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MARKERS XVIII 




Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Markers XVIII 



Annual Journal of 
the Association for 
Gravestone Studies 



Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Association for Gravestone Studies 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 




Copyright ©2001 by 

Association for Gravestone Studies 

278 Main Street, Suite 207 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301 



All rights reserved 
Printed in the United States of America 



ISBN: 1-878381-11-3 
ISSN: 0277-8726 
LCN: 81-642903 



The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of 

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. 



Cover illustration: Graves and ossuary, Necropole Nationale de Douamont, 
near Verdun, France. Photograph by Richard E. Meyer. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Page 



Quantrill's Three Graves and Other Reminders of the 1 

Lawrence Massacre 

Randall M. Thies 

Egyptian Revival Funerary Art in Green-Wood Cemetery 30 

Elizabeth Broman 

A Cemetery 68 

Emily Dickinson 

The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 70 

James Blachowicz 

Gravestones and the Linguistic Ethnography of 146 

Czech-Moravians in Texas 

Eva Eckert 

Stylistic Variation in the Western Front Battlefield 188 

Cemeteries of World War I Combatant Nations 

Richard E. Meyer 

The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies: 254 

An International Bibliography 

Richard E. Meyer 

Contributors 284 

Index 286 



m 



MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE 
ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

Richard E. Meyer, Editor 

Western Oregon University 

Gary Collison, Assistant Editor 
The Pennsylvania State University, York 

Theodore Chase Julie Rugg 

Ha rva rd Ui i ivers ity Un ivers ity of Yo rk 

Editor, Markers V-IX (United Kingdom) 

Jessie Lie Farber James A. Slater 

Mount Holyoke College University of Connecticut 

Editor, Markers I 

Dickran Tashjian 
Richard Francaviglia University of California, Irvine 

University of Texas at Arlington 

David Watters 
Barbara Rotundo University of Nezo Hampshire 

State University of New York at Albany Editor, Markers II-IV 

Wilbur Zelinsky 
The Pennsylvania State University, University Park 

One of my favorite cartoon images has always been that of a harried 
Dagwood Bumstead rushing half-dressed out of his house in the morning 
in pursuit of the departing streetcar and exclaiming "Better late than 
never!" I can relate to all of that, this year more than ever. Still, at last, here 
is Markers XVIII. One hopes you'll find the wait was worth it. As has 
become the journal's custom, the current issue once again features essays 
and other features covering a wide spectrum of time periods, geographi- 
cal locales, and disciplinary perspectives. 



IV 



This issue also marks the final year of service to the journal by one of 
its staunchest supporters. After editing Markers V-IX, and subsequently 
serving as a member of the editorial advisory board since I took over from 
him with Markers X, Ted Chase has requested we seek someone to take his 
place, and I am happy to report that Laurel Gabel has graciously agreed 
to assume these duties commencing with Markers XIX. Laurel's consider- 
able experience and wide-ranging areas of expertise should prove an 
invaluable aid to our efforts. But still, it is difficult to think of a Markers 
without Ted Chase associated with it in some fashion. All of us who enjoy 
and value this publication owe him an immense debt of gratitude. 

Once again, I offer my thanks to the current year's contributors for the 
high quality of their submissions, and also to the individual members of 
the journal's editorial review board for their dedicated efforts, good 
judgement, and consistently high standards. Fred Kennedy of Lynx 
Communication Group, Salem, Oregon, and Patti Stephens of Philomath, 
Oregon again deserve special praise for the production and design skills 
which make Markers the handsome volume it is. The officers, executive 
board members, staff, and general membership of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies are, of course, what make it all possible in the first 
place. And, as always, I am most grateful to Lotte Larsen Meyer for her 
unwavering support and encouragement over the years. 

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life, 
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information 
concerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal 
may be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of 
this issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E. 
Meyer, Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, PO. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 / 
E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publi- 
cations, membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278 
Main Street, Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836. 

R.E.M. 



V 



Quantrill's Three Graves 




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VI 



QUANTRILL'S THREE GRAVES 
AND OTHER REMINDERS OF THE LAWRENCE MASSACRE 

Randall M. Thies 

"Killed in the Lawrence Massacre." As I read this epitaph and others 
like it while walking through the peaceful grounds of Pioneer Cemetery 
in Lawrence, Kansas, my mind flashes with images of gunshots and 
killing, houses burning, women weeping. The Lawrence Massacre was 
unquestionably the most horrific event in Kansas Civil War history. 
Within the space of a few hours on Friday, August 21, 1863, Confederate 
raiders killed approximately 200 men and burned the town. Today, grave- 
stones in Lawrence's Pioneer and Oak Hill cemeteries serve as badges of 
honor for the victims of the raid (Figs, la-lc). These gravestones, and var- 
ious other markers placed throughout the town, serve as chilling 
reminders of this frightening event. 

To properly understand the significance of these markers, it is neces- 
sary to know the historical importance of the Lawrence Massacre, also 










^k'' .^ 



'i' 



Fig. 2. "The Lawrence Massacre," sketch by Lauretta Louise Fox Fisk. 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



known as Quantrill's Raid. According to the preeminent Kansas Civil War 
historian Albert Castel, the Lawrence Massacre ranks as "the most atro- 
cious single event of the Civil War." In fact, he notes, "for stark, melodra- 
matic horror, nothing else quite matched it."^ 

The raid began just after dawn as some 400 Missouri Confederate 
guerrillas took Lawrence by surprise. Methodically, and then with 
increasing raucousness and savagery as they imbibed hquor looted from 
local saloons, they killed some 200 men and torched the town (Fig. 2). 
Most of the killings were essentially cold-blooded murders of unarmed 
civilians, many of them shot as their loved ones pleaded for their lives. 
Fortunately for the citizens of Lawrence, even some of the raiders were 
shocked by these events, to the extent that they allowed some men to 
escape. 

A city of some 3,000 souls, Lawrence had been founded nearly a 
decade earher by New England aboHtionists and was the symbohc capi- 
tol of abolitionism in Kansas. Perhaps more importantly, Lawrence was 
headquarters for many of the "Jayhawkers" who ravaged western 
Missouri during the first two years of the Civil War, killing and looting (or 
"jayhawking") under the guise of establishing Union control.^ 

In fact, Kansas jayhawking can be considered as inspiration for the 
raid. It is all too easy to forget, as one modern Kansas historian has noted, 
"that it was Kansans who initiated the practice of burning undefended 
civilian towns and murdering noncombatants in 186L.. we ourselves 
sowed the seed of the Lawrence massacre by filling the ranks of the guer- 
rillas with desperate men who had nothing more to lose and thirsted for 
revenge.""* Revenge was clearly one reason for the raid, probably the main 
reason. From a more pragmatic standpoint, the guerrillas intended quite 
simply to kill as many local men as they could, especially prominent citi- 
zens such as Senator and sometimes General James H. Lane, who direct- 
ed or inspired the jayhawking that had so disastrously affected the 
Missourians. 

"Quantrill's Raid" gained its name from the man who led the 
Confederates, 26-year-old Wilham C. Quantrill (Fig. 3). Strangely enough, 
Quantrill was a former Lawrence resident. Originally from Dover, Ohio, 
Quantrill emigrated to Kansas in 1857, tried homes teading and then 
taught school before seeking various other modes of employment. He 
lived in Lawrence for a time, but associated with the rougher element and 
became a shady character engaged in questionable activities. When war 



Randall M. Thies 




Fig. 3. William C. Quantrill. 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



came, he threw his lot in with the Missouri Confederates and soon gained 
fame as one of the most effective leaders of the many bands of 
"bushwackers" that formed to conduct guerrilla warfare in an attempt to 
resist Kansas jayhawking and Union occupation of their state. The raid on 
Lawrence can be judged as one of Quantrill's most successful exploits, 
although it accomplished little or nothing from a military standpoint.^ 

In Lawrence after the raiders left, stunned survivors faced a night- 
marish scene of death and destruction. Most of the town's buildings had 
been burned to the ground, and somewhere around 200 men had been 
killed (the exact number and identity of the victims is uncertain even 
today due to the lack of accountability for recent immigrants and the 
arson which consumed some bodies and made others unrecognizable). 
Most of the dead were local men: some were young, still in their teens, 
others were heads of families. For the citizens of Lawrence, Quantrill's 
Raid was a devastating event, a tragedy almost beyond belief. 

Two factors resulted in the raid having an impact far beyond the local 
scene. Quantrill's raid was the first large-scale atrocity of the war, and it 
received immediate and widespread newspaper coverage, attracting 
national and even international attention. "The Lawrence Massacre" 
became a household term. For some families the impact was quite per- 
sonal, and in at least one instance this resulted in the event finding ceno- 
taphic expression on a marker far from Lawrence. Raid victim Frederic 
Kimball found his final resting place in a Lawrence grave, but back home 
in Greenville, New Hampshire, his parents commemorated his loss by 
listing him on their gravestone (Fig. 4), noting that he was "killed by 
Guerrillas at Lawrence, Ks."^^ 

Quantrill also became a household name; but depending on the house- 
hold, he was the subject of two diametrically opposed views. In Missouri, 
amongst Southern sympathizers, he was "a hero, a cavalier, an avenging 
angel."'' In Kansas and throughout the North, on the other hand, Quantrill 
became an "historical devil," acquiring an infamy that immortalized him 
as a "monster" and "fiend" which not only gave him a reputation as "the 
bloodiest man in American history," but also established him as "one of 
the great national villains."'' His notoriety in Kansas was such that, long 
after his death and the end of the war, his bones would be put on exhibit 
as a macabre sort of trophy, and today his once-bartered remains lie in 
three different graves in as many states.*^ 

In Lawrence after the raid, stunned citizens began the sad task of col- 



Randall M. Thies 











his >^H'<'» 
Jfitlctl //I/ Vufrrifjlm] 



^jO^ 



Fig, 4. Kimball family gravemarker, Greenville, NH. 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



lecting the bodies of the victims.^ Some were then buried in family ceme- 
teries, but most were taken to Oread Cemetery, which at that time was 
located some distance west of Lawrence. Today, the cemetery is well with- 
in the city limits and part of the University of Kansas campus. Now known 
as Pioneer Cemetery and used for faculty burials, it is a beautiful and well 
kept burial ground, but during and after the Civil War it was badly 
neglected and regarded as "a disgrace" to the community. Cattle grazed 
the area and teamsters drove over it, knocking over and breaking many of 
the gravestones. Most of those stones now lie flat, reset in concrete.^° 

The massacre victims were in good company at Oread Cemetery, join- 
ing Thomas Barber (Fig. 5), whose body had been placed there nearly a 
decade earlier after his death at the beginning of the "Bleeding Kansas" 
era. The latter was a time of violence and occasional armed conflict as pro- 
slavery forces (mainly Missourians) and free-state forces (for the most 
part New Englanders, many of them abolitionists) struggled for political 
sovereignty - a struggle now regarded as the "genesis" of the Lawrence 
Massacre." Barber was a free-state man, advocating that Kansas be admit- 
ted into the Union as a free state, not a slave state. Caught up in the events 
of the time, he was shot and killed by pro-slavery Missourians in 1855 and 
has conie to be regarded as a "free-state martyr."^- Often credited with 
being the first death to result from the conflict in Kansas between free- 
state and pro-slavery forces, Barber's demise made him a celebrity of 
sorts, immortalized by John Greenleaf Whittier in his poem "The Burial of 
Barber," wherein the poet called for Barber's grave to "Be our pledge and 
guaranty/Of the freedom of the West!"^"* 

After the Civil War, Oread Cemetery was largely abandoned when the 
citizens of Lawrence opted for a new cemetery known as Oak Hill, which 
was designed according to the precepts of the Rural Cemetery movement. 
Town boosterism and civic pride were major forces behind the creation of 
the new cemetery, but a more lofty goal was to provide a suitable setting 
for raid victims. According to Oak Hill historian Cathy Ambler, 
Quantrill's raid "provided a catalyst for the cemetery's founding" by 
focusing the community's attention on the need for providing raid vic- 
tims with a more respectful setting in a location closer to town than Oread 
Cemetery.^* With these goals in mind. Oak Hill Cemetery was established 
in 1865, and by 1872 most of the raid victims had been moved there. At 
least six, however, still lie in Oread Cemetery, while a few others remain 
in family cemeteries. ^^ 



Randall M. Thies 




Fig. 5. Gravestone of Thomas Barber, 
Pioneer Cemetery, Lawrence, KS. 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



At Oak Hill, some of the raid victims were placed in individual graves. 
Others, especially those whose identity was uncertain, were reburied in a 
mass grave, or more specifically, three adjacent lines of graves (see Fig. 6). 
In 1895, a monument was placed to the immediate west of the graves. 
Intended as a memorial for all of the raid victims, it also serves, in effect, 
as a communal headstone for those buried behind it. The inscription on 
the front of the monument (Fig. 7) reflects the strong feelings and flam- 
boyant language of the era by memorializing those "...who defenseless 
fell victims to the inhuman ferocity of border guerrillas led by the infa- 
mous Quantrell..."^^ 

The names of the victims are not provided on the monument, and in 
fact, as mentioned above, not all their names are known. With a somewhat 
curious confidence, however, the inscription on the back of the monument 
(Fig. 8) indicate that "The roll of their names may be found in the city 
clerk's office, Lawrence, and in the records of the State Historical Society, 
Topeka." My co-workers in the Society's Library /Archives Division 




Fig. 6. Depressions (marked by stones on flagging tape) 

mark the location of the three rows of graves for raid victims 

at Oak Hill Cemetery, Lawrence, KS. The raid victims' monument 

(see also Figs. 7 and 8) can be seen to the left. 



Randall M. Thies 




h 




Fig. 7. Front view of raid victims monument. 
Oak Hill Cemetery, Lawrence, KS. 



10 



Quantrill's Three Graves 




Fig. 8. Inscription on back of raid victims monument. 
Oak Hill Cemetery, Lawrence, KS. 




Fig. 9. "Death marker" for Griswold, Baker, Trask, and Thorp, 
beside telephone pole in residential Lawrence, KS. 



Randall M. Thies 



11 



expressed surprise when I told them of this, however, and none of them 
remember anyone ever asking for this information - nor do they have a 
Hst on hand to be given out to the curious. Enquiries at the Lawrence City 
Clerk's office produced a similar response.^^ 

Lawrence has other reminders of the Massacre, in the form of markers 
or monuments of a somewhat different sort than gravestones, located in 
some rather mundane and therefore surprising places. For example, in a 
quiet residential setting, on a narrow strip of lawn between street and 
sidewalk, next to an alleyway and telephone pole, a small granite marker 
(Fig. 9) informs the passerby that "Here Griswold, Baker, Thorp and Trask 
were shot." This is not a gravemarker. It is something infinitely more chill- 
ing - a death marker, serving notice that a killing took place on this spot.^^ 
Similarly, on a strip of grass adjacent to a downtown parking lot, another 
such marker informs us that "Here near a score of unarmed recruits were 
shot" (Fig. 10). These men were new recruits for the Union army, camped 
in what was then a city park. Quantrill's men swept through them like 

butter, killing seventeen, the only federal troops to die in Lawrence that 

day.i9 





,/ ^ 



'JL. 



Fig. 10. "Death marker" for Union recruits 
in downtown Lawrence, KS. 



12 Quantrill's Three Graves 



Quantrill and all but one of his men succeeded in getting away from 
Lawrence safely, and Quantrill continued to be one of the best known 
guerrilla leaders in Missouri. 1863 was the highwater mark for the 
Confederates, however, and their situation worsened as Federal forces 
became more numerous, better equipped, and better skilled. In late 1864, 
Quantrill and a small group of bushwackers left Missouri, heading east. 
On May 10, 1865, about a month after Robert E. Lee had surrendered at 
Appomatox, Quantrill and his men were attacked by Unionist guerrillas 
near Taylorsville, Kentucky. Quantrill was shot in the back, resulting in 
his paralysis and capture. He was taken to nearby Louisville and placed 
in a military hospital. Twenty-seven days later, he died.^^ 

Because Quantrill had converted to Roman Catholicism before his 
death, his body was taken to Louisville's St. Mary's Catholic Cemetery, 
known today as St. John's Cemetery. He had made arrangements for his 
burial, providing money to a priest for his grave and a headstone. Things 
took a bizarre turn at this point, however. Because Quantrill was such a 
notorious figure in the North, the priest feared that the grave might be 
desecrated. The priest therefore made his own arrangements with the sex- 
ton and had the body buried in an unmarked grave, located close to the 
sexton's cottage so that the site could be watched. The grave was only 
some ten feet from the cottage, and to ensure that no one would think a 
person was buried there, the sexton and his wife were "to throw their 
dishwater and other slops over the spot so as to obliterate it as much as 
possible."^^ 

This they did, and the matter might have rested there but for a moth- 
er's love. In the years after the war, back home in Dover, Ohio, Quantrill's 
mother Caroline, now a penniless widow, wondered what had happened 
to her son. To find the answer, Mrs. Quantrill enlisted the aid of W.W. 
Scott (Fig. 11), a Dover newspaperman who had been a boyhood friend of 
her son and after the war had taken on the role of Mrs. Quantrill's friend 
and benefactor. By 1884, Scott had visited Kentucky and discovered the 
location of Quantrill's grave, learning of it from the sexton and his wife.^^ 

In December 1887, Scott and Mrs. Quantrill traveled to Louisville 
together and arranged for the grave to be opened, supposedly so that the 
remains could be reburied in a better coffin. While Mrs. Quantrill waited 
in the hotel, Scott witnessed the exhumation, which took place on a gray 
and drizzly day. "A part of the backbone and ribs were so decayed that 
they crumbled to pieces," he later reported, "but most of the other bones 



Randall M. Thies 



13 




Fig. 11. W.W. Scott. 



14 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



were in a fair state of preservation." Some of Quantrill's hair had also 
been preserved. ^^ 

Scott wrapped the skull in newspaper and took it back to the hotel. 
There, in what must have been a truly macabre scene, he presented it to 
Mrs. Quantrill, who identified it as the skull of her son on the basis of a 
right-side chipped tooth. According to Scott, she was "much affected" by 
seeing the skull and grew determined that her son's remains should be 
reburied in the Quantrill family plot in Dover. At her direction, Scott 
absconded with the skull and the other bones, taking them back to Dover 
on the train.^* 

The authorities in Dover were none too happy over the idea of bury- 
ing such a notorious Confederate in their cemetery, but a reluctant 
approval was eventually obtained. In 1888, the burial was carried out as a 
box was placed in the Quantrill family plot with W.W. Scott, Mrs. 
Quantrill, her minister, and two others standing in attendance. For nearly 
a century the grave was left unmarked, until 1982, when a Quantrill buff 
arranged for a government-issue veteran's marker to be placed there.^^^ 
The marker (Fig. 12) is of gray granite, flush to the ground. 







Fig. 12. Quantrill's gravemarker in Dover, OH. 



Randall M. Thies 15 



One wonders what this marker actually marked, however, because 
today we know that some (and conceivably all) of the bones retrieved 
from Kentucky ended up elsewhere. Only nine days after the Kentucky 
exhumation, W.W. Scott wrote a letter to the Kansas State Historical 
Society offering to sell Quantrill's skull and enclosing a lock of his hair. In 
modern terms, the hair was a "teaser" intended to create a desire for more 
such items (i.e., the skull) and thus strengthen the likelihood of a sale. 
"What would his skull be worth to your Society?" Scott asked in his let- 
ter, requiring only that the matter be kept confidential. His letter ended 
with the truly macabre declaration that "No one in the world knows that 
I can get the head, but I can." A second letter elaborated on his desire for 
confidentiality, indicating that the matter would have to be kept quiet 
until after the death of Mrs. Quantrill ("I would not for any money have 
her feelings hurt.").^^ 

After some correspondence, a price of only twenty-five or thirty dol- 
lars was established for the skull. Unfortunately, the Society's budget did 
not allow for such expenditures, and it did not appear that a suitably 
close-mouthed benefactor could be found to provide the money. In an 
attempt to ensure the sale through proximity, Scott brought the skull and 
other bones to Kansas in May, 1888 for a meeting with Society officials, 
and took that occasion to give them Quantrill's shin bones free of charge 
- another "teaser." Even this did not bring about a sale, however, and 
Scott returned to Ohio with what remained of his cache. In accordance 
with Scott's wishes, the Society made no public announcements telling of 
its acquisition of the shin bones.-^^ 

Matters changed dramatically in 1902 when Scott died. William 
Connelly, a member of the Society's Board of Directors and himself an his- 
torian, followed up by corresponding with Scott's widow in an attempt to 
purchase manuscripts Scott had written about Quantrill, for use in a book 
Connelly hoped to write. He was successful in obtaining the manuscripts, 
but gained an extra and unexpected benefit when Mrs. Scott also provid- 
ed him with three of Quantrill's arm bones.^^ 

Barely a year later Quantrill's mother died, and there was no longer 
any reason for the Society to maintain silence. At the Society's annual 
meeting in November, 1903, Society Secretary George W. Martin publicly 
proclaimed the Society's possession of Quantrill's bones and then proud- 
ly put them on exhibit along with other relics of the Lawrence Massacre 
(Fig. 13). The announcement promptly received a flood of criticism. Some 



16 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



of this criticism was from people who simply objected to any human 
bones being on exhibit, but others - particularly Union veterans - object- 
ed to these bones in particular, apparently feeling that the exhibit served 
to commemorate Quantrill and exalt his importance. Despite the unex- 
pected reaction. Secretary Martin maintained his belief in the rightness of 
the Society's actions, and the exhibit stayed in place - until further events, 
even more unexpected, transformed the situation.^^ 

Over the next few years, rumors began to circulate that Quantrill was 
still alive, much as occurs today with Elvis sightings. There were half a 
dozen men identified as being Quantrill or claiming to be Quantrill in var- 
ious states, Mexico, and Canada. The "best" of these was a man named 
John (or G.C.) Sharp in British Columbia, but his credibility, or lack there- 
of, is best summed up in the secondary headline of a newspaper account: 
"He's Quantrell When He's Drunk, and Sharp When He's Sober." For a 
free drink, Mr. Sharp was apparently willing to "be" Quantrill.^° 




Fig. 13. Quantrill's bones and relics of the Lawrence Massacre 
on exhibit, circa 1904. 



Randall M. Thies 



17 



r 



^ 




Fig. 14. The author with Quantrill's bones in 1992. 



18 Quantrill's Three Graves 



All of this was simply too much for George Martin and the Historical 
Society, and Quantrill's bones were soon taken off exhibit and put in stor- 
age. Eventually they ended up in the Archeology Department, which 
apparently seemed to be the most logical place for human bones. 

In 1974, I landed a job in the archeology lab and was amazed to dis- 
cover "Quantrill's bones" as part of our collections. My discovery was a 
brief and fortuitious encounter, made possible only because the bones had 
been brought out for a one-day analysis by a visiting osteologist, but it 
had a longlasting effect on me. The physical presence of the bones in the 
lab, with their unique historical identity attested to by an old museum 
label, seemed so astounding and personally gratifying (weirdness was a 
prized quahty in those days) that it prompted me to decide on a career in 
archeology. 

Ironically, I was destined to assist in the bones' reburial. After leaving 
to go to graduate school, I returned to the Society as a full-fledged arche- 
ologist, and in 1989, Quantrill's bones became my problem as case inves- 
tigator for the Kansas Unmarked Burial Sites Preservation Board (see Fig. 
14). A new law, aimed primarily at dealing with Native American 
remains, required us to inventory all of our collections of human bones 
and begin the process of repatriating them to appropriate kin, whether 
tribal or family. Although Quantrill had no descendants and no close rel- 
atives with any interest in the matter, one group immediately stepped for- 
ward to apply for repatriation: the Missouri Division of the Sons of 
Confederate Veterans (SCV), whose members include descendants of men 
who rode with Quantrill. The SCV's application was eventually 
approved, and on a beautiful Fall day in October of 1992, I took 
Quantrill's bones to Missouri for repatriation to the SCV and reburial at 
the old Confederate Soldier's Home Cemetery near Higginsville.-^^ 

The reburial was a public event that attracted a crowd of some four 
hundred onlookers. Civil War soldier reenactors provided mihtary honors 
as their wives and sweethearts, similarly dressed in period costume, sup- 
plied a feminine embellishment. A funeral service was held in the old 
Soldiers Home church, and then the coffin was ceremoniously carried out 
to the cemetery (Fig. 15). After a brief graveside eulogy and a rifle salute 
by reenactors, the coffin was lowered into the grave, thus committing 
Quantrill to the soil of the state for which he had fought. At the head of 
the grave stood a recently placed white marble gravestone, a standard 



Randall M. Thies 



19 



upright government-issue veterans's marker with the pointed top indica- 
tive of Confederate service (Fig 16). 

This was the end of the journey for the Kansas collection, but it was 
not the end of the Quantrill's bones saga, for one item had yet to be dealt 
with - Quantrill's skull, which W.W. Scott had tried so hard to sell. After 
returning from Kansas in 1888, Scott apparently hid the skull in his news- 
paper office in Dover. Scott's wife may not have known of the skull; cer- 
tainly she did not include it when she gave Quantrill's arm bones to 
William Connelley after Scott's death in 1902.^^ 

One person did know of the skull, however, and that was the Scott's 
son, Walter. In 1910, when a social fraternity started up in Dover and 
needed a skull for their rituals, young Scott provided them with this par- 
ticular relic, which became known as "Jake." Between 1910 and the fra- 
ternity's disbandment in 1942, 243 young men swore their way into the 
fraternity with one hand on Quantrill's skull. In 1972, the last officer of the 
fraternity donated the skull to the Dover Historical Society. Society offi- 
cials then documented its identity with affidavits from surviving fraterni- 




Fig. 15. Carrying Quantrill's coffin to the grave, 
Higginsville, MO, 22 October 1992. 



20 



Quantrill's Three Graves 



ty members and also through analysis by forensic osteologists. One of the 
latter went a step further and used the precise measurements of the skull 
to make a wax reproduction of the head and facial features of the once-liv- 
ing individual. Because of the summer heat in Ohio, however, the head 
has to be kept in a refrigerator. It is occasionally brought out to serve as a 
table decoration on special occasions.^-' 

The wax head was separate from the skull, which was kept on exhib- 
it at the historical society's museum in Dover. People in Dover were of 
two minds about Quantrill, however: he was the town's black sheep, but 
his skull attracted visitors to the museum. When approached by repre- 
sentatives of the Sons of Confederate Veterans who wanted to rebury the 
skull together with the Kansas collection, either in Dover or Missouri but 
with military honors, the Dover folks declined, although with much 
indecision. 

At the last minute they decided on reburial, but on their terms, and 
downplayed it as much as possible. Six days after the Higginsville rebur- 
ial, on a gray and drizzly day much like the one in 1887 when his 
Kentucky grave was exhumed, Quantrill's skull was reburied in the 
Quantrill family plot in Dover. The excavation was a relatively shallow 




Fig. 16. Graveside eulogy, Higginsville, MO, 22 October 1992. 
Quantrill's gravestone can be seen on the right. 



Randall M. Thies 



21 



one, for fear of hitting the box Mrs. Quantrill had buried from Kentucky 
a century earher.^'* 

The Quantrill saga thus ends - hopefully, unless more bones are dis- 
covered - with Quantrill's remains occupying three graves, two of them 
marked. His original Kentucky grave contains his moldered remains, less 
the bones taken by W.W. Scott. The grave is not marked, and there are no 
records to indicate its exact location, hi fact, it may have been destroyed 
or covered over by roadwork. An old cemetery map does show, with 
uncertain accuracy, the location of the sexton's cottage. The cottage was 
later removed, however, and a new entrance road was constructed in that 
general location.^-^ The general locale is shown in Figure 17. 

In Ohio, Quantrill's grave in the Dover Cemetery may or may not 
have any of the bones brought back from Kentucky, but it does have 
Quantrill's skull, and it is marked by the gravestone placed there in 1982. 
Curiously, when the grave was visited on July 4, 1996^^, it was discovered 
that an American flag had been placed there on a metal G.A.R. flaghold- 
er (Fig. 18). The latter item is representative of the Grand Army of the 
Republic, a nationwide organization for Union veterans, and flagholders 




Fig. 17. Presumed general location of Quantrill's grave 
in St. John's Cemetery, Louisville, KY. 



22 



Quantrill's Three Graves 




Fig. 18. Quantrill's Ohio gravemarker with accompanying 
G.A.R. flagholder and American flag, 4 July 1996. 



Randall M. Thies 23 



of this sort were common additior\s to the graves of those veterans. One 
can only wonder as to the thought, or perhaps the lack of thought, behind 
the placement of these items on Quantrill's grave. As symbols of the army 
against which he fought, on his grave they serve as a source of wry 
amusement, adding a bittersweet irony to the situation. 

And finally, there is Quantrill's grave in Missouri, containing the 
remains once held for so many years by the Kansas State Historical 
Society. Here Quantrill lies among those who loved and honored him, in 
a beautiful and appropriate setting. When I visited the cemetery in 1994, 
I was pleased to see that the grave had been visited by someone before me 
- someone unforgetting of the past, who cared enough about the nicities 
of honor and rememberance to leave behind a floral tribute bound with a 
ribbon marked "To Our Confederate Heroes" (Fig. 19). 

Quantrill thus remains a hero to some while being regarded as a vil- 
lain by others, and the Civil War continues to impact our lives, not only 
through movies, books, lectures, and reenactments, but through our 
encounter with the physical reminders of that epic event. For years to 
come, the gravestones and "death markers" of the Lawrence Massacre 
will provide mute testimony of this extraordinary episode in our history, 
while Quantrill's multiple graves serve as sad evidence of the unique his- 
torical importance of the man who led the raid. 



24 



Quantrill's Three Graves 




V 



C A P T 



^ 



1 



^ 






MO PARTISAN 

HANGER 
CSA 

865 





Fig, 19. Quantrill's Missouri gravemarker with floral tribute in 1994. 



Randall M. Thies 25 



NOTES 

My thanks to those who graciously provided the following photos and illustrations: Figs, la- 
ic, 5-10, 14-16, 19 (Cultural Resources Division, Kansas State Historical Society); Figs. 2-3, 13 
(Library and Archives Division, Kansas State Historical Society); Fig. 4 (Thomas A. Malloy); 
Fig. 11 (Dover Historical Society, Dover, OH); Figs. 12, 17-18 (Edward E. Leslie). 

1. Albert Castel, "The Bloodiest Man in American History," American Heritage 11:6 (1960): 
98. Numerous authors have attempted to describe the Lawrence Massacre. Two of the 
best, in my view, are Thomas Goodrich, Bloody Dawn: The Story of the Lawrence Massacre 
(Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1991), and Edward E. Leslie, The Devil Knows 
How to Ride: William Clarke Quantrill and His Confederate Raiders (New York, NY: 
Random House, 1996). Another excellent source is Quantrill and the Lawrence Massacre: 
A Reader, edited and compiled by Richard B. Sheridan (Lawrence, Kansas: issued in 
association with the Douglas County Historical Society, 1995), which contains numer- 
ous eyewitness accounts of the raid and its aftermath. 

2. Three of the best sources about the border war and its effect upon both Missouri and 
Kansas are Thomas Goodrich, Black Flag: Guerrilla Warfare on the Western Border, 1861- 
1865 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1995); Michael Fellman, Inside War: 
The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War (Oxford, England: 
Oxford University Press, 1989); and Albert Castel, A Frontier State at War: Kansas 1861- 
1865 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1958; reprint, Lawrence, KS: Kansas 
Heritage Press, 1992). 

3. The quoted comments are from a short but insightful article by Major Scott Price, 
USAR, published in the newsletter of the Lecompton (Kansas) Historical Society - "The 
Real Heroes Wore Blue Uniforms," The Bald Eagle 25:2 (1999). 

4. Quantrill the man has perhaps inspired even more writers than the raid itself, prompt- 
ing one recent article that deals just with his biographers (and in the process, serves as 
yet another Quantrill biography): see Barry A. Crouch, "A 'Fiend in Human Shape?': 
William Clarke Quantrill and His Biographers", Kansas History 22:2 (1999): 143-156. In 
my opinion, the best of the many sources is Edward E. Leslie, whose book The Devil 
Knows How to Ride (see Note 1) contains an extensive listing of the primary sources 
upon which his book and this article are based. 

5. For information on this New Hampshire marker, submitted in a letter of 27 January 
1999, I am indebted to Professor Thomas A. Malloy of Westminster, Massachussets. It 
is fortunate that Kimball's parents thought to commemorate him on their marker, for 
his gravestone in Lawrence is now virtually illegible. 

6. Goodrich, Bloody Dawn, 185. One of the more charming accounts pertaining to the lon- 
glasting effect of Quantrill's heroic status in Missouri is offered by Merle Miller in his 
Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S. Truman (New York, NY: G.P. Putnam's 
Sons, 1973), when he describes the pro-Confederate and pro-Quantrill milieu in which 
Truman was raised in western Missouri, including, for example, the "shrine" to 
Quantrill seen at the home of one of his informants. 



26 Quantrill's Three Graves 



7. "historical devil" is the term used by Kansas State Historical Society secretary George 
W. Martin in his "Secretary's Report to Annual Meeting," Kansas Historical Collections 
(hereafter KHC) 8:124 (1904). The "bloodiest man ..." and "... national villains" quota- 
tions are from Albert Castel, "The Bloodiest Man in American History," 22; 99. "Fiend" 
and "monster" are only some of the many such descriptions of Quantrill that crowd the 
pages of newspapers, journals, and other accounts of the Civil War and postwar era: 
see, for example, the newspaper clippings held by the Kansas State Historical Society 
in the "Quantrill clippings" or "Quantrill Scrap Book" (hereafter QSB), curated by the 
Library & Archives Division, Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka (hereafter, KSHS 
Library /Archives Division). Details of the raid and its aftermath with regard to 
Quantrill's fame/infamy are found in Goodrich, Bloody Dawn, Leslie, The Devil Knows 
How to Ride, and Sheridan, Quantrill and the Lawrence Massacre, as well as many other 
sources. Quantrill's folkloric nature is discussed in Thomas D. Isern and Mark D. 
Weeks, "'Quantrill's Raid on Lawrence': From Disaster Song to Outlaw Ballad," Mid- 
America Folklore 14:2 (1986): 1-14. From a more modern standpoint, Quantrill's cine- 
matic treatment has been discussed by John C. Tibbetts, "Riding With the Devil: The 
Movie Adventures of William C. Quantrill," Kansas History 22:3 (1999): 82-199. 

8. The best and most complete accounts of Quantrill's posthumous travels are presented 
by Edward E. Leslie, "Quantrill's bones," American Heritage 46:4 (1995): 53-61; and his 
epilogue chapter, "'What Would His Skull Be Worth to Your Society?': The Bizarre 
History of Quantrill's Remains," in The Devil Knoivs How to Ride, 406-440. See also 
Randall M. Thies, '"What Would His Skull Be Worth ...'," Kansas Heritage 1:3 (1993): 43- 
45. For information dealing more specifically with Quantrill's skull, see Marion E. 
Karpisek, William Clark Quantrill (Dover, OH: Dover Historical Society, 1980); also 
Samuel C. Ream and Marion E. Karpisek, "Quantrill's Skull," Old West 17 (1981): 36-38. 

9. Sheridan's Quantrill and the Laiorence Massacre contains several eyewitness accounts of 
the efforts made by Lawrence citizens just after the raid. 

10. The Davis Cemetery, once located in the country but now well within the Lawrence city 
limits, is one example of a family cemetery with a raid victim who still resides there: 
see the Lawrence Journal-World, May 26, 1997. For mention of the cattle and teamsters at 
Oread Cemetery, see the [Lawrence] Kansas Daily Tribune, June 9, 1864. For Oread's 
"disgrace" in later years, see the Lawrence World, July 28, 1905. For a brief description 
of the modern-day rehabilitation of Oread /Pioneer Cemetery (which began in 1956 
when the cemetery was rediscovered by the University of Kansas Chancellor, who 
"stumbled on it" while out on a walk), see the Lawrence Journal-World, April 10, 1997. 

11. Sheridan, Quantrill atui the Lawrence Massacre, V. 

12. Barber's death is described by Jay Monaghan in Civil War on the Western Border, 1854- 
1865 (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1955), 41-44. "Free-state martyr" is the 
description provided for Barber in "Origin of County Names," a listing of Kansas coun- 
ty name origins prepared by the Kansas State Historical Society and published in 1902 
in KHC 7:472, edited by George W. Martin. Sheriff Jones of the pro-slavery forces 
reportedly referred to Barber as "that damned abolitionist": see John Speer, "Accuracy 
in History," KHC 6:64, published in 1900. Barber's gravestone is mentioned in the 
Lawrence Journal- World, May 8, 1996, and April 10, 1997. 



Randall M. Thies 27 



13. For "The Burial of Barber," see Horace E. Scudder, ed.. The Complete Poetical Works of 
John Greenleaf WJiittier [Cambridge Edition] (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1894), 319-320. 

14. Cathy Ambler, "A Place Not Entirely of Sadness and Gloom: Oak Hill Cemetery and 
the Rural Cemetery Movement," Kansas Histon/ 15:4 (1992-1993): 240-253. 

15. Lawrence ]ournal-WorId, April 10, 1997, and May 26, 1997. 

16. Creation of the monument, and the reasons for it, were described in a 1908 address by 
Kansas State Historical Society secretary George W. Martin, published in 1910 as 
"Memorial Monuments and Tablets in Kansas" in KHC 11:253-281. 

17. Interviews by the author with five Library /Archives staff members, 2-3 September 
1999. Telephone interview by the author with Lawrence City Clerk Ray Hummert, 16 
September 1999. For those truly interested, a listing of the "known men and boys killed 
in the Lawrence Massacre" (167 names) can be found in Sheridan's Quantrill and the 
Lawrence Massacre. 

18. Although it is natural for the reader to translate "shot" into "killed" (hence my use of 
the term "death marker"). Baker actually survived the shooting. The other three men 
were killed. 

19. The two death markers and five other historical markers were set in place by the 
University of Kansas Department of American History in 1908, and their dedication 
served as the occasion for George Martin's address (see Note 16), as described in KHC 
11:272. Inspection by the author on 15 December 1999 revealed that both death mark- 
ers are still in place. The Griswold et al. marker is on the south side of Seventh Street, 
between Louisiania and Indiana; the Recruits marker is on the west side of New 
Hampshire, between 9th Street and 10th Street. 

20. Quantrill's time in Kentucky, and his demise, are discussed by Leslie in The Devil Knows 
How to Ride, 341-369. 

21. The story was first described in published form by William E. Connelley, in Quantrill 
and the Border \Nars (Cedar Rapids, lA: Torch Press, 1910; reprint. New York, NY: 
Pageant Book Company, 1956), by means of a lengthy footnote presented as a verbatim 
recounting of notes (a "Memo.") provided to him by W.W. Scott (Connelley's footnote 
19, p. 35). The burial arrangements are also discussed by Edward Leslie in The Devil 
Knows How to Ride, 368-369. 

22. The activities of Scott and Mrs. Quantrill in finding and then taking Quantrill's remains 
from their Kentucky grave are detailed in W.W. Scott's "Statement" as presented by 
William E. Connelley in Quantrill and the Border Wars (footnote 19, pp. 35-36). In addi- 
tion, Scott provided much of this information in letters to the secretary of the Kansas 
State Historical Society: these documents are curated by the KSHS Library/Archives 
Division as part of the W.W. Scott Miscellaneous Collection. A modern assessment of 
these events is offered by Edward E. Leslie, The Devil Knoius How to Ride, 406-409. 

23. Scott, as quoted by Connelley, Quantrill and the Border Wars, footnote 19, p. 36. 



28 Quantrill's Three Graves 



24. Ibid. 

25. The 1888 burial is described by Leshe, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 413; the 1982 mark- 
er placement is also discussed, 429. For newspaper coverage of the latter, see the Dover- 
New Philadelphia Times Reporter, March 2 and October 19, 1982. 

26. This letter and other such correspondence from Scott to F.G. Adams, secretary of the 
Kansas State Historical Society, are part of the W.W. Scott Miscellaneous Collection 
curated by the KSHS Library/Archives Division. Reproductions of these handwritten 
letters can be seen in Marian E. Karpisek, William Clark Qiiantrill (Dover, OH: Dover 
Historical Society, 1980). They include the letter of December 17, 1887, offering to sell 
the skull; a letter dated simply "Dec 1887," acknowledging receipt of Adams's answer 
and discussing the price and Scott's concern for Mrs. Quantrill's feelings; and a letter 
of May 8, 1888, setting up a meeting between Scott and Adams in Topeka, as well as a 
November 11, 1901 letter to George W. Martin (Adams's successor), briefly mentioning 
"the bones." Unfortunately, Adams's letters to Scott are not known to exist. Scott like- 
ly followed his own advice when he asked Adams to "Destroy this letter when read, 
and I will do the same with yours," and the Society apparently kept no copies of 
Adams' letters, possibly because they were handwritten (this was before the advent of 
typed letters and carbon copies). 

27. Scott's 1888 donation is listed in the KSHS accession book, but under a 1903 entry, as 
that is when the collection was formally accessioned. Scott's visit is not well docu- 
mented, as indicated by Leslie in The Devil Knoius How To Ride, 410. However, when the 
bones were rediscovered by George Martin in 1901, a statement was taken from Zu 
Adams, F.G.Adams's daughter, who apparently learned of Scott's visit from her father. 
This information took form in a museum label which was attached to one of the bones 
when they were first put on exhibit (see Fig. 13). A portion of the label remained 
attached when I first viewed the bones in the KSHS archeology laboratory in 1974. 
Under the heading "Quantrill's Thigh Bones/Statement of Zu Adams Aug. 7, 1901," 
the label indicates that Scott visited F.G. Adams in the Historical Society's "rooms" in 
May, 1888. A separate museum label in the photo states that the bones were donated by 
Scott. 

28. Connelley provided an sketched illustration of the arm bones in Quantrill and the Border 
Wars, 35. 

29. The QSB contains many of these criticisms in newspaper clippings. For Martin's 
announcement, see "Secretary's Report to Annual Meeting," KHC 8:124. 

30. Kansas City Journal, August 17, 1907. 

31. The 1989 law is known as the Kansas Unmarked Burial Sites Preservation Act. 
Information (correspondence, clippings, and other such documents) pertaining to the 
KSHS collection of Quantrill's bones are contained in files UBS1991-20 and UBS1992-2, 
curated by the Cultural Resources Division, Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka. 

32. The story of the skull is documented by sources listed in Note 8. 



Randall M. Thies 29 



33. Quantrill biographer Edward E. Leslie is one after-dinner speaker who has dehvered a 
speech with the wax head as table decoration (personal communication to author, 
1998). Leslie's American Heritage article (see Note 8) includes a charming color photo- 
graph of the head residing in the Dover museum refrigerator. 

34. The reburial was attended by Edward E. Leslie, who described it in The Devil Knows 
How to Ride, 436-437, and in a letter to the author dated October 30, 1992. The reburial 
was also described in the Akron Beacon Journal, November 22, 1992. 

35. Since the publication of The Devil Knows How to Ride, Edward E. Leslie has continued 
in his search for the location of Quantrill's Kentucky grave, describing his findings (re: 
the caretaker's cottage, the building of a new road, etc.) to the author in various phone 
conversations and in a letter of 20 January 1996, which included copies of old and new 
maps of the cemetery and photographs of the former cottage locale. 

36. My informant was Edward E. Leslie, who described his visit and viewing of the flag 
and flagholder in a phone conversation and by presentation of photographs taken dur- 
ing his visit. 



30 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 




Fig. 1. Crosby mausoleum, 1846. 



31 



EGYPTIAN REVIVAL FUNERARY ART IN GREEN-WOOD CEMETERY 

Elizabeth Broman 

Introduction 

Much of mainstream American architecture, sculpture, and decorative 
arts in the nineteenth century is characterized by "revivahsm" and "eclec- 
ticism". The same influences and attitudes that inspired these revivals and 
eclectic styles also carried over into funerary art. A nineteenth-century fas- 
cination, or preoccupation, with death, inspired by the Romantic move- 
ment, led to the creation of dramatic images and forms in funerary art. 
Nineteenth-century attitudes towards death and dying were reflected in 
the iconography of funerary monuments while stylistically drawing from 
classical, medieval and even Egyptian art. In this essay, I propose to briefly 
discuss and analyze Egyptian Revival forms and motifs as they are 
expressed in certain elements of the funerary art of Green- Wood Cemetery 
in Brooklyn, New York. In walking through Green-Wood, I have often 
wondered why there are fewer Egyptian Revival monuments there com- 
pared to the relative abundance of other Revival styles. Were they consid- 
ered inappropriate from a religious point of view and incompatible with 
traditional Western /Christian iconography, or could they mean the same 
things? Perhaps they were not as aesthetically pleasing as other more 
familiar and fashionable styles such as Classical or Gothic. In the course of 
this discussion, I will cite some of both the historical criticisms and the 
defenses of Egyptian Revival (it intrigues me that, despite controversy, 
people still commissioned this style). Primary emphasis will be placed 
upon the Egyptian Revival style as it appears in pyramid and mastaba 
shaped tombs, and upon certain of the individuals who commissioned 
them. The obelisk, another very popular funerary monument, is also of 
Egyptian origin, but has lost over time the mystique of a pyramid and has, 
moreover, acquired other symbolic connotations of its own. Nonetheless, 
they are worthy of an entire discussion unto themselves, a project so 
detailed it will have to be reserved for a future essay. There is, of course, a 
strong association between Egyptian forms and iconography and 
Ereemasonry, a connection which often appears on gravestone art. 
However, that too is somewhat beyond the scope of the current enquiry 
and will therefore also be reserved for future discussion. 



