taphs. On the gravemarkers inscribed in English, epitaphs were more
than twice as common as Bible verses, while on the German-language
gravemarkers the ratio was reversed (see Table 5). Several of the German-
language markers designate these verses as Leichen Text or funeral ser-
mons. The presence of texts read at the funeral on gravemarkers is also
common in Pennsylvania German cemeteries. University of Pennsylvania
Professor of Folklore Donald Yoder recollects a single gravemarker which
listed "the hymn sung at the house, the hymn sung at church, and the
hymn sung at the graveside."38

Though the sample of markers with Biblical insciptions is too small for
substantial inferences to be derived from it, it is worth noting that the
English gravemarkers with Bible verses show a slightly higher percentage
of New Testament citations than do the German gravemarkers. Overall,
Matthew, Psalms, and Isaiah are the most frequently cited books of the
Bible.

English English

Epitaph Bible Verse

31 12

German

Epitaph

Bible Verse

Table 5. Epitaphs and Biblical verses employed on gravemarkers
carved by the D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel.

The English-language epitaphs are similar to those found in New
England and northeastern New Jersey, as for instance:

My Glass is Run
My Time is Spend
No Mortal Souls
Can Death Prevent

(Patrick Brown, 1791, Lamington Presbyterian Cemetery).

Richard F. Veit

155

The use of "spend," as opposed to spent, in "My Time is Spend," appears
on several of Teetzel's gravemarkers. Teetzel's most unusual English-lan-
guage epitaph appears on the previously discussed gravemarker of
Debora Do we, who died at the age of 19 on April 28, 1796. It reads:

Sleep On and Rest Here in The
Tomb The Bridegroom
Jesus Called The Home
But Sleep Till We Do Meet
Above Then We Will Dwell
In Joy and Love T. Cool

Teetzel in Hardwick

Apparently T. Cool was the author of the epitaph on this stone, which
is found in the Swayze Family Cemetery in Hope Township. The Cool
family was one of the first families to settle in this area of northwestern
New Jersey.

Teetzel's German-language epitaphs resemble the English-language
ones in form but differ in phrasing. The gravemarker of Matthias Flach
(1770-1793) in the Union Church Cemetery in Long Valley provides a
good example:

HIER IN DIESER
GRABE RUHET
MATTHIAS FLACH 1ST
GEBOREN DEN 19 MAY
1770 UND 1ST GESTORBEN
DEN 27 NOVEMBER 1793
WIRD ALT 23 IAHR 6
MONATE UND 8 TAGE
UNTER DIESEN STEINE
DARUBER MEIN GEBEIN
VON ALLEN SORG U: PLAG
BIS AN DEN JUNGSTEN
TAG:

HERE IN THIS

GRAVE RESTS

MATTHIAS FLACH

WAS BORN THE 19TH OF MAY

1770 AND DIED

THE 27 NOVEMBER 1793

WAS 23 YEARS OLD, 6

MONTHS AND 8 DAYS

UNDER THIS STONE

OVER MY BONES

FROM ALL TROUBLES AND PROBLEMS

UNTIL THE NEW

DAY

Another common German-language epitaph is in fact a Biblical quote (Job
14:1), but is not provided with a citation. It appears, for example, on the
Martha Flach (1793-1793) gravemarker in the same cemetery:

156 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

DER MENSCH VON MAN THAT IS

WEIBE GEBOREN LE= BORN OF WOMAN

BEN NUR EINE KURZE IS OF FEW DAYS

ZEIT UND 1ST VOLLER AND IS FULL OF

UNRUHE TROUBLE

Presumably, the phrase was so well known that no reference was needed.

Abner Stewart: Teetzel's Successor

Despite his success as a carver, Teetzel's career in New Jersey closed in
1800, at which point Abner Stewart, a carver trained in the East Jersey
style, appears to have taken over much of Teetzel's old stomping grounds.
Stewart carved solely in English and worked in Marksboro, a crossroads
village within Hardwick Township. His stones, while masterfully carved,
were somewhat more reserved than those of Teetzel. The only decoration
employed on the markers were small initials, sometimes within a car-
touche, and occasionally sidebars.

Stewart had been trained by Ebenezer Price, the most active of the East
Jersey carvers. Price's shop in Elizabethtown, New Jersey shipped grave-
markers as far away as North Carolina and the Caribbean. However, Price
did not penetrate the northwestern New Jersey market. Stewart was
apparently a trial for his master, who advertised for the runaway appren-
tice on June 4th of 1788:

THREE POUNDS REWARD

Run away from the subscriber about 3 weeks ago, an apprentice boy,
named Abner Stewart, strong and able, nearly 20 years, 5 feet 8 inches high,
brown hair, bluish eyes, cloathed in a half worn suit of blue coating, plated
buttons, and good wool hat; went away on account of a riot, & c.
Committed in this town, in which he was supposed to have been an aggres-
sor; it all being settled by his father, who is desirous that he should return
to his master and serve out his time, being his duty and interest to do so.
All persons are hereby forewarned entertaining, employing or carrying
him off, but should he return immediately, all shall be well, if not, whoev-
er will take up said apprentice and bring him home, or secure him in any
gaol so that his sad master may have him again shall have the above
reward, and all reasonable charged paid by

Ebenezer Price,

Stonecutter.

Elizabethtown, June 3, 178839

Richard F. Veit 157

Stewart apparently returned, for roughly a year later he became the pro-
prietor of his former master's shop. However, by the late 1790s he had
moved from Elizabethtown to northwestern New Jersey, where he carved
into the first decade of the 19th century.

Teetzel after Hardwick

For unknown reasons, John Solomon Teetzel stopped carving grave-
markers in New Jersey, and presumably left the state in 1801. He next sur-
faces in Trafalgar Township, Halton County, Ontario, Canada in 1814.
Carole Hanks' Early Ontario Gravestones illustrates the gravemarker of
Hannah Nelles, dated April 28th, 1814, which appears to have been
carved by his hand.40 On April 5, 1819, Teetzel purchased 100 acres in
Trafalgar Township.41 Unfortunately, no will or inventory survives for
him. However, even on the Canadian frontier he continued to carve
gravemarkers. Teetzel's own gravemarker also survives in the Palermo
United Church Cemetery in Trafalgar Township. It reads:

John Solomon Teetzel

b. 27th Feb. 1762 d. 4th Dec. 1836

in the 75th year of his age

a native of Upper Saxony, Germany.

Conclusions

In the years after the American Revolution, thanks to the efforts of two
stoneworkers, John Solomon Teetzel, and another man known simply as
the D Carver, northwestern New Jersey was home to an unusual collec-
tion of German- and English-language gravemarkers. This article is meant
to serve simply as an introduction to these gravemarkers, which are
found in Sussex, Warren, Morris, and Somerset counties. These simple
memorials commemorate the unique Anglo-German subculture which
flourished in northwestern New Jersey at the end of the 18th century.

Their iconography is distinct from that found in other parts of the
state. With a few noteworthy exceptions, the skulls, crossbones, and
cherubs seen on many northern New Jersey gravestones are missing.
Instead, Teetzel and the D Carver employed some of the designs associat-
ed with Pennsylvania and the Palatinate's rich carving traditions: flowers,
stars, and hearts. While the D Carver was the more inventive of the two
artisans, placing, for example, a small ghost-like figure at the base of one

158 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

stone, Teetzel's work is plain but solid. However, Teetzel produced very
different markers for his English and German clients. On English-lan-
guage stones enormous ciphers sometimes stretch across the entire tym-
panum of the gravemarker, leaving no doubt about the identity of the
deceased. For German clients, he employed Biblical passages and Gothic
lettering.

Although the gravemarkers tell us somethings about New Jersey's
early German settlers, they speak more about the influence of certain tal-
ented individuals in shaping the cultural landscapes we inhabit today.
The D Carver and Teetzel were the first identifiable individuals to regu-
larly carve gravemarkers in northwestern New Jersey. The stones they
crafted undoubtedly were influenced by their clients' preferences, but
they were also shaped by their own skills and interests. Only once did the
D Carver attempt to produce a cherub, and it would appear that the mark-
er drew a less than salutory review. Teetzel, despite clear skill with a chis-
el, carved a very limited repertoire of designs and epitaphs. The work of
these artisans provides a cautionary tale for interpreters of mortuary art.
A few conservative, or alternatively inventive, carvers have the power of
producing gravemarkers that tell us as much about their individual psy-
chology as about the larger cultural trends they exist within.

Finally, Teetzel and the D Carver were, in a sense, working on bor-
rowed time. They were working at the tail end of the vernacular carving
period in New Jersey. In the early 19th century, a wave of bleached white
marble markers, often shorn of all decoration, drowned out the distinctive
regional vernacular styles that had flourished over the previous hundred
years. From Maine to Tennessee, Philadelphia-style white marble markers
became the norm of the young republic. Only in a few small pockets did
traditional carving persist. The neoclassical revival style popularized in
England and carved by full-time professional carvers had emerged, and
with slowly improving transportation networks allowed a few profes-
sionals to subsume the back-country artisans.42 In New Jersey, some
carvers made the transition to the newly imported medium. Others, such
as Teetzel, did not. Instead, he went further west (and north) to a new
frontier, where his craftsmanship was still in demand. Of course, we will
never know for sure what motivated his move, but with his departure the
short-lived Anglo-German carving tradition of northern New Jersey
expired, to be marked for all eternity by these solid stones which remain
as his enduring legacy.

Richard F. Veit 159

NOTES

This essay has been a long-term project and many people have helped substantially improve
it. I initially noticed the German-language gravemarkers in Long Valley New Jersey in 1994.
In 1995, during a presentation on historic gravemarkers at the Museum of Early Trades and
Crafts, John Medallis, of Dunellen, New Jersey commented on a slide I had shown of a
Teetzel gravemarker. Roughly a year later he sent me an extensive list of Teetzel grave-
markers. I continued photographing Teetzel's work during this time, as well as slowly accu-
mulating information about him. At the 1998 meeting of the Association for Gravestone
Studies m West Long Branch, New Jersey, John O'Brien exhibited an excellent poster display
on the Stillwater Cemetery. Inspired, I took to the road and completed the research present-
ed here. Genealogists Susan Burton and Albert King helped locate obscure references to
Teetzel, for which I am grateful. The talented interlibrary loan staff at Monmouth
University's Guggenheim Library was able to locate all of the esoteric sources I required for
my research. Evelyn Stryker Lewis of the Neptune Historical Museum gave unstinting
access to her excellent local history collection. Historian Paul Schopp and Kristian Eshelman
commented on an early draft of this paper. Kristian Eshelman, Fred McKitrick (Monmouth
University, Department of History), and Kirsten McKitrick assisted with the translations. I
appreciate their skills and assistance. Talented graphic artist Dawn Turner turned my crude
sketch of northwestern New Jersey into an attractive map. Any errors of fact or omission
remain, of course, my own.

1. Two excellent examples of this approach are Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker, The
Founding of American Civilization, the Middle Colonies (New York, NY, 1968); and David
Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, NY, 1989).

2. For example, see Peter Wacker, Land and People: A Cultural Geography of Preindustrial
New Jersey (New Brunswick, NJ, 1975), and "New Jersey's Cultural Landscape Before
1800," in Papers Presented at the Second Annual New Jersey History Symposium (Newark,
NJ, 1971), 35-61; and Charles A. Stansfield, Jr., A Geography of New Jersey: The City in the
Garden (New Brunswick, NJ, 1998).

