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MARKERS XVII 



n<* 




Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Markers XVII 



Annual Journal of 
the Association for 
Gravestone Studies 



Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Association for Gravestone Studies 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 




Copyright ©2000 by 

Association for Gravestone Studies 

278 Main Street, Suite 207 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301 



All rights reserved 
Printed in the United States of America 



ISBN: 1-878381-10-5 
ISSN: 0277-8726 
LCN: 81-642903 



The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of 

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. 



Cover illustration: Tree-stump gravestone of David Huston, 1884, Talbott 
Cemetery, near Bono, Indiana. Photograph by Richard E. Meyer. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 

Obituary: Warren E. Roberts (1924-1999) 1 

Simon J. Bronner 

Domesticating the Grave: Italian-American Memorial 
Practices at New York's Calvary Cemetery 8 

Joseph J. Inguanti 

William Coye: Father of the Plymouth Carving Tradition 32 

James Blachowicz, in collaboration 
with Vincent F. Luti 

The Quaker Graveyard 108 

Silas Weir Mitchell 

Applications of Developing Technologies to 

Cemetery Studies 110 

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 

John Solomon Teetzel and the Anglo-German Gravestone 

Carving Tradition of 18th Century Northwestern New Jersey 124 

Richard F. Veit 

By Their Characters You Shall Know Them: Using Styles 

of Lettering to Identify Gravestone Carvers 162 

Gray Williams 

The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies 206 

Richard E. Meyer 

Contributors 236 

Index 239 



in 



MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE 
ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

Richard E. Meyer, Editor 
Western Oregon University 

Gary Collison, Assistant Editor 
The Pennsylvania State University, York 

Theodore Chase Julie Rugg 

Harvard University University of York 

Editor, Markers V-IX (United Kingdom) 

Jessie Lie Farber James A. Slater 

Mount Holyoke College University of Connecticut 

Editor, Markers I 

Dickran Tashjian 
Richard Francaviglia University of California, Irvine 

University of Texas at Arlington 

David Watters 
Barbara Rotundo University of New Hampshire 

State University of New York at Albany Editor, Markers II-IV 

Wilbur Zelinsky 
The Pennsylvania State University, University Park 

If asked, "Which do you feel is the best of the Markers issues you have 
edited?", I would most likely reply, "the most recent one." Upon deeper 
reflection, this may or may not be qualitatively true, but the feeling 
nonetheless is genuine: the excitement which comes with each new group 
of essays takes about a year to moderate - just in time to be reinvigorated 
by the next offering. This year's excitement - which I hope you will feel 
as well - is fueled by several important new carver studies, a significant 
contribution to our understanding of the diversity of ethnic memorial 
practices, an examination of the relevancy of new technologies to ceme- 
tery studies, and a practical explication of the role of lettering in carver 

iv 



identification. The inclusion of a poem in last year's edition met with such 
success that it will now become a recurring feature in Markers, along with 
"The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies." 

Several changes have occurred on the journal's editorial board. Gary 
Collison, Professor of American Studies at Penn State York, has been 
appointed Assistant Editor: his special responsibilities will involve mar- 
keting strategies and development of an expanded web page for the jour- 
nal. Also, as announced in Markers XVI, the place on the editorial board 
vacated by the death of Warren Roberts has been ably filled by Julie Rugg 
of the University of York (United Kingdom). Dr. Rugg's international per- 
spective and specialized expertise in contemporary memorial practices 
will be of immense value. 

Once again, I offer my thanks to the current year's contributors for the 
high quality of their submissions, and also to the individual members of 
the journal's editorial review board for their dedicated efforts, good judge- 
ment, and consistently high standards. A very special word of thanks to 
Simon Bronner for the sensitive memorial, at once moving and informa- 
tive, he has provided in his obituary for Warren Roberts. Appreciation is 
due to AGS members Joe Edgette and Claire Deloria for providing photos 
of Warren. Fred Kennedy of Lynx Communication Group, Salem, Oregon, 
and Patti Stephens of Philomath, Oregon again deserve special praise for 
the production and design skills which make Markers the handsome vol- 
ume it is. The officers, executive board members, staff, and general mem- 
bership of the Association for Gravestone Studies are, of course, what 
make it all possible in the first place. And if it wasn't for Lotte Larsen 
Meyer and her faith in me, I wouldn't be writing this right now. 

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life, 
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information 
concerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal 
may be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of 
this issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E. 
Meyer, Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 / 
E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publi- 
cations, membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278 
Main Street, Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836. 

R.E.M. 



Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999) 




vi 



OBITUARY: WARREN EVERETT ROBERTS (1924-1999) 

Simon J. Bronner 

Followers of gravestone, folklife, and material culture studies have 
lost a guiding light with the death of Warren Roberts. His essays on 
recording material culture are still required reading in the field, and his 
presence is still felt in the many students who remember his classes and 
the colleagues who know his contribution to several organizations. 
Besides his service as an editorial board member for Markers, he also 
served in leadership positions for the American Folklore Society, Pioneer 
America Society, Early American Industries Association, Society for the 
North American Cultural Survey, and the Hoosier Folklore Society. I 
remember and honor him as a teacher, dissertation director, friend, and 
fellow fieldworker. 

Warren Roberts invited students from his graduate seminar on folk 
material culture at Indiana University to his house at the end of each 
semester. They admired his reconstruction of a New England saltbox 
house majestically proclaiming his roots in Maine as well as his fidelity to 
preindustrial life. They usually stood in awe at the furniture he made with 
his own hands and gawked at his extensive antique tool and basket col- 
lections. He was a marvelous host and a dedicated teacher who gracious- 
ly extended himself to students and colleagues. He gave of himself for 
this field of material culture that was also something of a cause for him. 
On one occasion in the late 1970s, the students had a token of apprecia- 
tion to give him. It was a bumper sticker, and he beamed as he read aloud 
its message: I brake for cemeteries. 

It was about this time that he was turning his attention more fully to 
cemeteries and gravestones in his consideration of American material cul- 
ture. I believe that his turn joined the areas he had covered in his passage 
through several material worlds. He had built a reputation for architec- 
tural and craft studies, well represented in his chapters on architecture, 
craft, and recording material culture for the seminal textbook Folklore and 
Folklife: An Introduction, edited by Richard Dorson (University of Chicago 
Press, 1972). 1 He referred often in his essays to the functional integration 
of objects in an ecological system of labor and land. His primary concern 
- finding instrumental roles that objects fulfill in forming a traditional 
"way of life" - became known as the "functional approach." 2 He had in 



Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999) 



mind an ambitious project of developing an outdoor folk museum at 
Indiana University and scoured the countryside for examples of tradi- 
tional buildings, tools, and crafts to display He moved several buildings 
and waited for his dream to become a reality. And he kept waiting, and 
ultimately became frustrated with the obstacles to the project's progress. 
As his dream of an outdoor museum faded, he found public outdoor dis- 
plays of traditional life already in place. They were craftsmen's tools on 
tombstones, and he found them in cemeteries near his Bloomington, 
Indiana, home. I well remember his excitement over his discovery, and 
more than a few times he invited me to join him in the quest for more 
examples. My impression was that he thought of those cemeteries as the 
most revealing museum of cultural function. They featured engaging arti- 
facts that brought together landscape, craft, custom, and design; they 
offered insights into the relation of individuals to society, community and 
region, ritual and life, ethnicity and labor. He published a note on them in 
1978 in the journal Pioneer America (vol. 10, pp. 106-11) and followed with 
a host of essays on gravestones and their carvers. It marked a turning 
point in his research, and indeed in his career. 

That career sadly came to an end on February 1, 1999 at the age of 74. 
He held the distinction of being the first Ph.D. in folklore from Indiana 
University, and he remained at the university to teach for almost fifty 
years. The significance of his instruction in the folklore department and 
work for the Folklore Institute was his advocacy for material culture stud- 
ies. His specialty when he began his degree was in oral traditions. His 
undergraduate thesis at Reed College in 1948 was on the ballad, and his 
doctoral dissertation was on the diffusion of folk tales. In 1958 he pub- 
lished his dissertation as The Tale of the Kind and Unkind Girls (W. De 
Gruyter, 1958; republished Wayne State University Press, 1994). In 1959, 
he was awarded a Fulbright grant to study in Norway and while there he 
became involved in the prominent Scandinavian folklife and outdoor 
museum movements. Upon his return, he introduced material culture 
seminars into the curriculum at the Folklore Institute and expanded his 
communication with American material culture scholars and institutions. 
He taught a two-semester sequence of folk architecture followed by folk 
crafts and folklife. He also led a "field" school during many summers 
where he brought graduate students to Dubois County, Indiana, to 
engage in folklife fieldwork. A regular stop was the Catholic cemetery in 
Jasper, where he showed students tree-stump tombstones (the subject of 



Simon J. Bronner 



several articles he wrote) and German metal markers. Many names who 
would become leaders of material culture studies generally and grave- 
stone studies in particular came out of those seminars (e.g., John Michael 
Vlach, Michael Owen Jones, Howard Marshall, and Tim Evans). His stu- 
dents and many colleagues honored him with a festschrift in 1989 entitled 
The Old Traditional Way of Life, edited by Robert E. Walls and George H. 
Schoemaker (Trickster Press). 

The title of the festschrift refers to his "credo" that he espoused in his 
essay on "Investigating the Tree-Stump Tombstone" in 1985. Based on his 
research of stone carvers of gravemarkers in the unusual shape of tree 
stumps, he stated that "if the goal of folklife research is to study the tra- 
ditional way of life of the preindustrial era, it should also be our goal to 
study the ways in which that way of life persists into the present and the 
influences of that way of life on modern life. In such a study we can hard- 
ly ignore the owner of the artifact." 3 In his reply to Michael Owen Jones, 
he distinguished his view of folklife studies from other branches of cul- 
ture studies with which he was once associated: "folkloristics tries to deal 
with only a few elements, mainly tales and songs, and ignores the rest. 
Folklife research concentrates on one society. Some of its research goals 
have been and should continue to include discovering how homogeneous 




Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999) 



that society was. Folkloristics, however, includes the study of all human 
societies, and behaviors that transcend cultures." 4 From his study of 
tombstones, then, he articulated the mission he set out for folklife as a cul- 
tural reconstruction of communities living in tradition. 

For American gravestone studies, his work had another significance. 
It raised awareness of memorial forms and their makers other than the 
"headstone," and regionally it brought more attention to areas outside of 
colonial America. His "Notes on the Production of Rustic Monuments in 
the Limestone Belt of Indiana" for Markers in 1990 pleaded the case for a 
functional approach in gravestone studies. Susanne Ridlen took up his 
challenge in her dissertation of tree-stump tombstones (directed by 
Warren Roberts) and reported her findings in Markers in 1996 as "Tree- 
Stump Tombstones: Traditional Cultural Values and Rustic Funerary Art." 
I reported on tree-stump tombstone makers in the journal Pioneer America 
and the book Grasping Things. 5 But Roberts's influence is not just about 
naming and describing "tree-stump tombstones." He encouraged open- 
ing more types of gravestones for scrutiny. The title of his volume of 
essays states his view succinctly: Looking at the Overlooked (UMI Research 
Press, 1988). In his comments and papers, he applauded field work to 
identify and interpret a diversity of forms and factors for gravestones 
within community, environmental, and cultural contexts. I view that 
effort in Richard Meyer's important books on gravemarkers and his pro- 
duction of this journal. Meyer credits Roberts with providing the inspira- 
tion for his own research concerning occupational imagery on grave- 
markers. 6 

At the time of his death, Roberts was telling me about bringing togeth- 
er his work on craft and social function. His plan was to connect furniture 
makers and gravestone carvers, designs for domestic and public land- 
scapes, and tools for the living and the dead. He espoused the folklife 
spirit to the end. It was about making connections, it was about the sig- 
nificance of the quest. He reminded us of the links of creativity and tradi- 
tion, community and custom. I remember him and honor his spirit. 



Simon J. Bronner 



NOTES 

1. For his important architectural and craft studies, see Log Buildings of Southern Indiana 
(Bloomington, IN: Trickster Press, 1984); "The Whitaker-Waggoner Log House from 
Morgan County, Indiana," in American Folklife, ed. Don Yoder (Austin, TX: University 
of Texas Press, 1976); "German American Log Buildings of Dubois County, Indiana," 
Winterthur Portfolio 21 (1986): 265-74; "Ananias Hensel and His Furniture: 
Cabinetmaking in Southern Indiana," Midwestern Journal of Language and Folklore 9 
(1983): 69-122; "Turpin Chairs and the Turpin Family: Chairmaking in Southern 
Indiana," Midzvestern Journal of Language and Folklore 7 (1981): 57-106. 

2. See Simon J. Bronner, "Concepts in the Study of Material Aspects of American Folk 
Culture," Folklore Forum 12 (1979): 133-72; Thomas Schlereth, ed. Material Culture 
Studies in America (Nashville, TN: American Association for State and Local History, 
1983). 

3. In American Material Culture and Folklife, ed. Simon J. Bronner (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI 
Research Press, 1985), p. 136. See also his reference to the "credo" in Material Culture 
Studies: A Symposium, ed. Simon J. Bronner, pp. 2-3 (special issue of Material Culture, vol. 
17, 1985). 

4. "Reply: Folklife Research and Folkloristics," in American Material Culture and Folklife, 
ed. Bronner, p. 152. 

5. See Susanne Ridlen, "Tree-Stump Tombstones: Traditional Cultural Values and Rustic 
Funerary Art," Markers 13 (1996): 44-73; Simon J. Bronner, "The Durlauf Family: Three 
Generations of Stonecarvers in Southern Indiana," Pioneer America 13 (1981): 17-26; 
Simon J. Bronner, Grasping Things: Folk Material Culture and Mass Society in America 
(Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1986). Also, a new work by Susanne Ridlen, 
Tree-Stump Tombstones: A Field Guide to Rustic Funerary Art in Indiana, is in press as of 
this writing, with a scheduled publication date in 1999. 

6. Richard E. Meyer, "Tribute to Warren Roberts," AGS Quarterly 23 (Summer 1999): 2. 



Warren Everett Roberts (1924-1999) 



APPENDIX 

Warren Roberts' Gravestone Studies 

"Investigating the Tree-Stump Tombstone in Indiana." In American Material Culture and 
Folklife: A Prologue and Dialogue. Edited by Simon J. Bronner. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI 
Research Press, 1985; reprinted Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1992, pp. 
135-143. 

"Notes on the Production of Rustic Monuments in the Limestone Belt of Indiana." Markers 
7 (1990), pp. 172-193. 

"The Sincerest Form of Flattery: Originals and Imitations in 'Rustic Monuments' of the 
Limestone Belt of Indiana." In Warren E. Roberts, Viewpoints on Folklife: Looking at the 
Overlooked. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1988, pp. 145-161. 

"Tombstones in Scotland and Indiana." Folklife: A journal of Ethnological Studies 23 (1984- 
1985), pp. 97-104. 

"Tools on Tombstones: Some Indiana Examples." Pioneer America 10 (1978), pp 106-111. 
Reprinted in Warren E. Roberts, Viewpoints on Folklife: Looking at the Overlooked. Ann 
Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1988, pp. 133-144. 

"Traditional Tools as Symbols: Some Examples from Indiana Tombstones." Pioneer America 
12 (1980), pp. 54-63. 



Simon J. Bronner 




Italian-American Memorial Practices 




Fig. 1. The Queens Boulevard gates of Calvary Cemetery. 



DOMESTICATING THE GRAVE: 

ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEMORIAL PRACTICES 

AT NEW YORK'S CALVARY CEMETERY 

Joseph J. Inguanti 

Memory 

I begin this essay by recounting two personal events separated by 
about twenty-five years. The more recent one takes place in the mid- 
1990s. I have gone with my parents and my Aunt Elsie, my mother's sis- 
ter, to visit the graves of our dead. Leaving suburbia behind, we have 
traveled west on the Long Island Expressway to get to Calvary Cemetery 
in the Borough of Queens, New York City (Fig. 1). As always, the first stop 
is the plot where my maternal grandparents are buried. I get out of the car 
and immediately busy myself with tidying the grave. I scratch at the 
earth, removing thatch and bits of trash; I water the grass. My dark sun- 
glasses conceal my tears. My actions are therapeutic. I contemplate the 
memory of my grandparents, but I am also compelled to work. I must 
alter the landscape. Even this perfunctory clean-up attests to my presence 
here, to my visit. As usual, Aunt Elsie wears her emotions on her sleeve. 
Overcome as she watches me work, she tells me between sobs that my 
grandparents are "looking down," witnessing my labor on their grave. 

The other, earlier, event is more accurately a compendium of events all 
rolled into one powerful set of images from the late 1960s and early 1970s. 
I am a child seated with my father's side of the family at the dining room 
table in the home of my father's brother Nino and his wife Antoinette. 
Adjacent to the table, along the interior wall that the dining room shares 
with the kitchen, is a sideboard, the piece we New Yorkers call a buffet or 
buffet table, although I have never seen one used to serve a buffet. Nor 
have I ever seen one set up quite like Aunt Antoinette's buffet table! It is 
fitted with a glass top under which Aunt Antoinette has placed the memo- 
rial cards supplied by the funeral home for every dead relative in the 
extended family and every close friend she has known. Her shrine even 
features newpaper obituaries which often have a grainy picture of the 
deceased in life. I learn from these clippings that dead people are pictured 
in sfumato; the ben day dots composing their faces are somehow more 
diffuse than those of the living. Like an altar, there are white candles at 



10 Italian-American Memorial Practices 



either end of the buffet table. Tucked behind photos hanging on the adja- 
cent wall are blessed palms from Palm Sunday. 

My father, the successful, acculturated businessman is far from the 
Old World and its old ways. He finds Aunt Antoinette's buffet table 
shrine distasteful, morbid. At home, he refers to it mockingly as "death 
under glass." I laugh at this name but I am fascinated by my aunt's funer- 
ary shrine and always try to steal glimpses of it while in her dining room 
without lingering in an obvious way. 

Family Obligations 

While my reminiscences may be seen as yet another instance of 
America's current obsession with personal history (the driving force 
behind both PBS's Ancestors series and Warner Brothers' The fenny Jones 
Show), they go beyond the personal. These memories reveal an important 
attitude toward the dead among New York's Italian Americans. Like 
other denizens of heaven, the dead are omniscient observers of the living. 
In the Italian- American belief system the dead play a role similar to that 
of the saints. Much like a favorite saint, the dead may be addressed direct- 
ly, personally, and informally. This continuing relationship with the 
deceased is strongest with dead family members. 1 

The dead remain present in the consciousness of the living by means 
of material reminders and the rituals surrounding them. In my Aunt 
Antoinette's remarkable project, the dead "sit" in the dining room at a 
table adjacent to the table for their living relatives. 2 Joseph Sciorra has 
pointed out that yard shrines and outdoor altars constructed by New 
York's Italian Americans may incorporate images and possessions of 
deceased family members. Sciorra stresses that these "shrines and altars 
are extensions of home, and hence family life, into the public sphere." 3 
Similarly, at Calvary Cemetery the decorating and landscaping models 
chosen by Italian Americans are domestic ones. This is not surprising; the 
home is the site of the most important Italian-American institution, the 
family. 4 

In the Italian-American family, love is expressed by dovere, duty, which 
often takes the form of work. The tidiness, cleanliness, and order so 
important in the Italian-American house and garden extends to the ceme- 
tery. This insures that the public image of one's dead family members is 
presentable and attractive. Like that of the living, the home of the dead 
should reflect the bella figura, the appropriate, graceful bearing of the 



Joseph J. Inguanti 11 



occupant. 5 An overgrown, slovenly property might elicit a cry of "faccia 
brutta" (literally "ugly face"), a shame-producing derision that expresses 
both the disgust and pity of the speaker. Indeed, the custom of grave-tend- 
ing makes clear the contiguity and permeability between the realm of the 
living and the realm of the dead in the Italian- American belief system. 

At Calvary Cemetery, New York's Italian Americans transform bare, 
anonymous graves into tidy, beautiful homes for the dead. While Italian 
immigrants to the metro New York region brought with them a very 
potent funerary art tradition, this tradition was modified through contact 
with attitudes toward the landscape present in American dominant cul- 
ture. Thus, grave-tending practices at Calvary Cemetery play a small but 
important role in the construction of a third culture, the Italian- American 
culture. 

Calvary Cemetery and Italian American Cultural Identity in 
Metropolitan New York 

In the popular imagination, Calvary Cemetery is known as New 
York's Italian cemetery. This may of course be due in part to its appear- 
ance in the Academy Award winning film of 1972, Francis Ford Coppola's 
The Godfather. Coppola's editing demonstrates his incredible savvy about 
Italian- American interactions with the landscape. The scene in which Vito 
Corleone, played by Marlon Brando, drops dead - among the tall, staked 
tomato plants of his Long Beach, New York garden - fades to Corleone's 
funeral cortege entering the Queens Boulevard gates of Calvary 
Cemetery. In the presence of family and the appropriate plant materials, 
Corleone /Brando's contact with the earth is sanctioned. This is in marked 
contrast with his previous experience with the ground, gunned down in 
the mean streets of the city, his body clinging to life, sprawled on asphalt. 
What makes the cemetery scene striking in its verisimilitude, aside from 
the gorgeous period clothes and vintage cars, is its representation of the 
Italian-American good death. As in the tomato garden scene, 
Corleone/Brando's body lies in the presence of family and plant materi- 
als in a verdant "island" in the midst of the metropolis. Coppola's adap- 
tation of Mario Puzo's novel offers a realistic glimpse at a lavish Italian- 
American funeral circa 1950. 

Works of fiction aside, one must consider why Calvary Cemetery, the 
oldest and largest of New York's Catholic Archdiocesan cemeteries, really 
is New York's Italian- American cemetery. It is also necessary to define 



12 



Italian- American Memorial Practices 



who, at least for the purposes of this paper, the Italian Americans are. It 
seems that Calvary Cemetery's identification with Italian Americans is 
largely an accident of history. Located on the land of the former Alsop 
farm, in what was then Newtown Township, Long Island (today a portion 
of the Borough of Queens), Calvary Cemetery was opened in 1848 to sat- 
isfy the burial demands of New York's burgeoning Roman Catholic pop- 
ulation. A large percentage of these Catholics was made up of recent 
European immmigrants. By the turn of the century, Italian immigration 
surpassed that of any other group, exceeding 100,000 immigrants a year. 
The figures soon rose to 250,000 a year in the early years of the twentieth 
century. 

Of these immigrants, the overwhelming majority (about 80%) hailed 
from the southern provinces of the Italian mainland and Sicily, escaping 
what southern Italians still call "la miseria" - high taxes, overpopulation, 
and a series of agricultural crises (especially those involving oranges and 
wine) in a region lacking other industry. While Jews and Protestants were 
among the Italian immigrants, Roman Catholics were the dominant reli-. 
gious group. Nonetheless, local, non- Vatican-sanctioned beliefs and cus- 
toms were strong among this nominally Catholic majority. In the present 




Fig. 2. Trinity Church Graveyard, Manhattan. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



13 



context, then, the term "Italian Americans" refers most specifically to this 
group: Catholic southern Italians of The Great Migration of the turn of the 
century and their descendents. 

Catholic Cemeteries in New York 

Before the opening of Calvary Cemetery in 1848, New York's Catholics 
were buried in Manhattan. The first Catholic cemetery was established in 
1785 on the corner of Barclay and Church Streets, the present location of 
St. Peter's Church. Prior to 1785, Catholics were buried in a section of the 
graveyard of Trinity Church, New York's famous, old Episcopalian con- 
gregation (Fig. 2). The site of the second Catholic church in New York, Old 
St Patrick's at Prince and Mott Street, was also originally cemetery land. 6 
Against this historical backdrop, Calvary's novelty in terms of style, loca- 
tion, and size becomes clear. Calvary Cemetery presents a marked depar- 
ture from the prior Catholic pattern of small Manhattan cemeteries which 
gave rise to churches or, as in the case of Trinity Episcopal, was already a 
churchyard. Calvary is something else. It is a former farm once far from 
the bustle of the city but now enveloped by it; and it is vast (Fig. 3). 



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14 



Italian-American Memorial Practices 



With their winding avenues and scenic hillocks, Calvary's early sec- 
tions conform to the rural cemetery style which was rapidly gaining pop- 
ularity in mid-nineteenth-century America (Fig. 4). The rural cemetery 
aesthetic stressed contemplation of picturesque, albeit contrived, land- 
scape features and plantings, and some of the grander examples of this 
type of cemetery are represented by Mount Auburn in Cambridge, 
Massachussetts, and Laurel Hill in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Opening 
a few decades prior to massive Italian immigration to New York, Calvary 
was positioned to receive the remains of Italian-born immigrants and 
their descendents and to do so in a new style. 

The Domesticated Grave 

It is difficult to determine whether the graves of the earliest Italian 
immigrants buried at Calvary were adorned by survivors according to the 
domestic model that prevails today. The first reliable entry of interment of 
an Italian-born person appears in the record for November 22, 1853 (Fig. 
5). On that day, Angiolinia Metzger, dead of "Consumption of the lungs" 
at age 35, was buried in Range 6, Plot G, Grave 3. Inspection of the site 
reveals only dry, compacted earth; Mrs. Metzger 's is an unmarked grave 




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Joseph J. Inguanti 



15 



amidst the modest headstones of marked graves. One wonders whether 
Angiolinia Metzger's husband, who was to join his wife in eternal rest a 
few years later, was too poor to afford a stone or whether a modest mark- 
er has disappeared over the years. There is virtually no evidence of grave- 
tending, decoration, or ornamental plantings in this very old section of 
the cemetery. Poignant in its desolation, this area and all who are buried 
in it seem forgotten. 

Metzger's grave is very early; it pre-dates the unification of Italy into 
a single nation-state by several years. Moreover, its barren appearance is 
atypical of the majority of Italian-American graves at Calvary. Graves like 
Metzger's or the mere presence of incalculable amounts of people of 
Italian descent among the 1.75 million souls resting in Calvary are not 
what make this cemetery manifestly Italian American. It is the arts of the 
grave that develop in the early twentieth century - as the generation of 
the peak years of Italian immigration dies - that provide Calvary with a 
visual vocabulary that has a distinctly New York Italian-American accent. 

Prior to the arrival of the Italians, the Irish were the largest Catholic 
ethnic group in New York. Likewise, the Irish were the predominant 
group interred at Calvary Cemetery during the its earliest decades. Irish- 
American markers from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth 






, & ?S 










ML, £<£rr.^„ 



'7' 



/ 




/ 


r/t 


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,Y< 


S7 


aCe 


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<3fy at* ^y -£*-£;^ 



Fig. 5. Register entry for interment of Angiolinia Metzger. 



16 



Italian- American Memorial Practices 



century are inscribed in English. It is common on these markers to declare 
the ethnicity of the decedent by including in the inscription a County 
Kerry or County Cork birthplace. Italian- American markers from the late 
nineteenth century through the early twentieth century are frequently 
inscribed in Italian, often in a southern Italian dialect. Moreover, the use 
of photoceramic portraits is an important feature from the turn of the cen- 
tury to the middle of the twentieth century, with the peak in popularity 
occurring in the 1920s (Fig. 6). While photoceramic portraits of the dece- 
dent are present on the markers of other ethnic groups, they are most 
common on the stones of Italian immigrants and their descendents. At 
Calvary, then, the presence of a photoceramic portrait bespeaks Italian 
ethnicity almost as strongly as an Italian language inscription. 7 

The photoceramic portrait establishes the important link between the 
private space of the Italian- American home and the public space of the 
cemetery. Never candid, these images are formal, studio photographs of 
the deceased taken during life. Using the dialect of Messina, one infor- 
mant called such a photo a ritrattu, (in Italian, ritratto), the word for por- 
trait. In form and use, these tombstone ritratti follow the conventions for 




'ii..t^i#Bi^*i 



Fig. 6. Italian inscription and photoceramic portrait 
on the Bamonte monument. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 17 



portrait photographs of family members that adorned the walls of Italian 
families in the New World during this period. Del Guidice has pointed 
out that photos displayed on the walls of the home rarely depicted living 
relatives. 8 Both the wall photos and the tombstone photoceramic portraits 
feature an oval shape and a convex surface. Thus, at least as early as the 
first decades of the twentieth century, the granite slab that bears an image 
in the cemetery has as its formal and functional analogue the interior 
walls of the Italian- American home. 

At Calvary Cemetery, the plot, the actual land under which dead fam- 
ily members lie, is the most intensely domesticated feature of Italian- 
American graves. A historical explanation of the American domestic land- 
scape is in order here. Contemporary with the planning of Calvary and 
immediately preceding the huge influx of Italians to New York, a new 
conception of the American domestic landscape came into being. As 
Bormann, Balmori, and Geballe have noted, "by 1870, detached housing 
had emerged as the suburban style of choice, with drawings typically 
depicting an isolated structure surrounded by a yard." 9 With the subur- 
banization of the American residential landscape came a codification of 
regions of the domestic landscape that we accept as "givens" today. Thus, 
the landscape at the front of a suburban house is ornamental. From street 
to front door the typical planting scheme moves from lawn to flower beds 
to foundation shrubs. Private and less formal, the back yard is used for 
kitchen gardens, storage, and play. 

By the mid-nineteenth century, the curvilinear layout of streets and the 
seamless greensward of lawns, unbroken by property boundaries, was a 
feature of American's new suburban "garden cities" such as Llewellyn 
Park, New Jersey, located only twelve miles outside Manhattan. 10 Calvary 
Cemetery's earliest rural style sections in fact precede the construction of 
Llewellyn Park, but both cemetery and suburban subdivision must be 
seen as part of the mid-century taste for "a semirural lifestyle." 11 Indeed, 
the earliest rural style sections of Calvary Cemetery and even its later 
lawn park style sections bear striking resemblances to contemporaneous 
suburban housing developments in both hardscape and landscape plan. 
The traditional Italian custom of propitiating the dead with offerings of 
food, flowers, and mundane, useful objects, encountered in New York a 
cemetery aesthetic that celebrated the landscape and shared much with a 
new residential model. Here in America, a poor agrarian people who had 
left a land that had ceased to sustain them now reveled in the possibilities 



18 Italian-American Memorial Practices 



offered by both the residential landscape and the cemetery. 

What develops in twentieth century America is a uniquely Italian- 
American domestic landscape. Italian-American residential landscapes 
stress tidiness, order, and productivity. Describing Italian Canadians, Del 
Guidice has written that: 

Italians are among those groups guilty of cutting down stately trees, espe- 
cially the 'useless' elms, oaks, and conifers that produce no fruit. Mere 
shade trees are replaced with fruit trees. Backyard lawns are plowed into 
vegetable gardens or cemented over to make patios. Hybrid tea roses are 
rooted out to make room for tomatoes. Nature is thereby 'cleaned up': 
ordered and made to produce. 12 

Similarly, in his classic 1974 study of Italian Americans, Blood of My 
Blood, Richard Gambino describes his move as a sixteen year old to sub- 
urban Long Island: 

No sooner had we moved into a modest secondhand split-level than we 
began completely to churn up the little plots of land in front and behind the 
house... Everything literally was turned upside down. We planted new 
grass, new shrubs, new trees on the two bits of earth. Of course my father 
set aside a corner, neatly marked off by stakes, exclusively for tomato and 
strawberry plants. I was puzzled and only later understood that we were 
completely redoing the land, making it ours by giving it a look completely 
of our family. 13 

This Italian- American involvement with residential landscapes gives 
rise to one of many metro New York ethnic stereotypes. Clad in shorts, 
workboots, and sleeveless ribbed white undershirt, is the weed whacker- 
wielding New York area landscapes a hard-working Italian-American 
man. The stereotype is so prevalent that one Suffolk County, Long Island 
lawn service man uses it to his advantage. His business is called The Sod 
Father! 

In a typical working class and middle class New York Italian- 
American residential landscape, everything has a clearly defined place 
(Fig. 7). In the example shown here, hydrangea and low-growing juniper 
are hemmed in by Belgian block in a rock garden; white impatiens are in 
a wooden planter, placed in front of a foundation planting of Japanese 
yew. In front of the stucco porch wall, the homeowner has planted 
marigolds. These are flanked by evergreens in tubs. The entire composi- 
tion stresses control, placement, order - and in the last element - rigorous 
symmetry. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



19 



The Cult of Cultivation 

In modern English, the noun "cult" and the verb "cultivate" and its 
variants connote very different concepts. However, both words derive 
from the Latin colere: "to attend to, to respect, to cultivate, to till, to dwell, 
to inhabit, to worship." Italian-American memorial practices recall the 
ancient convergence of veneration and tilling, cultic activity and habita- 
tion. The striking similarities between residential and cemetery landscap- 
ing among New York's Italian Americans make an undeniable visual 
statement: the grave is the new home for the dead. 

At Calvary's well-tended Italian-American graves, the clearly defined 
zones for planting, the choice of plants for each zone, and the arrange- 
ment of the plants within these zones, are all consistent with the Italian- 
American domestic landscape. In the cemetery planting scheme, the 
tombstone, an upright masonry structure, plays a role analogous to that 




Fig. 7. Front yard of an Italian- American home, 
Long Island, New York. 



20 



Italian- American Memorial Practices 



of the house in the domestic landscape. According to species and land- 
scape function, plants are arranged at front, back, or sides of the marker 
just as they would be arranged at front, back, or sides of the house in the 
residential landscape. 

The Front: the Decorative Zone 

As is the case with the house, the area in front of the tombstone is the 
decorative zone. At Calvary Cemetery it is common to find foundation 
shrubs flanking the front end of the foundation stone to which the grave 
marker is anchored. In the boroughs and suburbs of New York, evergreen 
shrubs are the most common choice for the foundation plants placed in 
front of practically every home. In the cemetery, as in the front yard, 



• N 




Fig. 8. Dwarf Alberta Spruce at the Saccente grave. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



21 




Fig. 9. A Simple composition of annual plants. 



22 



Italian-American Memorial Practices 



Italian Americans opt for symmetrical arrangements of compact, rigor- 
ously geometrical shrubs. Coniferous shrubs that demonstrate human 
intervention through shearing or breeding, such as the dwarf Alberta 
spruce (Picea glanca 'Conica'), are the preferred choices for foundation 
plants at Calvary and at the Italian- American home (Fig. 8). The loose 
forms of the "natural" landscaping tradition do not appeal to New York's 
Italian Americans. 

It is likely that the use of formal, symmetrical plantings at memorial 
monuments was familiar to Sicilian immigrants as a prestige statement. 
Dating from 1849, the plans for the grand centotaph to Guiseppe 
Bonanno-Chiaramonte e Bonanno, principino di Linguaglossa, Palermo, 
include a symmetrical pair of tall Italian cypress trees. 14 Focusing on con- 
temporary Italian- American interiors, Noyes has observed a similar prac- 
tice: the arrangement of both sacred and secular bric-a-brac in Italian- 
American homes is almost invariably symmetrical. 15 These formal 
reminders of altars and shrines attest to the sanctity of both home and 
grave in the Italian-American belief system. Iorizzo and Mondello pro- 
vide further evidence of symmetry, cleanliness, and order in Italian- 
American domestic assemblages. 16 




Fig. 10. Annuals, including petunias and marigolds, 
at the Sciascia and Apicella graves. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



23 



The most common landscape enhancements in the decorative zone, 
the front of the deceased person's "home," are flowering plants. 
Flowering plants are set into the ground directly in front of the granite 
base upon which the gravemarker rests. Like the foundation shrubs, flow- 
ering plants are most frequently planted in simple, balanced composi- 
tions. A typical planting scheme may feature a centrally placed "gerani- 
um" (actually a pelargonium, not a true geranium) flanked by two bego- 
nias (Fig. 9). 

While perennials, especially sedum, are common at Calvary's Italian- 
American graves, flowering annuals are much more abundant. Requiring 
spring planting, summer irrigation and deadheading, and fall uprooting 
and disposal, a plot of annual flowering plants ensures frequent visits 
from the family grave tenders if it is to look its best. Annuals demand an 
ongoing interaction on the very earth that separates the survivors from 
the interred (Fig. 10). In a society in which love among family members is 
often expressed by productive and creative activities, this type of giving 
is modified but not curtailed by death. The Cemetery's pledge of "per- 
petual care" amounts to little more than removing spent bouquets, mow- 




Fig. 11. Artificial and natural plants, a statue of the Virgin, 
and edging bricks at the Frascelli grave. 



24 



Italian-American Memorial Practices 



ing the lawn, and trimming around the tombstones. With their frequent 
"visits" to deceased relatives, Italian Americans bring their own ethnical- 
ly inflected version of perpetual care to Calvary. 

Italian Americans often bring bouquets of fresh flowers to Calvary. 
These are placed in water in green, cone-shaped holders. A spike at the 
pointed end of the cone keeps the holder steady in the earth. I have also 
observed floral offerings at Italian-American graves in homemade 
"vases" fashioned from truncated cardboard milk cartons covered in alu- 
minum foil. Flowers are placed centrally on the grave at the base of the 
headstone. Plastic flowers are presented in a similar fashion; their green 
plastic stems are inserted directly into the earth or they are mixed into a 
bouquet of fresh flowers. In some cases, the use of sacred statuary, sym- 
metrical arrangements of natural and plastic plant offerings, and edging 
bricks underscore the similarities between graves at Calvary and the land- 
scaping of front yards among New York's Italian- American community 
(Fig. 11). 




Fig. 12. Plot of tomatoes behind the Fusaro and La Bianca markers. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



25 



The Back: The Productive Zone 

Analogous to the backyard of a residence, the area behind the tomb- 
stone may be used by Italian Americans to grow fruits and vegetables. In 
her study of South Philadelphia Italian-American funerals, Elizabeth 
Mathias reported that the planting of shrubs and sometimes tomato 
plants was a custom of Italian "peasant-immigrants" from the 1850s to the 
1930s. 17 At Calvary Cemetery, however, I discovered two large plots of 
healthy tomato plants as recently as the summer of 1994. The tomato gar- 
dens were located at the back of two Italian- American tombstones whose 
fronts were adorned with cut, planted, and artificial flowers (Fig. 12). 
Squash vines, a peach tree, and a fig tree grew on neighboring plots (Figs. 
13 and 14). In all cases, the fruit- or vegetable-bearing plants were plant- 
ed behind or beside the grave, never above the burial site. The fruits and 
vegetables grown at these graves announce the ethnicity of the family; 
these plants are typical of Italian- American gardens in the boroughs and 
suburbs of New York. Field research in Sicily and central Italy in 1998 




Fig. 13. Peach tree beside the Gisolfi marker. 



26 



Italian-American Memorial Practices 



revealed no evidence of the persistence of this custom in the Old World. 
One must conclude that an immigration-era practice has survived longer 
in New York than in Italy. 

The Permanent Testament to Ethnic Identity 

The preservation of old, pre-immigration customs and beliefs about 
the dead, the abandonment of others, and the possibilities offered by the 
landscape and lifestyle of metropolitan New York, create at Calvary 
Cemetery a uniquely Italian-American grave style. Francesco Faeta's 1980 
study of grave culture in Calabria, Italy sheds light on the continuity and 
change of Italian customs in America. Faeta's text stresses the awesome 
power of the dead as a motivating factor in providing a new home for the 
dead. 18 In southern Italy the dead must be attended by the living; the liv- 





m MEMORJA DELLA M 
MIA CAPA SPOSA I 

CALOGERA 
MOPTA 1L-12 MACC 04 M 
OUR DEVOTED FATHER 1 

FRANK mom 




k**-«L. u 



Fig. 14. Fig tree beside the Bonomo marker. 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



27 



ing are obliged to make the dead comfortable in the hereafter. Otherwise, 
the dead may seek to return to the home they inhabited during life. 19 The 
photos in Faeta's text depict the veneration of burial sites. Survivors clean 
monuments and present gifts to the dead. Counted among these offerings 
are money, candy, fruit, cigarettes, religious figurines, and flowers. On 
Palm Sunday family members bring palm fronds and olive branches to 
the graves of their dead. In these photos we see that almost all plant offer- 
ings - whether fruit, stem, or flower - are cut or potted. There is little evi- 
dence of digging, planting, or cultivating. 

I noticed a similar pattern in Sicilian cemeteries in 1998. The Campo 
Santo del Comune di Floridia, the cemetery of the city of Floridia in the 
Province of Siracusa, was the most carefully considered. A large flower 
farm directly across the street from the entrance to the cemetery meets the 
demand for fresh-cut flowers of exceptional quality. As is common in 
Italy, most markers at Floridia have built-in urns for floral offerings. 
Arriving at the cemetery on a Monday, one is dazzled by the profusion of 
fresh-cut flowers left over the weekend on almost every grave (Fig. 15). 
The variety of floral colors and textures softens and invigorates the stark 
white markers. Less prevalent, but certainly common at Floridia and 




Fig. 15. Flowers and potted plants at the Campo Santo del 
Comune di Floridia, Floridia, Province of Siracusa, Sicily. 



28 Italian-American Memorial Practices 



other Italian cemeteries, is the custom of leaving potted plants at the 
grave. The sensitive beholder cannot help but be deeply moved by the flo- 
ral offerings at Floridia Cemetery. One is not only affected by the breath- 
taking beauty of this tapestry of flowers but by the ongoing devotion to 
the dead that it represents. 

In Sicily, as in Calabria, the intensive involvement with the earth of the 
cemetery that one notes in New York is strikingly absent. For example, 
growing tomatoes at the grave is unknown here. Even the planting of 
shrubs or flowers is not currently practiced in southern Italy to the extent 
it is in New York. Stone, not earth, characterizes the texture of the con- 
temporary Italian cemetery. Tall, multi-unit, above-ground vaults and in- 
ground burials, each covered entirely by a large stone slab, are the cus- 
tomary places of interment in Italy. However, the physical differences in 
monuments do not adequately address the social and historical differ- 
ences between the Italian and Italian- American contexts. 

According to informants in Sicily, only the poorest members of the 
community are buried in the ground without the usual stone slab covering 
the burial site. Except for their extremely modest markers, such grass-cov- 
ered burials look ordinary and familiar to American observers. Thus it is 
the potter's field at Floridia Cemetery that most resembles the rural style 
or lawn-park style cemetery aesthetic to which Americans are accustomed. 
And yet, extensive planting and cultivation of the earth is not practiced. 
Floral offerings are common, as are potted plants, some of which are dug 
into the earth, pot and all. Nonetheless, the overall effect of this Sicilian 
cemetery seems provisional and impermanent when compared to Calvary 
Cemetery in New York. This, in fact, is with good reason. According to my 
Sicilian informants, a grave is not one's "final resting place" as it is the 
United States. Instead, the family of the deceased leases the grave for a 
specified number of years. After the expiration of the lease, the skeletal 
remains are removed from the grave and placed in the cemetery's ossuary. 

In New York, the Italian-American memorial ritual called a "visit" dif- 
fers significantly from the Italian veneration of the dead. Bearing trowels, 
watering cans, and plants from the nursery, Italian Americans arrive at 
Calvary on a Saturday or Sunday and busy themselves with their own 
expression of domestication. In a cemetery whose formal and historical 
similarities to suburban residential landscapes are clear, New York's 
Italian Americans push the mainstream American activity of weekend 
gardening beyond its usual context. Residential landscape practices are 



Joseph J. Inguanti 



29 




Fig. 16. Decorated hat on the Leonardi marker. 



30 Italian-American Memorial Practices 



made to extend from the home of living family members to Calvary 
Cemetery, where they play a crucial role in making and maintaining a 
home for the dead. 

The custom of interment, exhumation, and transfer to an ossuary is 
not praticed in New York. At Calvary, burial in the ground is the most 
common method of interment. The grave is viewed as the final, perma- 
nent resting place for the deceased. The fact that families purchase rather 
than lease graves at Calvary further underscores the analogy between the 
Cemetery and the residential housing tract. For Italian Americans who are 
apartment dwellers, a grave at Calvary might be the only parcel in which 
the "American Dream" of home ownership is most closely realized. 