32 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



A Short Overview of Green-Wood Cemetery 

Located in Brooklyn, New York, Green-Wood Cemetery was incorpo- 
rated in 1838 and had its first burial in 1840, representing a part of the new 
"Rural Cemetery" movement in America that had begun several years 
earlier with the establishment of Mt. Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. It was specifically designed with the intention of creating 
a garden cemetery wherein sculpture and architecture would contribute 
to a serene and beautiful park-like open space - a site where visitors could 
stroll and where the dead could literally rest in peace. It quickly drew 
weekend visitors and tourists from all over the country because of its idyl- 
lic atmosphere and beautiful grounds. Green-Wood rapidly became the 
most popular cemetery in New York, and for a family to own lots and be 
buried there carried with it the same prestige as an address on Fifth 
Avenue. The monuments found within the cemetery range from the most 
humble stones to the most elaborate statues and structures. The word 
"Victorian " is frequently used in reference to certain nineteenth-century 
American cemeteries, and the attitudes and culture of the Victorian era in 
America are certainly reflected in Green-Wood Cemetery. Realizing this is 
critical to an understanding of why such a variety of eclectic monuments 
and Revival styles, including the Egyptian, exist in Green-Wood today. 

Nehemiah Cleaveland (1796-1877), the principal of a girls school in 
Brooklyn, was also a self-proclaimed cemetery observer, critic, and histo- 
rian, and the contemporary voice of authority relating to matters con- 
cerning Green- Wood Cemetery. He wrote his first treatise on Green- Wood 
in 1847, updating and amending his writings again in 1853 and 1857. An 
invaluable source for contemporary thoughts and attitudes about ceme- 
teries, and more specifically about the history and monuments of Green- 
Wood, Cleaveland, like a number of his contemporaries, expressed a cau- 
tious and often ambivalent opinion about the Egyptian Revival. He was 
very much concerned with both the propriety and the aesthetic merits of 
Egyptian obelisks and architectural styles in public monuments and 
cemeteries. In an era when graceful Neo-Classical sculpture produced 
inspiring allegorical figures of Hope and Faith, and beautiful, sentimental 
angels transported souls to Heaven, the massive blocks of stone that con- 
stituted Egyptian monuments amounted to an eyesore, according to 
Cleaveland , amidst the poetic cemetery landscape. Even while admiring 
the art of Egypt, as well as that of Classical Greek and Rome, Cleaveland 
was a staunch supporter of the then widely popular Gothic style in archi- 



Elizabeth Broman 33 



tecture, and posed the question: "Is Christian architecture so poor and 
scanty, is modern genius so sterile, that we must seek the models of our 
churches in 'superstitious' Athens, and derive the forms of our sepulchral 
monuments, gateways, and chapels, from calf-adoring Egypt?" ^ 

An Overview of Egyptian Revival 

Before a specific discussion of Egyptian Revival monuments in Green- 
Wood Cemetery, it might be useful to provide a background of the 
Egyptian Revival in general, with some attention to this style as mani- 
fested in American funerary art and to the significance of the major forms 
used in the Egyptian Revival. The pyramid, mastaba form, and many of 
the Egyptian decorative features that appear in the monuments of Green- 
Wood Cemetery all have roots in earlier revivals. 

Richard Carrott's extensive study of the Egyptian Revival movement 
in the nineteenth century (for a brief listing of some key secondary 
sources pertinent to this area see the appendix to this essay) demonstrates 
that it can be broken down into three different artistic style phases that 
actually began in the eighteenth century. The first is the Rococo, which in 
architecture was used to provide a picturesque effect, the second the 
Romantic /Classical phase, and the third the "archaeological" phase that 
was a result of the Napoleonic campaigns into Egypt. According to 
Carrott, the existence of eclectic styles in monuments indicated that there 
was a strong case for revivalism based on the importance of their past 
associations. He indicates several reasons why the Egyptian Revival took 
place, one being that it was a concept of architecture that symbolized 
death based on its ancient forms and use. A second reason is the concept 
of the museum, which in the eighteenth century meant creating an atmos- 
phere where there were many references to the past for an aesthetic 
impact. 

The motivation for architectural eclecticism as symbolism is that a 
structure, although in a current style, may refer to an earlier one for psy- 
chological or religious reasons. The most obvious parallel in the Egyptian 
Revival is the use of the pyramid form for funerary monuments. 
Pyramids are probably the most highly recognized and distinctly 
Egyptian form: they contain the aura of mystery that ancient Egypt rep- 
resents and are most closely associated with burial and death. The 
Napoleonic idea of the exploitation of eclectic styles for the purpose of 
creating an architectural museum is another principle of pre-nineteenth 



34 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



century revivalism. Carrott's concepts of the symbol and past associa- 
tions, in relation to ancient Egypt and modern funerary art is one of the 
strongest and most obvious points for the popularity of Egyptian Revival 
in cemeteries. Applying Carrott's concept of the museum has the most 
exciting possibilities in looking at Egyptian Revival in Green-Wood 
Cemetery. The cemetery was designed to be a garden cemetery in which 
there was a variety of sculpture and architecture, an aim that conformed 
with one of the main objectives of the American nineteenth-century Rural 
Cemetery movement. 

One of the earliest Egyptian Revival movements actually took place 
in the ancient Greco-Roman world. The best known of several pyramidal 
Roman tombs is that of Caius Cestius, c. 12 BC, from the time of 
Augustus, in Rome. This pyramid served as a model for later Egyptian 
Revivals. In the mid eighteenth-century, the Egyptian Revival experi- 
enced another burst of popularity with the Rococo period, in which the 
most important stylistic qualities were variety, novelty, and being "pic- 
turesque". The idea of using the iconography of Egyptian art for any 
other reason was not considered at this time. The Egyptian Revival 
would surface again later in the eighteenth century, during the Neo- 
classical and Romantic eras. A primary concept associated with the 
Romantic movement was the idea of the sublime vs. the beautiful. The 
sublime aesthetic stated that certain works of art produced emotional 
qualities such as fear, astonishment, terror, and awe. Egyptian architec- 
ture, it was felt, could produce these effects, with dramatic results, in 
funerary art. The Egyptian Revival experienced its greatest popularity 
since Greek and Roman times with the Rococo phase of the mid-eigh- 
teenth century. The manifestation of the Rococo Picturesque, which took 
place primarily in France, was for the most part for the purposes of pro- 
viding an ornamental function for an architectural framework. The 
Egyptian Revival aspects of the Rococo Picturesque phase began with the 
writings and designs of Italian architect and designer Giovanni Battista 
Piranesi (1720-1778), one of the foremost inventors of fashions using 
Egyptianizing forms in an eclectic style. In his 1769 book. Diverse maniere 
d'adornare i cammini, whose title translates to Diverse Whi/s to Decorate 
Fireplaces, he used authentic Egyptian designs based on drawings and 
engravings from antique models, while incorporating other design ele- 
ments of his own invention to create a stylistic vocabulary that went 
beyond the use of obelisks, pyramids, and sphinxes. 



Elizabeth Broman 35 



The next phase of Egyptian Revival, the Romantic Classicist, began in 
the late eighteenth century. Romanticism embraced the exotic and the for- 
eign; it indulged in a longing for other times and places. The architectur- 
al historian Wayne Andrews has stated that "The Romantic architects 
were interested in introducing into architecture the fourth dimension, 
time itself, and their Grecian, Gothic, Italian, Egyptian and other fantasies 
are best remembered as so many invitations to explore the poetry of 
time."^ 

Geometrical logic and purity were potent forces in the Neoclassical 
aesthetic, and these ideas could be embodied in the Egyptian taste. The 
primitive, massive, and solid aspects of Egyptian architecture were desir- 
able and pleasing attributes, and these were bound to appeal as well to 
the Romantic Classicists. 

The Napoleonic Campaigns - 
Authentic Ancient Egyptian Monuments 

The next critical stage, the "archaeological" phase, had the greatest 
impact on many art forms: poetry, painting, decorative arts, and architec- 
ture all incorporated imagery, symbols, or designs from ancient Egypt. It 
produced the most widespread creation of Egyptian Revival styles in art 
and architecture since ancient times. This phase is marked by Napoleon's 
campaigns into Egypt in 1798-1799. Napoleon brought with him an army 
of scholars and artists who documented the topography, geography, nat- 
ural history, and antiquities of ancient Egypt. One of them. Baron 
Dominique Vivant Denon, wrote the illustrated Voyage dans la Basse et la 
Haute Egypte in 1802, and between the years 1809 and 1828 produced the 
22-volume Description de VEgi/pte. This treatise and the numerous detailed 
drawings it contained had a tremendous influence on scholars and artists 
and fired up the imagination of the public, providing inspiration for the 
nineteenth-century Egyptian Revival movement. 

The designs of several Egyptian Revival mausoleums in Green- Wood 
Cemetery, which I will discuss in detail later, can be traced directly back 
to these early source books. Early in the nineteenth century, one of 
Napoleon's many reforms was the establishment of the first modern-era 
cemetery, Pere Lachaise, in Paris. Because of the close association of this 
event with Napoleon's campaigns into Egypt, as well as the association of 
Egypt's architecture with death, an Egyptian Revival within the new 
cemetery movement was inevitable. 



36 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



The Egyptian Revival and the Sublime 

Egyptian Revival appealed to the Romantic sensibility because it 
evoked ideas and feelings related to an ancient past: picturesque ruins 
and the exotic locale of Egypt conjured up visions of unfamiliar faraway 
places. One of the key ideas of Romanticism, and a critical concept behind 
the Egyptian Revival and a direct influence on its use for funerary arts, 
was the concept of the Sublime. The roots of the concept of the Sublime 
may be traced to British statesman and essayist Edmund Burke's formu- 
lation of what he termed the 'Sublime versus the Beautiful'. In brief, the 
sublime aesthetic stated that emotional qualities such as fear, astonish- 
ment, terror, dread, and awe were produced by certain works of art. It was 
realized that Egyptian architecture could give the effect of awe and dread. 
Not only were its iconographic associations based upon an aura of 
"Wisdom and Mystery," as well as the Cult of the Dead, but visually these 
qualities were implied through the very characteristics of the style.^ Upon 
seeing Egyptian funerary monuments, viewers would, it was felt, be 
infused with sublime associations of gloom, solemnity, and the finality of 
death, as well as the idea of eternity. 

French architect Etienne-Louis Boullee (1728-99) understood and 
believed in the ideas of the Comte de Caylus and Edmund Burke, and set 
about creating designs for massive tombs. His vast schemes featuring 
blank walls, stupendous scale, and Egyptianizing elements suggest the 
desolation, terror, and finality of death. Boullee's drawings of pyramidal 
structures go back to the more wide-angled proportions of the ancient 
pyramids at Gizeh: his designs sought perfect symmetry on an enormous 
scale. The mood and atmosphere Boullee tried to create in his cemetery 
designs has been explained in this way: 

... By cutting decoration to a minimum, Boullee gave his buildings a 'char- 
acter of immutability'. He could think of nothing more appropriate or 
melancholy than a monument consisting of a flat surface, bare and 
unadorned. No gloomier images exist and if we make abstraction of all the 
beauty of art, it would be impossible not to appreciate in such a construc- 
tion, the mournful effect of the architecture.'' 

Americans were exposed to Egyptian Revival styles through eigh- 
teenth century furniture and design books, and other archeological publi- 
cations. Knowledge and understanding of Egyptian culture and art 
became more widespread as new archaeological discoveries and treasures 



Elizabeth Broman 37 



were found: books, photographs, and artifacts being brought to America 
increased interest and awareness of ancient Egypt. Influenced by French 
and British art and architectural trends, Egyptian Revival popularity in 
Europe was soon followed here, eventually evolving into our particular 
American versions of those trends. 

Arguments For and Against Egyptian Revival 

Aesthetic Criticisms 

There have been arguments both for and against Egyptian Revival 
styles for a variety of reasons. With regard to their appropriateness for 
Christian funerary monuments, there are strong arguments from both 
sides. The style has its detractors and proponents for its aesthetic qualities 
too. On aesthetic principles, critics and the public thought Egyptian 
Revival was too depressing and fearsome; there was a somewhat too 
much of the awesome quality about it, which oddly enough might well be 
the strongest argument for its proper use in funerary art. The authentici- 
ty of Egyptian art in its applications for funerary art was often its only jus- 
tifiable reason for use. 

Religious Criticisms and Considerations 

The average nineteenth-century family knew that death was a fre- 
quent visitor and took comfort in religious faith and teaching. The devout 
Christian of the Victorian era was exceedingly preoccupied with belief in 
the Resurrection of the soul, eternal life, and the idea of the afterlife. The 
appropriateness of Egyptian styles for funerary art and architecture posed 
religious questions and objections. 

The use of more traditional Christian symbols to express faith and 
hope in the hereafter included angels, crosses, and monuments that incor- 
porated Gothic elements reminiscent of great Christian cathedrals. At the 
same time, the use of obelisks and Egyptian funerary art was acceptable 
to some because of the ancient Egyptian's belief in the afterlife: their 
whole culture, art and architecture revolved around preparation for the 
afterlife. 

Green-Wood, as part of the Rural Cemetery Movement, provided an 
appropriate material setting for the nineteenth century belief in Victorian 
America that the living would eventually be reunited with their loved 
ones who had passed on. The word cemetery connotes not finality, but 



38 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



sleep - a resting place - a sentiment which often appears as brief epitaphs 
on gravestones. Both Christian and Egyptian iconography supports this 
idea of a life after death, and many of the monuments in Green-Wood 
reflect this attitude toward death in symbolic or written form. 

Nonetheless, articles appearing in influential magazines such as the 
North American Review, denounced the Egyptian Revival and declared it 
tantamount to blasphemy: 

It is very doubtful whether the Egyptian style is most appropriate to a 
Christian burial place. It certainly has no connection with our rehgion. In 
its characteristics it is anterior to civilization; and therefore is not beautiful 
in itself. But more than this, Egyptian architecture reminds us of the reli- 
gion that called it into being, - the most degraded and revolting paganism 
that ever existed. It is the architecture of embalmed cats and deified croco- 
diles; solid, stupendous, and time defying, we allow; but associated in our 
minds with all that is disgusting and absurd in superstition....'' 

In the 1840's, some critics denounced "modern sepulchral monu- 
ments" as, "pagan". Urns, broken columns, inverted torches, extin- 
guished lamps, and sarcophagi, all of which were based on Classical 
Greek and Roman art, were looked upon as immoral and un-Christian. 
The cross, recumbent effigies, and emblems of mercy and redemption 
were the only acceptable emblems on tombs.*" 

Nehemiah Cleaveland wrote that the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and 
Romans had no Christian belief in the Resurrection and a Life Everlasting. 
He admired the aesthetic qualities of ancient art forms, but pointed out 
that by using the pre-Christian symbols, people who employed them 
were denying the faith which offered them the hope and salvation they 
professed to believe in: 

Of these imitations, the emblems most used are of Greek or Egyptian 
origin. No one can doubt that in their own time and place, these symbols 
were natural and appropriate, as well as beautiful. But are they so still?... 
To the mourners of pagan antiquity, death was extinction. To them, no 
voice from heaven had spoken, (should he) employ the same symbols with 
the pagan and the infidel? ...Those who will use the gloomy hieroglyphics 
of some perished creed, should at least place near them the cheering 
emblems of a living faith.'' 

Critics denounced the Egyptian Revival by saying it offered no mean- 
ing, visually or spiritually, to those looking for either inspiration or con- 
solation. The architects who did champion the Egyptian Revival, did so 



Elizabeth Broman 



39 



largely because of its simplicity of form, inherent symbolism concerning 
death and mortality, and its suitability for funerary art. Despite the rela- 
tively small number of Egyptian Revival funerary monuments in Green- 
Wood Cemetery and elsewhere, Egyptian Revival was more popular in 
funerary art than in other areas. 

Green-Wood and The Rural Cemetery Movement 

Early in the nineteenth century. Romanticism and eclecticism led to 
criticisms being hurled back and forth concerning the use and abuse of 
different historical styles in architecture. It seems everyone was favoring 
one style for brief periods of time and then casting that one off in favor of 
something else that had suddenly became more popular. The result was 
an ongoing struggle for the dominance of one revival style over the other. 

Understanding the Rural Cemetery movement is critical for under- 
standing why such a variety of revival styles and eclectic monuments 
exists in Green-Wood today. Egyptian Revival stands among the Gothic 
and the Greek Revival monuments because patrons were encouraged to 
choose monuments and architecture that would create a varied and inter- 
esting visual landscape. 




Fig. 2. Crosby mausoleum, 1846. 



40 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 




Fig. 3. Crosby mausoleum, 1846. 



Elizabeth Broman 



41 



The garden-like setting of the Rural Cemetery movement can in many 
regards be traced back to Romantic gardens in England, which made use 
of fake tombs and ruins designed for Romantic effect. In Romantic garden 
parks, a variety of styles could often be seen together. In Green-Wood 
Cemetery, the concept of the eclectic garden cemetery was realized early 
on, as demonstrated by the variety of architectural styles and sculpture 
that were chosen to commemorate the dead. The fantasy landscape 
appealed to a sense of adventure that was so much a part of romanticism. 
Green-Wood was landscaped with ponds, hills, valleys, and a dizzying 
maze of meandering paths and drives. 

The Monuments of Green-Wood Cemetery 

With the exception of large and striking figural statues, the mau- 
soleums are the most impressive and elaborate structures in Green- Wood 
Cemetery. To be sure, there are small, modest mausoleums in the ceme- 
tery, but a number are as big as many houses, and the appearance of cer- 
tain others tend to make the visitor forget that they are in Brooklyn, USA. 

One of the earliest Egyptian Revival mausoleums in Green-Wood 
cemetery, and one that Nehemiah Cleaveland would certainly have seen. 




Fig. 4. Heckscher mausoleum, 1866. 



42 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



is the tomb of William B. Crosby (Figs. 1-3). The inner door behind the 
wrought iron gate in the center of the [aqade displays incised letters stat- 
ing "Erected 1846". The mausoleum is constructed of blocks of brown- 
stone and is set into a hillside. Such hillside mausoleums are fairly com- 
mon in Green- Wood and other rural cemeteries because of the terrain, and 
it is often difficult to judge the actual size of this type of mausoleum since 
the entire structure is not visible. This early Green-Wood tomb is a good 
starting place to explain what primary features characterize an Egyptian 
Revival monument: it is Egyptian in its use of pylons, cavetto cornices, 
winged globe, and torus molding. Unlike the other mausoleums I will be 
discussing, the walls of the Corsby tomb are not battered at an angle in the 
common ancient Egyptian or Egyptian Revival style, but rise straight up 
perpendicular to the ground. Later examples that I will examine use a 
more authentic Egyptian basic structure in that their walls are battered at 
a 70-degree angle, and their overall shape is not rectangular or square, but 
rather trapezoidal, shaped wider at the base and tapering off at the top. 

The two main pylon blocks that flank the facade of the mausoleum are 
topped with a simple torus molding, which is a semi-circular or cylindri- 
cal molding used on the corners of walls and around doorways. The 
Crosby vault displays another essential Egyptian architectural feature, the 
cavetto cornice, which is a gorge, or semi-circular, hollow overhanging 
molding found at the tops of temples or tombs (see Figs. 1-2). Many 
Egyptian decorative elements are organic, derived either from plants or 
animals. The torus molding design, for example, simulates long bundled 
plants, and the Crosby door frame features this more elaborate torus 
molding (see Fig. 3). Above the doorway (also Fig. 3) is one of the most 
commonly used Egyptian motifs, the winged globe with uroei. The 
winged globe , or sun disc, was seen as a royal symbol of the god Horus. 
The wings of the falcon represented the sky, the sun and the king. The 
uroei are rearing snake's heads which in the iconography of gods and 
kings are the beings that ward off evil, and are a symbol of protection 
often found carved or painted on the cavetto cornice above the doorways 
of temples. The wrought iron gate also incorporates another popular 
Egyptian decorative element, the lotus buds, which are doubled one 
above the other. Even though this is a small mausoleum compared to the 
others I shall discuss, one still gets the impression of solidity and mas- 
siveness. The two pylons seem to tower at a great height and give a feel- 
ing of weight on solid ground: they are constructed of three large blocks 



Elizabeth Broman 



43 



of sandstone instead of many smaller pieces, which would diminish the 
monumental effect. The pylons are slightly higher than the basic vault, so 
that they form towers on each side which add a sense of height. The sim- 
ple, flat surface of the entire shape also makes it appear much larger than 
it really is and helps to impart an imposing appearance despite its rela- 
tively small size. 

Some examples of the stark and massive type of architecture that 
Boullee may have envisioned, though here on a smaller scale, are the 
mausoleums of C.A. Heckscher (1866/Fig. 4) and Percy R. Pyne 
(1895/Fig. 5). If we were to compare these and other non-pyramidal 
shaped tombs to authentic ancient Egyptian tombs, they could be 
described as mastaba forms, an ancient Egyptian rectangular tomb with a 
flat roof and battered sides.^ At first, and from a distance, I didn't consid- 
er them Egyptian until I saw their basic pylon structure and battered 
walls, which thereby render them Egyptian Revival in its simplest form. 
They feature cavetto cornices, but are completely without ornament and 
have no torus moldings, winged globes, or columns. Constructed of large, 
flat blocks of stone, they are certainly some of the most forbidding look- 




Fig. 5. Pyne mausoleum, 1895. 



44 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



ing mausoleums in the cemetery. In no sense are they pretty or decorative: 
in fact, set into hillsides and located along high, dark, and overgrown cliff 
paths, it might be said these tombs do indeed inspire a certain degree of 
dread or terror. Despite their relatively small, compact size, they are 
imposing because of the forbidding blankness of their walls. Part of their 
aura comes from their location and the fact they are literally half buried. 
Another larger but still relatively simple and unadorned Egyptian 
Revival mausoleum is the Abeel tomb (Fig. 6). The earliest interment for 
which I can find a record for this lot is 1894, but I suspect it was erected 
earlier based on its location and appearance. The entire facade is one flat 
unbroken surface constructed of solid slabs of stone without any pro- 
truding pylon structures, with simply the name ABEEL above the door- 
way in raised block letters. The facade is higher than the two side walls 
and has an odd narrow rectangular block of stone about five feet long 
placed in the center above the top of the cavetto cornice. On this stone a 
winged globe is carved, but without the uroei the block looks as though it 
could almost have been added as an afterthought to the top of the mau- 
soleum. The sides of the facade are edged with torus molding. All three 
walls are battered, with the sides of the vault on a steeper angle than the 




Fig. 6. Abeel mausoleum, 1894? 



Elizabeth Broman 



45 



facade. Except for the stone with the winged globe and the torus molding 
and battered sides, this vault is simply a trapezoidal block of extreme sim- 
plicity. It does, however, evoke a feeling of permanence and severity. 

One of the more interesting Egyptian Revival tombs in Green- Wood is 
the Johnston mausoleum (Figs. 7-10). It stands in one of the older sections 
of Green- Wood and probably dates from around 1847. John Johnston was 
a wealthy New York merchant, and his son John Taylor Johnston, who 
became the first President of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, is also 
buried here. This early mausoleum is a much more elaborate structure 
than the preceding examples, featuring a number of decorative elements 
which make it look more like a temple than a stark tomb. Like the other 
mausoleums, it is built of large, flat blocks (in this instance unpolished 
gray granite) of alternating narrower and wider heights of stone. Its shape 
is trapezoidal. 

An immediately apparent difference, however, is the fact that the 
Johnston mausoleum projects more of a feeling of height and verticality 
because of the columns that are used. These are in antis, framed in a 
recessed area (Fig. 8) The columns are adorned with beautifully carved 




Fig. 7. Johnston mausoleum, 1847. 



46 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



i^^fr ^^^^ ^flK^^IIJ lllft^BP ^SBW^ 




Fig. 8. Johnston mausoleum, 1847. 



Elizabeth Broman 



47 



palm leaf capitals; the shafts are carved to look like bundled reeds, and 
the base of the columns feature stylized overlapping pointed lotus blos- 
som designs. 

The doorway is a quite interesting feature because it incorporates a 
four-stepped corbelled arch, a design which goes back to the mid-eigh- 
teenth century designs of Piranesi and which became a common theme in 
Egyptianized designs. Piranesi brought ancient Egypt indoors: his sketch- 
es for fireplace designs made use of inverted stepped pyramids of antiq- 
uity, which we refer to as corbelled arches.^ The doorway of the Johnston 
mausoleum employs four canted corbelled steps identical to one of these 
fireplace designs by Piranesi. 

The cavetto cornice surrounds the top of the structure on all three 
sides, but in this case is not simply a plain unadorned gorge, or hollow, 
but has incised vertical bands of lines that are also considered torus mold- 
ings (Fig. 9). Unlike the others we have seen, there are winged globes with 
uroei (also Fig. 9) on all three sides of the mausoleum. The two corners of 
the walls are edged with a more prominent torus molding - prominent 
both in size and in depth of the carving (Fig. 10). The structure itself is 
archaeologically accurate in the vegetal design motifs and in that there are 




Fig. 9. Johnston mausoleum, 1847. 



48 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



columns distyle in antis above the cavetto cornice portal based upon 
plates from Denon's Description. 

Another tomb in Green-Wood that drew my attention was the 
Arundell-Osborne mausoleum (Figs. 11-13). Although it is a four-sided 
structure, it is not, strictly speaking, a mastaba since its sides are not bat- 
tered at an angle, but are perpendicular to the ground. It strikes me as 




Fig. 10. Johnston mausoleum, 1847. 



Elizabeth Broman 



49 




Fig. 11. Arundell-Osborne mausoleum, 1909. 



50 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 




-■'^ 



:i^ 





Fig. 12. Arundell-Osborne mausoleum, 1909. 



Elizabeth Broman 51 



more modern looking somehow, perhaps because it is a freestanding 
structure and not set into a hillside. It is situated amongst a profusion of 
Greco-Roman, Renaissance, and Gothic Revival mausoleums and truly 
stands out as part of an architectural fantasy landscape. Perhaps the 
Egyptian Revival style was chosen by the patrons in order to set their 
monument apart visually from the surrounding other variety of architec- 
tural styles; or perhaps they embraced a spiritual or ideological philoso- 
phy that Egyptian iconography could express. 

The Arundell-Osborne mausoleum was erected in 1909 of granite, 
marble, and bronze. Unlike the other Egyptian Revival mausoleums in 
Green-Wood, this one has a series of four steps leading up to the door, 
with an urn on each side of the staircase. The staircase gives the monu- 
ment a more formal appearance: having to mount steps makes it seem 
somehow more like sacred space, much in the way the ancient Egyptian 
temples and tombs were approached by long roads and steps. 

The entablature of the mausoleum employs the basic pylon form and 
is highly decorative, using many Egyptianized designs and motifs. The 
columns again are in antis, with palm leaf capitals (Fig. 12). Above the lin- 
tel is a cavetto cornice with a winged globe and uroei with a double layer 
of feathers. The four corners of the building feature banded torus mold- 
ings, which also encircle the bottom of the cavetto cornice. The back and 
sides of the mausoleum are unusual in that they have columns with palm 
leaf capitals identical to the ones in front. 

The doorway itself (Fig. 13) is very ornate, consisting of double bronze 
doors with elaborate decorations. The top halves are windows with bars 
of lotus flower and buds, and papyrus towards the top. Above the deco- 
rative bars on each window are winged globes with the double layers of 
feathers. The bottom panels of the bronze doors display the ankh^° sym- 
bols, which are topped with more lotus flower decorations. Later identi- 
fied with the nimbus and Cross of the Crucifixion, the ankh came to sig- 
nify life and resurrection. 

Many of the finer mausoleums in Green-Wood contain stunning 
stained glass windows inside them. If, for example, one peers through the 
Egyptianized bronze doors of the Arundell-Osborne tomb, it is possible to 
see a stained glass window that depicts a Risen Christ in jewel-like colors. 
The stained glass window Christianizes the otherwise non-Christian ele- 
ments of the Egyptian Revival structure. The subject of the Risen Christ 
makes an additional statement about Resurrection and an afterlife which 



52 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 




Fig. 13. Arundell-Osborne mausoleum, 1909. 



Elizabeth Broman 



53 



does not appear disharmonious with the message behind Egyptian tomb 
architecture. 

In the eighteenth and nineteenth century, pyramids, with their simple 
geometry, were felt to indicate progressiveness in architecture and 
adhered to the Neo-Classical desire for purity of line. The pyramidal form 
had funereal connections ideally suited to monuments and even to indi- 
vidual mausoleums, and there are numerous examples of late eighteenth 
century pyramidal mausoleums in Europe. Green-Wood Cemetery has 
three of these pyramidal shaped mausoleums. 

The first two pyramid tombs in Green-Wood we shall examine are 
those of Henry Bergh (1888), and Benjamin Stephens (1890). Like the 
ancient pyramids, or even the Roman Cestius pyramid, which are much 
larger than these two monuments, they are nonetheless imposing because 
of their sense of mass and weight. They project an aura of mystery 
because, depending on how you perceive them, they are either emerging 
from within a hillside or are being slowly buried under and being 
absorbed into one. 




Fig. 14. Bergh mausoleum, 1888. 



54 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



One of the criticisms of the Egyptian Revival style dealt with the issue 
of comparisons with the original ancient monuments. The ancient pyra- 
mids at Gizeh are overwhelming because of their incredible size and 
mass, and thus the much smaller scale of modern Egyptian Revival struc- 
tures was seen as a ludicrous imitation. Criticisms of the Egyptian 
Revival, and of revival styles in general, were aimed at their attempts to 
copy the originals, while disregarding the size or materials used in the 
originals. This may be true in some cases, but I don't think that the pyra- 
mids in Green- Wood Cemetery lose any of their visual impact or expres- 
sive power in their modern adaptation. Their more human size, in other 
words, does not detract from the message they send and the feelings they 
were meant to evoke. True, one might not feel the awe or dread a more 
colossal structure might inspire, but these seem to be self-contained and 
serene. The word immutability still comes to mind. 

The tomb of Henry Bergh, founder of the American Society for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA), is a pyramidal shaped mau- 
soleum built into a hillside (Figs. 14-15), largely unadorned except for the 
winged globe on the architrave on the triangular pediment (Fig. 15). The 




Fig. 15. Bergh mausoleum, 1888. 



Elizabeth Broman 



55 



symbolic device is carved in great detail and features three layers of feath- 
ers, with uroei - the rearing snakes. This particular winged globe is 
carved onto a flat lintel instead of onto the curved surface of a cavetto cor- 
nice such as those on the Crosby or Johnston vaults. The doorway dis- 
plays a recently restored bronze plaque that features the logo of the 
ASPCA, a round bas-relief depicting an avenging angel with upraised 
arm wreaking wrath and vengeance on a horsecart driver who is brutally 
beating his horse. 

The pyramidal mausoleum of Benjamin Stephens (Figs. 16-17) is simi- 
lar to the Bergh pyramid except that its proportions are slightly different. 
They are both the same width at the base, but the Stephens tomb is high- 
er. The Bergh pyramid's base is longer than its sides, while the sides of the 
Stephens' pyramid are the same length as its base. The Bergh pyramid is 
angled lower and has a block-like shape that seems more firmly planted 
on the grounci. The Stephens' sides are more steeply pitched and it pre- 
sents a loftier appearance because there is more surface area between the 
top of the lintel and the pyramidion: it appears to be reaching skyward, 
whereas the Bergh monument seems to have a solid, heavy center of grav- 
ity that is firmly planted in the ground. 




Fig. 16. Stephens pyramidal mausoleum, 1890. 



56 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 





■0^ 



Fig. 17. Stephens mausoleum, 1890. 



Elizabeth Broman 57 



The projecting portico and Classical doorway with a triangular pedi- 
ment is a feature common to both the Bergh and Stephens tombs. Winged 
globes with uroei beneath the pediment carved onto a flat lintel appear on 
both pyramids. However, unlike the Bergh monument, which has a sim- 
ple flat granite door, the Stephens mausoleum features an elaborate 
bronze door that employs Egyptian decorative motifs. An outer gate con- 
sists of a cast iron grille door with vertical bars that are decorated with 
stylized lotus buds. 

One of the things I have been trying to discover about the Egyptian 
Revival in Green- Wood Cemetery is why it was chosen over other more 
popular funerary art styles. The Victorian era favored the Gothic above 
nearly everything else, and Green- Wood is very much a Victorian ceme- 
tery, in both its "garden cemetery" philosophy and by the customs of the 
culture its patrons observed. I believe that choosing an Egyptian style 
funeral monument was more than a meaningless choice based on simple 
preference or popularity, especially since a more overtly beautiful and 
sentimental memorial art dominated the nineteenth century. Given that 
people were generally more demonstratively emotional about death and 
their loved ones during this period, why did some patrons deliberately 
choose a style so seemingly cold and unemotional? Some people are nat- 
urally more reticent; others might not have wanted to seem hypocritical 
by choosing a more overtly religious monument if they had no true reli- 
gious conviction. Choosing a pyramid or other Egyptian monument must 
have expressed meaningful ideas and deep convictions outside of the 
mainstream of popular religion, culture, and funerary tradition. 

Researching the pyramid of Benjamin Stephens revealed nothing to 
me that would indicate any particular interest in or affinity with ancient 
Egypt or the Egyptian Revival until I looked into the other family mem- 
bers buried in the tomb. I discovered that the younger brother of 
Benjamin Stephens was the famous explorer and author John Lloyd 
Stephens, who died in 1852 of the lingering effects of fevers contracted 
during his travels. In 1837 he wrote Incidents of Travels in Egypt, Arabia, 
Petraea, and the Holy Land, but he is most famous for his books written 
about his travels in Central America and those concerning Mayan civi- 
lization. I think there is a distinct possibility that the older Benjamin com- 
missioning a mausoleum many years later may have chosen the pyramid 
as an appropriate tribute in memory of his younger brother's interests 
and activities. 



58 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



Since Henry Bergh is a fairly famous person, I had hoped to find some 
definite documentation relating to his choice of a pyramidal tomb. 
Indeed, I did discover that Bergh had a personal interest in and knowl- 
edge of Ancient Egypt, and it would appear that this firsthand experience 
probably made him more likely to commission a memorial in which 
Egyptian forms dominate and convey more esoteric meanings. 

One of the more important sources for Egyptomania in America, and 
most particularly in New York City, involved the opening of the Suez 
Canal in 1869 and the corresponding gift by Egypt to America of an 
ancient obelisk." With this announcement, a new craze for Egyptian 
design developed. In 1881, the 69-foot tall Alexandrian obelisk known as 
Cleopntra's Needle was finally raised in Central Park. 

When the base for the obelisk was constructed, a "time capsule" was 
put together for the cornerstone which contained objects and documents 
relevant to the history of the United States and New York City I was elat- 
ed to discover that "documents of the ASPCA" were included in this time 
capsule,^-^ at least one manifestation of Henry Bergh's obvious awareness 
of and interest in ancient Egyptian artifacts and culture. There are other 
indicators as well. As was the custom during this period for wealthy peo- 
ple of a certain social class and genteel background, prolonged European 







'zSr-'^-Ji- *- - V?r--r2,-' 



Fig. 18. Van Ness-Parsons mausoleum, 1931. 



Elizabeth Broman 



59 



honeymoons of several years were common. Henry Bergh's honeymoon 
of 1847-1850 took him throughout Europe, as well as to Turkey and Egypt. 
Bergh had had a fascination for the pyramids since childhood, and in his 
journals he recorded his travels, writing that his "... first sight of the 
Pyramids - since youth, (were) the strongest desire of my heart," ^"^ Bergh 
was an avid art patron and had, among other things, collected from his 
travels nymphs, cupids, a view of Naples, a bronze horse, and an 
Egyptian stone mummy. ^* 

Although a member of the Episcopalian Church, Henry Bergh was 
not an especially devout Christian and was known to be interested in 
other religions and familiar with the teachings of other religious leaders, 
including Buddha, Confucius, and Mohammed. I believe it is highly pos- 
sible that Henry Bergh chose an Egyptian pyramid mausoleum for his 
wife and himself in part because of his broader religious interests, and 
because it offered a meaningful and viable alternative to traditional 
Christian memorial art without seeming to reject it outright. It may also 
have satisfied his aesthetic, intellectual, and personal spiritual affinity for 
the Egyptian pyramid since childhood, experienced firsthand on his hon- 
eymoon. 




Fig. 19. Van Ness-Parsons mausoleum, 1931. 



60 



Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



Another fascinating pyramidal shaped mausoleum which delights 
and mystifies visitors to Green- Wood is the Van Ness-Parsons monument, 
constructed in 1931 (Figs. 18-21). The mausoleum is constructed of gran- 
ite, concrete and white brick, and the pyramid is much wider angled than 
the Stephens or Bergh mausoleums, more like the ancient Egyptian pro- 
portions of the structures of Gizeh and those envisioned by Boullee in the 
eighteenth century. The portico projects out from the front of the pyramid, 
and at the top is a cavetto cornice within which is carved a winged globe 
with uroei (Fig. 19). The door to the tomb is constructed of bronze with a 
rather elaborate and detailed relief carving. There is a rectangular plaque 
centered on the door depicting Christ on the Cross on the top half of the 
plaque, and a circle with the Sun in the center encircled by the signs of the 
Zodiac. 

What is so striking and unusual about this mausoleum are the statues 
flanking the entrance (Figs. 20-21). On the left of the door as one faces it is 
a marble statue of Jesus holding a Lamb on his left arm. His right hand is 
outstretched in the pose of holding a staff, which has broken off, leaving 
only the bottom portion. On the right side is a corresponding marble stat- 
ue of the Virgin Mary holding the infant Jesus up in her outstretched 




Fig. 20. Van Ness-Parsons mausoleum, 1931. 



Elizabeth Broman 



61 




Fig. 21, Van Ness-Parsons mausoleum, 1931. 



62 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



hands. Directly to the right of the statue of Mary is a Sphinx in the 
couchant (recumbent) position (Fig. 21). The Sphinx is bearded, with 
breasts, and appears to be gazing up at either Mary and Jesus or at the 
heavens. These marble statues are "sugaring"^^ badly, and sharp defini- 
tion of the features has been lost. The sight of this pyramid and Sphinx, 
juxtaposed with these Christian statues, has always been beautiful and 
strange. On the face of it, I always imagined this pyramid was an overtly 
dramatic attempt to Christianize Egyptian iconography, or, at the very 
least, indicated a strong fondness for exotica or Egyptian art while want- 
ing to retain Christian symbolism. 

As it turns out, the iconography of this mausoleum is extremely com- 
plex, based on the philosophy of its designer, Albert Ross Parsons (1847- 
1933), who is best known as a musician and music teacher. A composer 
and poet who wrote several books on music, his efforts most relevant to 
this monument were his ventures into philosophy and metaphysics. 
Amongst the latter is a volume with the somewhat ponderous title New 
Light from the Great Pyramid ... The Astronomico-Geographical system of the 
Ancients Recovered and Applied to the Elucidation of History, Ceremony, 
Symbolism, and Religion, with an Exposition of the Evolution from the 
Prehistoric, Objective, Scientific Religion of Adam Kadmon, the Macrocosm, of 
the Historic, Subjective, Spiritual Religion of Christ Jesus, the Microcosm, pub- 
lished in 1893.^^ Not surprisingly, the work makes for extremely difficult 
reading, but in the course of his commentary Parsons explains the signif- 
icance of the pyramid and the zodiac, as well as the reasons why the ideas 
and images of Ancient Egypt were so relevant and important to 
America. ^^ In his book. Parsons provides a visual illustration of his belief 
relating to the importance of Pisces nearing Aries at the time of the 
Crucifixion, and it is this very drawing which is reproduced in bas-relief 
on the bronze door of the mausoleum. ^*^ 

Albert Parsons' pyramid is an architectural and sculptural statement 
that reflects his personal philosophy, which postulates a long-standing 
identification between Americans, Christianity, and ancient Egypt. In this 
instance, we see that the use of Egyptian motifs is not only related to the 
common themes of the appropriateness of Egyptian architecture for 
funerary monuments representing eternity and the hereafter, but, addi- 
tionally, to a whole and somewhat idiosyncratic philosophical system 
which Parsons derived from Ancient Egypt. 



Elizabeth Broman 63 



Finally, it is worth noting that funerary art in the period under discus- 
sion not only reflected the religious sentiments of the deceased, but also 
reflected the social and economic position of the deceased in society. 
Mausoleums were generally built for wealthy families: they represented 
prestige and success. The more elaborate ancient Egyptian tombs were 
built for Pharaohs. In the case of the individuals whose more modern 
tombs we have examined here, each was an accomplished and respected 
person in his profession and in society. In choosing Egyptian Revival 
styles to memorialize themselves, they perhaps felt themselves worthy of 
the distinction and esteem given to those Pharaohs of old. 

Conclusion 

Green-Wood Cemetery offers a wonderful variety of the types of 
funerary monuments that the Egyptian Revival produced. As a nine- 
teenth century rural garden cemetery, it invited a diversity of revival 
styles and eclectic monuments and provided a compatible setting for 
Egyptian Revival monuments. Among its many patrons, Green-Wood 
had an extremely wealthy and elite class of residents. In a city with 
numerous architects, sculptors, artisans, and monument companies, they 
had the resources to create memorials that are works of art. Monumental 
art reflects the tastes and aspirations of its culture, and Green-Wood 
Cemetery reflects the varied culture of mid- to late nineteenth-century 
New York and Brooklyn. 

Middle and upper class cemetery patrons became, in effect, art patrons 
and made decisions involving artistic and cultural expression when they 
commissioned a monument to commemorate their loved ones or them- 
selves. Were these decisions made for sentimental reasons? Were they aes- 
thetic decisions based on the fashions of the time? Or do they represent 
attempts to make more meaningful symbolic statements? Were the 
patrons in some instances following the dictates of their religious feelings, 
or perhaps choosing memorials that reflected the character or beliefs of 
the deceased? Except in the case of the omnipresent obelisks, the choice of 
Egyptian Revival for funerary monuments in nineteenth century Green- 
Wood Cemetery seems to have been limited to certain types of patrons. By 
rejecting more conventional, popular architectural styles and choosing 
Egyptian Revival, they were perhaps making a more adventurous artistic 
decision. Obviously, these patrons did not see the religious or aesthetic 
objections that critics expressed as a conflict and discounted the many and 



64 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



varied criticisms aimed at the Egyptian Revival. With the exceptions of 
the Arundell-Osborne and Van Ness-Parsons tombs, all of those individ- 
uals who commissioned Egyptian Revival mausoleums in Green-Wood 
omitted any Christian symbolism. They may conceivably have chosen 
Egyptian iconography because they were making a more sophisticated, 
esoteric statement regarding their own mortality and death. In the case of 
Benjamin Stephens, Henry Bergh, and Albert Ross Parsons, we have seen 
that they were well educated, traveled, cultured, and had a known inter- 
est in Egyptology. Their choice of funerary architecture reflects both their 
unique, unconventional characters and perhaps their uncommon percep- 
tions of themselves. They were of a more intellectual bent, which proba- 
bly would have made them more receptive to the possibilities and impli- 
cations of Egyptian iconography in spite of, or in addition to, any person- 
ally held religious beliefs and practice. In the case of the other Egyptian 
Revival patrons, I can document nothing about their intentions, although 
I would venture to suggest that they too were choosing to express them- 
selves apart from the mainstream, whether for aesthetic or personal rea- 
sons. I also believe that in choosing the Egyptian Revival, patrons sought 
a more malleable and timeless vehicle to commemorate themselves - one 
which reached beyond the ubiquitous and sentimental Christian 
Victorian funerary art so prevalent during this period. 



Elizabeth Broman 65 



NOTES 

All photographs in this essay were taken by the author and are here reproduced with the 
hjll knowledge and consent of Green- Wood Cemetery. 

1. Nehemiah Cleaveland, Green-Wood Illustrated: In highly finished line engraving, from 
drawings taken oil the spot, by James Smillie: With descriptive notices by Nehemiah 
Cleaveland (New York, NY, 1847), 52. 