3. Quoted in Stansfield, A Geography of New Jersey, 1 .

4. W. Winterbotham, An Historical and Geographical, Commercial, and Philosophical View of
the United States of America and of the European Settlements in America and the West Indies
(New York, NY, 1796), 379.

5. For example, see Diana Williams Coombs, Early Gravestone Art in Georgia and South
Carolina (Athens, GA, 1986); and Ruth M. Little, Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of
North Carolina Gravemarkers (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998).

6. Harriette Merrifield Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men ivho Made
Them, 1653-1800 (1927; reprint, New York, NY, 1989); James Deetz and Edwin S.
Dethlefsen, "Some Social Aspects of New England's Colonial Mortuary Art," American
Antiquity 36 (1966):30-38; James Deetz and Edwin S. Dethlefsen, "Death's Head,
Cherub, Urn, and Willow, " Natural History 76 3 (1967):29-37.

7. Descriptions of eastern New Jersey's 18th century gravemarkers are provided in Emily
Wasserman, Gravestone Designs, Rubbings, and Photographs from Early New York and New
Jersey (New York, NY, 1972); Richard F. Welch, "The New York and New Jersey

160 Anglo-German Carving Tradition

Gravestone Carving Tradition/' Markers IV (1987):l-54; Richard Veit, "Grave Insights
Into Middlesex County's Colonial Culture," New Jersey History 114: 3-4 (1997): 75-94.

8. Elizabeth Crowell, Migratory Monuments and Missing Motifs: Archaeological Analysis of
Mortuary Art in Cape May County, New Jersey, 1740-1810 (Ph.D. diss., University of
Pennsylvania, 1983).

9. Elizabeth Crowell, "Philadelphia Gravestones 1760-1829," Northeast Historical
Archaeology 10 (1981):22-29.

10. Wacker, Land and People, 217.

11. Hubert G. Schmidt, Agriculture in New Jersey: A Three-Hundred-Year History (New
Brunswick, NJ, 1973), 35.

12. Preston A. Barba, Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study in Folk Art (Allentown, PA,
1954).

13. Thomas E. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones: An Introduction," Markers V
(1988): 60-95; Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber, "Early Pennsylvania Gravemarkers,"
Markers V (1988):96-121.

14. Frances Lichten, The Art of Rural Pennsylvania (New York, NY, 1946), 123-135; John
Joseph Stout, Pennsylvania German Folk Art: An Interpretation (Allentown, PA, 1966).

15. Michael S. Showalter, "Carved in Stone: A Study of Tombstones in Cocalico," Journal of
the Historical Society of the Cocalico Valley XI (1986):25-44; Frank McDonald,
"Pennsylvania German Tombstone Art of Lebanon County, Pennsylvania,"
Pennsylvania Folklife 25:1 (1975): 2-14. An especially insightful work, which combines
analysis of 19th century Pennsylvania German gravestone carving with other, related
elements of material folk culture is Simon J. Bronner, "Elaborating Tradition: A
Pennsylvania-German Folk Artist Ministers to His Community," in Creativity and
Tradition in Folklore: New Directions, ed. Simon J. Bronner (Logan, UT, 1992), 277-325.

16. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 76.

17. Ibid., 78.

18. Lichten, The Art of Rural Pennsylvania, 131.

19. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 74.

20. Barba, Pennsylvania German Tombstones, 24.

21. Ibid., 15.

22. Little, Sticks and Stones, 88.

23. John W. Barber and Henry Howe, Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey (New
Haven, CT, 1868), 446.

24. Little, Sticks and Stones, 85-89.

25. Dodderer's birthplace and date of birth were found on the Main International
Genealogical Index at the Family Search Center of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-

Richard F. Veit 161

Day Saints in Salt Lake City Utah. Important historical and genealogical sources for
northwestern New Jersey include Theodore Chambers, The Early Germans ofNezv Jersey;
Their History, Churches, and Genealogies, (Baltimore, MD, 1969); James P. Snell, History of
Sussex and Warren Counties, New Jersey (Philadelphia, PA, 1881); George Wyckoff
Cummins, History of Warren County, New Jersey (New York, NY, 1911); Frank
Shampanore, History and Directory of Warren County (Washington, NJ, 1929).

26. Warren County was formed from Sussex County on November 20, 1824: see John P.
Snyder, The Story of New Jersey's Civil Boundaries 1606-1968 (Trenton, NJ, 1969), 245.

27. Snell, History of Sussex and Werren Counties, 617.

28. Ibid., 620.

29. A. Van Doren Honeyman, ed., Documents Relating to the Colonial and Revolutionary
History of the State of New Jersey, First Series Vol. XXXIV, Calendar of New Jersey Wills,
Administrations, etc. Vol. V 1771-1780 (Trenton, NJ, 1921), 101, 336, 338.

30. Will of Jacob Dodderer, 1813, Warren County, 1350 S, New Jersey State Archives,
Trenton, NJ.

31. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 68; 70.

32. Susan Burton, Ontario Genealogist, to author, September 8, 1998. Records in the Family
Search Center of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints notes, somewhat more
specifically, that Teetzel was born in Sachsen-coburg-gotha, Thuringen.

33. Albert King, New Jersey Genealogist, to author, November 7, 1997.

34. Henry Havens, General Index to the Laws of the State of Neiv York (New York, NY, 1886),
279.

35. Elmer T. Hutchinson, Documents Relating to the Colonial, Revolutionanj, and Post-
Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, First Series, Vol. XXXVII, Calendar of New
Jersey Wills, Administrations, Etc. Vol. VIII, 1791-1795 (Jersey City, NJ, 1942), 214; Elmer
T. Hutchinson, Documents Relating to the Colonial, Revolutionary, and Post-Revolutionary
History of the State of New Jersey, First Series, Vol. XXXVIII, Calendar of New Jersey Wills,
Administrations, Etc. Vol. IX, 1796-1800 (Newark, NJ, 1944), 207; 329; 339.

36. Charles Glatfelter, Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the
Pennsylvania Field, 1717-1793 (Breiningsville, PA, 1981), 211; 213.

37. James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life (New York,
NY, 1977), 72.

38. See Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 93, footnote 15.

39. Quoted in Wasserman, Gravestone Designs ... , 16.

40. Carole Hanks, Early Ontario Gravestones (Toronto, Ontario, Canada, 1974), 42.

41. Susan Burton, Ontario Genealogist to author, November 7, 1997.

42. Little, Sticks and Stones, 179-181.

162

Lettering and Carver Identification

Frontispiece. Jacob Brinkerhof, 1758, First Reformed Church,
Fishkill, NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

163

BY THEIR CHARACTERS YOU SHALL KNOW THEM:
USING STYLES OF LETTERING TO IDENTIFY GRAVESTONE CARVERS

Gray Williams

Introduction

Those of us who enjoy studying old, pre-industrial gravestones tend
to concentrate our attention on the decorations carved on them. This pre-
occupation is quite understandable, for decoration is the beauty part - the
element that offers the greatest opportunity for artistic self-expression.
But if you're trying to figure out which carver did what stones, comparing
decorative designs has its limits. A carver may change his decorative style
considerably over the course of his career, and may occasionally use dif-
ferent designs even on stones carved about the same time.

But there is one other element of carving that is less likely to change
over time, or to vary from one example to another. That element is the
style of the characters - letters, numerals, and typographical symbols. As
a rule, and with some exceptions, carvers tend to settle on a particular
style of carving characters early in their careers, and they then stick to it.
That style tends to be as personal as handwriting, and makes it possible
to identify an individual carver's work with fair assurance, no matter
what his choice of decorative devices.

Theoretically, any letter and any number might serve to help identify
a carver's style. But some characters are much more valuable than others.
This article can cover only the most important, and can illustrate only a
selected range of the many possible variations among them.

To be useful in identification, a character has to meet at least three
basic criteria:

• It must be common. It has to appear on all of a carver's stones, or at
least a high percentage of them. This rule eliminates many capital
letters, as well as uncommon lower-case letters such as q, x, and z.

• It must be distinctive. It must offer a wide enough range of variations
in form so that the carver's particular choices differ plainly from
others. The most distinctive characters tend to be the most complex
in form, with several variable details for the carver to play with.

164 Lettering and Carver Identification

• It must be consistent. The carver must always render it in much the
same way, either over time, or at least at any given time. The numer-
als one and seven, for instance, flunk the tests for both distinctive-
ness and consistency. Their shapes are too simple for much varia-
tion, and the carver may execute them differently on different
stones, or even on the same stone. This is unfortunate, since they
appear on all eighteenth-century stones.

No single character can be used to pinpoint a carver's style. You need
the accumulated evidence of several different examples to make a reliable
identification. Even then, you may find exceptions and variations among
specific characters on specific stones. But despite minor inconsistencies,
comparison should reveal a clear pattern of choices, which together con-
stitute an unmistakeable style.

It must be admitted that using characters to identify carvers doesn't
always work. With eroded marble stones, for example, it's usually hope-
less. And because Victorian lettering, however florid and ornate, tends to
be copied mechanically from printed patterns, rather than designed by
the individual carver, identifications made from it are likely to be unreli-
able. Equally unreliable are the characters produced by amateur and
semiprofessional carvers. In general, such carvers aren't secure enough in
their craft to develop a consistent style.

The following illustrations are taken from eighteenth and early nine-
teenth century sandstone markers in the Hudson and Connecticut
Valleys. The same principles, however, can be applied to stones of the
same period in other areas.

Gray Williams

165

Fig. 1. John and Barbare Van Voorhis, 1757, 1743,

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.

Attributed to John Zuricher.

166 Lettering and Carver Identification

Lower-case g; Capital A

Perhaps the single most useful character for carver identification is
lower-case g. It isn't an especially common letter in English, but because
it is part of the word "age," it often turns up on gravestones. It has the
most complicated shape of any letter in the alphabet, and forces the carv-
er to make several different choices in the handling of its details.

The upper loop, or bell, for example, may be about the same size as
other lower-case letters, or it may be smaller, and placed above the base
line. The small "ear" protruding from it may be curved or straight, may
be placed right on top or angled to the right, and may taper to a point or
end in a dot or serif. The loop of the lower bell may be closed or open, and
may vary from large and wide to small and narrow.

Many carvers use a capital A to start "Age" or "Aged," making this
one of the few capitals common enough to be useful. Capital A may be
wide or narrow, with a high or low or even v-shaped crossbar. It may
stand straight up or lean to the right, and its legs may end in a variety of
serifs. It isn't quite as distinctive as lower-case g, but nicely reinforces it.

Gray Williams

167

aa»

lit

Fig. 2a

Fig. 2b

WJ,

Fig. 2d

Fig. 2e

168 Lettering and Carver Identification

Lower-case y; Lower-case r

The letter y like g, is relatively uncommon in our language but
appears frequently on gravestones in such words as "memory," "body"
"days," or "years." The v-shape of its upper part may be relatively broad
or narrow, and the top serifs may vary in size and weight. The descender
may also vary in several different ways. Although it usually extends
slightly under the preceding letter, it may stick discreetly to its own space,
or else swoop far to the left. It may be straight or curved, or hang down
vertically. It may end in a point, a curl, a dot, or a teardrop.

The word "memory" (as well as "here," "year," and "departed) pro-
vides another very useful character: lower-case r. This very common and
deceptively simple letter gives the carver several choices, particularly in
the relationship of the upright stem to the protruding ear. The stem may
have about the same thickness as the ear, or it may be much heavier, so
that the ear seems almost a puny afterthought. The stem serifs may vary
widely in width and slope. The ear itself may be broad or stubby, strong-
ly curved or almost straight. It may end in anything from a point to a serif.
One very obvious distinction in construction is whether the ear is direct-
ly connected to the stem, or completely separate from it. Carvers who
make the r with separate ears often form other letters, such as m and n,
the same way.