The Italian origins of domestication of the grave involve fear of the 
dead, and the need to placate the dead, and the need to provide the dead 
with a "new home." 20 Today, no one descended from the great Italian 
migration of a century or so ago would present their motivation for grave- 
tending in this light. Grave-tending is performed with little, if any, expla- 
nation. Nonetheless, with shrubs and annuals in front of the marker, figs 
or tomatoes in back, and even a decorative hat hung on a tombstone as 
one might do on the front door of a house (Fig. 16), Italian-American 
grave-tending at Calvary recapitulates a residential model. 

This vernacular art form offers insight into the Italian- American belief 
system. With the extension of the residential landscape to Calvary 
Cemetery, New York's Italian Americans make clear the retention of the 
dead as family members. This involves providing the dead with an attrac- 
tive, homey, and permanent resting place - a landscape rich in decorative 
and horticultural affirmations of Italian-American ethnicity. By domesti- 
cating the grave, New York's Italian Americans construct at Calvary 
Cemetery a facet of their own ethnic identity as they honor and remem- 
ber their dead. 

NOTES 

1. In Roman Catholicism there is a close association of saints and souls. The Feasts of All 
Saints and All Souls' Day are celebrated on consecutive days, November 1 and 2, 
respectively. The Feast of All Saints grew out of the Early Christian custom of solem- 
nizing the anniversary of a martyr's death. See The Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "All 
Saints" and "All Souls' Day." 

2 Such a household shrine bears striking similarities with those of pre-Christian Rome. 
Kleiner points out that according to the ancient Roman historian Pliny, wax masks of 
deceased ancestors were displayed in household shrines located in the alae, or wings of 



Joseph J. Inguanti 31 



the atrium. Thealae were located in front of the tablinum, the dining room of the house. 
See Diana E.E. Kleiner, Roman Sculpture (New Haven, CT, 1992), 36. Moreover, banquet 
iconography is extremely common on Etruscan sarcophagi. 

3. Joseph Sciorra, "Yard Shrines and Sidewalk Altars of New York's Italian Americans," 
in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 3, ed. Thomas Carter and Bernard L. 
Herman (Columbia, MO, 1989), 197. 

4. For a discussion of the Italian-American home and family, or "domus," see Robert 
Anthony Orsi, The Madonna of 115th Street: Faith and Community in Italian Harlen, 1880- 
1950 (New Haven, CT, 1985), 75-106. 

5. For a discussion of bella figura at Italian- American funerals, see Elizabeth Mathias, "The 
Italian-American Funeral: Persistence through Change," Western Folklore 33:1 (1974): 
43-44. 

6. For the history of Catholic burial practices in New York see Catholic News, Thursday, 
October 26, 1973. 

7. For a detailed discussion of Italian-American use of photoceramic tombstone portraits, 
see John Matturi, "Windows in the Garden: Italian-American Memorialization and the 
American Cemetery," in Ethnicity and the American Cemetery, ed. Richard E. Meyer 
(Bowling Green, OH, 1993), 14-35. 

8. Luisa Del Guidice, "The 'Arch villa': An Italian Canadian Architectural Archetype," in 
Studies in Italian American Folklore, ed. Luisa Del Guidice (Logan, UT, 1993), 74; 96. 

9. F. Herbert Bormann, Diana Balmori, and Gordon T. Geballe, Redesigning the American 
Lawn: A Search for Environmental Harmony (New Haven, CT, 1993), 22. 

10. Ibid., 28. 

11. Kenneth T Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New 
York, NY, 1985), 73. 

12. Del Guidice, "The 'Archvilla'," 62. 

13. Richard Gambino, Blood of My Blood: The Dilemma of the Italian-Americans (Garden City, 
NY, 1974), 129. 

14. Maria Clara Ruggieri Tricoli, II "funeral teatro": Apparati e mausolei effimeri dal XVII al XX 
secolo a Palermo (Palermo, Sicily, 1993), 242. 

15. Dorothy Noyes, Arts of Italian Americans in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, PA, 1989), 70. 

16. Luciano J. Iorizzo and Salvatore Mondello, The Italian Americans (Boston, MA, 1980), 
125. 

17. Mathias, "The Italian- American Funeral," 50. 

18. Francesco Faeta, "Morte, Immagine, Presenza," Imago Mortis: simboli e rituali delta morte 
nella cultura popolare dell'Italia meridionale (Rome, Italy, 1980), 5-17. 

19. Mathias, "The Italian-American Funeral," 36-38, describes similar beliefs in South 
Philadelphia. 

20. Faeta, "Morte, Immagine, Presenza," 7. 



32 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 






XnK 



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v;. 4 



x 



les inxeri:! ■,, 



■\-i 




Fig. 1. Sarah Spooner, 1767, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



33 



WILLIAM COYE: FATHER OF THE PLYMOUTH CARVING TRADITION 
James Blachowicz 

In Collaboration with Vincent F. Luti 
on William Coye's Origins and Work in Rhode Island 

Introduction: by Vincent F. Luti and James Blachowicz 

Almost as interesting as the modest body of work left us by William 
Coye is the story of his identification as a gravestone carver. Before 1998, 
a number of his markers were attributed to two other stonecutters: 
Vincent F. Luti had attributed four of Coye's markers in the Narragansett 
Basin area and one in Nova Scotia to Stephen Hartshorn of Providence, 
Rhode Island, while James Blachowicz had attributed three of Coye's 
stones in Plymouth, Massachusetts and one in South Carolina to the 
Plymouth carver Lemuel Savery. Before proceeding to a discussion of his 
background and work, therefore, a brief account of our discovery of these 
two errors and our path to William Coye is in order. 

In 1983, Luti published an essay on the Providence stonecarver 
Stephen Hartshorn. 1 It drew special attention to six stones, with the mark- 
er for the Rev. Richard Round (1768) the key to the group, that had ear- 
marks of Hartshorn work but were so singular in their design elements 
that they had to be treated outside the discussion of the main body of his 
work. Luti's earlier, longer draft on Hartshorn took care of the problem by 
presenting a hypothesis that they were carved by somebody closely tied 
to the Hartshorn shop who either died or moved away, since no others of 
this style could be found anywhere in the Narragansett Basin area. But the 
1983 essay, more assuredly, claimed them as Hartshorn's by placing them 
early in his career to account for some oddities of lettering at a stage in his 
development toward later, documented work. The discovery of an 
unknown stone in Nova Scotia (for Jane MacKareth, 1770) seemed to pro- 
vide the conclusive link to close the circle of indecision, and an 
Association for Gravestone Studies Newsletter release was issued to con- 
firm all seven stones now as having been carved by Hartshorn. 2 

And so matters lay for almost fifteen years. 

In 1998, James Blachowicz published his account of the carving tradi- 
tions of Plymouth and Cape Cod. 3 In his analysis of the early work of the 
person he took to be the first resident Plymouth carver, Lemuel Savery, he 



34 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



singled out three Plymouth gravestones as well as one in Georgetown, 
South Carolina, as being perhaps Savery's first attempts at carving. He 
did note, however, significant lettering differences on these stones as well 
as similarities to a few other Plymouth stones, two or three of which 
seemed to resemble the work of Stephen Hartshorn and one of which was 
probated to a William Coye. 

At the time, nothing was known of William Coye except two occur- 
rences of his name in probate records, one of which pays him for the 
gravestone of Nathaniel Goodwin (1771; see Fig. 12) in Plymouth. Yet 
because there was no apparent body of work significantly like the 
Goodwin stone, it was suggested that, while Coye may have been respon- 
sible for other stones in Plymouth, he may also have been only a middle- 
man, perhaps supplying the stone for some other carver. 

In Blachowicz's research on the background of Lemuel Savery, how- 
ever, it came to light that William Coye had married Savery's sister Ruth 
when Lemuel was fifteen. This suggested a closer connection to actual 
stonecutting. Perhaps it was Coye who taught Savery how to carve and 
who influenced his early designs. 

Lettering similarities between the Nathaniel Goodwin stone and the 
markers for Sarah Spooner (1767; Fig. 1) and John Cobb (1750; see Figs. 3a 
and 3b), also in Plymouth, together with the fact that the Spooner stone 
had a border quite like those Luti at the time had attributed to Stephen 
Hartshorn, led Blachowicz to approach Luti, who had studied all of the 
carvers of the Narragansett Basin in depth, to consider a possible connec- 
tion between the Spooner stone (and Coye) and the work of Hartshorn. 
Two other stones in Plymouth, those for Bathsheba Drew (1767; see Fig. 5) 
and Samuel Marson (1769; see Fig. 9), so resembled others (near 
Providence) attributed to Hartshorn that it seemed likely they were 
Hartshorn's work and that somehow he had influenced Coye. Luti agreed 
that the stones for Drew and Marson might well be Hartshorn's, but that 
the Spooner marker, because of its Boston-type portrait figure, was not, 
although it obviously owed a considerable debt to Hartshorn, as he him- 
self had noticed some years before. Both Coye and the four or five 
Plymouth stones which might be attributed to him, however, remained 
relatively orphaned. This is how matters stood until early 1998. 

Blachowicz had noted in his essay that the Spooner stone, with its 
Hartshorn-like borders, may be Coye's, but since there were no individu- 
als named Coye in the Plymouth area he subsequently considered the 



James Blachowicz 35 



possibility that Coye had not picked up Hartshorn's style in Plymouth but 
rather somewhere closer to Providence. He asked Luti to check genealog- 
ical records in Rhode Island to see if, perhaps, there was a William Coye 
born in that area around 1751, making him a youthful sixteen at the time 
the Spooner stone, which showed evidence of a juvenile technique, was 
carved. Luti did uncover a number of deed, court, and vital records there 
for the Coys, as well as the record for the birth of a William Coy (spelled, 
unlike in Plymouth records, without the final "e") in Bristol, Rhode Island 
in 1750. This led very quickly to Luti's discovery of a remarkable set of 
documents - a record of a lawsuit - which not only positively identified 
Coye as a Rhode Island carver but also tied him to the handful of special 
stones in the Narragansett Basin area Luti had formerly attributed to 
Hartshorn, as well as to the Spooner and other Hartshorn-type stones in 
Plymouth. Simultaneously, Blachowicz concentrated on Coye's move to 
Plymouth, his later history and his work there, ultimately discovering 
that Coye had at different times close associations with the three 
Plymouth carvers who succeeded him, and that he was also probably 
responsible for another handful of interesting markers in Plymouth in the 
1790s. 

This essay presents the results of this recent research. All of the histor- 
ical information in the section on William Coye's origins in Rhode Island 
- up to his move to Plymouth - was uncovered by Vincent F. Luti in his 
investigation of Rhode Island gravestones and records. Blachowicz picks 
up the story with Coye's move to Plymouth, in about 1770, at the age of 
twenty. 

After reviewing Coye's history, we shall move to his body of work. 

[Because William Coye's name is spelled almost without exception as "Coye" 
in Plymouth records, which cover most of his life, this spelling of his name will 
be used throughout. References to his family in Rhode Island, however, will retain 
"Coy."] 

William Coye in Rhode Island: by Vincent F. Luti 

By 1684, Hugh Woodbury had left Salem, Massachusetts to settle in 
Bristol, Rhode Island. There, with his wife, Mary Rawford, he started the 
line of descendants that would lead to William Coye's mother, Sarah 
Woodbury (b. 1723, Bristol; d. 1812, Providence). 4 Also in the seventeenth 
century, two brothers, Matthew and Richard Coy arrived in Boston. 
Richard appears variously in Boston, Salisbury, Wenham, and Brookfield, 



36 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



Massachusetts. 5 After his murder by the Indians in King Philip's War, 
Richard Coy's wife, Martha, returned to Boston with her children, four 
male lines, one of which produced a John Coy, 1717. Here the genealogi- 
cal source cited ends. The other brother, Matthew Coy, made his way to 
Duxbury, Massachusetts in Plymouth County with his wife, Elizabeth, 
and two sons, the line of one of which produced a John Coy, born in 1725 
in Preston, Connecticut, where Matthew had eventually migrated. A John 
Coy of Preston married Sarah Luce on January 9, 1749/50, seeming to rule 
out this 1725 John as the father of William Coye. 6 No other John Coy mar- 
riage of this particular period is listed for Connecticut. However, it is not 
unlikely that other male lines, as yet unresearched, descending from 
Richard and Matthew, produced more John Coys. One of these, who had 
married Sarah Woodbury in Bristol, Rhode Island in 1745, was the father 
of William Coye. 7 

From his first appearance in Bristol records on March 21, 1745 8 to 1755, 
John Coy appears in town records serving out his civic duties variously as 
hogreeve, highway surveyor, constable, petit and grand juror, and taking 
"ye oath of bribery and corruption," which made him a freeman of the 
town. Like one of his founding ancestors, Richard, John Coy plied the 
wine and strong waters trade in his tavern in Bristol. It was probably at 
this location that four of his five children were born of Sarah Woodbury. 9 

The stonecarver William Coye was born in Bristol on October 16, 1750. 
His older brother, Samuel, probably played an important part in William's 
future. His other two brothers, John and Jonathan W., don't seem to have 
had an impact upon William's life, but documentation on them is scant. 
However, his sister, Sarah, would lead William to carve the famous stone 
of her husband's sister, Molley Danforth (see Fig. 7). 10 And through his 
aunt, Margaret Woodbury, he would come to carve the even more famous 
stone of his cousin, Sarah Swan (see Fig. 4), daughter of Ebenezer Swan 
and Margaret Woodbury. 11 

William's father, John Coy, appears in a great many court cases in 
Bristol which indicate that his tavern business had ongoing financial 
problems both in collecting and paying. He last appears in any records in 
January, 1757. 12 His early death can then be deduced also from two 
sources in Bristol Town Records. By May 13, 1756, Coy had sold all four 
of his properties. 13 In December, 1756, "Sarah Coy the wife of John Coy in 
behalf of her said husband prayeth for License to Keep a Tavern or pub- 
lick house for Entertainment." 14 In April of 1758, Sarah Coy was given 



James Blachowicz 37 



license to keep a tavern "in case she hires the widow Howland's house." 15 
Previously, it had always been her husband who was granted licenses. 
Had he died or was he now incapacitated? And why did she have to hire? 
Was her husband's property in jeopardy? In any case, we know for sure 
that on May 27, 1765 16 the Bristol Town Meeting voted that a debt due the 
town from John Coy, deceased, be canceled, and in a recorded document 
of February, 1766, but actually written on January 13, 1760, Sarah Coy was 
freed of "all her husband owed me" in the will of Jonathan Woodbury, her 
uncle. 17 So less than fifteen years into her marriage, Sarah Coy had five 
orphaned children under fifteen years of age to bring up. Unfortunately, 
there is a complete gap here on their doings, and it is not until October 3, 
1768 that we hear of Sarah again in what is a very suggestive and impor- 
tant piece of evidence: Sarah Coy, widow, by deed of sale conveys her 
rights of inheritance from her mother of part of a dwelling house and land 
in Bristol to her sister-in-law, Lydia Woodbury, and her sister, Margaret 
Swan. 18 Furthermore, and not insignificantly as we shall see later, we find 
in an account book of Jacob Whitman, Providence, the following entry for 
"Thomas Greene of Bristol" (emphasis mine), debtor, for March 7, 1767: 
"to a Bottel of Snuf [ordered?! James Greene [delivered?] to Mr Coys to 
send to Bristol 0-2-3." 19 The entry is in Jacob's own shapeless hand (he 
used a scribe ordinarily). So at least one Coy, most likely the eldest there, 
Samuel, now nineteen years old, was in Providence. This is the only shred 
of documentary evidence that might help fix the date by which the criti- 
cal move to Providence, where William Coye would become a stonecarv- 
er, occurred. On March 9, 1769, in Providence, according to the remark- 
able set of court papers already alluded to, William Coye agreed to cut the 
gravestone of Reverend Richard Round (see Fig. 8). So in the period 
between 1760 and 1768, somehow, Samuel Coy became a painter in 
Providence and William a stonecarver. 

It would appear that by 1769, the court case date, the widow Sarah 
Coy was either renting in Providence or staying with someone. After this 
date she never again appears in Providence records until her death there 
on August 26, 1812 20 , where she was buried in West Cemetery, although 
records of removals from the entire cemetery do not contain her grave. 21 
There are also no other records for William, who remained a minor while 
in Providence, until he had settled in Plymouth around age twenty (i.e., 
by 1770). His mother stayed in Providence, living most likely with her son 
Samuel, until his death in 1783, 22 and /or with her daughter, Sarah, mar- 



38 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



ried to Job Danforth of Taunton (November 5, 1769), who ran a successful 
business in Providence. 23 

A discussion of William Coye, a minor, in his Providence, Rhode 
Island period must begin with the papers of the Providence lawsuit initi- 
ated by his mother, Sarah Coy, against David Bullock of Rehoboth, 
Massachusetts, across the Seekonk River. 24 

The first document in the case is dated Rehoboth, March 29, 1769. It 
reads: 

Mr Coy (sr, sd?) I should be glad if you would get them Stones ready 
[implying a prior agreement, see below] by the 10th Day of April for I 
Design to be at Providence then with a Load of Brick for you & Mr Brown 
Pray dont fail me from yours to serve David Bullock 

I have here in sent you a Paper with ye Description of the writing left in ye 
form I would have it wrote 

The gravestone inscription accompanying this letter matches word for 
word the text Coye engraved. 

The next document, too long to quote in its entirety, dated April 10, 
1769, has the following information culled from it and here paraphrased: 

• William Coy of Providence, infant, sues by Sarah Coy, widow, 
David Bullock of Rehoboth for a broken promise to pay for the 
gravestones of Rev. Richard Round. 

• William Coy undertaking for "some time past the trade (or occu- 
pation) of Stone Cutter, and still using the said trade," on March 
29th of 1769, undertook to cut two gravestones to be completed by 
the tenth day of April 1769. 

• The agreement to do so was set on March 9, 1769, at Providence 
and Bullock would pay six pounds or a load of merchandizable 
brick for the stones. 25 

• Coy asks nine pounds in damage of David Bullock. 

Then follows the order for the sheriff to arrest David Bullock and bring 
him to court (Nathaniel Wheaton posted bail). 

The remaining four documents are sheriff's orders to bring in wit- 
nesses: Jonathan Holden, William Rawson and Jacob Pearce, John Malem, 
and Samuel Bullock and Stephen Hartshorn. Samuel Coy's name is 
scratched out of one of these witness writs. Research on these witnesses 
brought out: 26 

• Jonathan Holden, a complete blank. 

• William Rawson, a minor; his father, Stephen, owned property 



James Blachowicz 39 



across the street from where Samuel Coy in 1770 (after the court 
case) would first buy land; Rawson's origins were in Bristol, Rhode 
Island. 

• Jacob Pearce, a "free molatto man/' boatman and labourer. 

• John Malem (Malen), a few court cases 1754-1762, barber and 
peruke maker. 

• Samuel Bullock, David's father and executor of Richard Round's 
estate. 

• Stephen Hartshorn, mason and stone cutter. 

Concluding the case is a document in which the jury finds for William 
Coye, with him being awarded four pounds, sixteen shillings. The 
Richard Round probate papers show that the same amount of money was 
paid "to a pair of gravestones." 

The gravestone that was at issue here was the marker for Reverend 
Richard Round (see Fig. 8), Baptist minister of Rehoboth - the key stone I 
had used to connect Hartshorn, whom I originally thought had carved it, 
to a set of other "singular" stones in the area, including the well-known 
marker for Sarah Swan in Bristol. In addition to the fascinating look these 
documents provide into the life of a young stonecutter, therefore, they 
also put William Coye in Providence and establish him as the carver of the 
Round stone as well as two or three other of the special stones I had ear- 
lier associated with the Round stone through design and lettering simi- 
larities. 

The question arises as to whether Coye studied under Hartshorn at all. 
Seth Luther was living and carving at the far north end of town, 
Hartshorn in the far south end where documents place Samuel Coy. 27 
Luther and Coye works are totally incompatible. Attempts to fill in 
Hartshorn genealogy (marriages in particular) to connect him to the Coy 
family have failed due to incomplete records in Rhode Island. All we have 
to go on in this respect is that the Hartshorns had also lived in Bristol, 
where the Coys came to locate. A tantalizing bit of evidence that unfortu- 
nately eludes further research is the fact that one of Stephen Hartshorn's 
sisters, Dorothy, married a John Pearse. 28 One of William Coye's brothers, 
Samuel, also married a Pearse, Mary. 29 But given the huge proliferation of 
Pearses in the Providence /Bristol area, no connection between these two 
particular Pearses has yet been found (the Samuel Coy/Pearse connection 
will be discussed later in relation to William Coye's move to Plymouth). 
There is another family connection that might have some significance. It 



40 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



regards the account book of Jacob Whitman, mentioned earlier. Stephen 
Hartshorn's sister, Hannah, had married Jacob Whitman. 

We do know, but only right after the 1769 Bullock court case, that 
Samuel Coy on June 9, 1770, purchased property on modern Planet Street, 
six blocks north of Hartshorn, which he sold on May 22, 1772, and not 
until 1772 did he buy a lot on Transit Lane adjoining Hartshorn's home- 
stead property and a riverfront property also close by Hartshorn's river- 
front lot. 30 These properties on the docks were probably where they car- 
ried on their businesses. What all this comes to is that the adjoining prop- 
erties of Samuel Coy and Stephen Hartshorn come only after William 
Coye had left Providence for Plymouth. 

At the time of the court case in 1769, none of the Coys apparently 
owned property in Providence, and all the children were minors except 
Samuel, who, turned twenty-one in that year, appears in an advertise- 
ment of June 3, 1769 31 as partner in a paint shop business, Coy and 
Waterman. It was only in June of 1770 that Samuel made his first docu- 
mented property purchase. It can be assumed that the Coy of Coy and 
Waterman is Samuel on the basis that, from this date on, Samuel Coy is 
always called a painter in numerous documents. His older brother, John, 
was a cordwainer, and his youngest brother, Jonathan, was only twelve, 
so they are ruled out. It is important to remember that signs in the colo- 
nial period would most likely have drawn and painted artwork on them 
besides lettering, and in many cases were wood-sculpted as well to rep- 
resent the trade. 

There is one tantalizing piece of documentation in all this that does 
prove Stephen Hartshorn had a helper in his shop. In an account book of 
Obadiah Brown, Providence merchant, there is an entry for January 19, 
1764 of a charge to Stephen Hartshorn "to 141b Sugar Dd his boy 0-7-0. " 32 
Hartshorn's oldest son, Jacob, was born in 1761, so this "boy" could quite 
conceivably have been William Coye, who on that date would have been 
thirteen years and three months old. An impoverished, widowed young 
mother, Sarah Coy would have had to farm out her two teenage boys. 
Both had artistic bents apparently, Samuel for signs, painting, gilding and 
"flowring," 33 and William for carving. Stephen Hartshorn's shop would 
be the logical place to farm out William as "boy" and /or apprentice. 

What brought the Coys to Providence and in what order (together or 
separately?) remains a complete mystery. Bristol was prosperous and 
Sarah Woodbury Coy had property there, the inheritance rights to which 



James Blachowicz 41 



she relinquished in October of 1768. 34 William was perhaps already begin- 
ning to carve in Providence in late 1767. It is possible he (and his brother, 
Samuel?) had preceded the rest of the family in moving there. 

Did William Coye at some point come to work under George Allen, 
the stonecarver, in Rehoboth, across the tidal river from Providence? It 
would appear not, since elements of design work, lettering, and chisel 
handling in Coye are significantly different from those of Allen. But the 
only certainty of a connection between Hartshorn and Coye lies in the 
writ calling Hartshorn to testify in Coye's court case against Bullock. 

Now the question arises as to when Hartshorn himself, thirteen years 
older than Coye, learned and started to carve. Who taught him, did they 
learn together, or was it that as a mason who worked with chisels and 
stone he would first easily pick up or develop gravestone carving skills by 
himself? If either of the men, Hartshorn and Coye, trained under Allen, it 
would more likely be Hartshorn, who already had a mason's chisel skills. 

What of Hartshorn's earliest work? The description and account of the 
tomb of Obadiah Brown is enumerated in great detail, partly in a so-called 
Obadiah Brown account book and partly in a Moses Brown (his son-in- 
law) account book. Some six names are listed in conjunction with its con- 
struction. One reference, on page 107, is to Stephen Hartshorn on 
December 29, 1764, for a charge for "picking up and Laying Stones 4-13- 
5." In 1765, in the Moses Brown account book, page 67, we find this reduc- 
tion in Stephen Hartshorn's debts to the Browns: "by his bill Cuting 
Stones ord for the Tomb of Obad Brown, Esq. Deceasd 4-13-5." A very 
interesting footnote to this tomb is in the Obadiah Brown book, page 203, 
for June 30, 1768: "paid Seth Luther for Makg an /A/ instead of an /I/ in 
the Name on the Tomb 0-6-0." Seth Luther was the gravestone carver in 
the north end of Providence whose house and shop were adjacent to the 
burial ground where the tomb was located. All of this fairly convincingly 
verifies Stephen Hartshorn carving gravestones between June 1762, the 
death of Obadiah Brown, and December 1764, the first charge for work- 
ing on the tomb. Most regretably, the tomb today is a slate slab replace- 
ment. 

There are at least twenty-nine Hartshorn stones that predate 1765, six 
of which are positive backdates from after 1775, and eight fall stylistical- 
ly between 1769-1774. Thirteen have pre-1768 characteristics and two 
show transitional elements. He had to have had an established carving 
business by the time the Coys arrived in Providence, but not terribly 



42 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



much before. It must be remembered that a number of graveyards in 
Providence underwent removal, and loss of many early stones of both 
Hartshorn and Coye is quite likely. Furthermore, the Hartshorn invento- 
ry taking was not intended to be exhaustive, merely representative (186 
stones). 

To summarize, then. That the Coy brothers had artistic talent is evi- 
denced not only in the early stones of William but also in the fact that 
Samuel in his ad speaks of the skill to do "all Manner of Painting, Gilding, 
Drawing and Writing upon Signs in the most neat and genteel Manner." 
William Coye, once established in Plymouth, oddly enough was often 
cited as a painter, not a gravestone carver, which could well have includ- 
ed work carving and /or painting signs. So with some native artistic tal- 
ent, a brother, Samuel, who had gone into the illustrated sign painting 
business, and a neighbor, Stephen Hartshorn, who was an established 
mason and gravestone carver, William Coye would proceed quickly to his 
chosen art. 

Born in 1750, by 1767 William could have been old enough and big 
enough to handle and learn gravestone carving. We can assume that his 
initial practice work for a while remained just that and was never placed 
in cemeteries. Curiously missing, however, is work that could be called 
collaboration with Hartshorn. The only stone that even suggests this is 
that for Mehethabell Ward well, 1764 (backdated), Bristol, Rhode Island 
(Fig. 2). The lettering of this stone chains right into that of Richard Round 
(see Fig. 8) 35 and later Coye stones, but the winged effigy face does not; it 
has more characteristics of Hartshorn than of Coye. This stone could even 
be backdated since the lettering appears to be much better and of a later 
date than the 1767 Sarah Spooner stone in Plymouth. What very little 
bunching there is of early Coye stones appears first with 1767 dates. 

William Coye in Plymouth: by James Blachowicz 

We know that William Coye was still in Providence for his lawsuit 
against Bullock in June of 1769. The earliest record of his presence in 
Plymouth is a document dated March 21, 1771, which has him and a num- 
ber of other Plymouth citizens being appointed hogreeves. 36 He is also 
listed on the Massachusetts Tax Valuation rolls in Plymouth for 1771 (but 
as yet with no taxable property of his own); this is dated September 22, 
but no doubt was begun some months earlier. The Plymouth stone for 
Nathaniel Goodwin (see Fig. 13) is also dated 1771 - the only existing 



James Blachowicz 



43 








Fig. 2. Mehethabell Wardwell, 1764, backdated, Bristol, Rhode Island. 
Probably carved by William Coye. 



44 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



gravestone for which William Coye is cited in probate records (the estate 
settlement is dated December 31, 1772). 37 Coye may have moved to 
Plymouth as early as 1770, however, for he probably carved the dedica- 
tion stone for the new powder house in Plymouth, which is dated 
September 11, 1770. 

William Coye married Lemuel Savery's older sister, Ruth, in Plymouth 
on May 24, 1772 (when Lemuel was fifteen). 38 Also in 1772, Coye and 
Samuel Pearse ("both Plymouth Painters") bring a suit against a Samuel 
Hill, also a painter, for an amount promised to them. Coye and Pearse 
agree to arbitration of the case in April of that year. 39 

Who is this Samuel Pearse? Plymouth vital records have a Samuel 
Pearce/Pierce marrying an Elizabeth Hersey on January 21, 1762. 40 
Samuel is here listed as being from Bristol, Rhode Island. Another suit, 
which came to court in January of 1765, has Samuel Pearse as a cord- 
wainer from Bristol. 41 His first two children are born in Bristol, the second 
in 1765. 42 Then in a suit which is heard in Plymouth in April of 1766, and 
again, in another suit a year later, he is referred to as a "Plimouth cord- 
wainer." 43 This indicates that he moved to Plymouth from Bristol in late 
1765 or early 1766. However, since the first two suits were brought by 
Plymouth citizens, we can also assume that Pearse had commerce with 
and probably traveled to Plymouth from time to time before moving 
there. 

William Coye's brother, Samuel Coy, married a Mary Pearse in Bristol 
in about 1771. u She was born in Bristol on April 3, 1747, the eighth of 
eleven children of Nathaniel Pearse and Mary Lindsay. 45 The eldest child 
of this family was Samuel Pearse, born October 25, 1733 in Bristol (other 
records, cited below, confirm that this is the same Samuel who appears 
with Coye in Plymouth court records). Thus, Samuel Coy, William's older 
brother, probably arranged with Samuel Pearse, who was to become his 
brother-in-law the following year, and who was already in business in 
Plymouth from about 1765, to receive William and provide him a place to 
work. As we have seen, Samuel Coy was employed as a painter in 
Providence; William probably worked with him in this trade (as well as 
cutting gravestones) before moving on to Plymouth to join Samuel Pearse. 

In two other court records (1772, 1773), 46 Pearse's occupation is listed, 
not as cordwainer or painter, but as "trader," and in another (1774) 47 as 
"shoreman." Perhaps Pearse was an agent for Bristol goods in Plymouth 
(and vice-versa). This might explain Coye's ability to place six or seven 



James Blachowicz 45 



stones in Plymouth before he moved there. The fact that at least two of 
these early Plymouth stones have a Bostonian look (Coye seeking to pro- 
vide work for his prospective new clientele in Plymouth of the sort they 
were accustomed to) suggests that Coye was familiar with this style in the 
stones that Boston carvers had deposited in Plymouth. Coye may have 
even acted as an agent for Pearse, going back and forth between 
Providence and Plymouth a few times before his final move to Plymouth. 
Samuel Pearse was fairly prosperous at this time: the Massachusetts Tax 
Valuation for 1771 records that his property in Plymouth included two 
houses, a separate shop, a warehouse, a vessel capable of shipping sixty 
tons of cargo, a horse, a cow and four goats, two acres of pasturage and 
five acres of tillage capable of yielding ten bushels of grain. 

The 1772 Plymouth court record indicates that William Coye was in 
business as a painter with Samuel Pearse. There are also two other records 
of suits, dated 1790 and 1799, which I will review below, that list Coye as 
a painter. In addition, there are five records over a nine-year span in 
which William Coye is paid by the county for work on county property: 
the earliest is in 1789, where Coye is paid fifteen shillings "for painting the 
Court House Windows, Shutters, and Sashes, and for paint and Oil" 48 ; in 
a 1794 record, he is paid for "painting the prison house and prison" 49 ; in 
1796, he is paid about four pounds for "paint, oil and labor on the court 
house" 50 ; in 1798, $12.70 is paid "to William Coye for paints and oils and 
two days' work for the county" 51 ; and finally, in 1799, he is paid $8.50 "for 
five days work done by himself and one by his Boy." 52 

While Coye was undoubtedly continuously employed as a painter, we 
should not think that he did not also engage in stonecutting. Each of the 
five Plymouth gravestone carvers that succeed Coye - Lemuel Savery, 
Amaziah Harlow, Jr., Nathaniel Holmes, and John and Winslow Tribble 
(as well as John Tribble's nephew Hiram Tribble, who carved in Kingston) 
- is also listed as a "painter" in various records. The painting of flat sur- 
faces is rather unskilled work, open even to the relatively untrained (as it 
still is); it is the type of work a young man might first break into, and per- 
haps keep as a continuous source of income, to supplement or be supple- 
mented by other employment. Most gravestone carvers, at least through 
the early nineteenth century, could not support themselves on the income 
from stonecutting alone. Painting is also seasonal, for exterior work 
would probably not be undertaken in cold or rainy weather; perhaps 
stonecutting occupied these particular painters' winter time. We should 



46 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



also not forget, as Samuel Coy's advertisement discussed earlier demon- 
strates, that some types of painting, of signs and architectural details, for 
example, require more skill - including the ability to letter. 

There is another court case in which Samuel Pearse appears which is 
relevant for William Coye's history. Pearse is sued in October 1772 by 
John Fordery Edmonds and his wife Elizabeth for failure to pay three 
notes, one dated March 17, 1770, one April 11, 1770 and the third July 22, 
1771. 53 The court record states that these three notes were made to 
Elizabeth before she had married John Edmonds, that is, when she was 
Elizabeth Stephenson, a widow. Pearse pleaded in the case that "he does 
not like the plaintiffs well enough to pay them his money." The court 
found in favor of the plaintiffs and ordered Pearse to pay them a little 
over 200 pounds. Pearse may have been short of cash: in order to pay 
"sundry debts" to an Isaac Symmes, he mortgages to Symmes in the very 
same month a half-acre of land with a barn, as well as part of his fish-cur- 
ing yard, a transaction which gained him 180 pounds. 54 

The rather large amount of money involved in the three notes of the 
Pearse/Edmonds case, if it wasn't an outright loan, may indicate that 
Elizabeth Stephenson, recently widowed, had something of value to offer 
Pearse sometime in 1770. Elizabeth's previous husband was John 
Stephenson. One account of property transactions in Plymouth reports 
that "a lot on the south corner of Howland Street was conveyed in 1768, 
by Thomas Southworth Howland ... to John Stephenson, who built a 
house on the lot and carried on the business of stone-cutting." 55 But this 
report is erroneous in some respects. For one thing, John Stephenson had 
died before 1768, for his wife Elizabeth is appointed administer of his 
estate in June of 1767. Further, it is evident from the inventory of his estate 
that he was a prosperous clothier, not a stonecutter: this inventory 
includes many yards of various fabrics - silk, flannel, serge, cotton, etc., as 
well as other items (such as sixteen felt hats) valued at over 1800 
pounds. 56 

John and Elizabeth Stephenson's daughter, Elizabeth, would marry 
Lemuel Savery eighteen years later. She was seven years old when her 
father died; her brothers, Jasper Hall and William, were about one year 
and one month, respectively 57 

Having inherited at least part of her husband's estate, Elizabeth, 
widow of John Stephenson, may have sold some of it off to Samuel Pearse 
in about 1770. The Tax Valuation List for 1771 records Elizabeth's proper- 



James Blachowicz 47 



ty at the time: a house, an adjoining shop (the clothing store?), a cow, and 
a stock of goods valued at 150 pounds (a servant is also listed). As we 
have already seen, the same tax list includes among other property of 
Samuel Pearse a separate (that is, detached) shop. Perhaps this shop was 
part of the transaction between Elizabeth Stephenson and Samuel Pearse 
sometime in 1770, to be used for painting and stonecutting; but if it was a 
property transaction, more property would have had to be involved, for 
the shop by itself would not have cost 200 pounds. 

Then, between July 1771 and May 1772, the widow Elizabeth 
Stephenson married John Fordery Edmonds. She still had three under-age 
children at the time: Elizabeth (who was twelve) and Jasper Hall (who 
was six) were placed under the guardianship of Daniel Diman in July 
1772 58 ; the youngest, William (who was five), was taken by Ephraim 
Spooner, who became his guardian. 59 At this time, some of their father's 
estate is transferred to the keeping of their guardians. 60 John Fordery 
Edmonds dies on February 26, 1776, and his widow, Elizabeth, dies on 
June 26, 1777. 61 Her three children then inherit the remainder of their 
father's property, the large Stephenson house divided equally among 
them. 62 It is also in 1777 that the eldest child, Elizabeth (the daughter of 
John), marries a George Deverson; but he dies before 1785. 63 

In the probate settlement for Elizabeth Stephenson Edmonds, William 
Coye is paid about forty shillings. 64 Perhaps this is enough for grave- 
stones, but he was paid twice that amount for the Goodwin stone. There 
is no surviving gravestone for Elizabeth Edmonds in Plymouth. 

If Samuel Pearse had acquired some of the Stephenson estate from 
Stephenson's widow in 1770, it is probably William Coye who begins 
stonecutting on this property. We know that this is precisely where 
Savery's stonecutting shop was, for this is the very property his wife, 
Elizabeth Stephenson Savery, sells off after Lemuel's death. Elizabeth 
acquired another third of her father's house from her brother Jasper in 
1789 65 (this transaction lists Lemuel Savery as a "painter"). This shop was 
on the south corner of Howland Street, across from Burial Hill and just a 
block west. 

In summary, then. We know Samuel Pearse had some business deal- 
ings with Elizabeth Stephenson around 1770 (after John Stephenson's 
death but before her remarriage). And we know Samuel Pearse is in busi- 
ness (painting) with William Coye in April 1772, and probably from 
Coye's first days in Plymouth in 1770. Pearse may thus have purchased or 



48 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



rented part of the Stephenson property for his business activities and took 
on William Coye as a painter and stonecutter. Coye marries Ruth Savery 
in May 1772, and in turn takes on her brother, Lemuel, as an apprentice to 
stonecutting (and painting). Thus Coye, his wife, and Lemuel Savery are 
perhaps all living (or at least working) at the Stephenson property. This 
may have provided the circumstance for Lemuel to become acquainted 
with Elizabeth (Stephenson) Deverson, whom he would marry. By that 
time, Coye may have himself given up any thought of carving on a regu- 
lar basis. 

Samuel Pearse did repay his debt to Elizabeth (Stephenson) Edmonds. 
In a deed dated June 8, 1774, Pearse signs over to her a house, lot, and gar- 
den, valued at 220 pounds. Elizabeth simultaneously cancels Pearse's 
debt to her. 66 In this transaction, it is Samuel's brother, Nathaniel, Jr. (from 
Bristol), who exercises Samuel's power of attorney, acquired four days 
before; and on the other side, it is Elizabeth Edmonds who has her hus- 
band John's power of attorney (acquired 9 March 1773), which empowers 
her "to act on all matters relative to his and our trade and business." John 
Edmonds' occupation is here listed as "apothecary." It is perhaps worth 
noting that around October of 1773 Elizabeth brings suit against her hus- 
band, being afraid that he "will do her . . . some great bodily harm, or 
burn her . . . dwelling house." 67 She asks the court to "order John to obtain 
sureties for the peace and for being of the good behaviour" until the 
court's next term. The court hears both their testimonies and finds in 
favor of Elizabeth, committing John to this bond. At the same session, 
three other men, including Daniel Diman, guardian to Elizabeth's two 
oldest children, bring a similar suit against John Edmonds, testifying that 
they too are afraid that he will burn their houses. We cannot know exact- 
ly what the issue was here; perhaps John was upset that much of 
Elizabeth's former husband's estate was in the hands of her children's 
guardian. Is this why Elizabeth, not John, exercised power of attorney in 
the above transaction? 

On June 30, 1773, Samuel Pearse mortgages to his father Nathaniel (for 
one year) a piece of land and a building near the water which he had used 
for curing fish. 68 He received 300 pounds in this transaction. This is fur- 
ther indication, perhaps, of financial difficulties. Within a year, his father 
releases this property back to him. 69 At the same time, Samuel Pearse sells 
a lot with buildings to Samuel Jackson for 133 pounds - a transaction that 
took place in Bristol (had Samuel moved back there?). Then, three years 



James Blachowicz 49 



later, he also sells the fish-curing building to Samuel Jackson. 70 1 found no 
further mention of Samuel Pearse in Plymouth records after this date. 

William Coye served briefly in the Revolutionary Army. He enlisted 
on July 29, 1778, and was discharged on September 13th. This month was 
spent in Rhode Island, although the company was raised in Plymouth 
County. 71 He was also one of many Plymouth men organized for military 
duty in 1781; but he apparently was never activated. 72 There is also a 
record of a Plymouth town meeting on June 23, 1777 where Coye gives 
evidence relevant to charges brought against Ichabod Shaw for being a 
Tory sympathizer. 73 

Although I found few property transactions in which Coye was a 
party, the Tax Valuation List for 1784 indicates that he did own one-third 
of a house (but no other property). Might he have acquired one of the 
three tenements on Howland Street left to Lemuel Savery's wife, 
Elizabeth, and her brothers by her father? 

Besides a suit brought by a Henry Warren in 1790, in which Coye is 
again cited as a painter, 74 there is another quite important record in which 
Coye is sued by a John Bartlett in November of 1799. 75 It is important 
because it lists William Coye as a co-defendant with Amaziah Harlow - 
and names them both as "Plymouth painters." Amaziah Harlow, Jr. is a 
Plymouth gravestone carver who begins work in about 1792 and contin- 
ues for about ten years, producing about eighty stones. 76 That Coye is in 
business with Harlow in 1799 supports my contention, to be developed 
below, that it is Coye who is responsible for a handful of Plymouth grave- 
stones dated 1795 to 1798, some of which were lettered by Harlow. 
Harlow should not be viewed as Coye's apprentice in the traditional 
sense, however, since he was three years older than Coye. 

Plymouth church records contain the deaths of four children of 
William Coye and Ruth Savery from 1776 through 1788, but neither these 
children's names nor ages are given (the two who died in 1776 were vic- 
tims of smallpox). There is a Sally Coye (born in about 1779) who marries 
Samuel Burbank on October 6, 1797; they have at least seven children. 77 
This is probably William Coye's (and Ruth Savery's) daughter, for there is 
also a record of a transfer of property from William Coye to Samuel 
Burbank in 1798. 78 Samuel Burbank, who was Lemuel Savery's nephew, 
may himself also have apprenticed at stonecutting with Savery: he is 
probably the "Narrow-Nose carver," whose work I examined in Markers 
XV. 79 



50 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



Ruth Savery Coye dies on April 10, 1790 and William remarries, to 
Mary Carver, widow of James Carver, on September 22, 1790. 80 Mary 
Carver sells her late husband's house and part of a lot to Samuel Jackson 
in 1793, who in turn sells it in 1797 to William Coye; Coye sells the garden 
of this property to his son-in-law Samuel Burbank a year later. 81 Just a few 
days after Mary Carver dies on September 11, 1798, Coye sells the house 
and lot (the record here also includes a "shop") to Samuel Burbank, who 
the same day sells it to his brother John, who was a cooper. The records 
indicate that this house and lot were adjacent to William Coye's own 
house. 82 

William Coye remarries again, at the age of forty-eight, to Rebecca 
Brown, on February 24, 1799. In the US census for 1800, he is living with 
one female between twenty-five and forty-five (Rebecca, presumably), 
another female between seventeen and twenty-five, and a male between 
ten and sixteen (his and Ruth Savery' s children? Or perhaps Rebecca's 
from a previous marriage?). 83 Rebecca dies eight years later, on September 
19, 1808. In the 1810 census, William is living alone. 84 He marries for a 
fourth time, at the age of sixty-four, to Eliza Shurtleff on June 5, 1814. He 
dies in Plymouth two years later, on December 10, 1816. 85 There is no 
record of his burial in Plymouth. 

While the documentary evidence is clear that William Coye was a 
painter, an 1893 genealogy of the Savery family lists Ruth Savery's hus- 
band simply as "Dr. Coy." 86 This would seem implausible on its face, but 
the latest court record in which William Coye's name appears (for a ses- 
sion held in April 1815, just a year before his death) lists him as "Plymouth 
physician," 87 despite the fact that just two years earlier, in a record which 
has the same man, a Zenus Cushman of Middleborough, suing him, Coye 
is simply a "Plymouth Labourer." 88 We have to remember, of course, that 
most of those who called themselves "physicians" in eighteenth-century 
Massachusetts had not studied at professional schools and so were in no 
way equivalent to the M.D.s of the later nineteenth century. Further, unlike 
their English counterparts to some extent, "physicians" could cover every- 
thing from surgeons to apothecaries. 89 While there is no evidence that 
Coye studied with another physician, he may well have had some basic 
practical skills which he simply formalized into a title. Or perhaps he had 
acquired John Fordery Edmonds' apothecary shop. 