2. Wayne Andrews, Architecture, Ambition, and Americans: A Social History of American 
Architecture (New York, NY, 1978), 98. 

3. Richard G. Carrott, The Egi/ptian Revival: Its Sources, Monuments, and Meaning, 1800- 
1858 (Berkeley, CA, 1978), 51. 

4. James Steven Curl, Egi/ptomania: The Egi/ptian Revival: A Recurring Theme in the History 
of Taste (New York, NY, 1994), 105. " 

5. James Gallier, "American Architecture," North American Review XLIII: 93 (1836): 356- 
384. 

6. Curl, A Celebration of Death, 363. 

7. Cleaveland, Green-Wood Illustrated, 50, 51. 

8. James Steven Curl, A Celebration of Death: An Introduction to Some of the Buildings, 
Monuments and Settings of Funerary Architecture in the Western Tradition (London, 1993), 



9. Although Piranesi's fireplace design drawings were never executed, the design was 
displayed as early as 1812 in the Egyptian Exhibition Hall in London. 

10. A cross surmounted by a circlet used in hieroglyphics, later identified with the nim- 
bus and Cross of the Crucifixion. It signifies life and resurrection. Curl, Egyptomania, 
229. 

11. A pair of obelisks were originally erected by Tuthmosis III c. 1468 BC at Heliopolis, 
but were moved to Alexandria by Augustus in 10 BC to stand in front of a temple to 
Julius Caesar. The move was at the behest of Cleopatra - hence the popular title 
Cleopatra's Needles. The American gift was one of this pair: the other was a gift to 
England and erected in London in 1878. 

12. Martina D' Alton, The Nrw York Obelisk, or Hoiv Cleopatra's Needle Came to New York and 
Wliat Happened Wlren It Got Here (New York, NY, 1993), 41. 

13. Zulma Steele, Angel in a Top Hat (New York, NY, 1942), 24. 



66 Egyptian Revival Funerary Art 



14. Ibid., 295. 

15. Sugaring is a deterioration of stone, especially marble, that causes it to look and feel 
like granulated sugar. It is caused by weathering, and in recent years, more rapidly 
by acid rain. Sculptural details and lettering "melt" or dissolve like sugar. 

16. (New York, NY, 1893). 

17. The use of the pyramid on the dollar bill, the adaptation of the obelisk for important 
national monuments, ancient Egyptian migration to North America, and other ideas 
are repeated and elaborated on in Parsons' book. He believed we were the spiritual 
descendents of ancient Egypt. Ibid., 66; 502. 

18. Ibid., 261. 



Elizabeth Broman 67 



APPENDIX 

A Select List of Secondary Sources 
Dealing with Egyptian Revival Styles 

Andrews, Wayne. Architecture, Ambition and Americans: A Social History of 
American Architecture. New York, NY, 1978. 

Carrott, Richard G. The Egyptian Revival: Its Sources, Monuments, and 
Meaning, 1808-1858. Berkeley, CA, 1978. 

Colvin, Howard. Architecture and the After-Life. New Haven, CT, 1991. 

Curl, James Stevens. A Celebration of Death: An Introduction to Some of the 
Buildings, Monuments, and Settings of Funerary Architecture in the 
Western European Tradition. London, England, 1993. 

. The Egyptian Revival. London, England, 1982. 



. Egyptomania: The Egyptian Revival - A Recurring Theme in the 

History of Taste. New York, NY, 1994. 

. The Victorian Celebration of Death. Detroit, MI, 1972. 



Etlin, Richard A. The Architecture of Death: The Transformation of the 
Cemetery in Eighteenth-Century Paris. Cambridge, MA, 1984. 

Linden-Ward, Blanche. Silent City on a Hill: Landscapes of Memory and 
Boston's Mount Auburn Cemetery. Columbus, OH, 1989. 

McDowell, Peggy, and Meyer, Richard E. The Revival Styles in American 
Memorial Art. Bowling Green, OH, 1994. 

Ragon, Michel. The Space of Death: A Study of Funerary Architecture, 
Decoration and Urbanism. Charlottesville, VA, 1983. 



68 



A Cemetery 




Photo: Richard E. Meyer. 



69 



A CEMETERY 

Emily Dickinson 

This quiet dust was Gentlemen and Ladies, 

And Lads and Girls; 

Was laughter and ability and sighing. 

And frocks and curls. 

This passive place a Summer's nimble mansion. 

Where Bloom and Bees 

Fulfilled their Oriental Circuit, 

Then ceased like these. 

(1864) 



70 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 1. Bildad Washburn's home (and tavern), 
Kingston, Massachusetts. 



71 



THE CARVERS OF KINGSTON, MASSACHUSEHS 
James Blachowicz 

Introduction 

The resident gravestone carving tradition of the town of Plymouth, 
Massachusetts began in 1770, with the arrival of William Coye from 
Providence, Rhode Island. The town of Kingston, Plymouth's closest 
neighbor, acquireci its first carver about seven years later. This was Bildad 
Washburn (1762-1832), whose work is found throughout Plymouth coun- 
ty and in neighboring Barnstable and Bristol counties as well. His broth- 
er-in-law and apprentice, Bartlett Adams (1776-1828), also left an impres- 
sive body of work behind in the area before leaving for Maine in about 
1800, in his early twenties. Washburn's successor in Kingston was Hiram 
Tribble (1809-1881), nephew of the Plymouth carver John Tribble. Hiram 
probably apprenticed with his uncle in Plymouth before launching his 
career in Brewster in 1830. His stay on Cape Cod was brief, however, for 
he returned to marry a Duxbury girl and took over in Kingston after 
Washburn's death in 1832. Hiram was about the same age as his cousin 
Winslow Tribble, who worked with his father John Tribble in Plymouth 
through 1860. Hiram and Winslow produced some very interesting 
designs in their early twenties, and both moved completely to marble 
gravestones in the later parts of their careers. 1 have not investigated the 
work of carvers resident in Kingston after 1862. 

My catalog of gravestones produced by these three men (see 
Appendix II) is complete for their home town of Kingston, and I have 
included numerous examples of their work elsewhere. 

In this essay, I shall review Washburn's and Adams' biographies in 
sequence before moving to look at their work, which is so entwined as to 
make separate analyses impossible, after which I shall move to Hiram 
Tribble. 

Washburn and Adams: Biography 

Bildad Washburn 

Bildad Washburn was born in Kingston on August 24, 1762, the fourth 

of at least nine children of Jabez Washburn, Jr. and his wife Mary^ Jabez 

died in February of 1775. Two months later, Bildad, not quite thirteen, 

served for eleven days as a drummer boy with Captain Peleg 



72 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



Wadsworth's company of the Theophilus Cotton regiment, and then, con- 
secutively, another three months with the same company. After two 
months at home he returned to service, as a fifer. Finally, in 1777, now 
almost fifteen, he served as a drummer for Captain Andrew Sampson's 
company, which was stationed at the fort at the Gurnet, on Kingston's 
coast.- Judging from the dates on his earliest gravestones, Bildad must 
have learned stonecutting at about this time. Since Kingston did not have 
a resident stonecutter, he no doubt studied with an established neighbor- 
ing carver. Was this Lemuel Savery of nearby Plymouth, or a carver in 
Plympton or some other town? 1 shall address this question once we have 
examined his work. 

Bildad married Lucy Adams in Kingston in 1784. They had fourteen 
children.'' He remained in Kingston, appearing rarely in county or town 
records, although he did act as town clerk from 1804 to 1806.'* In about 
1795, he buys a house in Marshfield,^^ dismantles it, and ships it to 
Kingston (by oxcart and packet boat) to be reassembled. This would be his 
home and his tavern.^ It still stands at 234 Main Street (Fig. 1). In 1798 he 
buys at auction (for $100.00) a pew in the newly-built meeting house; 
afterwards, "the men who built it marched to Bildad Washburn's tavern 
for refreshments and celebration"'^. It is apparently this house /tavern 
which is assessed at $800 (a fairly large sum) in the 1798 Direct Tax for 
Massachusetts. He is also assessed for an additional forty-six acres of 
land, no doubt farmland outside the town. Washburn sold his house and 
tavern to a George Russell and built a new house in 1808, across from the 
burial ground. In fact, he and his younger brother Abiel built twin hous- 
es: Bildad's was later reworked to make the barn for the Unitarian par- 
sonage, but Abiel' s house, long after he sold it, was moved to 200 Main 
Street, where it still stands.^ 

An Abiel Washburn appears as an apprentice to Bartlett Adams in 
1809, but there are no payments for gravestones to Abiel in Plymouth 
County probate records. According to Melville's history of Kingston, 
Abiel Washburn moved to Akron, Ohio in about 1850^. 

Bildad took on his wife's brother Bartlett Adams as his apprentice in 
about 1791. After turning twenty-one in 1797, Adams set up his own shop 
in Portland, Maine. Two of Bildad's sons also became stonecutters: Alvan 
bought Adams' Portland shop in 1812 and probably ran it for two years, 
until Adams returned, and Alvan's younger brother, Elias, was a stone- 
cutter in Adams' Portland shop in 1818.^° Bildad's son-in-law, George 



James Blachowicz 73 



Washington Bryant, who married Bildad's daughter Lucy, also became a 
carver. As we shall see, Bryant, whose shop was in North Bridgewater, 
may have competed to some extent with Hiram Tribble. 

Bildad Washburn died in Kingston on September 18, 1832 at the age of 
seventy." His gravestone was carved by Hiram Tribble (see Fig. 37). 

Bartlett Adams^- 

Bartlett Adams was born in Kingston on October 24, 1776. He was the 
sixth of at least ten children of Francis Adams and Rebecca Cook.^^ The 
eldest of these children was Lucy, who married Bildad Washburn in 1784. 
Adams must have become Washburn's apprentice in about 1791. 

Adams moved from Kingston to Portland, Maine after he turned 
twenty-one in 1797 and before September 15, 1800, the date of his adver- 
tisement in the Portland Gazette (Fig. 2). His brother Richard, sixteen years 
old at the time, may have accompanied him. Richard also became a stone- 
cutter and worked in Charlestown^'*; he later returned to Maine, working 
in Topsham, Brunswick, and Bath. 

Bartlett married Charlotte Neal of Portland and had seven children, all 
born there.^^ Four of these died before reaching adulthood. In September 
of 1812 he places an advertisement in the Eastern Argus, notifying the pub- 



B.ADAMS, 

SCULPTOR jnd Stone-cutter, ^ 

REfpedfully acquaiuts the public^ 
thiit he has cmnmeticed bafinrfs, in FcdcraJ- 
Street, near the head of Fifli-Streiet, where he has aii 
aflbrtcnent of Connedicut and i^iincy SLATK 
STONES, fui' able for hearths* jambs, and mantels-^ 
Alfo, TOMBS I'ONES and ORAVE-STONES.— Like- 
wiff, i few Italian MARBLE TAfeLE oLABS. 
J*(,rthni,Seft, 15,1 Soo. 

Fig. 2. Bartlett Adams' announcement of the opening 
of his shop, 1800, Portland, Maine. 



74 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




BARTLETT ADAMS, 



STONE CUTTEH— 

HASjDn hand a large^ assortment of %r^te and 
blue Marble, 9late nnd free Stone, suitkhle for 
stem, door-siHs) window caps and sills, hearths, jambs 
ana mantels ; i;Rrden rolls; paint stoiief, and. paint 
milts ; grind stones ; columns for tombs ; plain and 
ornamented gravt stones ; marble tomb stones,4'C.&r. 
O* Orders for any kind of stone work in bis line, 
from any part of the country executed with prompl*- 
tude and dispatch 

Fig. 3. Adams' advertisement of his shop, 1817, Portland, Maine. 



James Blachowicz 75 



lie that all debts to him (and by him) must be settled by October 10th, for 
he is about to move from Portland. He sells his shop to his nephew, Alvan 
Washburn, son of Bildad, and leaves in the company of the architect 
Alexander Parrish for Richmond, Virginia, spending almost two years 
there. In April of 1814, another advertisement in the Eastern Argus 
announces that he has resumed his stonecutting business on Federal 
Street in Portland. 

In 1815, Adams is credited in a column in the Eastern Argus as the 
"ingenious artist" who fashioned a new marble monument for the "late 
gallant Capt. Burrows," commissioned by Matthew L. Davis, a gentleman 
from New York who took exception to the fact that Captain Blythe, 
Burrowes' British opponent in the naval battle which brought fame to 
both men, had a decent memorial whereas Burrowes had not. The 
Burrowes monument is an undecorated marble slab.^^ 

Adams advertises his shop again in 1817 (Fig. 3), and in 1818 (Fig. 4), 
where he announces that Bildad' s son, Elias Washburn, had joined him. 
Bartlett Adams died in Portland on January 27, 1828 at the age of fifty-one. 
Bildad Washburn would live another four years. 



EXECUTE F€fiBARttzT^T\jiDJlMS, JHY 

/ ElJlA0VWASHBtBN, 

WHO bis a |oodaifOrtirtoat 9I Marbb, ISla^e 
and Fr6e-Si6(kJ|tuHnbI«iorjHeartb, i^ii^ba 
find Mantels^, Step^^adThrcfsbbldi^Oerden Hbtis 
Grind Stoocss; fainl MHIs; i{Ja^^ and MijUbiai 
Grit SWrie$,|for Ciirrfeii u<€ ; Marl4i Tomb Stbbes , 
MarbUBiHi|SliiU4kmrc) dt(>n<^,&d^ Aprlf^S 

Fig, 4, Adams' advertisement of his nephew's position 
at his shop, 1818, Portland, Maine. 



76 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



Washburn and Adams: Gravestones 

I attribute a total of 489 gravestones to Washburn and Adams: 376 to 
Washburn and 113 to Adams (eleven of these 113 are in Maine). Once 
Adams got started, he may have been the one who assumed the respon- 
sibility for most of the carving. Consider the Washburn shop's production 
from 1791 through 1798, that is, the period of Adams' carving career in 
Kingston: 





1791 


1792 


1793 


1794 


1795 


1796 


1797 


1798 


Washburi 


1 14 


3 


8 


3 


6 


6 


5 


8 


Adams 


4 


2 


9 


16 


17 


12 


11 


5 



I should point out, however, that Washburn was apparently directing 
much of Adams' work to the north, to the area around Milton and 
Brockton; and because my survey of stones for that area was more com- 
prehensive than for other towns in Plymouth County, the numbers 1 have 
here for Washburn may be somewhat low in comparison to those for 
Adams. Washburn's production does seem to increase after Adams 
leaves, as one would expect. 1 did not discover any other carver who 
might have been producing significant numbers of stones in the 
Washburn workshop between 1800 and Washburn's death in 1832. 

Although my canvass of Washburn's and Adams' gravestones was not 
exhaustive for towns outside of Kingston, it may still be possible to esti- 
mate the total production of their shop (which includes Adams' stones up 
to the time he leaves for Maine). Sixty percent of the probate citations to 
Washburn is for stones in Kingston; and 1 have ascribed a total of 335 
stones in Kingston to his shop (this includes Adam's work as well). If the 
distribution of probate citations to Washburn over various towns reflects 
the distribution of the stones themselves over the same area, then, because 
my canvass of Kingston's burial ground as well as my examination of pro- 
bate records was complete, we can project his shop's total production to 
about 560 gravestones. However, it may be that gravestones shipped to 
more distant locales would be less likely to have specific probate pay- 
ments to the stonecutter than those sold at home; this and the fact that 
Adams had many stones shipped out of town would point to an even 
larger production than what I have estimated here. 

It is significant that, whereas forty percent of probate citations to 
Washburn is for stones outside of Kingston, citations to the John Tribble 



James Blachowicz 



77 



workshop in nearby Plymouth for stones outside of Plymouth is only 
about twelve percent of the total. Plymouth was larger than Kingston: the 
Kingston market alone was evidently not sufficient for Washburn. As we 
move through the later decades of his production (the 1810s and 1820s), 
however, the percentage of his Kingston stones rises. The town was grow- 
ing. Of course, both Washburn and Tribble had other occupations: 
Washburn ran a tavern and probably farmed, while Tribble also ran a 
painting, papering, and glazing business as well as a distillery for a time. 
In and around Kingston, we can discern two bodies of work which 
point to two distinct carvers. One carver made cherubs like that seen on 
the stone for Dorcas Shaw (1797) (Fig. 5). The face on these cherubs is 
rather small; the eyes are placed well, in the vertical center of the head; the 
hair tends to rise a bit high off the top of the head; the mouth, which is 
often no wider than the nose, tends to be a little too close to the nose; the 
smallish eyes are delineated with ridges that taper into lines running left 
and right, but these do not touch the sides of the head-outline; the wing 
feathers are often delineated with wavy veins. The carver of this type of 
cherub placed his stones in a very wide area: from Kingston through 




Fig. 5. Dorcas Shaw, 1797, Eastham, Massachusetts. 
Typical Washburn cherub with flowers. 



78 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



Marshfield to Norwell, Easton, and Milton. We also find his stones in 
Middleborough, Plympton, on Cape Cod, and in Rehoboth. The largest 
concentration is in Kingston. 

The second carver is responsible for fewer stones, but they also tend to 
center around Kingston. An example is the marker for Barnabas Harlow 
(1796) (Fig. 6) in Plympton. The face found on these stones is larger, with 
the jaw almost the same proportion as the upper head; the eyes tend to be 
placed slightly higher than half way up the head and are closer to the eye- 
brows than those of the first carver; they also tend to be spaced further 
apart and, while they too are delineated with ridges, these ridges do not 
tend to taper into lines right and left, but simply meet to form a vertex; the 
outer corners of both eyes tend to make contact with the side of the head; 
and the mouth is wider than that of the first carver. 

While these two descriptions hold for most of the stones in these two 
groups, there are significant variations. Before proceeding to any more 
details, however, let me identify these two carvers. I believe the first is 
Bildad Washburn and the second is Bartlett Adams. What initially makes 
these ascriptions problematic, however, is the fact that six of the stones of 
the second group are probated to Washburn. 

I uncovered a total of thirty-eight payments to Bildad Washburn in pro- 
bate records (see Appendix I), and located the gravestones for thirty-three 
of these. Of these thirty-three, I attribute twenty-seven to Washburn and 
six to Adams. The reason is that Adams was too young - under twenty-one 
- to have received probate citations for these stones: because he was 
Washburn's assistant, it was Washburn who was cited as paid for Adams' 
work. Note that the earliest of these six Washburn-probated, Adams- 
carved stones is dated 1791 (when Adams was fifteen) and the latest is 
1796 (when he was twenty). In 1797, Adams signs a stone - for Samuel 
Bent in Milton - announcing, as it were, that he has come of age. 

While Adams no doubt was paid for gravestones in Maine's probate 
records (which I did not search), I did find one citation in a Suffolk 
County probate in 1809 - this for the stone for Mary Stonehouse (see 
Appendix I), which I was unable to locate. I should also note that the 
stone for Ruth Croade (1791) in Halifax, which I attribute to Washburn, 
was probated to someone else.^^ 

The ascription of these two groups of stones to Washburn and Adams 
is also supported by the fact that the gravestones of the second group 
cease appearing in the Kingston area at about the same time that Adams 



James Blachowicz 



79 













,.'-* -i^ *^ 








Fig. 6. Barnabas Harlow, 1796, Plympton, Massachusetts. 
Typical cherub carved by Adams; but probated to Washburn. 



80 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig, 7. Ann Thayer, 1794, Milton, Massachusetts. 
Typical Adams cherub of 1793 and 1794. 



James Blachowicz 



81 



leaves Kingston for Maine. Those of the first group, however, continue to 
appear in Kingston. 

I have not, unfortunately, been able to discover any clear way to dis- 
tinguish the lettering styles of these two carvers. Each time we come 
across what seems to be a telltale difference - for example, that Adams 
seems to make his "9" with a more pronounced left-curling loop at the 
bottom - there are exceptions which make this distinction unreliable. One 
suspects that Washburn lettered many of Adams' stones. I have had to 
rely almost exclusively, therefore, upon differences in their cherubs and 
some other decorative features to establish a basis for differentiation. 

Rather than proceeding chronologically with each of these carver's 
stones, I shall follow their styles forward and backward from the "typical" 
stones represented above. Let us look first at Adams' work. 

Most of the stones I have ascribed to Adams bear a cherub face like the 
one seen in Fig. 6. There are about ten stones dated 1793 and 1794 that I 
attribute to him, however, which are significantly different. The cherubs 
on these stones have a more pointed chin as well as diverse hair styles - 
straight, wavy, a forelock, combed back, combed forward. Further, there 




ill '1 \xe 11 vo \^^' ^ ^ ^oi , 



Fig. 8. William Sylvester, 1799, Harpswell, Maine. 
Adams' later elliptical cherub face. 



82 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




^- ^^^«gS^^; '^^^::'^M^^^Mk^i 






Fig, 9. Samuel Bent, 1797, Milton, Massachusetts. 
Signed by Adams. 



James Blachowicz 83 



are additional decorative features above the cherubs' heads on six of these 
- crossed bones, a star-Hke pendant, and floral or tree-like growths, such 
as on the stone for Ann Thayer (1794) (Fig. 7)}^ There are also rather elab- 
orate floral borders on some of these. Even though the chin here is more 
like Washburn's than Adams', I attribute this group to Adams because of 
the treatment of the eyes. These stones show a "9," however, whose bot- 
tom does not curl up: perhpas Washburn lettered them. It is even possi- 
ble, I suppose, that Adams and Washburn collaborated on the cherubs' 
faces. 

More tentatively, I ascribe to Adams the similar stone for Araunah 
Brewster (1793). Here an urn and two willows are positioned over the 
head of the cherub. Although the eyes are lower on the head, as in 
Washburn's style, 1 keep this stone in the Adams column because of the 
shape of the eyes and eyebrows. 

On his later stones, the face of Adams' cherub loses its pointy chin and 
becomes less square, appearing as an almost perfect ellipse, such as that 
seen on the stone for William Sylvester (1799) in Harpswell, Maine (Fig. 
8).^^ He added somewhat bushy eyebrows to the face on the Sylvester 
stone, a feature which we find again on his 1780 (but backdated) stone for 
James Gooding and his wife in Portland - carved, no doubt, after his 
move there.-° If the Sylvester stone was carved after his move to Maine, 
then Adams no doubt lettered it as well. We find some distinctiveness in 
these letters. The curling lower part of the "9," for example; a different 
ampersand from Washburn's; a "g" whose upper "ear" curls right instead 
of up. We see the curled "9" and the "g" with a right-leaning ear again on 
the signed stone for Samuel Bent (1797) (Fig. 9). 

I should mention that there is a late stone in Portland, for Gen. Francis 
Osgood (1817), which features a cherub that looks a bit like Adams' 
cherub of the 1790s. Perhaps it is the work of Adams' new partner, Elias 
Washburn (Bildad's son), who had joined him about that time. 

Adams places an umbrella-like canopy over the cherub's head on six 
of the stones I have ascribed to him.-^ A canopy also appears over the 
heads of the two female figures on the stone for Christiana Cook (1796) 
(Fig. 10). This large stone bears an equally large central urn. I ascribe this 
to Adams on the basis of the eyes, the canopy, and the type of "9." A sim- 
ilar female figure is featured within an oval in the tympanum of the stone 
for Mary Baxter (1789) in Milton. An identically shaped urn is found on 
the enormous stone for William Drew (1795), and a quite similar one 



84 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 







W>'6i: 



Fig. 10. Christiana Cook, 1796, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Typical large Adams urn. 



James Blachowicz 



85 










Fig. 11, Mary Brewster, 1795, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Large Adams urn and willow. 



86 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 12, Joshua Delano, 1816, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Typical large Washburn urn. 



James Blachowicz 




Fig. 13. Bartlett Adams, Jr., 1806, Portland, Maine. 
Carved by Adams for his son. 



88 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



appears on the marker for Mary Brewster (1795) (Fig. 11), which features 
an accompanying willow with large "succulent" leaves (a similar "9" is 
found here as well). 

There are five other stones in Kingston with large urns and willows, 
however, that are Washburn's - those for Kezia Cook (1808) (which also 
features a pair of his cherubs), Joshua Delano (1816) (Fig. 12), Isaac 
Bartlett (1816) (these latter two probated to Washburn), Dorothy Drew 
(1816), and George Russell (1822). The urns, though similar to one anoth- 
er, have different shapes from those I ascribe to Adams, and the leaves of 
the willows have longer stems than those on Adams' willows. The letter- 
ing also matches Washburn's later style. 

An Adams stone showing his later technique is that for his son Bartlett 
(1806) in Portland, Maine (Fig. 13). The lettering has deepened and 
become very sharp and does not bear much resemblance to that on his 
earlier work. I have not examined Adams' later work in Maine. 

Before moving to Washburn, we need to consider three stones which 
were probably carved by Adams, but which feature eyes smaller than 
those found on his other work: these are for Edward Oakman (1791), 




Fig. 14. Capt. Joshua Vinall, 1793, Marshfield, Massachusetts. 
"Wild hair" cherub probably carved by Adams. 



James Blachowicz 



89 



William Keen (1792), and Capt. Joshua Vinall (1793) (Fig. 14). These may 
be examples of Adams' early work, where his style is closer to that of 
Washburn. The wild hair on the Vinall stone recalls that on the marker for 
Benjamin Ewer (1792), carved at about the same time, which I ascribed to 
the "Narrow-Nose carver" in my 1998 essay on Plymouth and Cape Cod 
carvers.-- 1 now believe the Narrow-Nose carver to be Samuel Burbank 
(1774-1816), Lemuel Savery's nephew and first apprentice.^^ Adams and 
Burbank might have been acquainted; Adams was only two years 
younger, and they lived but four miles from each other when they were 
apprenticing. Eighteen of the thirty-eight stones I ascribe to Samuel 
Burbank are found in the Brockton /Quincy area, and there are at least 
twenty-six stones - perhaps substantially more - in this area carved by 
Adams. The only floral border we find on Samuel Burbank's stones - that 
on the marker for Moses Brackett (1793) in Quincy - is of a type not dis- 
similar from the kind Adams used in 1794 and later. There is also the 
interesting coincidence of the two "wild-hair" cherubs, one made by each 
man. Finally, there is Adams' backdated marker for Ephraim Thayer 
(1781) in Holbrook. The style of the cherub (an almost elliptical face) sug- 




Fig. 15. Mary Cook, 1812, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Later Washburn cherub. 



90 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 








v^ v^ O 






■, *r 











Fig. 16. John Fuller, 1828, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Later Washburn urn, with initials of deceased. 



James Blachowicz 



91 




Fig. 17. Luther Bryant, 1807, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Washburn's early small urn. 



92 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



gests that it was carved in about 1795 or so. What is significant about this 
gravestone is that it bears the distinctive twisted-rope border used fre- 
quently by Samuel Burbank. Adams may have picked up this decorative 
detail from Burbank, either personally, or from Burbank's stones in the 
Brockton /Quincy area.-^'^Or, perhaps they both took it from Gabriel Allen. 

Lemuel Savery himself has over thirty stones in these towns. It was, 
perhaps, an open market - prosperous, yet with no resident carver; and so 
John and James New, Savery, Burbank, Washburn, and Adams all placed 
significant numbers of their stones there. Savery may have even resided 
there for a time, shortly before his death. 

Continuing, now, with Washburn's stones: he carves his typical 
cherubs on gravestones in the Kingston area for some years after Adams 
leaves for Maine. The stone for Mary Cook (1812) (Fig. 15) is a rather late 
example: it is quite like his earlier type except that the eyes have become 
circles, without the ridged outline. 

A typical example of a later Washburn urn is found on the probated 
stone for John Fuller (1828) (Fig. 16). Here, as on most of his other urns of 
this type, he includes the initials of the deceased. Earlier, however, from 
about 1802, Washburn had introduced a giant urn which also acted as the 
panel upon which the inscription was written; this was usually accompa- 




Fig. 18. Olive Winsor, 1791, Duxbury, Massachusetts. 
Washburn portrait. 



James Blachowicz 



93 



nied by a "succulent" willow, as on the previously discussed stone for 
Joshua Delano (1816) (Fig. 12). His earliest small urns, which emerge 
about 1806, are shaped more like oil lamps, elongated along the horizon- 
tal (a style we find in other carvers' work as well). An example is on the 
stone for Luther Bryant (1807) (Fig. 17)?^ 

As we trace Washburn's style back in time, we encounter some inter- 
esting new elements. He gives us flowers with his cherub on the stone for 
Dorcas Shaw (1797) (Fig. 5) in Eastham, and a distinctive portrait on the 
stone for Olive Winsor (1791) (Fig. 18) in Duxbury. On the probated mark- 
er for Joanna Macomber (1791) (Fig. 19), we find an earlier type of cherub 




Fig. 19. Joanna Macomber, 1791, Marshfield, Massachusetts. 
Washburn's earlier cherub face. 



94 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



mm 



















Fig. 20. Mary Crosby, 1789, Brewster, Massachusetts. 
Earlier Washburn cherub; lettering in imitation of Lemuel Savery. 



James Blachowicz 



95 







^j^^^^S^^- 



Fig, 



21. Hannah Thomas Willis, 1786, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Early Washburn cherub; wings like Savery's. 



96 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 22. Rev. John Angier, 1787, East Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 
Attributed to Washburn on the basis of its footstone. 



James Blachowicz 



97 



face, where the mouth is not placed as close to the nose as on his later 
stones. This gives the face a distinctively different look and connects 
Washburn to a number of gravestones in the 1780s, such as that for Mary 
Crosby (1789) (Fig. 20) in Brewster. The hair and eyes here are not unlike 
Washburn's later work, but we can notice some interesting features in the 
lettering. With the exception of the italicized name, the inscription looks 
at first glance to be the work of Lemuel Savery. We have Savery's tradi- 
tional opening 'Tn Memory of ... ," an ampersand like his, numerals 
rather like his, and his characteristic "ye," with the "e" superimposed on 
the upper right serif of the "y" This was at about the time that Savery's 
stones were most numerous in Plymouth; it certainly appears that 
Washburn was making an effort here to imitate him. 

If we move now to a slightly earlier stone, that for Hannah Thomas 
Willis (1786) (Fig. 21), we also find small leading-edge feathers veined 
very much like those Savery was carving at the same time. This marker 
also bears the distinctive "ye." We find similar imitations on even earlier 
stones, such as that for Capt. Hezekiah Ripley (1778), which has, howev- 
er, a distinctive running-diamond border unlike any Savery used. 







Fig. 23. John Goodspeed, 1786, West Barnstable, Massachusetts. 
Early Washburn cherub; ornate borders. 



98 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



We are able to ascribe to Washburn the unusual stone for the Rev. John 
Angler (1787) (Fig. 22) in East Bridgewater, which displays a small por- 
trait of the Reverend in a pulpit, on the basis of its footstone, which fea- 
tures a more traditional Washburn cherub. Washburn may have been 
influenced here by John New's stone for the Rev. Samuel Brown (1749, 
backdated) in Abington-^; but other carvers provided similar depictions 
of ministers in pulpits. 

On the (now broken and corroded) stone for John Goodspeed (1786) 
(Fig. 23) in West Barnstable, Washburn used a rather traditional alternat- 
ing scroll border. This was later matched by the border Savery used on the 
stone for John Goodspeed's wife Mercy (1793), alongside. Any question 
that this is Washburn's work is dispelled by the John Goodspeed foot- 
stone, which shows a cherub that is more recognizably his. 

As we move finally to Bildad Washburn's earliest work, we encounter 
two interesting new types of design. He was apparently responsible for the 
four winged-skull stones we find in Kingston's old burial ground, one of 
which, that for Esther Sampson (1782) (Fig. 24), includes a border of heart- 
shaped leaves delineating the tympanum. We can ascribe this to Washburn 




Fig. 24. Esther Sampson, 1783, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
One of four Washburn winged-skull stones in Kingston. 



James Blachowicz 



99 




Fig. 25. Jabez Washburn, Jr., 1775, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
One of Washburn's very first stones, carved for his father. 



100 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



on the basis of the letters, which include his "ye." The letters are also rather 
large, indicating a juvenile style: Bildad was twenty in 1782. The other 
three winged-skull stones are dated 1760 (backdated), 1778, and 1783.^^ 

And he also probably carved five stones with cherub faces unlike his 
later, more mature type.'^^ One of these was for Jabez Washburn, Jr. (1775) 
(Fig. 25), with large letters, and with a square-jawed face that is very obvi- 
ously an imitation of Lemuel Savery's jowly-type of the same period. The 
curling hair also imitates the sort Savery carved on the stones for Robert 
Brown (1775), Nehemiah Ripley (1775), Nathaniel Morton (1776), and 
John Torrey (1776) (Fig. 26), all in Plymouth. Savery had carved five of 
these jowly cherubs on stones in Kingston dated between 1776 and 1779. 
Washburn most likely carved the Jabez Washburn stone after he had seen 
these Savery stones in Kingston (or, possibly, others in Plymouth), that is, 
backdating his stone slightly. The Jabez Washburn gravestone may in fact 
be one of Bildad's very first; it does show evidence of a juvenile lettering 
style. The probability that it is a very young Bildad Washburn who carved 
this stone (as young as thirteen) is strengthened by the fact that Jabez 
Washburn, Jr. was his father. 







L^^^ . .-.,»-,-.^^.v^jam^aammC.^t ^yKr„rm,jaa^ 



T.- TV- 



Fig. 26. John Torrey, 1776, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Typical "jowly" Savery cherub. 



James Blachowicz 



101 





Fig. 27. Rev. William Rand, 1779, Kingston, Massachusetts. An early 
Washburn cherub; but probably lettered by one of the Soules. 



102 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



In 1797, Washburn is paid for a stone by the estate of a Nathan 
Kingman of Bridgewater. There is a marker for a man by this name, but it 
is dated 1776, Kingman dying in his 20s at the Battle of Ticonderoga. It is 
decorated with a simple urn and willow. Although the twenty-year gap 
may well mean that this is not the same individual as that in the probate 
payment, there is also a chance that it is Washburn's work. The type of 
stone, the border and the lettering are all not unlike what he used in his 
earliest work. 

Aside from the design and lettering similarities I have singled out, we 
have no evidence of a more professional relationship between Savery and 
Washburn. While it would not be surprising if young Washburn com- 
muted the four miles froni his Kingston home to Coye's and Savery' s 
stonecutting shop in Plymouth in order to pick up the basic skills he 
would need to get started in the business, there is one last gravestone in 
Kingston which suggests another possibility. 




Fig. 28. Hannah Harvey, 1786, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 

Probably carved by James New in imitation 

of Savery's cherub shown in Fig. 29. 



James Blachowicz 



103 



This is the marker for the Rev. WilHam Rand (1779) (Fig. 27). The 
cherub's face here is sufficiently Hke those we find on other early 
Washburn stones to attribute it to him. But the lettering is quite close to 
that on the adjacent marker for the Reverend's wife, Bridget Rand (1777). 
This latter stone bears a cherub characteristic of the Soule workshop. It 
may be the work of Asaph Soule, for the lettering also matches pretty well 
that on the stone for Abigail Everson (1780) in Middleborough, which is 
probated to him-^'^ The Soules of Plympton had placed many of their 
stones in Kingston before Washburn's began to appear. If the Rand stone 
does indeed show a collaboration between Washburn and Asaph Soule, 
this is perhaps evidence that Washburn had learned to carve in Plympton 
with the Soules rather than in Plymouth with Savery. Of course, if he 
started his apprenticeship in 1777, it could probably not have been with 
Savery in any case, for Savery was himself only twenty years of age at the 
time, completing his own apprenticeship with William Coye. Yet if 
Washburn did apprentice with the Soules, he did not adopt either their 
lettering style or their distinctive cherub: for these, he turned to Savery, 
who was the superior artist. 




Fig. 29. Sarah Willis, 1783, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Lemuel Savery. 



104 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



We should not underestimate the influence that Savery's beautifully 
chiseled, naturalistic faces had on his colleagues in other towns. Besides 
Washburn, we can find this influence in two other cases, noteworthy 
because these carvers had to suspend to some significant extent their own 
traditional style in order to imitate Savery's cherub. The first is the carver 
of the stones for Abner Fobes (1767, probably backdated) and Hannah 
Harvey (1786) (Fig. 28), both in the South Street cemetery in West 
Bridge water. Compare the Harvey cherub with Savery's for Sarah Willis 
(1783) (Fig. 29) in the same cemetery. The lettering on the Fobes and 
Harvey stones is quite like that we find on the work of James New (1751- 
1835) of Wrentham, who, according to Vincent Luti, was carving in 
Attleboro at this time, and who supplied stones to the entire area sur- 
rounding West Bridgewater''^: the "a," "2," and "8" are quite similar to 
those on New's stones for Seth Richardson (1785), Asenath Smith (1786), 
and Betsy Foster (1787), all in Attleboro; the cherubs, except for the gen- 
eral round shape of their faces, are not as close to New's more usual types, 
but perhaps he was, as I said, trying to match Savery's. 

The second case of Savery-cherub imitation is to be found in a stylistic 




Fig. 30. Josiah Williams, 1789, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by Beza Soule, Sr. in imitation of Savery's cherub. 



James Blachowicz 105 



change adopted by one of the Soules. The stones for Rev. Jonathan Parker 
(1776) in Plympton and Isaac Tomson (1782) in Hahfax have a folk-art 
cherub typical of the Soule workshop, which was capable of a number of 
different versions. This particular type features very thin lips and eye- 
brows with subdivisions along its length. On the stones for Isaac Willis 
(1788) in West Bridgewater and Major James Allen (1789) in Bridge water, 
we have a very similar mouth and eyebrows, but here the eyes are much 
more realistic - rather like Savery's. Then there is the even more natural- 
istic version we find on a few stones, including those for Mehetabell Brett 
(1787) in Brockton, Josiah Williams (1789) (Fig. 30) in West Bridgewater, 
Nathaniel Croade (1790) in Halifax, and Caleb Sturtevant (1791) in 
Halifax, where the hair is rendered in curls or bangs. This last style cer- 
tainly resembles Savery's work of the same period and may reflect a con- 
scious effort on the part of this Soule carver to move to Savery's increas- 
ingly popular style. There are not very many of these naturalistic cherubs 
on Soule gravestones; they are found mostly in the Bridgewater area. 
Perhaps they are the work of Beza Soule, Sr.; the latest of them appear at 
about the time that Beza moves out of the area in the early 1790s. 

Hiram Tribble: Biography 

Hiram Tribble was the Plymouth carver John Tribble' s nephew, one of 
at least seven children of John's older brother Joseph and Polly Holmes.^^ 
He was born in Plymouth on July 8, 1809.-^- He probably learned to carve 
with his uncle John in Plymouth (and alongside John's son, Winslow, who 
was just a year younger), but after his apprenticeship there he apparently 
took a position on Cape Cod, possibly in the shop of Ebenezer D. Winslow 
in Brewster. He signs a stone in Orleans, for Sally Taylor (1830), and adds 
"Brewster" to his signature. I was able to identify only two other Cape 
stones which may be his, both dated January 1832. He marries Abigail T. 
Ripley of Duxbury on July 29, 1832; two weeks before, in the Duxbury pub- 
lishing of their intent to marry, Hiram is listed as "of Brewster." He and 
Abigail, with whom he had eight children,^^ probably moved to Kingston 
soon after their marriage. Although Kingston tax records have him on the 
rolls from 1833, there is a probate record, to be examined below, which may 
indicate that he took a position in Bildad Washburn's shop before 
Washburn died in 1832. His career on the Cape was thus rather brief. 

Kingston tax rolls also list a George Tribble - probably Hiram's 
youngest brother - in 1837. Had George come to Kingston from Plymouth 



106 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



to work with Hiram? In the tax rolls for 1838, we find a curious alteration: 
George's name is crossed out and the name of a James Thompson is 
inserted over it. While it is true that, because both surnames begin with 
"T," their juxtaposition in this single instance may be a coincidence, this 
same change occurs in much the same way in two other tax books (taxing 
for different purposes) in the same year. This might indicate that 
Thompson had replaced George as Hiram's assistant (or partner). There is 
a James Thompson, born in Kingston in 1826, who became a stonecutter, 
first in Sandwich and then in New Bedford, and also another James 
Thompson, born in about 1782, who was a carver on Nantucket; but the 
former would have been too young to be the man mentioned in these tax 
records, and the latter was dead by 1838. And so the Thompson men- 
tioned in these records was probably James Soule Thompson, born in 
Kingston (or West Bridgewater) in 1814. 

In 1837, and again in 1840, Hiram acquired two small pieces of land 
from James Foster, whose property adjoined his.^'^ In these deeds, Hiram 
is listed as a "painter" - an occupation he perhaps picked up from his 
uncle John, whose Plymouth shop provided painting and glazing as well 
as stonecutting. He is also a "painter" in another deed in 1842, in which 
he buys twenty-one acres of woodland near Pine Brook, west of town.^^^ In 
1843, he and his brother Thomas of Plymouth sell their two-thirds of the 
Plymouth homestead they had inherited from their father, Joseph.'"' Bailey 
and Drew's 1926 history of Kingston reports that Hiram Tribble hved in 
the Stony Brook neighborhood in the house owned in 1926 by H. J. 
Prouty"*^. Drew locates Hiram's marble shop on Summer Street and Foster 
Lane. His house was nearby on Summer Street. 

The 1850 U.S. Census hsts Hiram as a "stonecutter" with real proper- 
ty valued at $2000.00; he is living with his wife Abigail and five children 
(p. 100). He is a "stonecutter" in the 1855 state census with his wife and 
seven children (p. 25). And in 1860, he is a "marble worker" (p. 32) with a 
net worth (in real and personal property) of $4100.00. He and Abigail 
have seven children living with them: his daughters Mary and Maria are 
both hsted as seamstresses, and his son William is a seaman. Hiram is list- 
ed as a marble manufacturer in the 1850-51 Massachusetts State Directory, 
in the 1852 Massachusetts Register (where he is also listed under 
"painters"), and in the 1856 Miassachusetts Business Directory. 

Emily F. Drew, who contributed an account of Kingston industries to 
Bailey's 1926 history of the town, also left us (in penciled notes'*^ now in 



James Blachowicz 107 



the possession of the Kingston PubUc Library) a detailed description of 
Hiram Tribble's marble shop. She reports that this shop had a hipped roof 
topped by a windmill with four canvassed vanes, with the windmill's 
shaft running through a hollow log. This powered the marble saws. These 
saws, like those in use elsewhere, consisted of iron sheets whose straight, 
toothless edges ran back and forth across the marble, aided by the addi- 
tion of some sand, for better friction, and water. While Hiram Tribble cut, 
carved, and inscribed these marble slabs. Drew tells us, he did not set up 
the final stone. He obtained his slate from Norfolk Downs (in Quincy), but 
got his marble from Italy. The marble was shipped from Boston to 
Plymouth and deposited on the wharf. The five-foot-square blocks would 
remain there until a snowfall, whereupon Tribble would haul them on 
skids with two yoke of oxen to his shop in Kingston. 

Drew adds that the windmill was rather noisy. One day the horses 
pulling the Duxbury stage were startled when the windmill began its 
operation: "The coach was stopped after a mad dash down the hill to the 
station, but the stage owners made vigorous protest to the Town Fathers 
as to the danger of such a contrivance to their passengers." Tribble was 
compelled to remove his windmill (but not the shop); he set it up else- 
where, away from the road. 

I have not included many marble stones in the list for Hiram Tribble 
in Appendix II. Yet if he regularly cut his own marble slabs, he undoubt- 
edly supplied his town (and perhaps neighboring towns) with significant 
numbers of them. 

Hiram and Abigail must have moved to Charlestown sometime 
around 1862. Town records of Kingston list him as paying taxes as a non- 
resident of the town from 1863 through 1867. In October of 1866, he 
appoints a lawyer to handle his Kingston properties. -^^ In a month, his 
woodland is sold off.^° In January of 1867, he takes out a five-year mort- 
gage on two pieces of property: one is a parcel of land in Kingston that he 
had earlier bought from his neighbor, James Foster; the other is a lot in 
Charlestown near the Bunker Hill Monument. At the same time, he 
authorizes his lawyer to sell his old home in Kingston; the following June, 
he sells "the house and lot where I formerly lived in Kingston."'*^ He pays 
off his Charlestown mortgage in 1872.'*2 On March 14, 1876, however, he 
sells this property.'^^ This is perhaps the time when he moves to neighbor- 
ing Somerville. In all of these transactions except the last, he is a resident 
of Charlestown, and in most of them he is listed as a painter. 