Gray Williams

169

Fig. 3a

Ecmori

Fig. 3b

Fig. 3c

Fig. 3d

Fig. 3e

Fig. 3f

170 Lettering and Carver Identification

Lower-case a; Capital Y

The ubiquitous gravestone word "year" contains, in addition to lower-
case r, another very common and useful letter: lower-case a. It is com-
posed of two strokes, each of which can vary a great deal. The letter as a
whole may be broad or narrow. Its lower bell may be relatively small or
large, and the upper end may have a reverse curve. The end of the upper
extension may be aligned more or less precisely over the lower bell, or it
may noticeably overhang the bell. And it may end in anything from a
tapered point to a teardrop.

Some carvers customarily start "year" with a capital. The joint
between the upright stem and the diagonal arms may be relatively low or
high. The arms themselves may spread out fairly wide, or they may be
narrowly constrained. The letter as a whole may be upright, or lean to the
left or right. Unlike lower-case letter y, however, the capital isn't quite
common enough to serve as more than a reinforcer.

Gray Williams

171

-,3 -*■-%

Fig. 4a

Fig. 4b

£\>V^=Afc?*.V

Wmm%

Fig. 4c

Fig. 4d

Fig. 4e

172 Lettering and Carver Identification

Lower-case t

There is scarcely an old gravestone that doesn't have a "the" or "this"
(or "het" in Hudson Valley Dutch) somewhere on it, supplying the lower-
case letter t. Like lower-case r, t may seem deceptively simple, but there
are many possible variations. Perhaps the simplest form is somewhat
shorter than other tall letters, with a pointed ascender and a plain line
crossbar. But the letter may be unusually short or tall, and the ascender
may be straight or curved. There may be a triangular connection between
the stem and the crossbar, suggesting that both have been executed with
a single stroke. Either the crossbar or the ascender (or both) may end in a
serif, the serifs may vary in size and slope. The bottom of the upright ends
with a curve (never a serif), but the degree of curvature can vary greatly.

Gray Williams

173

Fig. 5a

Fig. 5b

";V:.,

Fig. 5c

Fig. 5d

Fig. 5e

174 Lettering and Carver Identification

Lower-case f

Likewise, there is hardly an old stone without "of" somewhere on it.
On the gravestones of women, you may get "wife" as well. Lower-case f
is constructed along the same lines as t - except that the bottom of f has a
serif, and t does not.

So, f has many of the same variations as t, in its upright stem and
crossbar. But it also has variations in its curving ascender. It may be very
narrow - hardly wider than the crossbar. Often, though, it extends far
beyond the crossbar. And it can end in several different ways, from a point
to a dot. Usually its upright is vertical, but sometimes it leans to the right.

Gray Williams

175

:^fe

K.Viilil

1 1

*4 ' ^SsbSE

y^V

Fig. 6a

Fig. 6b

Fig. 6c

Fig. 6d

Fig. 6e

176 Lettering and Carver Identification

Capital J

As was mentioned previously, capitals generally aren't as useful as
lower-case letters because they're not common enough: they don't turn
up on a high enough proportion of a carver's stones. Capital J is a partial
exception because many first names - men's names in particular - start
with it, not to mention the months January, June, and July, and the Dutch
word Jaar, for year.

Capital J may be wide or narrow. Its bottom may rest on the base line,
or it may descend below the line. The serif at the top and the ending at the
bottom way vary in several ways. Finally, some carvers tend not to use
capital J at all, but to substitute capital I for it.

Gray Williams

177

Fig. 7a

Fig. 7b

Fig. 7c

Fig. 7d

178 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numeral 8

Unlike capital letters, certain numerals can be very useful in pinning
down an individual carver, even if they don't appear on all his stones. The
main exceptions, as I've mentioned, are 1 and 7, which are very common
but often not rendered distinctively or consistently. Zero also fails the test
for distinctiveness.

A very distinctive numeral, by contrast, is 8. Its double loop requires
answers to at least two basic questions. First and foremost, what will be
its size? It can be quite tall, with its upper loop ascending as high as a cap-
ital letter. It can be short - "x high" - the same height as the main body of
a lower-case character. Or, more rarely, it can be in-between, with its lower
loop descending below the baseline.

The second question is: how will it be constructed? It can be carved as
a single, endless line - an infinity sign set on end. Or the line may have
distinct ends, rather like an extended letter s. And the ends may meet the
crossover at quite different points. As with other characters, once a carv-
er has answered these basic questions, he is likely to stick with the same
answers indefinitely.

Gray Williams

179

Fig. 8a

Fig. 8b

Fig. 8c

Fig. 8d

Fig. 8e

180 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numeral 5

Carvers tend to construct numerals 5 and 3 in similar ways, so these
characters often reinforce each other for identification purposes.

Numeral 5 may be relatively modest in size, or its lower bell may
swoop well below the baseline. The curve may end in anything from a
tapered point to a teardrop. The top bar may be a simple straight line, but
usually it is curved. It can be either short or long, thick or narrow, nearly
horizontal or tipping downward. The connecting stroke may likewise be
short or long, and of variable pitch.

Gray Williams

181

Fig. 9a

Fig. 9b

Fig. 9c

Fig. 9d

182 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numeral 3

Numeral 3 may be relatively small - no more than x-high. Or it may
be quite large, ascending to the height of a capital or descending well
below the baseline. Its top bar and connector may be straight, or they may
form a single curve. Both the top bar and bottom curve may end in a vari-
ety of ways.

Gray Williams

183

fipP^.-'S-' ••£***

Fig. 10a

Fig. 10b

-*' • 3v^' 'v"'kr-':'v;'''i\\'v;.V-*-— '-^ ^

-." .'. /X; * i ; .'■ ■■•.''- Jim- .'. 'i'?-';',iV '-"^li./! *•"-''"

Fig. 10c

Fig. lOd

184 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numeral 4

Numeral 4 varies mainly in its proportions. The length of the upright
stem and of the crossbar can vary widely, which in turn varies the size and
shape of the upper triangle. More often than not, the character is placed
with its crossbar on the baseline, but sometimes the stem rests on the base-
line. Both the stem and crossbar customarily have serifs, but their shape
and size may vary. Less common (and hence more distinctive) variations
include a stem that stops short of the apex, and a diagonal stroke that is
curved rather than straight.

Gray Williams

185

Fig. 11a

Fig. lib

l?^

wm&m

Fig. lie

Fig. lid

186 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numeral 2

Numeral 2 is just about always a small character, no more than x-high.
The variations in its form derive mainly from the relationship of its two
parts. The upper curve may be about the same width as the line of the
base, or it may be noticeably wider or narrower. Moreover, while the
upper curve almost always ends in a point, the degree of its curl may vary,
Likewise, the serif that typically ends the base may vary in its size and
shape.

Gray Williams

187

Fig. 12a

Fig. 12b

Fig. 12c

188 Lettering and Carver Identification

Numerals 6 and 9

The first two illustrations in this group come from the same stone.
They demonstrate that numerals 6 and 9 are essentially reversed forms of
each other. They vary primarily in the length, angle, and degree of curva-
ture of their ascender or descender.

Gray Williams

189

S§5 ?^E

Fig. 13a

Fig. 13b

Fig. 13c

Fig. 13d

190 Lettering and Carver Identification

Special Characters

In addition to letters and numerals, there are a few special characters
that can be used to distinguish one carver's work from another. They
include ampersands and letter combinations like ye and AD. These are
not merely characters, but elements of decoration, and tend to be very
personal.

Gray Williams

191

r^.VXN.:^ v;

Fig. 14a

-">-'> ^

Fig. 14b

..-■i

Fig. 14c

192 Lettering and Carver Identification

Character Analysis in Action: Splitting and Clumping

The comparison of character styles can be helpful in both splitting -
separating the work of one carver from another - and dumping - deter-
mining that works with different designs are by the same carver.

Let's take clumping first. The soul effigy on the stone of Jacob
Brinckerhof (Frontispiece and Figs. 15a-d), dated 1758, in Fishkill, New
York, is typical of the work of the New York City carver John Zuricher. But
how would you know that the nearby double stone for John and Barbare
Van Voorhis (Figs. 1 and 16a-e), dated 1757 and 1743, is also Zuricher 's
work? The profile skulls are quite unlike his usual soul effigies.

It is the style of the characters that gives Zuricher away. Shown here
are only a few of the comparisons that can be made. The similarities in let-
ters g, a, r, f, and y, and numeral 4, leave little doubt that both stones are
by the same hand.

Finally, an example of splitting. In the late eighteenth and early nine-
teenth centuries, the most prolific and popular carver in Westchester
County, New York, was Solomon Brewer. A native of Springfield,
Massachusetts, Brewer brought the distinctive Connecticut Valley style
with him when he moved to New York after the Revolution.

In the old churchyard of St. Mark's in Mount Kisco, New York, is a
stone for Elizabeth Miller, who died in 1813 (Figs. 17a-d). At first glance,
it looks as if it were carved by Brewer. It may look a little awkward, per-
haps, but in general it is fairly convincing. But if you compare the charac-
ters with those on a couple of nearby stones that are known to be by
Brewer (Figs. 18a-e), serious inconsistencies jump out at you.

To show just a few examples: the differences in the letters r and y of
"Memory" might be explained away as variations in a single carver's
style. But the g's in "Aged" are constructed so very differently that there
is virtually no possibility the same person could have carved them. The
same is true, to a lesser extent, of the two versions of numeral 3. The stone
for Elizabeth Miller is a forgery - a knock-off - of Brewer's style.

The imitator probably thought that he had gotten away with it. His
soul effigy, unlike most of Brewer's, wears a slight smile. It looks to me
like a sly, knowing smirk.

Gray Williams

193

Fig. 15a

Fig. 15b

Fig. 15c

BBS

■T

Fig. 15d

Details from stone of Jacob Brinkerhof, 1758,

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.

Attributed to John Zuricher.

194

Lettering and Carver Identification

;>'; ...". ,'■.;

■ v

Fig. 16a

Fig. 16b

- •.*"'- \"~-- ^ ■ ~.v - ~=

- " '.'■' :'. *

Fig. 16c

Fig. 16d

tlllili

Fig. 16e

Details from stone of John and Barbare Van Voorhis, 1757, 1743,

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.

Attributed to John Zuricher.

Gray Williams

195

Fig. 17a. Elizabeth Miller, 1813, St. Mark's Churchyard,
Mt. Kisko, NY. Unknown imitator of Solomon Brewer.

196

Lettering and Carver Identification

£xr*m

e i m w \

Fig. 17b

Fig. 17c

Fig. 17d

Details from stone of Elizabeth Miller, 1813, St. Mark's Churchyard,
Mt. Kisko, NY. Unknown imitator of Solomon Brewer.

Gray Williams

197

c:^ Ci%if a ^ .

fie die d A' •■ c^ca i£§ .1 70 £
-Wed izi Ye

/"®3 $

v. ''"^^

swk I'iM

Fig. 18a. Robert Craft, 1792, St. Mark's Churchyard,
Mount Kisko, NY. Documented to Solomon Brewer.

198

Lettering and Carver Identification

JO *

Fig. 18b. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard,
Mount Kisko, NY. Documented to Solomon Brewer.

Gray Williams

199

- y ■

Fig. 18c

, O

^;fc|^3l^^^^^

£ ,; ;*" - \^ * t

*«5S£-r

Fig. 18d

■■:->•

lllitllll^

"sa^^'^v:

^toj?'