Between 1775 and 1792, there is only one gravestone which William 
Coye may have carved, that for Susanna Attwood (1785; see Fig. 30) in 



James Blachowicz 51 



Plymouth; yet if this is significantly backdated, Coye may not have carved 
at all in this seventeen-year span, having ceded gravestone carving to his 
younger brother-in-law, Lemuel Savery (these were, in fact, Savery's most 
productive years). From 1792 through 1798, however, we find a flurry of 
fifteen stones which are probably Coye's. Lemuel Savery died late in 1796 
or early in 1797: perhaps Coye was helping Amaziah Harlow fill in this 
vacuum. Harlow, as we shall see, was carving a few stones at this time, 
but his numbers decline in 1796 and 1797 (eleven stones for the two years) 
- the two years in which we find a number of Coye stones; yet Harlow's 
numbers rise dramatically in 1798 (fifteen stones), that is, after Coye had 
once again cut back. This is the same time that Coye and Harlow were 
apparently in business together as painters. Harlow may thus have taken 
over stonecutting completely in 1798, acquiring a new apprentice - 
Nathaniel Holmes. 90 

While it might be unusual for a carver to have such a long gap in his 
career, Coye was still a relatively youthful forty-six in 1796, and grave- 
stone carving was never a full-time occupation for him anyway. His 
"career" yielded hardly more than fifty gravestones (if my ascription of all 
of these stones to him is correct). Yet he was apparently available to pro- 
vide advice and instruction to aspiring Plymouth carvers - for Lemuel 
Savery, certainly, but also for Harlow and even Nathaniel Holmes, with 
whom he collaborated on two late stones just past 1800. By the time 
William Coye died at the age of sixty-six in 1816, Savery and Harlow were 
already dead and Holmes had moved on to Barnstable. John Tribble was 
then thirty-four and the heir of the Plymouth carving tradition. 

Coye's Gravestones in His Rhode Island Period: by Vincent F. Luti 

In addition to the four distinctive stones in the Narragansett Basin area 
we now attribute to William Coye, and a single early marker in Nova 
Scotia, Blachowicz also ascribes to Coye thirty-eight stones in Plymouth, 
eight on Cape Cod, one in North Carver, and a single stone in South 
Carolina (see Appendix). Eleven of these fifty-three stones are made of 
sandstone: nine in Plymouth, the one in North Carver, and one in Orleans. 
While it's likely that a significant number of Coye's gravestones have not 
survived, especially the sandstone type, this number should represent a 
fairly complete total of those we have left (included in the fifty-three is 
one missing stone, for Elizabeth Edmonds; Coye is paid an amount in 
Edmonds' probate that may be sufficient for a gravestone). 



52 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



Twelve of these gravestones were probably carved before Coye's move 
to Plymouth in 1770: the four Narragansett stones, seven in Plymouth, 
and probably the marker in Nova Scotia. Four of Coye's nine early 
Plymouth markers (these include two after 1770) are made of sandstone 
and five are slate. 

In his article in Markers XV, Blachowicz had surmised that William 
Coye had carved the sandstone marker for Sarah Spooner (Fig. 1), based 
on similarities between its lettering and that on the 1771 stone for 
Nathaniel Goodwin (see Fig. 12), probated to Coye. 91 He and I also 
observed that the borders on the Spooner marker were similar to those on 
the 1767 stone for Bathsheba Drew (see Fig. 5) in Plymouth as well as to 
the borders on a trio of Narragansett stones - those for Mehethabell 
Ward well (1764; Fig. 2), Sarah Swan (1767; Fig. 4), and Molley Danforth 
(1769; see Fig. 7) - that I had ascribed to Stephen Hartshorn. Thus it was 
the gravestone for Sarah Spooner that linked Goodwin to Drew, Plymouth 
to Rhode Island, Coye to Hartshorn. It was the key that ultimately opened 
the way to William Coye's true identity and his body of work. 

The Spooner marker was not only the "first stone" of our search for 
William Coye; it may well have been the first stone he carved, or at least 
the earliest we now have of those that have survived. We have already 
suggested that 1767 is very probably the year he began carving "good" 
markers, for this is the year we first have multiple Coye stones appear. 
The Spooner stone may be Coye's first not only because it has the earliest 
date of any of these 1767 markers (January 25), but also because its letter- 
ing possesses a significantly juvenile quality (which Blachowicz had 
noted in Markers XV 92 ). 

Blachowicz and I agree that it is the uneven character of the lettering 
on the Spooner stone that separates it from the others. Note especially the 
following features: The upper half of the second capital "S" is larger than 
the bottom half; the second vertical stroke of the capital "N" in "SPOON- 
ER" is higher than the first vertical stroke; the "s" of "lies" doesn't appear 
to sit on the same horizontal line as the beginning of the word; there's an 
error in the "the" after "Interrd"; and another error in reversing the "c" 
and "e" of "deceased"; and a third error in making the lower-case "s" in 
"deceased" more like an "f"; and there's the fact that the letters are large, 
taking too much space - making necessary the two hyphenations in the 
inscription. 

If the Swan and Drew markers were indeed also carved in 1767, but 



James Blachowicz 



53 




% 



m 









ft*.- 



,*/EfM*-* 



J 7 Llr 








,**■•■>'--., 



Fig. 3a. John Cobb, 1750, backdated, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



54 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



perhaps some months later, then these months were apparently sufficient 
for Coye's style to acquire more assurance. Because it is sandstone and not 
slate, of course, the incisions will be less sharp, but even so it is possible 
to see that its inscribed letters are less precisely executed than on Coye's 
other stones. 

Although the border on the Sarah Spooner stone ties Coye's style to 
Hartshorn and to Providence, the cameo portrait here (in slight profile), 
like the fruit-borders on Nathaniel Goodwin's stone, suggests that Coye 
was on these markers imitating the Boston carvers with whose work he 
was no doubt familiar in Plymouth. 

There are a number of similarities between the Spooner marker and 
the 1750 stone for John Cobb (Figs. 3a and 3b). Note the typical "ye" and 
"y" and the curling serif on the capital "C" on Cobb and on the capital "S" 
on Spooner. These two stones are so close in their lettering and execution 
that we are probably safe in taking the Cobb marker to be backdated, 
carved perhaps at about the same time as Spooner. 93 




Fig. 3b. Tympanum of John Cobb stone prior to its damage. 



James Blachowicz 55 



I should add that Blachowicz uncovered an intriguing note in 
Harriette Merrifield Forbes' papers in which, under the heading "portrait 
stones/' she has "John Cobb. Plymouth. Coye." 94 Curiously, however, she 
does not list the portrait stone for Sarah Spooner. Blachowicz could find 
no evidence in her papers for her attribution of the Cobb marker to Coye. 
Perhaps she had come to this conclusion solely on the basis of the resem- 
blance between its lettering and that on the Nathaniel Goodwin stone, 
which Blachowicz will discuss below. 

These sandstone markers in Plymouth may have been Coye's first, but 
they are either closely followed by or at least contemporaneous with three 
slate stones: those for Mehethabell Ward well (1764, backdated; Fig. 2) and 
Sarah Swan (1767; Fig. 4), both in Bristol (two of the four stones we must 
now take from Hartshorn and give to Coye), and the 1767 marker for 
Bathsheba Drew (Fig. 5) in Plymouth. Caution, however, is advised on the 
Wardwell stone since due to its small size, attributive design elements are 
either weak or missing and the stone may, in fact, be a collaboration with 
Hartshorn. 

In the Swan and Drew stones, as well as in that for Molley Danforth 
(see Fig. 7), Coye demonstrates his predilection for scene-like composi- 
tions as well as "figural" work, that is, for depicting full-length bodies 
and not just faces. Since Hartshorn did not do any figural work at all in 
this Rhode Island period, what prompted Coye to it? Probably seeing the 
figural work of George Allen in the Providence area (quite stunning), and 
a desire to be different from Hartshorn, showing off his drawing skills 
(amateurish, nevertheless). 

Both Hartshorn and Coye in turn drew their ideas from George Allen 
in an identically "debased" form; large numbers of Allen stones to draw 
on were already in place in Providence. One need only look at and com- 
pare the treatment of eyeballs. Allen models the pupils; Hartshorn and 
Coye place a simple drill hole there. Allen was a superb drawing master, 
who wielded a chisel with much greater finesse; they were lesser, amateur 
imitators. 

An exemplary case of an Allen/Coye influence is Allen's Sarah 
Antram stone (1736) in Providence (Fig. 6). It is the only known stone still 
extant in the Narragansett Basin that employs full figured, correctly and 
handsomely modeled angels. They clasp spears and shields and are bear- 
ing a finger-pointing Sarah heavenward. From a puffy cloudbank a 
bewiskered sun peeks out. Coye's Swan and Drew area stones have clum- 



56 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




£ £>% 



Fig. 4. Sarah Swan, 1767, Bristol, Rhode Island. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



57 




Fig. 5. Bathsheba Drew, 1767, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



58 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



sy, full figures on them, and another even has the identical bewiskered 
sun (Molley Danforth, 1769, Taunton, Fig. 7). Also, Coye's effigy faces, like 
many of Allen's, have a more adult or rather significant jaw line, whereas 
Hartshorn's faces are often more cherubic, fat-jowled and "jawless" (none 
of this is infallible, only a guideline to be measured against other ele- 
ments). It is tempting on seeing all these and other design similarities to 
think then that Coye apprenticed under Allen. Had that been the case, 
why is it that Hartshorn, not Allen, is called as a witness in the court case 
discussed earlier? That leaves only Hartshorn still the most likely candi- 
date to teach young William the craft. Their model was Allen; but never- 
theless, together, they made their own original choices, such as the flame- 
like leading-edge feathers on their wings that Allen did not use or the pre- 
viously mentioned drill holes. Coye's earliest lettering also departs sig- 
nificantly from Allen's. 

Distinctive features of the lettering on these early Coye stones include 
the "ye," the curved descending stroke of the "y" (note that the upper 
right stroke of the "y" approaches the vertical more than does the upper 
left), and a "7" whose horizontal stroke ends at the left with a serif that 
points up as well as down. 




Fig. 6. Sarah Antram, 1736, Providence, Rhode Island. 
Carved by George Allen. 



James Blachowicz 



59 



The 1768 Reverend Richard Round stone (Fig. 8) is a beautiful and del- 
icately carved winged, wigged effigy with elaborate, dense foliate borders 







m* 



Fig. 7. Molley Danforth, 1769, Taunton, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



60 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




Fig. 8. Reverend Richard Round, 1768, Rehoboth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye (documented in lawsuit). 



James Blachowicz 61 



and a long epitaph. On the back of the headstone is scratched "IC." The 
skill of the stonecarving clearly shows that Coye had been carving for 
some time, and the lettering is at an advanced stage of skill and not unlike 
Hartshorn's. It is necessary to work forward and backward from this doc- 
umented stone to account for the other Coye work carved and placed in 
the Providence area. This precisely was already done by intuition in my 
1983 essay in Markers II. 95 

The borders on the Spooner, Swan, Round and Danforth stones are 
almost identical - the Drew border being a slightly less dense variant. To 
this group we may add the carefully worked 1769 marker for Samuel 
Marson (Fig. 9) in Plymouth. The lettering is a bit more simplified here, 
but the "t," "y," "g," and "7" are characteristic of Coye's work. It also fea- 
tures sculpted leading-edge feathers and uses the "Here lies Interr,d" for- 
mula. 

The Marson stone provides a second example (after Round) of Coye's 
typical effigy or cherub's face. These two faces are fully frontal, unlike 
those found on Spooner and Cobb. As we shall see, Coye returns to such 
fully frontal faces frequently in the gravestones he carves later on in 
Plymouth, but most of them, beginning with the 1769 stone for Mercy 
Thomas, are quite crudely executed in comparison with Round or 
Marson. Coye gives us a third fully frontal face on the 1770 stone for Jane 
MacKareth (Fig. 10) in Nova Scotia, discovered by Deborah Trask. This 
was probably carved at about the time Coye made his move to Plymouth. 
The full cherub here seems to be a slightly more primitive version of that 
on the Round and Marson stones, but the wide-open eyes with delineat- 
ed irises and pupils, the sculpted leading-edge feathers, the border, and 
the lettering are all typically Coye's. Further, the grinning skull on the 
footstone (Fig. 11) is quite like the smaller version on the marker for 
Molley Danforth, dated a year earlier. 

This re-ascription of stones in the Rhode Island area from Hartshorn 
to Coye proceeded from the discovery and establishment of signature ele- 
ments that separate the work of the two men. Invariant, associative sets 
are not extensive, unfortunately, since both carvers had a similar look to 
their lettering and design work, but Blachowicz and I agree that some ele- 
ments are quite useful and probably sufficient. Right away it was discov- 
ered that Hartshorn for his entire career never changed the way he made 
the number "5," with no serif defining the top crossbar. Coye, on the other 
hand, always employed a quite pronounced serif in this position. If noth- 



62 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 








. $ 



^Vw^V. 



p&g 



f^-4w':^^«S¥^#^^:^i^e»^^a?S 



Fig. 9. Samuel Marson, 1769, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



63 



ing else, this element clearly distinguishes the men's work at the lettering 
level in the Rhode Island period. Coye's lettering is also characterized, but 
not invariantly, by a letter "t" with an open triangle forming the crossbar 
stroke, which is never found in Hartshorn. Hartshorn often spaced the 
capital letters of the deceased's name rather widely; Coye did so a bit on 
Wardwell's stone, if it is his. The foliage on Coye's borders seems a bit 
more densely compacted than does Hartshorn's. The descending stroke of 
Coye's "y" is usually noticeably curved; Hartshorn's is usually straighter. 
Exceptions include the Round stone, where Coye uses both kinds of "y," 
and some of Coye's later work in Plymouth, where his "y" tends to 
straighten out. Even if Coye's "y" is not a foolproof means for distin- 
guishing his lettering from Hartshorn's, it does help to distinguish it from 
later Plymouth carvers, as we shall see. 




Fig. 10. Jane MacKareth, 1770, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
Carved by William Coye. 



64 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



At the design level there are also distinguishing characteristics, but not 
totally invariant, such as Hartshorn's more pear-shaped effigy head vs. 
Coye's more ovoid form and the manner of forming the eyes. Both men 
derive these two elements from Allen and very casually all three men's 
work looks alike. Hartshorn's cherubic face is rounder at the jaw and less 
vertically elongated than Coye's. Close examination of Hartshorn eyes 
show less bulging and a consistent double outlining of the upper lid, 
which creates more space between the eye itself and the eyebrow than in 
Coye. Coye's eyes bulge considerably, most always having no double out- 
lining of the upper lid, and finish off the outer reaches of both eyelid and 
eyebrow with a pronounced upward sweep. However, this latter element 




h»a*s ■ ' rf ■ 




c 







/ \J \ 



■rir: 






*£?. V 



Fig. 11. Jane MacKareth footstone. 



James Blachowicz 65 



is also found in Allen and in some early Hartshorn. Caution is in order. 

To close out this Rhode Island period in the life and work of William 
Coye, we turn once again to the documented pair of bookends that not 
only define this period, connecting it seamlessly to the early Plymouth 
period as well, but set the attribution picture for the two types of tympa- 
num work that he did: Rev. Richard Round defining the effigy or cherub 
type, and Nathaniel Goodwin the figural type. And with this begins the 
discussion of William Coye's move to Plymouth and his work there. No 
work of his ever again shows up in the Narragansett Basin. 

Coye's Gravestones in his Plymouth Period: by James Blachowicz 

If William Coye's stone for Sarah Spooner was carved late in 1767 
rather than early (but still some months before his other stones), then per- 
haps he was actually able to see William Codner's marker for Patience 
Watson (1767) 96 set in place in Plymouth - a stone whose borders may 
have inspired those on Coye's John Cobb stone and whose cameo portrait 
of a woman's face in slight profile may have spurred Coye to try some- 
thing similar on the Spooner stone. But if he didn't see this stone, Coye 
would certainly have seen the marker for John Watson (1753) there, also 
with a cameo portrait. A distinctive gravestone from the shop of an 
accomplished Boston-area carver like Codner or John Homer could make 
an immediate impact, with a local imitation appearing, perhaps, within 
months of the original. 

Some such Bostonian marker may also have served as the inspiration 
for the 1771 Nathaniel Goodwin stone (Fig. 12), the only other existing 
gravestone besides the Richard Round marker documented to William 
Coye. 97 This stone has a distinctive decoration, very carefully carved, with 
an elaborate border of grapes and other vegetation, and a small winged 
portrait surmounted by a family crest. It suggests again that Coye was 
intentionally trying to "fit in" in Plymouth. It is one of nine surviving 
sandstone markers in Plymouth (and two others elsewhere) which are 
also probably Coye's work. In fact, he may have been responsible for just 
about all of the sandstone markers on Burial Hill. 98 No doubt there were 
a number of others which have not survived. 99 

The sandstone markers for Mary Bacon (1772) and South worth Shaw 
(1772) did survive, but they are rather weathered. They bear small, simi- 
larly posed cherubs, with a space separating the upper arch of the 
upraised wings from the head. The leading-edge feathers of the wings are 



66 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




^ 



\ V % 



iOODVVIN 



tillS.MKJiP 

LDmrofl 



U I 



l^ 1 u% 




s ,-W 



MWMMMMNalPHlll 






Fig. 12. Nathaniel Goodwin, 1771, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Probated to William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



67 



sculpted in significant relief, rather than incised flatly - a feature that 
helps to identify Coye's work, but not infallibly. 100 While the inscriptions 
are difficult to make out, we can see Coye's distinctive "ye," and also his 
upward-serifed "7." 

The faces on these two stones are fully frontal, but that on the dam- 
aged 1773 sandstone marker for Hannah Symmes (Fig. 13) is, like the 
Spooner and John Cobb markers, shown in slight profile. Semi-profile 
depictions are difficult, and often a carver who executes excellent fully 
frontal faces will produce faces in semi-profile which are significantly less 
satisfactory. As we shall see, Coye will offer semi-profiles on some later 
stones as well. 

There are a number of similarities between the documented Goodwin 
stone and these other sandstone markers that make an ascription of them 




Fig. 13. Hannah Symmes, 1773, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



68 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



all to William Coye plausible. Besides the fact that they form a rare sand- 
stone group in Plymouth, they all have the opening "Here lies Interr,d the 
Body" 101 as well as the characteristic "ye" (including the slope of the 
descending stroke on the "y"), and other lettering similarities. It is espe- 
cially the border on the Spooner stone, of course, that reinforces the 
ascription of this sandstone group to Coye. The Spooner stone is again the 
key: its lettering connects it to the documented Goodwin stone, and its 
borders connect it to the documented Round stone. 

It is not clear why Coye carved his four Rhode Island stones in slate 
while he had nine (and probably more) sandstone markers in Plymouth, 
at least four of which - Spooner, Cobb, the surviving footstone for James 
Curtis (1767), and the remnant for Josiah Cobb (1744) - were probably 
carved while he was still in Rhode Island. We have already seen that he 
also has three slate stones in Plymouth from this early period (Drew, 
Marson and Thomas). Luti offers one suggestion - that Coye may have 
been used to working in sandstone in masonry work (perhaps with 
Hartshorn), and so was more able to obtain this material than slate. Yet 
Coye appears to have used sandstone after his move to Plymouth as well 
- on six stones between 1771 and 1774 (he also carved six slate stones in 
this period). This may be misleading, however, because of the possible 
effect of "precarving." 

Gravestones are often carved some years after the dates inscribed on 
them. This is referred to as "backdating." This commonly occurs if the 
estate of the deceased takes some time to settle, or if a family sets up a 
stone for a relative whose grave had gone unmarked for some time. 
Backdated stones are thus usually the first ones listed on a chronological 
survey of a given carver's output. They will tend to be scattered over a 
few years, with gaps between. We usually look for the year (or years) in 
which a given carver's stones tend to cluster, therefore, in estimating 
when he really started to carve. 

Precarving is perhaps less frequent than backdating, but it can also 
give an erroneous picture of a carver's evolving style and output. A pre- 
carved stone is one that had been carved at a certain time, but not yet 
inscribed, and then put away for a while before the carver inscribes it for 
a given client. It is well known that carvers had such stocks of uninscribed 
but carved gravestones. These might total four, ten or even more at any 
given time. 102 This does not present too serious a problem for an analysis 
of a carver's output and evolving style - as long as there is not too long a 



James Blachowicz 69 



delay between the carving and the inscribing. But longer delays do occur, 
especially in two different circumstances. After the Plymouth carver 
Lemuel Savery died, ten or more of his carved stones made their way into 
the hands of other carvers who inscribed them - as late as four years after- 
wards. It is an easy matter to correct for this type of precarving delay, of 
course, for we can be sure that these stones were all carved before the 
death of the carver (if, that is, we know when the carver died). But the pre- 
carving delay may also be appreciable, where it is more difficult to detect 
and hence a more serious source of misinterpretation, at the beginning of 
a carver's career. This is because an apprentice carver will no doubt prac- 
tice on stones that either he or his master may not deem worthy to use in 
the usual way. These might be sent out to distant burial grounds where 
there is no great concern about maintaining a clientele and hence less 
attention paid to the quality of the product; or an apprentices' s early 
stones might be used as footstones; or they might be set aside until some 
occasion arises in which they might be used. 

In this last circumstance, a carver's early stones may appear signifi- 
cantly later in his career, either as footstones or even headstones, depend- 
ing on the situation and locale. I suspect that a precarving delay as long 
as five or six years was involved in the earliest stones that Lemuel Savery 
carved, stones dated as late as 1778 that may have been carved (but not 
inscribed, naturally) as early as 1773. These stones precarved in 1773, 
however, appeared simultaneously with 1778 stones that were not pre- 
carved and were significantly different in style. Because, in a young carv- 
er, we often find significant stylistic changes and adjustments over the 
course of three to six years, we may erroneously think that the same carv- 
er could not have been responsible for the two disparate styles. And if, by 
concentrating on the inscriptions (which, of course, are not subject to this 
precarving delay), we judge that the same man inscribed both styles of 
stone, we may conclude either that, still, different carvers were responsi- 
ble for the tympanums, or that the same carver was somehow supporting 
two disparate styles simultaneously. And all the while the answer may 
simply be that the carver was using up his old juvenile stock. 

This may have been the case with Coye's six sandstone markers dated 
after 1771. While the cherubs on these stones are difficult to make out in 
any case (because of weathering), they may well have been carved when 
Coye first began his stonecutting career back in Rhode Island. Thus, it is 
possible that Coye used sandstone hardly if at all in Plymouth after the 



70 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



Nathaniel Goodwin marker, which itself could have been carved on stone 
that he had brought with him from Providence. Or perhaps all of the 
sandstone was brought with him from Rhode Island and he gradually 
used it up by 1774. But this still does not explain why we find no sand- 
stone markers in the Narragansett area. 

There are about a dozen more stones which Coye probably produced 
in the 1770s before he leaves gravestone carving more or less to his broth- 
er-in-law, Lemuel Savery. One of these was for William Rider (1772) in 
Plymouth (Fig. 14), which features a cameo portrait of a man standing 
behind a tomb, holding a scroll. 103 The general proportions of the arms of 
this figure recall the figures on the earlier stones for Spooner, Swan, Drew 




r 



.• V I 



otr.r V4[,y/:/fRfD:f:B 

for}'" ''li r; 2n 
1 



r~7 r /' r. 







Fig. 14. William Rider, 1772, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



71 







Fig. 15. William Rider footstone. 



72 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 





Fig. 16. John Bartlett, 1773, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by William Coye. Letters recut. 



James Blachowicz 



73 



and Danforth, and the scroll is like that on the Danforth stone. The letter- 
ing is probably Coye's as well, although it bears some resemblance to the 
early letters of Lemuel Savery. I shall discuss the problem of differentiat- 
ing Coye's from Savery' s work shortly. The cherub on the Rider footstone 
(Fig. 15) is also probably Coye's. While it is more difficult to execute a 
well-formed face on a smaller stone such as this, this face is somewhat 
typical of the uneven and rather crude samples we find on a number of 
Coye's markers. It does not resemble very closely the finer work that 




Fig. 17. Melatiah Lothrop, 1771, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by John Homer. 



74 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



Savery was capable of, even from the beginning. 

Another of these twelve stones of the 1770s is for Francis LeBaron 
(1773) 104 in Georgetown, South Carolina. Here we find a quite similar por- 
trait and lettering which resembles Coye's other work - the "t" and the 
numerals, especially the "7." 105 

The now fragmented stone for [Jab]ez Har[low] (1773) 106 has lettering 
which is probably Savery' s (the descending strokes of the "y" and the 
"ye" are straight), but the border may well be Coye's. We do not general- 
ly find borders on Savery' s other markers, and the border here resembles 
that which Coye used on his stone for John Cobb (1750). 

The 1773 gravestone for John Bartlett (Fig. 16) features a large skull in 
semi-profile with crossed bones. 107 I ascribe the Bartlett stone to Coye on 
the basis of its lettering: the numerals of the date and the "t" are quite like 
those on the LeBaron stone and the sandstone markers. This comparison 
is not straightforward, however, because the letters on the Bartlett stone 
were probably recut (deepened to make them more visible) at some later 
time; the numerals and letters on the footstone, however, remain as they 
were originally cut. The Bartlett marker appears to be an imitation of the 




ii.e:ncioT?^ cil 



Fig. 18. Elesebath Sears, 1772, Brewster, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



75 



1771 stone John Homer cut for Melatiah Lothrop (Fig. 17) in Plymouth just 
two years before - down even to the jagged crack positioned between the 
eye sockets and the two tiny cherubs on the shoulders of the stone. 108 The 
marker for Thomas Foster (1777) features a skull and crossed bones 
almost identical to those on the Bartlett stone, but the lettering here is 
Lemuel Savery's work. Coye may have carved the tympanum as late as 




I 












^; **#**»> 



Fig. 19. Elesebath Sears footstone. 



76 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



1777; or perhaps this is a case of precarving, where Savery used a unin- 
scribed skulled stone Coye had produced when he carved the Bartlett 
stone. 

A distinctive marker which ties Coye's work in the early 1770s to his 
earlier stones for Round, Marson, and MacKareth is that for Elesabath 
Sears (1772) in Brewster (Fig. 18). The shape of the head and the eyes are 
unmistakably like those on these earlier stones. The footstone (Fig. 19), 
however, is puzzling. The cherub is very crudely and superficially 
engraved and resembles neither Coye's nor Savery' s early types. Perhaps 
it is precarved - a very youthful practice stone of either Coye's or 
Savery' s, now fit for use only as a footstone in a distant burial ground. 

Coye did carve a few other cherub stones in the 1770s, such as the 1775 
marker for Sarah Hopkins (Fig. 20) in Orleans. Here again, while it may 
be that it is the small size of the stone that did not permit Coye to provide 




Fig. 20. Sarah Hopkins, 1775, Orleans, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



77 



a cherub as finished and proportioned as others of which we have seen 
him capable, perhaps a better explanation for this rather unattractive and 




Fig. 21. Hannah Goodwin, 1772, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Early narrow-faced cherub carved by Lemuel Savery. 



78 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




-" '*& ' : X : _ 



■ ' ■f'x ■ . "■■■■,■■■■.■ 



Fig. 22. Martha Holbrook, 1775, Wellfleet, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



79 



unsatisfactory result - as well as for comparable work in the stones for 
Mercy Thomas (1769), Mary Hovey (1774), Deborah Harlow (1775), and 
Joseph Snow (1775) - is that Coye simply did not take the time to make it 
better. There is a variability in the quality of the entire body of his work 
that invites such a judgment (assuming, of course, that there is not yet 
another carver at work here). 

Lemuel Savery has about a dozen gravestones, mostly in Plymouth, 
with a similarly styled cherub and with inscriptions that are often quite 
difficult to distinguish from Coye's - executed, probably, while Savery was 
Coye's apprentice. An example is the 1772 marker for Hannah Goodwin 
(Fig. 21). The cherubs on these early Savery stones are all quite like each 
other and better executed, I think, than Coye's. Savery's eyes are less 
bulging than Coye's, and the mouth is recognizable in Savery's later work. 

While the lettering on Coye's and Savery's early stones is quite simi- 
lar, the following rather subtle differences help to divide them: Savery's 
ampersand tends to curl under the whole body of the symbol; the lower 
portion of Savery's "a" tends to be slightly wider than the upper portion 
(not so Coye's); the descending stroke of Savery's "y" is in general less 
curved than Coye's; Coye's "e" is not chiselled as sharply as Savery's and 




Fig. 23. Anne Bassett, 1775, Dennis, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



80 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



there is more variability in it; Savery's "i," f-like "$," and "r" all tend to be 
narrower than Coye's; the serifs on Savery's "i" tend to be straighter and 
more horizontal than Coye's (at least early on); Coye will tend to put an 
upward-pointing serif at the upper left of his "7"; and, in general, there is 
less uniformity and more unevenness in Coye's lettering than Savery's. 
Using these principles, I would guess that Savery lettered Coye's 1772 
stone for William Rider (Fig. 14), while Coye may have lettered Savery's 
markers for John Lewis Bartlett (1776), Samuel Higgins (1776), and a late 
stone, for George Cooper (1795), which may have been inscribed after 
Savery died or left Plymouth. 

Although Coye's smaller cherub stones are usually not very attractive, 
he obviously took more care in the interesting large slate for Martha 
Holbrook (1775; Fig. 22) in Wellfleet. We have the "ye" and "g" again, as 
well as sculpted leading-edge feathers, a portrait in semi-profile (but not 
very well proportioned), and a bonnet rather like that in the portrait on 





■'.: 










i ■ "-•'" ''■:, > :^ 














,./■■:,.:: 










• 1 I *'W- . 












n .' ' '. • ^^:$&ftfelf^ 








,.. i r , ' j£f 




.^<v-/^^W >* . J* 








,■' 










. -'-' *-./- v- ..•'•■<.-*■ 






> -T • ■ :" <H 







Fig. 24. Plymouth powder house dedication stone, 1770, Plymouth, 
Massachusetts. Probably carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



81 



the Spooner stone. A connection to Plymouth may be found in the fact 
that the stone for Martha's son, Ezekiel (1776), alongside, was carved by 
Lemuel Savery. 

Another Cape stone dated 1775 is that for Anne Bassett in Dennis (Fig. 
23), where Coye uses the distinctive grinning skull we saw twice before, 
but here it is winged and the principal element of the tympanum; this, 
and the stone for Elizabeth Howland (1797) in North Carver, are the only 
instances of this use. The Howland stone, which is sandstone but dated 
twenty-two years later, was probably carved in the 1760s or 1770s. 

Before moving to Coye's later work, there is another exceptional stone 
to consider. This is not a gravestone, but the dedication stone for the new 
Plymouth powder house built in 1770, 109 adjacent to the burial ground 
(Fig. 24). The inscription is in Latin and much damaged, the stone looking 
as if it had been pelted with shot. A portion of the inscription was also 
apparently deliberately chiseled away (a reference to the King, perhaps). 
It reads at the end: "... po...us fuit Die undecimo Kalendas Septembris 
Anno Domini 1770." That is, the powder house was dedicated September 
11, 1770. Note the nice little powder horn at the top and the tiny cannon 




Fig. 25. Andrew CroswelL 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



82 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



at the bottom. I attribute this work to Coye on the basis of the numerals 
in "1770" and the surviving "t" higher up: they match other samples of 
his work fairly well. This may have been his first commission after begin- 
ning his residency in the town. 

Let us now consider Coye's later stones, all in Plymouth. These are 
dated 1785 through 1805, most of them between 1795 and 1798. 

There are twelve stones which we can link with each other on the basis 
of the cherub carved in the tympanum. The faces of these cherubs are all 
confidently carved, with good symmetry, superior to the smaller, careless 
cherubs of Coye's stones in the 1770s. The lower lips all tend to be fuller 
than any Harlow carved. What is perhaps especially distinctive is the 
treatment of the eyes: they are very wide-open, looking rather like those 




the. tncmor\ 






L >1V 



w 



l8TO: 



*A\ ho dipd at Mtfithfvs " Vm\ ^irt 

. ;( Vi h<1 . . i s . (;.h em' :ii1!eri-ed^ ' :t ' 



[ciiujarx" 



TO 




\jW-s 

W 1L 



Fig. 26. Capt. Coomer Weston, 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. Lettered by Amaziah Harlow, Jr. 



James Blachowicz 



83 



on Coye's Round and Marson stones, executed thirty years earlier. 110 
Compare the cherubs on the stones for Andrew Croswell (1796; Fig. 25) 
and Capt. Coomer Weston (1796; Fig. 26), for example, with that on the 
1769 Samuel Marson stone (Fig. 9). The Marson stone could well have 
served as a model for Weston. 

The cherubs on the stones for Hannah Morton (1795), Margaret Cobb 
(1796; Fig. 27) and Lucy Jackson (1796) have jaws that are less wide than 




Fig. 27. Margaret Cobb, 1796, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. Lettered by Amaziah Harlow, Jr. 



84 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



those on the Croswell and Weston markers, but the hair is rendered 
quite similarly. 111 While the face on the Cobb stone is probably Coye's 
work, however, it is possible that Amaziah Harlow, Jr. contributed the 
wings (as well as the inscription), for the leading-edge feathers here are 
closer to his style. 112 Harlow also probably lettered the Morton and 
Weston stones. 

The faces of the cherubs on the stones for Capt. Abraham Hammatt 
(1797; Fig. 28) and for Lewis Holmes (1798), are similar, but the hair has 
now become more curled. The Hammatt stone is an especially fine piece 




Fig. 28. Capt. Abraham Hammatt, 1797, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 



85 



of work: Coye's skill is evident not only in the realistic proportions of the 
face, but also in the excellent oval acanthus border and inscription. The 
letters are very precisely carved and positioned perfectly in the oval 
frame. Significantly, the oval border bears a close resemblance to the ver- 
tical borders on the Cobb (1750) and Harlow (1773) stones. The Lewis 
Holmes marker, however, was probably lettered by Amaziah Harlow. 

Coye's and Harlow's partnership is physically embodied in the 1793 
gravestone for Sylvia and Meriah Paty (Fig. 29) - where each carver con- 
tributed one of the two cherubs for the double tympanum. Harlow's 
cherub (on the left) may have been executed in his first or second year of 
carving. 

Coye's stone for [E]lenor Churchill (1792) may be precarved; it has an 
older style cherub (without any hair at all) and resembles some of the 
early work of Stephen Hartshorn. 113 And Coye's sandstone marker for 
Elizabeth Howland (1797), with a grinning skull of the type he had used 
twenty-five years earlier, is also likely precarved. 

The earliest stone (1785, but possibly backdated) of this later group, 
that for Susanna Atwood (Fig. 30), has a similar face, but here with dif- 
ferently styled hair and with splayed wing feathers. Unlike the other 







Fig. 29. Sylvia and Meriah Paty, 1793, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

Cherub on left carved by Amaziah Harlow, Jr.; 

cherub on right carved by William Coye. 



86 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




Fig. 30. Susanna Atwood, 1785, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by William Coye. 



James Blachowicz 87 



stones of the later period, it also utilizes the more archaic opening "Here 
lies interrd." 

The cherub on the Robart Davee stone (1794) is carved in a more shal- 
low relief, but the eyes and mouth resemble the others; although Harlow 
probably lettered this stone, he was incapable of executing such a well- 
chiseled face. 

Coye also carved the faces on two late stones which were lettered by 
Nathaniel Holmes. 114 The first is the 1804 marker for Fanney Crombie 
(Fig. 31); we can confidently ascribe it to Coye, for it is signed "Will Coy" 
at its base - his only signed stone. It may actually have been Holmes who 
inscribed this signature (the letters resemble his), in order to give Coye 
credit for the cherub. The face is quite like Coye's others, with wide-open 
eyes and full lips. It is harder to ascribe to him the drapery or swag above 
this figure; we have no other incidence of this device on Coye's other 
stones, while it does commonly appear on Holmes' (and Harlow's). I 
would guess, therefore, that Coye and Holmes collaborated on this tym- 
panum. The same is probably true of the 1805 marker for Elizabeth 
Harlow (Fig. 32). We see again the wide-eyed and full-lipped face, here in 
slight profile (which Holmes never attempted); but both the drapery and 
urn are quite like those which appear on a number of other Holmes 
stones. The spiky trailing-edge feathers on the wings here were duplicat- 
ed on Holmes' William Bray stone, also dated 1805, which he carved in 
Yarmouth. 113 It is thus probably the second (and last) collaboration 
between the fifty-five-year-old Coye and the twenty-two-year-old 
Holmes, executed just before Holmes left Plymouth for good. 

Beyond the evidence of stylistic considerations, support for the idea 
that it is William Coye who carved this late set of stones comes from the 
conjunction of two facts: first, while none of the cherubs on these stones 
are Harlow's (except one on the double cherub stone), Harlow appears to 
have lettered a number of them; and second, these stones were carved at 
the approximate time that Harlow and Coye were probably in business 
together. Besides the Margaret Cobb stone, there is another marker in 
which Harlow and Coye may have collaborated on the same cherub. The 
head, hair, wings and eyes on the cherub carved on the 1795 stone for 
Mary Pope (Fig. 33) seem to be Harlow's, but the mouth is more finely 
carved and better positioned on the face, quite unlike any we see on 
Harlow's other stones. Coye was probably responsible - a rare and inter- 
esting case of collaboration on the same face. 



88 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 




Fig. 31. Fanney Crombie, 1804, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

Human figure carved by William Coye; other features and lettering 

by Nathaniel Holmes. Signed "Will Coy." 



James BJachowicz 



89 



More tentatively, I attribute five more stones to William Coye. The first 
is that for Betsy Shaw (1795), in Plymouth (Fig. 34). Besides the fact that it 




Fig. 32. Elizabeth Harlow, 1805, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

Cherub face by William Coye; other features and lettering 

by Nathaniel Holmes. 



90 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



falls in the same brief period as Coye's other late stones, the key feature 
here is the small cherub hovering above the tomb (Fig. 35). Although a bit 
damaged, the face is like that on the cherubs of the other stones of this 
group, and the sculpted leading-edge feathers reinforce this connection. 
The general treatment is perhaps closest to the cherub on the Susanna 
Attwood stone. The scallops on the horizontal border at the base of the 
stone also resembles what Coye had used for his early Narragansett 
stones. If it is Coye's, it would be another example of his scene composi- 
tions. Although the lettering is somewhat like that on the Abraham 
Hammatt stone, there is not enough evidence to attribute it to Coye as 
well. These letters may have been recut and deepened later. 

The second stone is for Elisha Nelson (1797; Fig. 36). The dramatic 
cloud-borne eye in the tympanum is rounded like the eyes of the other 
cherub-stones; and the lightly incised cherubs rising up to the cloud are 
delineated just enough to notice the shape of the leading-edge feathers as 
well as the eye and hair treatment. Compare the shape of the jaw to that 
of the cherub on the Betsy Shaw stone; and the letters as well. Coye is also 
the prime suspect here. 

The third in this group is the stone for William Morton Jackson (1801). 




BH^BBMl— B— W^^— 1—1 



Fig. 33. Mary Pope, 1795, Plymouth. 

Mouth possibly carved by William Coye; 

all other features and lettering probably by Amaziah Harlow, Jr. 



James Blachowicz 



91 




Fig. 34. Betsy Shaw, 1795, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Possibly carved by Willam Coye. 



92 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



The cherub here has his characteristic sculpted leading-edge feathers, but 
both the cherub and the inscription are rather crudely done. The letters 
closely resemble those on the Nelson stone and some others of these late 
markers. 

The fourth and fifth markers are for [...]man Higgins (1795) in Orleans 
and Rosseter Cotton (1796) in Plymouth. Only the bottom half of the 
Higgins stone remains, but the lettering points to Coye. The Cotton stone 
features a small urn and swag, but the lettering is very like that on the 
markers for Elisha Nelson and William Morton Jackson. 

There is a final stone to consider. It is the 1797 footstone for Capt. 
Abraham Hammatt (Fig. 37). The headstone (Fig. 28) is certainly Coye's, 
but the cherub on the footstone is quite unlike that on the headstone, show- 
ing evidence of more youthful technique. It has oblong (but not sculpted) 
leading-edge feathers - of the sort Coye and Harlow used. Yet the eyebrows 
seem wrong when compared to Harlow's typical execution. Perhaps it is an 
early Coye stone, which had been left over from his less accomplished 
phase, and which was only fit for use as a footstone in 1797. Or this may be 
an early effort of Nathaniel Holmes, who was a tender fourteen in 1797; yet 
this cherub is not quite like Holmes' other early cherubs. 116 




Fig. 35. Detail of gravestone for Betsy Shaw. 



James Blachowicz 



93 




Fig. 36. Elisha Nelson, 1797, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Possibly carved by William Coye. 



94 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



We have seen that Nathaniel Holmes, the fourth in succession of resi- 
dent Plymouth carvers, lettered the Crombie and Elizabeth Harlow 
stones, and collaborated with Coye on their tympanums. Holmes may 
thus have apprenticed not only with Harlow but also with Coye. We 
know that Harlow and Coye were in business together as painters in 1799. 




Fig. 37. Footstone for Capt. Abraham Hammatt, 1797, 
Plymouth, Massachusetts. 



James Blachowicz 95 



Holmes, who is first listed in Barnstable records as a painter, may have 
been the "Boy" mentioned as Coye's assistant for painting work paid by 
the county in a 1799 record. If he was, then William Coye would have 
been not only the father of Plymouth gravestone carving but also the 
occasional mentor of his three immediate successors. 

Conclusion: by James Blachowicz 

Given that William Coye carved relatively few gravestones, his work 
would hardly seem at first to deserve the attention this study has given 
him. Yet there are a number of factors and facts about his carving career 
that warrant this special treatment. There are his distinctive compositions 
for the tympanums of his earliest stones (Swan, Drew, Danforth), the 
Adam-and-Eve depiction on the Swan stone, especially, taking its place as 
a unique representation in gravestone art. There is his apparent attempt 
to modify his Narragansett style to one more acceptable to his Plymouth 
clientele. There is his return to carving later in his life, where, in addition 
to some traditional but well-carved cherubs, he may have provided more 
scene compositions for Betsy Shaw and, with more experimental iconog- 
raphy, in the cloud-borne eye for Elisha Nelson. And there is the fact that 
he was teacher and collaborator for three successive Plymouth carvers. 
We may even find on two or three stones a collaboration between Coye 
and another carver (Harlow, Holmes) in the same tympanum - in one case, 
perhaps, on the same cherub's face - demonstrating a degree of shared 
work not evident in the work of other carvers. For these reasons, William 
Coye is an interesting gravestone carver, even if not a very productive 
one. 

But there is in addition a valuable lesson to be learned from the case of 
William Coye - a lesson about basic principles of gravestone research and 
carver identification. William Coye's modest yet significant contribution 
to gravestone art nearly went undiscovered. Had unique documentary 
evidence not come to light, he would have been a victim of what might be 
called the "conservative" principle of carver research: where there is no 
identifiable body of work, there is no distinct carver. In unusual circum- 
stances, however, such as was the case with Coye, whose work was small 
in quantity, somewhat idiosyncratic in style, variable in quality, spread 
discontinuously over two states, and divided into two periods separated 
by seventeen years, a "body" of work may be nearly invisible. Who 
would have thought that the same man carved the stones for Sarah Swan 



96 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



(1767) in Bristol and Abraham Hammatt (1797) in Plymouth? 

This body of work would have remained invisible had it not been for 
one or two surviving documents. The particular lesson here: carver iden- 
tification based principally on design criteria will always be risky. Yet 
even the indispensable documentary evidence that probate records pro- 
vide may be pushed aside if there is no apparent body of work: hence, the 
payment to William Coye for the Nathaniel Goodwin stone could under- 
standably be taken as a payment to a middleman delivering the stone 
rather than to a carver. 