108 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 31. Hiram Tribble, 1881, Kingston, Massachusetts, 



James Blachowicz 109 



He is still listed as a painter in the 1880 U.S. Census, now resident in 
Somerville. Others living in the same house are his wife Abigail, his son 
Otis, now twenty-five and employed as a letter carrier, his son Hiram, Jr., 
aged thirty-three and employed as a watchman in a post office, Hiram Jr.'s 
wife Ella, aged thirty-two, and their daughter Abbie, aged three."^ The 
census also records that Hiram Sr. was unemployed for ten of the preced- 
ing twelve months. Of course, he was close to seventy-one at the time. 

Hiram Tribble dies of cancer in Somerville on June 21, 1881, almost 
seventy-two.'*-'' His wife Abigail dies the next year. He is buried in 
Kingston (Fig. 31), along with most of his family.'^'^ 

Hiram Tribble: Gravestones 

I ascribe a total of 172 gravestones to Hiram Tribble (see Appendix II). 
While my canvass was complete for Kingston, it was incomplete for sur- 
rounding towns. I uncovered a total of twenty payments to Hiram Tribble 
in probate records, dated 1834 through 1848, locating all but three of the 
gravestones (see Appendix I). In addition, I found sixteen signed stones. 
One of these twenty probate payments - that from the estate of Capt. 
Ichabod Samson - is for a stone that was carved by Bildad Washburn. 
Hiram Tribble is paid $21.00 in the settlement; gravestones are not specif- 
ically mentioned, but the amount is appropriate. The stone is dated 1830, 
but the estate wasn't settled until 1836. This might indicate that Hiram 
had in fact joined Washburn's shop after his marriage in July, 1832 but 
before Washburn's death the following September. Perhaps it was not 
Washburn's death itself, therefore, that prompted Hiram to discontinue 
his Brewster position; he may have been dissatisfied with work on the 
Cape and /or his employer there. 

Only thirty-five percent of the probate citations to Hiram Tribble are 
for stones in Kingston. Since my canvass of both the burial ground in 
Kingston and Plymouth County probate records was complete, it is pos- 
sible here, as it was in the case of Washburn, to provide a least a rough 
estimate of Hiram Tribble' s total production. While I attribute to him only 
fifty-four stones outside of Kingston (in Appendix II), his non-Kingston 
production was probably closer to 220 or so - making his total production 
about 340 gravestones - if, that is, the percentage of his probates in 
Kingston mirrors the percentage of his gravestones there. 

There are a sufficient number of similarities between Hiram Tribble's 
early work, especially his lettering, and his uncle John's work to conclude 



110 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 32. Benjamin Dexter Bullard, 1830, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by Hiram Tribble during his apprenticeship. 



James Blachowicz 



111 




Fig. 33. Sally Taylor, 1830, Orleans, Massachusetts. 
Signed by Hiram Tribble; carved after the end of his apprenticeship. 



112 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



that Hiram learned to carve under his tutelage. There are two stones in 
Plymouth which Hiram may have carved as his uncle's apprentice: the 
markers for Benjamin Dexter Bullard (Fig. 32) and Margaret Robbins, both 
on Burial Hill and both dated 1830. Their naturalistic willows are unlike 
either his uncle's or his cousin Winslow's, but more like what Hiram 
adopts after he sets up his shop in Kingston. 

Having ended his apprenticeship, Hiram apparently made his way 
sometime in 1830 to Brewster on Cape Cod to begin his adult career - not 
wanting, of course, to compete with his uncle John in Plymouth. Here we 
have a singular stone, that for Sally Taylor (1830) (Fig. 33) in Orleans; it is 
signed "H. Tribble s.c. Brewster," announcing, as it were, his new posi- 
tion. Hiram's uncle John knew of Nathaniel Holmes' success on the Cape. 
He also probably knew that Holmes shared the Cape with only one other 
carver, Ebenezer D. Winslow, who had operated a shop in Brewster since 
about 1814. Why would Hiram set up shop in a town that already had a 
carver? The answer may be that Hiram and Ebenezer D. Winslow were 
not in competition, but that Hiram had joined Winslow's shop as his jour- 
neyman, that is, a craftsman working for wages (unlike an apprentice), 
but in the hire of a master. There are one or two elements of Ebenezer 
Winslow's work that recall similar features of John Tribble' s work in 
Plymouth. Yet I uncovered no concrete evidence in property records or 
elsewhere that indicates a definite connection between Ebenezer D. 
Winslow and the Tribbles. 

The Taylor stone does resemble some of John Tribble's designs. John 
had also positioned a circular panel within the tympanum and had used 
a smaller oval medallion from time to time in order to circumscribe a spe- 
cial decorative element. And the flame at the top of the bulbous urn in 
which the heart is carved is quite like the stylized flame John Tribble had 
carved from about 1826 through 1828. While the lettering is consistent 
with Hiram's stones which immediately follow, he does not produce any- 
thing quite like this again. The stone is very carefully carved - intended, 
no doubt, to advertise his skills. 

I found only two other gravestones on the Cape that might be Hiram 
Tribble's work (yet there are very probably more). The first is that for 
Eunice Paddock (1832) (Fig. 34) in Dennis. It is carved, like the Taylor 
stone, on a fine grey slate, and is of similar proportions. But what is espe- 
cially noteworthy here is the urn: it is an obvious attempt to imitate the 
urn which we find contemporaneously on the stones of the Cape's main 



James Blachowicz 



113 










}ll:l:T f^ p 





Fig. 34. Eunice Paddock, 1832, Dennis, Massachusetts. Early Cape 
stone by Hiram Tribble; urn in imitation of Nathaniel Holmes. 



114 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



carver, Nathaniel Holmes, with its vertical incisions across a horizontal 
band. The other marker is for Charles Wing (1832) in Brewster. While the 
lettering does not seem to match Tribble's perfectly, the willow is certain- 
ly executed in his style. If it is his, then it is perhaps the only stone he 
placed in Brewster while he resided there. This and the fact that the stone 
is for an infant is consistent with his working in Ebenezer Winslow's 
shop. 

Hiram Tribble returns to the small heart, almost as a signature ele- 
ment, on a number of his early stones, such as that for Rebecca Russell 
(1833) (Fig. 35) in Plymouth, where he carves only the bottom of his urn, 
the top concealed by a full lacy willow. A similar design is provided on his 
beautiful stone for Roxana White (1832) (Fig. 36), probably one of his first 
stones in Kingston after moving there from the Cape. The urn hides 
behind the willow; its leaves, incised rather than in positive relief as on 
the Russell stone, hang at the left and right sides slightly angled from the 
vertical, a configuration which helps us pick out Hiram's willows from 




Fig. 35. Rebecca Russell, 1833, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Hiram Tribble's signature "heart" with a half-concealed urn. 



James Blachowicz 



115 



those of other carvers. The whole effect is quite stunning. 

hi the early stones which follow, such as that for Bildad Washburn 
(1832) (Fig. 37), there is continuing evidence of Hiram's debt to his uncle 
John (and perhaps his cousin Winslow Tribble), such as the elongated ser- 
ifs on the numeral "1" and the upsweep at the end of the bottom right end 
of the "2." On his signed stone for Rufus Woodward (1833) in Duxbury, 
Hiram has his italics leaning alternately both left and right, just as his 
cousin in Plymouth did from time to time. But there is also an element or 
two that Hiram may owe to Ebenezer Winslow of Brewster: the descend- 
ing stroke of his italic "i," for example, usually ends in a sharp point 
rather than a curl into a drilled point. 

Hiram puts an exceptional design on the marker for Eunice Howland 
(Fig. 38) in Pembroke - the only figural work we find on his gravestones. 
This stone is dated 1833, and signed as well. A full-figure trumpeting 
angel with upswept hair (the current fashion?) balances on one foot atop 
a rather atypical urn. The proportions of the body are superior to those 
we find on the interesting stones of his cousin Winslow Tribble of the 
same period: both in their early twenties, perhaps the two young Tribbles 




Fig. 36. Roxana White, 1832, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Another concealed-urn design, with typical incised willow. 



116 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




h\ 



'^ --^^^ j^^.^;^ n^-l_T> 'jr^-\s 77'^$X'''y"^^ T'^' 




i> r < "^#- «''* r ?'.-»■ «f», ^ 'r. 




Fig. 37. Bildad Washburn, 1832, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Hiram Tribble. 



James Blachowicz 



117 




Fig. 38. Eunice Rowland, 1833, Pembroke, Massachusetts. 
Signed by Hiram Tribble. 



118 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 





E UE r TE1> 



'"'I In J/fii(«rt/ of ^^1^^ 



^f I Cap! Rohnl M Twn.flt/r ^ 

j U It o ,1 i ,. ,1 I) ,. ,• . '^ S 1 s r> a, ^ 

\ ^ n» (Ml irs. i 

m I 



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Fig. 39. Capt. Robert McLauthlen, 1836, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Hiram Tribble's imitiation of a giant Washburn willow and urn. 



James Blachowicz 



m. 



/ V 



,v M 




LV. 




mm 



■t 



V 






o 



'/^ 



o/fiiff/jt fr. iji)iff^ of 

Apvil 14, If 47, 



''t 



IJ 



in 



W 



tf 



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TT 



;,'«,fe?!^t>-i"-X'-W?. 



/• f^oir] hfif '^fi:>f /n Hfffmi irr- irf(^i. 






j/^>'^ 




Fig. 40. Susan C. Holmes, 1847, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Typical tiny urn carved by Hiram Tribble. 



120 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 







Fig. 41. Molly Cook, 1857, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Marble stone carved by Hiram Tribble. 



James Blachowicz 



121 







^^^^^^^^&^«te5^„ 



Fig. 42. Augusta Winslow, 1837, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Hiram Tribble's more sculpted urn; stone initialed at bottom. 



122 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




W:!k 



-^:iB&jLt''^'S».L-*A'. 



Fig. 43. Oliver Everson, 1863, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Signed "Bryant & Co." 



James Blachowicz 



123 



were experimenting with such designs together. 

Hiram's more typical urn may have been patterned somewhat after 
Bildad Washburn's; on a few early stones, such as those for Samuel 
Everson (1833) and Lydia Cook (1836), he places the initials of the 
deceased on the urn, just as Washburn did. He also adds initials to the urn 
on the stone for Jane Bosworth (1836) in Plymouth, as well as two five- 
pointed stars on the shoulders, quite like those which his cousin Winslow 
had used a few times in the same period. On the stone for Capt. Robert 
McLauthlen (1836) (Fig. 39), he copies Washburn's giant urn with succu- 
lent willow. 

Beginning about 1836, Hiram adds two handles to his urn and, in time, 
reduces its size; the result is the tiny urn of the sort we find on the stone 
for Susan C. Holmes (1847) (Fig. 40), identical to that on his signed stone 
for Eunice Everson (1840) in Hanson. Sometimes he removes the handles 
from the urn; sometimes he makes the branches of his willow more irreg- 
ular and natural. On the stone for Molly Cook (1857) (Fig. 41), he carves 
his urn in marble. 

From time to time, Hiram would take greater care in carving some 
especially well-designed and executed stones. This is apparent in the 
more sculpted three-dimensional urn he carved on the stone for Augusta 
Winslow (1837) (Fig. 42), which he signs (initials) at the bottom. One rea- 



PLTMOUTH COUNTY ADVEKTISER. 



53 



NORTH BRIDGEWATER 



THIS ESTABLISHMENT MANUFACTURE AND DEAL IN 

MONUMENTS, TABLETS AND HEAD STONES, 

Of New tkud Elegant Designs, made especially for us, tiroin the best of 
Italian and American Marble, and Portland Brown Stone. We have the 
larse«t Stock to select from in this part of the country. All work set up without 
extm charge, »nd satisfaction guaranteed. GEO. W. BRYANT & CO., 

Comer Main and Crescent Sts., North Bridgewater, Mass. 

OKOaOB Mf. BKTANT. FREDERIC H.VNSON. 




Fig. 44, Advertisement for George W, Bryant's marble shop. 
North Bridgewater, Massachusetts, 1867. 



124 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 







sl^>'>-*»^:..X;«^^i#^*#^^;**«^ v.: :}^S^:->,^'^,^<^&m^ 



Fig. 45. Beulah Orton Churchill, 1851, Kingston, Massachusetts. 
Undecorated marble stone, signed by Hiram Tribble. 



James Blachowicz 125 



son for the higher quaHty may have been the need to demonstrate to the 
citizens of Kingston that he was able to produce stones of the sort that 
might be obtainable from carvers elsewhere. There are a few markers in 
Kingston's burial ground documented to stonecutters from other towns, 
and Hiram may have felt some pressure to respond to these imports. One 
of these is for Dorcas Emily Newcomb (1851), a plain marble stone signed 
"A. Wentworth, Boston." George Thompson, a Middleborough carver, 
was paid for the stone for Capt. Elkanah Cook (1839); he also probably 
carved the plain stone for Benjamin Vaughn (1839)."^^ There are also two 
plain marble stones signed by the same carver: that for Oliver Everson 
(1863) (Fig. 43), signed "Bryant & Co."; and the marker for Charles 
Bartlett (1857), signed "G. W. Bryant, No. Bridgewater." This is George 
Washington Bryant, who married Bildad Washburn's daughter Lucy 
Kingman Washburn in Brockton (formerly North Bridgewater) on June 
19, 1831,'*^ just a little over a year before Bildad died. There is a "Bryant 
and Green" listed under marble-workers in North Bridgewater in the 
1856 Massachusetts Business Directory, and Bryant (along with a Frederic 
Hanson) had an ad in the 1867 Plymouth County Advertiser (Fig. 44). 

There is also the stone for Samuel McLauthlen (1848), signed "H. 
Thompson, Kingston." This is Harris Thompson, born to Solomon 
Thompson and Harriet Thompson (same surname) in Kingston on 
August 4, 1828. His signature announces, perhaps, the end of his appren- 
ticeship. I did not discover from whom he learned to carve: it may have 
been from his uncle (his mother's brother) George Thompson, the 
Middleborough carver, or from Hiram Tribble. Harris' brother James and 
his brother-in-law Joshua T. Faunce also became carvers, working in 
Sandwich.*^ Harris Thompson did not carve very many stones, for he 
died (of typhus) in Kingston on October 31, 1849, just three months past 
his twenty-first birthday. His death record has him as a "stone cutter."^° 
His tombstone in Kingston was probably carved by his brother James, 
who we find in Sandwich from about the same time. 

Toward the end of his career, Hiram Tribble carved a number of plain 
marble markers, such as those for Lucy F. Bartlett (1850) and Beulah Orton 
Churchill (1851) (Fig. 45), both of which he signed. The latest stones in the 
Kingston area that can be ascribed to him with confidence are those for 
Priscilla Fuller (1860), which he signs, and for Mary Soule (1861) in 
Duxbury. It is at about this time that he moves to Charlestown; I did not 
determine whether he continued to carve gravestones there. His Kingston 



126 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 







Jill 



n 



sr 






Fig. 46. Silvanus Churchill, 1878, Plymouth, Massachusetts. Probably 
carved by an unknown carver to match the stone shown in Fig. 47. 



James Blachowicz 127 



numbers appear to be so low in these last years that it would not have 
been any great loss for him to discontinue carving altogether. And, as we 
have seen, he also ran a painting business. 

There is a small puzzle concerning three late gravestones that at first 
seem to be Hiram Tribble's work - those for Silvanus Churchill (1878) 
(Fig. 46), his wife Elizabeth H. Churchill (1876), and Betsy Bates (1880). 
Although the urns on these stones appear to be Hiram's, they are proba- 
bly imitations carved by someone else. Hiram had been living near 
Boston from about 1862 until his death in 1881. It is possible, I suppose, 
that he carved these stones in his seventies, as a special favor for some 
Plymouth citizens; but an examination of the context of these three stones 
suggests that an imitator is at work. 

All three stones bear a border (and corner star) that I found on only 
one other marker among those I have ascribed to Hiram Tribble - that for 
Elizabeth C. Churchill (1850) (Fig. 47), the daughter of the two Churchills 
commemorated by two of these three late stones. All three Churchill 
stones lie beside each other on Burial Hill in Plymouth. It is likely that 
whoever commissioned the two late Churchill stones wanted to match the 
earlier 1850 stone. The main inscription on the 1850 stone can be linked to 
Hiram's earlier work, but just below this main inscription there is an 
addendum recording the burial of four infant sons of the Churchills who 
died in 1822, 1829, and 1833. 1 believe this lettering was added later than 
1850, for it does not closely match the lettering in the main inscription (the 
"2," for example); but it does match (or at least matches better) the letter- 
ing on the two later Churchill stones. There are also subtle differences 
between the rope border on the 1850 stone and the borders on the others. 
The same seems to hold for the third of these late stones - that for Betsy 
Bates (1880) in Plymouth's Oak Grove Cemetery: next to it stands Hiram's 
1850 marker for three of her children - again, a case of a later stone cut to 
match an earlier one. Perhaps the later Plymouth stonecutter Robert 
Clark, or the later Kingston carver Davis W. Bowker, managed these late 
slate imitations. 

Bailey and Drew's 1926 history of Kingston reports that Hiram Tribble 
was succeeded in the town by Davis W. Bowker, who had a marble works 
on the lower floor of the G.A.R. HalP^. Davis Whiting Bowker was born 
in Scituate to Howard Bowker and Emeline T. on December 4, 1831. There 
is a stone in Dennis, for Susan S. Howes (1851), signed "Bowker & Torrey, 
Boston." Perhaps it was carved by Davis Bowker, having just turned 



128 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 




Fig. 47. Elizabeth C. Churchill, 1850, Plymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Hiram Tribble. 



James Blachowicz 129 



twenty-one. He must have had a shop in Abington for a while, for his sig- 
nature on a stone in Hanover in 1857 includes that town. He also signed 
the undecorated stones for Rebecca F. Chandler (1865) and Betsey 
Stranger (1865) in Kingston, but I did not determine the extent of his work 
there. 

Conclusion 

The carving tradition of a given town often has subtle familial and 
stylistic ties to the carvers and work we find close by. Bildad Washburn 
learned to carve from one man (a Soule), imitated the style of another 
(Savery), and then quickly developed his own distinctive designs. Hiram 
Tribble apparently apprenticed with his uncle John Tribble in Plymouth, 
acquired some basic willow-and-urn designs there, and ultimately took 
over from Washburn in Kingston, adding some components of 
Washburn's style to his own. Both Bartlett Adams and Hiram Tribble 
made the transition from slate to marble gravestones, and both moved to 
distant locales in their careers. As we approach the mid-nineteenth centu- 
ry, we find a growing modernization of the stonecutting trade, where 
carvers become increasingly subject to competitive pressures of the sort 
which affected other trades significantly earlier. These pressures, coupled 
with changing economic fortunes in various towns and regions, no doubt 
contributed to the mobility of many of the stonecutters of this period. 



NOTES 

I am grateful to the Kingston, Massachusetts PubUc Library for permission to reproduce an 
excerpt from "Hiram Tribble," unpublished ms. from the Emily F. Drew Papers, Local 
History Room, Kingston, Massachusetts Public Library. B. Joyce Miller and Catherine Lea of 
the Kingston Public Library aided me in my investigation of the background of these three 
carvers. Jennifer Y. Madden, Museum Curator of the Sandwich Heritage Museum, located 
Hiram Tribble's signed stone in Orleans. For the biographical sketch of Bartlett Adams, I 
relied heavily on Ralph Tucker's account (see note 12). All photos are by the author. 

1. Jabez Washburn, Jr. was born in about 1734 and died in Kingston on February 15, 1775. 
His wife Mary died in 1779. Bildad's brothers and sisters were: Elisha (28 June 1758-11 
June 1839), married Deborah Prince; Molley (24 October 1759-7 July 1760); Elias (3 
February 1761-22 July 1763); John (6 April 1764-5 October 1801), married Jenny Drew 
in 1787; Judith (18 September 1765-1809), married a Kingman; Lucy (8 March 1769-13 
May 1806), married a Kingman, died in Bridgewater; Jabez (2 July 1771-24 December 
1798), married Polly Wadsworth in 1794; and Abiel (20 May 1775-?), married Rebecca 
Adams, sister to Bildad's wife Lucy. Source: Kingston Vital Records. 



130 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



2. Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revohitionanj ^Nar, Vol. XVI (TRA-WHE), 659. 

3. Betsy (4 February 1785-19 June 1820); Judith (27 November 1786-?); Ira (10 October 
1788-?); Sophia (23 August 1790-?); Alvan (23 August 1792-?); Nathaniel (2 April 1794- 
9 March 1796); Elias (28 January 1796-?); Nancy (20 February 1798-?); Eliza (5 March 
1800-?); Francis (16 December 1801-?), married Judith; Jabez (7 August 1804-January 
1870), twin to Mary (7 August 1804-?); Lucy Kingman (24 March 1806-?), married 
George Washington Bryant in Brockton; and Bartlett Adams (18 November 1809-19 
May 1810). 

4. Town records of Kingston list him in this capacity. 

5. Probably built by Pelham Winslow. 

6. See Doris Johnson Melville, Major Bradford's Town: A Histon/ of Kingston, 1726-1926 
(Kingston, MA, 1976), 117; 350. 

7. Ibid., 179. 

8. See Emily Drew, Kingston: The Jones River Village as Seen by Emihf Drew [1932; 1944], edit- 
ing and annotations in 1995 by Doris M. Johnson (Plymouth, MA, 1995), 54-55; 58; 60. 

9. Melville, Major Bradford's Town, 14. 

10. There are two gravestones in Kingston that are neither Bildad's nor Bartlett Adams' 
work and may have been carved by Alvan or Elias. The first is for Elisha Stetson (1803): 
it features a crude cherub that shows some signs of juvenile carving. Alvan was eleven 
in 1803 and just might have been responsible. The second is for Lydia Brigden (1811): it 
displays Bildad's urn, but is executed more crudely and uncertainly. Alvan was nine- 
teen in 1811, while Elias was fifteen. 

11. Both Peter Benes in the The Masks of Orthodoxy: Tolk Gravestone Carving in Plymouth 
County, Massachusetts, 1689-1805 (Amherst, MA, 1977), 208, and Francis Duval and Ivan 
Rigby in Early American Gravestone Art in Photographs (New York, NY, 1978), 129, incor- 
rectly list Washburn's year of death as 1852. 

12. Most of the information here provided on the historical background of Bartlett Adams 
is drawn from Ralph Tucker, "Bartlett Adams (1776-1828)," AGS Quarterly: Bulletin of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies 20:1 (1996): 7. 

13. Brothers and sisters: Lucy (1765-30 November 1849); Betsy (14 September 1767-7 July 
1837), married Jehial Washburn; Francis (14 December 1769-26 April 1823), married 
Mercy Adams; Thankful (15 April 1772-3 January 1854); Rebecca (24 July 1774-?), mar- 
ried Abiel Washburn; Hannah (4 August 1779-?); Daniel (9 January 1782-?); Richard (29 
February 1784-1845), died in Portland, ME; Kezia (19 March 1786-?). Source: Kingston 
Vital Records. 

14. I found four probate citations to Richard Adams in Suffolk County records (two in 1808 
and two in 1809), three of which specifically mention gravestones: Thomas Wheeler 



James Blachowicz 131 



(Vol. 106, p. 286), Aaron Jaquith (Vol. 106, p. 370), Edward Rumney (Vol. 107, p. 199), 
and Samuel Lord (Vol. 107, p. 639), all residents of Boston. 

15. Maria (1804-1827); Bartlett (1806-1806); Charlotte (1807-1824); George (1809-1809); 
Sarah (1810-1815); Eliza (1812-1812); Rebecca (1817-?). 

16. A photograph of this stone and an account of the naval battle may be found in John 
Sterling's "Eastern Cemetery, Portland, Maine: Two Captains Buried," AGS Quarterly: 
Bulletin of the Association for Gravestone Studies 21:1 (1997): 7-9. 

17. This probate pays a Benjamin Cushing fifty-four shillings for the stone (Vol. 33, p. 154). 
This seems a somewhat large amount compared to what other carvers were being paid 
at the time. Also, Cushing is paid another seven pounds in another section of this pro- 
bate record. Since the carving on this stone is quite consistent with what we find on 
other stones attributed to Washburn, we must assume that Cushing was in this case act- 
ing as a middleman. There are no other payments to Benjamin Cushing for gravestones 
that I have been able to uncover. 

18. The other four with these decorative features are the two stones for a Sarah Packard 
(1793), the marker for Abigail Tillson (1793), and the stone for Capt. Rosea Brewster 
(1794), probated to Washburn. The three remaining plainer stones of this group are for 
William Brooks (1794), Mercy Holmes (1794), and Margaret Maglathlea (1794). 

19. Another stone with this perfect ellipse shape is that for Nathan Babcock (1777, back- 
dated) in Milton. A number of the 1795 stones seem to be transitional between the 
pointy chin and the elliptical shape. 

20. Similar eyebrows are found on the stone for Samuel Brown, Jr. (1798) in Quincy, whose 
main feature is a personified rising sun. The numerals are close to those found on the 
stone for Anne Hale (1799) in Portland. 

21. Robert Foster (1791), Polly Gore (1794), Jemima Rogers (1795), Lemuel Adams (1796), 
Abigail Snell (1796), and Samuel Mollish (1797). 

22. James Blachowicz, "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod." 
Markers XV (1998): 38-203. 

23. See my "Savery's Apprentices (Probably) Identified," AGS Quarterly: Bulletin of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies 24:3 (2000). 

24. This type of twisted-rope border is first found on Gabriel Allen's stones, then on 
BurbarJc's, and (perhaps just a year or two later) on the work of Levi Maxcy. It also 
shows up on the stones of later carvers, such as on the markers for Capt. Peleg Kent 
(1819) in the Congregational Chapel cemetery in Marshfield, Mercy Smith (1820) in the 
Two Mile cemetery in North Marshfield, and Sarah Snow (1831) in the First 
Congregational Church cemetery in Truro. I have not identified the carvers of these 
stones. We can also find this border on Ebenezer D. Winslow's stone for John Young 
(1829) in Harwich. 



132 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



25. Two other Washburn urn stones deserve mention: on the marker for Col. John Gray 
(1787) he places a double-handled, more rounded and sculpted urn over the head of his 
cherub; and on the stone for Marcia Holmes (1800), he used a giant urn, but of a "bul- 
bous" type. 

26. See Vincent F. Luti, "Eighteenth Century Gravestone Carvers of the Narragansett Basin: 
John and James New." Markers XVI (1999): 25 [Fig. 17]. 

27. They are: Lydia Davis (1760), Sarah Cook (1778), and Capt. Joseph Bartlett (1783). 

28. Three of the other four cherub stones are damaged: those for James Drew (1765), Mary 
Washburn (1779) (Bildad's mother), and Joseph H[all] (1781). The last of these stones, 
that for Welthea Bradford (1783), has a rounder and more sculpted face, but it is prob- 
ably Washburn's as well for the lettering seems close (the "ye" and "8," for example), 
and the stippling below the cherub's chin is like that on two of the other stones. 

29. Vol. 28, p. 213. The citation specifically mentions gravestones. 

30. Luti, "Eighteenth Century Gravestone Carvers of the Narragansett Basin: John and 
James New," 66; 85. 

31. Joseph Tribble was born in about 1773 and died in Plymouth on March 13, 1828. He 
married Polly Holmes in Plymouth on February 23, 1794. Besides Hiram, their known 
children are: Thomas (1794 [?]-18 November 1795); Thomas (?-?), married Maria Paty 
in 1821, remarried Cynthia T Sherman in 1850; William (1804 [?]-1827), married Lucia 
Goddard; Robert F. (1811 [?]-1832), died in Savannah, GA; Mary (?-18 October 1799); 
and George (?-?). This information gathered from Plymouth church and vital records as 
well as from William T. Davis, Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, Massachusetts (Boston, 
MA, 1887). 

32. His date of birth is on his gravestone in Kingston. Transcribed vital records of Kingston 
indicate he was born there, but this transcription indicates that the source of this infor- 
mation was the gravestone record. His death record in Somerville, however, has him 
born in Plymouth. I could not locate his birth in the original vital records of either 
Kingston or Plymouth. 

33. According to her gravestone, Abigail was born June 14, 1818. Hiram and Abigail's chil- 
dren were: William Robert (20 June 1833-9 December 1836), "burned to death"; Mary 
Holmes (22 December 1835-8 March 1910), married James A. Mackee; William Thomas 
(28 November 1837-?); Maria Thomas (12 April 1840-2 June 1876), married Jerry H. 
Pearson; Irene Smith (27 March 1842-2 May 1842); Harriet Holmes (21 July 1843-?); 
Hiram (25 August 1845-6 February 1915), married Ella H.; Otis (1 October 1854-26 July 
1916), married Helen G. [Kingston Vital Records and cemetery inscriptions]. 

34. Vol. 207, p. 176; $74.33; July 3rd. Vol. 189, p. 202; $61.24; February 4th; "near the house 
of Thomas Bailey." 

35. Vol. 207, p. 175; $330.00; April 5th; Joseph Holmes 11 and wife. 



James Blachowicz 133 



36. Vol. 212, p. 46; $348.00. 

37. Sarah Y. Bailey, The Civic Progress of Kingston, with A History of the Industries by Emily F. 
Drew (Kingston, MA,1926). 

38. One of Drew's notes, dated 1933, mentions the source of her information as a George 
A. Bailey. This may have been a relative of Hiram's neighbor Thomas Bailey, to whom 
he sold his home when he moved to Charlestown. Drew's notes were copied by Sally 
F. D. Chase in 1950. 1 am grateful to the Kingston, Massachusetts Public library for per- 
mission to reproduce this excerpt from: "Hiram Tribble," unpublished ms. from the 
Emily F. Drew Papers, Local History Room, Kingston, Massachusetts, Public Library. 

39. Vol. 340, p. 32; October 11th. 

40. Vol. 338, p. 156; November 13, 1866; to Gershom Bradford for $545.40. 

41 . The mortgage, for $2000.00, is given by a Benjamin Parker of Charlestown; it is for lot 
#76 on a plan drawn by S. M. Felton, dated September 25, 1839; Vol. 343, p. 40. The 
record of the final payment of the mortgage is in Vol. 393, p. 98. The sale of the house 
is to Thomas Bailey for $580.00; June 18, 1867; Vol. 342, p. 252. 

42. Plymouth County Deeds: Vol. 393, p. 38; June 25, 1872. 

43. Suffolk County Deeds, Vol. 1318, pp. 114-16; for $4000 to Charles H. and Anne E. 
Perkins (on a two-year mortgage); March 14, 1876. Hiram's signature appears on the 
mortgage release in 1878. 

44. Vol. 21, p. 438. The whole family is living at 14 Newbury Street. Hiram Jr.'s wife Ella is 
listed as having been born in Nova Scotia. It is perhaps a coincidence that their neigh- 
bor (at number 16), a Joseph W. Averill, is listed as a "stone quarryman." 

45. His death record is registered with the city clerk of Somerville. 

46. Markers for Hiram and Abigail and their children Marie T. Pearson, Mary H. Mackey, 
Hiram Jr., and Otis (and their spouses) are grouped in two separate plots in Evergreen 
cemetery in Kingston. 

47. George Thompson was the son of Isaac Tomson/ Thompson, the Middleborough carv- 
er who was also a lawyer and state senator. Peter Benes in the The Masks of Orthodoxy 
briefly describes Isaac's work and mentions his son George (pp. 7; 241). However, the 
dates of birth and death Benes reports (p. 208) for the two Thompsons are incorrect. 
George Thompson was not born in 1770, but on August 12, 1788; and he died, not in 
1845, but on September 25, 1865. Three of the thirty-five probate references I found in 
Plymouth County records for George Thompson were dated after 1845 (all in 
Middleborough): those for Dr. Joseph Clarke (88:462; settlement dated 3 Nov 1846), 
who was probably his father-in-law; William Nelson (89:297; dated 2 Aug 1847); and 
Thomas Steles (89:202; dated August 1847). That the George Thompson who was born 
in 1788, and who was the son of Isaac Thompson and Lucy Sturtevant and the brother 
of a number of other children of Isaac and Lucy, is the son of Isaac the lawyer is sup- 



134 The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



ported by the latter Isaac's will (Ply. Co. 50:463), which names his children (and names 
George as executor). This Isaac was born, not in 1749, as Benes has it, but on February 
1, 1746; he dies on December 21, 1819, his age given as seventy-three in Middleborough 
Vital Records. 

48. George Washington Bryant and Lucy Kingman Washburn had at least four children, all 
born in Brockton: George Edward (1832-?), Henry Lyman (11 May 1835-?), Abby Jane 
(1836-?), and Caroline Frances (1838-?) [Brockton Vital Records]. 

49. Harris and his brother James were sons of Solomon Thompson and Harriet (the daugh- 
ter of the Middleborough carver Isaac Tomson/Thompson), who married in Halifax on 
November 2, 1817 (Middleborough and Halifax Vital Records.) Harris' and James' sis- 
ter Harriet married Joshua T. Faunce, who was trained by James while working in his 
Sandwich shop. 

50. Kingston Vital Records. 

51 . Bailey and Drew, The Civic Progress of Kingston, with A History of the Indnstries, 40. 



James Blachowicz 



135 



APPENDIX I 



Probated and Signed Gravestones 

'^records which specifically mention gravestones 



Probated to Bildad WasJdmrii: (Plymouth County) 

Joseph Darling (35:208; , 1795), Duxbury 

Joanna Macumber (35:219; 1791, 1791), 

Marshfield 

Nathan Kingman (35:370; 1776, 1797), 

Bridgewater 
1 Edward Oakman (35:436; 1791, 1795), 

Marshfield 

Abigail Ripley (35:492; 1795, 1796), 

Kingston 
1 WilUam Keen (35:553; 1792, 1796), 

Marshfield 
1 Lydia Foster (35:561; 1795, 1796), 

Kingston 
' WilUam Drew (36:30; 1795, 1797), 

Kingston 
1 Capt. Hosea Brewster (36:31; 1794, 1797), 

Kingston 

Ephraim Briggs (36:588; 1799, 1801), 

Halifax 

Peres Chandler (37:378; 1800, 1800), 

Duxbury 
1 Barnabas Harlow (37:433; 1796, 1796), 

Plympton 

Samuel Alden (40:21 0; , 1 805), Duxbury 

Phebe Kent (42:194; 1805, 1805), Kingston 

Sarah Mitchell (45:39; , 1813), Kingston 

Daniel Phillips (47:38; 1812, 1814), 

Marshfield 
*Experience Cooper (47:117; 1813, 1815), 

Kingston 

Joseph Adams (48:200; 1815, 1816), 

Kingston 



Joshua Delano (49:188; 1816, 1817), 

Kingston 

Oliver Sampson (49:201; 1812, 1818), 

Kingston 

"William Drew (49:226; , 1818), Kingston 
"John Faunce (50:43; 1814, 1816), Kingston 
"Joseph McLauthlen (53:69; 1819, 1820), 

Kingston 

Peleg Bartlett (53:95; 1818, 1820), 

Kingston 

"John Gray (53:298; 1810, 1821), Kingston 
"Caleb Bates (54:70; 1820, 1821), Kingston 
"Benjamin White (54:557; 1819, 1822), 

Marshfield 

Seth Cobb (56:35; 1821, 1822), Kingston 
"Phebe Manson (56:337; 1821, 1822), 

Hanover 

Isaac Bartlett (57:535; 1816, 1824), 

Kingston 

Crocker Sampson (58:263; 1823, 1824), 

Kingston 

Judah Washburn (59:547; ,1825;70:538; 
,1831),Kingston 

John Delano (63:16; 1825, 1832), Duxbury 

Henry Baker (64:431; 1826, 1828), 

Marshfield 

Hannah Faunce (66:69; 1827, 1827), 

Kingston 

John Fuller (69:156; 1828, 1830), Kingston 

John Faunce (69:497; 1829, 1830), Kingston 

Harvey Cushman (69:505; 1828, 1830), 

Kingston 



^although probated to Washburn, these stones were probably carved by Bartlett Adams 

Probated to Bartlett Adams: (Suffolk County) 
*Mary Stonehouse (107:77; ,1809), ? 

Signed by Bartlett Adams: 
Samuel Bent (1797), Milton 



136 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



Probated to Hiram Tribble: (Plymouth County) 

Elcy Beal (76:293; 1833, 1834), Hanson 
Cornelius Cobb (77:8; , 1835), Hanson 
1 Ichabod Sampson (78:355; 1830, 1836), 
Duxbury 

* David Hammond (80:34; 1837, 1838), 
Pembroke 

Elisha MacLauthlen (80:37; 1836, 1838), 

Kingston 

Lydia Cook (80:116; 1836, 1838), Kingston 

Ruth Hall (80:354; 1838, 1838), Kingston 

Abigail Sampson (81:28; 1837, 1839), 

Duxbury 

* Susanna Faunce (81:482; 1836, 1839), 
Kingston 

Charles Bradford (82:247; 1837, 1840), 
Plympton 

* David Bradford (83:335; 1840, 1841), 
Kingston 

^Although probated to Hiram Tribble, this stone 

Signed by Hiram Tribble: 

Sally Taylor (1830), Orleans 
Eunice Howland (1833), Pembroke 
Rufus Woodward (1833), Duxbury 
Mary D. Symmes (1837), Kingston 
Augusta Winslow (1837), Kingston 
Eunice Everson (1840), Hanson 
Edward Arnold (1841), Duxbury 
Capt. George Drew (1844), Plymouth 



Charles Drew, Jr. (85:11; , 1842), 
Duxbury 

■Charles A. Graton (86:84; 1843, 1844), 
Plymouth 

Asa Chandler (86:309; 1843, 1844), 
Duxbury 

Judah Alden (88:263; 1845, 1846), 
Duxbury 

Lydia Foster (88:431; 1846, 1846), 
Kingston 

Andrew Sampson (89:242; , 1847), 
Duxbury 

Spencer Holmes (89:270; 1846, 1847), 
Kingston 

Timothy Rogers (90:101; 1845, 1848), 
Marshfield 

George Loring (90:271; 1840, 1848), 
Duxbury 

was carved by Bildad Washburn 



Anna Hall (1848), Marshfield Center 
Joel Hatch (1849), N. Marshfield 
Lucy F. Bartlett (1850), Kingston 
Olive Holmes Bartlett (1850), Kingston 
Beulah Orton Churchill (1851), Kingston 
Mary Bartlett (1852), Plymouth 
Susanna Fuller (1857), Halifax 
Priscilla Fuller (1860), Halifax 



James Blachowicz 



137 



APPENDIX II 

Gravestones Attributed to the Kingston Carvers (partial list) 

This hst is complete for gravestones in Kingston. 

Probated stones are in bold. Signed stones are in itnlics. 

Years in parentheses are dates of probate, not death (stones not 

examined). 

For stones with muhiple burials, the name of the person with the latest 

date of burial is listed. 



Burial Grounds: 

Boston-1: Phipps 
Boston-2: Dorchester North 
Boston-3: Roxbury 
Braintree: Elm Street 
Brewster: First Parish 
Brockton-1: Grove St. 
Brockton-2; Leach 
Brockton-3: Main St. 
Brockton-4: Snell 
Canton: Center 
Duxbury-1: Miles Standish 
Duxbury-2: Hull 
Duxbury-3: Ashdod 
East Bridgewater: Central 
East Dennis: Paddock 
Easton: Cynthia Park 
Halifax-1: Sturtevant 
Halifax-2: Thompson St. 
Hanover: Hanover 
Hanson: Fern Hill 
Harpswell, ME: Harpswell 
Holbrook: Union 



Kingston: Main St. 

Marshfield-1: Congregational Church 

Marshfield-2: Marshfield Center 

Marshfield-3: Marshfield Hills 

Marshfield-4: Two Mile 

Marshfield-5: Winslow 

Marstons Mills: Rte. 149 

Milton: Milton 

Norwell: First Parish 

Orleans: Meeting House Rd. 

Pembroke: Center St. 

Plymouth-1: Burial Hill 

Plymouth-2: Chiltonville 

Plymouth-3: Oak Grove 

Plympton: Hillcrest 

Portland, ME: Eastern 

Quincy-1: Hancock 

Quincy-2: Christ Church 

Rehoboth: Village 

Rochester: Center 

West Barnstable: West Barnstable 

West Bridgewater: Jerusalem 



138 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



Bihiad Washburn: 










1760 


Davis, Lydia 


Kingston 


1787 


Bradford, Nathan 


Kingston 


1761 


Stetson, Sarah 


Kingston 


1787 


Everson, James 


Kingston 


1763 


Washburn, John 


Kingston 


1787 


Gray, Thomas 


Kingston 


1765 


Drew, James 


Kingston 


1787 


Holmes, Jonathan 


Kingston 


1767 


Cobb, OUve 


Kingston 


1787 


Lothrop, Capt. 


Kingston 


1769 


Damon, Desire 


Norwell 




Benjamin 




1775 


Drew^, Nathaniel 


Kingston 


1787 


Phillips, Luce 


Marshfield-1 


1775 


Washburn, Jabez 


Kingston 


1787 


Phinney, John 


Kingston 


1776 


Kingman, Nathan 


E. 


1787 


Wadsworth, Zilpha 


Kingston 






Bridgewater 


1787 


Willis, John Thomas 


Kingston 


1777 


Eaton, Joshua 


Kingston 


1788 


Bradford, Sarah 


Duxbury-2 


1778 


Cook, Sarah 


Kingston 


1788 


Brewster, Hannah 


Kingston 


1778 


Ripley, Capt. 


Kingston 


1788 


Drew, James 


Kingston 




Hezekiah 




1788 


Hide, Mary 


E. 


1778 


Tomson, Patty 


Halifax-2 






Bridgewater 


17791 


Rand, Rev. William 


Kingston 


1788 


Latham, Hitte 


E. 


1779 


Washburn, Mary 


Kingston 






Bridgewater 


1781 


Barker, Elisha 


Hanover 


1788 


Read, Martha 


Kingston 


1781 


H[all], Joseph 


Kingston 


1788 


Sever, Ann Warren 


Kingston 


1782 


Bradford, Capt. 


Kingston 


1789 


Adams, Cornelius 


Kingston 




William 




1789 


Brooks, Mary 


Norwell 


1782 


Cobb, Ebenezer 


Kingstoii 


1789- 


Croade, Ruth 


Halifax-2 


1782 


Frazier, Thomas 


Duxbury-1 


1789 


Crosby, Mary 


Brewster 


1782 


Sampson, Esther 


Kingston 


1789 


Delano, Lucy 


Marshfield-5 


1782 


Washburn, Fear 


Kingston 


1789 


Hayward, Tabitha 


Bridgewater 


1783 


Bartlett, Capt. Joseph 


Kingston 


1789 


Young, Elisha 


Norwell 


1783 


Bradford, Welthea 


Kingstoii 


1790 


Barstow, Huldah 


Hanson 


1783 


White, Benjamin 


Marshfield-1 


1790 


Bryant, Mary 


Plympton 


1783 


Whitman, Seth 


E. 


1790 


Cushman, Elisha 


Kingston 






Bridgewater 


1790 


Drew, Joshua 


Duxbury-2 


1784 


Bradford, Abner 


Kingston 


1790 


Drew, Judith 


Kingston 


1784 


Drew, Polly 


Kingston 


1790 


Hide, Mary 


E. 


1784 


Fuller, Lydia 


Kingston 






Bridgewater 


1785 


Thacher, Benjamin L. 


Kingston 


1790 


Holmes, Ruth 


Kingston 


1786 


Drew, Saba 


Kingston 


1790 


Partridge, Ruth 


Duxbury-2 


1786 


Faunce, Eliezer 


Kingston 


1790 


Tilson, John 


Halifax-2 


1786 


Freeman, Benamin 


Kingston 


1790 


Wadsworth, Peleg 


Kingston 


1786 


Goodspeed, John 


W. 


1791 


Bartlett, Ichabod 


Kingston 






Barnstable 


1791 


Bryant, Alice 


Kingston 


1786 


Kent, Samuel 


Kingston 


1791 


Chandler, Rhoda 


Duxbury-2 


1786 


Randall. Perez 


Kingston 


1791 


Drew, James 


Kingston 


1786 


Washburn, Anna' 


Kingston 


1791 


Drew, Saba 


Kingston 


1786 


Washburn, Anna^ 


Kingston 


1791 


Foster, Mary 


Kingston 


1786 


West, Dea. Peter 


Kingston 


1791 


Holmes, Rebeckah 


Kingston 


1786 


Willis, Hannah 


Kingston 


1791 


Leach, Ruth 


Kingston 




Thomas 




1791 


Macumber, Joanna 


Marshfield-3 


1787 


Angier, Rev. John 


E. 