Fig. 18e

.•^

m §

Details from stones of Robert Craft, 1792, and William Craft, 1791,

St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisko, NY.

Documented to Solomon Brewer.

200 Lettering and Carver Identification

APPENDIX I

Useful Characters for Identifying Gravestone Carvers

a Overall width: narrow or broad? Lower bell: large or small? Reverse
curve at upper end? Upper curve: even with lower bell, shorter, or
hanging over? Ends in point, dot, or teardrop?

A Overall width: narrow or broad? Stands up straight or leans to right?
Crossbar: high or low? Shape of serifs?

f Overall height: short or tall? Crossbar: serif or no serif? Shape of serif
at base? Width of curve at top: even with end of crossbar, shorter, or
hanging over? Ends in point, dot, teardrop, or serif? Stands up
straight or leans to right?

g Upper bell: large or small? Placed at baseline or above it? Shape,
position of protruding "ear"? Lower bell: large or small? Closed or
open loop? If open, shape of tip?

i Shape of serif at base? Shape of dot: round or angular?

j Size, shape of serif at top? Descender: long or short? Shape, size of
curve at base? Curve ends in point, dot, or teardrop?

J Wide or narrow? Rests upon baseline or descends below it? Size,
shape of serif at top? Size, shape of curve at base? Curve ends in
point, dot, or teardrop? Capital I customarily substituted for J?

p,q Descender: long or short? Serif or no serif at bottom?

r Stem: thick or thin, compared with protruding ear? Width and slope
of serifs? Ear: wide or narrow? Curved or straight? Ends in point,
dot, teardrop, or serif? Connected to stem, or separate?

s Overall width: narrow or broad? Overall angle: Vertical or leaning
to right? Upper curve larger or smaller than lower curve? Shape of
serifs?

t Overall height: short or tall? Upright stem above crossbar: thin or
thick? Curved or straight? Ends in point or serif? Diagonal connec-
tion between crossbar and stem? Crossbar: serif or no serif? Shape of
bottom curve?

Gray Williams 201

y Upper part: v-shaped or u-shaped? Narrow or wide? Descender:
extends under letter to left? How far? Straight or curved or hanging
down vertically? Tip ends in point, curl, dot, or teardrop?

Y Joint between upright stem and diagonal arms: high or low? Angle
between arms: wide or narrow? Stands up straight or leans to right
or left?

2 Upper curve compared with base: narrower, wider, or same width?
Shape of curve at upper end? Shape, size of base serif?

3,5 Size, shape, slope of top bar? Size, slope of connecting stroke? Size,
shape, of lower bell? Rests on baseline, or descends below it?

4 Upright stem: long or short? Crossbar: long or short? Crossbar or
stem rests on baseline or placed above it? Stem extends to apex or
stops short? Diagonal: straight or curved?

6,9 Length, angle, curvature of extender?

8 Overall size: tall, short, or in-between? Rests on baseline or descends
below it? Constructed as endless loop or as extended letter s? If lat-
ter, do loop ends meet crossover at different points?

Special characters Any distinctive typographical devices, such as amper-
sands, superimposed letters, or joined letters?

202 Lettering and Carver Identification

APPENDIX II

In Case You Were Wondering (Sources for the Illustrations)

This article is intended to introduce the basic principles of character carv-
ing. The identities of specific stones and their carvers are not really impor-
tant. If, however, you are curious to know the sources of the illustrated
details for the figures not captioned in the text, they are as follows:

2a. Anne Humfrey, 1775, 1st Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

2b. Ensign Abel Bliss, 1762, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to Aaron Bliss.

2c. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown.

2d. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

2e. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

3a. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown.

3b. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

3c. Luke Cooley, 1777, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to Ezra
Stebbins.

3d. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

3e. Elizabeth Bliss, 1788, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to William
Buckland.

3f. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver,
Longmeadow circle.

4a. Barns Hatfield, 1786, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White
Plains, NY. Unknown carver.

Gray Williams 203

4b. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

4c. Henry Livingston Craft, 1793, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco,
New York. Attributed to the Mount Kisco carver.

4d. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York.
Documented to Solomon Brewer.

4e. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

5a. Anne Humfrey, 1775, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

5b. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

5c. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown.

5d. Catharine Meenema, 1761, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Attributed to John Zuricher.

5e. Margret Warriner, 1764, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to Aaron Bliss.

6a. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White
Plains, NY. Unknown carver.

6b. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York.
Documented to Solomon Brewer.

6c. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to
Ebenezer Stebbins.

6d. Miriam Sheldon, 1792, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to
Ezra Stebbins.

6e. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

7a. William Van Tassill, 1760, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Attributed to Uzal Ward.

204 Lettering and Carver Identification

7b. Martha Cooper, 1778, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

7c. Steeven Duryea, 1776, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Unknown carver.

7d. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

8a. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver,
Longmeadow circle.

8b. Martha Cooper, 1778, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

8c. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

8d. Dr. Asa Hamilton, 1801, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to
Thatcher Lathrop.

8e. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White
Plains, NY. Unknown carver.

9a. Miriam Sheldon, 1792, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to
Ezra Stebbins.

9b. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

9c. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York.
Documented to Solomon Brewer.

9d. Benjamin Meenema, 1761, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Attributed to John Zuricher.

10a. Steeven Duryea, 1776, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Unknown carver.

10b. Theodorus Van Wyck, 1754, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Unknown carver.

10c. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver,
Longmeadow circle.

Gray Williams 205

10d. Henry Livingston Craft, 1793, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco,
New York. Attributed to the Mount Kisco carver.

11a. Dr. Asa Hamilton, 1801, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to
Thatcher Lathrop.

lib. Anne Humfrey, 1775, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown
carver.

lie. Cathelyna Van Wyck, 1746. First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Attributed to Ebenezer Price.

lid. Giles Smith, 1824, Wilbraham, MA. Unknown carver.

12a. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to
Ebenezer Stebbins.

12b. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White
Plains, NY. Unknown carver.

12c. Thankful Wood, 1790, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to
Ezra Stebbins.

13a. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to
Ebenezer Stebbins.

13b. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to
Ebenezer Stebbins.

13c. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher.

13d. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York.
Documented to Solomon Brewer.

14a. Cathelyna Van Wyck, 1746, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY.
Attributed to Ebenezer Price.

14b. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains,
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown.

14c. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York.
Documented to Solomon Brewer.

206

THE YEAR'S WORK IN GRAVEMARKER/CEMETERY STUDIES
Richard E. Meyer

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Entries, listed in alphabet-
ical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and pamphlets and
of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are materials found
in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals (though, as any
researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes be gleaned from
these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical publications (there
are exceptions in instances where the publication is deemed to be of value
to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and cemetery "readings," book
reviews, electronic resources (e.g., World Wide Web sites), and irretriev-
ably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the order of the recently pub-
lished, "revised" edition of a book with the grotesque title, The Definitive
Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes about Death, Funny Funeral
Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). Beginning with Markers
XIV, the listing has included a much larger selection of relevant foreign
language materials in the field, formal master's- and doctoral-level theses
and dissertations (important research often not published in the tradi-
tional manner but nonetheless frequently obtainable through interlibrary
loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished typescripts on deposit in
accessible locations. In addition, from Markers XVI onwards, it has includ-
ed publications on war, holocaust, and disaster memorials and monu-
ments (their essential function as cenotaphs relating them to the general
field of gravemarkers), as well as formal papers presented at academic
conferences which are relevant to the major themes covered by this bibli-
ography.

With its debut in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to fill gaps
in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 1990
through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult the
bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This
same format was utilized in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV,

207

adding in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards
as well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the
1990-1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point
be safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is
largely complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's Work"
has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the journal's
annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 1998 and 1999):
previously reported work from the earlier of these two years will not be
repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to
welcome addenda from readers {complete bibliographic citations, please)
for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is made to insure
accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission may occur, for
which apologies are sincerely offered.

Abadzi, Helen. "Glimpses of the Greek Community from the Dhaka University
Gravestones: A Follow-Up." In Contributions to Bengal Studies: An Interdisciplinary and
International Approach. Edited by Enayetur Rahim and Henry Schwartz. Dhaka,
Bangladesh: Beximco, 1998, pp. 17-25.

Abanovich, Judith. "Spirit Houses at Eklutna, Alaska." AGS Quarterly 23:2 (1999), pp. 4-5.

Abbal, Odon. Les monuments aux marts de I'Herault, 1914-1918. Montpellier, France:
Universite Oaul Valery, 1998.

Abney, Lisa. "Grave Digging by Hand in Central Louisiana." Paper presented at Annual
Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, October 20-24, 1999.

Acorn, Linda. "Get Your Story in Print: How Cemetery Scholars and Preservationists can
Develop Positive, Productive Media Relations." Presentation at Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999.

Adams, John. "The Cemeteries of British Columbia: Their Histories and Preservation."
Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

. "The Old Cemeteries Society of Victoria: An Organizational Overview -

Successes and Failures." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for
Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Adams, Randy. Eternal Prairie: Exploring Rural Cemeteries of the West. Calgary, Alberta,
Canada: Fifth House Publishers, 1999.

A Grave Crisis in Israel: Pictures and Documents. Chicago, IL: Chicago Help for Israel's
Cemeteries and Graves Organization, 1998.

208

Aguirre-Sadaba, F.J. "Hispano-Muslim Epitaphs from Arjona." Al-Qantara 19:1 (1998), pp.
161-181.

Arlington National Cemetery: America's National Shrine [video]. St. Albans, WV: Video
Memories, 1998.

Atwood, Kay. Historic Cemeteries: Where Stones Talk - A Lesson Plan for Third and Fourth Grade
Elementary Students. Medford, OR: City of Medford Parks and Recreation Department,
1998.

. "Where Stones Talk: Historic Cemeteries as Curriculum for Elementary

Schools." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Auster, Martin. "Making Themselves at Home: Bodies, Burial Grounds and the Poetry of
Social Memory." Australian Folklore 13 (1998), pp. 217ff.

Awberry, G.M. "Of Graves and Epitaphs: Dialect Archaeology and Welsh Churchyards."
Language and Development 5 (1998), pp. 44-50.

Aymonino, Aldo. "Topography of Memory." Lotus International 97 (1998), pp. 6-22.

Backo, Heather. "Women and Burial Patterns in Cincinnati's Spring Grove Cemetery." Paper
presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Diego, CA,
March 31 -April 3, 1999.

Barcellini, Serge, and Wieviorka, Annette. Passant, souviens-toil: les lieux du souvenir de la
Seconde Guerre mondiale en France. 2nd Ed. Paris, France: Graphein, 1999.

Bartlett, J., and Ellis, K.M. "Remembering the Dead in Northrup: First World War Memorials
in a Welsh Parish." Journal of Contemporary History 34:2 (1999), pp. 231-242.

Bassett, Michele Beth. "The Funerary Patronage of Catherine de' Medici: The Tomb of Henri
II, Heart Monuments and the Valois Chapel." Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University,
1999.

Batkin, Marguerite D. "Historical Characteristics of Memorial Garden Design." Paper pre-
sented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March
31 -April 3, 1999.

. "Holy Ground: Church Memorial Gardens for the Burial of Cremated

Remains." Master's thesis, University of Georgia, 1999.

Beale, Helen E. "Women and First World War Memorials in Aries and la Provence mistrali-
enne." Modern and Contemporary France 7:2 (1999), pp. 209ff.