It is the very fact of the near loss of William Coye that should make us 
wonder how many other undiscovered carvers may be lurking in the bod- 
ies of work of known carvers. One cannot but be struck by the fact that in 
eighteenth and nineteenth-century New England, many men were able to 
shift their occupations rather readily as circumstances demanded. The 
same person might appear in various records as "painter," "cordwainer," 
"trader," "shoreman," "laborer," "yeoman" - and even as "physician" 
and "stonecutter." How confident are we that there are not in fact many 
men who each made only a handful of gravestones - a dozen or fewer 
perhaps - who will never be identified and whose work will forever be 
erroneously included in the bodies of work of other, more productive 
carvers? These lost carvers might also help account for our inability at 
times to identify the man from whom a beginning carver first learned his 
craft. When we cannot find this "craft-parent," we are tempted to con- 
clude that the carver acquired this skill without any help. Yet how many 
unknown men might there be who were responsible for transmitting 
carving skills, and thereby filling in these gaps? 

Of course, there is also a danger in the "liberal" principle of carver 
research - the reverse of Occam's razor - where we multiply carvers with- 
out necessity. The same man may very well be responsible for quite 
diverse styles of work, not only in those cases where a style changes 
because of a geographical move, or a lapse of a number of years - as we 
have seen with Coye - but also among stones in the same locale appar- 
ently carved at the same time. While at present I cannot exclude the pos- 
sibility that, given the differences among the stones for Sarah Spooner, 
Bathsheba Drew, Samuel Marson and Mercy Thomas, all in Plymouth and 
all falling in a two-year span, more than one carver was responsible, my 
judgment is that these are normal variations within Coye's range. We 
have also seen that Coye probably carved some stones more carefully 



James Blachowicz 97 



than others, again perhaps encouraging the impression that two different 
men may have been at work. 

Carver identification thus runs into the same sometimes nightmarish 
problems that bedevil the authentication of Greek statues or impression- 
ist paintings. These risks contribute, I suppose, to the challenge and enjoy- 
ment of the task. 

NOTES 

The photographs in Figs. 3b, 8 and 26 are from the Daniel and Jesse Lie Farber Collection of 
Gravestone Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, and are reproduced with permis- 
sion. Those in Figs. 10 and 11 are by Kathleen Flanagan (stone #710); courtesy Nova Scotia 
Museum & Old Burying Ground Foundation. All other photos are by James Blachowicz. 

1. Vincent F. Luti, "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles 
Hartshorn of Providence," Markers II (1983): 149-69. 

2. Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone Studies 13:2 (1989): 1-2. 

3. James Blachowicz, "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," 
Markers XV (1998): 38-203. 

4. For Woodbury genealogy, see L. A. Underhill, William Woodbury (Providence, RI, 1904), 
R. I. Historical Society Library, ms. unpaged; and James N. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , 
Bristol, vol. 6, part I (Providence, RI, 1894). Relevant probate records are in Taunton, 
Mass., vol. 2:48, 49, 151, 158, 168, 191, 236, 247. 

5. For Richard Coy of Wenham genealogy, see Marion W. P. Carter, Coy-Coye Family (1931 ), 
ms. unpaged; J.H. Temple, History of North Brookfield (1887), pp. 63, 65, 92, 194; Adeline 
P. Cole, Notes on Wenham History 1643-1943, p. 38; Myron 0. Allen, The History of Wenham 
(1860), pp. 33, 50, 197; Wenham Vital Records (1904), pp. 19, 101, 189; New England 
Historic Genealogical Register, vols. 56:60, 61:334; Report of the Records Commissioners 
(Boston, MA, 1883), vol. 9:100. 

6. For Matthew Coy of Preston genealogy, see Mormon church IGI database; Frederic W. 
Bailey, Early Connecticut Marriages as Found in Ancient Church Records Prior to 1800 (New 
Haven, CT, 1896-1906), 4:35; Report of the Records Commissioners (Boston, MA, 1883), vol. 
9:48, 55, 65, 99, 104, 219. The 1749/50 marriage citation for John Coy is from Early 
Connecticut Marriages, vol. 4:38. 

7. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Bristol, vol. 6, part 1:16; and Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Record 
of Births, Deaths and Marriages 1680, vol. 4:18-19. 

8. Bristol, R.I. Town Meeting Records Book 2, 1718-1780, p. 150. 

9. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Bristol, vol. 6, part 1:71; and Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Record 
of Births, Deaths and Marriages 1680, vol. 4:171. 



98 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



10. John J. May, Danforth Genealogy (Boston, MA, 1902). On p. 42, the death date of Molly 
Danforth is erroneously given as 1828. 

11 . L. A. Underhill, William Woodbury. No record was found for the birth of Sarah Swan, but 
an account book of Dr. Thomas Monro, RIHSL, entry #65, contains a moving three- 
month narration of the lingering, painful death of young Sarah, an almost daily 
accounting of visits, spirits, powders, unguents, emplasters, and endless lancings of her 
legs. For April 17, 1767, the entry reads "to a Visit 3/. . ." [followed by a wiggly line: no 
spirits, powders, unguents, emplasters, lancings]. Sarah Swan died that day. It is no 
wonder that her young cousin, William Coye, chose to give her a memorable memori- 
al, unlike any ever carved in colonial New England. Adam and Eve's fall and redemp- 
tion become the transliteration of Sarah's trial and salvation. 

12. R. I. Judicial Archives, Pawtucket, Record Books, Bristol, Superior Court vol. 1:4, 20, 23, 
53; and Bristol Court of Common Pleas vol. 1:10, 15, 68, 69, 76, 79, 80, 104, 188, 189, 191, 
198, 199. There is also a record that Mr. John Coy, on April 2, 1756, was paid as per 
receipt 25-19-0 pounds from the account of John Bosworth's estate: Bristol, R.I. Town 
Hall, Wills & Inventories 1746-1760, vol. 1:253. 

13. Bristol, R.I. Town Hall, Land Records 1746-1756, vol. 1: 1, 2, 40, 104, 198, 365. The first 
purchase was one half a still house and land in the south end of town, bought on 
February 20, 1746/7 for 450 pounds and sold January 23, 1749 for 250 pounds. The 
other acquisitions, of July 22, 1748 and June 8, 1752, formed a continuous band of prop- 
erty from the waterfront to High Street inclusive of, west to east crossing Thames Street 
to Hope Street, water to the ship channel, beach flats, still house, dwelling, shop and 
land, and then one acre, and a two-acre lot with "tenement or messuage" (land and /or 
buildings under tenantship) with barn between Hope and High Streets. Rogers 
Richmond bought the entire holdings for 1,000 pounds on May 13, 1756 and resold all 
of it to George Coggeshall on December 30, 1761 for 1,800 pounds (Land Evidence 1:365 
and 2:202-204). The 2:202-204 entry contains a very elaborate description of the house 
bounds. 

14. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Wills and Inventories 1746-1760, vol. 1:309. 

15. Ibid., 1:300. 

16. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Town Meeting Records, Book 2, 1718-1780, p. 270. 

17. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Wills 1760-1793, vol. 2:65. 

18. Bristol, R. I. Town Hall, Town Council and Probate Records, Book 2, Part 1, 1760-1792, p. 
134. 

19. Jacob Whitman, Account Book, Rhode Island Historical Society Library, Providence, R.I., 
item #10. 

20. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I. , Providence Newspapers, vol. 18:362. 

21. William Chapin, West Burial Ground Inscriptions (Providence, RI, 1913). 



James Blachowicz 99 



22. Arnold, Vital Records of R.I., Providence County (1892), vol. 2:264, taken from "The five 
books of Providence," vol. 5:535, and from probate vol. 6:382. 

23. Ibid., vol. 2:160, taken from the First Congregational Church records, Providence, RI. 

24. R. I. Judicial Archives, Pawtucket, RI. The papers are in a file folder under the 
Providence Court of Common Pleas, Record Book vol. 6:5. 

25. The "load of merchandizable brick" is puzzling. What use had a nineteen year old for 
this particular barter goods? William would soon be a painter in Plymouth, the occu- 
pation already followed his brother, Samuel, in Providence. Does the load of bricks con- 
nect William to Stephen Hartshorn, who was a mason and gravestone carver, as pay- 
ment in kind for instruction in stone carving? 

26. Documents searched were Providence Deeds and Vital Records at the City Hall 
Archives; Court cases at the Rhode Island Judicial Archives; and Rehoboth Probates in 
Taunton, Massachusetts. 

27. See articles by Vincent F. Luti in Rhode Island History 39 (1980) and Markers II (1983). 

28. Will of Jacob Hartshorn, Providence City Hall Archives, case A770, vol. 5:256 of Wills. 
A mistake has been made somewhere. In the colonial copy book, 5:256, Jacob signs his 
will as of 1760 but on his stone, carved some years after his death by his son, Stephen, 
the death year is given as 1759. 

29. Given the confusion in Pearse genealogies over the alleged childhood death of this 
Mary, the question arises as to how the death of her brother, John, was also deduced in 
modern writings. Their father was Nathaniel Pearse of Bristol. John was born March 28, 
1735 (original Bristol Town Hall Records), and on March 12, 1736 a "Mr. Nathaniel 
Pierce's child" died (from Edith Monro: see below). A copy book, St. Michael's Church, 
Bristol, 1908 (original unknown), beside his baptism, May 15, 1735, has his burial, 
March 13, 1735 (sic). No extant original document says that John Pearse died that day, 
March 12, 1736. That is a deduction by Pierce genealogists who may have, however, 
seen an original document no longer extant. It is almost certain now that Mary Pearse 
did live to marry William Coy's brother, Samuel. The paper trail for Mary Pearse runs: 
a. FC. Pierce, 1888, gives her birth April 3, 1747 of Nathaniel & Mary Lindsay; b. FC. 
Pierce gives her death, December 23, 1748; c. C.G. Hurlburt, 1927, picks up on both 
these dates adding "single"; d. H.C. Pierce, 1936, gives Mary of Nathaniel & Mary, 
1747-1748; e. A Mormon microfilm taken from a Bristol copy book (i.e., not the original) 
has: "Dec. 23, 1748, Capt. Pearse's child scalded (i.e., died); f. Edith Monro in 1965 made 
a typed transcription - Deaths Records of Bristol R.I. 1729-1755 (RIHS Library) - of a doc- 
ument she had seen "copied as much as legible, from a very old record on pages sewn 
together, now very frail and damaged, 4X6 1/2," of a book of Deaths in Bristol. On her 
page 21 is written: Dec. 23, 1748, Capt Pearse's child Icabod died. This original book of 
deaths has not been found. It can be concluded now that Mary lived and married 
William Coye's brother, Samuel. 

30. Providence City Hall Archives, deeds vols. 18:389 and 20:39, 40 for the Planet Street lot 
and dwelling, and for the two locations adjoining or nearby Hartshorn properties, vols. 
19:179, 224, 286 and 20:70, 74, 141. 



100 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



31. Providence Gazette and Country Journal, RIHSL microfilm. From an account book of 
William Barker, chairmaker, Providence, RIHSL ms collection, we know Coy and 
Waterman were still in business as of June 26, 1772, and up to 1777 there are debit 
entries. The advertisement reads: 

To be SOLD cheap for Cash, by 

COY and WATERMAN, 

At their shop, the sign of the Painter's Arms, opposite Moses Brown's, Esq; 
in Providence, A Compleat Assortment of Painters Colours, viz. White and 
Red Lead, Spanish White and Brown, by the Hundred, Quarter or single 
Pound; Stone and English Oker, Umber, Verdigrease, Vitriel, Dutch and Rose 
Pink, India Red, Vermilion, Drop Lake, Prussian Blue, King's yellow Leaf 
Gold, Lampblack, &c. Likewise Window and China Putty, Spirits of 
Turpentine, Linseed Oil, and a few curious Maps and Pictures. The Colours 
may be had dry, or ready prepared with Oil, fit for Use. 

Said Coy and Waterman do all Manner of Painting, Gilding, Drawing, and 
Writing upon signs, in the most neat and genteel Manner, and will work as 
cheap for Cash, or Country Produce, as any Person in Town, Newport or 
Boston. 

In the RIHS Library print collection there is an 1822 watercolor scene by Joseph 
Partridge of the First Baptist Church, Providence, that shows this shop from the rear 
with its shed extension. 

32. Obadiah Brown, Account Book 1763-1789 (Day Book, vol. 17), p. 40. 

33. Jonathan Peck, Bristol merchant, Account Book 1769-1783, Rhode Island Historical 
Society, has the following credit on p. 182 to Mr Samuel Coy of Providence, April 1775: 
"credit by Mr Coys account painting gilding and flowring chase 2-2-6." 

34. Bristol, Rhode Island Toion Council and Probate Court Book 2, part I: 134. 

35. See Luti, "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles Hartshorn of 
Providence," pp. 162-66. 

36. Records of the Town of Plymouth, Vol. 3. p. 237. A "hogreeve" is someone charged with 
preventing and /or assessing damage done by stray swine. 

37. Plymouth County Probate Records; Vol. 21, p. 330. 

38. Plymouth Church records. Their intention to marry was published on April 18, 1772. 

39. Plymouth Court records; Vol. 14, p. 427. 

40. Their intention to marry was published the preceding December 2 nd . Vincent Luti locat- 
ed an entry in the account book of Jonathan Peck, a Bristol merchant, which records 
Samuel Pearse's indebtedness for a horse and chaise which he took to Plymouth. This 
was dated May 4, 1762; perhaps Pearse used the chaise to bring his Plymouth wife, 



James Blachowicz 101 



Elizabeth (whom he married in Plymouth earlier that year), to his home in Bristol. (The 
account book is at the Rhode Island Historical Society Library.) 

41. Samuel & Elizabeth Pearse vs. Joseph Greenleaf, Abington (records of the Court of 
Common Pleas of Plymouth County; Vol. 13, pp. 1-3). 

42. His four children are: Experience (1764- ), Elizabeth (1765- ), Sarah ( - ) and Samuel 
(1769- ), but at least two of these children die in Plymouth before 1773, one on October 
25, 1770, and another on August 17, 1772 (Plymouth church records). Samuel Pearse 
was married before, to Mary Munro in 1754 in Bristol. They had at least five children. 
Mary died in 1760. 

43. 1766: Samuel Pearse vs. Henry Richmond, Plymouth Husbandman (records of the 
Court of Common Pleas of Plymouth County; Vol. 13, pp. 176-180). 1767: Samuel Pearse 
vs. Richard Holmes (Vol. Vol. 13, pp. 510-13). 

44. Information on the family of Mary Pearse was found in Bristol vital records and the IGI 
genealogical database of the Mormon Church. 

45. As we have seen, Vincent F. Luti has determined that, despite information provided by 
some genealogies of the Pearse family in Rhode Island, which has Mary Pearse dying 
as a child, it was not Mary but her brother, Icabod, who died young. 

46. John Fordery Edmonds (Plymouth physician) and Elizabeth his wife vs. Samuel Pearse 
(Vol. 14, pp. 437-442); Francis Adams (Kingston cooper) vs. Samuel Pearse (Vol. 15, pp. 
88-91). In Joseph Gifford vs Samuel Pearse, heard in October 1772, Pearse is a "cord- 
wainer" (Vol. 8, p. 441). 

47. William Watson vs. Samuel Pearse (Vol. 15, pp. 161-62). He is also listed as a shoreman 
in a property transaction in 1769 (Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 55, p. 222). 

48. General Sessions of the Peace, Plymouth County, Vol. 4, pp. 193-95. 

49. Ibid., Vol 5, pp. 69-71. 

50. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 132-34. 

51. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 175-78. 

52. Ibid., Vol. 5, pp. 234-36. 

53. Court of Common Pleas, Plymouth County, Vol. 14, p. 440. 

54. Plymouth County records of Deeds; Vol. 57, p. 207. 

55. William T. Davis, Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 229. 

56. Plymouth County Probate records; Vol. 20, pp. 483-84. 



102 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



57. Plymouth records contain no references to Elizabeth's older brother John, born in 1757, 
other than to his birth. In the estate settlement after Elizabeth Edmonds' own death, 
there is a record of payment to her son, George Davison (Probate Vol. 25, p. 152). This 
would indicate that she had married a Davison before her marriage to John 
Stephenson. But perhaps this was a reference to her son-in-law George Deverson, who 
married her daughter a few months earlier. I have not been able to discover her maid- 
en name; perhaps it was Hall, since her son was named Jasper Hall Stephenson. I 
should add that Plymouth church records have Elizabeth's daughter, Elizabeth, born in 
Boston (there is no place of birth indicated for her older brother, John). 

58. Plymouth County Probate; Vol, 21, p. 147. (Samuel Pearse had sold two and a half acres 
of woodland to Daniel Diman for 400 pounds in 1768; Deeds, Vol. 54, p. 518.) 

59. Ibid., Vol. 25, p. 151. 

60. A house and lot valued at 250 pounds, located at the corner of the county road and 
Howland Street - probably the main Stephenson residence - was entrusted to Ephraim 
Spooner (Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 57, p. 150). 

61. Plymouth church records. 

62. Plymouth Probate; Vol. 25, p. 149. 

63. Their intention to marry was published in Plymouth church records on January 14, 

1777. 

64. Plymouth Probate; Vol. 25, p. 151. 

65. Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 71, p. 207. 

66. Ibid., Vol. 58, p. 79. 

67. Court of Common Pleas, Plymouth County, Vol. 3, pp. 455-56. Besides Daniel Diman 
(below), the other two men who brought suit against John Edmonds were John 
Waterman and Lemuel Drew; all three were housewrights. 

68. Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 58, p. 80. 

69. June 12, 1775; Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 57. p. 206. 

70. January 8, 1778; Plymouth Deeds; Vol. 59, p. 97. 

71. Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, Vol. IV (Boston, MA, 1900), p. 

57. 

72. Records of the Town of Plymouth; Vol. 3. 

73. "Mr William Coye Says that in Discourse with Mr Shaw concerning Generall Lee being 
taken prisoner Shaw Sayd he was Glad Genl Lee was taken, that he was a traytor & 



James Blachowicz 103 



hoped that he would meet with his deserts or to that purpose. He then Explained him- 
self by Saying that Generall Lee was a half pay officer in the King's Army & Sayd he 
took him to be a Spye & traytor to our Armey & that we Should do better without him"; 
Ibid., p. 331. 

74. Plymouth County Court of Common Pleas; Vol. 17, pp. 526-530. 

75. Ibid., Vol. 20, pp. 13-18. This suit was discontinued and never came to court. 

76. My study of Harlow's work is found in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of 
Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 79-94. 

77. These are: Samuel (b. 15 Mar 1799); William (b. 24 Dec 1801); Sally (b. 12 Nov 1802); 
Mary Ann (b. 5 May 1805); Walter D. (b. 28 Jun 1807); David (b. abt. 1808); Catherine D. 
(b. 28 May 1810). (All information taken from the LDS Church IGI database.) 

78. Plymouth County Deeds; Vol. 86, p. 153. Sarah Coye Burbank is listed as living alone - 
a widow? - in the 1840 US Census (p. 268). There is also a Susan Coy (spelled without 
the final "e") who married an Elijah Wilson in Plymouth on June 27, 1853. They have 
at least one child, Johnny C. Coy, born in Plymouth in 1862, who dies at one year of age. 
If descended from William, Susan Coy would be, perhaps, a great-grandchild. There is 
also a Charles J. Coy born in Hanson on December 25, 1821, son of Ephraim and Mary, 
and a Hiram G. Coy, born in Hanson on February 30, 1830, son of Enos and Betsy. 

79. "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 73-79. Samuel 
Burbank's mother, Priscilla, was Lemuel Savery's older sister. Thus, he is probably a 
first cousin to Sally Coye, whose mother was Priscilla's sister, Ruth. Samuel's younger 
brother, Nehemiah, may have succeeded Samuel as an apprentice to Savery: he may be 
the "Goggle-Eye Carver," whose work I also examined in this same article (pp. 71-73; 
76-79). Samuel and Nehemiah Burbank later took up the trades of tailor and hatter, 
respectively. A much more complete account of Savery's work and that of these two 
carvers, along with my reasons for identifying them as the Burbank brothers, will 
appear in my An American Craft Lineage: The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth 
and Cape Cod: 1770-1870, forthcoming. 

80. Plymouth vital records. Their intent to marry was published on July 24. 

81. Plymouth County Deeds; Vol. 86, pp. 152-53. 

82. Ibid. 

83. p. 6. 

84. p. 117. 

85. Dates of marriage and death from Plymouth vital records. 

86. A. W. Savary, A Genealogical and Biographical Record of the Savery Families and of the Severy 
Family (Boston, MA, 1893), p. 74. 



104 Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 

87. Plymouth County Court of Common Pleas, Vol. 25, pp. 253-60. 

88. Ibid., Vol. 24, pp. 125-31. 

89. See Eric H. Christianson, "The Medical Practitioners of Massachusetts, 1630-1800: 
Patterns of Change and Continuity," in Medicine in Colonial Massachusetts: 1620-1820 
(Boston, MA, 1980), pp. 49-67. 

90. For a study of the work of Nathaniel Holmes, see my "The Gravestone Carving 
Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 95-128. 

91. Ibid., pp. 53-56. 

92. Ibid., p. 56. 

93. Blachowicz has determined that the remnants of two more sandstone markers in 
Plymouth, the stump of the headstone for Josiah Cobb (1744) and the bottom half of the 
footstone for James Curtis (1767), also appear to be Coye's work and may have been 
carved at about the same time he carved Sarah Spooner and John Cobb, that is, while 
he was in Providence. 

94. The Forbes papers are in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society in 
Worcester, MA. The note is contained in Box 4, Folder 5. In her listing of carver attri- 
butions (Box 4, Folder 3), she has two entries under Coye: Nathaniel Goodwin and 
Elizabeth Edmonds - the two individuals whose Plymouth County probate records 
pay Coye. 

95. "Stonecarvers of the Narragansett Basin: Stephen and Charles Hartshorn of 
Providence." 

96. For a photo of the Watson stone, see Harriette Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England 
and the Men Who Made Them, 1653-1800 (Boston, MA, 1927), p. 44. 

97. Plymouth County Probate records; Vol. 21, p. 330. 

98. In his book of inscriptions, Burial Hill: Plymouth, Massachusetts (Plymouth, MA, 1894), 
Benjamin Drew refers to these sandstone markers as "Goodwin stones," after the 
Nathaniel Goodwin stone. 

99. The stone for Josiah Cobb (1744) is now only a stump, identified with the help of 
Drew's book of inscriptions; the Hannah Symmes (1773) stone is in pieces, stacked in 
the powder house adjoining Burial Hill; the Lewis Bartlett (1773) stone is broken in half, 
with much of the inscription obliterated (identifiable with the help of Drew); the foot- 
stone for James Curtis (1767) is missing its upper half and its headstone. 

100. These sculpted leading-edge feathers are found on nineteen of Coye's cherubs (some- 
times in a less sculpted form), but they are missing from nine others. 

101. Luti informs me that Stephen Hartshorn used "Here lies Interr,d" on only one stone. 



James Blachowicz 105 



102. An advertisement that the stonecutter William Sturgis ran in the Nantucket Inquirer in 
1834 announcing the opening of his shop informs his prospective clientele that he had 
"40 pairs" of carved gravestones ready to inscribe. 

103. I had tentatively ascribed this gravestone to Lemuel Savery in "The Gravestone 
Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," pp. 57-59. 

104. See the photo of this marker in Ibid., p. 58. 

105. Benjamin Drew reports that there was a portrait of a man from the waist up on the 
sandstone marker for Lewis Bartlett (1772); this portrait has not survived. 

106. See the photo of this marker in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and 
Cape Cod," p. 62. There, I had ascribed this entire stone to Savery. 

107. In Ibid., pp. 51-53, 1 had tentatively ascribed this stone to Savery. 

108. See also Homer's contemporary 1773 stone for Paul Titcomb in Newburyport, MA, pic- 
tured in Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England, p. 51. 

109. The 1770 powder house no longer exists; the stone is now attached to the interior wall 
of the present powder house. 

110. This is why, in "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," p. 86, 
I referred to the carver of these stones (I had not yet guessed that it was Coye) as the 
"Lemon-Eye" carver. 

111. The marker for Ruben Higgins (1795) may be added to this group, but lichen has made 
its features less recognizable. 

112. See my "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," figs. 27 and 
31. 

113. It is not impossible, I suppose, that this is Hartshorn's cherub - perhaps an old reject 
stone Coye had carried with him from Providence? 

114. In "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod," p. Ill, I attributed 
the entire tympanums of both of these stones to Nathaniel Holmes. 

115. See Ibid., Fig. 39. 

116. For an example, see Ibid., fig. 35. 



106 



Father of Plymouth Carving Tradition 



APPENDIX 

Gravestones Attributed to William Coye (complete list) 

All Plymouth stones (unless otherwise indicated) are on Burial Hill. 
Documented stones are in bold. Signed stone is in italics. 



1744 


Cobb, Josiah 


Plymouth, MA 


1750 


Cobb, John 


Plymouth, MA 


1764 


Wardwell, Mehethabell 


Bristol, RI (East Burial Ground) 


1767 


Curtis, James [footstone] 


Plymouth, MA 


1767 


Drew, Bathsheba 


Plymouth, MA 


1767 


Swan, Sarah 


Bristol, RI (East Burial Ground) 


1767 


Spooner, Sarah 


Plymouth, MA 


1768 1 


Round, Rev. Richard 


Rehoboth, MA (Burying Place Hill) 


1769 


Danforth, Molley 


Taunton, MA (Plains Cemetery) 


1769 


Thomas, Mercy 


Plymouth, MA 


1769 


Marson, Samuel 


Plymouth, MA 


1770 


MacKareth, Jane 


Halifax, NS 


1770 


[Powder House Dedication Stone] 


Plymouth, MA 


1771 2 


Goodwin, Nathaniel 


Plymouth, MA 


1772 


Bacon, Mary 


Plymouth, MA 


1772 


Bartlett, Lewis 


Plymouth, MA 


1772 3 


Rider, William 


Plymouth, MA 


1772 


Sears, Elesebath 


Brewster, MA (Sears) 


1772 


Shaw, Southworth 


Plymouth, MA 


1773 


Bartlett, John 


Plymouth, MA 


1773 4 


Har[low], [Jab]ez 


Plymouth, MA 


1773 


LeBaron, Francis 


Georgetown, SC 

(Prince George Winyah Church) 


1773 


Symmes, Hannah 


Plymouth, MA 


1774 


Hovey, Mary 


Plymouth, MA 


1774 


Sparrow, Lieut. Richard 


Orleans, MA 


1775 


Bassett, Anne 


Dennis, MA (Dennis Village) 


1775 


Harlow, Deborah 


Plymouth, MA 


1775 


Holbrook, Martha 


Wellfleet, MA (Duck Creek) 


1775 3 


Hopkins, Sarah 


Orleans, MA 


1775 


Snow, Joseph 


Wellfleet, MA (Duck Creek) 


1777 4 


Foster, Thomas 


Plymouth, MA 


1785 


Attwood, Susanna 


Plymouth, MA 


1792 


Churchill, [E]lenor 


Plymouth, MA 


1793 5 


Paty, Sylvia 


Plymouth, MA 


1795 5 


Davee, Robart 


Plymouth, MA 


1795 


Higgins, [...]man 


Orleans, MA 


1795 


Higgins, Ruben 


Orleans, MA 


1795 5 


Morton, Hannah 


Plymouth, MA (Chiltonville) 


1795 


Shaw, Betsy 


Plymouth, MA 



James Blachowicz 



107 



1796 5 ' 8 


Cobb, Margaret 


1796 


Cotton, Rosseter 


1796 


Croswell, Andrew 


1796 5 - 8 


Harlow, Katharine 


1796 5 


Jackson, Lucy 


1796 5 


Weston, Coomer 


1797 


Howland, Elizabeth 


1797 


Hammatt, Cpt. Abraham 


1797 


Nelson, Elisha 


1798 5 


Holmes, Capt. Lewis 


1801 


Jackson, William Morton 


1804 6 


Crombie, Fanney 


1805 7 


Harlow, Elizabeth 



Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA (South Pond) 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

North Carver, MA (Lakenham) 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 

Plymouth, MA 



^oye documented as carver of this stone in lawsuit 

2 probate reference to William Coye 

3 possibly inscribed by Lemuel Savery 

inscribed by Lemuel Savery 

5 probably inscribed by Amaziah Harlow, Jr. 

inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes; drapery probably by Holmes 

"inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes; drapery and urn probably by Holmes 

8 wings possibly carved by Amaziah Harlow, Jr. 



Coye also probably carved the mouth on the stone for Mary Pope, 1795, Plymouth (121), 
with Harlow carving the rest. 



108 



The Quaker Graveyard 




Middletown Friends Meeting House Cemetery, 

Middletown, Pennsylvania. 

Photo: Richard E. Meyer. 



109 



THE QUAKER GRAVEYARD 
Silas Weir Mitchell 

Four straight brick walls, severely plain, 

A quiet city square surround; 

A level space of nameless graves, - 

The Quakers' burial-ground. 

In gown of gray, or coat of drab, 

They trod the common ways of life, 

With passions held in sternest leash, 

And hearts that knew not strife. 

To yon grim meeting-house they fared, 

With thoughts as sober as their speech, 

To voiceless prayer, to songless praise, 

To hear the elders preach. 

Through quiet lengths of days they came, 

With scarce a change to this repose; 

Of all life's loveliness they took 

The thorn without the rose. 

But in the porch and o'er the graves, 

Glad rings the southward robin's glee, 

And sparrows fill the autumn air 

With merry mutiny; 

While on the graves of drab and gray 

The red and gold of autumn lie, 

And wilful Nature decks the sod 

In gentlest mockery. 



110 



Developing Technologies 




Fig. 1. Magnetometer being used to determine presence 
of any unmarked graves. 



Ill 



APPLICATIONS OF DEVELOPING TECHNOLOGIES 
TO CEMETERY STUDIES 

Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 

Introduction 

Beyond gravestones as art and artifact, inscribed gravemarkers are 
data archives, yielding the deceased's given and surname, birth- and 
death-dates, revealing gender, age, ethnicity (as possibly deduced from 
surname or other indicators), and seasonal conception, natality, and mor- 
tality patterns. Inscribed stones often further specify familial status via 
relationships, e.g., daughter, son, wife, mother. 1 Additionally, inscriptions 
sometimes include migration, military service, and occupational data, 
while commemorative inscriptions offer potential insight regarding the 
deceased and perceptions others held of them. 

Scholarly examination of cemeteries and gravestones is increasingly 
multi-disciplinary, involving the arts, humanities, and social sciences, 2 
and while studies date back more than 100 years, 3 it is still an emerging 
field. 4 The Association for Gravestone Studies (AGS) was formed in 
December of 1976, itself prompted by "The Dublin Seminar" held in June 
of that year. 5 Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies was first published in 1980, becoming an annual in 1986. 

AGS's proposed statement of purpose: 

... to educate the public on the historic and artistic importance of early 
gravestones and graveyards, and ... encourage communities to protect, 
restore and record their burying grounds, ... promote research into the 
technology of gravestone preservation, and . . . work toward the creation of 
model laws that would aid their protection . . . and . . . provide guidance and 
assistance to . . . the study and preservation of funerary art, 6 

was also a call for a delineation of data-collection methods. Baker, Farber, 
and Giesecke promptly and meticulously responded, publishing in the 
first issue of Markers a "... method whereby information from cemeteries 
can be gathered, organized, and maintained by local groups for use by 
both the professional and lay researcher." 7 

Despite different disciplines having become involved in cemetery 
studies, none have contributed substantially more to systematic data col- 
lection strategies than the principles established in this initial piece pub- 
lished twenty years ago. Hence, only the passage of time and the devel- 



112 Developing Technologies 



opment of new technologies make it possible to supplement and extend 
their strategies. 

The emerging technologies reduce data-collection time and labor, and 
also enhance data retrieval and analysis from stones in poor condition. 
Previous strategies for teasing data from eroded and worn gravestones 
are labor- and time-intensive and not consistently satisfactory, e.g., 
light /shadow intensification. Moreover, some methods for retrieving 
illegible engravings are abrasive, requiring physical contact with the 
stone, e.g., gravestone rubbings or shaving cream and squeegee. Such 
physical contact poses potential, additional damage; 8 shaving cream (and 
other similar substances), for example, while bio-degradable, may 
"clean," stain, or chemically react with the stone. 

Physical contact of this sort may conceivably be prohibited by some 
future code of ethics adopted by AGS or some similar body, just as rub- 
bings of temple engravings, now defined as national treasures, have been 
banned in Thailand. Objectively, the frequency of gravestone rubbings in 
the United States is probably not sufficient to be destructive. However, the 
issue is a matter of recognizing professional ethics and standards, as well 
as the emergence of technologies that can facilitate data collection and 
eliminate the necessity of physical contact with gravestones. 

In this essay, we inventory technological developments with applica- 
tion to the recording and study of gravestone data. Because of the variety 
of manufacturers /brands of the technologies and the unique eccentricities 
of operating procedures, the inventory is intended to be suggestive and 
not explicitly instructive. Such technologies include global positioning 
systems (GPS), video and still photography, personal computers, magne- 
tometers, and ground-penetrating radar (GPR). 

Global Positioning Systems 

Like real estate, cemetery studies are dependent upon location, loca- 
tion, location, whether the location of a particular cemetery, a particular 
section of a cemetery, or a particular stone in a cemetery. Generally, ceme- 
tery locations can be specified "... by citing route numbers, road names, 
prominent landmarks, and mileage figures," though a more accurate 
method "... is to identify location by giving the coordinates of a United 
States Coastal and Geological Survey map." 9 

Specifying coordinates has been enhanced with the development of 
the Global-Positioning System (GPS) 10 , which became operational in 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 113 



1985. n A hand-held GPS receiver establishes location in three dimensions 
(longitude, latitude, elevation) 12 using time and velocity/distance calcu- 
lations via pseudo-random code transmissions from four (or more) satel- 
lites in the constellation of twenty-four NAVSTAR (Department of 
Defense [DOD]) satellites. Nearly 400 commercial GPS receiver models 
are available from more than 60 manufacturers, ranging in cost from less 
than 200 dollars to tens of thousands of dollars. Accuracy varies from the 
100 meter to the millimeter level (horizontal), depending on method, 
hardware, and software, generally increasing with cost. 

Standard Positioning Service (SPS), available without charge or 
restriction, offers 100 meter horizontal accuracy, generally sufficient and 
useful for specifying location of cemeteries in the relative isolation of the 
western United States and Appalachia, where roads are not in close prox- 
imity. Greater accuracy is compromised by both DOD's deliberate degra- 
dation of signal (Selective Availability [SA]) and by other sources of bias 
(e.g., atmospheric [tropospheric and ionospheric] bias, satellite geometry 
or Horizontal Dilution of Precision [HDOP], ephemeris/ orbital error, 
satellite clock error, and receiver error). 

Precise Positioning Service (PPS) enables authorized users (e.g., mili- 
tary, certain government agencies) to avoid Selective Availability, yielding 
22 meter horizontal accuracy. Differential GPS (DGPS), either real-time or 
post-processed, using GPS receivers at reference locations (base stations) 
to eliminate sources of bias, offers meter- to centimeter /millimeter- level 
accuracy. However, DGPS is expensive, costing thousands to tens of thou- 
sands of dollars, and generally requires considerable training and exper- 
tise, although for approximately three thousand dollars, code-phase 
DGPS, with commercial providers of bias corrections, can offer meter- 
level accuracy, often sufficient for many cemetery applications. 

As GPS applications (e.g., geology /geography, engineering, agricul- 
ture, archaeology, demography) increase, such technologies, along with 
instructional use, are increasingly found on college and university cam- 
puses and costs should continue to decrease. However, it should be noted 
that GPS requires a full and unobstructed view of the sky, often difficult 
or impossible to achieve in older cemeteries. Moreover, with high accura- 
cy GPS, antenna /receiver height must be considered if the intended loca- 
tion is ground level. Hence, prior to centimeter-level accuracy becoming 
"user friendly" and commonplace, some convention for identifying the 
precise coordinates of individual graves must be established. Such con- 



114 Developing Technologies 



vention should be independent of gravestones for three reasons. First, 
gravestones, unfortunately, can be toppled, moved or removed. Second, 
because stones are of varying height, establishing location from the top of 
stones is unsatisfactory (given the issue of antenna height). Finally, the 
heights of stones can obstruct some sector of the sky if attempting to 
establish coordinates from the bases of stones. Thus, grave location might 
then be established from the center of the grave, perhaps conventional- 
ized as one meter from the center of the base of the stone. 13 

Video Cameras 

In addition to establishing cemetery /grave locations, quality photo- 
graphic records are indispensable. Though still photography (e.g., 35mm) 
will undoubtedly remain the standard, relative to video, it is more expen- 
sive, labor-intensive, and time-consuming (given film and processing 
costs and time). 

A video camera, in addition to a 35mm, can be used to record each 
gravestone in a cemetery. Essential in making a video record of grave- 
stones is the inclusion of a scale, perhaps a checkered meter stick, so that 
stone size can be accurately determined from the video. The video cam- 
era should be steadied with a tripod or camera pole to eliminate move- 
ment and distortion, the lens "zoomed" to nearly fill the frame with the 
gravestone. What was prescribed in 1980 for still photography remains 
accurate for video: 

In all instances, the camera should be positioned so that the vertical sides 
of the stones are parallel to the sides of the view finder. If the camera is 
pointed upward or downward, the shape of the stone will be distorted. 14 

Shot from a completely still /stationary point, each stone can be video- 
taped for a brief time, e.g., one minute, and, when replayed, the video of 
each stone can be paused /freeze-framed with minimal distortion so that 
the engraved data can then be transcribed for coding. Alternatively, by 
recording each stone for a minute, most engraved data can be transcribed 
without pausing. 

While video-taping each stone, the marker's inscriptional data should 
also be read aloud clearly and slowly to take advantage of the audio capa- 
bilities of the camera. Together, the audio and video recordings facilitate 
a complete transcription of stones. Additional commentary and observa- 
tion regarding stone quality and uniqueness might also be included. 15 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 115 



It is even possible to convert analog video signals into digital format 
in order to capture still images for computer manipulation with digital- 
editing software (such as Adobe Photoshop). Transferring video into the 
computer requires the installation of a capture card that converts analog 
to digital and compresses the data. 16 To enhance quality, frames should be 
captured in real time (with the tape playing, not paused). Once in the 
computer, software editing packages (e.g., Adobe Photoshop) allow 
adjustment of image attributes (i.e., hue, saturation, brightness, contrast, 
sharpness). The application of this technology is ideally suited to our 
cemetery video since scenes with substantial motion do not compress as 
well. However, depending on screen resolution and compression technol- 
ogy, among other things, the quality of the digitized image may be inferi- 
or to that of its analog counterpart, disqualifying it as a permanent pho- 
tographic record. 17 Again, much of the advice Baker, Farber, and 
Giesecke 18 offer regarding the still photographic record is applicable to 
the video record as well. Lighting is a major consideration, and 
"Dependence on the position of the sun can be avoided by the use of a 
mirror. . . ," 19 to reflect light to a shaded stone. Now, even less dependence 
on the sun's position can be attained through battery-pack halogen flood 
lights, though in most instances reflected sunlight is sufficient. 

Video recording avoids expensive film and development. A two-dol- 
lar tape, used in the SP mode (for two-hour recording) for superior reso- 
lution, can record 120 gravestones, allowing one minute for each. 20 This 
would require five rolls of 24-exposure, 35mm film that would also have 
to be developed. Additionally, video records stone color, and resolution is 
usually sufficient to allow notation of stone texture/quality However, the 
video records may not be as archival as their film counterpart, or may 
require more meticulous storage conditions. 

Still Photography 

When gravestones are illegible, video technology is not sufficient. 
Therefore, worn, eroded, or otherwise compromised stones might be 
identified while in the field so that they can be photographed with still 
photo cameras. Two important options to consider are digital photogra- 
phy and photo scanning. 

Digital cameras, allowing enhancement once images have been down- 
loaded to computers, can tease engravings back to legibility. 21 JPEG (Joint 
Photographic Expert Group) is the most common still picture compres- 



116 Developing Technologies 



sion format for PCs, and without such compression technology only one 
image could be recorded on a (3.5") floppy disk. JPEG can record about 40 
images in Standard mode, or 20 images in Fine mode. As image file size 
decreases, more images can be stored on a disk, but image resolution also 
decreases, making image enhancement more difficult. 

As with most technologies, quality varies directly with cost, and none 
of the cheaper-end digital cameras ($200-$400) can yield pictures compa- 
rable to 35mm quality. Also, as has been noted, "... prints from digital 
cameras are expensive and not as archival as their film counterparts/' 22 
with floppy disks maintaining integrity for only about fifteen years. 
However, price will continue to drop as technology improves, and as that 
technology improves, the ability to read stones that are all but obliterated, 
without ever touching the stone, will become a tool common to cemetery 
research. Moreover, digitized images on diskettes are ready to be posted 
on the world-wide web (www), facilitating immediate research collabo- 
ration long distance. 

While many lower-priced digital cameras provide marginally ade- 
quate quality, higher-quality resolution can be attained by scanning 
35mm photographs with a high-resolution computer scanner. 23 Scanning 
resolution can be adjusted from 72 dots per inch to 1000 dots per inch, and 
since 35mm possesses the resolution of 1000 pixels per inch, compared to 
a digital camera at 100 pixels per inch, greater resolution is being scanned 
into the computer for editing and manipulation /enhancement with Photo 
Shop or similar software. Greater resolution initially offers greater resolu- 
tion of the final enhanced image. However, a scanned image of such high 
quality (2 MB) will not fit on a floppy disk (1.4 MB), making the issue of 
transporting the image to other computers, perhaps for collaborative 
research, problematic. ZIP drives are available for approximately $150, 
and a $20 disk can accommodate 100 MB. JAZ drives, costing about $500, 
with disks from $50 to $100, can accommodate 1 GB, and can gain access 
through the parallel port using a $100 traveller. 24 

Ground Penetrating Radar 

Often, cemeteries contain not only illegible gravestones, but simply 
fieldstones marking graves. While sometimes counted, such stones and 
their graves are virtually ignored, relegated to the 99 /missing-data code 
of the social sciences and removed from analysis. Burials designated by 
fieldstones lack explicit status indicators - no name, no gender, no age, no 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 117 



birth nor death dates - and their identities are only as enduring as the 
lives and memories of those who laid them to rest. Fieldstones were 
placed to acknowledge final resting places, not then of unknowns, but of 
those inevitably destined to become unknowns. 

The use of fieldstones may be attributed to the age status or the eco- 
nomic status of those interred. Warner 25 notes that children are relegated 
to secondary places, marginalized by small stones, while Dethlefsen 26 
goes further, suggesting that infants and young children are under-repre- 
sented in older cemeteries by an absence of engraved markers, expressing 
an anticipation of infant /childhood mortality prior to this century. With a 
stark expectation of infant /child mortality, there was not the investment, 
economically and emotionally, in children that there is today. This is sim- 
ilar to Philippe Aries' 27 notion that in medieval society, "the infant who 
was too fragile as yet to take part in the lives of adults 'did not count'." 28 

Others link fieldstone graves with economic deprivation - i.e., they are 
the graves of poor folk 29 - implicitly supported by those who claim a pos- 
itive correlation between wealth and status after death. 30 Thus, fieldstone 
graves may be either disproportionately those of children or those of poor 
folk. These two interpretations are not necessarily mutually exclusive or 
exhaustive, but the implication of either is substantial. If the graves are 
largely those of the economically deprived, then the poor, at least by name 
or cemetery inventory, are substantially under-represented in cemeteries. 
Conversely, if such graves are largely those of infants and young children, 
then infant and child mortality is significantly under-represented in any 
cemetery census, skewing mean age and child mortality. 