1791 


Phillips, Hannah 


Kingston 






Bridgewater 


1791 


Tillson, Molly 


Halifax-2 



James Blachowicz 



139 



1791 West, Abiah 

1791 Willis, Thomas 

1791 Winsor, Olive 

1792 Bartlett, Rufus 
1792 Lincoln, Mary 

1792 Pearse, Rebecca 

1793 Chandler, Molly 
1793 Holmes, Cornelius 
1793 Holmes, Ezekiel 
1793 Maglathlea, Prudence 
1793 Pearce, Capt. Nathan 
1793 Philhps, Hannah 

Eaton 

1793 Sampson, Jane 

1793 Samson, Ruth 

1794 Chandler, Ephraim 
1794 Drew, Christiana 

1794 Washburn, Dea. Jabez 
(1795) Darling, Joseph 

1795 Fish, Nathaniel 
1795 Fish, Perez 

1795 Holmes, Ephraim Jr. 

1795 Holmes, Rebeckah 

1795 Ripley, Abigail 

1796 Chandler, Edna 
1796 Fuller, Mercy 
1796 Holmes, Eunice 
1796 Macomber, Polly 
1796 Sampson, Cornelius 

1796 Silvester, Benjamin 

1797 Drew, Sarah 
1797 Hayward, Orr 

1797 Howard, Davis 

1797 Keen, Lydia 

1797 Shaw, Dorcas 

1798 Cook, Lois 
1798 Davis, Nicholas 
1798 Drew, Capt. Clement 
1798 Jones, Thankhil 
1798 Magoun, Elizabeth 
1798 Sampson, Oliver 
1798 Washburn, Jabez 

1798 Willis, Hannah 
Thomas 

1799 Briggs, Ephraim 
1799 Cook, Benjamin 
1799 Drew, Abigail Church 
1799 Maglathla, Margaret 



Kingston 1799 Sampson, Eliza Kingston 

Kingston 1800 Bonney, Ezekiel Hanson 

Duxbury-2 1800 Chandler, Perez Duxbury-2 

Kingston 1800 Drew, Lydia Kingston 

Norwell 1800 Drew, Martha Kingston 

Boston-3 1800 Holmes, Marcia Kingston 

Kingston 1800 Sulhvan, Jane Kingston 

Kingston 1800 Waterman, Lucy Kingston 

Kingston 1800 Wethrell, John May Plymouth-1 

Kingston 1801 Brewster, Rebecca Kingston 

Rehoboth 1801 Cobb, Anna Kingston 

Kingston 1801 Cobb, Ebenezer Kingston 

1801 Robbins, Bethiah Hanover 

Kingston 1801 Washburn, John Kingston 

Pembroke 1802 Bartlett, Sarah Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Brewster, Deborah Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Church, Huldah Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Day, Joel Kingston 

Duxbury 1802 Faunce, Elijah Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Mitchell, Benjamin Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Thomas, Col. John Kingston 

Kingston 1802 Washburn, Deborah Kingston 

Kingston 1803 Cushman, Susanna Kingston 

Kingston 1803 Eaton, Elizabeth Kingston 

Duxbury-2 1803 Hayward, Sally B. W. 

Kingston Bridgewater 

Kingston 1803 Hitchcock, Rev. Gad Hanson 

Hanover 1803 Symmes, Elizabeth Kingston 

Kingston 1804 Bartlett, Lucy Foster Kingston 

Hanover 1804 Davis, Henry Kingston 

Duxbury-2 1804 Drew, Mary Kingston 

W. 1804 Gray, Ruth Rochester 

Bridgewater 1804 Sampson, Desire Kingston 

Easton 1804 Sampson, Col. Joseph Kingston 

Marshfield-1 1804 Snow, Elizabeth Kingston 

Brewster 1804 Stetson, Sarah Kingston 

Kingston 1804 Washburn, Jenney Kingston 

Kingston 1804 Washburn, Orpha Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Adams, Thankful Kingston 

Marshfield-3 (1805) Alden, Samuel Duxbury 

Plympton 1805 Brigden, Sally Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Cobb, Stevens Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Doten, Hannah Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Drew, Deborah Kingston 

1805 Drew, George Kingston 

Halifax-1 Cranwell 

Kingston 1805 Foster, Charles Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Fuller, Josiah Kingston 

Kingston 1805 Kent, Phebe Kingston 



140 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



1805 Phillips, Diana Hanson 1811 

1805 Ruggles, Henry T. Norwell 1811 

1805 Russell, Betsey Foster Kingston 1811 

1805 Russell, Nancy Kingston 

1805 Washburn, James Kingston 1811 

1805 Washburn, Simeon Kingston 1811 

1806 Adams, John Kingston 1812 
1806 Barce,John Kingston 1812 
1806 Fuller, Zephaniah Kingston 1812 
1806 Holmes, Jonathan Kingston 1812 
1806 Marshal, Hannah Plymouth-1 1812 
1806 PhilHps, Christopher Hanson 1812 
1806 Tupper, Bridget Kingston 1812 

1806 Thomas, Abigail C. Marshfield-1 1812 

1807 Bradford, Mary Ann Kingston 1813 
1807 Bradford, Polly Kingston 1813 
1807 Bryant, Luther Kingston 1813 
1807 Drew, James Kingston 1813 
1807 Drew, Stephen Nye Kingston 1813 
1807 Fuller, Polly Kingston 1813 
1807 Fuller, Seth Kingston 1813 

1807 Simmons, Joseph Kingston 1813 

1808 Chandler, Molly Kingston 1813 
1808 Cook, Kezia Kingston (1813) 
1808 Cooper, Thomas Kingston 1813 
1808 Drew, Betsey Kingston 1814 
1808 Faunce, Lydia Kingston 1814 
1808 Holmes, Ephraim Kingston 1814 

1808 Holmes, Jonathan Kingston 1814 

1809 Barce, Abigail Kingston 1814 
1809 Bradford, Deborah Kingston 1815 
1809 Cook, Mary Kingston 1815 
1809 Fuller, Deborah Kingston 1815 
1809 Gardner, David Kingston 1815 
1809 Glover, Mary Kingston 1815 
1809 Kingman, Judith Brockton-1 1815 
1809 Prince, Lydia Kingston 1816 
1809 Shurtleff, Lydia Plymouth-1 1816 

1809 Thomas, Cpt. William Marshfield-1 1816 

1810 Bisbee, Rebecca Kingston 1816 
1810 Brewster, Wrestling Kingston 1816 
1810 Churchill, Samuel Plymouth-1 1816 
1810 Cobb, Margaret Kingston 1816 
1810 Gray, CoL John Kingston 1816 
1810 Holmes, Heman Plymouth-1 1817 
1810 Holmes, Silvester Kingston 1817 
1810 Sampson, Eliza Kingston 1817 
1810 Washburn, Bartlett A. Kingston 1817 
1810 Washburn, Ebebezer Kingston 1817 



Cobb, William 
Fish, Sarah 
Foster, Deborah 
Bradford 

Mitchell, Benjamin 
Thomas, Julia Parris 
Bartlett, Bathsheba 
Cook, Mary 
Foster, Silvia 
Holmes, Elizabeth 
Mitchell, Ezra 
Perkins, Nathaniel 
Phillips, Daniel 
Sampson, Oliver 
Bryant, Lydia 
Cooper, Experience 
Drew, Betsey 
Dunham, Mary 
Fish, Mary 
Fish, Sally 

Foster, Melzar Adams 
Holmes, Joshua 
Holmes, Sarah 
Mitchell, Sarah 
Washburn, Priscilla 
Cook, Silvanus 
Faunce, John 
McLauthlen, Ann 
Price, Kimball 
Withrell, Lydia 
Adams, Joseph 
Brewster, Thomas 
Fuller, Hiram 
Holmes, Sarah B. 
McLauthlen, Jedidah 
McLauthlen, Peggy 
Bartlett, Dr. Isaac 
Delano, Joshua 
Drew, Dorothy 
Fish, Charles 
Fuller, Lucy Delano 
Lucas, Lydia 
McLauthlen, Pamela 
Sampson, Eleanor 
Adams, Eleanor 
Bisbee, Abigail 
Bisbee, Jane Standish 
Bradford, Deborah 
Fish, Charles 



Kingston 
Kingston 
Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Marshfield-1 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 



James Blachowicz 



141 



1817 Fuller, Matilda Kingston 1824 

1817 Holmes, Robert Kingston 1824 

1818 Bartlett, Peleg Kingston 1824 
1818 Bisbee, Julia Kingston 1825 
1818 Cook,Alfreda Kingston 1825 
(1818) Drew, William Kingston 1825 
1818 Fish, Charles Kingston 1825 
1818 Holmes, Judith Kingston 1825 
1818 Holmes, Patrick Kingston 1825 
1818 McLauthlen, Mary Kingston 1825 

1818 Tupper, Priscilla Kingston 1825 

1819 Adams, Ann Kingston 1825 
1819 Cook, Ira Ames Kingston 1825 
1819 Howland, Ruth Kingston 1825 
1819 MacLauthlen, Joseph Kingston (1825) 
1819 Wadsworth, Cephas Kingston 

1819 White, Benjamin Marshfield-1 1825 

1820 Adams, Ebenezer Kingston 1826 
1820 Bates, Caleb Kingston 1826 
1820 Bradford, Ruth Kingston 1826 
1820 Cooper, Nancy Kingston 1826 
1820 Holmes, Abigail Kingston 1826 
1820 Holmes, Lydia Kingston 1826 
1820 McLauthlen, Hervey Kingston 1826 
1820 McLauthlen, Rizpah Kingston 1826 
1820 Perkins, Nathaniel Kingston 1826 
1820 Ring, Francis Kingston 1826 

1820 Washburn, Betsey Kingston 1826 

1821 Bryant, Peleg Kingston 1826 
1821 Cobb, Seth Kingston 1827 
1821 Manson, Phebe Hanover 1827 

1821 Weston, Oliver Kingston 1827 

1822 Bisbee, John Kingston 1827 
1822 Bisbee, Capt. Zebulun Kingston 1827 
1822 Drew, Saba James Kingston 1827 
1822 Drew, Zenas Kingston 1827 
1822 Holmes, Molly Kingston 1827 
1822 Mitchell, John Kingston 1828 

1822 Russell, George Kingston 1828 

1823 Adams, Sophia Kingston 1828 
1823 Bradford, Hannah Kingston 1828 
1823 Faunce, Elijah Kingston 1828 
1823 Sampson, Bethany Kingston 1829 

1823 Sampson, Crocker Kingston 1829 

1824 Bonney, James Kingston 1829 
1824 Cook, Ira Ames Kingston 1830 
1824 Delano, Mary Kingston 1830 
1824 Holmes, John Kingston 1830 
1824 McLauthlen, Nancy Kingston 1830^ 



Prince, Dea. John 
Waterman, Sally 
Weston, Olive W. 
Adams, Francis 
Bradford, Betty 
Bradford, Lurana 
Brooks, George N. 
Cushman, Ezra 
Cushman, Hannah 
Delano, John 
Foster, Elizabeth 
Fuller, Sarah 
Holmes, Elizabeth 
McLauthlen, Almira 
Washburn, Cpt. 
Judah 

Washburn, Kimbal 
Adams, Deborah 
Adains, Capt. Melzar 
Baker, Henry 
Bisbee, Sally 
Bradford, Stetson 
Cook, Caroline Jenks 
Foster, Fear 
Fuller, Haiinah 
Hall, Judah 
Lanman, Henry T. 
Prince, Deborah 
Washburn, Sarah 
Adams, Deborah 
Cook, Josiah 
Cushman, Ebenezer 
Faunce, Hannah 
Holmes, Malatiah 
Washburn, Rebecca 
Whitten, Isabella 
Willis, Jonah 
Cook, Sarah 
Cushman, Harvey 
Fuller, John 
McLauthlen, Asenath 
McLauthlen, Ruth 
Adams, Lydia 
Faunce, John 
Wood, Azel 
Holmes, Samuel 
McLauthlen, David 
McLauthlen, Jane 
Samson, Ichabod 



Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Duxbury-2 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Marshfield-1 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Brockton-4 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Kingston 

Duxbury-2 



142 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



1830 Sampson, Jeremiah 

1831 Drew, Ebenezer 



Kingston 1831 Tilson, Polly Kingston 

Kingston 1831 Washburn, Elkanah Kingston 



'probably inscribed by one of the Soule family of carvers, possibly Asaph Soule 
^probate payment to Benjamin Gushing, but carved by Washburn 
''probate payment to Hiram Tribble, but carved by Washburn 



Bartlett Adams: 










note: 


stones in CAPITALS are probated to Bildad Washburn, but carved by Bartlett Adam 


1765 


Cobb, Hannah 


Kingston 


1794 


Maglathlea, Margaret 


: Kingston 


1774 


Faxon, Relief 


Braintree 


1794 


Sampson, Benjamin 


Kingston 


1777 


Babcock, Nathan 


Milton 


1794 


Sampson, Cornelius 


Kingston 


1777 


Clark, Edmund 


Quincy-1 


1794 


Thayer, Ann 


Milton 


1780 


Gooding, James 


Portland, ME 


1794 


Wild, Ruth 


Braintree 


1781 


Thayer, Ephraim 


Holbrook 


1795 


Bradford, Eliphalet 


Duxbury-2 


1783 


Thayer, Phebe 


Holbrook 


1795 


Bradford, Jane 


Plympton 


1786 


Packard, Sarah 


Brockton-3 


1795 


Brewster, Mary^ 


Kingston 


1789 


Baxter, Mary 


Quincy-1 


1795 


Brewster, Mary2 


Kingston 


1789 


Tolman, Esther 


Canton 


1795 


Davis, Martha 


Kingston 


1790 


Davis, Lois 


Kingston 


1795 


Drew, Hervey 


Kingston 


1790 


French, Relief 


Holbrook 


1795 


DREW, WILLIAM 


Kingston 


1790 


Snell, Mehitable 


Brockton-4 


1795 


FOSTER, LYDIA 


Kingston 


1791 


Gore, Capt. Ebenezer 


Boston-3 


1795 


Holmes, Levi 


Kingston 


1791 


Foster, Robert 


Kingston 


1795 


Humphrey, Mary Ann Boston-2 


1791 


OAKMAN, EDWARD Marshfield-1 


1795 


Loring, Capt. Thomas 


; Plympton 


1791 


Pike, Lucretia 


Boston-2 


1795 


Rogers, Jemima 


Marshfield-; 


1792 


KEEN, WILLIAM 


Marshfield-1 


1795 


Sampson, Mary 


Marstons 


1792 


Rawson, Esther 


Milton 






Mills 


1793 


Bradford, Gideon 


Plympton 


1795 


Topliff, Ebenezer 


Canton 


1793 


Brewster, Araunah 


Duxbury-2 


1795 


Wadsworth, Eunice 


Duxbury-2 


1793 


Fayers, Elizabeth 


Boston-3 


1795 


Washburn, Lucy 


Kingston 


1793 


Kingman, Freeman 


Orleans 


1795 


White, Joseph 


Holbrook 


1793 


Packard, Sarah' 


Brockton-3 


1796 


Adams, Lemuel 


Milton 


1793 


Packard, Sarah^ 


Brockton-3 


1796 


Adams, Seth 


Milton 


1793 


Tillson, Abigail 


Brockton-3 


1796 


Gary, George 


Quincy-1 


1793 


Vinall, Capt. Joshua 


Marshfield-3 


1796 


Cook, Christiana 


Kingston 


1793 


Winsor, Ruth 


Duxbury-2 


1796 


HARLOW, 


Plympton 


1794 


Ames, Seba 


Brockton-3 




BARNABAS 




1794 


Beale, Thomas Swift 


Quincy-1 


1796 


Lucas, David 


Kingston 


1794 


BREWSTER, HOSEA 


Kingston 


1796 


Penniman, Dorcas 


Braintree 


1794 


Brooks, William 


Norwell 


1796 


Sampson, Lydia 


Kingston 


1794 


Chorley, Theodocia 


Quincy-1 


1796 


Smith, Prudence 


Boston-1 


1794 


Cleverly, Joseph 


Quincy-2 


1796 


Snell, Abigail 


Brockton-4 


1794 


Foster, James 


Kingston 


1796 


Wales, Ephraim 


Canton 


1794 


Gore, Polly 


Boston-3 


1796 


Washburn, Nathaniel 


Kingston 


1794 


Hall, Sarah 


Boston-2 


1797 


Bent, Samuel 


Milton 


1794 


Holmes, Mercy 


Kingston 


1797 


Faxon, James 


Braintree 


1794 


Loring, Perez 


Duxbury-2 


1797 


Hardwick, Frederic 


Quincy-2 



James Blachowicz 



143 



1797 


Holmes, Charles 


Kingston 


1799 


Hale, Anne 


Portland, ME 


1797 


Mollish, Samuel 


Boston-3 


1799 


Moody, Molly 


Portland, ME 


1797 


Packard, Ansel 


Brockton-4 


1799 


Silvester, William 


Harpswell, 


1797 


Packard, Charles 


Brockton-4 






ME 


1797 


Packard, Dea. 


Brockton-4 


1801 


Prior, Bethiah 


Duxbury-2 




Ebenezer 




1801 


Vose, Sukey 


Milton 


1797 


Packard, Rhoda 


Brockton-4 


1803 


Tukey, John 


Portland, ME 


1797 


Shaw, Dorcas 


Brockton-2 


1806 


Adams, Bartlett 


Portland, ME 


1797 


Vose, Polly Howe 


Milton 


1806 


Slater, Priscilla 


Portland, ME 


1798 


Beale, Peter 


Quincy-1 


(1808) Stonehouse, Mary 


7 


1798 


Brown, Samuel, Jr. 


Quincy-1 


1809 


Adams, George 


Portland, ME 


1798 


Cobb, Ruth 


Kingston 


1812 


Adams, Eliza 


Portland, ME 


1798 


Drew, George Stetson 


Kingston 


I8I31 


Burrowes, Capt. 


Portland, ME 


1798 


Glover, Elizabeth 


Quincy-1 




William 




1798 


Neal, John 


Portland, ME 








^ascribed to Adams in an 1815 newspaper account in \ 


the Eastern Argus 




Hiram Tribble: 










1822 


Dawse, Ebenezer 


Kingston 


1834 


Holmes, Amasa 


Kingston 


1828 


Bates, Julia H. 


Kingston 


1835 


Churchill, Lucia R. 


Kingston 


1828 


Chandler, Martha 


Duxbury-2 


(1835) Cobb, Cornelius 


Hanson 


1830 


Bullard, Benjamin 


Plymouth-1 


1835 


Cook, Zenas 


Kingston 




Dexter 




1836 


Bosworth, Jane 


Plymouth-3 


1830 


Robbins, Margaret H. 


Plymouth-1 


1836 


Cook, Lydia 


Kingston 


1830 


Taylor, Sally 


Orleans 


1836 


Cooper, Margaret 


Kingston 


1831 


Bradford, Elizabeth 


Kingston 


1836 


Everson, Lydia 


Kingston 


1831 


Sampson, Abigail 


Duxbury-2 


1836 


Faunce, Susanna 


Kingston 


1832 


Delano, Welthea 


Kingston 


1836 


Hall, Asenath 


Kingston 


1832 


Paddock, Eunice 


Dennis 


1836 


Holmes, Ancel 


Kingston 


1832 


Ring, Mary 


Kingston 


1836 


McLauthlen, Elisha 


Kingston 


1832 


Sampson Benjamin 


Kingston 


1836 


McLauthlen, Robert 


Kingston 


1832 


Washburn, Bildad 


Kingston 


1836 


Sampson, Croad 


Kingston 


1832 


Weston, Capt. Jacob 


Duxbury-2 


1836 


Holmes, Betsey 


Duxbury-2 


1832 


White, Roxana 


Kingston 


1837 


Bradford, Charles 


Kingston 


1832 


Wing, Charles 


Brewster 


1837 


Bradford, Stephen 


Kingston 


1833 


Beal, Elcy 


Hanson 


1837 


Bryant, Lewis 


Kingston 


1833 


Bradford, Mary 


Kingston 


1837 


Cook, Joanna 


Kingston 


1833 


Brewster, Capt. Martin Kingston 


1837 


Cook, Lucy 


Kingston 


1833 


Chandler, John S. 


Kingston 


1837 


Cook, Sarah Foster 


Kingston 


1833 


Everson, Samuel 


Kingston 


1837 


Drew, Abigail 


Kingston 


1833 


Hall, Washington 


Kingston 


1837 


Faunce, Eliezer 


Kingston 


1833 


Howland, Eunice 


Pembroke 


1837 


Hammond, David 


Pembroke 


1833 


Russell, Rebecca 


Plymouth-1 


1837 


Sampson, Abigail 


Duxbury-2 


1833 


Wade, Hertilia 


Kingston 


1837 


Symmes, Mary D. 


Kingston 


1833 


Woodioard, Rufiis 


Duxbury-2 


1837 


Washburn, Betsey 


Kingston 


1834 


Bradford, Ellis 


Kingston 


1837 


Winslozo, Augusta 


Kingston 


1834 


Bradford, Sarah 


Kingston 


1838 


Bradford, Elizabeth 


Kingston 


1834 


Bryant, Patience 


Kingston 




Ann 





144 



The Carvers of Kingston, Massachusetts 



1838 


Dawse, Priscilla 


Kingston 


1844 


Drezv, Capt. George 


Plymouth-3 


1838 


Doten, Parthenia S. 


Kingston 


1844 


Everson, Mary 


Kingston 


1838 


Fearo, Hannah 


Kingston 


1844 


Sampson, Rebecca 


Kingston 




EUzabeth 




1844 


Washburn, Mercy 


Kingston 


1838 


Foster, Melzar A. 


Kingston 


1845 


Alden, Maj. Judah 


Duxbury-2 


1838 


Hall, Ruth 


Kingston 


1845 


Ripley, Jane 


Kingston 


1838 


Holmes, Lucy 


Kingston 


1845 


Rogers, Timothy 


Marshfield-2 


1838 


Sampson, Priscilla 


Kingston 


1845 


Tupper, Violetta 


Kingston 


1838 


Washburn, Job 


Kingston 


1846 


Brewster, Sally 


Kingston 


1839 


Cook, Capt. Elkanah 


Kingston 


1846 


Burgess, John 


Kingston 


1839 


Holmes, Barzillai 


Plymouth-2 


1846 


Doten, Catherine T. 


Kingston 


1839 


Tribble, Maria 


Plymouth- 1 


1846 


Foster, Lydia 


Kingston 


1839 


Washburn, Elisha 


Kingston 


1846 


Fuller, Mary 


Kingston 


1840 


Bradford, Amos 


Kingston 


1846 


Holmes, Spencer Jr. 


Kingston 




Perley 




1847 


Bradford, Sally 


Kingston 


1840 


Bradford, David 


Kingston 


1847 


Holmes, Susan C. 


Plymouth-1 


1840 


Everson, Eunice 


Hanson 


(1847) Sampson, Andrew 


Duxbury-2 


1840 


Graton, Mary D. 


Plymouth-1 


1847 


Taylor, Marcy 


Duxbury-2 


1840 


Loring, George 


Duxbury-2 


1848 


Doten, David 


Kingston 


1840 


Ripley, Mary 


Kingston 


1848 


Gray, John 


Kingston 


1840 


Sampson, Howland 


Kingston 


1848 


Hall, Anna 


Marshfield-2 


1840 


Washburn, Lucy 


Kingston 


1848 


Holmes, Joseph 


Plymouth-1 


1841 


Arnold, Edward 


Duxbury-2 


1848 


Holmes, Nathaniel 


Kingston 


1841 


Atwood, Deborah 


Plymouth-2 


1848 


Mitchell, Abigail 


Kingston 


1841 


Brooks, George 


Kingston 


1848 


Ripley, George 


Kingston 




Nathan 




1848 


Tribble, Sarah 


Plymouth-1 


1841 


Everson, Rebecca 


Kingston 


1849 


Brewster, Judith 


Kingston 


1841 


Winsor, Mary 


Kingston 


1849 


Everson, Charles 


Kingston 


1842 


Alexander, John 


Plymouth-1 




[child] 




1842 


Bradford, Lydia 


Kingston 


1849 


Hatch, Dea. Joel 


MarshfieId-4 


1842 


Cobb, Henry Stevens 


Kingston 


1849 


Lovering, Sarah C. F 


Kingston 


1842 


Doten, Kimball Prince 


Kingston 


1849 


Washburn, Deborah 


Kingston 


(1842) Drew, Charles Jr. 


Duxbury 


1850 


Bartlett, Lucy F. 


Kingston 


1842 


French, Osmon 


Kingston 


1850 


Bartlett, Olive Holmes 


Kingston 


1842 


Holmes, Lucy 


Kingston 


1850 


Bates, Charles C. 


Plymouth-3 


1842 


Holmes, Robert 


Kingston 


1850' 


Churchill, Elizabeth C 


. Plymouth-1 


1842 


McLauthlen, Olive 


Kingston 


1851 


Bartlett, Capt. Joseph 


Kingston 


1842 


Perkins, Seth 


Kingston 


1851 


Bradford, Lyman 


Kingston 


1842 


Sampson, Elizabeth 


Kingston 


1851 


Churchill, BeulaJi Orton 


Kingston 


1842 


Stetson, WiUiam 


Kingston 


1851 


Cook, Eunice 


Kingston 


1842 


Tupper, Capt. Peleg 


Kingston 


1851 


Everson, Richard 


Kingston 


1843 


Chandler, Asa 


Duxbury -2 


1851 


French, Mary W. 


Kingston 


1843 


Clift, Israel 


Marshfield-3 


1852 


Bartlett, Mary 


Plymouth-1 


1843 


Everson, Josiah 


Kingston 


1852 


Holmes, Robert 


Kingston 


1843 


Graton, Charles A. 


Plymouth-1 


1853 


Chandler, Abigail 


Duxbury-2 


1843 


Holmes, Deborah 


Kingston 


1853 


Cook, Josiah 


Kingston 


1843 


Mitchell, John 


Kingston 


1853 


Gray, Sarah 


Kingston 


1843 


Ripley, Martha 


Kingston 


1853 


Holmes, Eunice 


Kingston 


1843 


Sprague, Lydia 


Duxbury-2 


1853 


Rider, Nancy 


Plymouth-2 



James Blachowicz 



145 



1853 


Washburn, Sally 


Kingston 


1857 Ftiller, Susanna 


Halifax 




Adams 




1857 Ripley, Daniel 


Kingston 


1854 


Mitchell, Sarah 


Kingston 


1858 Holmes, Sally 


Plymouth-2 


1854 


Perkins, Saba A. 


Kingston 


[1858]2Loring, Anna (1804) 


Duxbury-2 


1854 


Prince, Elizabeth S. 


Kingston 


[1858]-Loring, Benjamin 


Duxbury-2 


1856 


Bradford, John C. 


Kingston 


(1784) 




1856 


Churchill, Cyrus 


Duxbury-2 


1858 Symmes, Nancy H. 


Plymouth-1 


1856 


Holmes, Ruth G. 


Plymouth-1 


1860 Fuller, Priscilla 


Halifax 


1856 


Ripley, Joseph T. 


Kingston 


1860 Washburn, Seth 


Kingston 


1857 


Cook, Benjamin 


Kingston 


18613 Phillips, Luther 


Kingston 


1857 


Cook, Molly 


Kingston 


1861 Soule, Mary 


Duxbury-3 



inscription at base inscribed by an imitator (see below) 

-dates in brackets refer to new stones carved in 1858 to replace earlier lost markers 

''inscribed by another carver 



Stones Carved by a Hiram Tribble Imitator: 

1876 Churchill, Elizabeth H. Plymouth-1 
1878 Churchill, Silvanus Plymouth-1 

1880 Bates, Betsy Plymouth-3 



146 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 




Fig. 1. A typical Czech church at Wesley, Texas, built in 1866. The 
earliest death date on a tombstone in the adjoining cemetery is 1870. 



147 



GRAVESTONES AND THE LINGUISTIC ETHNOGRAPHY 
OF CZECH-MORAVIANS IN TEXAS 

Eva Eckert 

Introduction 

Graveyards represent cultural values and traditions of a community. 
By their very nature, they are sanctified places where vernacular culture 
in general, and writing in particular, have been preserved better than else- 
where. My linguistic interest in the Czech cemeteries and their tombstone 
inscriptions has been molded by my search for the living community that 
produced them. Texas Czechs^ lived in a culturally rich and self-reliant 
community that consciously cultivated its language. I confirm this thesis 
by analysis of their epitaphs, greetings, and poems engraved on tomb- 
stones, as well as their letters, notes, and newspaper publications. In the 
present essay 1 focus on tombstone inscriptions as a primary and preva- 
lent written source of data relevant to language change.^ The inscriptions 
appear in cemeteries that once evolved around Texas Czech communities 
in central Texas (Fayette, Lavaca, Austin, and Colorado counties), the area 
of major Czech immigrant concentration. Language change is document- 
ed there for a period of one hundred and twenty years in stone. The 
change from language variation^ to language attrition'' is expressed in the 
inscriptions through such linguistic categories as language convergence, 
lexical borrowing, and code-switching.^ The movement in language is 
also accompanied by reduction in length and detail of the inscription, 
selection of data about the deceased, and layout of the inscription on the 
stone. Finally, the change is mirrored in non-linguistic properties of the 
gravestone - its material, size, and decoration. My goals are (1) to point 
out specific stages in the progression of language change and show how 
these are visually echoed in the characteristics of the gravestone, and (2) 
to explain how tombstone inscriptions significantly enhance our under- 
standing of the Texas Czech community and its language. 

Czech cemeteries in central Texas followed the life cycle of the com- 
munities that established them. When a community was settled, its 
church and a cemetery (see Figs. 1 and 2) were typically built in a few 
years. The Czech immigrants were mainly Roman Catholics, although 
there were also Brethren Believers and Free-thinkers. A church with its 
adjacent cemetery was central to the Texas Czech community in the phys- 



148 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



ical as well as social and cultural sense. Walking through the cemetery is 
like surveying the community history. Signs in the stone point to home- 
land origins and changing identity of community members. They reveal 
how they used their own language and also borrowed from the dominant 
language and culture, and thus changed who they were. As a final out- 
come, they replaced their creative unpredictable messages with flat 
monotonous ones, and lavender with plastic flowers. They accepted the 
dominant patterns and acculturated. Unlike the communities, the ceme- 
teries are still here today to give the witness of life, fruition, contact, 
shrinkage, and shift of a rich culture that added importantly to Texas 
Czech historical heritage. The Texas countryside betrays presence of the 
communities only through the remaining steepled churches, curvy roads 
lined with trees, a few stores and roads bearing Czech names, and ceme- 
teries with hundreds of Czech gravestone inscriptions. These latter, espe- 
cially, are visual pointers to the community history, in both the old and the 
new country, that communicate to us the immigrants' culture, beliefs, and 
values.^ Today the most telling story of Texas Czechs is spelled out on 




Fig. 2. Old section of the Dubina Cemetery. 
The community was settled in the 1850s. 



Eva Eckert 149 



tombstones in over sixty cemeteries where they were buried and where 
they are most vividly present and ahve. 

When one enters a Texas Czech cemetery order and peace surround 
him. Just as in the homeland, the rows of graves are symmetrical and the 
design maintained. But unlike in the homeland, where the space is clut- 
tered and grave lots reused, the Texas cemetery is an opened space spread 
over the land and growing by addition rather than substitution. Its visu- 
al organization is dictated by the original graves clustered near the church 
and rows of modern, post- World War II ones further removed. Childrens' 
graves usually form islands in the middle or to the side, but family burial 
lots do not occur. The community was the family to the Czech immi- 
grants. Almost all graves have curbing; occasionally the land between 
them is scraped to prevent grass from growing over. Crosses with Jesus 
remind visitors of the religious affiliation of most communities. Cemetery 
stones are richly engraved with religious symbols and often decorated 
with photographs of the dead (the perennial lamps and candles of the 
domestic tradition are exceptional), but local habits of decorating the 
graves with shells, toys, and inverted bottles are rarely adopted.^ Metal 
crosses and stone carvings speak of craftsmanship of skilled carvers and 
metalworkers. Although originally every burial constituted a separate 
entity, those of the post- World War II era bear, in 99% of instances, the 
"Father/Mother" gravestones made from granite or marble and decorat- 
ed by shiny plastic flowers. But the smell of lavender, and the sights of 
cedar, juniper, and overgrown rose bushes override their anonymity and 
enhance my memories of Texas cemetery walks. 

Despite the unusual setting, cemeteries provide linguists with an ideal 
environment to study both synchronic variation in language usage and 
diachronic progression^ of language change."^ An advantage of discussing 
language variation, contact,^° and change in writing is stability of data, in 
particular as may be observed in tombstone inscriptions, and availability 
of several diachronic layers of language showing progressive language 
contact. I can observe all that within the territory of a single cemetery, 
while in vernacular" language conversations, one must record data at 
several speech communities as they reflect different stages in the progres- 
sion. The disadvantage is that the dynamics of given social situations 
responsible for particular language production are unrecoverable. Vit 
Bubenik faced the same dilemma in his related study of gravestone 
inscriptions documenting language contact of Greek koine with local 



150 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



dialects in ancient Greece and asserted that writing and speech occupy 
parallel positions: "No sociolinguistic study of a dead language would 
ever be possible without assuming that the function of written language 
is autonomous ... writing, like speech, refers directly to meaning."^ 

Scholarly context and contribution 

Language contact, shift, and change have been discussed in scholarly 
literature,^"* but no one has used tombstone inscriptions data as evidence. 
Robert Janak and Timothy Anderson surveyed Czech Texas cemeteries 
statistically and geographically, and noted their cultural impact. Terry 
Jordan published a representative book of various Texas ethnic folk ceme- 
teries in 1982 that included analysis of burial practices, symbols, and epi- 
taphs but omitted Czech cemeteries. Clinton Machann in 1978 and 
Machann and James Mendl in 1983 accomplished considerable historical 
and sociological research in Czech Texas, while Scott Baird in 1992 pub- 
lished a linguistic analysis of inscriptions produced by Texas ethnic com- 
munities other than Czech. ^'^ But, so far Czech Texas cemeteries and 
gravemarkers remain neglected as linguistic and cultural monuments, 
and linguistic interpretation of Czech tombstone data has not been 
attempted. 1 aim to give visibility to the inscriptions as unique written 
documents that shed light on language contact, shift, and demise. They 
speak as eloquently as manuscripts, newspapers, or photographs, and 
provide yet another approach to capturing the history of Texas Czechs. By 
their very nature, gravemarkers represent cultural, historical, and linguis- 
tic monuments. 

Background data 

The first Czechs came to Texas in the 1850s. Most of them arrived after 
the Civil War. Between then and the end of World War Two, they inhabit- 
ed the black land triangle between Dallas, Houston, and San Antonio, 
where they lived on scattered farms centered around churches. They 
established themselves as a distinct ethnic group and formed socially, cul- 
turally, and linguistically self-contained communities that survived for an 
unusually extensive time period. The communities were structured 
around social networks that underlay Czech community life at home as 
well - church, school, newspaper publishing, and various organizations 
such as theater groups, music bands, and reading clubs. These networks 
were cultivated as long as the communities prospered. Maintenance of the 



Eva Eckert 151 



mother language was the policy of church, school, and newspapers until 
the 1940s. The Czechs were the fourth largest ethnic population in Texas 
after the Anglos, Spanish, and Germans. Today, the population of "Czech 
extraction" in Texas has been estimated at approximately 700,000 and rep- 
resents the largest Slavic ethnic community in the southern United 
States. ^-^ After the Second World War, restructuring of Texas farming led to 
collapse of the traditional Czech family farm. 

Tombstone inscriptions display both homogeneity of the Texas Czech 
community and individual speakers' heterogeneity. Homogeneity of the 
Texas Czech community was determined by common economic and pro- 
fessional background, literacy, religiosity, shared geographic and dialectal 
origin, and historical and cultural endowment. The Czech communities 
were organized as focused,^^ in-group communities that separated them- 
selves from their German neighbors and considered the American world 
as the world on the outside with which they retained contact for practical 
business purposes. At the same time, the communities were made up of 
immigrants who came from villages characterized by slightly different 
dialects, attended school for varied numbers of years, and participated to 
a different degree in newspaper reading, ethnic organizations, and cul- 
tural activities such as music bands or amateur theater performances. 
Also, they maintained various extents of contact with the American world 
due to their age, gender, social /community status, interests, and aspira- 
tions. 

Chronology of Tombstone Inscriptions 

One would search in vain for graves of the very first Czech pioneers. 
Many died in hospitals as soon as they reached the Texas shore. Others 
died in the gruesome travel from Galveston due to exhaustion and expo- 
sure to weather, and were buried along the way. Their primitive grave- 
markers - wooden crosses or upright flat stones - have since rotted or col- 
lapsed. The first marked graves with inscriptions appear in cemeteries 
established along with the first communities in the 1860s. Even there, 
descendants often have replaced simple hand fashioned and inscribed 
gravestones with modern ones. 

The chronology of change in language, as gleaned from tombstones, 
captures basic stages in the community acculturation. This periodization 
resonates with the social history of the community. The language of tomb- 
stone inscriptions can be condensed into clusters of features mirroring the 



152 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 




■^^ ''■ 



'■■'^ 





13 

I' 

^ r-l 



MH « 



^ -c 

"-• 

^ C 

1 o 

it 

flS o 

3 '-I 
^ a> 

u 

en 

^iT ^ 
en H 



.2P 



Eva Eckert 



153 



movement from language variation to language shift. The clusters also 
reflect spatial and chronological distribution of gravestones within a 
cemetery. Table 1 (see also Figs. 3a-3c) represents a generalized summary 
reflecting essential tendencies in the language movement, gravestone 
material, and decoration: 

Table 1 



1860- WWI: 
SEPARATION 

• dialect-standard shifting 



detailed, personal, 
colorful inscriptions 



WWI-WWII: 
CONTACT 

• language contact 

• reduction in quantity, 

• variation, and styles 

• use of set phrases 

• convergence 

• lexical borrowings 

• code-switching 



WWII-Present: 
SHIFT 

• language shift 

• attrition of Czech in 
orthography, morph- 
ology, and semantics 

• Czech in disparate signs 



The inscriptions show a breakdown into three stages with rather fluid 
boundaries: the initial pre-1900 period, a transitional language contact 
stage, and an open-ended language attrition and shift stage that began 
after the Second World War. The initial stage is characterized by variation 
between the standard and dialect, i.e. usage of both varieties and switch- 
ing between them depending on writers' intentions and language skills. 
The transitional stage is defined by writing in Texas Czech vernacular, i.e. 
colloquial everyday variety of Czech that incorporates certain elements of 
English. The final stage spells out the collapse of grammatical and lexical 
rules of Czech and a shift to inscribing tombstones in English. The stylis- 
tic and lexical range of language used to inscribe tombstones shows a con- 
siderable variation within the limits of a single cemetery. A certain epi- 
taph may be used only once in the whole cemetery while others may 
recur; a single Czech greeting may be spelled in several different ways; 
first names may be written in Czech as well as in English within a single 
year. Initially, individual tombstone inscriptions varied unpredictably in 
semantics, grammar, spelling, and lexicon, and they truly represented 
interesting texts. Imprints of individual authors and traces of their identi- 
ties became muddled in some cases as I walked into the 20th century: it 
was clear that the leap into English was made earlier by some individuals 
in response to opportunities, needs, and aspirations, and that language 
choices were quite idiosyncratic. Questions about choices that have to do 



154 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



with authorship and individual practices of language retention remained 
unanswered. Language was stretching across considerable space and 
chronological boundaries of several generations. In crossing them, I saw 
a folk graveyard culture of distinctive inscriptions and visual images 
transformed into a homogenized cemetery. After World War Two, the styl- 
istic and lexical range was streamlined and reduced to a few patterns that 
recurred throughout Czech cemeteries all across central Texas. Early vari- 
ation between the dialect and the standard literary variety, i.e. the ver- 
nacular and formal writing, was gradually replaced during the transi- 
tional stage by variation that resulted from language contact of Czech and 
English. 

While the contact with English was gradually more pronounced in the 
immigrants' writing, Czech, at the same time, stagnated and lost its styl- 
istic flexibility. The inscriptions were progressively authored by speakers 
whose ability to write in Czech was limited: they spelled it in the same 
way as they spoke it, i.e. phonetically. Despite this decline, Czech, rather 
than English, remained the primary language of the Texas Czech commu- 
nity until the Second World War. Afterwards, the immigrant communities 
became rapidly Americanized due to changes in the outside world. The 
pressure to change farming methods, and consequently the entire mode 
of life, led to the disintegration of the immigrant community. Other fac- 
tors contributing to the disintegration were the upward mobility of immi- 
grant descendants that brought them to professional careers in the cities, 
the invasion of formerly Czech households by English television, and the 
decline in Czech language teaching in the schools. 

The cultural and linguistic adaptation of the Czech community to the 
American world is uniquely reflected in writing on tombstones (see Eig. 
4). After World War Two, tombstone inscriptions began to document 
acculturation of monolingual Czech individuals who lived in communi- 
ties in which Czech and English were used in different domains and com- 
plementary functions. As time progressed, English took over and pushed 
Czech into the functional periphery of the domestic family language. 
When Czech communities were stripped of natural economic and cultur- 
al infrastructure that provided the framework for active daily language 
community usage and consequently could be no longer self-sustaining, 
they were abandoned but continued to survive as social if not physical 
entities. As such, they provide Texas Czechs even today with social net- 
works in which they come together for religious or ethnic holidays. When 



Eva Eckert 



155 







^*«^: 



Fig. 4. Juxtaposition of an old and a recent tombstone. 



156 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



English took over in written usage in the post World War Two period, 
traces of Czech began to be used to symbolize the deceased's identity and 
survived in the inscriptions throughout the post World War Two period. ^^ 
When English became the primary language of tombstone inscriptions, it 
already functioned as the primary language of Texas Czech community 
contacts with local and state administration, school, trade, and business. 
But Czech ethnicity has lived on and manifested itself in various aspects 
until today. 

Tombstone Inscriptions as a Particular Form of Writing 

Language variation defines language and marks even writing in stone. 
But the extent of linguistic variation and vernacular features in Texas 
Czech inscriptions are unmatched in domestic Czech tombstone inscrip- 
tions, which are much more standardized, as one would expect, due to 
gravestone public display, permanency, and gravity of subject matter. 
This permanency of time and place endows the language of tombstone 
writing with certain qualities that defy time. Terry Jordan in 1982 notes 
that Texas Czech cemeteries maintained the appearance of sanctified loci, 
unlike some southern folk cemeteries. ^^ The Catholic or Brethren church, 
with its adjacent cemetery, defined the Czech community geographically 
and culturally. Despite the sanctity of these territories, which one associ- 
ates with highly codified language varieties, it is the vernacular, often 
used in variation with the standard, that typifies the Texas Czech grave- 
stone inscription in all cemeteries. 

Early tombstone inscriptions appear closer to spoken usage than other 
written texts and read as personal notes of the bereaved to the deceased. 
Some of the inscriptions seem more like notes written on a scrap of paper 
than engraved in stone. In 1927, the parents of three year old Delfina 
engraved the following message onto her gravestone in Czech: "Rest 
always sweetly and in peace Your father and mother always remember 
you" {Otpocivej vzdi slatce a v pokoji Otec a matka nate vzdi spominaji). The 
inscription contains many obvious grammatical mistakes and mis- 
spellings. Tombstone inscriptions were typically written at a time of 
heightened or uncontrolled emotions. Death far away from one's home- 
land, in particular, could be particularly emotional for the bereaved fami- 
ly members, which then got transferred to the informality in their writing. 
Living in the relative isolation of a farm and in contact with a foreign lan- 
guage certainly added to the emotional intensity of linguistic expression. 



Eva Eckert 



157 



rw^w^'~'i *i T^ 



A 



U^OTPOGiVA 



■K'T^ 



Fig. 5. 1912 marker for Karolina Dornak captures death of a 

young wife with the following inscription in an 

informal language variety with phonetic spellings: 

"Sleep sweetly my dear wife and our darling 

Have peace at your grave and think of us in the kingdom of stars 

Be with the Lord God my sweet darling 

Good-bye until we meet where nothing will ever separate us 

Let the heavenly Lord give you rest" 



158 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



Emotional, unpredictable, and personal language is particularly touching 
on tombstones for departed babies and young wives (e.g.. Fig. 5). Reasons 
for informality, lack of formulaic and standardized expression, and the 
emotionality of tombstone texts in emigration, must, however, be sought 
also in the limited availability of printed models other than Bibles as well 
as of active users of the formal language variety, i.e. Standard Czech. 
Despite the overall literacy of the Czech immigrants, only priests, minis- 
ters, teachers, and editors used Standard Czech actively in writing. 