Beasley, Walter L. The Bottom Line: On Tombstones, That Is. Kuttawa, KY: McClanahan
Publishing House, 1999.

209

Becker, A. "War Memorials: France's Tribute to its Great War Dead." Histoire 225 (1998), pp.
50-53.

Belmonte, J.A., et al. "Pre-Islamic Burial Monuments in Northern and Saharan Morocco."
Archaeoastronomy 24 (1999), pp. S21-S34.

Berger, Patricia. "Body Double: Sculpture for the Afterlife." Orientations 29 (1998), pp. 46-53.

Bertemes, F. "The Cult Grave from the Middle Bronze Period in Drama, Thrace, and its
Importance to Southeast-European Cultural History." Archaeologisches Nachrichtenblatt
3:4 (1998), pp. 322-330.

Beyern, Bertrand. Guide des tombes d'hommes celebres. Paris, France: Cherche Midi Editeur,
1998.

Bigler, Philip. In Honored Glory: Arlington National Cemetery, The Final Post. 3rd Ed. Arlington,
VA: Vandamere Press, 1999.

Bishops to Bootleggers - A Biographical Guide to Resurrection Cemetery, Madison, Wisconsin: More
of the Ordinary and the Famous Women and Men Who Shaped Madison and the World.
Madison, WI: Historic Madison, Inc., 1999.

Bjernvad, Anders. Krigens Monumenter, 1940-1945. Odense, Denmark: Odense
Universitetsforlag, 1999.

Blachowicz, James. "Three More Members of the Soule Family of Stonecutters." AGS
Quarterly 23:3 (1999), pp. 3-6.

Black, Allida. "Struggling with Icons: Memorializing Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt." The
Public Historian 21:1 (1999), pp. 63-72.

Bogart, Michele F. "Public Space and Public Memory in New York's City Hall Park." Journal
of Urban History 25:2 (1999), pp. 226-257.

Bohm, Benedikt. Wolkowo Lutherischen Friedhof in St. Petersburg: Handbuch und Friedhofsfiihrer
Deutsch und Russisch. Sankt-Petersburg, Russia: Russko-Baltiskii Informatsionnyi
Tsenta BLITS, 1998.

Boime, Albert. The Unveiling of the National Icons: A Plea for Patriotic Iconoclasm in a Nationalist
Era. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1998; Ch. 4, "The Battle for
Hearts and Minds: The Marine Corps Memorial," pp. 180-252; Epilogue, "The Vietnam
Veterans Memorial," pp. 307-333.

Bonanno, Carmela. I sarcofagi fittili della Sicilia. Roma, Italy: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1998.

Booth, Donna J. Alabama Cemeteries. Birmingham, AL: Crane Hill Publishers, 1999.

Borean, Linda. "II monumento Mocenigo in San Lazzaro dei Mendicanti." Arte Veneta 5
(1998):, pp. 54-69.

210

Boujot, C, Cassen, S., and Lastres, J. Vaquero. "Some Abstraction for a Practical Subject: The
Neolithization of Western France Seen Through Funerary Architecture." Cambridge
Archaeological Journal 8:2 (1998), pp. 193ff.

Bowdler, Roger. "The Mausoleum at Blickling: Bonomi's Pyramid for the Earl of
Buckinghamshire." Apollo 147:434 (1998), pp. 11-14.

Boyle, Angela, and Jennings, David. The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Butter's Field, Lechlade,
Gloucestershire. Oxford, England: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1998.

Branigan, Keith. Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Sheffield, England: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1998.

Branyon, Ian CM. "An Investigation into the Ethnographic and Historical Significance of
Holt Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture
Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

. "An Investigation into the Ethnographic and Historical Significance of the Holt

Cemetery." Master's thesis, University of New Orleans, 1998.

Brearley, G.H. Grave Tales of South Yorkshire. Barnsley, England: Wharncliffe, 1999.

Breisacher, E.H., ed. Last Resting Places: Being a Compendium of Facts Pertaining to the Mortal
Remains of the Famous and Infamous. Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1999.

Brigham, Robert K. "Monument or Memorial?: The Wall and the Politics of Memory."
Historical Reflections 25:1 (1999), pp. 165-175.

Bristow, Peter Harold William. "Attitudes to Disposal of the Dead in Southern Britain from
3500BC-AD43." Ph.D. dissertation, Open University (United Kingdom), 1998.

Brock, Eric J. New Orleans Cemeteries. Charleston, SC: Arcadia, 1999.

Brocke, Michael. Der Alte Judische Friedhof Bonn - Schxvartzheindorf: 1623-1956, Bildlich-
Textliche Dokumentation. Koln, Germany: Rheinland-Verlag, 1998.

. Haus das Lebens, guten Ort: Judische Friedhbfe in Deutschland. Leipzig, Germany:

Reclam Ver;ag, 1998.

Broman, Elizabeth. "Egyptian Revival Funerary Art in Green-Wood Cemetery, Brooklyn,
New York." Paper presented at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999.

Brooke, David. "Cemetery Maintenance Through Restorative Justice." Presentation at Far
West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8,
1999.

Buckham, S. "The Men that Worked for England they Have their Graves at Home:
Consumerist Issues within the Production and Purchase of Gravestones in Victorian

211

York." In Familiar Past. Edited by S. Tarlow and S. West. London, England: Routledge,
1998, pp. 199-214.

Bush, Kent. "National Park Service Approaches to Recording and Preservation of
Monuments and Gravestones." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association
for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Butler, Patrick Henry III. "Knowing the Uncertainties of this Life: Death and Society in
Colonial Tidewater Virginia." Ph.D. dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, 1998.

Butterwick, Kristi Martens. "Days of the Dead: Ritual Consumption and Ancestor Worship
in an Ancient West Mexican Society." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1998.

Byrd, Alita. "Stealing from the Dead." Preservation 51:2 (1999), pp. 19ff.

Calidonna, Frank. "Computer and Archival Storage of your Gravestone Photographs and
Videos." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

. "Gravestone Photography: Documentation and Artistic Problems."

Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax,
VA, June 23-27, 1999.

. "Photography Workshop" Presentation at Annual Conference of the

Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

Calkins, Erica. "Family Roots: The Stories and Significance of Cemetery Plants."
Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Callender, Joanne. "Tucson's Military Cemeteries." Copper State Journal 33:3 (1998), pp. lllff.

Calo, Carole Gold. "Memorializing the Unspeakable: Public Monuments and Collective
Grieving." Art New England 19:6 (1998), pp. 28-29.

Calvo-Isaza, Oscar Ivan. El Cemeterio Central: Bogota la vida urbana y la muerte. Santafe de
Bogota, Columbia: TM Editores, 1998.

Campbell, Helen, Tlie Chesapeake Book of the Dead: Tombstones, Epitaphs, Histories, Reflections,
and Oddments of the Region. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999.

Capelle, Janice, and Smith, Marian. "Using Cemetery Data to Teach Population Biology and
Local History." The American Biology Teacher 60:9 (1998), pp. 690-693.

Caraballo, Ciro. "Curacao's Jewish Cemetery: A Slowly Disappearing Jewel in the
Caribbean." AGS Quarterly 22:3 (1998), pp. 4-5.

212

Carrier, C.L. "Preserving Bukit China: Interpretation in Melaka's Chinese Cemetery." In Last
Half Century of Chinese Overseas: Comparative Perspectives. Edited by E. Sinn. Hong Kong,
China: Hong Kong University Press, pp. 65-80.

Cavalier, Odite. "Une stele funeraire rhodienne au Miisee Calvet d' Avignon." La Revue du
Louvre et des Muusees de France 49:1 (1999), pp. 31-36.

Cella, Ron. "Two American Icons: Their Graves and their Pilgrims." Paper presented at
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31 -April
3, 1999.

Cemeteries of the U.S. 2nd Ed. Detroit, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999.

Chokoev, I., and Totev, K. "A Senov Grave in the Cemetery of the Church of the Forty-Holy-
Martyrs in Veliko-Turnovo." Byzantinoslavica 59:1 (1998), pp. 113-124.

Clarke, Stanley. "Burial Sites are not Lost - Just Misplaced!" Presentation at Far West
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

. "Publishing Burial Site Records." Presentation at Far West Conference of the

Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Closterman, Wendy Elizabeth. "The Self-Presentation of the Family: The Function of
Classical Attic Peribolos Tombs." Ph.D. dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University,
1999.

Cohen, Alfred. "Burial in Israel." Journal of Halacha and Contemporary Society 36 (1998), pp.
22ff.

Coletta, Charles. "Gardens of Stone." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American
Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

Collison, Gary. "Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century German-American Gravestones
in Adams County, Pennsylvania, and the Evolution of Ethnic Identity." Paper present-
ed at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-
April 3, 1999.

. "O, Pioneers? Remembering the Settlers of the Mid-Atlantic Frontier."

Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Comeaux, Malcolm L. "The Cemeteries of Europe: No 'Rest in Peace' Here." Paper present-
ed at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-
April 3, 1999.

Cometa, Michele. "La Fiaccola e il sonno: la piramide di Caio Cestio a Roma." Abitare 372
(1998), pp. 163-165.

213

Cook, Lauren J. "'Gone Home': Death and Social Space in a Family Cemetery." Paper pre-
sented at Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology Salt Lake City, UT,
January 1999.

Cooley Francis Rexford. "'A Speaking Aristocracy': The Tablestones of Congregational
Ministers in Hartford, Connecticut's Ancient Burying Yard." Paper presented at Annual
Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

Corbett, Joyce. "Transylvanian Wooden Gravemarkers." Paper presented at Annual Meeting
of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

Corifield, Justin J. Java: British and Empire Graves, 1743-1975. London, England: BASCA, 1999.

Cozzo, P. "The Politics of Burial in the Early Nineteenth Century: The Edict of Saint-Cloud
and the Local Cemetery in Pinerolo." Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 34:1 (1998),
pp. 133-147.

Crabtree, Kathryn, and Prince, Eugene. "'She is not Dead, but Sleepeth': Epitaphs in
Nineteenth-Century Western Cemeteries." Paper presented at Far West Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Crass, Barbara Ann. "Pre-Christian Inuit Mortuary Practices: A Compendium of
Archaeological and Ethnographic Sources." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin
- Milwaukee, 1998.

Crawford, Sybil. "Showmen's Rest: Hugo, Oklahoma's Circus Cemetery." AGS Quarterly
22:2 (1998), pp. 8-9.

Crist, Thomas A.J., and Washburn, Arthur. "Bioarchaeological Perspectives on the Johnston
Cemetery Project." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical
Archaeology, Salt Lake City, UT, January, 1999.

Curet, L.A., and Oliver, J.R. "Mortuary Practices, Social Development, and Ideology in
Precolumbian Puerto Rico." Latin American Antiquity 9:3 (1998), pp. 217-239.

Dabakis, Melissa. "The Samuel Gompers Memorial: Monument to AFL Ideals in the Era of CIO
Workers." Labor's Heritage 9:3 (1998), pp. 4-21.

Dansel, Michel. Les lieux de culte au cimetiere du Pere-Lachaise. Paris, France: G. Tredaniel edi-
teur, 1999.

Davies, Jon. Death, Burial and Rebirth in the Religions of Antiquity. New York, NY: Routledge,
1999.

DelGallo, Andy. "Today's Stone Carvers: New Methods and the Old Look." Presentation at
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27,
1999.

214

Denbow, James. "Heart and Soul: Glimpses of Ideology and Cosmology in the Iconography
of Tombstones from the Loango Coast of Central Africa." Journal of American Folklore
112:445 (1999), pp. 404-423.