Graves marked only by fieldstones might speak for themselves 
through a kind of "non-intrusive excavation." Technologically, remote- 
sensing capabilities can image subsurface features. Ground Penetrating 
Radar (GPR), and its variant forms, Micro Imaging Radar or Micropower 
Impulse Radar (MIR), can detect subsurface features, e.g., caskets, with 
some precision. 31 However, more importantly for our application since it 
must be assumed that any caskets used have long since deteriorated, this 
technology can also delineate disturbed earth and backfill. Hence, GPR 
can discern the backfilled grave from the surrounding, undisturbed 
earth, defining its dimensions (width, length, depth) with sufficient pre- 
cision. 

Prior to the commercialization of funerary practices, graves were 
opened (dug) manually by relatives and friends of the deceased. 



118 Developing Technologies 



Excavation, conceivably hampered by obstacles like large rocks and 
frozen ground in the winter, 32 was minimized by making the grave no 
larger (especially length and depth) than necessary. Hence, grave length 
may be some indicator of the deceased's age status. Any grave less than 
four feet in length might then be interpreted as a child's grave, and any 
grave more than five feet in length might be interpreted as an adult grave. 
Those graves between four and five feet in length cannot be interpreted in 
terms of age status. 

Child /adult ratios of the anonymous graves could be compared to the 
child /adult ratios as represented by the engraved tombstones. If the 
ratios are comparable or if the adult proportion of the anonymous graves 
substantially exceeds the adult proportion of the inscribed graves, it 
would be reasonable to conclude that the "unmarked" graves are dispro- 
portionately the graves of poor. Alternatively, if the anonymous graves 
are disproportionately those of children, at least relative to the compared 
ratios, then insight into the view and place of children in earlier society is 
offered. 

GPR transmits high-frequency radio waves through a transducer (or 
antenna) in direct contact with the ground. The radio waves strike sub- 
surface objects or strata with varying electrical conductivities and dielec- 
tric constants and bounce back to the transducer and are received by a 
digital control unit where data are merged to generate images of hyper- 
bola (arches) indicating arrangement and depth of subsurface features. 
GPR depth of penetration depends upon the conductivity of the ground 
and the frequency of the antenna used. Transducer frequencies for shal- 
low depths (e.g., cemetery applications) provide high resolution. 33 GPR 
units are also suitable for cemetery application 34 because they are small 
enough to be pulled by a person walking. 

GPR is still a developing technology, costing tens of thousands of dol- 
lars and considerable expertise to operate and interpret. However, its 
applications continue to grow, now including construction sciences, min- 
ing, environmental sciences, military, geology, glaciology, archaeology, 
history, and criminology, giving rise to an increasing number of units at 
universities and in private consulting /contracting firms offering GPR ser- 
vices for a per-diem cost. With each biennial International Conference on 
Ground-Penetrating Radar, now approaching its eighth (May of 2000), 
new applications and refinements emerge. 35 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 119 



Magnetometers 

Occasionally, it is not merely a matter of graves being marked by field- 
stones, but of graves, or suspected graves, being completely unmarked. 
Perhaps only local legend claims the location as a cemetery, or perhaps 
only a few gravestones have survived, but small patches of particularly 
lush vegetation (grass or flowers) or slight depressions cannot positively 
be declared as graves because they are completely unmarked. Such 
depressions might be resultant borrow-pits as settling graves were filled 
in. Essentially, the number and location of graves or the cemetery bound- 
ary is unknown. 

A magnetometer survey (see Fig. 1) can determine the presence of 
graves. A baseline/benchmark reading is first done in the general prox- 
imity of the suspected graves /cemetery, but clearly beyond any possible 
cemetery boundary. Comparing the magnetometer survey of the suspect- 
ed cemetery to the benchmark reading can determine if the soil has been 
disturbed, as well as the presence of metal objects (i.e., change in magnet- 
ic susceptibility), e.g., coffin handles, hinges, nails, buckles, and so on. 
Such "hits" appear as "bulls-eyes" on contour maps. While the definition 
yielded by magnetics is relatively coarse, the presence and pattern of such 
"hits" might then justify the use of GPR, a more discriminating but com- 
plicated and expensive process. 

Conclusions 

The array of applicable technologies is vast, and their development is 
so rapid that any specifics we have articulated may well have become 
obsolete or obsolescent by the time this essay appears. However, our 
intent is not to suggest that those who are involved in cemetery research 
necessarily become experts in any or all of the technologies discussed, but 
rather to recognize that such technologies and experts exist and are often 
accessible at community colleges, four-year colleges, and universities. 
Moreover, many possessing technical expertise are eager to demonstrate 
new and expanding applications of the technologies, which help to justi- 
fy a continuing acquisition of developing technologies. 

As technological developments unfold, increasing applications for 
cemetery research will become apparent that are currently both unimag- 
ined and unimaginable. Perhaps the utilization of airborne and satellite 
remote sensing, already finding applications for archaeological investiga- 
tions, will become routine tools for cemetery studies. Clearly, the efficacy 



120 Developing Technologies 



of studying the past is enhanced by our willingness to run with open arms 
and minds into the future. 



NOTES 

We are grateful to Dr. William J. Gibbs, Director of Media Services at Eastern Illinois 
University, for his expertise, advice and his critical reading of this paper. The photograph 
shown in Figure 1 is by Nicole Heller, courtesy of Kari Kirkham, Parkinson Geology Lab, 
Southern Illinois University. 

1. For example, see Gary S. Foster, Richard L. Hummel, and Donald J. Adamchak, 
"Patterns of Conception, Natality, and Mortality from Midwestern Cemeteries: A 
Sociological Analysis of Historical Data," The Sociological Quarterly 39:3 (1998): 473-489. 

2. Richard E. Meyer, "Introduction: 'So Witty as to Speak,'" in Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: 
Voices of American Culture, ed. Richard E. Meyer (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989; rpt. Logan, UT, 
1992), 5; Richard E. Meyer, ed., Ethnicity and the American Cemetery (Bowling Green, OH, 
1993), backcover; see also, any issue of Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies. 

3. For example, H. Carrington Bolton, "Decorating of Graves of Negroes in South 
Carolina," Journal of American Folk-Lore 4 (1891): 214; Andrew Downing, "Public 
Cemeteries and Public Gardens," The Horticulturalist 4(1849):10; A. G. Harkness, "Age 
at Marriage and Age at Death in the Roman Empire," Transactions of the American 
Philosophical Society 27(1896):35-72; Ernest Ingersoll, "Decoration of Negro Graves," 
Journal of American Folk-Lore 5 (1892):68-69. 

4. Meyer, Cemeteries and Gravemarkers, 329. 

5. Jessie Lie Farber, "Introduction," Markers l(1980):7-8. 

6. Ibid. ,9. 

7. Joanne F. Baker, Daniel Farber, and Anne G. Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 
Markers 1(1980):99. 

8. See Lance R. Mayer, "The Care of Old Cemeteries and Gravestones," Markers 
1(1980):119-141. 

9. Baker, Farber, and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 100. 

10. GPS is a component of the Geographic Information System (GIS), which began emerg- 
ing in the 1960s. Basically, a GIS constructs a computerized lamination of spatial infor- 
mation, each layer representing a single, spatial feature. Individual data layers are geo- 
referenced or loaded using the same coordinate system, and such "dimensionally lam- 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 121 



mated" maps readily lend themselves to analytical manipulations. Of particular rele- 
vance is the Geographic Resources Analysis Support System (GRASS GIS), a general 
purpose GIS developed at the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Construction Engineering 
Research Laboratory (USA-CERL; for more, see Scott Madry, "GIS and Remote Sensing 
for Archaeology: Burgundy France; Applications of Remote Sensing and GIS in 
Archaeology," [http://deathstar.rutgers.edu/projects/france/france.html], The Grant 
F. Walton Center for Remote Sensing and Spatial Analysis, Rutgers University). 
Graceland Cemetery in Chicago now employs a computer system which uses GIS soft- 
ware that involves aerial maps and scanned family plot cards, and such applications 
will increase. 

11. Martin Dodge and Simon Doyle, "GIS Timeline - the 1980s," ( http://www.casa. 
ucl.ac.uk/gistimeline/ )1997), Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, University 
College London. 

12. Elevation (relative and absolute) can also be established by hand-held (wrist or pock- 
et) altimeters, which can range from less than one hundred to several hundred dollars. 

13. For references and elaboration of GPS, see Peter H. Dana, "Global Positioning System 
Overview," ( http://www.utexas.edu/depts/grg/gcraft/notes/gps/gps.html ), The 
Geographer's Craft Project, Department of Geography, University of Texas at Austin 
(1998); see also, FieldWorker Products Ltd., "GPS Information," ( http://www.field 
worker.com/gps.html ), 1425 Bayview Avenue, Suite 105, Toronto, Ontario, Canada 
M4G 3A9 (1998). 

14. Baker, Farber, and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 112. 

15. As an aside, relatively inexpensive software programs now exist which can transcribe 
or convert the spoken word to files for several word-processing programs. Such pro- 
grams require "acclimation" by the operator speaking/reading to the program for 
about two days. It is most efficient for the program to become "acclimated" to the oper- 
ator's tape-recorded voice. That way, the researcher can tape record gravestone data in 
the field and the software can transcribe the data directly from the recording rather 
than necessitating the researcher reading the data a second time. 

16. Quality of the digitized image depends on the capture card used and on quality 
format at the source, with S-VHS, Hi-8, or Betacam being superior to VHS. See 
John Mareda, ACM SIGGRAPH 97 Course #20, Computer Animation Using Digital 
Video for the Web Multimedia, and Broadcast; Compressed Digital Video for 
Low Bandwidth Systems - Digital Video in Multimedia, "Video Capture Cards," 
( http://www.swcp.com/~netmaps/sig97/mult/tsld009.htm ); "Capturing Video," 
( http://www.swcp.com/~netmaps/sig97/mult/tsld011.htm ), Triconix Research, 
Inc., Albuquerque, NM (1997). 

17. Kevin Omura, "Kevin's Camera Pages," ( http://www.starblanket.com/~photogra 
phy/ ), (1998). 

18. Baker, Farber and Giesecke, "Recording Cemetery Data," 108-116. 



122 Developing Technologies 



19. Ibid., 111. 

20. Recording at a slower speed (e.g., LP or SLP/EP) will maximize the number of stones 
that can be recorded on a single tape, but it will decrease the clarity and resolution of 
the visual image. Video quality can be maximized with Super VHS, but equipment 
costs, exceeding $20,000, make it prohibitive for most. 

21. The authors have had remarkable success reading illegibly eroded stones with digital 
enhancement through Paint, a program routinely available in Windows 95 and 98 
Accessories. 

22. www.starblanket.com/~photography/ 

23. Such scanners, with software, cost approximately $700; the figure doubles for one with 
a transparency adapter to scan slides. 

24. For an extended consideration of capacity, see Susan Gregory Thomas, "Closet Space 
for the PC," U.S. News and World Report (May 11, 1998), pp.66-67. 

25. W. Lloyd Warner, The Living and the Dead (New Haven, CT, 1959), 294. 

26. Edwin Dethlefsen, "Colonial Gravestones and Demography," American Journal of 
Physical Anthropology 31(1969):323-324. 

27. Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. R. Baldick, 
(New York, NY, 1962):128. 

28. For discussion of parental investment in children, see Arlene S. Skolnick, The Intimate 
Environment: Exploring Marriage and the Family, 6th ed., (New York, NY, 1996), 371-374; 
see also Melissa Haveman, "A Socio-Historical Analysis of Children's Gravestones," 
Illness, Crisis and Loss 7 (1999):267-287. 

29. James K. Crissman, Death and Dying in Central Appalachia: Changing Attitudes and 
Practices (Urbana, IL, 1994), 122. 

30. For example, Lynn Clark, "Gravestones: Reflectors of Ethnicity or Class," in Consumer 
Choice in Historical Archaeologi/, ed., Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood (New York, 1987), 383- 
395; William Kephart, "Status After Death," American Sociological Review 15(1950): 635- 
643. 

31. Find Electronics, ( http://www.findmall.com ), "Find's BBS Forum," ( http://www. 
findmall.com/wwwboard/messages/1308 and http://www.findmall.com/www 
board/messages/9153 ). 

32. Crissman, Death and Dying in Central Appalachia, 60-64. 

33. See GeoModel, Inc., "Basic Principles of Ground Penetrating Radar," ( www.geo 
model.com/gprtext.htm ), 5728 Major Blvd., Suite 200, Orlando, FL 32819. 



Gary S. Foster and Richard L. Hummel 123 



34. For examples of GPR use in cemeteries, see Ronnie Hyre's webpage, "Geo-Scan's 
Ground Penetrating Radar Information Page," ( http://www.geo-scan.com ). 

35. GPR 2000 Home Page ( http://www.cssip.elec.ug.edu.au/gpr2000 ), Department of 
Computer Science and Electrical Engineering, The University of Queensland, Qld 4072, 
Australia. 



124 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 





!HR!HVll^HHiK^ra'l:'' > ''. : .>'ii:. 

Fig. 1. Gravemarker for the Windem (Windemuthin) sisters, Stillwater 
Cemetery, 1748. A backdated example of the D Carver's work. 



125 



JOHN SOLOMON TEETZEL AND THE 

ANGLO-GERMAN GRAVESTONE CARVING TRADITION 

OF 18TH CENTURY NORTHWESTERN NEW JERSEY 

Richard F. Veit 

Introduction 

During the last two decades of the 18th century a handful of skilled 
bilingual artisans supplied German- and English-language gravemarkers 
to the inhabitants of northwestern New Jersey. Two particularly active 
carvers, John Solomon Teetzel and another individual who signed his 
works simply "D," or in one instance "J.S.D.", were responsible for pro- 
ducing roughly 120 gravemarkers. The artistic memorials they produced 
highlight the distinctive regional culture of New Jersey's frontier. 

Northwestern New Jersey's 18th century gravemarkers provide a 
happy medium between the stark but elaborate Puritan iconography of 
eastern New Jersey's stone carvers and the white marble markers of the 
lower Delaware Valley, which are generally devoid of ornament. Teetzel 
and the D Carver were artisans who knew their clients' preferences and 
carefully steered a middle ground between two distinct neighboring artis- 
tic traditions. Moreover, their ability to work in both German and English 
allowed them to span ethnic boundaries and reflects the distinctive 
regional culture of which they were a part. 

Anthropologists, geographers, and historians have long employed a 
culture area approach in examining settlement patterns. This has certain- 
ly been true of scholars focusing on the Middle Atlantic region. 1 Working 
within the even more circumscribed boundaries of New Jersey, Peter 
Wacker and Charles Stansfield have succeeded in defining several region- 
al cultures. 2 

Socially and economically, New Jersey's loyalties were divided 
between the neighboring states of New York and Pennsylvania. Referring 
to this situation, Benjamin Franklin described New Jersey as a "barrel 
tapped at both ends." 3 This major east- west rift aside, 18th century New 
Jersey was one the most ethnically diverse of the thirteen colonies. Major 
ethnic groups included English and Welsh, Scotch and Scotch Irish, 
Dutch, French, Germans, and Swedes. Second- and third-generation 
immigrants from New England also comprised a major portion of the 
state's early settlers. The historian W. Winterbotham, writing in 1796, 



126 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



summed up the situation as follows: 

Many circumstances concur to render the character of the inhabitants vari- 
ous in different parts of the State. They are a collection of Low Dutch, 
Germans, English, Scotch, Irish, and New-Englanders, or their descen- 
dants. National attachment and mutual convenience have generally 
induced these several kinds of people to settle together in a body, and in 
this way their peculiar national manners, customs and characters, are still 
preserved, especially among the poorer class of people, who have little 
intercourse with any but those of their own nation. Religion, although its 
tendency is to unite people in those things that are essential to happiness, 
occasions wide differences as to manners, customs, and even character. 4 

New Jersey's Colonial Gravemarkers 

In terms of colonial gravemarkers, at least four distinct regional tradi- 
tions are visible in the state. They correspond roughly with the various 
national group enumerated by Winterbotham. East-central New Jersey - 
modern Morris, Essex, Union, Middlesex, and Monmouth counties - was 
the southernmost extension of the New England gravestone-carving 
school. The slate gravemarkers of the Carolinas might be seen as a further 
extension, but they were generally imported from New England and not 
locally carved. 5 East Jersey's sandstone carvers, many of whom were the 
transplanted, though lineal descendants of New England's Puritans, pro- 
duced gravemarkers which paralleled the three-phase evolution in New 
England noted by Harriette Forbes, and later by James Deetz and Edwin 
Dethlefsen. 6 Beginning in the 1680s, New Jersey carvers in Elizabethtown 
(now Elizabeth) and Newark carved death's heads, hourglasses, and 
cherubs in local reddish-brown sandstone. In the mid-1 8th century 
winged cherubs became more popular, and by the end of the 18th centu- 
ry monogrammed stones had come to the fore. 7 

Southern New Jersey's gravemarkers have little in common with those 
of the northern part of the state. With the exception of some informal 
fieldstone markers, even the earliest colonial gravestones in this section of 
the state were carved from marble. These marble markers, largely shorn 
of decoration, though sometimes carved in shapes reminiscent of New 
England gravestones, were almost all produced in Philadelphia. In fact, 
there is no indication that a local carving tradition developed in the region 
until the early 19th century, and even then these artisans, stranded on the 
state's coastal plain, were dependent upon imported stone. The dividing 
line between the iconographically rich markers of the northern segment 



Richard F. Veit 127 



of the state and the plain markers in the south follows the course of Route 
33 as it runs across the state from Trenton in the west to Ocean Grove in 
the east. 

The only substantial, non-genealogical, study of southern New 
Jersey's gravemarkers to date is Elizabeth Crowell's Ph.D. dissertation on 
Cape May County's 18th-century gravemarkers. 8 Crowell concluded that 
the lack of ornamentation on these stones reflects the Quaker influence in 
Philadelphia, which affected carvers who belonged to, and in many cases, 
were serving other denominations. 9 Her conclusions for Cape May 
County also hold true for the early marble markers of Atlantic, 
Burlington, Camden, Cumberland, Gloucester, Ocean, and Salem coun- 
ties. These areas were generally settled by English immigrants or the 
descendants of English immigrants moving south from New England. 

Northeastern New Jersey's gravemarkers, while sharing general simi- 
larities with those of the east-central portion of the state, show a higher 
portion of Dutch-language carving. Currently, this region's 18th century 
carving remains largely unexamined, and any further statements would 
be premature. 

The fourth and final culture region identified here, and the focus of 
this article, is northwestern New Jersey, particularly Warren, Sussex, and 
western Morris counties. Though this part of the state is located adjacent 
to the Delaware River and contains some exceptionally fertile farmlands, 
it remained a sparsely settled frontier until the late 18th century. A num- 
ber of factors converged to limit European settlement in this region. First, 
natural barriers impeded settlement; the Delaware River was navigable 
only as far north as Trenton, a growing colonial settlement. Individuals 
interested in traveling farther up the valley of the Delaware had to make 
their way by foot or canoe. Second, the Kittatinny Ridge proved an 
impediment to pioneers moving overland from the east. The same factors 
which acted to limited European settlement made the region a natural 
refuge for Native American populations displaced from other parts of the 
state by burgeoning colonial populations. 

When, in the years following the Revolution, full-scale movement into 
this region began, it followed an unusual course. Most of the major migra- 
tory efforts in American history have trended from east to west; however, 
the settlement of northwestern New Jersey was due, in part, to an east- 
ward migration. Many of these settlers were Scotch-Irish or Germans 
traveling east from Pennsylvania. 10 Most came from already established 



128 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



settlements, but others were first-generation immigrants. According to 
historian Hubert Schmidt, these Germans "Known generally as Pala-tines 
. . . came from the Rhine Valley and contiguous areas. A combination of 
religious persecution and long-time economic depression made many of 
these people receptive to the idea of emigrating." 11 Arriving near the end 
of the colonial period, these settlers, and in particular the German emi- 
gres, created a distinct regional culture with its own architectural style 
and gravemarking tradition. 

German-Language Gravemarkers in the Eastern United States 

The best known colonial German-language gravemarkers in the east- 
ern United States are found in Pennsylvania. To date, only two general 
overviews of these rich and varied markers have been published. The first 
was Preston Barba's Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study in Folk Art. 12 
Somewhat more recently, Thomas Graves published an excellent exposi- 
tion entitled "Pennsylvania German Gravestones: An Introduction" in 
Markers V. It is accompanied by a lengthy pictorial essay by Daniel and 
Jessie Lie Farber. 13 Brief introductions also appear in The Art of Rural 
Pennsylvania, authored by Frances Lichten, and in Pennsylvania German 
Folk Art: An Interpretation, by John Joseph Stout. 14 Regional studies of 
Germanic gravemarkers in Lebanon County and the Cocalico Valley have 
also been carried out, but much work remains to be done. 15 

Pennsylvania's German-language gravemarkers are concentrated in 
Berks, Lancaster, Lebanon, Lehigh, Montgomery, and Schuylkill counties. 
Depending on when and where they were made, these gravestones were 
carved from sandstone, slate, or marble. Iconographically, they differ con- 
siderably from New England's gravemarkers. Leering death's heads, 
even on the earliest gravemarkers, are quite rare. Instead, popular 
German folk art motifs were employed, including "'trees of life' 
(Lebensbaum) , hearts, suns, moons, and stars." 16 Flowers, swastikas, 
hearts, hex signs, and rosettes were also common. Rosettes also appear on 
a handful of New Jersey gravemarkers. According to Thomas Graves: 

The rosette has had many meanings and associations over the centuries, 
especially among the German peoples, who have called the rosette a 
Gliickstern (lucky star) or Gliickrad (Lucky wheel). The six-pointed star was 
the symbol of Frau Sonne [lady sun] and Frau ¥ or tuna [lady fortune]. As 
Lady Fortune operated the ever present wheel of fortune, the rosette is an 
appropriate motif for a gravestone. 17 



Richard F. Veit 129 



Many of the Pennsylvania German gravemarkers show distinct simi- 
larities with contemporary Baroque gravemarkers found in the 
Palatinate. 18 Some of the local markers are quite thick, three to five inch- 
es, and often they are elaborately decorated, sometimes on both faces as 
well as on the sides. Many of the most ornate sandstone gravemarkers in 
Pennsylvania are uninscribed. This puzzling situation has been explained 
in various ways. As Graves notes, they may have been sample stones, sold 
at discount to customers unable or unwilling to pay for inscriptions, or 
they may have marked suicides." 19 Another explanation is that inscrip- 
tions and epitaphs were once painted on the markers but in the interven- 
ing years have worn off. 

Cherubs, often quite stout, with disproportionately small wings and 
profile busts, also decorate the tympanums of several 18th century 
Pennsylvania German gravemarkers. But they are infrequent, and do not 
appear to correlate with the Great Awakening or any other religious 
trends. The urn and willow is also noticeably absent, at least before the 
19th century, when regional carving styles began to be subsumed by 
national styles. 

Three other popular designs were hearts, tulips, and the tree of life. As 
Preston Barba notes: 

In the course of time the heart was accepted as the seat of the human emo- 
tions and took its place in German peasant art as the favored symbol of 
life. ... As the token of love and human affections it is found everywhere in 
folk art and continued to be a most favored symbol among our German 
pioneers in Pennsylvania, whether in a secular sense as on datestones, 
barns, and household utensils, textiles and ceramics, or with religious sig- 
nificance on fraktur and on tombstones, frequently with a tree of life grow- 
ing from it. 20 

Tulips were also common. In fact, Barba calls the tulip the "'sine qua 
non' of our Pennsylvania German folk art." Tulips were introduced into 
Germany by the Turks in the middle of the 16th century and, during the 
following century, were the focus of intense interest. At first, they were 
quite valuable and their possession was limited to the very wealthy; how- 
ever, as time went on, they became popular with the middle and lower 
classes. The flower's popularity carried over into the New World, where 
the design became one of the most popular folk art motifs. 

The tree of life, an ancient design with strong Biblical connotations, is 
another popular motif. Barba associates its popularity with the 



130 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



Pennsylvania Germans to the pre-Christian tree worship practiced in cen- 
tral and northern Europe. 21 The symbol seems to have easily made the 
transition to Christianity, where the practice of decorating with holly and 
evergreens in the winter became common and is still well represented at 
Christmas time today. 

It should be noted that the gravemarkers of Moravian communities in 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and North Carolina are quite dissimilar from 
the stones found in Lutheran, Reformed, and Union church cemeteries. 
The Moravians favored small rectangular gravemarkers, often carved 
from marble. They carried minimal information - generally the name, 
age, and, in some cases, birthplace of the deceased. These markers were 
laid flush with the ground. At least in North Carolina, the inscriptions 
were highlighted with paint. 22 These markers were intentionally shorn of 
all decoration and reflect the equality of all the brethren in God's eyes. 

The peripatetic 19th century historians John Barber and Henry Howe, 
writing in their Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey, described the 
Moravian cemetery at Hope, New Jersey as follows: 

The graveyard, like most of this denomination, is laid out as a garden and 
planted with trees, under which are seats for visitors. The graves are 
devoid of the disagreeable coffin-like shape of our own; but resemble 
flower-beds, and in many cases are covered with myrtle and other orna- 
mental plants. The monuments are small slabs laid horizontally upon the 
graves, the inscriptions uppermost, and bearing simply the name, age, and 
place of decease ... A slab of gray stone about two feet long is laced hori- 
zontally over each grave with a simple inscription, recording the name, 
birth, and death. 23 

As Ruth Little, author of Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of North 
Carolina Gravemarkers, notes, "Differences in wealth and social status so 
obvious in the materials, size, and design of gravemarkers in other ceme- 
teries were intentionally and completely absent from God's Acres" [the 
Moravian cemeteries]. 24 

New Jersey's German-Language Markers 

In New Jersey, German-language gravemarkers are found in Warren, 
Sussex, and Morris counties. These three northwestern counties were set- 
tled, in part, by eastward-moving German immigrants, arriving in the 
mid- and late 18th century. The earliest surviving Germanic gravemark- 
ers date to the 1760s. They were generally carved on fieldstone and show 



Richard F. Veit 131 



a minimum of decoration. It was not until the 1780s that two carvers 
began to regularly provide for the commemorative needs of this region's 
settlers. One of these carvers, John Solomon Teetzel, signed many of his 
stones and carved in a distinctive style, allowing his work to identified 
with some degree of surety. The other carver, who simply signed his 
stones "D," or in one case "J.S.D," may have been Jacob Dodderer, a resi- 
dent of Stillwater, a hamlet in Hardwick Township, Sussex County. 
Dodderer, who was born on July 28, 1742 in Murhardt, Wuerttemberg, 
Germany, is the only individual with the correct combination of initials to 
appear in any of the standard local histories. 25 However, as the attribution 
is currently unconfirmed, he will be referred to simply as "the D Carver" 
or "Herr D" in this article. 

The D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel were the two most active 
German-language gravestone carvers in northwestern New Jersey. Herr D 
carved 20 gravemarkers between 1785 and 1799, while his contemporary, 
Teetzel, carved at least 99 gravemarkers between 1789 and 1800. Both men 
worked a fine-grained local sandstone that varies in color from light gray 
to tan. They also employed similar decorative motifs: flowers, four-point- 
ed stars, and hearts. Neither carver left behind a particularly rich docu- 
mentary record. While this makes understanding their motivations more 
challenging, it also highlights the importance of these artifacts for under- 
standing the past. 

Both D and Teetzel worked, and presumably lived, in Hardwick, New 
Jersey. During their lives, Hardwick [also spelled Hartwick] was part of 
Sussex County: today it is part of Warren County. 26 Hardwick is bounded 
on the southeast and south by Paulinskill Creek, on the northwest by 
Pahaquarry Township, and on the southwest by Blairstown Township. As 
late as 1880, it had a population of 583. 27 The area's first settlers arrived in 
the 1730s and 1740s, and included both Germans and Quakers. The earli- 
est surviving record of a town meeting in the township, which dates to 
March 8, 1774, lists a Jacob Dodderer as "Surveyor of the Highways." He 
also appears as a freeholder in 1799. 28 Dodderer, or one of his relatives, 
may well have been the D Carver. 

Jacob Dodderer, the D Carver? 

Sporadic references to Dodderer appear in the colonial documents of 
northwestern New Jersey. In 1775, Elizabeth Collins, an orphan, chose 
him as her guardian, and as early as 1771 he was witnessing wills and tak- 



132 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



ing inventories for his neighbors. 29 Dodderer was bilingual, and some of 
the inventories he compiled were written in German while others were in 
English. He continued to serve his neighbors in this capacity until 1801 
when, perhaps due to advanced age, he ceased his labors. During this 
time he compiled some 14 inventories. Dodderer died on April 30, 1813. 
He was survived by his wife, Lydia. His son Abram, daughter Elizabeth, 
and grandson Peter are mentioned in his will. At his death, he was a mod- 
erately wealthy individual, with a household inventory valued at $455.39, 
somewhat above the average of his neighbors. He also owned a gristmill 
and farmland totaling over 100 acres. 30 

Twenty gravemarkers carved by the D Carver are found in the 
Stillwater Cemetery. Seven of them are signed. As noted earlier, the mark- 
ers do not bear his full name, but are simply inscribed D, or in one case 
J.S.D. The earliest of his products dates to 1748; however, it is probably 
backdated. It marks the graves of two sisters, members of the Windem or 
Windemuth (also spelled Wintermuth and Windenmuthen) family. This 
family grouping comprises the most interesting and elaborate set of 18th- 
century German-language markers in the state. Because they are so 
unusual, and contain such detailed information, full translations from the 
German are provided here. I have taken the liberty of modernizing archa- 
ic grammatical forms. 

As mentioned above, the earliest gravemarker is for M.C.F.W. and 
M.I.W., two sisters, who died in 1748 (Fig.l). The marker has a bilobate 
top and is decorated with two hearts, within which are displayed the ini- 
tials of the sisters. A single footstone, likewise decorated with two hearts, 
also commemorates the sisters. The lettering on the headstone is in 
German but uses English-style letters, with dots and colons used to sepa- 
rate words. The marker reads: 

IN IN 

DEM THIS 

GRABE GRAVE 

RUHEN 2 SCH WESTERN REST 2 SISTERS 

BEYDE GESTORBEN AN BOTH DIED IN 

1748.: M.C.F. WINDEM 1748: M.C.F. WINDEM 

GEBOH. D. 11 NOV 1740 BORN THE 11TH OF NOVEMBER 1740 

GESTOR.D. 29 IAN 1748 DIED THE 29TH IANUARY 1748 

M.I.W.GEBOH. D.27. M.I.W. BORN THE 27TH 

MAY 1744. GESTOR. MAY 1744. DIED 

D. 31. JAN. 1748 THE 31 JANUARY 1748 



Richard F. Veit 



133 



On the reverse the stone is signed "IWM 1785 D." The initials "IWM" may 
represent the friend or family member who commissioned the stone; 1785 
is apparently the year it was carved, nearly forty years after the sisters 
died; and D was the carver. 

Another gravemarker, apparently erected at the same time as that for 
the Windem sisters, marks the resting place of John Peter Bernhard. This 
marker has an arched top and is undecorated, but displays a simple band 
outlining the stone's border. It reads: 



HIER 

RUHET DER JOH. 
PET. BERNHARD. 
GEBOH: ZU KERSEN 
HEIM DER GRAF- 
SCHAFT BOLANDEN 
IN EUROPA.:.ER 1ST 
MIT FRAU U. KINDEN 
IN AMERICA KOMEN 
ANO 1731 UND 
STARB DEN 28. 
AUG. ANO 1748 



HERE 

RESTS JOHN 

PETER BERNHARD 

BORN IN KERSENHEFM 

IN THE EARLDOM OF 

BOLANDEN 

FN EUROPE. 

WITH HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN 

HE CAME TO AMERICA 

IN 1731 AND 

DIED THE 28TH 

AUGUST 1748 



This stone is also inscribed "IWM 1785 D" on its reverse face. 

A third marker, again believed to have been carved by the D Carver, 
stands nearby. It too was made from the same gray sandstone and 
inscribed with a thin border around the edge. The stone is for "MARG," 
presumably Margaret Elizabeth Windemuthin (Fig. 2). It is inscribed: 



M.E.W. 
ALHIER 
RUHET 
MARGrELIS. 
WINDEMUTHFN 
GEBOHRNE BERNHART 
1ST GEBORN ANO 
1721 D:5 AUG ZU 
KERZENHEIM FN DER 
GRAFSCHAFT BOLAN 
DEN IN EUROPA. 
FN AMERICA KOMEN 
MIT VATER u .MUT- 
TER u. 2 SCHWEST 
ANO 1731. STARB 
D. 15. FEBRUARY ANO 
1800. IHR ALTER 
WAR 78 JAHR 6 
MONATH u 10 TAG 



M.E.W. 

HERE 

RESTS 

MARG: ELIS 

WINDEMUTHIN 

BORN BERNHART [maiden name] 

BORN ON 

THE 5TH OF AUGUST IN THE YEAR 1721 

IN KERZENHEFM IN THE 

EARLDOM OF BOLANDEN 

IN EUROPE 

CAME TO AMERICA 

WITH HER MOTHER AND FATHER 

AND 2 SISTERS 

IN 1731. DIED 

THE 15TH OF FEBRUARY IN 

1800, HER AGE 

WAS 78 YEARS, 6 

MONTHS AND 10 DAYS 



134 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 






Fig. 2. Marg. Elis. Windemuthin headstone, 
1800, Stillwater Cemetery. 



Richard F. Veit 



135 



Although this gravemarker is not signed on the reverse like the others, a 
small D is inscribed on the front near its base (Fig. 3). It is also interesting 
that the English word "February" is employed in the otherwise German 
inscription. This may be a hint that the carver was bilingual and slipped 
between languages as he was carving. 

The next gravemarker in this family grouping is for John George 
Windemuth. It is the tallest of the group, standing roughly four feet in 
height, and is cut in a head and shoulder form. Again, a thin band runs 
around the outer edge of the marker's face and separates an oval area at 
the top from the body of the marker (Fig. 4). The initials IGW are inscribed 
twice in the "head" portion of the marker. This appears to have been a 
deliberate attempt to obscure a face which was carved on the "head," then 
rubbed away before the initials were carved. It seems that the carver 
etched a very crude cherub at the top of the stone; then, for some 
unknown reason, he attempted to remove the design. The initials were 
clearly carved by the D Carver. Cherubs were commonly carved on mark- 
ers in the graveyards of eastern New Jersey from the 1730s until the 1780s; 







Fig. 3. Detail showing the small D carved at the base of 
Marg. Elis. Windemuthin headstone. 



136 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 




Fig. 4. John George Windemuth headstone, 1782, Stillwater Cemetery, 

the most elaborate example of the D Carver's work. 

A simple face carved at the top of the stone was rubbed out and 

replaced with the initials of the deceased. 



Richard F. Veit 



137 



perhaps Herr D chose to emulate a carving he had seen in another part of 
the state. In the survey carried out for this study, I was only able to find 
three other 18th century cherubs in Warren and Sussex counties. All of 
them mark the graves of persons of English descent with close genealog- 
ical ties to eastern New Jersey. These markers were carved by Uzal Ward 
of Newark and Ebenezer Price of Elizabethtown. The person who com- 
missioned the gravemarker may have found this cherub, a graven image, 
unacceptable and it was removed. A similar face carved on an accompa- 
nying footstone was left intact, but is today nearly obscured by lichen 
(Fig. 5). The inscription on the headstone reads: 



I.G.W. 
I.G.W. 



I.G.W. 
I.G.W. 



ALHIER 
RUHET IN GOT 
JOH: GEORG WIN 
DEMUTH, GEBOHREN 
D: 11 MAY 1711 IN PUNG 
STAD IN EUROPA. NACH 
AMERICA KOMEN ANO 1736 
VERHEYRATH MIT, M: 
ELIS BERNHARDT IN ANO 
1739, UND ZEUGETEN 8 
KINDER : LEBETE IM 
EHESTAND 43 JAHR 
UND 3 MONATH. ANO 
1782 DEN 19 DEC. 
UM 10 UHR STARB ER 
SEIN ALTER WAR 71 
JAHR 3 MON: UND 8 
TAGE UND VERLIES 
3 SOHNE UND 3 TOCH 
TER LEBEND 



HERE 

RESTS IN GOD 

JOHN GEORGE WINDEMUTH 

BORN ON 

THE 11TH MAY 1711 IN PUNGSTAD 

IN EUROPE. HE CAME TO 

AMERICA IN 1736 

AND MARRIED 

M. ELIS. BERNHARDT IN THE 

THE YEAR 1739, AND BEGAT 8 

CHILDREN. LIVED IN 

WEDLOCK 43 YEARS 

AND 3 MONTHS. IN THE YEAR 

1782 ON THE 19TH OF DECEMBER AT 

TEN O'CLOCK HE DIED 

HIS AGE WAS 71 

YEARS, 3 MONTHS AND 8 

DAYS AND HE LEFT 

3 SONS AND 3 DAUGHTERS 

STILL LIVFNG 



On the reverse of the headstone is an inscription in German that in trans- 
lation reads "This stone was made in 1785, D"As mentioned above, the 
accompanying footstone is inscribed with a crude face, the initials of the 
deceased, and the year 1782. 

The fifth and final example in this series may have been the marker 
that led to the whole group. It is for Joh. Heinr. Schuster, who died in 
February 1785. Its inscription records that Herr Schuster was born in 



138 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 






Fig. 5. John George Windemuth footstone. 
It too features a simple face carved in the tympanum. 



Richard F. Veit 



139 




Fig. 6. John Schuster headstone, 1785, Stillwater Cemetery. 
Note the small soul or ghost carved at the base of the stone. 



140 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



Birschdorf in Europe in 1720, married M. Glockner in 1740, lived in wed- 
lock 45 years, and died February 6, 1785 at the age of 63. Again, the mark- 
er shows the thin border; however, rising from the base of the stone is a 
small figure which appears to be a ghost (Fig. 6). A footstone accompanies 
the headstone: it displays a skull and crossbones bearing the deceased's 
initials and an inscription in German, which, when translated, reads "I 
rest and sleep in peace." 

In terms of their inscriptions, these markers employ two conventions 
also seen on Pennsylvania's German-language gravemarkers: the spousal 
biography and the immigration biography. According to Graves, "The 
'spousal' or 'family' biography names the husband or wife and usually 
one or more of the following items: the wife's maiden name, the year the 
couple was married, the number of children." He continues, "The features 
of an immigrant biography include the immigrant's place of birth and 
sometimes ... the year of immigration." 31 By employing these forms, a 
wealth of genealogical information is provided. 

Perhaps these three families, the Schusters, Windemuths, and 
Bernhardts, had come to America together. If they arrived in Stillwater in 
the 1730s from Bolanden and Pungstad, they would have been on the very 
edge of the frontier. When Joh. Schuster died, not one, but four grave- 
markers and accompanying footstones were carved. Each is different in 
its particulars, but similar in overall design. All are signed "D" on either 
the front or the back and were apparently the work of the same artisan. 
Perhaps, with Schuster's passing, one of his survivors decided the time 
was appropriate to permanently commemorate the first European settlers 
in the region. 

Herr D produced some fourteen other stones, two of which are signed. 
The signed markers are for Martin Schwartzwetter, who died in 1795, and 
George Ginsburg, who died in 1799. Both differ significantly from his pre- 
viously described work. They are not carved using English lettering, but 
in German gothic lettering. The D Carver's English lettering employed 
several lettering conventions which allow his work to be easily distin- 
guished. His "I," though capitalized, is dotted. The number 1 forks at its 
base, and the letters G and E have triangular tails. These two stones, on 
the other hand, employ gothic lettering which is indistinguishable from 
John Solomon Teetzel's carving. Schwartzwetter 's stone is signed with a 
small D in the lower front (Fig. 7). Ginsburg's is signed J.S.D. Neither is 
ornamented, and their forms are more regular than D's earlier work. 



Richard F. Veit 



141 




Fig. 7. Martin Schwartz wetter gravemarker (1795), Stillwater 

Cemetery. Signed D, the marker's form and carving strongly 

resembles John Solomon Teetzel's work. The epitaph reads: 

'Here in the earth I will remain, free from all worry and trouble, until 

the Day of judgement, when Christ as my shepherd, will extend his 

kind hand and reawaken me to live in joy and glory." 



142 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



The inscriptions are also different. Gone is the detailed genealogical 
information, replaced by rhyming epitaphs in German. These stones, 
while quite dissimilar from D's earlier work, bear a strong resemblance to 
the work of John Solomon Teetzel, the most prolific of northwestern New 
Jersey's stone carvers. In fact, the lettering is so different from D's other 
stones that, if these markers were not signed, they could easily have been 
assigned to Teetzel. The combination of initials is similar too, but the last 
letter is distinctly a D, not a G. As carvers sometimes worked together, 
and occasionally collaborated on the same gravemarkers, it is possible 
that the D Carver and Teetzel did in fact work together on these stones. 
Still, if Teetzel did the lettering, it is surprising that someone else signed 
the markers. For now, these gravemarkers remain somewhat puzzling. 

John Solomon Teetzel in Hardwick 

John Solomon Teetzel is only slightly less enigmatic than the D Carver. 
According to his own gravemarker, located in Trafalgar Township, Halton 
County, Ontario, Canada, John (Johannis) Solomon Teetzel (Tietsel) was 
born in "Upper Saxony Germany" on February 27, 1762. 32 Research in 
DAR records by genealogist Albert King indicates that an individual with 
this same name served as a private from New York State during the 
American Revolution. 33 However, Henry Havens, author of a General 
Index to the Laws of the State of New York, notes that one Johannis Tietsel 
arrived in New York City as a passenger from Germany on the ship 
GREEN LEAF in 1789. 34 If the Teetzel who landed in 1789 is our man, he 
would have been 27 years old on his arrival in the young United States 
and could not have served in the Revolution, as it had ended six years ear- 
lier. An arrival date of 1789 also correlates quite well with his signed 
gravestones, which primarily date from the 1790s. 

Teetzel was apparently not a landowner, and no tax records exist to 
cast light on his financial status. He was clearly literate, and perhaps 
because of this he, like his contemporary and possible co-worker the D 
Carver, assisted in taking several inventories in the 1790s. On February 24, 
1 794, he and Conrad Arwine made an inventory for John Kunkle, Jr. of 
Hardwick. In 1795, he witnessed the will of George Keen, Sr., also of 
Hardwick, and on January 3, 1799, he witnessed the will of John Henry 
Snover of Knowlton, Sussex County. Just over a month later he and 
Abraham Bescherer made Snover's inventory. 35 This correlation between 
taking inventories and providing gravemarkers is interesting, and may 



Richard F. Veit 143 



simply reflect the literacy of these two carvers in a community where lit- 
eracy may not have been widespread. Although Teetzel and Dodderer 
recorded numerous inventories and wills, these documents fail to record 
any payment for cutting gravestones or for other burial expenses. In fact, 
references to gravestone carvers are notoriously rare in New Jersey, mak- 
ing the identification of carvers somewhat more challenging than in New 
England, where payments to carvers are regularly noted in these docu- 
ments. 

Teetzel carved and signed gravemarkers in New Jersey from 1789 to 
1800. During this period of eleven years, he made 99 gravestones and was 
the single most active carver identified in the northwestern portion of the 
state. His work is found in fourteen cemeteries in four counties: Morris, 
Somerset, Sussex, and Warren (see Fig. 8 and Table 1). It is concentrated 
within the area settled by German immigrants in the late 18th century. 
Cemeteries with sizable numbers of his stones are associated with the Old 
Stone Union Church in Long Valley (founded c.1759); the Stillwater 
Presbyterian Church (founded by 1769); and, the Yellow Frame 
Presbyterian Church (founded 1786) on Dark Moon Road, also in Sussex 
County. The first two churches were home to important German congre- 
gations. Interestingly, Stillwater Presbyterian Church was begun as the 
"Lutheran Congregation of Hartwick" and subsequently became a Dutch 
Reformed Church and, eventually, a Presbyterian congregation 36 

All told, Teetzel' s work is found from Newton in the north to 
Lamington in the south, and from Sparta in the east to the Delaware 
River. The D Carver's work, on the other hand, is found only in 
Stillwater. It is worth mentioning that a tour of eastern Pennsylvania's 
18th century cemeteries failed to reveal any markers produced by these 
two carvers. 