Semantics of Tombstone Inscriptions 

The setting, topic, and also, to a certain degree, the style of tombstone 
inscriptions are dictated by the nature of cemetery writing. The overall 
range of semantic information included in tombstone writing is pre- 
dictable and typically includes the following semantic elements: an open- 
ing formula (of the type Odpocwej v pokoji, "Rest in peace," or Zde odpocivd, 
"Here rests"), first and last names, possibly maiden name, dates, kinship, 
places of birth and death, cause of death, an epitaph, biblical verse or per- 
sonal greeting, reference to the deceased that includes a phrase express- 
ing the grief of the bereaved, and decorative religious symbols. ^'^ An 
inscription may mention the cause of death as a car accident, a fatal ill- 
ness, or even murder, but rarely denotes the deceased's occupation due to 
the shared farming occupation and social setting. Aside from priests and 
ministers, I found only one other occupation noted - that of a well digger. 

The amount of data included within the individual entries is idiosyn- 
cratic. The only universal feature of tombstone writing appears to be ref- 
erence to the deceased by a name or kinship term. Most tombstones are 
dated, and the date of death is more common than that of birth. Many 
tombstones include rich kinship terminology and information about the 
place of birth and death. But the place of birth is more commonly noted 
for the deceased imniigrants born in Europe than those born in Texas, and 
occurs more often than the place of death. 

The old, pre-1900 inscriptions typically include an opening phrase, 
names, kinship, dates, places of birth and death, and an epitaph or bibli- 
cal verse, plus occasionally cause of death and reference to the bereaved 
family. The data are entered in this order but there is no prescribed man- 
ner of entering the individual semantic data and inscriptions vary con- 
siderably, in particular in their opening formulae, kinship, closing epi- 
taphs, greetings, poems, and verses. The semantic range is rarely reduced 



Eva Eckert 



159 




Fig. 6. Dialect of the inscription and kinship terms ("father and 
grandmother") are key to the identity of the departed. But the writing 

itself contains no names, dates, or geographical reference: 

"Here rest our dear Father and Grandmother Lord give them easy rest and 

eternal light let shines for them in holy peace. We will never forget you" 



160 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



beyond names, dates, and some sort of closing formula, but none of the 
semantic data are obligatory and I found inscriptions omitting even 
nanies of the deceased and death dates (e.g.. Fig. 6). Authors of the earli- 
est inscriptions tended to record the homeland roots, i.e. the data of birth 
and place of origin, with obsessive precision; they often included also the 
age of the bereaved to the last month and day, as well as the length of time 
spent in America. In contrast to the detail and creativity of early inscrip- 
tions, modern ones of the post-Second World War period rarely include 
geographical data, references to the bereaved family, or elaborate verses, 
and the range of phrases used within opening formulae, kinship, and epi- 
taphs is minimal and predictable. 

Kinship terminology is varied (see Fig. 7). Relatives and acquaintances 
are labeled not only as "father /mother" but also as "parents, sisters. 




Fig. 7. Kinship and place reference: 

'Sister Anna Chaloupka Wife, Mother and Grandmother 

Born in Cermna in Bohemia in Europe 

Died in Houston, Texas" 



Eva Eckert 161 



twins, little daughter, little angel, our beloved father and old mom, little 
baby, triplets, Mrs." and "bachelor" {staficci/rodice, sestri, hlyzenci, dcerka, 
andelicek, nds mily otec a stafenka, nemluvndtko , trojcdtka, Pani and Mladenec). 
The kinship reference can be quite simple and to the point ("Here rest 
H.C. and her daughter. . ." Zde odpocivnji Hedvika Cundova a jejidcera Johana 
Svrcula), or rather detailed ("wife of J.M. Jozefa daughter of J.H." manzelka 
Jana Mofkovskeho Jozefa cera Jana Hiinky, "Here rests in the Lord deceased 
baby daughter of Joe and Fr. §." Zde odpociva v Pami zesmde nemhivhatko 
dcera Joe a Frantisky Simara, "Our dear brother, husband, father and grand- 
father F.C." Nds mUy bratr, manzel, otec a dedecek Frantisek Chaloupka 1927). 
Kinship terms may be used at the exclusion of names ("Here rest our dear 
father and grandmother" Zde odpociva nds mUy otec a stafenka). When no 
kinship is given, the name may be introduced by the generic term 
Mr. /Mrs. (Pau/Pani Kutac), which reflects how adults were addressed in 
the community. On childrens' graves first names often appear in diminu- 
tive forms as Mafenka, Adolfek. References of parents to their deceased 
babies are gentle and moving: "a little baby daughter of Joe and... 1897" 
(nemluvndtko dcera Joe a Frantisky Simara); "Here rest little triplets of... 
sleep sweetly together" (Zde odpocivaji trojcdtka, K.T. Simary (1897) spete 
sladce pospolu); "Here rests little M. little daughter of M.D. Sleep sweetly 
little angel" (Zde odpociva Marijanka dcerka Martina Dobiase Andelicku spi 
sladce); "V. is entered here into the angelic womb, little sister and child of 
F. and A. C." (Zde jest ulezene v lune anjelske Vlastenka Sestficka a ditko 
Frantiska a Anny Chaloupka). 

References to the place of origin (e.g.. Fig. 7) tend to be precise and 
elaborate: ("Born in the old country in Krezanov near by Velka Mezric in 
Moravia" (Roz. ve stare vlasti. v Kfezanove u Velke Mezfice na Morave); "Born 
in Hostalkov under Hostyn in Moravia" (narozen v Hostalkove pod 
Hostynem na Morave); "in Horni Tresnovec, Lanskroun district, Bohemia, 
Europe" (v Hormm Tfesnovci, okres Lanskroun, Cechy, Evropa). A cause of 
death or fatal illness is noted occasionally - "he died as a consequence of 
a car accident near C, Tx" (zemfel ndsledkem automobilove nehody nedaleko 
Cameron, Texas); "she died after a long illness full of suffering" (ze^nf^/n pa 
dlouhe utrapne nemoci) - or even rendered by juxtaposition of birth and 
death as "born ..." vs. "murdered ...". 

Inscriptions are concluded by greetings expressing grief of the 
bereaved ("we will never forget you" nikdy na tebe nezapomenem; "you 
died but live in our memory" Zemfel jsi - ale ne z pameti nasi), and may take 



162 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 




Fig. 8. This gravestone displays voluminous writing. 

The 1903 inscription contains references to the places of 

birth and death, personal greetings, and standard epitaphs. 



Eva Eckert 163 



the form of a complex subordinate sentence ("The immense pain that 
your departure caused us we will conquer by hope that we will meet 
again" Bol veliky ktery nam tviij odchod spusobil miisime niirnit nadeji ze se 
opet shlednme, or "Departed but not forgotten. Let the earth be light for 
you. Good-bye" Odejdeni/ ale nezapomemity bud' tobe lehkd tdto zeme nash- 
kdanii). An inscription under a lamb relief decorating a gravestone for a 
six month old boy reads "Have a good time, good-bye our little angel" 
{Mej se dobfe, nashledami andelku nas); another one to a departed husband 
says "I wish you eternal happiness Your wife" (Preju ti vecnou radost Tvoje 
manzelka). Among the less frequently entered data are references to the 
specific authorship of the bereaved, such as grieving parents or spouse: 
"In memory built by R.Z., grieving wife with children 1888" (Na pamatkii 
postavila Rozina Zetik, zarmoiicena manzelka s ditkamU); "Grieving parents 
M. and T. Holub" (Truchlice rodice Matej a Terezia Holub). In 1897, a griev- 
ing mother had a tombstone of her child inscribed with "She didn't die 
but sleeps, said the Lord. We'll see each other up there again. Grieving 
Mother" {Nezemfela ale spi. PravU Pan. Na schledanou tam nahofe. Tnichlici 
Matka). Another one in 1905 wrote "This monument was given by her 
mommy in dear memory" (K mile pamdtce venovala tenia pomnik jeji 
Maminka). 

As the inscriptional language progressed from the informal vernacu- 
lar of the initial period to the standardized, formal, and predictable lan- 
guage formulae of the post-Second World War period, variation in seman- 
tic data decreased. The initial richness of content, detailed data, language 
variation and creativity of message (e.g.. Fig. 8) receded to formulaic, 
sketchy and abbreviated basic information on names, kinship, dates, and 
epitaphs expressed through a few phrases. The progression from informal 
to formal was also affected by gravestone material. Initial variation in 
quality, size, and shape of soft gravestones that coalesced with its creative 
decoration (that might have included religious symbols of the Protestant 
chalice. Catholic cross with Jesus, crown, grasped hands, flowers, cut 
down sheaf of wheat, an open book, a fading blossom, lamb, or pho- 
tographs of the deceased), imaginative text layout, and varied type of let- 
tering was replaced by a standardized marble tombstone with predefined 
size, shape, lettering, and inscription arrangement. The movement from 
informahty to formality, particularly in inscriptions engraved in hard 
expensive gravestones, was dictated not only by fashion, but also by 
financial restrictions and hardness of the stone that made engraving diffi- 



164 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 




Figs. 9a, 9b, 9c. The jan/Veronika Kocian 1911/1934 inscription 

(Fig. 9a, top) shows reduction in semantic content: the older 

inscription about the deceased father indicates place of origin 

and time/place of emigration; a quarter of a century later, the 

deceased wife is described through a few impersonal formulae. 

A small unassuming marker (Fig. 9b, center) containing names, 

birth and death dates of four children of the Bilxj family looks 

more like a catalogue entry than a tombstone text: the writing is 

crowded and leaves no room for an additional name. 

The post-WWII tombstone (Fig. 9c, bottom) for Father and 

Mother Bily contrasts with the preceding gravestone of the 

Bily children in most of the features shown in Table 2. 



Eva Eckert 



165 



cult and expensive, and shifted the labor by necessity to the hands of a 
professional engraver. 

The profuse language of some early tombstones sharply contrasts with 
the schematic and abbreviated language of post- World War Two inscrip- 
tions (see Figs. 9a-9c). The sheer volume of writing communicating an 
original message is replaced by a formulaic message reduced to bare 
essentials. The range of semantic data remains basically unaltered. But in 
early inscriptions it is enhanced by rich colorful language, while it is rudi- 
mentary in the late ones. The goal of the early inscriptions was to explain 
and elaborate for posterity, but the goal of the modern ones is to keep a 
record of names and dates. Language usage at its best gave way to record 
keeping. This linguistic and esthetic transition over time is also a vehe- 
ment statement about radical change in social and cultural values. Table 2 
compares pre-WWII and post-WWII tombstone production according to 
a set of cultural parameters: 

Table 2. Tombstone Prototypes 



Semantic data 



Production 

Material 

Aesthetics 



Text lay-out 



Pre-WWII 

varied in all categories 



Post-WWII 

reduced to: 



name 

introductory phrases Zde odpocivaji 'Here rest' 

kinship terms Otec/Matka 'Father /Mother' 

birth and death dates 

place of birth and death 

biblical verses 

personal greetings 

epitaphs an epitaph 

domestic and creative commercial (since WWl) 

soft stone, metal, wood granite, marble 

diversified religious symbolism 

(chalice, crown, crossed arms, cut down wheat stalks, 
fading blossom, lamb, opened book, photographs, etc.) 

many models of design basic prototypes 

varied basic prototypes 

SURNAME 
MOTHER FATHER 
birth date birth date 
death date death date 
Odpocivejte v pokoji 'Rest in peace' 



166 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



Language Contact: Texas Czech Vernacular 

Language usage in Texas Czech communities naturally reflected con- 
tacts of immigrants with the American world and social changes, which 
in turn found their way into Texas Czechs' writing. While contacts with 
the English speaking world and the English language itself were steadily 
increasing as time went on, contacts with the immigrant homeland 
decreased. Immigration into Texas dramatically declined after the decla- 
ration of Czechoslovakia's independence in 1918 and the imposition of 
American immigration quotas in 1921, when Congress passed an act lim- 
iting the number of new imniigrant arrivals, aimed especially at those 
from southern and eastern Europe.-^*^ However, Texas Czech communities 
formed stable rather than transitory structures until World War Two even 
though their homeland lifeline was severed and social and language con- 
tacts with the American world diversified. They enjoyed a full-fledged 
existence supported and rejuvenated from within by their members 
rather than surviving on the periphery. 

As a result of English language contact, the language of the immigrant 
community turned into Texas Czech vernacular characterized by Czech 
and Moravian dialects mixed with anglicisms in spelling, grammar, and 
lexicon. Writers of the Texas Czech vernacular typically struggled with 
Czech orthography, converged to English in certain grammatical and lex- 
ical constructions, and used English borrowings. Tombstone inscriptions 
document various forms of language contact and present evidence for 
sequential steps taking place in language loss. Some of the monolingual 
inscriptions include no hint of English contact. Some tombstones show 
obvious English language influences reflecting a patterned, increasing 
English usage. In tombstone writing, Czech-English language contact is 
manifested through English lexical borrowings, convergence to English in 
certain grammatical patterns, code-switching, language attrition, and 
eventual language shift.^^ But form and extent of language contact are 
individual, creative, and unpredictable. 

Convergence 

As my inscriptions show, first manifestations of English language con- 
tact in Czech take various forms of convergence when Czech grammati- 
cal patterns are modified according to English ones. Convergence repre- 
sents the most frequent linguistic form of Czech-English contact charac- 
teristic of the stable period preceding the Second World War. Czech usage 



Eva Eckert 



167 



confirms a finding by Carol Myers-Scotton that, "... Most cases of con- 
vergence come from communities where there is especially high senti- 
ment to maintaining a language, or speakers are very numerous, even in 
the face of another language as more sociolinguistically dominant ... In 
immigrant communities where immigrant language use is consistently 
and programmatically supported by speakers ..."-- Through convergence 
the speakers acknowledge the outside world; they adopt patterns inter- 
twined with the American reality of their daily lives. In English, they have 
to claim their names, places of origin, community relations, and birth 
dates. While words or word segments in inscription phrases come from 
Czech they are rearranged because English grammatical patterns are pro- 
jected onto them (for instance, birth place is given fully in Czech, but 
without a case marker, as in imrozen v Hostyn, Texas - "born in H.,T."). 
Impact of convergence to English grammatical patterns is obvious and 
significant in Czech. Unlike English, Czech is an inflective language that 







Fig. 10. In the Gajer 1937 tombstone the English contact is 

indicated in the name ]im and the use of the father's full name 

to denote the couple: Ditko manzelu Jim Gajer 29 cerv'ce 1937 

'Child of Mr. and Mrs. Jim Gajer'. 



168 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



indicates grammatical relations through various suffixes expressing 
grammatical nuniber, gender, case, etc. Convergence to English affects the 
very structure of Czech that then ceases to express these relations by 
means of suffixes. A characteristic example of converging to an English 
pattern that is foreign to Czech is the phrase Ditko manzelu Jim Gajer - 
"child of Mr. and Mrs. Jim Gajer" - where Jim Gajer is the father's name 
(rather than that of the deceased child) but is used to denote the entire 
couple, child, or wife through the husband (Fig. 10). Convergence to 
English produces last names that are oblique to gender {Mnfenka Mikuda 
lacks the -ova feminine gender marker), modifies dates {Ledna 19, 1901) 
and gives places of origin without characteristically Czech prepositions 
and suffixes {narozen Morava, Europa - "born Moravia, Europe"). As part 
of convergence to English, Czechs also give up diacritics in name writing. 
Finally, a visually striking example of cultural convergence to English is 
the adoption of the English textual layout and cultural conventions of 
inscription arrangement. In Table 3 the Czech patterns are contrasted with 
the English ones towards which Czech converges: 

Table 3. Convergence Patterns (see also Figs. 11-14) 

Czech Pattern English Pattern 

Names Franfiska-iem Kofenkova-iem. Frances Korenek 

Dates 30. bfezna-gen. 1911 March 30, 1911 

Placenames narozena v Hosti/ne na Morave in Hostyn, Morava 
fern. sg. 'at' H.-loc. 'at' M.-loc. 

Kinship ditko Jana a Anny Kubenovych child of John and Anna Kubena/ 

gen. gen. gen. pi. child of Mr. and Mrs. John Kubena 

manzelka-iem. /ana-gen. Dostalika-gen. wife of John Dostalik 
pamdtce-dat. JawUma-gen. Adamcika-gen.in memory of Jar. Adamcik 
Karel Orsak se sz'ymi ditkami Aiuiou a Janou Karel Orsak and his children A. and J. 

'with' instr. pi. instr. sg. 

Outcomes declensional reduction in case, gender and number marking 
reduction in diacritics 

Names 

Masc: Czech Josef St'a stny 

Anglicized as Joseph Stastny diacritics omission f>ph 

Joseph Stasnyjl consonant cluster simplification stn>sn 
Joseph Stasney English spelling of the ending y>^y 

Fern: Czech Anna Kofenkovd rozend Vyvjalovd 

Anglicized as Anna Korenek rozend Vyvjala diacritics omission 

neutralization of gender 



Eva Eckert 169 



Dates 

Czech 17Aedna-gen. 1903 'January 17, 1903' 

Anglicized as 17 Ledna 1903 ~ Ledna 17, 1903 punctuation and capitalization 

Post-WW2 usage Ledena 17, 1903leden is not modified when gen ending is added 
Leden-nom 17, 1903 

Placenames 

Czech narozen v Hra& uyce-prep. iia Morai;|-prep. 'bom in Hrabuvka, Moravia' 

Anglicized as narozen v Hrabuvka-nom. na Moraye-prep. 

shift from prepositional to nominative 
narozen v Hrabuvka-nom., Morava-nom. diacritics omission 

Kinship 

A significant result of convergence to English grammatical patterns is 
declensional reduction. It occurs in the placename phrase, as illustrated 
above, and also in the use of gender-neutral last names; when they stand 
in case-marked slots of kinship phrases, they are typically used v^^ithout 
the Czech case marker (i.e., Marie dcera Joe a A. Kutac-nom; Rozalia Stefek- 
nom manzelka to Jana-gen Stefek-nom rozena co Rozalia Peterova-iem). But 
most frequently the usage is mixed; it shoves variation in usage of Czech 
and English morphological marking, which is characteristic of the process 
of convergence towards English: 

Czech Frantiska Baletkovd, manzelka Jana Baletkii 'F.B., wife of J.B.' 

Anglicized as 1. Frantiska Baletka-masc, manzelka /ana-gen Baletka-nom 

2. Frantiska Baletka-masc, manzelka /an-nom Baletka-nom. 

3. Frances Baletka-nvasc, manzelka John Baletka-nom^ 

At this stage, the process of declensional reduction and gender neu- 
tralization is limited to the listed patterns. But it culminates in the misas- 
signment of declensional endings marking case and gender or their total 
omission during the post-World War Two period of language shift and 
attrition. Interestingly, Vit Bubenik encountered phenomena comparable 
to those outlined under convergence in his research of Greek tombstone 
inscriptions as well. He noted that texts written by untrained private writ- 
ers reveal a considerable variation in graphemic competence and bilin- 
gual interference phenomena. The most common ones are the failure to 
maintain naming and dating conventions and to decline nouns, as well as 
various irregularities in case and number.-"* 



170 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 





Fig. 11. The shift to English pattern reflects the change that 

happened within one's lifetime. The 1909 Emilie Kresta Rozena 

Jeziskova tombstone has the feminine last name in the English 

gender-neutral form Kresta (spelled without diacritics), but both 

the gender marker -ova and diacritics are retained in the maiden 

name Jeziskova (introduced by Rozena "born as"). 



Eva Eckert 



171 




Fig. 12. The 1916 Lednicky inscription illustrates the Czech pattern with 
periods following days (5.) and small initial letter of months (brez.). 



172 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



Inscription Layout 

Adoption of English inscription arrangement in parallel text in 
columns with names, dates, kinship, and epitaphs relevant to deceased 
parents represents cultural convergence to English, which initially does 
not affect the language per se. When used in pre-war inscriptions, this 
layout is filled with Czech language content, but in the post-war period it 
is with English (see Figs. 15 and 16). 

Borrowings and Code-switching 

Another manifestation of contact between Czech and English is bor- 
rowing, implying inclusion of English lexical items, and code-switching, 
implying switching the languages in contact on and off. One of the lan- 
guages in contact is primary and items of the secondary one are embed- 
ded within. Early on, the Czech-English contact took the form of dis- 
parate, isolated, and incongruous English lexical items appearing in 
Czech texts in the form of set phrases such as Rest in Peace, Born, Died, etc. 
(see Fig. 17). -"^ At a later time, pre-cut gravestones were purchased with 




Fig. 13. The 1946 and 1949 Horcica tombstones illustrate the shift from 

Czech word order and case usage (on the left; zemrel 26 SRPENA, spelled 

with mistakes) to the English pattern (on the right; LEDEN 23, 1946). 



Eva Eckert 



173 




^ 







Fig. 14. The place of origin is indicated without prepositions 

and case endings as Narozena ("born") Morava, Frenstdt, 

according to the English pattern. 



174 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



English opening phrases such as Come ye Blessed or R.l.P. already 
engraved. 

Code-switching is relevant in my analysis to those inscriptions in 
which English encodes different semantic data than Czech within a single 
tombstone. Such inscriptions are "bilingual" in the sense that certain 
phrases appear in Czech but others in English, rather than Enghsh occur- 
ring in isolated lexical borrowings. English may appear in the epitaph on 
a tombstone written in all other respects in Czech; or Czech may be used 
in names but all other data encoded in English. The English items that 
appear in the Czech inscriptions are not adapted grammatically to Czech. 
For instance, in the inscription Jifinka Kolodejcak 1919 Czech month names 
in dates are introduced by English borrowings Born and Died and follow 
the English word order pattern. 




Fig. 15. Traditional Czech inscription layout (Rodina Skopova). 



Eva Eckert 



175 



Language Shift: World War II Break in the Language and Community 

Following World War II, focused and self-sufficient Texas Czech com- 
munities opened to the world. This literally happened through modern- 
ization of the Texas countryside, which included building new roads 
interconnecting individual settlements. Travel to town became easy, and 
use of English in town was mandated. Leaving family and going to the 
city to school or job was typical after the war, as Texas Czech descendants 
have emphasized in interviews. Changes in society led to restructuring of 
social networks and the linguistic needs of Texas Czech community mem- 
bers. Czech as the language of family, farm, and community was replaced 
by English as the language of the city with its new needs and opportuni- 
ties. For almost a century, Texas Czech communities displayed a tenden- 
cy to maintain a distinction between 'us' and 'them' and behave as a 
focused community, which is a sign that language shift was not in 
progress.-^ But at the same time, language contact prepared the ground 
for the ensuing language shift. '^^ 

Language contact phenomena in tombstone writing of that time indi- 
cate gradual language attrition and a shift toward English (see Figs. 18a 




^ -V.li5i-.-_ ^-i':^^*' 



Fig. 16. English inscription layout (Kovarik). 



176 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 






Fig. 17, In the 1924 Neskorik gravestone Czech names and dates com- 
bine with the English abbreviation R.I.P. The inscription opens with 
Czech Vecne svetlo Jezis Kristus: "Eternal life Jesus Christ". 



Eva Eckert 



177 




Figs. 18a, 18b. These markers capture the shift from Czech to 

English in the spelling of the last names. The Fajkus (Fig. 18a, top) 

and Faykus (Fig. 18b, bottom) tombstones are almost identical in the 

shape and type of the stone, but placed thirty years apart. Fig. 18a 

also displays code-switching. All vocabulary is Czech, but the 

phrase indicating the father's birthplace is inserted above his birth 

date in English (Bom in Kozlovic, Morava) and lacks the correct 

case suffix. The 1996 inscription shows a full shift to English. 



178 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



and 18b). But the World War Two break did not separate tombstone 
inscriptions neatly into Czech ones prior to Second World War and 
English ones thereafter. Czech was commonly used in many 1960 inscrip- 
tions, while at the same time English had begun to undermine Czech as 
the primary language already in several 1930 inscriptions. Czech could 
not retain its full range of functions and was reduced to formulaic expres- 
sions and a repertoire of set phrases.^^ Language shift involved both dete- 
rioration in skills on the part of the speakers and a loss of grammatical 
complexity in the dialect. The characteristic feature of linguistic attrition 
and shift is the formulaic and predictable writing, which contrasts with 
creative writing prior to the shift. Writers of the primarily post World War 
Two period stopped inflecting nouns and verbs and using diacritics. Their 
inscriptions include no diminutive forms, terms of endearment, or inter- 
esting references; names of months are abbreviated, and the range of kin- 
ship terms and epitaphs is reduced to otec/nmtka and Odpocivejte v pokoji. 
English eventually became the primary language of the standardized 













.S'^-.'^ 



Fig. 19. The 1963 Sebesta tombstone includes a standard 
Czech epitaph but written with unusual phonetic spelling. 



Eva Eckert 



179 



tombstone text, while Czech began to be used for occasional code-switch- 
ing that had a symbolic meaning for the deceased's identity. 

Characteristic manifestations of Czech attrition are simplifications in 
Czech spelling according to pronunciation and according to English 
(rather than Czech) spelling rules. Thus, Czech Kosa became Kossa, Sasin 
turned into Sasin, Snssin or Sassen; Petr began to be spelled as Peter or 
Fe tter, Bucanek or Klimicek as Buchanek, Klimichek, and Fnlkus as Faykiis. 

Other manifestations of Czech attrition are lack of case marking, 
prepositions in adverbial phrases, and grammatical agreement. Word 
boundaries are often obliterated and words decomposed. Literal transla- 
tions of English phrases into Czech result in senseless texts. Copying of 
isolated Czech words out of context produces incoherent inscriptions, in 
which phrases are grammatically unadjusted to match the sex and age of 
the deceased (see Figs. 19 and 20). Table 4 outlines stages in language 
attrition of Czech spelling, morphology and semantics.-^^ 




,:^^": 



I 



:^^^^^i 







^' ^ m^m r- 



iv^ ^ 




% '^'■■... 



Fig. 20. The 1947 Havel text is introduced by the vocative Otce 
(instead of Otec); the Czech spelling has mistakes throughout. 



180 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



Table 4. Language Contact and Attrition Stages 

Orthography 1. anglicization of first names 

2. omission of diacritics 

3. anglicization of Czech spelling 

4. reintroduction of Czech diacritics identity symbols 

Morphology 1 . use of case-less English placenames in Czech prepositional 
phrases 

2. reduction in use of case and gender markers in proper names 

3. breakdown of case, number and gender distinctions, and 
misuse of grammatical endings in placenames and dates 

Semantics 1 . reduction in semantic data 

2. use of semantically inappropriate epitaphs 

3. use of incongruous Czech phrases and broken-up sentences 

Shift at the Cemetery 

At most Czech community cemeteries Czech remained the primary 
inscription language until the 1940s. Sample data collected at central 
Texas Catholic (Ca) and Brethren (Br) cemeteries indicate a majority of 
Czech inscriptions between the 1870s and 1960s, with English showing 
strong presence since the 1940s when it also began to replace Czech. At all 
the cemeteries, English has a clear majority in the 1960s but no cemetery 
has a majority of inscriptions written in English until the 1940s. Table 5 
surveys incidence of Czech language on gravestones from 1860-1970; the 
first column (A) marks the year with earliest Czech inscriptions; the sec- 
ond column (B) indicates the decade until which Czech inscriptions 
formed a majority at a given cemetery; and the last column (C) indicates 
the decade that began the steady growth of English as the inscription lan- 
guage: 

Table 5. 





A 


B 


C 


Ammansville/Ca 


1889 


1960s 


1940s 


Bila Hora 


1883 


1960s 


1970s 


Breclau/Ca 


1913 


1940s 


1950s 


Dubina/Ca 


1866 


1940s 


1930s 


Ellinger/Ca 


1862 


1920s 


1930s 


Fayetteville/Ca 


1872 


1970s 


1930s 


Flatonia/Ca 


1920 


1920s 


1920s 


Frenstat/Ca 


1903 


1930s 


1910s 



Eva Eckert 



181 





A 


B 


C 


Hostyn/Ca 


1866 


1960s 


1940s 


High Hill/Ca 


1866 


1930s 


1930s 


Industry/Ca 


1900 


1960s 


1940s 


Industry /Br 


1880 


1920s 


1920s 


Moravia/Ca 


1913 


1930s 


1940s 


Nelsonville/Ca 


1879 


1970s 


1920s 


Novy Tabor /Br 


1888 


1930s 


1930s 


Plum/Ca 


1909 


1940s 


1930s 


Praha/Ca 


1852 


1950s 


1940s 


Ross Prairie /Br 


1875 


1960s 


1940s 


Wesley/Br 


1870 


1960s 


1940s 



The research of cultural cenietery make-up and maintenance agrees 
with ethnographic research of Texas Czech communities. When the 
Czechs first arrived they were isolated, yet they existed in large numbers 
and were successful enough so that many aspects of their traditional 
material culture continued to be used. As isolation broke down after the 
1940s, the community began to disintegrate in the physical sense and 
Czech began to disappear from the gravestones. Vernacular culture of the 
early cemetery became replaced by that of the commercialized graveyard. 



Conclusion 

Despite linguistic compromises in grammar and spelling and formu- 
laic staccato language showing attrition, authors of many late tombstone 
inscriptions insisted on writing in what they understood to be Czech. 
When I asked Texas Czech descendants why they chose to write in Czech 
despite their fragmented knowledge of the language, 1 was given reasons 
that were private and symbolic: "She [a descendant's mother] liked to 
speak Czech, and so we had her gravestone inscribed in Czech. We wrote 
the text on a piece of paper and took it to a shop to have it engraved". 
Such texts were typically spelled phonetically with lacking or misplaced 
diacritics that meant little to the text authors and nothing to the engravers, 
and were standardized in the shop into the formal layout (Fig. 21). 

Czech tombstone writing exemplifies the Czech language transition 
and assimilation to English that happened simultaneously in the commu- 
nity. Overall, the progression of language movement and variation dis- 
played on tombstones, and resonating throughout other primary sources. 



182 



Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



can be summarized as follows: initial variation between Standard Czech 
and dialect led to language variation due to contact of Czech and English 
that culminated in Czech attrition and a shift to English (see Table 6). 
Czech tombstone writing thus displays clearly spelled out steps in lan- 
guage change in a language contact situation. Language change is, as Jean 
Aitchison explains: "... natural, inevitable and continuous, and involves 
interwoven sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic factors which cannot eas- 
ily be disentangled from one another. It is triggered by social factors, but 
these social factors make use of cracks and gaps in the language structure. 
In the circumstances, the true direction of a change is not obvious to a 
superficial observer .... Whether changes disrupt the language system, or 
repair it, the most important point is this: it is in no sense wrong for 
human language to change."'^'* Texas Czech tombstone inscriptions dis- 
play a particularly interesting case of language change and contain 
invaluable texts. 




Fig. 21. Even in 1990 Czech features can reemerge in English 

texts. The Czech diacritics are used inconsistently in the text; 

the female name is spelled in Czech, albeit with reversed letters 

(Frnatiska vs. correct Frantiska). 



Eva Eckert 



183 



Table 6. Stage in Language Variation and 
Change in Tombstone Inscription 



1. Variation between Czech Standard and Dialect 

2. Language Contact > Texas Czech Vernacular 

Convergence 

Borrowings 

Code-switching 

3. Language Shift 

Morphological reduction of Czech 
Semantic decomposition 



Czech Primary Language 
in contact with English 



English Primary Language 
Czech Signs of Identity 



Czech tombstone inscriptions are a commentary on the immigrants' 
aesthetic taste, rehgious behefs, and language use.-^° In the words of Texas 
Czech descendants, gravestones are monuments to immigrants' hves and 
there is no place one feels more in touch with the immigrants' past than 




Fig. 22. In this 1990 English inscription (commemorating a Czech 

priest who was well-known in the Texas Czech community), 

the only distinctly Czech features are the two diacritic marks 

over the last name of the deceased - MORKOVSKY. 



184 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



in their cemeteries. They are significant components of heritage and por- 
tray gradual cultural and linguistic assimilation of an immigrant group. 
Tombstones and cemeteries are important sites of cultural history that 
document time. Those who visit them are not in a hurry and sense their 
aesthetic effect.-^^ Texas Czech cemeteries witness the cultural and linguis- 
tic homogenization (Fig. 22) that wiped out the rural communities and 
replaced distinctive decorative and linguistic products of a vernacular tra- 
dition with plastic flowers and commercial gravemarkers. 

NOTES 

1. The distinction between Czechs and Moravians has been profusely discussed in schol- 
arly literature: see Kevin Hannan, "Ethnic Identity Among the Czechs and Moravians 
of Texas," American Ethnic History 15:4 (1996): 3-31; Kevin Hannan, "Texas Czech 
Evolves Over Period of 150 Years," K/T News (March, 1992); Clinton Machann and 
James Mendl, Krasna Amerika: A Study of Texas Czechs, 1851-1939 (Austin, TX, 1983); and 
Clinton Machann, The Czechs in Texas, A Symposium (College Station, TX, 1978). But in 
published research the label American Czechs is often indiscriminately applied to both 
ethnic groups. 80% of the immigrants came to Texas from Moravia. Today both groups 
are part of the Czech Republic, as they were once part of Czechoslovakia and the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire. They share the Czech standard literary language, stan- 
dardized and codified prior to emigration to Texas in the beginning of the 19th centu- 
ry, but are speakers of several distinct dialects. In major part, they also share their his- 
tory. I use the label Czech here as a general designation, but the label Moravian in ref- 
erence to geographical and dialectal features, exclusive of Czech characteristics. 

2. Language change is inevitable. It is an ongoing process that is part of everyday life. 
Language changes because it is a social phenomenon; it changes along with its speak- 
ers and society. 

3. Language variation, just as language change, defines language. It is expressed through 
language styles and varieties molded by geographical, situational (such as topic and 
participants in conversation), and social factors (age, sex, education, setting, etc.). 

4. In emigration, in various language enclaves and under other extreme conditions lan- 
guage is not naturally renewed in everyday usage by speakers of all different back- 
grounds in diverse situations. Consequently, language begins to atrophy and lose its 
lexical richness and stylistic flexibility, usually within two to four generations. The 
attrition typically culminates in language shift to the language of the political, cultural, 
and economic majority and eventually leads to language death. See Jean Aitchison, 
Language Change: Progress or Decay?. 2nd ed. (Cambridge, England, 1991). 

5. The categories represent steps in the process of language change leading to attrition but 
they also partly overlap. I shall define them later. 



Eva Eckert 185 



6. Timothy G. Anderson has aptly pointed out that "Cemeteries may be thought of as nat- 
ural laboratories within which the social scientist may work to gain insight into a 
group's values, beliefs and social structure... as most graveyards are sanctified places, 
gravestones are preserved much longer than might be expected with other aspects of 
material culture": "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas: Material Culture 
and Ethnicity in Seven Rural Communities," Material Culture 25:3 (1993): 1-2. 

7. See Terry Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy (Austin, TX, 1982), 17-30. 

8. The dichotomy of synchrony vs. diachrony was first pointed out by Ferdinand de 
Saussure, who stressed that language must be studied not only as it changes over time, 
as it was customary at his time, but also within individual chronological layers. 

9. See Scott Baird, "Language Codes in Texas German Graveyards," Markers IX (1992): 
217-254. 

10. Languages naturally enter into mutual contacts that enrich them but may also con- 
tribute to language shift and attrition, or even death. 

11. Vernacular is "The style in which the minimum attention is given to the monitoring of 
speech. Observation of the vernacular gives us the most systematic data for our analy- 
sis of linguistic structure": William Labov, Sociolinguistic Patterns (Philadelphia, PA, 
1972), 208 - cited in William Downes, Language and Society, 2nd ed., (Cambridge, 
England, 1998), 108. 

12. Vit Bubenik, "Hellenistic and Roman Greece as a Sociolinguistic Area," Current Issues 
in Theoretical Linguistics 57 (1989): 23. 

13. e.g., R.M.W. Dixon, The Rise and Fall of Language (New York, NY, 1997); Joshua Fishman, 
Language in Sociocultural Change (Palo Alto, CA, 1972); Susan Gal, Language Shift: Social 
Determinants of Linguistic Change in Bilingual Austria (New York, NY, 1979). 

14. Robert Janak, "The Demise of Czech in Texas," Bidletin of the Texas Foreign Language 
Associatio7i 9 (1975); Anderson, "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas"; 
Jordan, Texas Graveyards; Machann, The Czechs in Texas; Machann and Mendl, Krasna 
Amerika; Baird, "Language Codes in Texas German Graveyards". 

15. Hannan, "Ethnic Identity Among the Czechs and Moravians of Texas." The 1990 cen- 
sus, however, identifies 191,754 Texans of Czech ancestry: see 1990 Census of 
Population and Housing, Texas, Summary Tape File 3A, quoted in Hannan. 

16. The Milroys used the term "focused community" in relation to density of speaker and 
community social networks: see John Milroy and Lesley Milroy, "Change and Variation 
in an Urban Vernacular," in Peter Trudgill 1978, Sociolinguistic Patterns in British English, 
ed. Peter Trudgill (London, England, 1978); Lesley Milroy, Language and Social Networks. 
2nd ed., (Oxford, England, 1987). Machann & Mendl note that "The relatively homo- 
geneous [Czech] Texas population ... had been almost directly transplanted from the 
rural homeland into Texas farm country ...". See also Joshua Fishman, Language in 



186 Gravestones of Czech-Moravians 



Sociocidtural Change (Palo Alto, CA, 1972), and Muriel Saville-Troike, The Ethnography of 
Conuniinicatioii (Oxford, England, 1982). 

17. Peter Trudgill writes: "It is a well-known fact that language can act as an important 
characteristic of ethnic group membership, and in many communities the link between 
language and ethnicity is strong, and obvious. It also has to be recognized, however, 
that a simple equation of ethnic and language group membership is far from ade- 
qviate..." On Dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives (New York, NY, 1983), 127. 

18. Quoted in Andersen, "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas," 33. 

19. Cf. Scott Baird, "The Taylor, Texas, Cemetery: A Language Community," Markers XII 
(1996): 112-141, 127. 

20. See Anderson, "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas," 10; see also Janak, 
"The Demise of Czech in Texas," 6-7. 

21. See Carol Myers-Scotton, Dueling Languages: Grammatical Structure in Codeswitching 
(Oxford, England, 1993) and "Code-switching," in Haiuibook of Sociolinguistics, ed. 
Florian Coulmas. 

22. Ibid. 

23. Bubenik, "Hellenistic and Roman Greece as a Sociolinguistic Area," 70-71. 

24. Myers-Scotton differentiates between borrowed lexemes and singularly occurring 
code-switched items, but admits that motivations for their occurrence are clearly relat- 
ed and that on the surface they show the same patterning of morphosyntactic integra- 
tion. Borrowed items may be part of the mental lexicon of monolinguals, and as such 
appear in the speech, while only persons actually bilingual in both languages engage 
in code-switching. At the same time, the author admits that deciding who is and who 
is not bilingual is an open-ended question: Dueling Languages, 218-219; 193. 

25. Cf. Ralph Easold, "The Sociolinguistics of Society," Language hi Society 5, (1984). 

26. According to the U.S. Census, 50,000 "white stock" speakers of Czech lived in Texas in 
1920, and 62,680 people whose first language was Czech lived in Texas in 1940. Of 
these, 12.3% were foreign-born, 42.1% were of native parentage, and 45.6% were of 
mixed parentage. About 84% of the individuals included in the 1940 figure lived in 
rural areas: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 16th Census of the 
U.S.: 1920 - vol. II, General Report and Analytical Tables, Table 10, 1001, 1940 - Table 
2/20 and 2/31. 

27. See Nancy Dorian, Language Death: The Life Cycle of a Scottish Gaelic Dialect 
(Philadelphia, PA, 1981); also Dorian, "The Fate of Morphological Complexity in 
Language Death: Evidence from East Sutherland Gaelic," Language 54:3 (1978): 591-609. 

28. Detailed hierarchy of language loss is elaborated in a forthcoming publication by this 
author entitled "Language Variation, Contact and Shift in Tombstone Inscriptions". 



Eva Eckert 187 



29. Jean Aitchison, Language Change: Progress or Decay?, 210. 

30. Anderson notes that: "The Czech-CathoUc graveyard, with the large central crucifix 
u'atching over it, and with the prevalence of religious motifs, displays more symbolic 
sanctity that the traditional Upper Southern graveyard with its lack of religious sym- 
bolism ... The Czech graveyards and the markers they contain are not fancy or extreme; 
rather, they display the frugality of the Czech farmer-immigrants ... In terms of eth- 
nicity, isolation from Old-stock Americans during the early personal and economic suc- 
cess in farming enabled the Czechs to hold on to much of their traditional culture. The 
old portions of the Czech graveyards display this; and with large European-style 
churches located next to them, one gains a sense of this old culture of which much has 
been lost." "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas," 14-15. 

31. Cf. Olbram Zoubek, "O hfbitovech a nahrobcich" [On cemeteries and gravemarkers], 
LidoveNoviny (Nov. 2, 1999), 21. 



188 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




PARIS 



'Miles 

50 



Tlie Western Front 



J SWITZERLAND 



Fig. 1. The Western Front, 1914-1918. 



189 



STYLISTIC VARIATION IN THE WESTERN FRONT 

BAnLEFIELD CEMETERIES 

OF WORLD WAR I COMBATANT NATIONS 

Richard E. Meyer 

They shall not grow old, as we that are left grow old: 
Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. 
At the going down of the sun and in the morning 
We will remember them. 

Lawrence Binyon, "For the Fallen" (1914)^ 

Introduction 

There is in northern Europe a swath of land - never more than a few 
miles at its widest points - which stretches from the French /Swiss border, 
across the Vosges mountains which separate Alsace from Lorraine, thence 
turning in a generally northwesterly direction through the rich agricul- 
tural areas of Lorraine and the valley of the Marne, past the great 
medieval cathedral cities of Rlieims and Amiens, northward into the area 
known for centuries to both its French and Belgian inhabitants as 
Randers, eventually reaching its terminus on the Belgian coastline at the 
North Sea (Fig. 1). Visitors to this region today are struck by its natural 
beauty and pastoral serenity: were it not for the constant physical 
reminders upon the landscape (Fig. 2), it would be difficult to imagine 
they were standing amidst the largest semi-continuous graveyard in the 
world. Other objects attest as well to the great collective human tragedy 
which once occurred here - battlefield monuments and roadside markers 
(Figs. 3 and 4), municipal war monuments and individual family memo- 
rials in community cemeteries (Figs. 5 and 6) - but it is above all the mil- 
itary cemeteries, almost 3,000 of them in total, which serve as focal points 
in the collective memory of those nations whose young men (and, in some 
instances, young women) struggled and died here. 

World War I, which in its own time was more commonly known as 
The Great War,^ was, of course, waged in a number of widely separated 
geographical locales, but it is the Western Front, described above, which 
has fixed itself in our imaginations as the very crucible of this devastating 
conflict, and its place names - Verdun, the Somme, Vimy Ridge, Belleau 
Wood, Passchendaele, and a host of others - have become a part of the 



190 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Commonwealth 
War Graves 




Fig. 2, A clustering of First World War Commonwealth 
military cemeteries near Warneton, Belgium. 



Richard E. Meyer 



191 




''■'^Jii^ 






i^-:':d'-- ^..' 



Fig. 3. 38th (Welsh) Division Monument, Mametz Wood, 
near Montauban, France. 



192 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




«■ 




^r. *^ 



"ilS5.Sy <, «9^ 






'r,.'""^*'; ^^5"^' 



Fig. 4. Roadside kilometer marker. Route N35 (Voie Sacree), 
between Bar-le-Duc and Verdun, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



193 




.vCvS-t 


DAMEZ H(M^< 


AtCUSTlN 


DEBETHUNE Aususi 


OSCAB 


DEHEE J-Ba?i.st£ 


S M.RCll. 


DEHEE Juiis 


INf 


DEHEE E.NCST 


0^c<s 


DEUNNOY AuculTi 


C^.piii 


OELCROIX HiKa, 


.It 


DENEUVILLE Ht~«. 


^SCAft 


DENEUVILLE L Eva. 


ims 


DEPRETZ T«t<j»i.iii 


R ECOUUD 


DERAMBURE Juus 


1 E~it 


DERAMBURE A«-.i.xi 


i Uoroio 


DERVYN E^..o»!> 


' AucirtTin 


DUMONT C--.:.[ 


Juttl 


CALVAIRE P.ie.t 


.no 


CaRIN MT.iri 


Hlkr, 


CRAINCOURT E/iiu 



CRENIER Lou 




ROBEi 


HAECEMf^N L 


o.v 


RUhAl 


HESDIN Paui 




TRICA 


HULEUX fiuou; 


i» 


VAHE 


LAFORCST Ai 


BIO 


VERMl 


L.VCNIEZ Mo 


SI..S 


WILU 


LANCIAL JuiES 






" LEFET2 AibiB 


T 


BUCOl 


MARY Vic.oR 




CAROI 


MARY Joutt. 




DAME. 


MUCHEMBLED 


EWEST 


DESC; 


PARIS F«.r<<OI 




DUFO 


PETILLON SiJ 


roK 


HEMR 


PL0UVIE2 U 


Uli 


PLAYE 


OUiCNON Ait« 


AKOnc 


PLAY! 