Derderian, Katherine. "Leaving Words to Remember: Greek Mourning and the Advent of
Literacy." Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University, 1998.

Dexheimer, Dagmar. Oberitalische Grabaltare: ein Beitrag zur Sepulkrakunst der Roischen
Kaiserzeit. Oxford, England: British Archaeological Reports, 1998.

Di Fabio, Clario. "Depositum cum statua decumbente: recherches sur Giovanni Pisano a
Genes et le monument de Marguerite de Brabant." Revue de I 'Art 123 (1999), pp. 13-26.

Diseroad, Ann F. "Urn and Willow: The Language of Cemetery Art." Presentation at Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-
28, 1998.

Divak, Yvonne P. "Perth Cemetery and the Stonercarver Peter Hood." Paper presented at
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27,
1999.

Donaldson, Patrick. "Not All Robberies Take Place at the Point of a Gun." Presentation at Far
West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8,
1999.

Doncaster's Living Churchyards. Doncaster, England: Doncaster Naturalists' Society 1999.

Donie, Sabine. Soziale Gliederung und Bevolkerungsentwicklung einer fruhmittelalterlichen
Siedlingsgemeinschaft: Untersuchungen zum Graberfeld bei Schretzheim. Bonn, Germany:
Habel, 1999.

Donovan, Sally. "Stop Before You Start! You Need A Plan." Presentation at Far West
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

Dowling, A. "Exclusive Rights of Burial and the Law of Real Property." Legal Studies: The
Journal of the Society of Public Teachers of Law 18:4 (1998), pp. 438-452.

Downes, Jane, and Pollard, Tony, eds. The Loved Body's Corruption: Archaeological
Contributions to the Study of Human Mortality. Glasgow, Scotland: Cruithne Press, 1999.

Drinkall, Gail. The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Castledyke South, Barton-on-Humber. Sheffield,
England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998.

Dunham, G.H. "Marking Territory, Making Territory: Burial Mounds in Interior Virginia." In
Material Symbols: Culture and Economy in Prehistory. Edited by J.E. Robb. Carbondale, IL:
Center for Archaeological Investigations, 1999, pp. 112-134.

Ecker, Ute. Grabmal und Epigramm. Stuttgart, Germany: Steiner Verlag, 1998.

215

Edgette, J. Joseph. "Angels We Have Seen on High: Winged Creatures and their Place in
Gravemarker Design." Paper presented at Far West Conference of the Association for
Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999.

. "Lingering Memories: Death Sites as Springboards into Local Legend." Paper

presented at Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, October
20-24, 1999.

. "Ribbons of Steel, Ties That Bind: Gravemarkers of Railroaders." Paper pre-

sented at Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Chapter, American Culture Association,
Valley Forge, PA, November 5-7, 1999.

. "Strong Arm of the Law: Carved in Stone." Paper presented at Annual Meeting

of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

Edwards, David N. Gabati: A Meroitic, Post-Meroitic and Medieval Cemetery in Central Sudan.
Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 1998.

Elkington, Barbara. "Cultural and Environmental Variables in Samoan Gravestites in Samoa
and Hawaii." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association,
San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

Fairbanks, Jonathan L. "Eternal Celebration in American Memorials." Markers XVI (1999),
pp. 104-137.

, and Reynolds, Rebecca Ann Gay. "The Art of Forest Hills Cemetery." The

Magazine Antiques. 154:5 (1998), pp. 696-703.

Fannin, Michael. "Traditional Stone Carving in 1998." Presentation at Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

Farrington, Susan Maria. Chittagong Christian Cemeteries, Bangladesh. London, England:
BASCA, 1999.

Faust, Wilfried. Die Grabstelen des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts im Rheingebeit. Koln, Germany:
Rheinland-Verlag, 1998.

Felsen, Gregg. "Tombstones." Biography 22:4 (1999), pp. 56-62.

Fenza, Paula. "The Day Will Come... The Haymarket Memorial in Forest Home Cemetery."
AGS Quarterly 22:1 (1998), pp. 3-4; 27.

Field, D. "Round Barrows and the Harmonious Landscape: Placing Early Bronze Age Burial
Monuments in South-East England." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 17:3 (1998), pp. 309-
326.

Filey, Mike. Mount Pleasant Cemetery: An Illustrated Guide. 2nd Ed. Toronto, Ontario, Canada:
Dundurn Press, 1999.

216

Finlayson, Cynthia Sue. ""Veil, Turban and Headpiece: Funerary Portraits and Female
Status at Palmyra." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Iowa, 1998.

Firson, K. "The Roman Period Necropolis of Zavetnoe in Southwest Crimea: Burial
Structures and Mortuary Ritual." In Grave Matters: Eight Studies if First Millennium AD
Burials in Crimea, England and Scandinavia. Edited by M. Rundkvist. Oxford, England:
Archaeopress, 1999, pp. 1-18.

Fitch, John Townsend. "Photographing Gravestones." NEHGS Nexus 16:1 (1999), pp. 19ff.

Fitzsimmons, John. "Joshua Sawyer" [poem]. Markers XVI (1999), pp. 138-139.

Flanagan, Bob. West Norwood Cemetery's Musicians. London, England: Local History
Publications, 1998.

Fliess, K.H., and Gutmann, M.P. "Parochial Burial Registers: The Case of Texas in the
Nineteenth Century." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 54:2 (1999), pp.
296-311.

Foco, Alma. "Romanticism and the Victorian Cemetery." Presentation at Annual Conference
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

Foppa, Daniel. Wo sie nun liegen mit Erde und Wurm: Beriihmte und vergessene Tote auf Ziirichs
Friedhofen. Zurich, Switzerland: Limmat Verlag, 1999.

Foster, Sally M., ed. The St. Andrew's Sarcophagus: A Pictish Masterpiece and Its International
Connection. Portland, OR: International Specialized Book Services, 1998.

Francis, Jeffrey R. "Non-Indian Burials at Spanish Colonial Missions: San Juan de
Capistrano, San Antonio, Texas, as an Example." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of
the Society for Historical Archaeology, Salt Lake City, UT, January, 1999.

Franco, Barbara. "Where the Bodies are Buried." Paper presented at Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999.

Frederiksen, R. "From Death to Life: The Cemetery of Fusco and the Reconstruction of Early
Colonial Society." In West and East. Edited by G.R. Tsestkhladze. Leiden, Netherlands:
Brill, 1999, pp. 229-266.

Fuller, Sharon Beirne. "Cemeteries as Sacred Landscapes." Master's thesis, University of
Texas at Arlington, 1998.

Gabel, Laurel K. "Daniel Hastings (1749-1803) of Newton, Massachusetts, Stonecutter." AGS
Quarterly 23:3 (1999), pp. 8-10.

. "Gravestone Art and Epitaphs as Genealogical Footnotes." Paper presented at

Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31 -April
3, 1999.

217

. "Graveyard Jeopardy." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association

for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

. '"I Never Regretted Coming to Africa': The Story of Harriet Ruggles Loomis'

Gravestone." Markers XVI (1999), pp. 140-173.
. "Understanding Gravestones: An Overview, 1690-1990." Presentation at Annual

Conferences of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-
28, 1998, and Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999.

_, and Deloria, Claire. "Using the Cemetery as a Learning Laboratory."

Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax,
VA, June 23-27, 1999.

Gaber, Stephane. Memoire de la grand guerre en Lorraine. Metz, France: Serpenoise, 1998.

Galligan, Susan. "Framed Foil Impressions." Presentation at Annual Conferences of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998, and
Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999.

Garman, James C. "'All We Had Was Hearsay (It's Nice to Finally Know)': Archaeopolitics
and the Johnston Cemetery Project." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Society
for Historical Archaeology, Salt Lake City, UT, January, 1999.

Garvin, Richard. "Nisga'a Social Organization as Reflected at the Kincolith Cemetery."
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association,
Victoria, British Columbia, Canada, May, 1998.

Geggie, Norma. A Place Apart: A Search for the Pioneer Cemeteries of the Lower Gatineau Valley.
Quoyon, Quebec, Canada: Chesley House Publications, 1999.

Getty, Cassandra Ellen. "Gender Representation in Tuscan Tombs of the Trecento and
Quattrocento." Master's thesis, University of Victoria (Canada), 1998.

Gibbens, Lilian. Using Death and Burial Records for Family Historians. 2nd Ed. Ramsbottom,
England: Federation of Family History Societies, 1999.

Gonen, Amiram. "The Representation of the City in the Cemetery: A Geographical
Perspective." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association,
San Diego, CA, March 31 -April 3, 1999.

Goodwin, Catherine L. "Take a Tour Through Lowell's Cemeteries." Presentation at Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-
28, 1998.

Gradwohl, David M. "Judah Monis's Puzzling Gravestone as Reflection of his Enigmatic
Identity." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San
Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999.

218

Graves, Mira. "Cemetery Detectives." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association
for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998.

Greco, Giuseppe. Et luxfuit: le catacombe e il sarcofago di Adelfia. Palermo, Sicily, Italy: Arnoldo
Lombardi editore, 1998.

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La Ultima Casa. Barcelona, Spain: Editorial Gustavo Gili, 1999.

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236

CONTRIBUTORS

James Blachowicz, Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University, Chicago,
has been interested in early American gravestones since 1972. He has con-
tributed work to the AGS Quarterly, and his article on the gravestone carv-
ing traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod appeared in Markers XV. He has
recently completed a book, An American Craft Lineage, which greatly
expands his work on Plymouth and the Cape, focusing on twenty-one
stonecarvers in the two regions active from 1770 through 1870. His inter-
est in history extends to the ancient civilizations of the Mediterranean: he
has traveled (and photographed) extensively in the area, taught adult edu-
cation courses on the topic, and published several travel articles in the New
York Times. His book in philosophy, Of Two Minds: The Nature of Inquiry
(State University of New York Press), appeared in 1998.

Simon J. Bronner is Distinguished Professor of Folklore and American
Studies and Coordinator of the American Studies Program at The
Pennsylvania State University, Harrisburg. He has also taught at Harvard
University, University of California at Davis, and Osaka University
(Japan). He has published a dozen books, including Grasping Things: Folk
Material Culture and Mass Society in America; Following Tradition: Folklore in
the Discourse of American Culture; American Material Culture and Folklife;
Folk Art and Art Worlds; and Creativity and Tradition in Folklore. He is the
editor of the University Press of Kentucky's Material Worlds book series
and the Publications of the Pennsylvania German Society. He has previously
served as editor of the journals Material Culture and Folklore Historian, and
edited the American Material Culture and Folklife book series for UMI
Research Press. He is president of the Middle Atlantic American Studies
Association and director of the Center for Pennsylvania Culture Studies.

Gary S. Foster is Professor of Sociology at Eastern Illinois University. His
research interests include ethnicity, rural sociology, and historical demog-
raphy, as well as folklore and anthropology. His articles have appeared in
Southern Folklore Quarterly, Rural Sociology, Journal of Leisure Research,
Sociological Spectrum, The Sociological Quarterly, Appalachian Heritage, and
The American Sociologist. With Richard L. Hummel, he authored an article
on the sociological examination of cemeteries as community which
appeared in Markers XII.

237

Richard L. Hummel is Professor of Sociology at Eastern Illinois
University. His research interests include ethnicity and sport. In addition
to the article he co-authored with Gary S. Foster in Markers XII, he has
published articles in Rural Sociology, The Journal of Sport Behavior,
Sociological Spectrum, and The Sociological Quarterly. He is author of the
1994 book Hunting and Fishing for Sport: Commerce, Controversy and Popular
Culture.