Despite serving German congregations, the majority of Teetzel's 
gravemarkers - 86 in all - are inscribed in English, while only 13 were 
carved in German. Two of the latter are signed. Many of the English-lan- 
guage markers are for individuals of known German descent. However, 
Teetzel was nearly the only carver in town, so during the 1790s almost all 
the local gravemarkers were carved by him. Only occasionally is a 
Philadelphia carver or an East Jersey carver represented. 



144 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 




Fig. 8. Images of gravemarkers on the map indicate approximate 
locations where stones carved by John Solomon Teetzel are found. 



Richard F. Veit 



145 





Cemetery 


Number of 
Location Teetzel Markers 


1. 


Fairmont Presbyterian 


Tewksbury Hunterdon Co. 


1 


2. 


Long Valley German 
Reformed and Lutheran 
or Old Stone Union 


Long Valley Morris Co. 


10 


3. 


Lamington Presbyterian 


Bedminster, Somerset Co. 


2 


4. 


Newton 


Newton, Sussex Co. 


2 


5. 


Stillwater 


Stillwater, Sussex Co. 


26 


6. 


Vaughan 


Sparta, Sussex Co. 


1 


7. 


Blair Academy 


Blairstown, Warren Co. 


3 


8. 


First Presbyterian Oxford 


Oxford, Warren Co. 


1 


9. 


Yellow Frame Presbyterian 


Frelinghuysen, Warren Co., 
on Sussex Co. border 


28 


10. 


Johnsonburg Christian 


Frelinghuysen, Warren Co. 


2 


11. 


Knowlton Presbyterian 


Blairstown, Warren Co. 


16 


12. 


Saint James Lutheran 


Greenwich, Warren Co. 


1 


13. 


Swayze Family 


Hope, Warren Co. 


1 


14. 


Union Brick Church 


Blairstown, Warren Co. 


5 




Total 




99 



Table 1. Cemeteries containing gravemarkers carved by 

John Solomon Teetzel. The Stillwater Cemetery also contains 

20 gravemarkers carved by the D Carver. 



Very little is known about Teetzel's life, other than his work as a stone 
carver. Gravestone carving was most likely not his primary occupation. 
Some years saw him carve only four or five gravemarkers, hardly enough 
to support a craftsman and his family. In 1792, Teetzel cut only one mark- 
er. During the mid-1 790s, from 1793 to 1796, he averaged fourteen stones 
a year. He remained productive until 1800, carving four stones in that year 
(see Table 2). 



146 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



Year or Time Period 


Number of Dated Markers 


1770s 


1 


1780-1788 


2 


1789 


3 


1790 


5 


1791 


3 


1792 


1 


1793 


15 


1794 


16 


1795 


13 


1796 


13 


1797 


7 


1798 


5 


1799 


11 


1800 


4 


Total 


99 



Table 2. Number of gravemarkers 
carved by Teetzel per year (1789-1800). 



Several backdated Teetzel gravemarkers also exist. The earliest dates from 
1776 and marks the final resting place of Mary Brown; another, dated 
1783, is for Catherine Rice, and the third, from 1788, is for Christopher 
Adams. In all three cases, a husband or wife had died and their heirs wait- 
ed for the surviving spouse to pass away before purchasing a matched 
pair of gravemarkers. 

Teetzel' s markers are somewhat easier to identify than are those of the 
D Carver. While the D Carver utilized a gray, fine-grained sandstone, 
Teetzel used both gray sandstone and an iron-stained tan sandstone. It is 
my belief that Teetzel chose these colorful stones for their aesthetic quali- 
ties. Moreover, Teetzel's markers are quite regular in form, with squared 
edges, while D's have no sharp corners and are generally curvier. 

In his ten years of carving, Teetzel signed 44 of his gravemarkers, 
roughly 45% of those he produced (see Table 3). All but one are signed on 
the obverse. His most common mark was simply an uppercase T in the 
bottom center of the gravemarker. Less frequently, he would carve his ini- 
tials, J.S.T., above a small image of a gravestone (see Fig. 9). This was 
always located at the bottom of the stone. In some cases he carved the 
name J.S. Teetzel in the same location. On Catherine Flack's gravemarker 
in the Long Valley Union Cemetery, he carved TEETZEL in large capital 



Richard F. Veit 



147 



letters across the roughly-finished back of the stone. His most informative 
signature is on the Debora Do we stone, which dates to 1796. Located in 
the Swayze Family Cemetery on Route 519 in Hope Township, it is signed 
on the front, near the base, "Teetzel in Hard wick" (Fig. 10). Surprisingly, 
the inscription on this gravemarker is attributed to T. Cool. Perhaps Cool 
was Dowe's bethrothed. 



Signed Teetzel Gravemarkers Number 

Upper-Case letter "T" 36 

Name: "Teetzel" 4 

Initials: "J.S.T" 2 

Name and Initials: "T.S.Teetzel" 1 

Name and location: "Teetzel in Hardwick" 1 



Table 3. Various signatures used by Teetzel on 
gravemarkers he carved. 




Fig. 9. Johannes Kunesset gravemarker, 1794, Stillwater Cemetery. 

One of the ways John Solomon Teetzel marked his gravestones was 

with his initials and a small image of a gravemarker. 



148 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



Teetzel's lettering was also distinctive, and it aids in identifying his 
work. Prior to lettering a stone, he lightly etched guidelines across its sur- 
face. In some cases, these are still visible. Three characteristics are most 
useful in identifying his lettering. All of his As have a downward-point- 
ing central bar. Terminal ds, as in the word "aged," are always lowercase, 
even though all other letters are carved uppercase. And the letter I, as was 
the case with the D Carver, is always dotted. While D would split words 
with a simple "-," Teetzel used an "=" sign. On English-language grave- 
markers, extremely elaborate cursive lettering was occasionally used to 
inscribe the initials of the deceased on the stone's tympanum (see Fig. 11). 
Only his German-language carving was done using Gothic lettering (Fig. 
12). Regardless of language, the letters are well formed and clearly cut. 

Other characteristics serve to distinguish his work. All of his grave- 
markers have a border, generally l A inch wide, carved so as to parallel the 
edges of the stone. The stones are very evenly shaped, with smoothed 
sides and face. Almost all have rectangular bodies with arched tympa- 







Fig. 10. Debra Dowe gravemarker, 1796, Swayze Family Cemetery, 

Hope Township. Inscribed "TEETZEL IN HARDWICK," 

it is the only marker that notes where Teetzel worked. 



Richard F. Veit 



149 





M(l I 



) J 




I HL H IGI 



I. "HE.' • vr: 







Fig. 11. Peter B. Shaver gravemarker, 1799, Stillwater Cemetery. 
A good example of a Teetzel monogram. 



150 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 




** 










Fig. 12. Martha Flach gravemarker, 1793, Long Valley Lutheran/Union 
Cemetery. An illustration of Teetzel's German-language carving skills. 



Richard F. Veit 



151 



nums. The rare exceptions are shared gravemarkers which mark the rest- 
ing places of two family members and have bilobate tops. 

Teetzel's iconographic vocabulary was somewhat broader than the D 
Carver's, yet did not include anthropomorphic images. All of Teetzel's 
designs were very lightly carved in the tympanum of the gravemarker. 
Other than the aforementioned borders, he did not employ secondary 
design motifs such as flowers, ivy, or columns, as are commonly found in 
sidebars paralleling the edges of 18th century East Jersey gravemarkers. 

Common Teetzel designs include simple flowers (Fig. 13), ivy, four- 
pointed stars (Fig. 14), and, most commonly, the monogram of the 
deceased (see Fig. 11). In a series of seminal works written in the late 1960s 




Jt- 






iui_niur::ANNA 

■BOTH F>0KN i FXR1 ] A^ J h 1 *- m 
..ONtlPlfo TOT & 





Fig. 13. Philip and Anna Miller gravemarker, 1793, Yellow Frame 

Presbyterian Church cemetery. The lightly incised quatrefoil flowers 

which decorate this stone are one of Teetzel's favorite designs. 



152 



Anglo-German Carving Tradition 






Fig. 14. Catherina Flach gravemarker, 1793, shows another 

characteristic Teetzel design, a four pointed star. The inscription 

translates as "Here rests Catharina Flach, who died November 9th, 

1793, aged 22 years 9 months, 3 weeks, and 3 days. She is now counted 

among the children of God and her place is among the Saints. In the 

book of Wisdom (Psalms), 3rd chapter, 3rd verse." 



Richard F. Veit 153 



and early 1970s, anthropologists James Deetz and Edwin Dethlefsen 
argued for a three-stage evolution in gravemarker decoration: death's 
head, cherub, and urn and willow. The graveyards of northeastern New 
Jersey also display the death's heads, and cherubs; however, urns and wil- 
lows are generally absent. As already noted, southern New Jersey's 
gravemarkers are shorn of almost all decoration. In the northern part of 
the state, the monogram seems to have been a substitute for the urn and 
willow. 

Deetz argued that the urn and willow reflected a "growing seculariza- 
tion of religion." 37 I would argue that the monogram reflects an increas- 
ing emphasis on the individual. While the earlier death's heads and 
cherubs were abstract representations of spiritual beliefs, only infrequent- 
ly are true portraits of the deceased shown on their gravemarkers. 
However, by the end of the 18th century, a new emphasis had come to be 
placed on the individual. At the same time, gravemarkers became avail- 
able to a wider segment of the population than ever before, thanks in part 
to the efforts of rural artisans like the D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel. 
The fact that they opted to sign their work is equally revealing in terms of 
this change. 

Teetzel' s monograms are quite elaborate, and consist of swirling, 
curlicued letters, struck boldly into the stone. His other designs are much 
less common. Table 4 enumerates the number of gravemarkers with dif- 
ferent decorative motifs. Monograms were the most common design. At 
the same time, it is readily apparent that most of Teetzel' s gravemarkers 
were undecorated. 



Decorative Motif Number of Markers 

Ivy 1 

Star-Like Design 2 

Four-Lobe Rowers 11 

Monogram 24 



Table 4. Decorative motifs employed on Teetzel gravemarkers. 

The inscriptions on Teetzel' s gravemarkers, as well as those carved by 
the D Carver, are equally informative. Out of 99 gravemarkers, 49 bear 
epitaphs or Biblical verses in addition to their other inscriptions. 
However, when German-language and English-language gravemarkers 



154 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



are separated, some differences become readily apparent. All of the 
German-language gravemarkers have either an epitaph or Bible verse in 
addition to their basic inscription. On the other hand, forty-three of the 
English-language gravemarkers - roughly 44% - have Bible verses or epi- 
taphs. On the gravemarkers inscribed in English, epitaphs were more 
than twice as common as Bible verses, while on the German-language 
gravemarkers the ratio was reversed (see Table 5). Several of the German- 
language markers designate these verses as Leichen Text or funeral ser- 
mons. The presence of texts read at the funeral on gravemarkers is also 
common in Pennsylvania German cemeteries. University of Pennsylvania 
Professor of Folklore Donald Yoder recollects a single gravemarker which 
listed "the hymn sung at the house, the hymn sung at church, and the 
hymn sung at the graveside." 38 

Though the sample of markers with Biblical insciptions is too small for 
substantial inferences to be derived from it, it is worth noting that the 
English gravemarkers with Bible verses show a slightly higher percentage 
of New Testament citations than do the German gravemarkers. Overall, 
Matthew, Psalms, and Isaiah are the most frequently cited books of the 
Bible. 



English English 

Epitaph Bible Verse 

31 12 



German 


German 


Epitaph 


Bible Verse 


3 


10 



Table 5. Epitaphs and Biblical verses employed on gravemarkers 
carved by the D Carver and John Solomon Teetzel. 

The English-language epitaphs are similar to those found in New 
England and northeastern New Jersey, as for instance: 

My Glass is Run 
My Time is Spend 
No Mortal Souls 
Can Death Prevent 

(Patrick Brown, 1791, Lamington Presbyterian Cemetery). 



Richard F. Veit 



155 



The use of "spend," as opposed to spent, in "My Time is Spend," appears 
on several of Teetzel's gravemarkers. Teetzel's most unusual English-lan- 
guage epitaph appears on the previously discussed gravemarker of 
Debora Do we, who died at the age of 19 on April 28, 1796. It reads: 

Sleep On and Rest Here in The 
Tomb The Bridegroom 
Jesus Called The Home 
But Sleep Till We Do Meet 
Above Then We Will Dwell 
In Joy and Love T. Cool 



Teetzel in Hardwick 



Apparently T. Cool was the author of the epitaph on this stone, which 
is found in the Swayze Family Cemetery in Hope Township. The Cool 
family was one of the first families to settle in this area of northwestern 
New Jersey. 

Teetzel's German-language epitaphs resemble the English-language 
ones in form but differ in phrasing. The gravemarker of Matthias Flach 
(1770-1793) in the Union Church Cemetery in Long Valley provides a 
good example: 



HIER IN DIESER 
GRABE RUHET 
MATTHIAS FLACH 1ST 
GEBOREN DEN 19 MAY 
1770 UND 1ST GESTORBEN 
DEN 27 NOVEMBER 1793 
WIRD ALT 23 IAHR 6 
MONATE UND 8 TAGE 
UNTER DIESEN STEINE 
DARUBER MEIN GEBEIN 
VON ALLEN SORG U: PLAG 
BIS AN DEN JUNGSTEN 
TAG: 



HERE IN THIS 

GRAVE RESTS 

MATTHIAS FLACH 

WAS BORN THE 19TH OF MAY 

1770 AND DIED 

THE 27 NOVEMBER 1793 

WAS 23 YEARS OLD, 6 

MONTHS AND 8 DAYS 

UNDER THIS STONE 

OVER MY BONES 

FROM ALL TROUBLES AND PROBLEMS 

UNTIL THE NEW 

DAY 



Another common German-language epitaph is in fact a Biblical quote (Job 
14:1), but is not provided with a citation. It appears, for example, on the 
Martha Flach (1793-1793) gravemarker in the same cemetery: 



156 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



DER MENSCH VON MAN THAT IS 

WEIBE GEBOREN LE= BORN OF WOMAN 

BEN NUR EINE KURZE IS OF FEW DAYS 

ZEIT UND 1ST VOLLER AND IS FULL OF 

UNRUHE TROUBLE 

Presumably, the phrase was so well known that no reference was needed. 

Abner Stewart: Teetzel's Successor 

Despite his success as a carver, Teetzel's career in New Jersey closed in 
1800, at which point Abner Stewart, a carver trained in the East Jersey 
style, appears to have taken over much of Teetzel's old stomping grounds. 
Stewart carved solely in English and worked in Marksboro, a crossroads 
village within Hardwick Township. His stones, while masterfully carved, 
were somewhat more reserved than those of Teetzel. The only decoration 
employed on the markers were small initials, sometimes within a car- 
touche, and occasionally sidebars. 

Stewart had been trained by Ebenezer Price, the most active of the East 
Jersey carvers. Price's shop in Elizabethtown, New Jersey shipped grave- 
markers as far away as North Carolina and the Caribbean. However, Price 
did not penetrate the northwestern New Jersey market. Stewart was 
apparently a trial for his master, who advertised for the runaway appren- 
tice on June 4th of 1788: 

THREE POUNDS REWARD 

Run away from the subscriber about 3 weeks ago, an apprentice boy, 
named Abner Stewart, strong and able, nearly 20 years, 5 feet 8 inches high, 
brown hair, bluish eyes, cloathed in a half worn suit of blue coating, plated 
buttons, and good wool hat; went away on account of a riot, & c. 
Committed in this town, in which he was supposed to have been an aggres- 
sor; it all being settled by his father, who is desirous that he should return 
to his master and serve out his time, being his duty and interest to do so. 
All persons are hereby forewarned entertaining, employing or carrying 
him off, but should he return immediately, all shall be well, if not, whoev- 
er will take up said apprentice and bring him home, or secure him in any 
gaol so that his sad master may have him again shall have the above 
reward, and all reasonable charged paid by 

Ebenezer Price, 

Stonecutter. 

Elizabethtown, June 3, 1788 39 



Richard F. Veit 157 



Stewart apparently returned, for roughly a year later he became the pro- 
prietor of his former master's shop. However, by the late 1790s he had 
moved from Elizabethtown to northwestern New Jersey, where he carved 
into the first decade of the 19th century. 

Teetzel after Hardwick 

For unknown reasons, John Solomon Teetzel stopped carving grave- 
markers in New Jersey, and presumably left the state in 1801. He next sur- 
faces in Trafalgar Township, Halton County, Ontario, Canada in 1814. 
Carole Hanks' Early Ontario Gravestones illustrates the gravemarker of 
Hannah Nelles, dated April 28th, 1814, which appears to have been 
carved by his hand. 40 On April 5, 1819, Teetzel purchased 100 acres in 
Trafalgar Township. 41 Unfortunately, no will or inventory survives for 
him. However, even on the Canadian frontier he continued to carve 
gravemarkers. Teetzel's own gravemarker also survives in the Palermo 
United Church Cemetery in Trafalgar Township. It reads: 

John Solomon Teetzel 

b. 27th Feb. 1762 d. 4th Dec. 1836 

in the 75th year of his age 

a native of Upper Saxony, Germany. 

Conclusions 

In the years after the American Revolution, thanks to the efforts of two 
stoneworkers, John Solomon Teetzel, and another man known simply as 
the D Carver, northwestern New Jersey was home to an unusual collec- 
tion of German- and English-language gravemarkers. This article is meant 
to serve simply as an introduction to these gravemarkers, which are 
found in Sussex, Warren, Morris, and Somerset counties. These simple 
memorials commemorate the unique Anglo-German subculture which 
flourished in northwestern New Jersey at the end of the 18th century. 

Their iconography is distinct from that found in other parts of the 
state. With a few noteworthy exceptions, the skulls, crossbones, and 
cherubs seen on many northern New Jersey gravestones are missing. 
Instead, Teetzel and the D Carver employed some of the designs associat- 
ed with Pennsylvania and the Palatinate's rich carving traditions: flowers, 
stars, and hearts. While the D Carver was the more inventive of the two 
artisans, placing, for example, a small ghost-like figure at the base of one 



158 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



stone, Teetzel's work is plain but solid. However, Teetzel produced very 
different markers for his English and German clients. On English-lan- 
guage stones enormous ciphers sometimes stretch across the entire tym- 
panum of the gravemarker, leaving no doubt about the identity of the 
deceased. For German clients, he employed Biblical passages and Gothic 
lettering. 

Although the gravemarkers tell us somethings about New Jersey's 
early German settlers, they speak more about the influence of certain tal- 
ented individuals in shaping the cultural landscapes we inhabit today. 
The D Carver and Teetzel were the first identifiable individuals to regu- 
larly carve gravemarkers in northwestern New Jersey. The stones they 
crafted undoubtedly were influenced by their clients' preferences, but 
they were also shaped by their own skills and interests. Only once did the 
D Carver attempt to produce a cherub, and it would appear that the mark- 
er drew a less than salutory review. Teetzel, despite clear skill with a chis- 
el, carved a very limited repertoire of designs and epitaphs. The work of 
these artisans provides a cautionary tale for interpreters of mortuary art. 
A few conservative, or alternatively inventive, carvers have the power of 
producing gravemarkers that tell us as much about their individual psy- 
chology as about the larger cultural trends they exist within. 

Finally, Teetzel and the D Carver were, in a sense, working on bor- 
rowed time. They were working at the tail end of the vernacular carving 
period in New Jersey. In the early 19th century, a wave of bleached white 
marble markers, often shorn of all decoration, drowned out the distinctive 
regional vernacular styles that had flourished over the previous hundred 
years. From Maine to Tennessee, Philadelphia-style white marble markers 
became the norm of the young republic. Only in a few small pockets did 
traditional carving persist. The neoclassical revival style popularized in 
England and carved by full-time professional carvers had emerged, and 
with slowly improving transportation networks allowed a few profes- 
sionals to subsume the back-country artisans. 42 In New Jersey, some 
carvers made the transition to the newly imported medium. Others, such 
as Teetzel, did not. Instead, he went further west (and north) to a new 
frontier, where his craftsmanship was still in demand. Of course, we will 
never know for sure what motivated his move, but with his departure the 
short-lived Anglo-German carving tradition of northern New Jersey 
expired, to be marked for all eternity by these solid stones which remain 
as his enduring legacy. 



Richard F. Veit 159 



NOTES 

This essay has been a long-term project and many people have helped substantially improve 
it. I initially noticed the German-language gravemarkers in Long Valley New Jersey in 1994. 
In 1995, during a presentation on historic gravemarkers at the Museum of Early Trades and 
Crafts, John Medallis, of Dunellen, New Jersey commented on a slide I had shown of a 
Teetzel gravemarker. Roughly a year later he sent me an extensive list of Teetzel grave- 
markers. I continued photographing Teetzel's work during this time, as well as slowly accu- 
mulating information about him. At the 1998 meeting of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies m West Long Branch, New Jersey, John O'Brien exhibited an excellent poster display 
on the Stillwater Cemetery. Inspired, I took to the road and completed the research present- 
ed here. Genealogists Susan Burton and Albert King helped locate obscure references to 
Teetzel, for which I am grateful. The talented interlibrary loan staff at Monmouth 
University's Guggenheim Library was able to locate all of the esoteric sources I required for 
my research. Evelyn Stryker Lewis of the Neptune Historical Museum gave unstinting 
access to her excellent local history collection. Historian Paul Schopp and Kristian Eshelman 
commented on an early draft of this paper. Kristian Eshelman, Fred McKitrick (Monmouth 
University, Department of History), and Kirsten McKitrick assisted with the translations. I 
appreciate their skills and assistance. Talented graphic artist Dawn Turner turned my crude 
sketch of northwestern New Jersey into an attractive map. Any errors of fact or omission 
remain, of course, my own. 

1. Two excellent examples of this approach are Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker, The 
Founding of American Civilization, the Middle Colonies (New York, NY, 1968); and David 
Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York, NY, 1989). 

2. For example, see Peter Wacker, Land and People: A Cultural Geography of Preindustrial 
New Jersey (New Brunswick, NJ, 1975), and "New Jersey's Cultural Landscape Before 
1800," in Papers Presented at the Second Annual New Jersey History Symposium (Newark, 
NJ, 1971), 35-61; and Charles A. Stansfield, Jr., A Geography of New Jersey: The City in the 
Garden (New Brunswick, NJ, 1998). 

3. Quoted in Stansfield, A Geography of New Jersey, 1 . 

4. W. Winterbotham, An Historical and Geographical, Commercial, and Philosophical View of 
the United States of America and of the European Settlements in America and the West Indies 
(New York, NY, 1796), 379. 

5. For example, see Diana Williams Coombs, Early Gravestone Art in Georgia and South 
Carolina (Athens, GA, 1986); and Ruth M. Little, Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of 
North Carolina Gravemarkers (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998). 

6. Harriette Merrifield Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men ivho Made 
Them, 1653-1800 (1927; reprint, New York, NY, 1989); James Deetz and Edwin S. 
Dethlefsen, "Some Social Aspects of New England's Colonial Mortuary Art," American 
Antiquity 36 (1966):30-38; James Deetz and Edwin S. Dethlefsen, "Death's Head, 
Cherub, Urn, and Willow, " Natural History 76 3 (1967):29-37. 

7. Descriptions of eastern New Jersey's 18th century gravemarkers are provided in Emily 
Wasserman, Gravestone Designs, Rubbings, and Photographs from Early New York and New 
Jersey (New York, NY, 1972); Richard F. Welch, "The New York and New Jersey 



160 Anglo-German Carving Tradition 



Gravestone Carving Tradition/' Markers IV (1987):l-54; Richard Veit, "Grave Insights 
Into Middlesex County's Colonial Culture," New Jersey History 114: 3-4 (1997): 75-94. 

8. Elizabeth Crowell, Migratory Monuments and Missing Motifs: Archaeological Analysis of 
Mortuary Art in Cape May County, New Jersey, 1740-1810 (Ph.D. diss., University of 
Pennsylvania, 1983). 

9. Elizabeth Crowell, "Philadelphia Gravestones 1760-1829," Northeast Historical 
Archaeology 10 (1981):22-29. 

10. Wacker, Land and People, 217. 

11. Hubert G. Schmidt, Agriculture in New Jersey: A Three-Hundred-Year History (New 
Brunswick, NJ, 1973), 35. 

12. Preston A. Barba, Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study in Folk Art (Allentown, PA, 
1954). 

13. Thomas E. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones: An Introduction," Markers V 
(1988): 60-95; Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber, "Early Pennsylvania Gravemarkers," 
Markers V (1988):96-121. 

14. Frances Lichten, The Art of Rural Pennsylvania (New York, NY, 1946), 123-135; John 
Joseph Stout, Pennsylvania German Folk Art: An Interpretation (Allentown, PA, 1966). 

15. Michael S. Showalter, "Carved in Stone: A Study of Tombstones in Cocalico," Journal of 
the Historical Society of the Cocalico Valley XI (1986):25-44; Frank McDonald, 
"Pennsylvania German Tombstone Art of Lebanon County, Pennsylvania," 
Pennsylvania Folklife 25:1 (1975): 2-14. An especially insightful work, which combines 
analysis of 19th century Pennsylvania German gravestone carving with other, related 
elements of material folk culture is Simon J. Bronner, "Elaborating Tradition: A 
Pennsylvania-German Folk Artist Ministers to His Community," in Creativity and 
Tradition in Folklore: New Directions, ed. Simon J. Bronner (Logan, UT, 1992), 277-325. 

16. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 76. 

17. Ibid., 78. 

18. Lichten, The Art of Rural Pennsylvania, 131. 

19. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 74. 

20. Barba, Pennsylvania German Tombstones, 24. 

21. Ibid., 15. 

22. Little, Sticks and Stones, 88. 

23. John W. Barber and Henry Howe, Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey (New 
Haven, CT, 1868), 446. 

24. Little, Sticks and Stones, 85-89. 

25. Dodderer's birthplace and date of birth were found on the Main International 
Genealogical Index at the Family Search Center of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- 



Richard F. Veit 161 



Day Saints in Salt Lake City Utah. Important historical and genealogical sources for 
northwestern New Jersey include Theodore Chambers, The Early Germans ofNezv Jersey; 
Their History, Churches, and Genealogies, (Baltimore, MD, 1969); James P. Snell, History of 
Sussex and Warren Counties, New Jersey (Philadelphia, PA, 1881); George Wyckoff 
Cummins, History of Warren County, New Jersey (New York, NY, 1911); Frank 
Shampanore, History and Directory of Warren County (Washington, NJ, 1929). 

26. Warren County was formed from Sussex County on November 20, 1824: see John P. 
Snyder, The Story of New Jersey's Civil Boundaries 1606-1968 (Trenton, NJ, 1969), 245. 

27. Snell, History of Sussex and Werren Counties, 617. 

28. Ibid., 620. 

29. A. Van Doren Honeyman, ed., Documents Relating to the Colonial and Revolutionary 
History of the State of New Jersey, First Series Vol. XXXIV, Calendar of New Jersey Wills, 
Administrations, etc. Vol. V 1771-1780 (Trenton, NJ, 1921), 101, 336, 338. 

30. Will of Jacob Dodderer, 1813, Warren County, 1350 S, New Jersey State Archives, 
Trenton, NJ. 

31. Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 68; 70. 

32. Susan Burton, Ontario Genealogist, to author, September 8, 1998. Records in the Family 
Search Center of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints notes, somewhat more 
specifically, that Teetzel was born in Sachsen-coburg-gotha, Thuringen. 

33. Albert King, New Jersey Genealogist, to author, November 7, 1997. 

34. Henry Havens, General Index to the Laws of the State of Neiv York (New York, NY, 1886), 
279. 

35. Elmer T. Hutchinson, Documents Relating to the Colonial, Revolutionanj, and Post- 
Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, First Series, Vol. XXXVII, Calendar of New 
Jersey Wills, Administrations, Etc. Vol. VIII, 1791-1795 (Jersey City, NJ, 1942), 214; Elmer 
T. Hutchinson, Documents Relating to the Colonial, Revolutionary, and Post-Revolutionary 
History of the State of New Jersey, First Series, Vol. XXXVIII, Calendar of New Jersey Wills, 
Administrations, Etc. Vol. IX, 1796-1800 (Newark, NJ, 1944), 207; 329; 339. 

36. Charles Glatfelter, Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the 
Pennsylvania Field, 1717-1793 (Breiningsville, PA, 1981), 211; 213. 

37. James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life (New York, 
NY, 1977), 72. 

38. See Graves, "Pennsylvania German Gravestones," 93, footnote 15. 

39. Quoted in Wasserman, Gravestone Designs ... , 16. 

40. Carole Hanks, Early Ontario Gravestones (Toronto, Ontario, Canada, 1974), 42. 

41. Susan Burton, Ontario Genealogist to author, November 7, 1997. 

42. Little, Sticks and Stones, 179-181. 



162 



Lettering and Carver Identification 






Frontispiece. Jacob Brinkerhof, 1758, First Reformed Church, 
Fishkill, NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 



163 



BY THEIR CHARACTERS YOU SHALL KNOW THEM: 
USING STYLES OF LETTERING TO IDENTIFY GRAVESTONE CARVERS 

Gray Williams 

Introduction 

Those of us who enjoy studying old, pre-industrial gravestones tend 
to concentrate our attention on the decorations carved on them. This pre- 
occupation is quite understandable, for decoration is the beauty part - the 
element that offers the greatest opportunity for artistic self-expression. 
But if you're trying to figure out which carver did what stones, comparing 
decorative designs has its limits. A carver may change his decorative style 
considerably over the course of his career, and may occasionally use dif- 
ferent designs even on stones carved about the same time. 

But there is one other element of carving that is less likely to change 
over time, or to vary from one example to another. That element is the 
style of the characters - letters, numerals, and typographical symbols. As 
a rule, and with some exceptions, carvers tend to settle on a particular 
style of carving characters early in their careers, and they then stick to it. 
That style tends to be as personal as handwriting, and makes it possible 
to identify an individual carver's work with fair assurance, no matter 
what his choice of decorative devices. 

Theoretically, any letter and any number might serve to help identify 
a carver's style. But some characters are much more valuable than others. 
This article can cover only the most important, and can illustrate only a 
selected range of the many possible variations among them. 

To be useful in identification, a character has to meet at least three 
basic criteria: 

• It must be common. It has to appear on all of a carver's stones, or at 
least a high percentage of them. This rule eliminates many capital 
letters, as well as uncommon lower-case letters such as q, x, and z. 

• It must be distinctive. It must offer a wide enough range of variations 
in form so that the carver's particular choices differ plainly from 
others. The most distinctive characters tend to be the most complex 
in form, with several variable details for the carver to play with. 



164 Lettering and Carver Identification 



• It must be consistent. The carver must always render it in much the 
same way, either over time, or at least at any given time. The numer- 
als one and seven, for instance, flunk the tests for both distinctive- 
ness and consistency. Their shapes are too simple for much varia- 
tion, and the carver may execute them differently on different 
stones, or even on the same stone. This is unfortunate, since they 
appear on all eighteenth-century stones. 

No single character can be used to pinpoint a carver's style. You need 
the accumulated evidence of several different examples to make a reliable 
identification. Even then, you may find exceptions and variations among 
specific characters on specific stones. But despite minor inconsistencies, 
comparison should reveal a clear pattern of choices, which together con- 
stitute an unmistakeable style. 

It must be admitted that using characters to identify carvers doesn't 
always work. With eroded marble stones, for example, it's usually hope- 
less. And because Victorian lettering, however florid and ornate, tends to 
be copied mechanically from printed patterns, rather than designed by 
the individual carver, identifications made from it are likely to be unreli- 
able. Equally unreliable are the characters produced by amateur and 
semiprofessional carvers. In general, such carvers aren't secure enough in 
their craft to develop a consistent style. 

The following illustrations are taken from eighteenth and early nine- 
teenth century sandstone markers in the Hudson and Connecticut 
Valleys. The same principles, however, can be applied to stones of the 
same period in other areas. 



Gray Williams 



165 




Fig. 1. John and Barbare Van Voorhis, 1757, 1743, 

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 

Attributed to John Zuricher. 



166 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Lower-case g; Capital A 

Perhaps the single most useful character for carver identification is 
lower-case g. It isn't an especially common letter in English, but because 
it is part of the word "age," it often turns up on gravestones. It has the 
most complicated shape of any letter in the alphabet, and forces the carv- 
er to make several different choices in the handling of its details. 

The upper loop, or bell, for example, may be about the same size as 
other lower-case letters, or it may be smaller, and placed above the base 
line. The small "ear" protruding from it may be curved or straight, may 
be placed right on top or angled to the right, and may taper to a point or 
end in a dot or serif. The loop of the lower bell may be closed or open, and 
may vary from large and wide to small and narrow. 

Many carvers use a capital A to start "Age" or "Aged," making this 
one of the few capitals common enough to be useful. Capital A may be 
wide or narrow, with a high or low or even v-shaped crossbar. It may 
stand straight up or lean to the right, and its legs may end in a variety of 
serifs. It isn't quite as distinctive as lower-case g, but nicely reinforces it. 



Gray Williams 



167 




aa» 








lit 



Fig. 2a 



Fig. 2b 







£ 



WJ, 



It 



Fig. 2d 




Fig. 2e 



168 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Lower-case y; Lower-case r 

The letter y like g, is relatively uncommon in our language but 
appears frequently on gravestones in such words as "memory," "body" 
"days," or "years." The v-shape of its upper part may be relatively broad 
or narrow, and the top serifs may vary in size and weight. The descender 
may also vary in several different ways. Although it usually extends 
slightly under the preceding letter, it may stick discreetly to its own space, 
or else swoop far to the left. It may be straight or curved, or hang down 
vertically. It may end in a point, a curl, a dot, or a teardrop. 

The word "memory" (as well as "here," "year," and "departed) pro- 
vides another very useful character: lower-case r. This very common and 
deceptively simple letter gives the carver several choices, particularly in 
the relationship of the upright stem to the protruding ear. The stem may 
have about the same thickness as the ear, or it may be much heavier, so 
that the ear seems almost a puny afterthought. The stem serifs may vary 
widely in width and slope. The ear itself may be broad or stubby, strong- 
ly curved or almost straight. It may end in anything from a point to a serif. 
One very obvious distinction in construction is whether the ear is direct- 
ly connected to the stem, or completely separate from it. Carvers who 
make the r with separate ears often form other letters, such as m and n, 
the same way. 



Gray Williams 



169 




Fig. 3a 



Ecmori 



Fig. 3b 





Fig. 3c 



Fig. 3d 



P 

m 




Fig. 3e 



Fig. 3f 



170 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Lower-case a; Capital Y 

The ubiquitous gravestone word "year" contains, in addition to lower- 
case r, another very common and useful letter: lower-case a. It is com- 
posed of two strokes, each of which can vary a great deal. The letter as a 
whole may be broad or narrow. Its lower bell may be relatively small or 
large, and the upper end may have a reverse curve. The end of the upper 
extension may be aligned more or less precisely over the lower bell, or it 
may noticeably overhang the bell. And it may end in anything from a 
tapered point to a teardrop. 

Some carvers customarily start "year" with a capital. The joint 
between the upright stem and the diagonal arms may be relatively low or 
high. The arms themselves may spread out fairly wide, or they may be 
narrowly constrained. The letter as a whole may be upright, or lean to the 
left or right. Unlike lower-case letter y, however, the capital isn't quite 
common enough to serve as more than a reinforcer. 



Gray Williams 



171 



-,3 -*■-% 




Fig. 4a 



Fig. 4b 



£\>V^=Afc?*.V 






Wmm% 



II 






Fig. 4c 



Fig. 4d 












Fig. 4e 



172 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Lower-case t 

There is scarcely an old gravestone that doesn't have a "the" or "this" 
(or "het" in Hudson Valley Dutch) somewhere on it, supplying the lower- 
case letter t. Like lower-case r, t may seem deceptively simple, but there 
are many possible variations. Perhaps the simplest form is somewhat 
shorter than other tall letters, with a pointed ascender and a plain line 
crossbar. But the letter may be unusually short or tall, and the ascender 
may be straight or curved. There may be a triangular connection between 
the stem and the crossbar, suggesting that both have been executed with 
a single stroke. Either the crossbar or the ascender (or both) may end in a 
serif, the serifs may vary in size and slope. The bottom of the upright ends 
with a curve (never a serif), but the degree of curvature can vary greatly. 



Gray Williams 



173 




Fig. 5a 



Fig. 5b 



";V : ., 







Fig. 5c 



Fig. 5d 




Fig. 5e 



174 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Lower-case f 

Likewise, there is hardly an old stone without "of" somewhere on it. 
On the gravestones of women, you may get "wife" as well. Lower-case f 
is constructed along the same lines as t - except that the bottom of f has a 
serif, and t does not. 

So, f has many of the same variations as t, in its upright stem and 
crossbar. But it also has variations in its curving ascender. It may be very 
narrow - hardly wider than the crossbar. Often, though, it extends far 
beyond the crossbar. And it can end in several different ways, from a point 
to a dot. Usually its upright is vertical, but sometimes it leans to the right. 



Gray Williams 



175 



:^fe 






K.Viilil 






^ 



1 1 






I 



*4 ' ^SsbSE 



y^V 



Fig. 6a 



Fig. 6b 





Fig. 6c 



Fig. 6d 






Fig. 6e 



176 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Capital J 

As was mentioned previously, capitals generally aren't as useful as 
lower-case letters because they're not common enough: they don't turn 
up on a high enough proportion of a carver's stones. Capital J is a partial 
exception because many first names - men's names in particular - start 
with it, not to mention the months January, June, and July, and the Dutch 
word Jaar, for year. 

Capital J may be wide or narrow. Its bottom may rest on the base line, 
or it may descend below the line. The serif at the top and the ending at the 
bottom way vary in several ways. Finally, some carvers tend not to use 
capital J at all, but to substitute capital I for it. 



Gray Williams 



177 




Fig. 7a 



Fig. 7b 




Fig. 7c 



Fig. 7d 



178 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numeral 8 

Unlike capital letters, certain numerals can be very useful in pinning 
down an individual carver, even if they don't appear on all his stones. The 
main exceptions, as I've mentioned, are 1 and 7, which are very common 
but often not rendered distinctively or consistently. Zero also fails the test 
for distinctiveness. 

A very distinctive numeral, by contrast, is 8. Its double loop requires 
answers to at least two basic questions. First and foremost, what will be 
its size? It can be quite tall, with its upper loop ascending as high as a cap- 
ital letter. It can be short - "x high" - the same height as the main body of 
a lower-case character. Or, more rarely, it can be in-between, with its lower 
loop descending below the baseline. 

The second question is: how will it be constructed? It can be carved as 
a single, endless line - an infinity sign set on end. Or the line may have 
distinct ends, rather like an extended letter s. And the ends may meet the 
crossover at quite different points. As with other characters, once a carv- 
er has answered these basic questions, he is likely to stick with the same 
answers indefinitely. 



Gray Williams 



179 










Fig. 8a 



Fig. 8b 





Fig. 8c 



Fig. 8d 







' 



Fig. 8e 



180 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numeral 5 

Carvers tend to construct numerals 5 and 3 in similar ways, so these 
characters often reinforce each other for identification purposes. 

Numeral 5 may be relatively modest in size, or its lower bell may 
swoop well below the baseline. The curve may end in anything from a 
tapered point to a teardrop. The top bar may be a simple straight line, but 
usually it is curved. It can be either short or long, thick or narrow, nearly 
horizontal or tipping downward. The connecting stroke may likewise be 
short or long, and of variable pitch. 



Gray Williams 



181 




Fig. 9a 



Fig. 9b 




> 




Fig. 9c 



. 




Fig. 9d 



182 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numeral 3 

Numeral 3 may be relatively small - no more than x-high. Or it may 
be quite large, ascending to the height of a capital or descending well 
below the baseline. Its top bar and connector may be straight, or they may 
form a single curve. Both the top bar and bottom curve may end in a vari- 
ety of ways. 



Gray Williams 



183 





fipP^.-'S-' ••£*** 



Fig. 10a 
















Fig. 10b 




-*' • 3v^' 'v"'kr-' : ' v ;'''i\\'v;.V-*-— '-^ ^ 

-." .'. /X; * i ; .'■ ■■•.''- Jim- .'. 'i'?-';',iV '-"^li./! *•"-''" 





Fig. 10c 



Fig. lOd 



184 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numeral 4 

Numeral 4 varies mainly in its proportions. The length of the upright 
stem and of the crossbar can vary widely, which in turn varies the size and 
shape of the upper triangle. More often than not, the character is placed 
with its crossbar on the baseline, but sometimes the stem rests on the base- 
line. Both the stem and crossbar customarily have serifs, but their shape 
and size may vary. Less common (and hence more distinctive) variations 
include a stem that stops short of the apex, and a diagonal stroke that is 
curved rather than straight. 



Gray Williams 



185 




Fig. 11a 



Fig. lib 



l?^ 



wm&m 



Fig. lie 





Fig. lid 



186 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numeral 2 

Numeral 2 is just about always a small character, no more than x-high. 
The variations in its form derive mainly from the relationship of its two 
parts. The upper curve may be about the same width as the line of the 
base, or it may be noticeably wider or narrower. Moreover, while the 
upper curve almost always ends in a point, the degree of its curl may vary, 
Likewise, the serif that typically ends the base may vary in its size and 
shape. 



Gray Williams 



187 




Fig. 12a 



^v 






Hi 







Fig. 12b 




Fig. 12c 



188 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Numerals 6 and 9 

The first two illustrations in this group come from the same stone. 
They demonstrate that numerals 6 and 9 are essentially reversed forms of 
each other. They vary primarily in the length, angle, and degree of curva- 
ture of their ascender or descender. 



Gray Williams 



189 




S§5 ?^E 



Fig. 13a 



Fig. 13b 







^% 







Fig. 13c 



Fig. 13d 



190 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Special Characters 

In addition to letters and numerals, there are a few special characters 
that can be used to distinguish one carver's work from another. They 
include ampersands and letter combinations like ye and AD. These are 
not merely characters, but elements of decoration, and tend to be very 
personal. 



Gray Williams 



191 




r^.VXN.:^ v; 



Fig. 14a 






-">-'> ^ 




Fig. 14b 







..-■i 



Fig. 14c 



192 Lettering and Carver Identification 



Character Analysis in Action: Splitting and Clumping 

The comparison of character styles can be helpful in both splitting - 
separating the work of one carver from another - and dumping - deter- 
mining that works with different designs are by the same carver. 

Let's take clumping first. The soul effigy on the stone of Jacob 
Brinckerhof (Frontispiece and Figs. 15a-d), dated 1758, in Fishkill, New 
York, is typical of the work of the New York City carver John Zuricher. But 
how would you know that the nearby double stone for John and Barbare 
Van Voorhis (Figs. 1 and 16a-e), dated 1757 and 1743, is also Zuricher 's 
work? The profile skulls are quite unlike his usual soul effigies. 

It is the style of the characters that gives Zuricher away. Shown here 
are only a few of the comparisons that can be made. The similarities in let- 
ters g, a, r, f, and y, and numeral 4, leave little doubt that both stones are 
by the same hand. 

Finally, an example of splitting. In the late eighteenth and early nine- 
teenth centuries, the most prolific and popular carver in Westchester 
County, New York, was Solomon Brewer. A native of Springfield, 
Massachusetts, Brewer brought the distinctive Connecticut Valley style 
with him when he moved to New York after the Revolution. 

In the old churchyard of St. Mark's in Mount Kisco, New York, is a 
stone for Elizabeth Miller, who died in 1813 (Figs. 17a-d). At first glance, 
it looks as if it were carved by Brewer. It may look a little awkward, per- 
haps, but in general it is fairly convincing. But if you compare the charac- 
ters with those on a couple of nearby stones that are known to be by 
Brewer (Figs. 18a-e), serious inconsistencies jump out at you. 

To show just a few examples: the differences in the letters r and y of 
"Memory" might be explained away as variations in a single carver's 
style. But the g's in "Aged" are constructed so very differently that there 
is virtually no possibility the same person could have carved them. The 
same is true, to a lesser extent, of the two versions of numeral 3. The stone 
for Elizabeth Miller is a forgery - a knock-off - of Brewer's style. 