RECNIER Auc 


ullt 


OUIC- 


RINCEVAL rt» 


D!»*1.0 


VOLAf 




Fig. 5. Village war memorial {monument aux morts), 
St. Nicolas-lez-Arras, France. 



194 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




^ -'■ CROIX DE Giil-RPr 

'i MAI 
'^^;^H li: 26.WAI 191 c 








%% 



■/^,^^>- 




Fig. 6. Memorial to Marcel Fenaux (d. 26 May 1916) in family tomb, 
community cemetery, Triacourt-en-Argonne, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



195 



complex mythology of hunian warfare. Fought in often inhospitable ter- 
rain and in the midst of some of the most severe climatic extremes seen in 
northern Europe in decades, the stalemated conditions of trench combat 
combined with deadly new technologies of warfare to create casualty 
rates on a scale never before seen in the history of armed conflict.^ 

In the aftermath of the many battles which raged back and forth across 
those intertrench sections of the Western Front termed "No Man's Land," 
vast numbers of corpses would litter the landscape (though many hun- 
dreds of thousands would never be found, blown to bits by high explo- 
sive shells or engulfed by the infamous sucking mud of Flanders). 
Soldiers did what little they could to bury their comrades where they fell, 
a ritual poignantly captured by British Sergeant Leslie Coulson in a poem 
written two months before his own death in 1916: 

When night falls we creep 

In silence to our dead. 

We dig a few feet deep 

And leave them there to sleep -"* 

When time would permit, more consistent efforts to recover and bury 
(or rebury) the bodies would begin, and each of the combatant nations 
designated elements of their own military structures to carry out these 




Fig, 



:"*"' "'Jid Now W« Lie in Flandsrs' Fields.' 
Vallee Foulon, France. 

7. Period stereoview of early French battlefield cemetery, 
Valee Foulon, France. 



196 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



tasks. These early battlefield cemeteries no longer exist, at least not in any- 
thing resembling the form they once did, but from contemporary paint- 
ings, photographs, and commemorative postcards we can garner an 
appreciation of their often haphazard, colorful, and sometimes idiosyn- 
cratic nature (Figs. 7 and 8). Markers were in almost all instances fash- 
ioned of wood, with hand lettered or stenciled inscriptional data, and fre- 
quently displaying nationally emblematic or highly personal decorative 
elements. Almost immediately, in a practice carried forth in various fash- 
ions to the present day, these sites became places of pilgrimage as families 
- and later veterans as well - came to search for and grieve at the burial 
places of their loved ones and friends. 

In the decade of the 1920s, for a variety of reasons - some political, 
some spiritual, some aesthetic - the four major combatant nations which 
had contested this soil so fiercely (i.e., Germany, France, the United States, 
and what is now conimonly referred to as the British Commonwealth) 
each in their own manner began a process of consolidation and reconfig- 
uration which resulted in the formal and highly standardized complex of 



Grande Guerre iOli-iOiS 




CHATEA&^FKKI^KfRr^ iiiiLLE.AU - Cimetiire Amirwain, 6ois tie ISelkau 
CHATEAU TtliEHHY - BELLE AU- American ctmeta'y in bois BnUeau {-IQiS) 



Fig. 8. Period postcard showing early battlefield version of 

the American military cemetery adjoining Belleau Wood, near 

Chateau-Thierry, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 197 



Great War national battlefield cemeteries which arrest the attention of the 
contemporary visitor.^ Through the formation of national commissions 
and a number of other complex processes, each nation chose and imple- 
mented stylistic mandates which would impart a distinctive visual and 
emotional quality to their particular burial grounds. It is this stylistic vari- 
ation as we experience it today - extending from larger landscape consid- 
erations to the design and composition of gravemarkers for individual 
soldiers - which forms the major focus of the present essay. As a means of 
minimizing confusion, the respective characteristics of each nation's 
cemeteries will be considered separately rather than concurrently. 

France 

Though no objective scale for measuring such a tragedy could ever 
hope to be envisioned, it may in many regards be said that it was France 
who suffered the most from the ravages of The Great War. Quite aside 
from its more obvious economic impacts, one must remember that by far 
the greatest majority of the Western Front's battles were staged upon 
French soil, and it is no exaggeration to state that in certain respects the 
entire geography of northern France was altered by this cataclysmic series 
of events. Four years of constant fighting had deforested entire sectors 
and reduced large areas of formerly rich agricultural land to something 
resembling the surface of the moon, had resulted in the obliteration of 
entire villages and the uprooting of hundreds of thousands of inhabitants, 
and had so polluted the landscape that even today, almost a century 
removed from the event, there are areas where one should not venture for 
fear of stumbling upon unexploded ordinance. Even more significant was 
the human toll. Conservative estimates put the total number of French 
war dead in excess of 1,350,000, including those of her colonial forces, 
with only approximately half of these ever positively identified.^ A visit to 
one of the monuments aiix marts found in virtually every village, town, and 
city in France and even the briefest of glances at the rows of names 
inscribed thereon is sufficient to validate the claim that France literally 
"lost a generation" in The Great War. 

As was the case with other combatant nations, France began its 
process of "battlefield clearing" and the establishment of makeshift ceme- 
teries early on in the conflict, but it was only after war's end that time, 
energy, resources, and national will were available in sufficient quantities 
to create and maintain a systematic and formalized network of national 



198 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



war cemeteries. Weeks after the Armistice, a special Commission on 
Military Cemeteries was established by the French government, its task to 
consolidate isolated burials and create as well as administer a system of 
designated military cemeteries/ The process was far from smooth: in 
addition to the enormous logistical problems associated with the identifi- 
cation of bodies, there would rage heated and protracted controversy over 
the next several years on a variety of issues ranging from the size, design, 
and location of the new cemeteries to the problem of whether to require 
that all fallen soldiers be buried in them or allow families wishing to do 
so to repatriate the bodies to their home churchyards and municipal 
cemeteries.^ Ultimately, the latter issue would be resolved in favor of fam- 
ily choice, the result being that some 300,000 - roughly 40 percent - of 
identifiable bodies from the Western Front were eventually repatriated.^ 
The rest, along with those who were unidentifiable or who had simply 
disappeared, would remain to become a part of the soil upon which they 
had fought and perished. 








Fig, 9. Necropole Nationale de Chateau-Thierry, 
Chateau-Thierry, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



199 




WiOWW 



Fig. 10. Monument to fallen soldiers, Necropole Nationale de 
Wettstein (aka Le Cimitiere de Chasseurs), near Orbey, France. 



200 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Today the 108 French World War I cemeteries, or Necropoles Nntionnles, 
are administered by the Secretariat d'Etat Charges des Anciens Combattants 
et des Victimes de Guerre (French Ministry for War Veterans and Victims), a 
large but efficient bureaucracy operating under a budget allocated by the 
French government for the welfare of veterans and victims of war.^° With 
the exception of several great showplace sites, to be discussed shortly, 
these cemeteries tend to be of small to moderate size and display a num- 
ber of distinctive shared features, including the segregation of graves into 
evenly spaced rows separated by wide spaces of mowed but frequently 
unwatered grass (Fig. 9). The wide spacings accommodate the frequently 
employed, though by no means universal, practice of placing individual 
graves back to back. Plantings are n^iinimal, although not uncommonly 
red roses are placed within the beds which surround the gravestones in 
each row. The French flag is prominently featured in all cimitieres militaire, 
and in the vast majority of instances represents the largest single material 
feature of the landscape. Elaborate gates and fencing, while not unknown, 
are most generally not present, and only on rare occasions (e.g.. Fig. 10) 
does one encounter a monument of any sort larger and more elaborate 
than the stones which mark the individual graves. 

The gravemarkers in French military cemeteries are perhaps the 
plainest of the four national groups, and are generally constructed of a 
coarsely grained stone material, tawny brown in color, though in a few 
instances they have been whitewashed (Fig. 11). The simple cruciform 
shape is used for all Christian burials, with specialized shapes and addi- 
tional incised inscriptions employed for those of Jewish or Islamic faith, 
the latter constituting a significant presence owing to the heavy use in this 
war of troops from France's colonies in North Africa (Fig. 12). Minimal 
inscriptional data - name, unit, date of death, and the ubiquitous "Mort 
Pour La France" ("Died for France")'^ - is found on a rectangular metal 
plaque, most often bronze or a zinc alloy, affixed to the surface of the mark- 
er (Fig. 13). As with the other combatant nations, France has taken pains to 
erect markers above the graves of unidentified fallen soldiers (Fig. 14). In 
addition to the individual gravestones, a few cemeteries, such as that at 
Rancourt, on the Somme battlefields, contain small memorial chapels in 
which commemorative plaques have been placed by families. Upon occa- 
sion, one finds, as an addendum to the Great War markers, burials signi- 
fying France's losses in World War 11 and subsequent conflicts: these are 
identical in size, shape, and composition to the older stones. 



Richard E. Meyer 



201 




Fig. 11. Gravemarker of Jules Argoud (d. 18 August 1916), 
Necropole Nationale de Douamont, near Verdun, France. 



202 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Fig. 12. Gravemarker of Ali Ben Mohammed Zerroubui (d. 27 May 
1916), Necropole Nationale de Saint-Mihiel, near St. Mihiel, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



203 



One feature unique to French World War I commemoration is the exis- 
tence in their four largest battlefield cemeteries - at Douamont, in the 
Verdun sector, Hartmanwillerkopf, in Alsace, Notre-Dame de Lorette, in 
the Pas-de-Calais, and Dormans, in the Valley of the Marne - of vast and 
imposing ossuaries which contain the bones of tens of thousands of 
unidentifiable soldiers, German as well as French, who perished in the 
fierce battles which raged nearby. ^^ Each is set within a large "showplace" 
cemetery of the French Necwpole Nationale system, where gravemarkers 
are placed singly (i.e., not back to back), grass is watered and kept green, 
interpretive markers in several languages are strategically placed 
throughout the grounds, and the perimeter is rimmed by impressive larg- 
er monuments of varying types. The most visually striking of these giant 
ossuaries, that at Douamont (see Fig. 15 and this journal's cover illustra- 
tion), was financed in part by contributions from the United States and 
forms the centerpiece in a huge complex of museums, forts, monuments, 
and other battlefield commemorative material culture contained within 






^.W»i^i«i*kipi5^i! 




iattMiiMdBiriBMlUMHiaiB 







Fig. 13. Identification plaque on gravemarker of Paul Raphael Manaut 

(d. 20 June 1915), Necropole Nationale de Sondernach, 

Sondernach, France. 



204 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Jbig. 14. Gravemarker for unknown French soldier, Necropole 
Nationale de Douamont, near Verdun, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



205 



the former Verdun sector of the Western Front. Its balanced geometric 
shape, with skyward pointing central tower, has been compared to - 
among other things - a submarine, a massive artillery shell, and the 
sword of a medieval crusader. While each of the ossuary complexes 
serves to this day as a significant pilgrimage site for the French, thereby 
functioning in a fashion similar to the massive Commonwealth 
Memorials to the Missing which we shall consider shortly, it is Douamont 
above all which proves a magnet for such activity, for it is Verdun - more 
than any other site associated with The Great War - which embodies in 
French collective memory the entwined virtues of courage, sacrifice, and 
spiritual victory. ^^ 

The British Commonwealth 

Of all the combatant national groups who participated in The Great 
War, it is the British Commonwealth - then still the British Empire - 
which has bestowed the most visible military legacy upon the landscapes 
of northwestern France and southwestern Belgium. As with their French 




Fig. 15. Ossuary, Necropole Nationale de Douamont, 
near Verdun, France. 



206 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



allies, the costs in human suffering and loss to the Imperial forces were 
staggering - upwards of one million souls consumed in the voracious fur- 
nace of war, almost 20,000 of them on one infamous day, July 1, 1916, the 
first day of the Battle of the Somme.^'^ 

Because they were heavily involved in the fighting from virtually the 
onset of the war, the Imperial forces faced as early as the Fall and Winter 
of 1914/15 many of the same immediate needs and problems as the 
French (and the Germans) in terms of establishing early makeshift ceme- 
teries and eventually moving to a more systematic and permanent system 
when hostilities finally ended. ^^ The origins of what would in time 
become the Imperial (and later Commonwealth) War Graves Commission 
date from the efforts of a British Red Cross unit sent to France in the early 
days of the war under the direction of an administratively gifted, ener- 
getic, and totally dedicated man named Fabian Ware.^^ On the 21** of May 
1917, largely owing to the insistent energies of Ware, a Royal Charter was 
granted establishing the Imperial War Graves Commission, the first such 
organization of its type to be officially charged with all aspects pertaining 
to the war dead of a nation.^^ From this point onwards to the end of the 
war, and for a decade or more to follow, the IWGC would pursue with 
enormous diligence and sensitivity its twin primary tasks of registering 
the war dead and overseeing the design, construction, and maintenance 
of the military cemeteries which would serve as their final resting places. 
As in France (and America as well), controversy raged over whether to 
allow for the repatriation of bodies or to require that they remain in the 
newly-constructed cemeteries on French and Belgian soil. The ultiniate 
decision to forbid repatriation to Great Britain and her Dominions was 
undoubtedly one of the factors contributing to the disproportionately 
large number of Commonwealth military cemeteries one finds on the 
Western Front today. 

Another was the concomitant decision to avoid, except in certain spe- 
cific instances, the large-scale consolidation of smaller early battlefield 
burial sites into larger sector cemeteries practiced by the other conibatant 
nations, with the result that a significant number of the cemeteries today 
maintained by the CWGC, many of them reconfigured versions of their 
earlier predecessors located upon the same sites, contain 50 or fewer buri- 
als. Almost 2,500 Western Front sites officially designated as First War 
cemeteries are currently under the care of the CWGC,^^ and in theni lie the 
vast majority of the recovered bodies of those who served from England, 



Richard E. Meyer 



207 



Scotland, Wales, Ireland, South Africa, Canada, Newfoundland,^^ 
Australia, New Zealand, and India, as well as a number from the Chinese 
labor battalions. A significant proportion of these burial sites have been 
incorporated as sections within village communal cemeteries, but a great 
many of them exist as separate entities. 

Having made the decision to leave her sons to rest in the lands where 
they fell, the IWGC in the 1920s did its very best to transform these for- 
eign burial sites into landscapes which in a number of ways evoked 
images of home, thereby fulfilling the stated desire of the speaker in 
Rupert Brooke's 1914 sonnet, "The Soldier": 

If I should die, think only this of me: 

That there's some corner of a foreign field 
That is for ever England ...^° 

Indeed, the initial sensation one experiences upon entering the typical 
Commonwealth military cemetery is that of enclosure - not in the 
unpleasant, claustrophobic sense of the term, but rather in its correspon- 




Fig. 16. Entrance to Tyne Cot CWGC Military Cemetery, 
Passchendaele, Belgium. 



208 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



dence with the more comforting and therapeutic feelings associated with 
an intimate EngUsh garden.^^ Oddly enough, this effect is often achieved 
even within the larger burial sites, such as the Etaples Military Cemetery, 
located near the French coastline on the EngUsh Channel, and the Tyne 
Cot Military Cemetery, in the Ypres (Belgium) sector. Formal entrances - 
often reminiscent to a considerable degree of the lychgates frequently 
seen in British village churchyards (Fig. 16) - usher the visitor into a 
walled landscape dominated as much by rose shrubs and other predomi- 
nantly English decorative plantings as by the monuments themselves, 
whose intrinsically hard features are moderated and softened by the fre- 
quency and strategic placement of their surrounding organic counter- 
parts. Graves in the Commonwealth cemeteries are most generally very 
compactly placed in neat adjacent rows (Fig. 17): the frequently seen 
French (and German) practice of placing graves and markers back to back 
is only rarely employed. Conspicuously absent in these cemeteries are 
flags, the result of an early and quite deliberate decision on the part of the 
War Graves Commission in view of the eclecticism represented by the 




Fig. 17. Delville Wood CWGC Military Cemetery, 
near Longueval, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



209 



presence of fallen soldiers from a number of different Commonwealth 
countries. Two dominant physical elements form a feature of all 
Commonwealth burial sites above a certain minimal size^^: The Stone of 
Remembrance (Fig. 18), a sarcophagus-like monument designed by the 
eminent British architect Sir Edwin Lutyens and bearing the words "Their 
Name Liveth For Evermore/' chosen by the poet Rudyard Kipling from 
the Book of Ecclesiastes (Chapter 44, Verse 14); and The Cross of Sacrifice 
(Fig. 19), designed by Sir Reginald Blomfield and featuring a large verti- 
cal cross embellished with a bronze crusader's sword, the whole set upon 
a stepped octagonal base.^^^ Each cemetery, no matter its size, is immacu- 
lately maintained. 

Individual gravemarkers in the Commonwealth cemeteries are unique 
amongst those of combatant nations in their adoption of the upright tablet 
form (as opposed to the variants of the basic cruciform shape utilized by 
France, the United States, and, with few exceptions, Germany) as the uni- 
form configuration for all markers.^* Fashioned of Portland limestone, 
they are most often a brilliant white, mellowing in some instances to a 




Fig. 18. The Stone of Remembrance, Louverval CWGC 
Military Cemetery, near Boursies, France. 



210 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Fig. 19. The Cross of Sacrifice, Le Cateau CWGC 
Military Cemetery, Le Cateau, France, 



Richard E. Meyer 211 



very light tan, and are a standard 2'6" high x V3" wide. Quite aside from 
its avoidance of a blatantly denominational statement, the greater surface 
area of the tablet form allows for the inclusion of considerably more ver- 
bal and visual detail than is possible when utilizing most variants of the 
cruciform shape. As we may see by examining the marker of the celebrat- 
ed British war poet Wilfred Owen (Fig. 20), the standard verbal details on 
all Commonwealth stones, when known, include full official name, rank, 
listing of any decorations for valor (Owen's marker indicates he was a 
recipient of the Military Cross, one of Britain's highest combat citations), 
unit, date of death, and age at the time of death. In many instances, this 
largely functional data is supplemented by short personal inscriptions 
chosen by the soldier's family, a practice allowed by the Commission and 
unique to the Commonwealth graves.-^ These were restricted to 66 letters 
total, and were expected to conform to the Commission's standards of 
good taste and non-controversial sentiment. Generally, these principles 
are followed, and most of the statements are in fact quite conventional in 
a manner not unlike those found on any headstone of this period, 
although upon occasion one's attention as they wander these rows is sud- 
denly arrested by an utterance such as that found in the Tyne Cot CWGC 
Military Cemetery inscribed upon the marker for Second Lieutenant 
Arthur Conway Young (d. 16 August 1917): 

Sacrificed To The Fallacy 
That War Can End War 

Two visual motifs are most generally found upon all markers except 
those of total unknowns: (a) religious iconography (Latin crosses in most 
instances - e.g.. Fig. 20 - , or the Star of David upon the stones of Jewish 
soldiers^^); and (b) regimental insignia for members of British units (e.g.. 
Fig. 20), or in the case of other Commonwealth soldiers, the identifying 
insignia of the relevant country of origin (Fig. 21). The stones atop the 
graves of those whose remains are unidentifiable (Fig. 22) carry the sim- 
ple but haunting bi-part inscription, "A Soldier Of The Great War" and, 
below, "Known Unto God." Upon occasion, one will encounter grave- 
markers bearing inscriptions such as "Known To Be Buried In This 
Cemetery" (Fig. 21), "Believed To Be Buried Near This Spot," or similar 
indications of uncertainty as to the precise resting spot of a particular sol- 
dier's remains. 



212 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Fig. 20. Gravemarker of British war poet Wilfred Owen 

(d. 4 November 1918), CWGC maintained military section 

of the Ors Communal Cemetery, Ors, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



i^«^ 



•4fc?^i 







Fig. 21. Gravemarker of C. Parmiter (d. 1 July 1916) displaying 

Caribou emblem of Newfoundland, 'Y' Ravine CWGC Military 

Cemetery, Beaumont-Hamel Memorial Park, near Albert, France. 

The inscription at the top of the stone indicates uncertainty as to the 

exact location of Private Parmiter's remains within the cemetery. 



214 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




r 



r 





Fig. 22. Gravemarker for unknown Commonwealth soldier, Thiepval 

Anglo-French Military Cemetery, directly adjoining the Thiepval 

Monument to the Missing of the Somme, near Albert, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



215 



In December of 1919, in an impassioned speech before the British 
House of Commons, Sir Winston Churchill outlined a vision of the ideal- 
istic role the war cemeteries would play in his nation's collective memo- 
ry. "The cemeteries ...," he said, "will be entirely different from the ordi- 
nary cemeteries which mark the resting place of those who pass out in the 
common flow of human fate from year to year . . . and there is no reason 
at all why, in periods as remote from our own as we ourselves are from 
the Tudors, the graveyards in France of this Great War shall not remain an 
abiding and supreme memorial to the efforts and the glory of the British 
army, and the sacrifices made in the great cause."-'' Today, more than 80 
years hence, those who visit the Commonwealth's Great war cemeteries 
in France and Belgium cannot help but admire the manner in which their 
designers fashioned landscape and monument into a powerful visual 
embodiment of these sentiments. 

Although the War Graves Commission constructed no giant ossuaries 
in the manner of the French, a similar concern for properly commemorat- 
ing the missing resulted in the creation of several special sites of mass 




Fig. 23. Thiepval Memorial to the Missing of the Somme, 
near Albert, France. 



216 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



remembrance. Of these, the two most impressive are most certainly the 
great Thiepval Monument to the Missing (Fig. 23), located in the center of 
the Somme battlefields with a total of 73,357 names carved upon its walls, 
and the equally imposing Menin Gate (Fig. 24), situated on the eastern 
side of the Belgian city of Ypres (now known as Leper), and carrying the 
names of 54,896 soldiers (see Fig. 25) who disappeared in the three major 
battles fought in the infamous salient.-^^ Much as the great ossuary at 
Douamont has served as a sort of ground zero for French pilgrimages to 
the Verdun battlefields, these two great memorials have performed the 
same function for the British with regard to their two most important bat- 
tle sectors, and the same may in fact be said for a number of others - in 
particular the Vimy Memorial, near Arras, France, for the Canadians (as 
well as Newfoundland's Beaumont-Hamel Memorial, near Albert, 
France), the Villers-Bretoneux Memorial, near Amiens, France, for the 
Australians, and the Delville Wood Memorial, near Albert, France, for the 
South Africans. ^^ 




Fig. 24. Menin Gate Memorial to the Missing of the 
Ypres Salient, Ypres (Leper), Belgium. 



Richard E. Meyer 



217 



y'-V.^ 



F. 
E. 

S.H. 



/. 




FISHER D. 
FISHLOCK J. H 
HAMILTON E E 
HARLOW H.W 
HARRISON H.W • 
HENDERSON D. 
HOLT G. 
HOLT T M. 
HUTCHINSON T A 

JOBS ON G. 

JOLLY H J. 

KEATING J. J. 

KE H I RY T. 

KEMP J. F. 

KENNEDY J. 

KNIGHT R.W 

KNIGHT T. Bg^ 
AMPLUGH W. J: 
ANGLEY R,H. 
LEHEY A.S. 
LOMAX F. E- 



cur: 

DAS' 



Fig. 25. A few of the almost 55,000 names inscribed upon the 

walls of the Menin Gate Memorial to the Missing 

of the Ypres Salient, Ypres (Leper), Belgium. 



218 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



The United States 

America did not officially enter the war until 1917, with the bulk of its 
fighting taking place between March and November of 1918,""^ and 
although few would dispute the notion that it was this country's inter- 
vention which ultimately assured victory for the Allied Powers, it is 
equally true that the magnitude of her suffering and loss when compared 
to that of the other combatant nations was relatively minor. That having 
been said, it is well to remember that mere numbers cannot ever recount 
the subjective magnitude of loss: for the families of those whose loved 
ones never returned, such statistics are meaningless. And, for Americans, 
one other fact was enormously significant: more soldiers had died in this 
conflict than in all her wars of over 100 years previously. In all, more than 
120,000 U.S. soldiers perished in The Great War, of which just under 
50,000 were killed in battle (disease, as in so many wars before the second 
half of the 20"'' Century, claimed more lives than weaponry ).''^ 

In the manner followed by the other combatant nations, the Americans 
realized early on the necessity to register and care for their war dead. The 
American Graves Registration Service, organized in May of 1917, was 
charged with the "sacred obligation, made by the War Department to the 
people of the United States, that the graves of American dead should be 
perpetually honored and cared for."-^-^ This the GRS endeavored to do, 
despite logistical and other difficulties at times greater than those of other 
countries engaged in the conflict, many of these arising from the great dis- 
tance and transoceanic separation of America from its European battle- 
fields. Identification of bodies and the creation of initial battlefield ceme- 
teries (see Fig. 8) proceeded up until and for some time beyond the 
Armistice (November 11, 1918) which officially ended hostilities. 

Shortly after the Armistice, the GRS began the process of consolidat- 
ing isolated burials and smaller battlefield cemeteries into a number of 
larger sites within key campaign areas, a practice which would continue 
into the early 1920s when the responsibility for such activities would be 
vested in the newly created American Battle Monuments Commission 
(ABMC). One of the first of these consolidated cemeteries to undergo con- 
struction - The Meuse-Argonne American Cemetery, near the village of 
Romagne-Gesnes, France - would ultimately become what is to this day, 
with 14,246 burials, the largest American military cemetery in Europe.'^'^ 
Its creation mirrors in many respects that of the other World War I 
American military cemeteries on the Western Front, and there lives today. 



Richard E. Meyer 



219 



in Portland, Oregon, a 103-year old American veteran of The Great War 
who can recall in fine detail the events which unfolded about him in those 
days of early 1919. Howard Ramsey (Figs. 26a and 26b), a member of the 
Motor Transport Corps during the war, received orders following the 
Armistice to join the forces engaged in the construction of the Meuse- 
Argonne Cemetery. There, working with others of his unit, and in con- 
junction with black soldiers assigned to the task of digging up and 
reburying the remains,-^'* he drove the trucks which carried bodies from 
the scattered battlefield burial sites to the new cemetery. In a May 11 let- 
ter addressed to his mother and family, Ramsey described both the under- 
lying philosophy of the new cemeteries and the nature of his work there: 

During the war men were buried in small quickly made 
and rough cenieteries or out on the field. This was the best that 
these men could receive during the stress of battle. But now 
that the war is over these men are being put in a more fitting 
resting place. And that is partly our job. This is a large camp 
consisting mostly of truck companies and Negro regiments. 




Figs. 26a and 26b. Howard Ramsey in 1918 and today. 



220 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



We drive the trucks around in the different areas and the 
Negroes dig up the bodies and load them in the trucks and we 
drive them in. 

Some days we are thru at three in the afternoon and other 
days at 10 at night. 

There are to be 25,000 men buried here and we have about 
15,000 more to bring in. And now we will average about 500 a 
day. 

I won't write any more or go into detail about this work as 
it's something a woman wouldn't enjoy.^^ 

The stepped-up level of activity Ramsey refers to in his letter was 
owing to the imminent visit of General John J. Pershing, Commander-in- 
Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, who was scheduled to arrive 
on Memorial Day, May 30, to preside at the official dedication of the ceme- 
tery. In another letter to his family, written the day after the visit, he men- 
tions this event: 

Gen'l Pershing reviewed the camp and cemetery here yes- 
terday. Memorial Day. We had to work in the morning hauling 
rock, and in the afternoon the rest of the company marched out 
to hear Pershing speak. I didn't have to go. 

The cemetery is really pretty now with all the crosses 
slicked up clean and nice. Monday we go hauling dead again. 

Though there may have been moments in the many years to follow when 
Howard Ramsey regretted not seizing the opportunity to hear in person a 
speech by one of the greatest leaders in American military history, one can 
hardly question his decision at the time: given the choice of a spit and pol- 
ish formation and standing in the sun to hear a general speak, or a few 
hours of precious free time, what soldier would not choose the latter? But, 
fortunately for us, the beautiful appearance of the cemetery mentioned in 
his letter has been preserved in a photograph he took that day (Fig. 27). 

The Meuse-Argonne cemetery, along with the others established 
immediately after the war, would undergo an even more elaborate period 
of redesign and configuration in the 1920s, after the creation of the ABMC 
(March, 1923) and the concomitant poHtical, aesthetic, and economic deci- 
sions which would result in the sites we today see on the Western Front. 
An even more fundamental question had to be resolved first, as once 



Richard E. Meyer 



221 



again the debate between repatriation and foreign burial came to the fore. 
This debate was every bit as rancorous and emotion-laden as those which 
raged in France and Britain, though perhaps for different reasons and cer- 
tainly with an entirely separate set of logistical considerations which 
made the whole matter even more difficult, but the eventual result, as in 
France, was compromise.^*^ Families were given their choice, and in the 
end roughly 70 percent of the American War dead came home to rest in 
Arlington National Cemetery, in other National Cemeteries located upon 
American soil, or in private burial plots situated within cemeteries of all 
sorts scattered throughout the length and breadth of the nation.^^ Those 
who remained would become the permanent residents of the eight (six in 
France, one in Belgium, and one in England) American World War I ceme- 
teries found in Europe. 

America's Great War cemeteries range in size from quite large (Meuse- 
Argonne American Cemetery: 14,246 burials; ISOYi acres) to relatively 
small (Flanders Field American Cemetery: 368 burials; 6 acres),^^ and 
achieved their final aesthetic characteristics as the result of several 



^ ^ I I f i . i 




Fig. 27. Meuse-Argonne American Cemetery, Romagne-Gesnes, 
France, Memorial Day (May 30), 1919. Photo by Howard Ramsey. 



222 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 





Figs. 28a and 28b. Entrance gates of Suresnes American Cemetery 

(top), near Paris, France, and Flanders Field American Cemetery 

(bottom), Waregem, Belgium. The memorial chapels for each 

cemetery may be seen in the background. 



Richard E. Meyer 



223 



decades of careful and, in certain regards, politically motivated planning 
decisions carried out by the ABMC.^'^ 

If the key associative term for the typical Commonwealth Great War 
cemetery is "garden," then that for its American counterpart would 
undoubtedly be "park," a correspondence owing much to the conven- 
tions of grand cemetery design pioneered in the American Rural 
Cemetery Movement a century earlier.*" The sensation begins immediate- 
ly, as one approaches their entrances, dominated by elaborate and beauti- 
fully designed gates (Figs. 28a and 28b) which lead the visitor through 
avenues of symmetrically planted trees to the main graves areas and other 
features of the cemeteries. Within the grounds proper, one is particularly 
struck by three main elements of the constructed environment - the care- 
ful placement of patriotic monuments, with accompanying decorative 
plantings of proportionate scale (Fig. 29); the memorial chapels (see Figs. 
28a and 28b), constructed in either Classical or Gothic Revival style*^; and, 
of course, the perfectly patterned rows of gleaming white crosses (Fig. 30) 
set off against the green shadings of manicured lawns and the foliage of 




Fig. 29. Monument and plantings, St. Mihiel American Cemetery, 
Thiaucourt, France. 



224 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



surrounding trees. The overall effect is one of quiet dignity matched with 
a combination of cultured taste and implied wealth and power - precise- 
ly the qualities envisioned and sought after by those who originally 
designed these landscapes. Maintenance is continual, overseen by super- 
intendents whose residences adjoin each of the respective cemetery 
grounds. 

The gravemarkers themselves, fashioned of high grade white marble, 
are elegant in their simplicity, delicate cruciform shapes in the majority of 
instances, with Star of David configurations for those of Jewish faith. 
Inscriptional data is minimal: name, rank, unit designation, date of death, 
and home state or territory. Personalization of any sort is not included. 
Decorations for valor, however, are duly noted on the headstones, and 
markers of Medal of Honor winners are visually set apart by gold letter- 
ing, an incised gold star, and a notation of the award (Fig. 31). Consistent 
with the practice followed in the Great War cemeteries of all combatant 
nations, the graves of unknowns (Fig. 32) are specifically marked, in this 
instance with stones bearing the inscription "Here Rests In Honored 




tig. 30. The graves area, Aisne-Marne American Cemetery, 
near Chateau-Thierry, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



225 




Fig. 31. Gravemarker of Medal of Honor winner Thomas E. O'Shea 
(d. 29 September 1918), Somme American Cemetery, near Bony, France. 



226 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Fig. 32. Gravemarker for unknown American soldier, 
Meuse-Argonne American Cemetery, Romagne-Gesnes, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 227 



Glory An American Soldier Known But To God.'"*- The missing are com- 
memorated as well, in a manner similar to that of the Commonwealth, 
their names inscribed upon the interior wall faces of the memorial chapels 
(Fig. 33) found within the individual cemeteries, whose locations are in 
large part dictated by their relationship to major American battle sectors 
of the war. 

Although pilgrimage to these burial grounds by Americans was cer- 
tainly once common, most notably by veterans in the immediate post-war 
years and later in the government sponsored and organized visits by 
American Gold Star mothers and wives in the early 1930s,*^ the practice 
has virtually disappeared, with the focus shifting to the dramatic and 
more recently established World War II cemeteries such as those above 
Omaha Beach, near Bayeaux, France, principal site of the Normandy inva- 
sion, or on the outskirts of Luxembourg's capital city, burial place of 
General George S. Patton (and ca. 5,000 other American war dead from 
the Ardennes campaign). Whether this speaks most to the shorter memo- 
ries of Americans when compared to their European counterparts or, as is 
more likely, to the large-scale repatriations and the generally more mini- 
mal impact of the much smaller casualty figures upon American society, 
is at best a moot question. It is nonetheless a sad and somewhat discon- 
certing feeling to find oneself upon so many occasions the sole visitor to 
these stately and thought-provoking material testaments to the awful 
price paid by a people and a nation upon the brink of becoming a world 
power. 

Germany 

German casualties in The Great War surpassed those of any other 
nation, with 1,8000,000 soldiers killed at minimum estimate.*"* In 1918 
alone, she lost some 380,000 troops in battles along the Western Front, 
owing largely to the desperate offensives launched in a last-ditch effort to 
win the war."*^ As was the case with other combatant nations, Germany 
had to confront early on the problems associated with identification and 
burial of soldiers killed in combat, and, like them, the task was first han- 
dled by the military units themselves, with special officers in charge of 
graves (Grciberoffiziere) designated at divisional level to head units 
charged with these tasks."*^ Again, however, it was not until after war's 
end that serious attention was given to the need for permanent German 
military cemeteries upon the Western Front. In 1919, the Volksbund 



228 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




Fig. 33. Names of the missing, memorial chapel, Aisne-Marne 
American Military Cemetery, near Chateau-Thierry, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



229 



Deutsche Kriegsgriiherfiirsorge (VDK) was organized in Germany and 
assumed control of all activities associated with remembering the fallen, 
including the design and administration of war cemeteries. In point of 
fact, however, this latter function was not fully operational until as late as 
1966, for only then, in accordance with earlier provisions of the Treaty of 
Versailles, did the war cemeteries come fully under German control.'*^ In 
this and a number of other ways, Germany's options with regard to the 
care of her war dead were more severely limited than those of the other 
combatant nations. Defeated, demoralized, and dead broke, the country 
and its people often found themselves stranded in the emotionally treach- 
erous No Man's Land between the need to remember and the desire to 
forget. Repatriation, for one thing, never became the burning issue it had 
in other nations, and the vast majority of the German soldiers who fell on 
the Western and Eastern fronts have remained there to this day. And while 
individual soldiers, as we shall see, are indeed commemorated within the 
war cemeteries, a far greater emphasis is given to mass gravesites and col- 
lective monuments than in the military burial grounds of France, the 




Fig. 34. Graves against a forest-like background, Deutscher 

Soldatenfriedhof Romagne-sous-Montfaucon, 

near Romagne-sous-Montfaucon, France. 



230 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 




r*Sn*f ,_i,.'*a' ':-.>'-!''j.-..-l..y»*»%S'S«^^'.V2»^S3,» 




^ttrt 



Figs. 35a and 35b. Examples of the wide variation found in site 

and gravemarker design within German World War I military 

cemeteries: Deutscher Soldatenfriedhof Belleau, near 

Chateau-Thierry, France (top); Deutscher Soldatenfriedhof 

Fort de Malmaison, near Soissons, France (bottom). 



Richard E. Meyer 



231 



Commonwealth, and the United States. 

Despite its initial, and in some cases ongoing, difficulties, the VDK 
was largely successful in designing and constructing a series of visually 
distinctive and powerfully moving World War I cemeteries in all major 
battle areas of the Western Front. In all, 194 German cemeteries of The 
Great War are found in France, with a further 13 located in Belgium.**^ 
Additional graves are found upon occasion in community cemeteries, 
and, in a few rare instances, within the war cemeteries of other combatant 
nations. In both appearance and mood, these German war cemeteries are 
radically different from those of her former adversaries. 

We have noted previously the relationship of Commonwealth war ceme- 
tery design to the English garden, and, as well, that of the American sites to 
the park-like setting of the Rural Cemetery Movement. In Germany's Great 
War cemeteries, the corresponding referent is the forest - dark, somber, 
slightly forbidding perhaps, but powerfully dignified nonetheless, and 





Fig. 36. Flat, rectangular gravemarkers - an exception to 

standard practice - at Deutscher Soldatenfriedhof Langemarck, 

near Langemarck, Belgium. Many of the markers in this 

cemetery list two or more names. 



232 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



above all signifying a place of seriousness, sadness, and contemplation.^^ 
The effect is immediately achieved through the aesthetically symbiotic rela- 
tionship between foregrounded rows of dark gravemarkers set against a 
dense and even darker backdrop of tall, shade-producing trees, most gener- 
ally conifers or oaks (Fig. 34). Amazingly, this simple formula is employed 
with consistent success in a wide variety of configural settings (Figs. 35a and 
35b), for unlike the practices of other combatant nations there is no appar- 
ent attempt within the German military cemetery system at strict standard- 
ization in either site or gravemarker design. 

Indeed, the markers come in all manner of shapes, usually upright and 
variations of the cruciform configuration (Germany's own Iron Cross 
being a particular favorite), but sometimes - as at the huge Deutscher 
Soldatenfriedhof Langemarck in Belgium - rectangular and almost level 
with the ground (Fig. 36). Both stone and metal, each of widely varying 
types, are employed, and wide variation occurs in the lettering styles and 
the type of inscriptional data included on the marker, although the latter 




Fig. 37. Jewish soldier's grave, flanked by those of Christian comrades, 

both religion and military rank democratized by death: Deutscher 

Soldatenfriedhof Belleau, near Chateau-Thierry, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



233 




EIN UNBEKANNTER DEOTSCHER 
SOLDAT 



%./ 



■Si' '- 1 









«£.^ 



.v^i*^^ 



^i^ 



M. 






u^---5v 






iv>^^ 












Fig. 38. Gravemarker for unknown German soldier, Deutscher 
Soldatenfriedhof Breitenbach, near Breitenbach, France. 



234 



WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



is invariably minimal, often including only the name, branch of service, 
and death date. It is quite common to find two or more names inscribed 
upon a single marker. The graves of Jewish soldiers are apparent by their 
distinctively shaped and inscribed markers, and these stand in death's 
equality amidst those of their Christian comrades (Fig. 37). And, as we 
have seen in the case of all combatant nations, the graves of unknowns are 
also appropriately marked (Fig. 38). 

Because so many of the German war cemeteries contain mass as well 
as individual burials, special attention is given to the appropriate segre- 
gation and marking of such sites within the cemetery grounds (Fig. 39), 
and, following the practice of other combatant nations, great care is given 
to inscribing in some manner the names of those for whom no grave of 
any sort exists (Fig. 40). A great number of the cemeteries contain a small 
memorial chapel, and some even provide reception rooms with the 
appropriate facilities. 





Fig. 39. Marked area of mass burials surrounded by 

gravemarkers signifying individual burials, Deutscher 

Soldatenfriedhof Epinoville, Epinoville, France. 



Richard E. Meyer 



235 




/ 





Fig. 40. One of a series of large tablet monuments listing names 

of the missing, Deutscher Soldatenfriedhof Langemarck, 

near Langemarck, Belgium. 



236 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Germany has not forgotten its Great War dead. Visitors are almost 
always encountered, and a glance at any of the guest registers found near 
the entrance to each cemetery reveals the sizeable volume and frequency 
of such activity. In particular, Langemarck, like Douamont, Tyne Cot, and, 
to a more limited degree, Meuse-Argonne, is a magnet to this day for both 
the curious and the pilgrim. And though some may find in these settings 
a disquieting air of rigid sternness, the more frequent reaction is to the 
aura of quiet and dignified respect engendered by these silent groves of 
memory. 

Conclusion 

In establishing the permanent battlefield cemeteries of World War I, 
each of the major combatant nations who contested that narrow band of 
European soil once known as the Western Front sought to create spatial 
environments which reflected their collective response to the unprece- 
dented tragedy represented by the war. Youth, laughter, innocence - all 
these seemed distant memories now: in their place, a numbing sorrow, 
and, most assuredly, an almost desperate need to believe that all this sac- 
rifice had not been without some meaning. The essence of that meaning - 
the sanctity of death in the service of a noble and worthwhile cause, and 
the debt of remembrance owed by a grateful nation - is what these com- 
plexes of cemeteries, each in their own manner, seek to communicate. We 
have dwelt on the differences here, but on a larger scale they are really 
quite the same, these rows of precisely aligned headstones which represent 
the last parade and formation of the soldiers which lie beneath them. To 
stroll amongst these myriad crosses and tablets is indeed a most profound 
and sobering experience. No matter the language, slowly, by increments, 
they convey to us a clear and distressing sense of what the poet Wilfred 
Owen meant by his phrase, "the pity of war" - stone upon stone, name 
upon name, the pathetic chronicle of a generation squandered. One strug- 
gles, perhaps, to believe the message the builders of these sites hoped to 
convey - that it all really did have some meaning - but the unrelenting 
story of waste and destruction told here is at times overwhelming, and we 
are left humbled in the presence of so many material reminders of the ter- 
rible human void created in the pursuance of a war which settled nothing, 
and indeed merely laid the foundations for the next great conflict. 

This essay began with poetry, and so it shall end, for if war is a grim 
representation of humanity's capacity for destruction, than surely poetry 



Richard E. Meyer 237 



is an emblem of our higher nature and our ongoing search for what the 
great Romantic poet John Keats called "Truth and Beauty." Not long 
before he went over the top to die on July 1, 1916, the first day of the Battle 
of the Somme, a young British poet named John William Streets com- 
posed these lines, with their haunting description of an early battlefield 
cemetery and their prophetic vision of its legacy in the years to come: 

Behind that long and lonely trenched line 

To which men come and go, where brave men die. 

There is a yet unmarked and unknown shrine, 

A broken plot, a soldier's cemetery. 

There lie the flower of youth, the men who scorn' d 

To live (so died) when languished liberty: 

Across their graves flowerless and unadorned 

Still scream the shells of each artillery. 

When war shall cease, this lonely unknown spot 

Of many a pilgrimage will be the end. 

And flowers will shine in this now barren plot 

And fame upon it through the years descend: 

But many a heart upon each simple cross 

Will hang the grief, the memory of its loss.^° 



NOTES 

Except as otherwise noted, all photos in this essay are by the author, who wishes to espe- 
cially thank his wife, Lotte Larsen Meyer, for her constant companionship and inspiration 
throughout the long process which has brought this work to fruition. I wish to dedicate this 
essay to Mr. Howard Ramsey of Portland, Oregon, who more than eighty years ago not only 
fought in The Great War as a member of the American Expeditionary Forces (A.E.F.) but also 
participated following the war in the construction of the Meuse-Argonne American 
Cemetery, the largest American military cemetery in Europe. 

1. In Poems of The Great War, ed. J.W. CunUffe (New York, NY, 1918), 21-22. Binyon's poem, 
written ordy weeks after The Great War's inception, provided solace to many grieving 
families for years to come, and the lines here quoted were often chosen by parents and 
wives as the inscription to be placed at the base of the headstones found in the military 
cemeteries established upon French and Belgian soil after the war by the Imperial War 
Graves Commission; see Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford, 
England, 1975), 56. 

2. Even as the war itself marked in many ways the threshold of modernity, the name 
given to it by its contemporaries indicates both its kinship to the type of naming prac- 



238 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



tices utilized in former conflicts and its implicit recognition that this particular confla- 
gration was unprecedented in history. The terms World War I and The First World War 
would not come into conimon use until several decades later, and only then as a means 
of differentiating it from its literal descendant, World War II, wherein lies the cruel 
irony implicit in another of the names once given to The Great War - "The War To End 
All Wars." 