Joseph J. Inguanti holds a Ph.D in History of Art from Yale University and
teaches art history at Southern Connecticut State University. His research
interests include landscape design, Italian American material culture, and
the interrelationships between domestic and funerary landscapes.

Vincent F. Luti, 1997 recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies'
Harriette M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies, has con-
tributed greatly to our understanding of early gravestone carvers of the
Narragansett Basin area, including studies of Seth Luther published in
Rhode Island History and of Stephen and Charles Hartshorn in Markers II.
His in-depth analysis of the carvers John and James New appeared in
Markers XVI. He is Professor Emeritus of Music at the University of
Massachusetts, Dartmouth.

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at
Western Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the
last eight issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers:
Voices of American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the
American Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the
book The Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of
the editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a former president
of the Oregon Folklore Society, and from 1986-1996 chaired the
Cemeteries and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture
Association. His articles on Oregon pioneer gravemarkers and (with
David M. Gradwohl) on San Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery have
appeared in Markers XI and Markers XII, respectively. In 1998 he was a
recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' Harriete M. Forbes
Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Besides his contribution to
material necrology, he has published a wide variety of scholarly materials
in both folklore and literary studies.

238

Silas Weir Mitchell (1829-1914) was a distinguished physician, neurolo-
gist, poet, and novelist who was born and spent most of his life in the
Philadelphia area. One of the principal founders of the American
Physiological Society, his contributions to medical literature covered
many different areas and resulted in almost 200 books and articles,
although he is best known for his experiments in the treatment of nervous
disorders. His literary accomplishments, which include a number of his-
torical novels and short stories, as well as a substantial body of poetry,
have assured his place as a minor but nonetheless significant figure in
American literary history.

Richard F. Veit teaches in the Department of History and Anthropology
at Monmouth University in West Long Branch, New Jersey. A historical
archaeologist by training, his research has focused on New Jersey's eigh-
teenth and nineteenth century gravestones. His other areas of interest
include the archaeological study of ethnicity and the rise of industrialism.
His article on Terra Cotta gravemarkers appeared in Markers XII.

Gray Williams is a freelance writer and editor who lives in Westchester
County, New York. His subjects of interest range from health to history,
as reflected by his most recently published book, Living with Shingles
(1997) and his forthcoming book on Westchester County landmarks. His
special area of interest, however, is the early gravestone carvers of New
York and Connecticut, and he has contributed past articles to Markers on
the New Haven, Connecticut carver Thomas Gold, the Westchester carv-
er Solomon Brewer, and the gravestones preserved in the crypt of New
Haven Center Church.

239

INDEX

Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations

Adams, Christopher 146

Adams, Francis 101

Allen, George 41, 55, 58

All Saints' Day 30

All Souls' Day 30

Alsop farm, Newtown Township,

Long Island, NY 12
American Folklore Society 1
Antram, Sarah 55, [58]
Apicella gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [22]
Aries, Philippe 117
Arwine, Conrad 142
Association for Gravestone Studies 33,

111
Atwood, Susanna 50, 85, 87, [86]

Bacon, Mary 65

Baker, Joanne F. Ill

Balmori, Diana 17

Bamonte monument, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [17]
Barker, William 100
Bartlett, John 49, 74-76, [72]
Bartlett, John Lewis 80
Bassett, Anne 81, [79]
Bernhard, John Peter 133
Bescherer, Abraham 142
Bliss, Aaron 203
Bliss, Abel 202
Bliss, Asenath 203
Bliss, Elizabeth 202

Blood of My Blood (Richard Gambino) 18
Bonnano-Chiaramonte e Bonnano,

Guiseppe 22
Bonomo gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [26]
Bormann, F. Herbert 17
Bosworth, John 98
Brando, Marlon 11
Bray, William 87
Brewer, Solomon 192
Brinckerhof, Jacob 192, [162]
Brown, Mary 146
Brown, Moses 41

Brown, Obadiah 40-41
Brown, Patrick 154
Brown, Thomas 202
Buckland, William 202
Bull, Joseph 202
Bullock, David 38-39
Bullock, Samuel 38-39
Burbank, Catherine 103
Burbank, David 103
Burbank, John 50
Burbank, Mary Ann 103
Burbank, Nehemiah 103
Burbank, Priscilla Savery 103
Burbank, Sally 103
Burbank, Sally Coye 49
Burbank, Samuel 49-50
Burbank, Samuel, Jr. 103
Burbank, Sarah Coye 103
Burbank, Walter D. 103
Burbank, William 103

Calvary Cemetery, Borough of Queens,
New York City, NY 8-31, [8, 13, 14]

Campo Santo de Comune di Floridia, Sicily
27-28, [28]

Cape Cod, MA 33-107

Carver, James 50

Churchill, [E]leanor 85

Cobb, John 34, 54-55, [53, 54]

Cobb, Josiah 68

Cobb, Margaret 83, 87, [83]

Codner, William 65

Coggeshall, George 98

Collins, Elizabeth 131

Cool, T. 147, 155

Cooley, Luke 202

Cooper, George 80

Cooper, Martha 204

Coppola, Francis Ford 11

Corleone, Vito 11

Cotton, Rosseter 92

Coy, Betsy 103

Coy, Charles J. 103

Coy, Elizabeth 36

Coy, Enos 103

240

Coy, Ephraim 103

Coy, Hiram G. 103

Coy, John (b. 1717)36

Coy, John (b. 1725)36

Coy, Johnny C. 103

Coy, Martha 36

Coy, Mary 103

Coy, Matthew 35-36

Coy, Richard 35-36

Coy, Sarah Luce 36

Coy, Sarah Woodbury 35-37, 40

Coye, Elizabeth Shurtleff 50

Coye, John 36, 40

Coye, Jonathan W. 36, 40

Coye, Mary [Carver] 50

Coye, Mary Pearse 39, 44

Coye, Rebecca Brown 50

Coye, Ruth Savery 34, 44, 48

Coye, Samuel 36-37, 40, 44

Coye, Sarah 36

Coye, William 32-107

Craft, Henry Livingston 203

Craft, Robert [197]

Craft, William [198]

Crombie, Fanney 87, [88]

Croswell, Andrew 83, [81]

Crowell, Elizabeth 127

Curtis, James 68

Cushman, Zenus 50

"D" Carver 131-142

Danforth, Job 37

Danforth, Molley 36, 52, 55, [59]

Danforth, Sarah Coy 37-38

Davee, Robert 87

Davison, George 102

Deetz, James 126, 153

Del Guidice, Luisa 17-18

Dethlefsen, Edwin 117, 126, 153

Deverson, George 47

Diman, Daniel 47-48

Dobbs, William 202

Dodderer, Abram 132

Dodderer, Elizabeth 132

Dodderer, Jacob 131-142

Dodderer, Lydia 132

Dodderer, Peter 132

Dowe, Debora 147, 155, [148]

Drew, Bathsheba 34, 52, 55, [57]

Drew, Lemuel 102
Dublin Seminar 111
Dubois County, IN 2
Duryea, Steeven 204

Early American Industries Association 1

Early Ontario Gravestones (Carole Hanks) 157

Edmonds, Elizabeth 51

Edmonds, Elizabeth [Stephenson] 46-48

Edmonds, John Fordery 46-47

Evans, Tim 3

Faeta, Francesco 26-27

Farber, Daniel 111, 128

Farber, Jessie Lie 128

First Reformed Church Cemetery, Fishkill,

NY 192
Fisher, John 202
Hach, Catherina [152]
Flach, Martha 155-156, 150]
Hach, Matthias 155
Hack, Catherine 146-147
Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction

(Richard Dorson) 1
Forbes, Harriette Merrifield 55, 126
Foster, Thomas 75-76
Franklin, Benjamin 125
Frascelli gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [23]
Fusaro gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [24]

Geballe, Gordon T. 17

General Index to the Laws of the State of New

York (Henry Havens) 142
Georgetown, SC 34, 74
German Americans 124-161
German language gravestones, New Jersey

130-161
German language gravestones, Pennsylvania

128-130
Giesecke, Anne G. Ill
Gifford, Joseph 101
Ginsburg, George 140
Gisolfi gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [25]
Global Positioning Systems (GPS) 112-114
Goodwin, Hannah 79, [77]
Goodwin, Nathaniel 34, 42, 52, 65, [66]

241

Gordon, Leonard 203

Grasping Things (Simon J. Bronner) 4

Graves, Thomas 128-129, 140

gravestone rubbing 112

Greene, James 37

Greene, Thomas 37

Greenleaf, Joseph 101

Griffin, Dorithy 203

Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) 116-118

Hammatt, Abraham 84-85, 92, [84, 94]

Hamilton, Asa 204-205

Hardwick, NJ 131-158

Harlow, Amaziah, Jr. 45, 49, 51, 84-85

Harlow, Deborah 79

Harlow, Elizabeth 87, [89]

Harlow, [Ja]bez 74

Hartshorn, Jacob 40

Hartshorn, Stephen 33, 38-42, 52, 55, 58,

85
Hatfield, Barns 202
Higgins, Ruben 105
Higgins, Samuel 80
Higgins, [...]man 92
Hill, Samuel 44
Historical Collections of the State of New

Jersey (John Barber and Henry Howe)

130 *
Holbrook, Ezekiel 81
Holbrook, Martha 80-81, [78]
Holden, Jonathan 38
Holmes, Lewis 84-85
Holmes, Nathaniel 45, 51, 87, 92, 94-95
Homer, John 65, 75
Hoosier Folklore Society 1
Hopkins, Sarah 76, [76]
Hovey, Mary 79
Howland, Elizabeth 81-85
Howland, Thomas Southworth 46
Humfrey, Anne 202
Hurlburt, C.G 99
Huston, David [cover, 7]

Indiana Universiy 1-2
Iorizzo, Luciano J. 22
Irish Americans 15-16
Italian Americans 8-13

Jackson, Lucy 83
Jackson, Samuel 49
Jackson, William Morton 90, 92
Jones, Michael Owen 3

Keen, George, Sr. 142
King Philip's War 36
Kunesset, Johannes [147]
Kunkle, John, Jr. 142

La Bianca gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [24]
Lathrop, Thatcher 204
Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, PA 14
LeBaron, Francis 74
Leonardi monument, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [29]
lettering on gravestones 162-205
Llewellyn Park, NJ 17
Looking at the Overlooked (Warren E. Roberts)

4
Long Valley Union Cemetery, Morris County,

NJ 146-147
Lothrup, Melatiah 75, [73]
Luther, Seth 39, 41

MacKareth, Jane 33, 61, [63, 64]

magnometers 119, [110]

Markers: Annual journal of the Association for

Gravestone Studies 4, 111, 128
Marshall, Howard 3
Marson, Samuel 34, 61, 83, [62]
Mathias, Elizabeth 25
Meenema, Benjamin 204
Meenema, Catharine 203
Metzger, Angiolinia 14-15, [15]
Meyer, Richard 4
Middletown Friends Meeting House

Cemetery, Middletown, PA [108]
Miller, Elizabeth 192, [195]
Miller, Philip and Anna [151]
Mondello, Salvatore 22
Monro, Thomas 98
Moravian gravemarkers 130
Morton, Hannah 83

Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA 14
Mount Kisco Carver 203

242

Narragansett Basin 33-65
Nelles, Hannah 157
Nelson, Elisha 90, [93]
Nova Scotia 33, 61
Noyes, Dorothy 22