The imitator probably thought that he had gotten away with it. His 
soul effigy, unlike most of Brewer's, wears a slight smile. It looks to me 
like a sly, knowing smirk. 



Gray Williams 



193 







Fig. 15a 



Fig. 15b 




# 



Fig. 15c 







BBS 



WS 



■T 




Fig. 15d 



Details from stone of Jacob Brinkerhof, 1758, 

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 

Attributed to John Zuricher. 



194 



Lettering and Carver Identification 



;>'; ...". ,'■.; 




■ v 



Fig. 16a 






Fig. 16b 




- •.*"'- \"~-- ^ ■ ~. v - ~= 



- " '.'■' :'. * 



Fig. 16c 




Fig. 16d 



tlllili 







Fig. 16e 



Details from stone of John and Barbare Van Voorhis, 1757, 1743, 

First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 

Attributed to John Zuricher. 



Gray Williams 



195 




Fig. 17a. Elizabeth Miller, 1813, St. Mark's Churchyard, 
Mt. Kisko, NY. Unknown imitator of Solomon Brewer. 



196 



Lettering and Carver Identification 




£xr*m 



e i m w \ 



Fig. 17b 



: 




Fig. 17c 



Fig. 17d 



Details from stone of Elizabeth Miller, 1813, St. Mark's Churchyard, 
Mt. Kisko, NY. Unknown imitator of Solomon Brewer. 



Gray Williams 



197 






c:^ Ci%if a ^ . 

fie die d A' •■ c^ca i£§ .1 70 £ 
-Wed izi Ye 




/"®3 $ 



v. ''"^^ 

swk I'iM 



Fig. 18a. Robert Craft, 1792, St. Mark's Churchyard, 
Mount Kisko, NY. Documented to Solomon Brewer. 



198 



Lettering and Carver Identification 







JO * 




Fig. 18b. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, 
Mount Kisko, NY. Documented to Solomon Brewer. 



Gray Williams 



199 




- y ■ 



Fig. 18c 




, O 



^;fc|^3l^^^^^ 



£ ,; ;*" - \^ * t 






*«5S£-r 



Fig. 18d 



■■:->• 



H 



lllitllll^ 






I 



"sa^^'^v: 



^toj?' 



W 



Fig. 18e 



.•^ 



m § 






Details from stones of Robert Craft, 1792, and William Craft, 1791, 

St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisko, NY. 

Documented to Solomon Brewer. 



200 Lettering and Carver Identification 



APPENDIX I 

Useful Characters for Identifying Gravestone Carvers 

a Overall width: narrow or broad? Lower bell: large or small? Reverse 
curve at upper end? Upper curve: even with lower bell, shorter, or 
hanging over? Ends in point, dot, or teardrop? 

A Overall width: narrow or broad? Stands up straight or leans to right? 
Crossbar: high or low? Shape of serifs? 

f Overall height: short or tall? Crossbar: serif or no serif? Shape of serif 
at base? Width of curve at top: even with end of crossbar, shorter, or 
hanging over? Ends in point, dot, teardrop, or serif? Stands up 
straight or leans to right? 

g Upper bell: large or small? Placed at baseline or above it? Shape, 
position of protruding "ear"? Lower bell: large or small? Closed or 
open loop? If open, shape of tip? 

i Shape of serif at base? Shape of dot: round or angular? 

j Size, shape of serif at top? Descender: long or short? Shape, size of 
curve at base? Curve ends in point, dot, or teardrop? 

J Wide or narrow? Rests upon baseline or descends below it? Size, 
shape of serif at top? Size, shape of curve at base? Curve ends in 
point, dot, or teardrop? Capital I customarily substituted for J? 

p,q Descender: long or short? Serif or no serif at bottom? 

r Stem: thick or thin, compared with protruding ear? Width and slope 
of serifs? Ear: wide or narrow? Curved or straight? Ends in point, 
dot, teardrop, or serif? Connected to stem, or separate? 

s Overall width: narrow or broad? Overall angle: Vertical or leaning 
to right? Upper curve larger or smaller than lower curve? Shape of 
serifs? 

t Overall height: short or tall? Upright stem above crossbar: thin or 
thick? Curved or straight? Ends in point or serif? Diagonal connec- 
tion between crossbar and stem? Crossbar: serif or no serif? Shape of 
bottom curve? 



Gray Williams 201 



y Upper part: v-shaped or u-shaped? Narrow or wide? Descender: 
extends under letter to left? How far? Straight or curved or hanging 
down vertically? Tip ends in point, curl, dot, or teardrop? 

Y Joint between upright stem and diagonal arms: high or low? Angle 
between arms: wide or narrow? Stands up straight or leans to right 
or left? 

2 Upper curve compared with base: narrower, wider, or same width? 
Shape of curve at upper end? Shape, size of base serif? 

3,5 Size, shape, slope of top bar? Size, slope of connecting stroke? Size, 
shape, of lower bell? Rests on baseline, or descends below it? 

4 Upright stem: long or short? Crossbar: long or short? Crossbar or 
stem rests on baseline or placed above it? Stem extends to apex or 
stops short? Diagonal: straight or curved? 

6,9 Length, angle, curvature of extender? 

8 Overall size: tall, short, or in-between? Rests on baseline or descends 
below it? Constructed as endless loop or as extended letter s? If lat- 
ter, do loop ends meet crossover at different points? 

Special characters Any distinctive typographical devices, such as amper- 
sands, superimposed letters, or joined letters? 



202 Lettering and Carver Identification 



APPENDIX II 

In Case You Were Wondering (Sources for the Illustrations) 

This article is intended to introduce the basic principles of character carv- 
ing. The identities of specific stones and their carvers are not really impor- 
tant. If, however, you are curious to know the sources of the illustrated 
details for the figures not captioned in the text, they are as follows: 

2a. Anne Humfrey, 1775, 1st Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

2b. Ensign Abel Bliss, 1762, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to Aaron Bliss. 

2c. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown. 

2d. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

2e. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

3a. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown. 

3b. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

3c. Luke Cooley, 1777, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to Ezra 
Stebbins. 

3d. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

3e. Elizabeth Bliss, 1788, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to William 
Buckland. 

3f. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver, 
Longmeadow circle. 

4a. Barns Hatfield, 1786, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White 
Plains, NY. Unknown carver. 



Gray Williams 203 



4b. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

4c. Henry Livingston Craft, 1793, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, 
New York. Attributed to the Mount Kisco carver. 

4d. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York. 
Documented to Solomon Brewer. 

4e. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

5a. Anne Humfrey, 1775, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

5b. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

5c. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown. 

5d. Catharine Meenema, 1761, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Attributed to John Zuricher. 

5e. Margret Warriner, 1764, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to Aaron Bliss. 

6a. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White 
Plains, NY. Unknown carver. 

6b. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York. 
Documented to Solomon Brewer. 

6c. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to 
Ebenezer Stebbins. 

6d. Miriam Sheldon, 1792, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to 
Ezra Stebbins. 

6e. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

7a. William Van Tassill, 1760, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Attributed to Uzal Ward. 



204 Lettering and Carver Identification 



7b. Martha Cooper, 1778, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

7c. Steeven Duryea, 1776, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Unknown carver. 

7d. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

8a. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver, 
Longmeadow circle. 

8b. Martha Cooper, 1778, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

8c. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

8d. Dr. Asa Hamilton, 1801, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to 
Thatcher Lathrop. 

8e. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White 
Plains, NY. Unknown carver. 

9a. Miriam Sheldon, 1792, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to 
Ezra Stebbins. 

9b. William Dobbs, 1781, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

9c. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York. 
Documented to Solomon Brewer. 

9d. Benjamin Meenema, 1761, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Attributed to John Zuricher. 

10a. Steeven Duryea, 1776, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Unknown carver. 

10b. Theodorus Van Wyck, 1754, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Unknown carver. 

10c. John Root, 1781, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Unknown carver, 
Longmeadow circle. 



Gray Williams 205 



10d. Henry Livingston Craft, 1793, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, 
New York. Attributed to the Mount Kisco carver. 

11a. Dr. Asa Hamilton, 1801, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to 
Thatcher Lathrop. 

lib. Anne Humfrey, 1775, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. Unknown 
carver. 

lie. Cathelyna Van Wyck, 1746. First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Attributed to Ebenezer Price. 

lid. Giles Smith, 1824, Wilbraham, MA. Unknown carver. 

12a. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to 
Ebenezer Stebbins. 

12b. Dorithy Griffin, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White 
Plains, NY. Unknown carver. 

12c. Thankful Wood, 1790, North Cemetery, Somers, CT. Attributed to 
Ezra Stebbins. 

13a. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to 
Ebenezer Stebbins. 

13b. Leonard Gordon, Asenath Bliss, 1799, Wilbraham, MA. Attributed to 
Ebenezer Stebbins. 

13c. John Fisher, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to John Zuricher. 

13d. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York. 
Documented to Solomon Brewer. 

14a. Cathelyna Van Wyck, 1746, First Reformed Church, Fishkill, NY. 
Attributed to Ebenezer Price. 

14b. Joseph Bull, 1771, White Plains Presbyterian Church, White Plains, 
NY. Attributed to Thomas Brown. 

14c. William Craft, 1791, St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, New York. 
Documented to Solomon Brewer. 



206 



THE YEAR'S WORK IN GRAVEMARKER/CEMETERY STUDIES 
Richard E. Meyer 

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to 
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the 
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be 
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Entries, listed in alphabet- 
ical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and pamphlets and 
of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are materials found 
in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals (though, as any 
researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes be gleaned from 
these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical publications (there 
are exceptions in instances where the publication is deemed to be of value 
to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and cemetery "readings," book 
reviews, electronic resources (e.g., World Wide Web sites), and irretriev- 
ably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the order of the recently pub- 
lished, "revised" edition of a book with the grotesque title, The Definitive 
Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes about Death, Funny Funeral 
Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). Beginning with Markers 
XIV, the listing has included a much larger selection of relevant foreign 
language materials in the field, formal master's- and doctoral-level theses 
and dissertations (important research often not published in the tradi- 
tional manner but nonetheless frequently obtainable through interlibrary 
loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished typescripts on deposit in 
accessible locations. In addition, from Markers XVI onwards, it has includ- 
ed publications on war, holocaust, and disaster memorials and monu- 
ments (their essential function as cenotaphs relating them to the general 
field of gravemarkers), as well as formal papers presented at academic 
conferences which are relevant to the major themes covered by this bibli- 
ography. 

With its debut in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to fill gaps 
in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 1990 
through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult the 
bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI 
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This 
same format was utilized in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV, 



207 



adding in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards 
as well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the 
1990-1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point 
be safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is 
largely complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's Work" 
has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the journal's 
annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 1998 and 1999): 
previously reported work from the earlier of these two years will not be 
repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to 
welcome addenda from readers {complete bibliographic citations, please) 
for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is made to insure 
accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission may occur, for 
which apologies are sincerely offered. 

Abadzi, Helen. "Glimpses of the Greek Community from the Dhaka University 
Gravestones: A Follow-Up." In Contributions to Bengal Studies: An Interdisciplinary and 
International Approach. Edited by Enayetur Rahim and Henry Schwartz. Dhaka, 
Bangladesh: Beximco, 1998, pp. 17-25. 

Abanovich, Judith. "Spirit Houses at Eklutna, Alaska." AGS Quarterly 23:2 (1999), pp. 4-5. 

Abbal, Odon. Les monuments aux marts de I'Herault, 1914-1918. Montpellier, France: 
Universite Oaul Valery, 1998. 

Abney, Lisa. "Grave Digging by Hand in Central Louisiana." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, October 20-24, 1999. 

Acorn, Linda. "Get Your Story in Print: How Cemetery Scholars and Preservationists can 
Develop Positive, Productive Media Relations." Presentation at Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Adams, John. "The Cemeteries of British Columbia: Their Histories and Preservation." 
Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

. "The Old Cemeteries Society of Victoria: An Organizational Overview - 

Successes and Failures." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Adams, Randy. Eternal Prairie: Exploring Rural Cemeteries of the West. Calgary, Alberta, 
Canada: Fifth House Publishers, 1999. 

A Grave Crisis in Israel: Pictures and Documents. Chicago, IL: Chicago Help for Israel's 
Cemeteries and Graves Organization, 1998. 



208 



Aguirre-Sadaba, F.J. "Hispano-Muslim Epitaphs from Arjona." Al-Qantara 19:1 (1998), pp. 
161-181. 

Arlington National Cemetery: America's National Shrine [video]. St. Albans, WV: Video 
Memories, 1998. 

Atwood, Kay. Historic Cemeteries: Where Stones Talk - A Lesson Plan for Third and Fourth Grade 
Elementary Students. Medford, OR: City of Medford Parks and Recreation Department, 
1998. 

. "Where Stones Talk: Historic Cemeteries as Curriculum for Elementary 

Schools." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 



Auster, Martin. "Making Themselves at Home: Bodies, Burial Grounds and the Poetry of 
Social Memory." Australian Folklore 13 (1998), pp. 217ff. 

Awberry, G.M. "Of Graves and Epitaphs: Dialect Archaeology and Welsh Churchyards." 
Language and Development 5 (1998), pp. 44-50. 

Aymonino, Aldo. "Topography of Memory." Lotus International 97 (1998), pp. 6-22. 

Backo, Heather. "Women and Burial Patterns in Cincinnati's Spring Grove Cemetery." Paper 
presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, 
March 31 -April 3, 1999. 

Barcellini, Serge, and Wieviorka, Annette. Passant, souviens-toil: les lieux du souvenir de la 
Seconde Guerre mondiale en France. 2nd Ed. Paris, France: Graphein, 1999. 

Bartlett, J., and Ellis, K.M. "Remembering the Dead in Northrup: First World War Memorials 
in a Welsh Parish." Journal of Contemporary History 34:2 (1999), pp. 231-242. 

Bassett, Michele Beth. "The Funerary Patronage of Catherine de' Medici: The Tomb of Henri 
II, Heart Monuments and the Valois Chapel." Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 
1999. 

Batkin, Marguerite D. "Historical Characteristics of Memorial Garden Design." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 
31 -April 3, 1999. 

. "Holy Ground: Church Memorial Gardens for the Burial of Cremated 



Remains." Master's thesis, University of Georgia, 1999. 

Beale, Helen E. "Women and First World War Memorials in Aries and la Provence mistrali- 
enne." Modern and Contemporary France 7:2 (1999), pp. 209ff. 

Beasley, Walter L. The Bottom Line: On Tombstones, That Is. Kuttawa, KY: McClanahan 
Publishing House, 1999. 



209 



Becker, A. "War Memorials: France's Tribute to its Great War Dead." Histoire 225 (1998), pp. 
50-53. 

Belmonte, J.A., et al. "Pre-Islamic Burial Monuments in Northern and Saharan Morocco." 
Archaeoastronomy 24 (1999), pp. S21-S34. 

Berger, Patricia. "Body Double: Sculpture for the Afterlife." Orientations 29 (1998), pp. 46-53. 

Bertemes, F. "The Cult Grave from the Middle Bronze Period in Drama, Thrace, and its 
Importance to Southeast-European Cultural History." Archaeologisches Nachrichtenblatt 
3:4 (1998), pp. 322-330. 

Beyern, Bertrand. Guide des tombes d'hommes celebres. Paris, France: Cherche Midi Editeur, 
1998. 

Bigler, Philip. In Honored Glory: Arlington National Cemetery, The Final Post. 3rd Ed. Arlington, 
VA: Vandamere Press, 1999. 

Bishops to Bootleggers - A Biographical Guide to Resurrection Cemetery, Madison, Wisconsin: More 
of the Ordinary and the Famous Women and Men Who Shaped Madison and the World. 
Madison, WI: Historic Madison, Inc., 1999. 

Bjernvad, Anders. Krigens Monumenter, 1940-1945. Odense, Denmark: Odense 
Universitetsforlag, 1999. 

Blachowicz, James. "Three More Members of the Soule Family of Stonecutters." AGS 
Quarterly 23:3 (1999), pp. 3-6. 

Black, Allida. "Struggling with Icons: Memorializing Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt." The 
Public Historian 21:1 (1999), pp. 63-72. 

Bogart, Michele F. "Public Space and Public Memory in New York's City Hall Park." Journal 
of Urban History 25:2 (1999), pp. 226-257. 

Bohm, Benedikt. Wolkowo Lutherischen Friedhof in St. Petersburg: Handbuch und Friedhofsfiihrer 
Deutsch und Russisch. Sankt-Petersburg, Russia: Russko-Baltiskii Informatsionnyi 
Tsenta BLITS, 1998. 

Boime, Albert. The Unveiling of the National Icons: A Plea for Patriotic Iconoclasm in a Nationalist 
Era. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1998; Ch. 4, "The Battle for 
Hearts and Minds: The Marine Corps Memorial," pp. 180-252; Epilogue, "The Vietnam 
Veterans Memorial," pp. 307-333. 

Bonanno, Carmela. I sarcofagi fittili della Sicilia. Roma, Italy: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1998. 

Booth, Donna J. Alabama Cemeteries. Birmingham, AL: Crane Hill Publishers, 1999. 

Borean, Linda. "II monumento Mocenigo in San Lazzaro dei Mendicanti." Arte Veneta 5 
(1998):, pp. 54-69. 



210 



Boujot, C, Cassen, S., and Lastres, J. Vaquero. "Some Abstraction for a Practical Subject: The 
Neolithization of Western France Seen Through Funerary Architecture." Cambridge 
Archaeological Journal 8:2 (1998), pp. 193ff. 

Bowdler, Roger. "The Mausoleum at Blickling: Bonomi's Pyramid for the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire." Apollo 147:434 (1998), pp. 11-14. 

Boyle, Angela, and Jennings, David. The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Butter's Field, Lechlade, 
Gloucestershire. Oxford, England: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1998. 

Branigan, Keith. Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Sheffield, England: Sheffield 
Academic Press, 1998. 

Branyon, Ian CM. "An Investigation into the Ethnographic and Historical Significance of 
Holt Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture 
Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

. "An Investigation into the Ethnographic and Historical Significance of the Holt 

Cemetery." Master's thesis, University of New Orleans, 1998. 

Brearley, G.H. Grave Tales of South Yorkshire. Barnsley, England: Wharncliffe, 1999. 



Breisacher, E.H., ed. Last Resting Places: Being a Compendium of Facts Pertaining to the Mortal 
Remains of the Famous and Infamous. Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1999. 

Brigham, Robert K. "Monument or Memorial?: The Wall and the Politics of Memory." 
Historical Reflections 25:1 (1999), pp. 165-175. 

Bristow, Peter Harold William. "Attitudes to Disposal of the Dead in Southern Britain from 
3500BC-AD43." Ph.D. dissertation, Open University (United Kingdom), 1998. 

Brock, Eric J. New Orleans Cemeteries. Charleston, SC: Arcadia, 1999. 

Brocke, Michael. Der Alte Judische Friedhof Bonn - Schxvartzheindorf: 1623-1956, Bildlich- 
Textliche Dokumentation. Koln, Germany: Rheinland-Verlag, 1998. 

. Haus das Lebens, guten Ort: Judische Friedhbfe in Deutschland. Leipzig, Germany: 



Reclam Ver;ag, 1998. 

Broman, Elizabeth. "Egyptian Revival Funerary Art in Green-Wood Cemetery, Brooklyn, 
New York." Paper presented at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Brooke, David. "Cemetery Maintenance Through Restorative Justice." Presentation at Far 
West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 
1999. 

Buckham, S. "The Men that Worked for England they Have their Graves at Home: 
Consumerist Issues within the Production and Purchase of Gravestones in Victorian 



211 



York." In Familiar Past. Edited by S. Tarlow and S. West. London, England: Routledge, 
1998, pp. 199-214. 

Bush, Kent. "National Park Service Approaches to Recording and Preservation of 
Monuments and Gravestones." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association 
for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Butler, Patrick Henry III. "Knowing the Uncertainties of this Life: Death and Society in 
Colonial Tidewater Virginia." Ph.D. dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, 1998. 

Butterwick, Kristi Martens. "Days of the Dead: Ritual Consumption and Ancestor Worship 
in an Ancient West Mexican Society." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1998. 

Byrd, Alita. "Stealing from the Dead." Preservation 51:2 (1999), pp. 19ff. 

Calidonna, Frank. "Computer and Archival Storage of your Gravestone Photographs and 
Videos." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

. "Gravestone Photography: Documentation and Artistic Problems." 

Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, 
VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

. "Photography Workshop" Presentation at Annual Conference of the 

Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Calkins, Erica. "Family Roots: The Stories and Significance of Cemetery Plants." 
Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Callender, Joanne. "Tucson's Military Cemeteries." Copper State Journal 33:3 (1998), pp. lllff. 

Calo, Carole Gold. "Memorializing the Unspeakable: Public Monuments and Collective 
Grieving." Art New England 19:6 (1998), pp. 28-29. 

Calvo-Isaza, Oscar Ivan. El Cemeterio Central: Bogota la vida urbana y la muerte. Santafe de 
Bogota, Columbia: TM Editores, 1998. 

Campbell, Helen, Tlie Chesapeake Book of the Dead: Tombstones, Epitaphs, Histories, Reflections, 
and Oddments of the Region. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999. 

Capelle, Janice, and Smith, Marian. "Using Cemetery Data to Teach Population Biology and 
Local History." The American Biology Teacher 60:9 (1998), pp. 690-693. 

Caraballo, Ciro. "Curacao's Jewish Cemetery: A Slowly Disappearing Jewel in the 
Caribbean." AGS Quarterly 22:3 (1998), pp. 4-5. 



212 



Carrier, C.L. "Preserving Bukit China: Interpretation in Melaka's Chinese Cemetery." In Last 
Half Century of Chinese Overseas: Comparative Perspectives. Edited by E. Sinn. Hong Kong, 
China: Hong Kong University Press, pp. 65-80. 

Cavalier, Odite. "Une stele funeraire rhodienne au Miisee Calvet d' Avignon." La Revue du 
Louvre et des Muusees de France 49:1 (1999), pp. 31-36. 

Cella, Ron. "Two American Icons: Their Graves and their Pilgrims." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31 -April 
3, 1999. 

Cemeteries of the U.S. 2nd Ed. Detroit, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999. 

Chokoev, I., and Totev, K. "A Senov Grave in the Cemetery of the Church of the Forty-Holy- 
Martyrs in Veliko-Turnovo." Byzantinoslavica 59:1 (1998), pp. 113-124. 

Clarke, Stanley. "Burial Sites are not Lost - Just Misplaced!" Presentation at Far West 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

. "Publishing Burial Site Records." Presentation at Far West Conference of the 



Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Closterman, Wendy Elizabeth. "The Self-Presentation of the Family: The Function of 
Classical Attic Peribolos Tombs." Ph.D. dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, 
1999. 

Cohen, Alfred. "Burial in Israel." Journal of Halacha and Contemporary Society 36 (1998), pp. 
22ff. 

Coletta, Charles. "Gardens of Stone." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Collison, Gary. "Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century German-American Gravestones 
in Adams County, Pennsylvania, and the Evolution of Ethnic Identity." Paper present- 
ed at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31- 
April 3, 1999. 

. "O, Pioneers? Remembering the Settlers of the Mid-Atlantic Frontier." 

Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Comeaux, Malcolm L. "The Cemeteries of Europe: No 'Rest in Peace' Here." Paper present- 
ed at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31- 
April 3, 1999. 

Cometa, Michele. "La Fiaccola e il sonno: la piramide di Caio Cestio a Roma." Abitare 372 
(1998), pp. 163-165. 



213 



Cook, Lauren J. "'Gone Home': Death and Social Space in a Family Cemetery." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology Salt Lake City, UT, 
January 1999. 

Cooley Francis Rexford. "'A Speaking Aristocracy': The Tablestones of Congregational 
Ministers in Hartford, Connecticut's Ancient Burying Yard." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Corbett, Joyce. "Transylvanian Wooden Gravemarkers." Paper presented at Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Corifield, Justin J. Java: British and Empire Graves, 1743-1975. London, England: BASCA, 1999. 

Cozzo, P. "The Politics of Burial in the Early Nineteenth Century: The Edict of Saint-Cloud 
and the Local Cemetery in Pinerolo." Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 34:1 (1998), 
pp. 133-147. 

Crabtree, Kathryn, and Prince, Eugene. "'She is not Dead, but Sleepeth': Epitaphs in 
Nineteenth-Century Western Cemeteries." Paper presented at Far West Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Crass, Barbara Ann. "Pre-Christian Inuit Mortuary Practices: A Compendium of 
Archaeological and Ethnographic Sources." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin 
- Milwaukee, 1998. 

Crawford, Sybil. "Showmen's Rest: Hugo, Oklahoma's Circus Cemetery." AGS Quarterly 
22:2 (1998), pp. 8-9. 

Crist, Thomas A.J., and Washburn, Arthur. "Bioarchaeological Perspectives on the Johnston 
Cemetery Project." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Salt Lake City, UT, January, 1999. 

Curet, L.A., and Oliver, J.R. "Mortuary Practices, Social Development, and Ideology in 
Precolumbian Puerto Rico." Latin American Antiquity 9:3 (1998), pp. 217-239. 

Dabakis, Melissa. "The Samuel Gompers Memorial: Monument to AFL Ideals in the Era of CIO 
Workers." Labor's Heritage 9:3 (1998), pp. 4-21. 

Dansel, Michel. Les lieux de culte au cimetiere du Pere-Lachaise. Paris, France: G. Tredaniel edi- 
teur, 1999. 

Davies, Jon. Death, Burial and Rebirth in the Religions of Antiquity. New York, NY: Routledge, 
1999. 

DelGallo, Andy. "Today's Stone Carvers: New Methods and the Old Look." Presentation at 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 
1999. 



214 



Denbow, James. "Heart and Soul: Glimpses of Ideology and Cosmology in the Iconography 
of Tombstones from the Loango Coast of Central Africa." Journal of American Folklore 
112:445 (1999), pp. 404-423. 

Derderian, Katherine. "Leaving Words to Remember: Greek Mourning and the Advent of 
Literacy." Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University, 1998. 

Dexheimer, Dagmar. Oberitalische Grabaltare: ein Beitrag zur Sepulkrakunst der Roischen 
Kaiserzeit. Oxford, England: British Archaeological Reports, 1998. 

Di Fabio, Clario. "Depositum cum statua decumbente: recherches sur Giovanni Pisano a 
Genes et le monument de Marguerite de Brabant." Revue de I 'Art 123 (1999), pp. 13-26. 

Diseroad, Ann F. "Urn and Willow: The Language of Cemetery Art." Presentation at Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25- 
28, 1998. 

Divak, Yvonne P. "Perth Cemetery and the Stonercarver Peter Hood." Paper presented at 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 
1999. 

Donaldson, Patrick. "Not All Robberies Take Place at the Point of a Gun." Presentation at Far 
West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 
1999. 

Doncaster's Living Churchyards. Doncaster, England: Doncaster Naturalists' Society 1999. 

Donie, Sabine. Soziale Gliederung und Bevolkerungsentwicklung einer fruhmittelalterlichen 
Siedlingsgemeinschaft: Untersuchungen zum Graberfeld bei Schretzheim. Bonn, Germany: 
Habel, 1999. 

Donovan, Sally. "Stop Before You Start! You Need A Plan." Presentation at Far West 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Dowling, A. "Exclusive Rights of Burial and the Law of Real Property." Legal Studies: The 
Journal of the Society of Public Teachers of Law 18:4 (1998), pp. 438-452. 

Downes, Jane, and Pollard, Tony, eds. The Loved Body's Corruption: Archaeological 
Contributions to the Study of Human Mortality. Glasgow, Scotland: Cruithne Press, 1999. 

Drinkall, Gail. The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Castledyke South, Barton-on-Humber. Sheffield, 
England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998. 

Dunham, G.H. "Marking Territory, Making Territory: Burial Mounds in Interior Virginia." In 
Material Symbols: Culture and Economy in Prehistory. Edited by J.E. Robb. Carbondale, IL: 
Center for Archaeological Investigations, 1999, pp. 112-134. 

Ecker, Ute. Grabmal und Epigramm. Stuttgart, Germany: Steiner Verlag, 1998. 



215 



Edgette, J. Joseph. "Angels We Have Seen on High: Winged Creatures and their Place in 
Gravemarker Design." Paper presented at Far West Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

. "Lingering Memories: Death Sites as Springboards into Local Legend." Paper 



presented at Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, October 
20-24, 1999. 

. "Ribbons of Steel, Ties That Bind: Gravemarkers of Railroaders." Paper pre- 



sented at Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Chapter, American Culture Association, 
Valley Forge, PA, November 5-7, 1999. 

. "Strong Arm of the Law: Carved in Stone." Paper presented at Annual Meeting 



of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Edwards, David N. Gabati: A Meroitic, Post-Meroitic and Medieval Cemetery in Central Sudan. 
Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 1998. 

Elkington, Barbara. "Cultural and Environmental Variables in Samoan Gravestites in Samoa 
and Hawaii." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, 
San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Fairbanks, Jonathan L. "Eternal Celebration in American Memorials." Markers XVI (1999), 
pp. 104-137. 

, and Reynolds, Rebecca Ann Gay. "The Art of Forest Hills Cemetery." The 



Magazine Antiques. 154:5 (1998), pp. 696-703. 

Fannin, Michael. "Traditional Stone Carving in 1998." Presentation at Annual Conference of 
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Farrington, Susan Maria. Chittagong Christian Cemeteries, Bangladesh. London, England: 
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Faust, Wilfried. Die Grabstelen des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts im Rheingebeit. Koln, Germany: 
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Felsen, Gregg. "Tombstones." Biography 22:4 (1999), pp. 56-62. 

Fenza, Paula. "The Day Will Come... The Haymarket Memorial in Forest Home Cemetery." 
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Field, D. "Round Barrows and the Harmonious Landscape: Placing Early Bronze Age Burial 
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Filey, Mike. Mount Pleasant Cemetery: An Illustrated Guide. 2nd Ed. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: 
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216 



Finlayson, Cynthia Sue. ""Veil, Turban and Headpiece: Funerary Portraits and Female 
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Firson, K. "The Roman Period Necropolis of Zavetnoe in Southwest Crimea: Burial 
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Fitch, John Townsend. "Photographing Gravestones." NEHGS Nexus 16:1 (1999), pp. 19ff. 

Fitzsimmons, John. "Joshua Sawyer" [poem]. Markers XVI (1999), pp. 138-139. 

Flanagan, Bob. West Norwood Cemetery's Musicians. London, England: Local History 
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Fliess, K.H., and Gutmann, M.P. "Parochial Burial Registers: The Case of Texas in the 
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Foco, Alma. "Romanticism and the Victorian Cemetery." Presentation at Annual Conference 
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Foppa, Daniel. Wo sie nun liegen mit Erde und Wurm: Beriihmte und vergessene Tote auf Ziirichs 
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Foster, Sally M., ed. The St. Andrew's Sarcophagus: A Pictish Masterpiece and Its International 
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Francis, Jeffrey R. "Non-Indian Burials at Spanish Colonial Missions: San Juan de 
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Franco, Barbara. "Where the Bodies are Buried." Paper presented at Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Frederiksen, R. "From Death to Life: The Cemetery of Fusco and the Reconstruction of Early 
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Fuller, Sharon Beirne. "Cemeteries as Sacred Landscapes." Master's thesis, University of 
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Gabel, Laurel K. "Daniel Hastings (1749-1803) of Newton, Massachusetts, Stonecutter." AGS 
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. "Gravestone Art and Epitaphs as Genealogical Footnotes." Paper presented at 

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217 



. "Graveyard Jeopardy." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association 

for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

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Conferences of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25- 
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_, and Deloria, Claire. "Using the Cemetery as a Learning Laboratory." 



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Gaber, Stephane. Memoire de la grand guerre en Lorraine. Metz, France: Serpenoise, 1998. 

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Garman, James C. "'All We Had Was Hearsay (It's Nice to Finally Know)': Archaeopolitics 
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Geggie, Norma. A Place Apart: A Search for the Pioneer Cemeteries of the Lower Gatineau Valley. 
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Gibbens, Lilian. Using Death and Burial Records for Family Historians. 2nd Ed. Ramsbottom, 
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Goodwin, Catherine L. "Take a Tour Through Lowell's Cemeteries." Presentation at Annual 
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218 



Graves, Mira. "Cemetery Detectives." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association 
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Greco, Giuseppe. Et luxfuit: le catacombe e il sarcofago di Adelfia. Palermo, Sicily, Italy: Arnoldo 
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Greenia, Katherine. "'Gabriel's Garden': An Artist Teaching Children About Gravestone 
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Greenwood, Douglas. Wtio's Buried Where in England. London, England: Constable, 1999. 

Greiner, William K. The Reposed. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State LTniversity Press, 1999. 

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Grive-Santini, Catherine. Guide des cimetieres militaires en France. Paris, France: Cherche Midi, 
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Hamburger, H. Joodse Oorlogsmonumenten in de Provincie Groningen: Alsmede Algemene 
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Hamilton, Esley The Cemeteries of University City. University City, MO: Historical Society of 
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219 



Handley, Brent M. "Crypts, Coffins and Critters: Issues of Bone Preservation at the Johnston 
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Handley, Ronald E. The Dover Patrol Memorial. Dover, England: Littledown Publishing, 1998. 

Haris, Jill W., ed. Remembrances and Celebrations: A Book of Eulogies, Elegies, Letters of 
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Hartig, K.V., and Dunn, K.M. "Roadside Memorials: Interpreting New Deathscapes in 
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Havemann, Melissa. "A Socio-Historical Analysis of Children's Gravestones." Illness, Crisis 
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Hay, Stephen. "Regenerating the City: Death, Community and Memory." Dissertation, 
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Healey, Catherine, Bowie, Karen, and Bos, Agnes. Le Pere-Lachaise. Paris, France: Action artis- 
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Heathcote, Edwin. Monument Builders: Modern Architecture and Death. Chichester, England: 
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Hecht, Lea. "The Volga-German Iron Crosses of Catherine, Kansas." Paper presented at 
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Heinrich, G. "Acculturation and Reform: The Debate on Jewish Early Burial Practices 
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Heneghan, Bridget T. "The Whitening of America: Material Culture and Early Nineteenth- 
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Henry, Lana. "Homecomings at Mt. Pisgah: The Creation and Recreation of Community and 
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Henzler, Giinter. Ohlsdorf: Baum und Raurn - Der Friedhof als La?idschaftspark. Hamburg, 
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Herding, Klaus. "Reflecting on Sculpture as Theatre." Art History 21:2 (1998), pp. 268-272. 

Herrmann, Nicholas P. "The Second Catholic Graveyard: A Perspective on St. Louis 
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220 



Heywood, Janet. '"Life is Ever Lord of Death': Learning from Gravestones." Presentation at 
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. "Sincerest Flattery - Duplication of Artful Forms in Victorian Cemeteries." 



Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, 
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, and Karrick, Katie. "No Place Will Possess Stronger Attraction to the Visitor: 



Interpreting the Historic Cemetery Landscape." Presentation at Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Hildenbrandt, Daniel. "Saving History - The Greenwood Cemetery Restoration" [video]. 
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Hobbs, Jane Hodden. "The Gates Ajar in Popular Culture." Paper presented at Annual 
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Hoffmann-Curtius, Kathrin. "Memorials for the Dachau Concentration Camps." Oxford Art 
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Holbo, Kay, et al. Full of Life: The History and Character of Eugene's Masonic Cemetery. Eugene, 
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, Guzowski, Ken, and Blandy, Doug. "Looking Beyond Threats to Opportunities: 



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Holden, Jan, and Robinson, Jeanne. "How to Sell Your Cemetery: Writing a Cemetery 
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1999. 

Holden, Steve. "Gravestone Photography." Presentation at Far West Conference of the 
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Horten, Loren. "Death on the Trail: Diary Descriptions of Deaths and Burials on the 
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Hull, Katherine L., and Sanders, Wayne A. "Midwestern Mormon Gravestones: A Study of 
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Hunt, Melinda. Hart Island. New York, NY: Scalo, 1998. 

Hyde, Richard Allen. "American Acropolis: The West End of the Washington Mall." Ph.D. 
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221 



Inkpen, R.J. "Gravestones: Problems and Potentials as Indicators of Historic Changes in 
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Irish Gravestone Inscriptions: A Guide to Sources in Ulster. Tyrone, Northern Ireland, United 
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Janes, Denise C. "Gender and Epitaphs in New Orleans Cemeteries." Human Mosaic 32:1-2 
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Jasim, S.A. "The Excavation of a Camel Cemetery at Mleiha, Sharjah, UAE." Arabian 
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Jeane, Gregory. "English Lych-Gates and Southern Graveshelters Revisited: The Search for 
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Jockle, Clemens. Memento Mori: Friedhofe Europas. Koln, Germany: GLB Parkland, 1998. 

Johnson, Karen Jane. "Death and Funerary Ritual in the Cena Trimlchionis." Master's thesis, 
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Johnson, Lena E. "The Haskell Cemetery: Burial Ground of Indian Children, 1885-1913." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, 
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Jones, C.R. "So Many Stones, So Little Time." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 
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Kagen, Norman Eh. "The Dawson City Klondike Jewish Cemetery." Western States Jewish 
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Kamau, Lucy Jayne. "Lying in the Graveyard: Truth and Falsehood in Indiana." Paper pre- 
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Karrick, Katie. "Historic Cemeteries: Planning Events and Celebrations." Presentation at 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, 
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Kattan, Emmanuel. The Duty to Remember. London, England: Profile, 1999. 

Kaufman, Ned. "Heritage and the Cultural Politics of Preservation." Places 11 (1998), pp. 58- 
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Kerns, Mechelle. "Twitch Cove Burial Site, Smith Island, Somerset County, Maryland." 
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222 



Kerr, Norwood A. "Highway Markers in Alabama." Alabama Review 51:1 (1998), pp. 52-64. 

King, A. "The Archive of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission." History Workshop 
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Kleinhenz, C. "The Land of the Living and the Land of the Dead: Entombment and 
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Klisiewicz, Robert. "Lead Lettered Gravestones of Great Britain." AGS Quarterly 23:2 (1999), 
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Knipp, David. Christus Medicus in der Friihchristlichen Sarkophagskulptur: Ikonographische 
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Kolodziejczyk, Arkadivsz. Cmentarze Muzulmanskie w Polsce. Warszawa, Poland: Osrodek 
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Kong, Lily. "Cemeteries and Columbaria, Memorials and Mausoleums: Narrative and 
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Kormoroczy, Geza, and Frojimovics, Kinga. Jewish Budapest: Monuments, Rites, History. 
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Koselleck, R. "Monuments to Soldiers who Died in Combat: The Dead as Creators of the 
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Koski-Harja, Michael Henry. "The Dichotomy of Weathering in the Cemetery: An 
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Kouwenhoven, Arlette P. "Funerary Art of Madagascar." World of Tribal Arts 5:2 (1998), pp. 

72-82. 

Kriiger-Kahloula, Angelika. "Prague's Old Jewish Cemetery." AGS Quarterly 23:2 (1999), pp. 
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Kiinzl, Hannelore. Judische Grabkunst von der Antike bis Heute. Darmstadt, Germany: 
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Lacy, Katy. "The Massachusetts Historic Cemetery Preservation Initiative: The Preservation 
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Lander, Clara. "Starting a Jewish Cemetery in Saskatchewan, Canada." Western States Jewish 
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223 



Langille, Christine A. "Laments of War: The Role of War Memorials in American Culture." 
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La Prade, Guy de. Le cimetiere de Pasy et ses sepultures celebres. Paris, France: Editions des 
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La Ultima Casa. Barcelona, Spain: Editorial Gustavo Gili, 1999. 

Lee, Ku-yeol. "A New Angle on Folk Sculptures." Koreana 12:1 (1998), pp. 86-88. 

Leinonen, Robert. Deutsche in St, Petersburg: Ein Blick auf den Deutschen Evangelisch- 
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Lieberman, Ilene D. "Race and Remembrance: Philadelphia's All Wars Memorial to Colored 
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Linck, Jennifer. " At Once Brilliant and Durable: The Welsh Gravestones of Pen Y Caerau, 
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Lindstrom, Brian. A Stone Record: Pioneer Cemeteries of Clackamas County [video]. Oregon City, 
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Little, Ruth. "Sticks and Stones: North Carolina Grave Markers." Paper presented at Annual 
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Littleton, Judith. "East and West: Burial Practices Along the Murray River." Archaeology in 
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Lo, Joseph Yau Hing. "A Chinese Cemetery for the Winnipeg Community: A Response to the 
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Lo Porto, Felice Gino. Corredi di tombe davnie da Mineivino Murge. Roma, Italy: G. 
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London Cemeteries and Churchyards: A Dying Legacy? London, England: London Historic 
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Longfellow, Brenda. "Social Standing and Semiotics: Roman Funerary Reliefs." Master's the- 
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Lucy, Sam. The Early Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries of East Yorkshire: An Analysis and Reinterpretation. 
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Ludwig, Alan I. Graven Images: New England Stonecarving and It's Symbols, 1650-1815. 3rd Ed. 
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Luti, Vincent F. "BOBSS in New Jersey." AGS Quarterly 23:1 (1999), pp. 4-6; 15. 
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MacDonald, Andi. "The Cemetery Movement in Washington State." Presentation at Far 
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Malloy, Brenda. "Female Identification and Description in Early New England Epitaphs." 
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Malloy, Thomas A. "Epitaphs Documenting Accidental Death in Agrarian Massachusetts." 
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Malloy, Tom and Brenda. "Murder in Massachusetts: It's Written in Stone." Markers XVI 
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Malraux, A. "How to See the World through Haitian Eyes: The Painted Headstones of the 
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Marcoci, Roxana. "Site of Contestation: Constantin Brancusi's World War I Memorial." Ph.D. 
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Matthews, K.J. : Death into Life: Population Statistics from Cemetery Data." In Theoretical 
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Mauries, Patrick. La scene des morts. Paris, France: La Pionniere, 1998. 

Mayer, Lance. "Getting Conservation Work Done." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 
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McHugh, Feldore David. Theoretical and Quantitatwe Approaches to the Study of Mortuary 
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McNamara, Kevin R. "A Christ that Smiles: Forest Lawn's American Jesus." Paper present- 
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225 



McNeill, Gerald Thomas. "Necrogeography: Material Cultural Elements in Modern Upland 
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Medina-Fernandez, Antonio. Guid de la Necropolis 'Cristobal Colon' de la Habana. Havana, 
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Merkelbach, Rheinhold, and Stauber, Josef. Steinevigramme aus dem Griechischen Osten. 
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Messimer, Claire. "Writer... Write for Posterity." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the 
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Meyer, Charles. The Living Light: Death, Burial and Bereavement. Washington, D.C.: United 
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Meyer, Lotte Larsen. "Gravestone Pilgrimage: American Women Mourn WWI Dead." Paper 
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Meyer, Richard E. "Graveyard Poetry." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 
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. "The Tale of the Three Unknowns." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the 



American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 
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sented at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, 
August 5-8, 1999. 

Michalski, Serguiusz. Public Monuments: Art in Political Bondage, 1870-1997. London, 
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Mims, Cedric A. When We Die: The Science, Culture and Rituals of Death. New York, NY: St. 
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Moore, Barbara. "The Shaw Memorial by Augustus Saint-Gaudens." School Arts 98:6 (1999), 
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Mordott, Alice Morrison, and McEntire, Dee. "Mary Shrines of Southern Indiana: A Regional 
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Morrow, Kara. "Bakongo Afterlife and Cosmological Direction: Translation of African 
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226 



Munzinger, Michael. Christliche Friedhdfe in Berlin. Berlin, Germany: Ed. Q/Quintessenz, 
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Murray, Mike. "Three Lessons About a Funeral: Second World War Cemeteries and Twenty 
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Mytum, H. "The Language of Death in a Bilingual Community: Nineteenth-Century 
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. "Welsh Cultural Identity in Nineteenth-Century Pembrokeshire: The 

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Neely, Jack, and Aaron, Jay. The Marble City: A Photographic Tour of Knoxville's Graveyards. 
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Neff, John Randall. "Heroic Eminent Death: The Redefinition of Nationality in the 
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tion, University of California, Riverside, 1998. 

Newbery, Elizabeth. Dead and Buried in Histon/. London, England: A. & C. Black, 1999. 

New York State Cemeteries Name/Location Inventory, 1995-1997. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 
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Nichols, Joann H. Index to Known Cemetery Listings in Vermont. 4th Ed. Montpelier, VT: 
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Nobes, David C. "Geophysical Surveys of Burial Sites: A Case Study of the Oaro Urupa." 
Geophysics 64:2 (1999), pp. 357-367. 

Nonestied, Mark. "Historic Mortuary Practices." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Novak, Mirko, and Oettel, Andreas. "Ein Parthisch-Romischer Friedhof in Tell Seh Hamod 
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O'Brien, William, and Mighall, Tim. Sacred Ground: Megalithic Tombs in Coastal South-West 
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Oliver, Jim, and Raushart, Jim. "Using Volunteers." Presentation at Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Olsen, Susan. "Endangered! What We Did at Congressional." Presentation at Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25- 
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227 



, and Riley, Sheila. "How to Use Your Cemetery Slide Collection to Make Friends 

and Money." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Olson, June. "Native American Burial Sites: Tribal Efforts to Promote Appreciation and 
Protection." Presentation at Far West Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Orser, C.E. "The Archaeology of the African Diaspora." Annual Review of Anthropology 27 
(1998), pp. 63-82. 

Osborne, Brian S. "Constructing Landscapes of Power: The George Etienne Cartier 
Monument, Montreal." Journal of Historical Geography 24:4 (1998), pp. 431-458. 

Owen, Raymond L. Tombstones and Tales from Santa Rosa Rural Cemetery. Santa Rosa, CA: 
Santa Rosa Cemetery Restoration Committee, 1999. 

Owen, Richard. Generals at Rest: The Grave Sites of the 425 Official Confederate Generals. 
Shippensburg, PA: White Mane Publishing Company, 1998. 

Pagano, Denise Maria. "Warrior's Rest: The Caracciolo di Vico Chapel." FMR 95 (1998-1999), 
pp. 51-80. 

Paine, Philip. Innings Complete. Sevenoaks, England: Mischief Makers, 1999. 

Parish, Joseph MacLean. "Scourge from Away: La Scarlatine des Cheticantins." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, CA, March 
31-April 3, 1999. 

Parker, John H.D. Reading Latin Epitaphs: A Handbook for Beginners. Penzance, England: 
Cressar, 1999. 

Parri, L. "Funerary Inscriptions, Columbaria and Freedmen: The Third Hypogeum of the 
Vigna-Codini and Some of its Epitaphs." Atene e Roma 43:1-2 (1998), pp. 51-60. 

Patashnick, Lloyd. "The Trials and Tribulations of the 72nd Pennsylvania: The Fight for a 
Monument at Gettysburg." Honor's thesis, Brandeis University, 1998. 

Pearson, Ann B. "The Cemetery Lantern Tour: History by Moonlight." Presentation at 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, 
June 25-28, 1998. 

Pearson, Michael Parker. The Archaeology of Death and Burial. College Station, TX: Texas A&M 
University Press, 1999. 

Pezzoni, Daniel. "Virginia Graveyards: A Materials Perspective." Paper presented at Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999; 
printed AGS Quarterly 23:4 (1999), pp. 6-8. 



228 



Phillis, Rosemary. A History of the Riverstone Cemetery. Rouse Hill, N.S.W., Australia: 
Riverstone and District Historical Society, 1998. 

Pierret, Philippe. Ces pierres qui nous parlent: Memoires juives et patrimoine bruxellois - Le 
cimetiere du Dieiveg au XlXeme siecle. Bruxelles, Belgium: Devillez, 1999. 

. "Remembrances, Religious Mentalities, Funerary Art: The Jewish Section of the 

Dieweg Cemetery, Brussels, 1867-1899." Revue des etudes Juives 157:3-4 (1998), pp. 477- 
492. 



Pincus, Debra. The Tombs of the Doges of Venice. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 
1999. 

Pischikova, Elena. "Reliefs from the Tomb of the Vizier Nespakashuty: Reconstruction, 
Iconography, and Style." Metropolitan Museum Journal 33 (1998), pp. 57-101. 

Ponder, Lisa. "Can the State of the Art Shape the Art?" Paper presented at Far West 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Potter, C. "World War I Gold Star Mothers Pilgrimages, Pt. 1." Prologue: Quarterly of the 
National Archives 31:2 (1999), pp. 140-145. 

. "World War I Gold Star Mothers Pilgrimages, Pt. 2." Prologue: Quarterly of the 



National Archives 31:3 (1999), pp. 210-216. 

Potter, Elisabeth Walton. "Documenting Historic Cemeteries for the National Register: 
Criteria, Guidance and Practical Tips for Success." Presentation at Far West Conference 
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Poux, Matthieu. Puits funeraire d'epoque gauloise a Paris, Senat" Une tombe d'auxiliare republi- 
cain dans le sous-sol de Lutece. Montagnae, France: M. Mergoll, 1999. 

Power, Dale E. Do-it-Yourself Tombstones and Other Markers. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publishing, 
1999. 

Pryce, Paula. 'Keeping the Lakes' Way': Reburial and the Re-Creation of a Moral World Among an 
Invisible People. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1999. 

Rainville, Lynn. "Hanover Deathscapes: Mortuary Variability in New Hampshire, 1770- 
1920." Ethnohistory 46:3 (1999), pp. 541 ff. 

Rajtar, Steve. Indian War Sites: A Guidebook to Battlefields, Monuments and Memorials, State by 
State with Canada and Mexico. Jefferson, MO: McFarland and Co., 1999. 

Rasch, Jurgen J. Das Mausoleum der Kaiserin Helena in Rom und der 'Tempio delta tosse' in Tivoli. 
Mainz am Rhein, Germany: P. von Zabern, 1998. 



229 



Raspa, Richard. "Gazing at the Dead: Cultural Collisions in Portugal's Capelas de Ossis." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, 
October 20-24, 1999. 

Rasshofer, Gabriele. Untersuchungen zu Metallzeitlichen Grabstelen in Siiddeutschland. Rahden, 
Germany: M. Leidorf, 1998. 

Rauhauser, Barry R. "How the Craftsman Interprets Culture: The Pennsylvania-German 
Gravestones of Johannes Quickel." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Mid- 
Atlantic Chapter, American Culture Association, Valley Forge, PA, November 5-7, 1999. 

Recording Historic Cemeteries: A Guide for Historical Societies and Genealogists. Columbia, SC: 
Chicora Foundation, 1998. 

Reimers, Eva. "Death and Identity: Graves and Funerals as Cultural Communication." 
Mortality 4:2 (1999), pp. 147-166. 

Richardson, Darlene. "Gaddess, Maker: Romance in Stone." Paper presented at Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Ridlen, Susanne S. Tree-Stump Tombstones: A Field Guide to Rustic Funerary Art in Indiana. 
Kokomo, IN: Old Richardville Publications, 1999. 

Rife, Joseph Lee. "Death, Ritual and Memory in Greek Society During the Early and Middle 
Roman Empire." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1999. 

Riley, John. "The Death, Burial, Re-Burial, Entombment and Ascension of America's First 
Hero." Paper presented at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Rivera-Alvarez, Ramiro. Cementerios de Guatemala de la Asuncion. Guatemala City, 
Guatemala: Editorial Cultura, 1998. 

Roberts, Nancy. "Buried Behind Enemy Lines: The Role of Civil War Prisoner Graves in 
Sectional Reconciliation." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture 
Association, San Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Roberts, Warren E. "Tree-Stump Tombstones." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Robinson, D.A., and Williams, R.B.G. "The Weathering of Hastings Beds Sandstone 
Gravestones in South-East England." In Stone Weathering and Atmospheric Pollution: 
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Wakefield. London, England: Imperial College Press, 1999, pp. 1-15. 

Robinson, Jeanne Gentry, comp. Visitor's Guide to Oregon Historic Cemeteries. Boring, OR: 
Oregon Historic Cemeteries Association, 1999. 



230 



Rockwood, Virginia. "Gravestone Rubbing Techniques." Presentation at Annual Conference 
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Roelfsema, Kay. A Walk Through History: Candlelight Tours of Steamboat Rock's Historic 
Cemetery. Steamboat Rock, IA: Walk Through History Committee, 1998. 

Rosenberg, Jan. "It's Something to Hold on to: The Murrah Building Memorial Fence." Paper 
presented at Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Memphis, TN, October 
20-24, 1999. 

Rosh, Lea. Ein Deutsche Denkmal: Der Streit um das Denkmal fur die ermordeten Juden Europas. 
Bodenheim, Germany: Philo-Verlag, 1999. 

Rotundo, Barbara. "Gravemarkers of Pioneers." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the 
Pioneer America Society, Washington, PA, October 8, 1999. 

. "Marble Ladies: Common Rarities." Paper presented at Far West Conference of 



the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 
. "Metal Gravestones: Especially Cast-iron and Zinc." Presentation at Far West 



Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 
. "Symbols on Gravestones." Presentation at Annual Conference of the 



Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Rowlands, M. "Trauma, Memory and Memorials." British Journal of Psychotherapy 15:1 (1998), 
pp. 54-64. 

Salter, Peter. "Ramshorn Churchyard, Glasgow." Issues in Architecture, Art and Design 5:2 
(1998), pp. 41-50. 

Sapin, C. "Architecture and Funerary Space in the Early Middle Ages." In Space of the Living 
and the Dead: An Archaeological Dialogue. Edited by C.E. Karkov, K.M. Wickham- 
Crowley, and B.K. Young. London, England: Oxbow Books, 1999, pp. 39-60. 

Scardino, Lucio. Post mortem: disegni, decorazioni e sculture per la Certosa offocentesca di Ferrara. 
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Schmidt, Sandra. "Using Public Sources and the Internet to Document Markers." 
Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, 
VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Sclair, Helen. "Cemeteries Can be Dangerous to your Health: Anthrax, Arsenic, Asbestos 
Anyone." Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

. "When the Stones Speak, Listen." Paper presented at Annual Conference of the 



Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 



231 



Schaefer, Thomas. Wer legt wo? Prominente auf Bremer Friedhdfen. Stuhr, Germany: Siepmann 
und Kurze, 1998. 

Schulze, Heiko K.L. Darauf man mit Andacht gehen kann: Historische Friedhdfe in Schleswig- 
Holstein. Heide, Germany: Westholst. VA, 1999. 

Schwartz, Barry and Bayma, Todd. "Understanding the Dynamics of Cultural 
Representation: Commemoration and the Politics of Recognition - The Korean War 
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Seferens, Horst. Der Denkmal streit, das Denkmal: Die Debatte um das Denkmal fiir die entmorde- 
ten ]nden Enropas. Bodenheim, Germany: Philo-Verlag, 1999. 

Seiler, Peter. "Das Lacheln des Cangrande della Scala." Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 63 
(1999), pp. 136-143. 

Senechal, Philippe. "Le tombeau de Melchiorre Baldassini retrouve a Chaalis." Revue de V Art 
124 (1999), pp. 56-61. 

Shapleigh-Brown, Ruth. "Cemetery Theft and Laws for Protection of Old Cemeteries." 
Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, 
VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Sharpies, Niall M. Scalloway: A Broch, Late Iron-Age Settlement and Medieval Cemetery in 
Shetland. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1998. 

Shepherd, G. "Fibulae and Females: Intermarriage in the Western Greek Colonies and the 
Evidence from the Cemeteries." In West and East. Edited by G.R. Tsestkhladze. Leiden, 
Netherlands: Brill, 1999, pp. 267-300. 

Sherman, Daniel J. The Construction of Memory in Intenvar France. Chicago, IL: University of 
Chicago Press, 1999. 

Sherwood, Susan I. "Baulk at Caulk: Joint Repair Problems in Historic Gravestones." 
Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, 
VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

, and Winslow, Meg L. "Are We Losing our Marbles?" Presentation at Annual 

Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25- 
28, 1998. 

, Jones, C.R., and Mayer, Lance. "Red, White, and Blue Stone Identification." 

Presentation at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, 
VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Sims, Kim. "Cemeteries of Wilmington." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Pioneer 
America Society, Wilmington, NC, November 6, 1998. 

Slater, James A. "Obituary: Daniel Farber (1906-1998)." Markers XVI (1999), pp. vi-5. 



232 



Slavid, Irving, and Weiss, Norman. "Cutting Edge Conservation." Presentation at Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Fairfax, VA, June 23-27, 1999. 

Sloane, David C. "Selling Eternity: Forest Lawn Memorial Park and 1920s Consumer 
Culture." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San 
Diego, CA, March 31-April 3, 1999. 

Smith, Christine Ann. "Mortuary Behavior and Macedonian Monumental Tombs: Death and 
the Transmission of Authority." Master's thesis, Washington University, 1999. 

Smith, R.J. "Roadside Memorials: Some Australian Examples." Folklore 110 (1999), pp. 103ff. 

Souders, Marilyn. "Settlers' Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American 
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Spennemann, Dirk H.R. "No Room for the Dead: Burial Practices in a Constrained 
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Sprague, Karin. "Recreating Eighteenth Century Slate Gravestones." Presentation at Annual 
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28, 1998. 

Staehli, Alfred. "A Mausoleum Isn't Necessarily Forever: Historic Preservation and 
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Stein, K.D. "Through the Viewfinder: Worldly Remains." Architectural Record 186:3 (1998), 
pp. 70-75. 

Sterling, John E. "Recording the Information Contained on Gravestones." Presentation at 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, 
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Stoodley, N. "Burial Rites, Gender and the Creation of Kingdoms: The Evidence from 
Seventh Century Wessex." Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 10 (1999), pp. 
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Story, Rosalyn M. "Guardians of Peace in Bronze." American Visions 13:5 (1998), pp. 24-26. 

Stott, Annette. "Pacific Jurisdiction Woodmen-of-the-World Monuments, 1892-1928." Paper 
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Strangstad, Lynette. "Directions for Graveyard Preservation." Presentation at Far West 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999; 
printed as "Directions in Graveyard Preservation: A Look Back and Some Suggestions 
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Stroszeck, Jutta. Die Dekorativen Romischen Sarkophage. Berlin, Germany: Gebr. Mann, 1998. 



233 



Studemund-Halevy, Michael. Biographisches Lexicon der Hamburger Sefarden: Die Grabschriften 
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Stylow, A. "The Beginnings of Latin Epigraphy in the Baetica: The Case of the Funerary 
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Tarlow, Sarah. Bereavement and Commemoration: An Archaeology of Mortality. Oxford, England: 
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Tartakowsky, Danielle. Nous irons sur vos tombes: Le Pere-Lachaise, XlXe-XXe siecle. Paris, 
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Teather, E.K. "Themes from Complex Landscapes: Chinese Cemeteries and Columbaria in 
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Teilhet-Fisk, Jehanne. "Beautiful Like a Tongan Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual 
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Thies, Randy. "Reminders of the Lawrence Massacre, and the Man with Three Graves." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, San Diego, 
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Thorpe, Barrie. Private Memorials of the Great War on the Western Front. Reading, England: 
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Thursby, Jacqueline. "Ancient Religious Symbolisms in Mormon Gravestones and 
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Tompkins, Jim. "America's Longest Graveyard: The Oregon Trail." Presentation at Far West 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Portland, OR, August 5-8, 1999. 

Trice, Thomas Reed. "The 'Body Politic': Russian Funerals and the Politics of Representation, 
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Trinkley, Michael. Identification and Mapping of Historic Graves at Colonial Cemetery, Savannah, 
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_. The African American Cemeteries of Petersburg, Virginia: Continuity and Change. 



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Tsarkova, T.S. "Russian Verse Epitaphs in the 19th and 20th Centuries." Russkaia Litteratura 
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VanHecke, John. "Holy Cross Cemetery, Detroit: Urban Catholicism and Ethnicity in the 
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234 



Veit, Richard. "'Unter diesen Steine, daruber mein Gebeine': The Anglo-German Carving 
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Versteeg, Rebekka. "The Park City Utah Cemetery: Where Silver was King." Paper present- 
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Vigil, Vicki Blum. Cleveland Cemeteries. Cleveland, OH: Gray & Co., 1999. 

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Wanser, Jeff. "Gravestone Production and the Transition from Sandstone to Marble in the 
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Ware, Thomas C. "'Equal in the Presence of Death': The Curious Absence of Grave Markers 
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Walsh, Robert. "Parisian Gravestones." AGS Quarterly 22:3 (1998), pp. 6-7. 

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Wasserman, Judith R. "To Trace the Shifting Sands: Community, Ritual, and the Memorial 
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Watters, David H. "'Fencing ye Tables': Scotch-Irish Ethnicity and the Gravestones of John 
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Weeks, James. "'One Vast Cemetery for Miles': The Gettysburg Battlefield, 1880-1920." Paper 
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1998. 



235 



Wiedmer, Caroline Alice. The Claims of Memory: Representations of the Holocaust in 
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Wood, Nick. Coffin Nails and Tombstone Trails: A Journey Across the Dark Side of America. 
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Wunsch, Aaron. "Cemeteries on the National Register of Historic Places and on the List of 
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Zingerle, C. "The 'Plague Cemetery': An Urenfeld- and Hallstaat-Era Burial Field in 
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236 



CONTRIBUTORS 

James Blachowicz, Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University, Chicago, 
has been interested in early American gravestones since 1972. He has con- 
tributed work to the AGS Quarterly, and his article on the gravestone carv- 
ing traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod appeared in Markers XV. He has 
recently completed a book, An American Craft Lineage, which greatly 
expands his work on Plymouth and the Cape, focusing on twenty-one 
stonecarvers in the two regions active from 1770 through 1870. His inter- 
est in history extends to the ancient civilizations of the Mediterranean: he 
has traveled (and photographed) extensively in the area, taught adult edu- 
cation courses on the topic, and published several travel articles in the New 
York Times. His book in philosophy, Of Two Minds: The Nature of Inquiry 
(State University of New York Press), appeared in 1998. 

Simon J. Bronner is Distinguished Professor of Folklore and American 
Studies and Coordinator of the American Studies Program at The 
Pennsylvania State University, Harrisburg. He has also taught at Harvard 
University, University of California at Davis, and Osaka University 
(Japan). He has published a dozen books, including Grasping Things: Folk 
Material Culture and Mass Society in America; Following Tradition: Folklore in 
the Discourse of American Culture; American Material Culture and Folklife; 
Folk Art and Art Worlds; and Creativity and Tradition in Folklore. He is the 
editor of the University Press of Kentucky's Material Worlds book series 
and the Publications of the Pennsylvania German Society. He has previously 
served as editor of the journals Material Culture and Folklore Historian, and 
edited the American Material Culture and Folklife book series for UMI 
Research Press. He is president of the Middle Atlantic American Studies 
Association and director of the Center for Pennsylvania Culture Studies. 

Gary S. Foster is Professor of Sociology at Eastern Illinois University. His 
research interests include ethnicity, rural sociology, and historical demog- 
raphy, as well as folklore and anthropology. His articles have appeared in 
Southern Folklore Quarterly, Rural Sociology, Journal of Leisure Research, 
Sociological Spectrum, The Sociological Quarterly, Appalachian Heritage, and 
The American Sociologist. With Richard L. Hummel, he authored an article 
on the sociological examination of cemeteries as community which 
appeared in Markers XII. 



237 



Richard L. Hummel is Professor of Sociology at Eastern Illinois 
University. His research interests include ethnicity and sport. In addition 
to the article he co-authored with Gary S. Foster in Markers XII, he has 
published articles in Rural Sociology, The Journal of Sport Behavior, 
Sociological Spectrum, and The Sociological Quarterly. He is author of the 
1994 book Hunting and Fishing for Sport: Commerce, Controversy and Popular 
Culture. 

Joseph J. Inguanti holds a Ph.D in History of Art from Yale University and 
teaches art history at Southern Connecticut State University. His research 
interests include landscape design, Italian American material culture, and 
the interrelationships between domestic and funerary landscapes. 

Vincent F. Luti, 1997 recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' 
Harriette M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies, has con- 
tributed greatly to our understanding of early gravestone carvers of the 
Narragansett Basin area, including studies of Seth Luther published in 
Rhode Island History and of Stephen and Charles Hartshorn in Markers II. 
His in-depth analysis of the carvers John and James New appeared in 
Markers XVI. He is Professor Emeritus of Music at the University of 
Massachusetts, Dartmouth. 

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at 
Western Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the 
last eight issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: 
Voices of American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the 
American Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the 
book The Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of 
the editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a former president 
of the Oregon Folklore Society, and from 1986-1996 chaired the 
Cemeteries and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture 
Association. His articles on Oregon pioneer gravemarkers and (with 
David M. Gradwohl) on San Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery have 
appeared in Markers XI and Markers XII, respectively. In 1998 he was a 
recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' Harriete M. Forbes 
Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Besides his contribution to 
material necrology, he has published a wide variety of scholarly materials 
in both folklore and literary studies. 



238 



Silas Weir Mitchell (1829-1914) was a distinguished physician, neurolo- 
gist, poet, and novelist who was born and spent most of his life in the 
Philadelphia area. One of the principal founders of the American 
Physiological Society, his contributions to medical literature covered 
many different areas and resulted in almost 200 books and articles, 
although he is best known for his experiments in the treatment of nervous 
disorders. His literary accomplishments, which include a number of his- 
torical novels and short stories, as well as a substantial body of poetry, 
have assured his place as a minor but nonetheless significant figure in 
American literary history. 

Richard F. Veit teaches in the Department of History and Anthropology 
at Monmouth University in West Long Branch, New Jersey. A historical 
archaeologist by training, his research has focused on New Jersey's eigh- 
teenth and nineteenth century gravestones. His other areas of interest 
include the archaeological study of ethnicity and the rise of industrialism. 
His article on Terra Cotta gravemarkers appeared in Markers XII. 

Gray Williams is a freelance writer and editor who lives in Westchester 
County, New York. His subjects of interest range from health to history, 
as reflected by his most recently published book, Living with Shingles 
(1997) and his forthcoming book on Westchester County landmarks. His 
special area of interest, however, is the early gravestone carvers of New 
York and Connecticut, and he has contributed past articles to Markers on 
the New Haven, Connecticut carver Thomas Gold, the Westchester carv- 
er Solomon Brewer, and the gravestones preserved in the crypt of New 
Haven Center Church. 



239 



INDEX 



Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations 



Adams, Christopher 146 

Adams, Francis 101 

Allen, George 41, 55, 58 

All Saints' Day 30 

All Souls' Day 30 

Alsop farm, Newtown Township, 

Long Island, NY 12 
American Folklore Society 1 
Antram, Sarah 55, [58] 
Apicella gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [22] 
Aries, Philippe 117 
Arwine, Conrad 142 
Association for Gravestone Studies 33, 

111 
Atwood, Susanna 50, 85, 87, [86] 

Bacon, Mary 65 

Baker, Joanne F. Ill 

Balmori, Diana 17 

Bamonte monument, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [17] 
Barker, William 100 
Bartlett, John 49, 74-76, [72] 
Bartlett, John Lewis 80 
Bassett, Anne 81, [79] 
Bernhard, John Peter 133 
Bescherer, Abraham 142 
Bliss, Aaron 203 
Bliss, Abel 202 
Bliss, Asenath 203 
Bliss, Elizabeth 202 

Blood of My Blood (Richard Gambino) 18 
Bonnano-Chiaramonte e Bonnano, 

Guiseppe 22 
Bonomo gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [26] 
Bormann, F. Herbert 17 
Bosworth, John 98 
Brando, Marlon 11 
Bray, William 87 
Brewer, Solomon 192 
Brinckerhof, Jacob 192, [162] 
Brown, Mary 146 
Brown, Moses 41 



Brown, Obadiah 40-41 
Brown, Patrick 154 
Brown, Thomas 202 
Buckland, William 202 
Bull, Joseph 202 
Bullock, David 38-39 
Bullock, Samuel 38-39 
Burbank, Catherine 103 
Burbank, David 103 
Burbank, John 50 
Burbank, Mary Ann 103 
Burbank, Nehemiah 103 
Burbank, Priscilla Savery 103 
Burbank, Sally 103 
Burbank, Sally Coye 49 
Burbank, Samuel 49-50 
Burbank, Samuel, Jr. 103 
Burbank, Sarah Coye 103 
Burbank, Walter D. 103 
Burbank, William 103 

Calvary Cemetery, Borough of Queens, 
New York City, NY 8-31, [8, 13, 14] 

Campo Santo de Comune di Floridia, Sicily 
27-28, [28] 

Cape Cod, MA 33-107 

Carver, James 50 

Churchill, [E]leanor 85 

Cobb, John 34, 54-55, [53, 54] 

Cobb, Josiah 68 

Cobb, Margaret 83, 87, [83] 

Codner, William 65 

Coggeshall, George 98 

Collins, Elizabeth 131 

Cool, T. 147, 155 

Cooley, Luke 202 

Cooper, George 80 

Cooper, Martha 204 

Coppola, Francis Ford 11 

Corleone, Vito 11 

Cotton, Rosseter 92 

Coy, Betsy 103 

Coy, Charles J. 103 

Coy, Elizabeth 36 

Coy, Enos 103 



240 



Coy, Ephraim 103 

Coy, Hiram G. 103 

Coy, John (b. 1717)36 

Coy, John (b. 1725)36 

Coy, Johnny C. 103 

Coy, Martha 36 

Coy, Mary 103 

Coy, Matthew 35-36 

Coy, Richard 35-36 

Coy, Sarah Luce 36 

Coy, Sarah Woodbury 35-37, 40 

Coye, Elizabeth Shurtleff 50 

Coye, John 36, 40 

Coye, Jonathan W. 36, 40 

Coye, Mary [Carver] 50 

Coye, Mary Pearse 39, 44 

Coye, Rebecca Brown 50 

Coye, Ruth Savery 34, 44, 48 

Coye, Samuel 36-37, 40, 44 

Coye, Sarah 36 

Coye, William 32-107 

Craft, Henry Livingston 203 

Craft, Robert [197] 

Craft, William [198] 

Crombie, Fanney 87, [88] 

Croswell, Andrew 83, [81] 

Crowell, Elizabeth 127 

Curtis, James 68 

Cushman, Zenus 50 

"D" Carver 131-142 

Danforth, Job 37 

Danforth, Molley 36, 52, 55, [59] 

Danforth, Sarah Coy 37-38 

Davee, Robert 87 

Davison, George 102 

Deetz, James 126, 153 

Del Guidice, Luisa 17-18 

Dethlefsen, Edwin 117, 126, 153 

Deverson, George 47 

Diman, Daniel 47-48 

Dobbs, William 202 

Dodderer, Abram 132 

Dodderer, Elizabeth 132 

Dodderer, Jacob 131-142 

Dodderer, Lydia 132 

Dodderer, Peter 132 

Dowe, Debora 147, 155, [148] 

Drew, Bathsheba 34, 52, 55, [57] 



Drew, Lemuel 102 
Dublin Seminar 111 
Dubois County, IN 2 
Duryea, Steeven 204 

Early American Industries Association 1 

Early Ontario Gravestones (Carole Hanks) 157 

Edmonds, Elizabeth 51 

Edmonds, Elizabeth [Stephenson] 46-48 

Edmonds, John Fordery 46-47 

Evans, Tim 3 

Faeta, Francesco 26-27 

Farber, Daniel 111, 128 

Farber, Jessie Lie 128 

First Reformed Church Cemetery, Fishkill, 

NY 192 
Fisher, John 202 
Hach, Catherina [152] 
Flach, Martha 155-156, 150] 
Hach, Matthias 155 
Hack, Catherine 146-147 
Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction 

(Richard Dorson) 1 
Forbes, Harriette Merrifield 55, 126 
Foster, Thomas 75-76 
Franklin, Benjamin 125 
Frascelli gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [23] 
Fusaro gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [24] 

Geballe, Gordon T. 17 

General Index to the Laws of the State of New 

York (Henry Havens) 142 
Georgetown, SC 34, 74 
German Americans 124-161 
German language gravestones, New Jersey 

130-161 
German language gravestones, Pennsylvania 

128-130 
Giesecke, Anne G. Ill 
Gifford, Joseph 101 
Ginsburg, George 140 
Gisolfi gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [25] 
Global Positioning Systems (GPS) 112-114 
Goodwin, Hannah 79, [77] 
Goodwin, Nathaniel 34, 42, 52, 65, [66] 



241 



Gordon, Leonard 203 

Grasping Things (Simon J. Bronner) 4 

Graves, Thomas 128-129, 140 

gravestone rubbing 112 

Greene, James 37 

Greene, Thomas 37 

Greenleaf, Joseph 101 

Griffin, Dorithy 203 

Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) 116-118 

Hammatt, Abraham 84-85, 92, [84, 94] 

Hamilton, Asa 204-205 

Hardwick, NJ 131-158 

Harlow, Amaziah, Jr. 45, 49, 51, 84-85 

Harlow, Deborah 79 

Harlow, Elizabeth 87, [89] 

Harlow, [Ja]bez 74 

Hartshorn, Jacob 40 

Hartshorn, Stephen 33, 38-42, 52, 55, 58, 

85 
Hatfield, Barns 202 
Higgins, Ruben 105 
Higgins, Samuel 80 
Higgins, [...]man 92 
Hill, Samuel 44 
Historical Collections of the State of New 

Jersey (John Barber and Henry Howe) 

130 * 
Holbrook, Ezekiel 81 
Holbrook, Martha 80-81, [78] 
Holden, Jonathan 38 
Holmes, Lewis 84-85 
Holmes, Nathaniel 45, 51, 87, 92, 94-95 
Homer, John 65, 75 
Hoosier Folklore Society 1 
Hopkins, Sarah 76, [76] 
Hovey, Mary 79 
Howland, Elizabeth 81-85 
Howland, Thomas Southworth 46 
Humfrey, Anne 202 
Hurlburt, C.G 99 
Huston, David [cover, 7] 

Indiana Universiy 1-2 
Iorizzo, Luciano J. 22 
Irish Americans 15-16 
Italian Americans 8-13 



Jackson, Lucy 83 
Jackson, Samuel 49 
Jackson, William Morton 90, 92 
Jones, Michael Owen 3 

Keen, George, Sr. 142 
King Philip's War 36 
Kunesset, Johannes [147] 
Kunkle, John, Jr. 142 

La Bianca gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [24] 
Lathrop, Thatcher 204 
Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, PA 14 
LeBaron, Francis 74 
Leonardi monument, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [29] 
lettering on gravestones 162-205 
Llewellyn Park, NJ 17 
Looking at the Overlooked (Warren E. Roberts) 

4 
Long Valley Union Cemetery, Morris County, 

NJ 146-147 
Lothrup, Melatiah 75, [73] 
Luther, Seth 39, 41 

MacKareth, Jane 33, 61, [63, 64] 

magnometers 119, [110] 

Markers: Annual journal of the Association for 

Gravestone Studies 4, 111, 128 
Marshall, Howard 3 
Marson, Samuel 34, 61, 83, [62] 
Mathias, Elizabeth 25 
Meenema, Benjamin 204 
Meenema, Catharine 203 
Metzger, Angiolinia 14-15, [15] 
Meyer, Richard 4 
Middletown Friends Meeting House 

Cemetery, Middletown, PA [108] 
Miller, Elizabeth 192, [195] 
Miller, Philip and Anna [151] 
Mondello, Salvatore 22 
Monro, Thomas 98 
Moravian gravemarkers 130 
Morton, Hannah 83 

Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA 14 
Mount Kisco Carver 203 



242 



Narragansett Basin 33-65 
Nelles, Hannah 157 
Nelson, Elisha 90, [93] 
Nova Scotia 33, 61 
Noyes, Dorothy 22 

Old Stone Union Church Cemetery, 

Morris County, NJ 143 
Old St. Patrick's Church, Manhattan, 

New York City, NY 13 

Palermo United Church Cemetery, Hatton 

County, Ontario, Canada 157 
Partridge, Joseph 100 
Paty, Sylvia and Meriah 85, [85] 
Pearce, Jacob 38-39 
Pearse, Dorothy Hartshorn 39 
Pearse, Elizabeth 101 
Pearse, Elizabeth Hersey 44 
Pearse, Experience 101 
Pearse, Icabod 99 
Pearse, John 39 
Pearse, Mary Lindsay 44 
Pearse, Mary Munro 101 
Pearse, Nathaniel 44 
Pearse, Samuel 44-49 
Pearse, Samuel, Jr. 44, 101 
Pearse, Sarah 101 
Peck, Jonathan 100 
Pennsylvania German Folk Art: An 

Introduction (John Joseph Stout) 128 
Pennsylvania German Tombstones: A Study 

in Folk Art (Preston Barba) 128-129 
photoceramic gravestone portraits 16-17, 

[17] 
photographing gravestones 115-116 
Pierce, EC. 99 
Pierce, H.C. 99 
Pioneer America 2, 4 
Pioneer America Society 1 
Plymouth, MA 32-107 
Plymouth [MA] Powder House 81-82, 

[80] 
Pope, Mary 87, [90] 
Price, Ebenezer 137, 156-157 
Providence, RI 33-65 
Puzo, Mario 12 



Quakers 108-109, 131 

Rawson, Stephen 38-39 

Rawson, William 38-39 

Reed College 2 

Rice, Catherine 146 

Richmond, Henry 101 

Richmond, Rogers 98 

Rider, William 70, 73, 80, [70, 71] 

Ridlen, Susanne 4 

Roberts, Warren Everett vi-7, [vi, 3, 7] 

Roman Catholicism 8-31 

Root, John 202 

Round, Richard 33, 37-39, 42, 59, 61, 65, [60] 

Rural Cemetery Movement 14 

Saccente gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [20] 
Savery, Elizabeth Stephenson 46 
Savery, Lemuel 33, 44-46, 48, 51, 69-70, 79-81 
Schmidt, Hubert 128 
Schuster, Joh. Heinr. 137-140, [139] 
Schuster, M. Glockner 140 
Schwartzwetter, Martin 140, [141] 
Sciascia gravesite, Calvary Cemetery, 

New York City, NY [22] 
Sciorra, Joseph 10 
Sears, Elizabeth 76, [74, 75] 
Shaver, Peter B. [149] 
Shaw, Betsy 89-90, [91, 92] 
Shaw, Ichabod 49 
Shaw, Southworth 65 
Sheldon, Miriam 203 
Sicily 25-28 
Smith, Giles 205 
Snover, John Henry 142 
Snow, Joseph 79 
Society for the North American Cultural 

Survey 1 
Spooner, Ephraim 47 
Spooner, Sarah 34, 42, 52, 55, [32] 
St. Mark's Churchyard, Mount Kisco, NY 192 
St. Peter's Church, Manhattan, New York 

City, NY 13 
Stansfield, Charles 125 
Stebbins, Ebenezer 203 
Stebbins, Ezra 202 
Stephenson, Elizabeth 46-47 
Stephenson, Jasper Hall 46-47 



243 



Stephenson, John 46 

Stephenson, William 46-47 

Stewart, Abner 156-157 

Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of North 

Carolina Gravemarkers (Ruth Little) 130 
Stillwater Presbyterian Church Cemetery, 

Sussex County, NJ 132-158 
Sturgis, William 105 
Swan, Ebenezer 36 
Swan, Margaret Woodbury 36 
Swan, Sarah 36, 52, [56] 
Swayze Family Cemetery, Warren County, 

NJ147 
Symmes, Hannah 67, [67] 
Symmes, Isaac 46 

Teetzel, John Solomon 124-161 

The Art of Rural Pennsylvania (Frances 

Lichten) 128 
The Godfather 11 
The Old Traditional Way of Life (Robert E. 

Walls and George H. Schoemaker) 3 
The Tale of the Kind and Unkind Girls 

(Warren E. Roberts) 2 
Thomas, Mercy 61, 79 
Titcomb, Paul 105 
Trask, Deborah 61 

tree-stump tombstones 1-7, [cover, 7] 
Tribble, Hiram 45 
Tribble, John 45, 51 
Tribble, Winslow 45 
Trinity Church and Churchyard, 

Manhattan, New York City, NY 13, 

[12] 



Wacker, Peter 125 

Ward, Uzal 137, 203 

Wardwell, Mehethabell 42, 52, 55, [43] 

Warner, W. Lloyd 117 

Warren, Henry 49 

Warriner, Margaret 203 

Waterman, John 102 

Watson, Patience 65 

Watson, William 101 

West Cemetery, Providence, RI 37 

Weston, Coomer 83, [82] 

Wheaton, Nathaniel 38 

Whitman, Hannah Hartshorn 40 

Whitman, Jacob 37, 40 

Wilson, Elijah 103 

Wilson, Susan Coy 103 

Windem [Windermuth] sisters gravemarker 

132-133, [124] 
Windermuth, John George 135-137, [136, 138] 
Windermuthin, Margaret Elizabeth 133-135, 

[134-135] 
Winterbotham, W. 125-126 
Wood, Thankful 205 
Woodbury, Hugh 35 
Woodbury, Jonathan 37 
Woodbury, Lydia 37 
Woodbury, Mary Rawford 35 

Yellow Frame Presbyterian Church Cemetery, 

Sussex County, NJ 143 
Yoder, Donald 154 

Zuricher, John 192 



Van Tassill, William 203 

Van Voorhis, John and Barbare 192, [165] 

Van Wyck, Cathelyna 205 

Van Wyck, Theodorus 204 

videotaping gravestones 114-115 

Vlach, John Michael 3 



244 



NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO 

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE 

ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

Scope 

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non- 
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for New 
England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual scholarly 
journal, Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes of AGS are 
broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its subject mat- 
ter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and encompassing 
all historical periods and geographical regions, with an emphasis upon 
North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean above-ground arti- 
facts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in most instances 
excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, however, be made to 
this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are urged to consult the 
editor if they have any questions concerning this matter). Articles on 
death and dying in general or on other aspects of death-related material 
culture would not normally fall within the journal's purview unless clear- 
ly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular cemeteries may form 
the basis of study if a major focus of the article is on the markers con- 
tained therein and if the purpose of the article is more than simply a non- 
analytical history or description of the cemeteries themselves. Finally, 
articles submitted for publication in Markers should be scholarly, analyti- 
cal and interpretive, not merely descriptive and entertaining. Within these 
general parameters, the journal seeks variety both in subject matter and 
disciplinary orientation. For illustration of these general principles, the 
prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of Markers. 

Submissions 

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard 
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581-5344 
/ E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in tripli- 
cate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals of 
any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, articles 
in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 typescripted, 
double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any appended 



245 



material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of exceptional 
merit and if space permits. 

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the 
text of the manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard copy 
and computer diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing pro- 
grams are compatible with the journal's disk translation software, which 
is used for typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on this matter 
should be directed to the editor. 

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in 
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial sub- 
mission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in a 
given volume of the journal are generally determined by the chronologi- 
cal order of their acceptance and submission in final form. 

Style/Notes 

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and prin- 
ciples enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual of 
Style, [a notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal 
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style 
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded as 
the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period]. 

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as end- 
notes (i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary 
nature should conform in format to the models found in the chapter enti- 
tled "Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they 
should be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the arti- 
cle and before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not 
desired, though bibliographical material may, of course, be included with- 
in one or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a sepa- 
rate paragraph at the beginning of the note section. 

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly 
labeled as such (e.g., Appendix I, Appendix II, etc.). 

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of 
Markers for examples of these principles in context. 



246 



Illustrations 

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally lend- 
ing itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal encour- 
ages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, plus any 
number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding that 
these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's value 
through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. Photos 
should be5x7or8xl0 black and white glossy prints of medium-high 
contrast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Pre-scanned pho- 
tographic images submitted on computer disk are not acceptable. Maps, 
charts, diagrams or other line art should be rendered as carefully as pos- 
sible so as to enhance presentation. A separate sheet should be provided 
listing captions for each illustration. It is especially important that each 
illustration be numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference 
at the appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7). 

Review 

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the jour- 
nal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort is 
made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When 
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be noti- 
fied of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions for 
revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized man- 
uscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for style 
and format before publication. 

Copyright 

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing copy- 
right and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written permissions 
for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously copyrighted 
material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written permission 
from the person holding the copyright must be secured and submitted to 
the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained from persons 
who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit to the photog- 
rapher should be provided in captions or acknowledgment statement. 

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given 
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission 



247 



to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles 
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a com- 
plimentary copy of the volume. 



AGS JOURNALS 



MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of 
15 articles on topics such as recording & care of grave- 
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual markers, 
& carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & the 
CT Hook-and-Eye Man. [182 pp; 100 illus.] 

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & 
Atlantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in 
Scotland & New England; early symbols in religious 
& wider social perspective; MA carvers Joseph 
Barbur, Jr., Stephen & Charles Hartshorn, & carver 
known as "JN"; Portage County, WI carvers, 1850- 
1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo, TX. 
[226 pp.; 168 illus.] 

MARKERS HI Gravestone styles in frontier towns 
of western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan 
markers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County, 
MA.; & NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah 
Coolidge Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther 
Hubbard. [154 pp.; 80 illus.] 

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural 
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions; 
camposantos of NM; & death Italo- American style. [180 
pp.; 138 illus.] 

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum 
designs of Louis Henri Sullivan; Thomas Gold & 7 
Boston carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with 
their initials; & Canadian gravestones & yards in 
Ontario & Kings County, Nova Scotia. [240 pp.; 158 
illus.] 

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, MA.; 
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to 
GA; sociological study of Chicago-area monuments; 
more on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in south- 
western Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a 
review essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying 
Grounds of Eastern Connecticut. [245 pp.; 90 illus.] 

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot 
enclosures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds 
Initiative; unusual monuments in colonial tidewater 
VA; tree stones in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; life 
& work of VA carver Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of 
Monroe County, IN; Celtic crosses; & monuments of 
the Tsimshian Indians of western Canada. [281 pp.; 
158 illus.] 

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering 
studies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their 
work: 15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited 
by Peter Benes. [342 pp.; 206 illus.] 

MARKERS IX A tribute to the art of Francis Duval; 
the Mullicken Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the 
Green Man on Scottish markers; the Center Church 



Crypt, New Haven, CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin & 
his shop; the Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, 
MA; Thomas Crawford's monument for Amos 
Binney; Salt Lake City Temple symbols on Mormon 
tombstones; language codes in TX German cemeter- 
ies; & the disappearing Shaker cemetery. [281 pp.; 176 
illus.] 

MARKERS X The markers carved by Calvin Barber 
of Simsbury CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern 
American cemetery; stonecarving of Charles Lloyd 
Neale of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of 
Louisville, KY; 4 generations of the Lamson family 
carvers of Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the 
Protestant Cemetery in Florence, Italy. [254 pp.; 122 
illus.] 

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemark- 
ers; regional & denominational identity in LA ceme- 
teries; carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester 
County, NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the 
Dead'; slave markers in colonial MA; the Leighton & 
Worster families of carvers; a KY stonecutter's career; 
& pioneer markers in OR. [237 pp.; 132 illus.] 

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta gravemarkers; Adam & 
Eve markers in Scotland; a sociological examination 
of cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead 
diary; contemporary gravemarkers of youths; San 
Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's 
Work in Gravemarker/ Cemetery Studies. [238 pp.; 
Ill illus.] 

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of 

Plainfield, CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of 
gravestone carving in Coastal NH; language commu- 
nity in a TX cemetery; carver John Huntington of 
Lebanon, CT; & "The Year's Work." [248 pp.; 172 
illus.] 

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols; 
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern 
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt 
family stonecutters; African-American cemeteries in 
north FL; & "The Year's Work." [232 pp.; 107 illus.] 

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries; 

Herman Melville's grave; carving traditions of 
Plymouth & Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscrip- 
tions; Aboriginal Australian markers; Kansas ceme- 
teries & The New Deal; Chinese markers in Hong 
Kong; & "The Year's Work." [350 pp.; 166 illus.] 

MARKERS XVI Daniel Farber obituary; Nar- 

ragansett carvers John & James New; celebration in 
American memorials; "Joshua Sawyer" (poem); 
Harriet Ruggles Loomis' gravestone; Scotch-Irish 
markers of John Wight; murder in MA; & "The Year's 
Work." [281 pp.; 142 illus.]