Old Stone Union Church Cemetery,

Morris County, NJ 143
Old St. Patrick's Church, Manhattan,

New York City, NY 13

Palermo United Church Cemetery, Hatton

County, Ontario, Canada 157
Partridge, Joseph 100
Paty, Sylvia and Meriah 85, [85]
Pearce, Jacob 38-39
Pearse, Dorothy Hartshorn 39
Pearse, Elizabeth 101
Pearse, Elizabeth Hersey 44
Pearse, Experience 101
Pearse, Icabod 99
Pearse, John 39
Pearse, Mary Lindsay 44
Pearse, Mary Munro 101
Pearse, Nathaniel 44
Pearse, Samuel 44-49
Pearse, Samuel, Jr. 44, 101
Pearse, Sarah 101
Peck, Jonathan 100
Pennsylvania German Folk Art: An

Introduction (John Joseph Stout) 128
Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study

in Folk Art (Preston Barba) 128-129
photoceramic gravestone portraits 16-17,

[17]
photographing gravestones 115-116
Pierce, EC. 99
Pierce, H.C. 99
Pioneer America 2, 4
Pioneer America Society 1
Plymouth, MA 32-107
Plymouth [MA] Powder House 81-82,

[80]
Pope, Mary 87, [90]
Price, Ebenezer 137, 156-157
Providence, RI 33-65
Puzo, Mario 12

Quakers 108-109, 131

Rawson, Stephen 38-39

Rawson, William 38-39

Reed College 2

Rice, Catherine 146

Richmond, Henry 101

Richmond, Rogers 98

Rider, William 70, 73, 80, [70, 71]

Ridlen, Susanne 4

Roberts, Warren Everett vi-7, [vi, 3, 7]

Roman Catholicism 8-31

Root, John 202

Round, Richard 33, 37-39, 42, 59, 61, 65, [60]

Rural Cemetery Movement 14

Saccente gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [20]
Savery, Elizabeth Stephenson 46
Savery, Lemuel 33, 44-46, 48, 51, 69-70, 79-81
Schmidt, Hubert 128
Schuster, Joh. Heinr. 137-140, [139]
Schuster, M. Glockner 140
Schwartzwetter, Martin 140, [141]
Sciascia gravesite, Calvary Cemetery,

New York City, NY [22]
Sciorra, Joseph 10
Sears, Elizabeth 76, [74, 75]
Shaver, Peter B. [149]
Shaw, Betsy 89-90, [91, 92]
Shaw, Ichabod 49
Shaw, Southworth 65
Sheldon, Miriam 203
Sicily 25-28
Smith, Giles 205
Snover, John Henry 142
Snow, Joseph 79
Society for the North American Cultural

Survey 1
Spooner, Ephraim 47
Spooner, Sarah 34, 42, 52, 55, [32]
St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, NY 192
St. Peter's Church, Manhattan, New York

City, NY 13
Stansfield, Charles 125
Stebbins, Ebenezer 203
Stebbins, Ezra 202
Stephenson, Elizabeth 46-47
Stephenson, Jasper Hall 46-47

243

Stephenson, John 46

Stephenson, William 46-47

Stewart, Abner 156-157

Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of North

Carolina Gravemarkers (Ruth Little) 130
Stillwater Presbyterian Church Cemetery,

Sussex County, NJ 132-158
Sturgis, William 105
Swan, Ebenezer 36
Swan, Margaret Woodbury 36
Swan, Sarah 36, 52, [56]
Swayze Family Cemetery, Warren County,

NJ147
Symmes, Hannah 67, [67]
Symmes, Isaac 46

Teetzel, John Solomon 124-161

The Art of Rural Pennsylvania (Frances

Lichten) 128
The Godfather 11
The Old Traditional Way of Life (Robert E.

Walls and George H. Schoemaker) 3
The Tale of the Kind and Unkind Girls

(Warren E. Roberts) 2
Thomas, Mercy 61, 79
Titcomb, Paul 105
Trask, Deborah 61

tree-stump tombstones 1-7, [cover, 7]
Tribble, Hiram 45
Tribble, John 45, 51
Tribble, Winslow 45
Trinity Church and Churchyard,

Manhattan, New York City, NY 13,

[12]

Wacker, Peter 125

Ward, Uzal 137, 203

Wardwell, Mehethabell 42, 52, 55, [43]

Warner, W. Lloyd 117

Warren, Henry 49

Warriner, Margaret 203

Waterman, John 102

Watson, Patience 65

Watson, William 101

West Cemetery, Providence, RI 37

Weston, Coomer 83, [82]

Wheaton, Nathaniel 38

Whitman, Hannah Hartshorn 40

Whitman, Jacob 37, 40

Wilson, Elijah 103

Wilson, Susan Coy 103

Windem [Windermuth] sisters gravemarker

132-133, [124]
Windermuth, John George 135-137, [136, 138]
Windermuthin, Margaret Elizabeth 133-135,

[134-135]
Winterbotham, W. 125-126
Wood, Thankful 205
Woodbury, Hugh 35
Woodbury, Jonathan 37
Woodbury, Lydia 37
Woodbury, Mary Rawford 35

Yellow Frame Presbyterian Church Cemetery,

Sussex County, NJ 143
Yoder, Donald 154

Zuricher, John 192

Van Tassill, William 203

Van Voorhis, John and Barbare 192, [165]

Van Wyck, Cathelyna 205

Van Wyck, Theodorus 204

videotaping gravestones 114-115

Vlach, John Michael 3

244

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE

ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES

Scope

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non-
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for New
England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual scholarly
journal, Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes of AGS are
broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its subject mat-
ter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and encompassing
all historical periods and geographical regions, with an emphasis upon
North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean above-ground arti-
facts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in most instances
excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, however, be made to
this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are urged to consult the
editor if they have any questions concerning this matter). Articles on
death and dying in general or on other aspects of death-related material
culture would not normally fall within the journal's purview unless clear-
ly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular cemeteries may form
the basis of study if a major focus of the article is on the markers con-
tained therein and if the purpose of the article is more than simply a non-
analytical history or description of the cemeteries themselves. Finally,
articles submitted for publication in Markers should be scholarly, analyti-
cal and interpretive, not merely descriptive and entertaining. Within these
general parameters, the journal seeks variety both in subject matter and
disciplinary orientation. For illustration of these general principles, the
prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of Markers.

Submissions

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581-5344
/ E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in tripli-
cate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals of
any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, articles
in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 typescripted,
double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any appended

245

material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of exceptional
merit and if space permits.

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the
text of the manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard copy
and computer diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing pro-
grams are compatible with the journal's disk translation software, which
is used for typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on this matter
should be directed to the editor.

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial sub-
mission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in a
given volume of the journal are generally determined by the chronologi-
cal order of their acceptance and submission in final form.

Style/Notes

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and prin-
ciples enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual of
Style, [a notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded as
the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period].

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as end-
notes (i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary
nature should conform in format to the models found in the chapter enti-
tled "Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they
should be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the arti-
cle and before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not
desired, though bibliographical material may, of course, be included with-
in one or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a sepa-
rate paragraph at the beginning of the note section.

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly
labeled as such (e.g., Appendix I, Appendix II, etc.).

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of
Markers for examples of these principles in context.

246

Illustrations

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally lend-
ing itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal encour-
ages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, plus any
number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding that
these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's value
through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. Photos
should be5x7or8xl0 black and white glossy prints of medium-high
contrast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Pre-scanned pho-
tographic images submitted on computer disk are not acceptable. Maps,
charts, diagrams or other line art should be rendered as carefully as pos-
sible so as to enhance presentation. A separate sheet should be provided
listing captions for each illustration. It is especially important that each
illustration be numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference
at the appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7).

Review

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the jour-
nal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort is
made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be noti-
fied of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions for
revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized man-
uscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for style
and format before publication.

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing copy-
right and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written permissions
for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously copyrighted
material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written permission
from the person holding the copyright must be secured and submitted to
the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained from persons
who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit to the photog-
rapher should be provided in captions or acknowledgment statement.

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission

247

to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a com-
plimentary copy of the volume.

AGS JOURNALS

MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of
15 articles on topics such as recording & care of grave-
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual markers,
& carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & the
CT Hook-and-Eye Man. [182 pp; 100 illus.]

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England &
Atlantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in
Scotland & New England; early symbols in religious
& wider social perspective; MA carvers Joseph
Barbur, Jr., Stephen & Charles Hartshorn, & carver
known as "JN"; Portage County, WI carvers, 1850-
1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo, TX.
[226 pp.; 168 illus.]

MARKERS HI Gravestone styles in frontier towns
of western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan
markers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County,
MA.; & NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah
Coolidge Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther
Hubbard. [154 pp.; 80 illus.]

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions;
camposantos of NM; & death Italo- American style. [180
pp.; 138 illus.]

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum
designs of Louis Henri Sullivan; Thomas Gold & 7
Boston carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with
their initials; & Canadian gravestones & yards in
Ontario & Kings County, Nova Scotia. [240 pp.; 158
illus.]

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, MA.;
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to
GA; sociological study of Chicago-area monuments;
more on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in south-
western Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a
review essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying
Grounds of Eastern Connecticut. [245 pp.; 90 illus.]

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot
enclosures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds
Initiative; unusual monuments in colonial tidewater
VA; tree stones in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; life
& work of VA carver Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of
Monroe County, IN; Celtic crosses; & monuments of
the Tsimshian Indians of western Canada. [281 pp.;
158 illus.]

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering
studies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their
work: 15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited
by Peter Benes. [342 pp.; 206 illus.]

MARKERS IX A tribute to the art of Francis Duval;
the Mullicken Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the
Green Man on Scottish markers; the Center Church

Crypt, New Haven, CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin &
his shop; the Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge,
MA; Thomas Crawford's monument for Amos
Binney; Salt Lake City Temple symbols on Mormon
tombstones; language codes in TX German cemeter-
ies; & the disappearing Shaker cemetery. [281 pp.; 176
illus.]

MARKERS X The markers carved by Calvin Barber
of Simsbury CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern
American cemetery; stonecarving of Charles Lloyd
Neale of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of
Louisville, KY; 4 generations of the Lamson family
carvers of Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the
Protestant Cemetery in Florence, Italy. [254 pp.; 122
illus.]

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemark-
ers; regional & denominational identity in LA ceme-
teries; carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester
County, NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the
Dead'; slave markers in colonial MA; the Leighton &
Worster families of carvers; a KY stonecutter's career;
& pioneer markers in OR. [237 pp.; 132 illus.]

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta gravemarkers; Adam &
Eve markers in Scotland; a sociological examination
of cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead
diary; contemporary gravemarkers of youths; San
Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's
Work in Gravemarker/ Cemetery Studies. [238 pp.;
Ill illus.]

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of

Plainfield, CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of
gravestone carving in Coastal NH; language commu-
nity in a TX cemetery; carver John Huntington of
Lebanon, CT; & "The Year's Work." [248 pp.; 172
illus.]

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols;
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt
family stonecutters; African-American cemeteries in
north FL; & "The Year's Work." [232 pp.; 107 illus.]

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries;

Herman Melville's grave; carving traditions of
Plymouth & Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscrip-
tions; Aboriginal Australian markers; Kansas ceme-
teries & The New Deal; Chinese markers in Hong
Kong; & "The Year's Work." [350 pp.; 166 illus.]

MARKERS XVI Daniel Farber obituary; Nar-

ragansett carvers John & James New; celebration in
American memorials; "Joshua Sawyer" (poem);
Harriet Ruggles Loomis' gravestone; Scotch-Irish
markers of John Wight; murder in MA; & "The Year's
Work." [281 pp.; 142 illus.]

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