3. There is not - and never can be - concurrence on the exact number of these casualties, 
nor on the totals assigned to individual combatant nations. By any account they are 
staggering. Martin Gilbert, in his The First World War: A Complete Historif (New York, 
NY, 1994), 541, sets the minimum figure for total war dead at 8,600,000, which should 
suffice to make the point. A number of excellent studies chronicle the daily horrors of 
trench warfare: three which I have found particularly useful over the years are John 
Ellis, Eye-Deep in Hell: Trench Warfare in World War I (Baltimore, MD, 1976); Eric J. Leed, 
No Man's Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge, England, 1979); and 
Denis Winter, Death's Men: Soldiers of The Great War (London, England, 1979). Two 
works which competently address the role of new technologies in The Great War are 
William Moore, Gas Attack!: Chemical Warfare, 1915-18 and Afterwards (London, England, 
1987); and Hubert C. Johnson, Break-Through!: Tactics, Technology, and the Search for 
Victory on the Western Front in World War I (Novato, CA, 1994). In addition to Martin 
Gilbert's work cited above, another recent general survey of the war worth consulting 
is Jay Winter and Blaine Bassett, The Great War and the Shaping of the 20th Century (New 
York, NY, 1996), companion volume to the excellent 1996 public television series of the 
same name. 

4. Leslie Coulson, "The Rainbow," in From an Outpost (London, England, 1917). 

5. Soldiers of other combatant nations are, of course, buried on the Western Front as well, 
sometimes in special sections of the major combatant's cemeteries or in municipal bur- 
ial grounds. A Portuguese World War I military cemetery, containing some 1,800 buri- 
als, is located near the village of La Bassee, France. 

6. See Gilbert, The First World War, 541: also Annette Becker, "From Death to Memory: The 
National Ossuaries in France after The Great War," History and Memory 5:2 (1993), 32; 
Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mournhig: The Great War hi European Cultural History 
(Cambridge, England, 1995), 26; and Jean-Jacques Becker, The Great War and the French 
People, trans. Arnold Pomerans (Oxford, England, 1985), 330. 

7. Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning, 24. 

8. Two recent imaginative works which recreate the difficult and often harrowing task of 
recovering and identifying the bodies of fallen soldiers after war's end are Bertrand 
Tavernier's 1989 film. La vie et rien d'autre ("Life and Nothing But"), and Sebastien 
Japrisot's 1991 novel, Un long dimanche de fianqailles ("A Very Long Engagement"). On 
the various controversies surrounding the issues of cemetery consolidation and repa- 
triation of bodies, see Daniel J. Sherman, The Construction of Memory hi Intenvar France 
(Chicago, IL, 1999), 71-83; also Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning, 23-27. 

9. Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning, 26. 



Richard E. Meyer 239 



10. Tonie and Valmai Holt, Battlefields of the First World War: A Traveler's Guide (London, 
England, 1993), 179. 

11. There is no variation to this statement, and no other sentiments are allowed. In contrast, 
private memorials for fallen soldiers in community cemeteries show many variations 
of the "Mort Pour La France" formula - "Mort Pour La Patrie," "Mort Au De Champs 
D'Honneur," - as well as personal sentiments from family and even friends. 

12. For excellent discussions of the ossuaries, their conception, design, and continuing 
function, see Becker, "From Death to Memory," 32-49; and Sherman, The Construction of 
Memorx/ in Interwar France, 81-94. 

13. To gain an understanding of the historical events which made Verdun to the French 
what the Alamo is to Texans, see Alastair Home, The Price of Glory: Verdun 1916 
(London, England, 1962). 

14. For the total figures, broken down by Britain and her various Imperial forces, see 
Gilbert, The First World War, 541. Many excellent accounts of the First Day of the Somme 
exist: see, for example, Martin Middlebrook, The First Day on the Somme: 1 July 1916 
(London, England, 1971); Chris McCarthy, The Somme: The Day-by-Day Account 
(London, England, 1993); and Lyn Macdonald, Somme (London, England, 1983). 

15. A number of detailed and reliable examinations of this evolving process are available. 
See, in particular, Philip Longworth, The Unending Vigil: A History of the Commonwealth 
War Graves Commission, 1917-1984 (London, England, 1967); and Edwin Gibson and G. 
Kingsley Ward, Courage Remembered: The Story Behind the Construction and Maintenance 
of the Commonwealth's Military Cemeteries and Memorials of the Wars of 1914-1918 and 
1939-1945 (London, England, 1995), the latter also important for its descriptions of 
many of the most important sites. An enormously useful and thoroughly comprehen- 
sive listing, filled with maps, directions, excellent black and white photographs, and 
detailed site-by-site burial statistics is Sidney C. Hurst's compilation. The Silent Cities: 
An Illustrated Guide to the War Cemeteries and Memorials to the 'Missing' in France and 
Flanders, 1914-1918 (London, England, 1929; reprint 1993). A number of recently pub- 
lished battlefield guides are also very helpful in this latter regard: see, in particular, the 
"walking guide" series put out by the London publishing firm of Leo Cooper (e.g., Paul 
Reed's Walking the Somme: A Walker's Guide to the 1916 Somme Battlefields (1997) and 
Walking the Salient: A Walker's Guide to the Ypres Salient (1999); also Holt and Holt, 
Battlefields of the First World War: A Traveler's Guide; and Rose E.B. Coombs, Before 
Endeavours Fade: A Guide to the Battlefields of the First World War (London, England, 
1994). 

16. On Ware and his efforts, see Longworth, The Unending Vigil, 1-28; and passim. 

17. Gibson and Ward, Courage Remembered, 47. 

18. See Longworth, The Unending Vigil, 359-407. 

19. At the time of The Great War, Newfoundland was politically still a separate dominion: 
only in 1949 would it become a province of Canada. The decimation of the Royal 



240 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Newfoundland Regiment during the Battle of the Somme in 1916 is one of the many 
tragic stories of the war, and a visit to Beaumont-Hamel Memorial Park, site of the 
Regiment's battle lines, is a profoundly moving experience. 

20. Rupert Brooke, The Poetical Works, ed. Geoffrey Keynes (London, England, 1946). 

21. On the relationship of the Commonwealth war cemeteries to horticulture and the 
notion of the English garden, see John Keegan, "There's Rosemary for Remembrance," 
The American Scholar 66:3 (1997), 335-348; also Paul Gough, " Conifers and 
Commemoration: The Politics and Protocol of Planting," Landscape Research 21:1 (1996), 

73-87. 

22. These are usually defined as 40 burials for a Cross of Sacrifice (size of the Cross may 
also vary depending upon the number of burials) and 400 burials for a Stone of 
Remembrance: see Gibson and Ward, Courage Remembered, 53. 

23. For information on the political and aesthetic considerations leading to the adoption of 
these two powerful symbolic elements, see Longworth, The Unending Vigil, 36-37; 67- 
68; and passim: also Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning, 92; and Gibson and Ward, 
Courage Remembered, 52-54. 

24. These replaced the earlier wooden crosses erected in the battlefield cemeteries during 
the war. Many of the original crosses (unlike the bodies resting beneath them) were 
repatriated to the home countries, where they often became important elements in per- 
sonal or community memorials. 

25. As in other matters, enormous controversy raged over the consideration to allow this 
element of personalization, with the government ultimately granting the practice as a 
concession to the enormous grief and loss suffered by individual families. The inscrip- 
tion seen on Wilfred Owen's marker (Fig. 20) is a quote from one of his youthful poems 
which was chosen by his mother: it would certainly not have pleased the poet, as it rep- 
resents a stage of naive juvenile composition he had long since surpassed. 

26. These are the only religious figural devices found: upon request, stones could feature 
neither. 

27. Quoted in Longworth, The Unending Vigil, 54. 

28. Much has been written on these massive and sobering memorials. See, in particular, 
Gibson and Ward, Courage Remembered, 156, 160-161; also Longworth, The Uiiending 
Vigil, 95-96, 101-106; and Holt and Holt, Battlefields of the First World War: A Traveler's 
Guide, 78, 99-101. 

29. An excellent account of the history of Great War battlefield pilgrimage by 
Commonwealth citizens is contained in David W. Lloyd, Battlefield Tourism: Pilgrimage 
and the Commemoration of the Great War in Britain, Australia, and Canada, 1919-1939 
(Oxford, England, 1998). 



Richard E. Meyer 241 



30. Many first rate treatments of America's participation in World War I are currently avail- 
able. Three highly recommended recent works are Byron Farwell, Over There: The 
United States in The Great War, 1917-1918 (New York, NY, 1999); Gary Mead, The 
Doiighhoi/s: America and the First Worhi Wnr (Woodstock, NY, 2000); and, with particular 
emphasis upon home front issues, Merion and Susie Harries, The Last Days of Innocence: 
America at War, 1917-1918 (New York, NY, 1997). 

31. Farwell, Over There, 265. 

32. Quoted in "'A Grave Diggin' Feelin' in my Heart': American War Dead of World War 
I," Chapter 5 of Optimism at Armageddon: Voices of American Participants in the First World 
War (New York, NY, 1997), 178. 

33. For statistical and historical information on Meuse-Argonne and the other World War 
I (as well as WWII) military cemeteries in Europe, see Elizabeth Nishiura, ed., American 
Battle Monuments: A Guide to Military Cemeteries and Monuments Maintained by the 
American Battle Monuments Commission (Detroit, MI, 1989); and Dean W. Holt, American 
Military Cemeteries: A Comprehensive Guide to the Hallowed Grounds of the United States, 
Including Cemeteries Overseas (Jefferson, NC, 1992). 

34. The role of black soldiers in this emotionally and physically difficult task has yet to be 
fully explored: Meigs, "'A Grave Diggin' Feelin' in my Heart'," touches upon it briefly, 
and it receives some attention in Arthur E. Barbeau and Horette C. Henri, The Unknown 
Soldiers: African- American Troops in World War I (New York, NY, 1966), but none of the 
major surveys of the war, even those specifically dealing with the United States, pro- 
vides any significant discussion of the issue. 

35. I am most grateful to Mr. Ramsey for sharing with me this and other personal materi- 
al relating to his wartime experiences. 

36. On the progress and results of the debate over repatriation, see C. Kurt Piehler, 
Remembering War the American Way (Washington, D.C., 1995), 95-98: also Ron Robin, "'A 
Foothold in Europe': The Aesthetics and Politics of American War Cemeteries in 
Western Europe," Journal of American Studies 19:1 (1995), 56-57; and Meigs, "'A Grave 
Diggin' Feelin' in My Heart'," 180-181. 

37. Piehler, Remembering War the American Way, 97. 

38. Nishiura, American Battle Monuments, 55-72; 17-28. 

39. Much has been written on the work and motivations of the ABMC during this period, 
perhaps the best of which is represented by Robin, "'A Foothold in Europe'," 55-72. See 
also Elizabeth G. Grossman, "Architecture for a Public Client: The Monuments and 
Chapels of The American Battle Monuments Commission," Journal of the Society of 
Architectural Historians 43 (1984), 119-143. 

40. On the landscape and monument characteristics of the Rural Cemetery Movement, see, 
in particular, Barbara Rotundo, " Mount Auburn Cemetery: A Proper Boston 
Institution," Harvard Library Bulletin 22:3 (1974), 268-279; Stanley French, "The 



242 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Cemetery as Cultural Institution: The Establishment of Mount Auburn and the Rural 
Cemetery Movement," American Quarterly 26 (1974), 37-59; and Blanche Linden-Ward, 
Silent City on a Hill: Landscapes of Memory and Boston's Mount Auburn Cemetery 
(Columbus, OH, 1989). 

41. For a discussion of Classical and Gothic Revival style architecture and its impact upon 
American cemetery design, see Peggy McDowell and Richard E. Meyer, The Revival 
Styles in American Memorial Art (Bowling Green, OH, 1994). 

42. The inscription is identical to that carved upon the face of The Tomb Of The Unknown 
Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery. 

43. In World War 1, and subsequently, the Gold Star, displayed in windows and other 
appropriate settings, indicated a family member (or, in other circumstances, an 
employee, alumnus, etc.) lost in the war. For a discussion of the pilgrimages of Gold 
Star mothers and wives , see G. Kurt Piehler, "The War Dead and the Gold Star: 
American Commemoration of the First World War," in Connnemoratious: The Politics of 
National Identity, ed. John R. Gillis (Princeton, NJ, 1994), 168-185; also William Stevens 
Prince, Crusade & Pilgrimage: A Soldier's Death, A Mother's Journey, & A Grandson's Quest 
(Portland, OR, 1986). An exceptionally thoroughgoing analysis of the pilgrimages was 
provided by Lotte Larsen in a conference paper entitled "Cemetery Pilgrimage: 
American Women Travel Overseas in the 1930s to Mourn WWI Dead," presented at the 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, April 19-22, 2000, in New 
Orleans, Louisiana. 

44. Gilbert, The First World War, 541. 

45. Laurence V. Moyer, Victory Must Be Ours: Germany in The Great War, 1914-1918 (New 
York, NY, 1995), 292. This recent work is an excellent resource for all matters pertaining 
to Germany's role in the war. 

46. George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York, NY, 
1990), 81. Largely centered upon German commemorative efforts following each of the 
world wars, this work is an excellent source for information on war memorials, ceme- 
teries, and other memorial devices and practices. 

47. Ibid., 82. 

48. Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgraberfiirsorge, Kriegsgrdberfiirsorge: Stimme itnd Weg 
(Kassel, Germany, n.d.), 30-31. 

49. These settings are undoubtedly strongly related to the German homefront practice of 
establishing Heldenhaine, or "Hero's Groves," specifically planted groves of dark trees 
which functioned as surrogate military graveyards, with trees taking the place of rows 
of actual graves. See Mosse, Fallen Soldiers, 87. 

50. John William Streets, "A Soldier's Cemetery," in The Undying Splendour (London, 
England, 1917). 



Richard E. Meyer 243 



APPENDIX 

Selected Sources on the Military Cemeteries and War Memorials 
of World War I Combatant Nations 

The following is restricted to relatively recent secondary source materials 
on this subject. Much important earlier material exists as well, including 
a number of documents issued by such official bodies as the American 
Battle Monuments Commission, the Commonwealth (formerly Imperial) 
War Graves Commission, the Secretariat D'Etat Charges des Anciens 
Combattants et des Victimes de Guerre, and the Volksbund Deutsche 
Kriegsgriiberfiirsorge. Of particular interest are the famous Michelin guides 
to the World War I battlefields, issued in both French and English ver- 
sions, which appeared shortly after the war and document a number of 
original battlefield cemeteries. 



Abbal, Odon. Les monuments aux morts de I'Hemult, 1914-1918. Montpellier, France: 
Universite Oaul Valery, 1998. 

Armanski, Gerhard. "Und wenn wir sterben miissen": Die Politiscbe Aesthetik von 
Kriegerdenkmdlern. Hamburg, Germany: VSA-Verlag, 1988. 

Bartlett, J., and Ellis, K.M. "Remembering the Dead in Northrup: First World War Memorials 
in a Welsh Parish." Journal of Contempormy History 34:2 (1999): 231-242. 

Beale, Helen E. "Women and First World War Memorials in Aries and la Provence mistrali- 
enne." Modern and Contemporary France 7:1 (1999): 209ff. 

Becker, Annette. "From Death to Memory: The National Ossuaries in France After the Great 
War." Histonj and Memory 5:2 (1993): 32-49. 

. La guerre et la foi: de la mort a la memoire. Paris, France: Armand Colin, 1994. 



. Les monuments aux morts: patrimoine et memoire de la grand guerre. Paris, France: 

Editions Errance, 1989. 

. "War Memorials: France's Tribute to Its Great War Dead." Histoire 225 (1998): 50- 



53. 

Bennett, James R. "From Patriotism to Peace: The Humanization of War Memorials." The 
Humanist 58:5 (1998): 5-9. 

Berger, U. "Tmmer war die Plastik die Kunst nach dem Kriege': Zur RoUe der Bildhauerei 
bei der Kriegerdenkmalproduktion in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik." In Die Letzen 



244 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Tage der Menscheit: Bilder des Ersten Weltkrieges. Edited by Rainer Rother. Berlin, 
Germany: Das Historische Museum, 1994, pp. 423-434. 

Bertrand, Albert. Le souvenir Meusien. Bar-le-Duc, France: Les Dossiers Documentaires 
Meusiens, 1994. 

Bodnar, John. Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the 
Twentieth Centunj. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992. 

Boorman, Derek. At the Going Down of the Sun: British First World War Memorials. York, 
England: William Sessions, 1988. 

Booth, Allyson. Postcards From the Trenches: Negotiating the Space Between Modernism and the 
First World War. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996. 

Borg, Alan. War Memorials from Aiitiquity to the Present. London, England: Leo Cooper, 1991. 

Bouillon, Jacques, and Petzold, Michel. Memoire figee, memoire viva}ite: le monuments aux 
)uorts. Chareton-le-Pont, France: Citedis, 1999. 

Bourdin, Gerard. Les monuments aux morts dans L'Orne: pour le deuil on pour V example? ".Flers, 
France: Pays Bas-Normand, 1992. 

Brandt, Susanne. "The Memory Makers: Museums and Exhibitions of the First World War." 
History and Memory 6:1 (1994): 95-122. 

. "Le voyage aux champs de battaile." Vingtieme Siecle Revue d'histoire 41 (1994): 



18-22. 

Busscher, Jean-Marie. Lesfoiles de I' Industrie. Brussels, Belgium: Archives d'architecture mod- 
erne, 1981. 

Bushaway, Bob. "Name Upon Name: The Great War and Remembrance." In Myths of the 
English. Edited by Roy Porter. Cambridge, England: PoUty, 1982, pp. 136-167. 

Cannadine, David. "War, Death, Grief and Mourning in Modern Britain." In Mirrors of 
Mortality: Studies in the Social Histoiy of Death. Edited by Joachim Whaley London, 
England: Europa, 1981, pp. 101-164. 

Carlier, Claude. "Un lieu di memoire: la necropole nationale di Notre-Dame-de-Lorette." 

Historiens et Geographes 89:364 (1999): 140-144. 

Castellano, Sissi. "Sir Edwin Lutyens and the Cemeteries of the Great War in Northern 
Europe: The Silent Cities." Casabella 64:675 (2000): 6-27; 90-91. 

Clout, Hugh. After the Ruins: Restoring the Countryside of Northern France After the Great War. 
Exeter, England: University of Exeter Press, 1996. 

Coombs, Rose E.B. Before Endeavours Fade: A Guide to the Battlefields of the First World War. 
London, England: After the Battle, 1994. 



Richard E. Meyer 245 



Copp, Terry. A Canadian's Guide to the Battlefields of North-West Europe. Waterloo, Canada: 
Laurier Centre, 1995. 

Daines, Brian. "'Ours the Sorrow, Ours the Loss': Psychoanalytic Understandings of the Role 
of World War I Memorials in the Mourning Process." Psychoanalytic Studies 2:3 (2000): 
291-308. 

Davies, Jon. "War Memorials." In The Sociology of Death: Theory, Culture, Practice. Edited by 
David Clark. Oxford, England: Blackwell Publishers, 1993, pp. 112-128. 

Dobison, C.S. "Monuments of War: Defining England's 20*-Century Defence Heritage." 

Antiquity 71 (1997): 288-299. 

Dogliani, Patricia. "Les monuments aux morts de la grande guerre en Italie." Guerres mondi- 
ales et conflits contemporains 167 (1992): 87-94. 

Dyer, Geoff. The Missing of the Somme. London, England: Penguin, 1995. 

Ekins, Ashley K. A Guide to the Battlefields, Cemeteries and Memorials of the Gallipoli Peninsula. 
Canberra, AustraUa: Australian War Memorial, 1998. 

Gaber, Stephane. Memoire de la grande guerre en Lorraine. Metz, France: Serpenoise, 1998. 

Garfield, John. The Fallen: A Photographic Journei/ Through the War Cemeteries and Memorials of 
the Great War, 1914-1918. London, England: Leo Cooper, 1990. 

Gaffney, Angela. Aftermath: Remembering the Great War in Wales. Cardiff, Wales: University of 
Wales Press, 1998. 

. "Monuments and Memory: The Great War." In Consuming the Past: History and 

Heritage. Edited by J. Arnold, K. Davies, and S. Ditchfield. Shaftesbury, England: 
Donhead, 1998, pp. 79-90. 



Gavaghan, Michael. The Story of the Unknown Warrior, H"' November 1920. Preston, England: 
M and L Publications, 1995. 

Gibson, Edwin, and Ward, G. Kingsley. Courage Remembered: The Story Behind the Construction 
and Maintenance of the Commonwealth's Military Cemeteries and Memorials of the Wars of 
1914-1918 and 1939-1945. London, England: HMSO, 1995. 

Giroud, Jean. Les monuments aux morts dans le Vaucluse. L'Isle-sur-Sorgue, France: Editions 
Scriba, 1991. 

Gough, Paul. "Conifers and Commemoration: The Politics and Protocol of Planting." 
Landscape Research 21:1 (1996): 73-87. 

Greenberg, Allan. "Lutyen's Cenotaph." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48 
(1989): 5-23. 



246 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Gregory, Adrain. The Silence of Memory: Armistice Day, 1919-1946. Oxford, England: Berg, 
1994. 

Grive-Santini, Catherine. Guide des cimitieres militaires en France. Paris, France: Cherche Midi, 
1999. 

Grossman, Elizabeth G. "Architecture for a Public Client: The Monuments and Chapels of 
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Gruber, E. "'... death is built into life!': War Memorials and War Monuments in the Weimar 
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GuIIace, Nicoletta F. "Memory, Memorials, and the Postwar Literary Experience: Traditional 
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235-243. 

Heffernan, Michael. "'For Ever England': The Western Front and the Politics of 
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Helias, Yves. Les monuments aux morts: Essai de semiologie du politque. Rennes, France: 
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Henderson, Beryl, ed. Monuments and Memorials. Sydney, Australia: Royal Australian 
Historical Society, 1988. 

Henry, Marilene Patten. Monumental Accusations: The Monuments aux Morts as Expressions of 
Popidar Resentment. London, England: Peter Lang, 1996. 

Holt, Dean W. American Military Cemeteries: A Comprehensive Illustrated Guide to the Halloioed 
Grounds of the United States, Including Cemeteries Overseas. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 
1992. 

Holt, Tonie and Valmai. Battlefields of the First World War: A Traveler's Guide. London, 
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Huebner, Michael. "Little Arlingtons." Relevance: The Quarterly Journal of the Great War Society 
9:1 (2000): 14. 

Huret, Joel. Ee saillant de Saint-Mihiel, 1914-1918: sites et monuments de la region de Pont-a- 
Mousson et d' Apireinont-la-Foret . Metz, France: Serpenoise, 1997. 

Hurst, Sidney C, comp. The Silent Cities: An Illustrated Guide to the War Cemeteries and 
Memorials to the 'Missing' in France and Flanders, 1914-1918, Containing 959 Illustrations 
and 31 Maps. London, England: Methuen, 1929. Reprint London, England: The Naval 
and Military Press, 1993. 

Ignatieff, M. "Soviet War Memorials." History Worlcshop 17 (1984): 157-163. 



Richard E. Meyer 247 



Inglis, Ken. "Entombing Unknown Soldiers: From London and Paris to Baghdad." History 
and Memory 5:2 (1993): 7-31. 

. "The Homecoming: The War Memorial Movement in Cambridge, England." 



Journal of Contemporary History 27 (1992): 583-606. 

. "Memorials of the Great War." Australian Cultural History 6 (1987): 5-17. 

. "Men, Women and War Memorials: Anzac Australia." Daedalus 116:4 (1989): 35- 



59. 



■'A Sacred Place: The Making of the Australian War Memorial." War and Society 



3 (1985): 99-125. 



. Sacred Places: War Memorials in the Australian Landscape. Carlton, Australia: 

Miegunyah Press at Melbourne University Press, 1998. 

. "War Memorials: Ten Questions for Historians." Guerres mondiales et conflits con- 



temporains 167 (1992): 5-22. 

. "World War One Memorials in Australia." Guerres mondiales et conflits contempo- 

rains 167 (1992): 51-58. 

Inglis, Ken, and Phillips, Jock. "War Memorials in Australia and New Zealand: A 
Comparative Survey." In Packaging the Past?: Public Histories, Edited by J. Rickard and 
P Spearritt. Special edition oi Australian Historical Studies 24 (1991): 179-191. 

Jennings, Eric T. "Monuments to Frenchness?: The Memory of the Great War and the Politics 
of Guadeloupe's Identity, 1914-1945." French Historical Studies IVA (1998): 561-593. 

Kavanagh, Gaynor. "Museum as Memorial: The Origins of the Imperial War Museum." 
Journal of Contemporary Histonj 23 (1988): 77-97. 

Keegan, John. "There's Rosemary for Remembrance." The American Scholar 66:3 (1997): 335- 
348. 

Kidd, Wilham. Les monuments aux marts Mosellans: de 1870 a nos jours. Metz, France: 
Serpenoise, 1999. 

King, Alex. "The Archives of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission." History 
Workshop Journal 47 (1999): 253-259. 

. Memorials of the Great War in Britain: The Symbolism and Politics of Remembrance. 



Oxford, England: Berg, 1998. 

Kollwitz, Kathe, Fischer, Hanelore, and Bollenbeck, Karl Joseph. Kdthe Kollwitz: Die 
Trauernden Eltern: Ein Mahnmal fiir den Frieden. Koln, Germany: DuMont, 1999. 



248 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Kosseleck, Reinhart. " Kriegerdenkmale als Identitadtsstiftungen der Uberlebenden." In 
Identitcit. Edited by Odo Marquard and Karlheinz Stierle. Munich, Germany: Wilhelm 
Fink Verlag, 1979, pp. 237-276. 

. "Monuments to Soldiers Who Died in Combat: The Dead as Creators of the 



Identity of the Survivors." Revue de Metaplnjsiqiie et de Moi'ale 1 (1998): 33-61. 

Laffin, John. Guide to Australiivi Battlefields of the Western Front, 1916-1918. 2"'^ Edition. 
Kenthurst, Australia: Kangaroo Press, 1994. 

. We Will Remember Them: Australian Epitaphs of World War I. Kenthurst, Australia: 



Kangaroo Press, 1995. 

Langille, Christine A. "Laments of War: The Role of War Memorials in American Culture." 
Master's Thesis, University of Wyoming, 1999. 

Laquer, Thomas W. "Memory and Naming in the Great War." In Commemorations: The Politics 
of National Identiti/. Edited By John R. Gillis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 
1994, pp. 150-167. 

LeMaistre, Susan. Memoriaux aux Canadiens morts a la guerre. Ottawa, Canada: Public Affairs 
Division, Veterans Affairs Canada, 1985. 

Lloyd, David. W. Battlefield Tourism: Pilgrimage and the Commemoration of the Great War in 
Britain, Australia and Canada. 1919-1939. Oxford, England: Berg, 1998. 

Longworth, Philip. The Unending Vigil: A History of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, 
1917-1967. London, England: Leo Cooper, 1985. 

Luirard, Monique. La France et se morts: les monuments commemoratifs dans la Loire. St. Etienne, 
France: Universite de St. Etienne, 1977. 

Meinhold Lurz. Kriegerdenkmdler in Detitschand. Vol. 3, Der 1. Weltkrieg; Vol 4, Weimarer 
Republik. Heidelberg, Germaiiy: Esprint, 1985. 

Maclean, Chris, and Phillips, Jock. TJie Sorrow and tJie Pride: Neio Zealand War Memorials. 
Wellington New Zealand: Historical Branch/GP Books, 1990. 

Malvern, Sue. "Memorializing the Great War: Stanley Spencer at Burghclere." Art Histoiy 
23:2 (2000): 182-204. 

Mansfield, N. "Class Conflict and Village War Memorials." Rural History 6:1 (1995): 67-87. 

Marby, Jean-Pierre. "Les monuments Ardennais aux morts de la grand guerre." Revue his- 
toriqne Ardcnnaisc 22 (1987): 137-153. 

Mayo, James M. War Memorials as Political Landscape: The American Experience and Beyond. 
New York, NY: Praeger, 1988. 

. "War Memorials as Political Memory." The Geographical Review 78 (1988): 62-75. 



Richard E. Meyer 249 



Mclntyre, Colin. Monuments of War: How to Read a War Memorial. London, England: Robert 
Hale, 1990. 

McKernan, Michael. Here is Their Spirit: A History of the Australian War Memorial, 1917-1990. 
St. Lucia, Australia: University of Queensland Press, 199L 

Meigs, Mark. "' A Grave Diggin' Feelin' in My Heart': American War Dead of World War I." 
Chapter 5 of Optimism at Armageddon: Voices of American Participants in the First World 
War. New^ York, NY: New York University Press, 1997, pp. 143-187; 241-245. 

. "Le mort et ses enjeux: I'utilisation des corps des soldats americains lors de la 

premiere guerre mondiale." Guerres mondiales et conflis contemporains 175 (1994): 135- 
146. 



Middlebrook, Martin and Mary. The Some Battlefields: A Comprehensive Guide from Crecy to the 
Tiuo World Wars. London, England: Penguin, 1991. 

Moisan, Herve. Sentinelles de pierre: les monuments aux marts de la guerre de 1914-1918 dans la 
Nievre. Saint-Pourcain-sur Sioule, France: Bleu autour, 1999. 

Monteleone, Renato, and Sarasini, Pino. "I monumenti Italiani ai caduti della Grande 
Guerra." In La Grande Guerra: esperianza, memoria, immagini. Bologna, Italy: il Mulino, 
1986. 

Moriarty, Catherine. "The Absent Dead and Figurative First World War Memorials." 
Transactions of the Ancient Monuments Society 39 (1995): 8-40. 

. "Christian Iconography and First World War Memorials." Imperial War Museum 



Review 6 {1991): 63-75. 

. "The Material Culture of Great War Remembrance." Journal of Contemporary 

History 34:4 (1999): 653-662. 

. "Private Grief and Public Remembrance: British First World War Memorials." 



In War and Memory in the Tiventieth Century. Edited by Martin Evans and Ken Lunn. 
Oxford, England: Berg, 1997, pp. 125-142. 

. Sites of Memory: War Memorials at the end of the Twentieth Century. London, 



England: Imperial War Museum, 1997. 

Mosse, George L. Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars. New York, NY: 
Oxford University Press, 1990. 

. "National Cemeteries and National Revival: The Cult of Fallen Soldiers in 



Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 14 (1979): 1-20. 

Nicholson, Gerald W.L. 'We Will Remember. . .': Overseas Memorials to Canada's War Dead. 
Ottawa, Canada: Minister of Veterans Affairs for Canada, 1978. 



250 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Nishiura, Elizabeth, ed. American Battle Monuments: A Guide to Military Cemeteries and 
Monuments Maintained by the American Battle Monuments Commission. Detroit, MI: 
Omnigraphics, 1989. 

Nora, Pierre. "Between Memory and History: les lieux de memoire." Representations 26 
(1992): 7-25. 

Penny, Nicholas. "English Sculpture and the Eirst World War." Oxford Art Journal 4:2 (1981): 
36-42. 

Piehler, G. Kurt. Remembering War The American Way. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution Press, 1995. 

. "The War Dead and the Gold Star: American Commemoration of the Eirst 



World War." In Commemoratioiis: The Politics of National Identity. Edited by John R. Gillis. 
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994, pp. 168-185. 

Pierce, J. "Constructing Memory: The Vimy Memorial." Canadian Military History 1 (1992): 5- 
14. 

Porcher, Yves. "Le fouille des champs d'honneurL La sepultures et des soldats de 14-18." 
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Potter, C. "World War I Gold Star Mothers Pilgrimages, Pt. 1." Prologue: Quarterly of the 
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. "World War I Gold Star Mothers Pilgrimages, Pt. 2." Prologue Quarterly of the 



National Archives 31:3 (1999): 210-216. 

Poulson, C. "Galahad and War Memorial Imagery of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth 
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Prince, William Stevens. Crusade and Pilgrimage: A Soldier's Death, A Mother's Journey, & a 
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Probst, Volker G. BUder vom Tode: Eine Studie zum Deutschen Kriegerdenkmal in der Weimarer 
Republik am Beispiel des Pietd-Motives und seiner Profanierten Varianten. Hamburg, 
Germany: Wayasbah, 1986. 

Prost, Antoine. In The Wake of War: 'Les Anciens Combattants' and French Society, 1914-1939. 
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. "Memoires locales et memoires nationales: les monuments de 1014-1918 en 



France." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 167 (1992): 41-50. 
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1, La Republique. Paris, Erance: Gallimard, 1984, pp. 195-225. 
. "Verdun." In Les lieux de memoire. Edited by Pierre Nora. Vol. 2, La Nation. Paris, 



Erance: Gallimard, 1986, pp. 188-233. 



Richard E. Meyer 251 



Reed, Paul. Walking the Salient: A Walker's Guide to the Ypres Salient. London, England: Leo 
Cooper, 1999. 

. Walking the Somme: A Walker's Guide to the 1916 Somme Battlefields. London, 



England: Leo Cooper, 1997. 

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Rive, R, Becker, A., Pelletier, O., et al., eds. Monuments de memoire: les monuments aiix morts de 
la premie guerre mondiale. Paris, France: Mission permanente aux commemorations et a 
I'information historique, 1991. 

Robin, Ron. "Diplomatie et commemoration: les cimitieres militaires Americaines en 
France." Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 42:1 (1995): 126-141. 

. Enclaves of America: The Rhetoric of American Political Architecture Abroad, 1900- 



1965. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992. 
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Cemeteries in Western Europe." Journal of American Studies 29:1 (1995): 55-72. 

Roques, Remi. "Monuments aux morts du sud-est de la France." Provence historique 21 
(1981): 247-262. 

Scott, Michael. The Ypres Salient: A Guide to the Cemeteries and Memorials of the Salient. 
Norwich, England: Gliddon, 1992. 

Sherman, Daniel J. "Art, Commerce, and the Production of Memory in France After World 
War I." In Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity. Edited by John R. Gillis. 
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994, pp. 186-211. 

. "Bodies and Names: The Emergence of Commemoration in Interwar France." 



American Historical Review 103:2 (1998): 443-467. 
. The Construction of Memory in Interwar France. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago 



Press, 1999. 

. "Monuments, Mourning, and Masculinity in France After World War 1." Gender 

and History 8 (1996): 85ff. 

. "Objects of Memory: History and Narrative in French War Museums." French 

Historical Studies 19:1 (1995): 49-74. 

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NC Press, 1987. 

Stamp, Gavin. Silent Cities: An Exhibition of the Memorial and Cemetery Architecture of the Great 
War. London, England: Royal Institute of British Architects, 1977. 



252 WWI Battlefront Cemeteries 



Stanley, P. A Guide to the Australian War Memorials. Sydney, Australia, 1986. 

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Cambridge Archaeological Journal 7:1 (1997): 105-121. 

Taylor, Phil, and Cupper, Pam. Gallipoli: A Battlefield Guide. Kenthurst, Australia: Kangaroo 
Press, 1989. 

Thomson, D. "National Sorrow, National Pride: Commemoration of the Great War in 
Canada, 1918-1945." Journal of Canadian Studies 30 (1995/1996): 5-27. 

Thorpe, Barrie. Private Memorials of the Great War on the Western Front. Reading, England: 
Western Front Association, 1999. 

Troyansky, David G. "Monumental Politics: National History and Local Memory in French 
Monuments aux Morts in the Department of the Aisne since 1870." French Historical 
Studies 15:1 (1987): 121-141. 

Trumpener, K. "Memories Carved in Granite: Great War Memorials and Everyday Life." 
PMIA 115:5 (2000): 1096-1103. 

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Vance, Jonathan F. Death So Noble: Memory, Meaning and the First World War. Vancouver, 
Canada: University of British Columbia Press, 1997. 

. "Sacrifice in Stained Glass: Memorial Windows of the Great War." Canadian 



Military History 5:2 (1996): 16-23. 

Verdun - Vision and Comprehension: The Battlefield and Its Surroundings. 2"'-^ Edition. Verdun, 
France: Editions MAGE, 1992. 

Walter, Tony. "War Grave Pilgrimage." In Pilgrimage in Popular Cidture. Edited by Ian Reader 
and Tony Walter. Houndsmills, England: Macmillan, 1993, pp. 63-91. 

War Memorials of Victoria: A Pictorial Record. Melbourne, Australia: RSL Victoria, 1994. 

Watrin, Janine. The British Military Cemeteries in the Region of Boulogne-sur-Mer. Lewes, 
England: Book Guild, 1987. 

Webster, Donovan. Aftermath: The Remnants of War. New York, NY: Pantheon, 1996. 

Wendorff, Rudolf. Soldatengrdber . Gutersloh, Germany: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1962. 

Whittick, Arnold. War Memorials. London, England: Country Life, 1946. 

Winter, Jay. "Communities in Mourning." In Authority, Identity and the Social History of the 
Great War. Edited by Frans Coetzee and Marilyn Shevin-Coetzee. Providence, RI: 
Berghan Books, 1995, pp. 325-355. 



Richard E. Meyer 253 



_. Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History. 



Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 

Wood, Herbert Fairlie, and Swettenham, John. Silent Witnesses. Toronto, Canada; Hakkert, 
1974. 

Young, Alan R. '"We Throw The Torch': Canadian Memorials of the Great War and the 
Mythology of Heroic Sacrifice." Journal of Canadian Studies 24:2 (1989/1990): 5-28. 



254 



THE YEAR'S WORK IN GRAVEMARKER/CEMETERY STUDIES 
Richard E. Meyer 

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to 
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the 
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be 
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Categorized entries, listed 
in alphabetical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and 
pamphlets and of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are 
materials found in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals 
(though, as any researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes be 
gleaned from these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical pub- 
lications (there are exceptions in instances where the publication is 
deemed to be of value to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and 
cemetery "readings," book reviews, electronic resources (e.g.. World Wide 
Web sites), and irretrievably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the 
order of the recently published, "revised" edition of a book with the 
grotesque title. The Definitive Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes 
about Death, Funny Funeral Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). 
Beginning with Markers XIV, the listing has included a much larger selec- 
tion of relevant foreign language materials in the field, formal master 's- 
and doctoral-level theses and dissertations (important research often not 
published in the traditional manner but nonetheless frequently obtainable 
through interlibrary loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished 
typescripts on deposit in accessible locations. In addition, from Markers 
XVI onwards, it has included publications on war, holocaust, and disaster 
memorials and monuments (their essential function as cenotaphs relating 
them to the general field of gravemarkers), as well as formal papers pre- 
sented at academic conferences which are relevant to the major themes 
covered by this bibliography. Commencing with this issue, entries have 
been separated into several large categories representing basic types of 
publication or other presentation. 

With its debut in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to fill gaps 
in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 1990 
through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult the 
bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI 



255 



Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This 
same format was utihzed in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV, 
adding in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards 
as well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the 
1990-1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point 
be safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is 
relatively complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's 
Work" has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the 
journal's annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 1999 
and 2000): previously reported work from the earlier of these two years 
will not be repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor 
continues to welcome addenda from readers {complete bibliographic cita- 
tions, please) for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is 
made to insure accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission 
may occur, for which apologies are sincerely offered. 

Books, Monographs, Pamphlets, etc. 

Adams, William Yewdale. Kulubnarti III: The Cemeteries. Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 
1999. 

Adriani, Achille, Bonacasa, Nicola, and Mina, Oatrizia. La touiba di AUesandw: realta, ipotesi e 
fantasie. Roma, Italy: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2000. 

Alvarez, Maritza. Jardines de luz: ceiuenterios Dominanos. Santo Dominco, Repuplica 
Dominicana: Editora Cole, 1999. 

Anderson. Erik Murray L, and Todd-Healey, Dustin. Regina Cemetery Walking Tour. Revised 
Edition. Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada: REWT, 2000. 

Ashabranner, Brent K., and Ashabranner, Jennifer. Badge of Valor: The National Law 
Enforcement Officers Memorial. Brookfield, CT: Twenty-First Century Books, 2000. 

Ashanti, Kwabena F. African Funerals and Burials: A Guide. Durham, NC: Tone Books, 1999. 

Barber, Bruno, and Bowsher, David. The Eastern Cemetery of Roman London: Excavations, 1983- 
1990. London, England: Museum of London Archaeology Service, 2000. 

Bartoloni, Piero, and Bondi, S.F. La necropoli di Monte Sirai. Roma, Italy: Consiglio nazionale 
della ricerche, 2000. 

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269 



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Meskell, Lynn. "Archaeologies of Life and Death." American Journal of Archaeology 103:2 
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Nicholas, Richard L. "Confederate General Hospital and the United Daughters of the 
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Ochert, Morris S. "Headstones in the Jewish Cemetery at Toowong, Brisbane." Australian 
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Rainbird, Paul. "Entangled Bographies: Western Pacific Ceramics and the Tombs of 
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Roberts, Pamela, and Vidal, Loudres A. "Perpetual Care in Cyberspace: A Portrait of 
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Schroeder, K.J. "An Experiment on the Wood Type and Treatments of Headboards at Pioneer 
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Vicioso, J. "The Tomb of Carlo Maderno and Francesco Borromini: An Archaeological Find." 
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Weeks, Christopher. "The Restoration of Desiderio da Settignano's Tomb of Carlo 
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Weeks, Jim. "Gettysburg: Display Window for Popular Memory." Journal of American Culture 
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Young, James E. "Against Redemption: The Arts of Countermemory in Germany Today." In 
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Dissertations, Theses, etc. 

Anderson, Kenny C. "Limen - The Threshold of a Physiological and Psychological Response 
as Applied to Prospect and Refuge in Architecture." Master's thesis. University of 
Tennessee, 1999. 

Andres, Christopher R. "Caches, Censers, Monuments, and Burials: Archaeological 
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Apgar, Kevin W. "EternityFields.com: Online Cemetery and Memorial." Master's thesis. 
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Brown, Stephen William. "Death and Life in the American Monument: A Soldier's Place of 
Rest and Remembrance." Master's thesis. University of Washington, 1999. 

Call, Jennifer E. "Planning for Eternity." Master's thesis. School of the Art Institute of 
Chicago, 1999. 

Cox, Glenda. "Cobern Street Burial Ground: Investigating the Identity and Life Histories of 
the Underclass of Eighteenth Century Cape Town." Master's thesis. University of Cape 
Town (South Africa), 1999. 

Craig-Martin, Jean Carol. '"In Memory of Chelsea's Historic Cemeteries: Community 
Institutions from Pioneer Times to the Present." Master's thesis. University of Ottawa 
(Canada), 1999. 

Currier, Janice Arlee. "Golubets, Gravehouse, and Gate: Old Russian Traditions and the 
Wooden Mortuary Architecture in Russia, Siberia, and the North Pacific." Ph.D. disser- 
tation, University of Victoria (Canada), 1999. _ 

Davies, Jon. "Rituals and Monuments of Collective and Individual Death: The Eurochristian 
Record." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Newcastle upon Tyne (England), 1999. 

De Vries, Kirsten Marie. "Gathering at the Tomb: Saints and the Prankish Community in 
Sixth- and Seventh-Century Gaul." Master's thesis, Kent State University, 2000. 

Fisher, Genevieve Cutler. "Political Units and Archaeological Groupings: A Test Case from 
Early Anglo-Saxon England." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Pennsylvania, 1999. 

Hagerman, Cynthia S. "The Korean War Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C." Master's 
thesis, Kent State University, 1999. 

Henry, Lana. "Cemetery Homecomings in East Texas: The Creation and Recreation of 
Community Identity Through Ritual Remembrance and Oral Tradition." Master's the- 
sis. University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 1999. 

Moses, Sharon K. "A Controlled Comparative Analysis of Secondary Burial Practices: Sacred 
Space, Symbology and the Dead." Master's thesis. University of Montana, 1999. 

Nance, Cindy Ann. "Out of Sight, Out of Mind: A GIS Study of Changes in Cemetery 
Locations in Southeastern Louisiana from an Archaeological and Geographical 
Perspective, 1930-1997." Ph.D. dissertation, Louisiana State University, 1999. 

Nygren, Barnaby Robert. "The Monumental Saint's Tomb in Italy: 1260-1520." Ph.D. 
Dissertation, Harvard University, 1999. 

Overlie, Jill Ann. "Nineteenth-Century Sepulchral Architecture in Denver: The Martha T. 
Evans Mausoleum." Master's thesis. University of Denver, 2000. 



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Perry, Jonathan Scott. "A Death in the Familia: The Funerary Colleges of the Roman 
Empire." Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1999. 

Pilakowski, Michael J. "Censuses and Cemeteries in Paleodemography: A Study of 
Representational Authenticity." Master's thesis, California State University, Chico, 
2000. 

Porter, Anne Margaret. "Mortality, Monuments and Mobility: Ancestor Traditions and the 
Transcendence of Space." Ph.D. dissertation. The University of Chicago, 2000. 

Potthoff, Stephen Edward. "Refreshment and Reunion in the Garden of Light: Ancestor Cult 
Otherworld Journeys and the Sculpting of Paradise in Early Christian Carthage." Ph.D. 
Dissertation, University of Minnesota, 2000. 

Preston, John Christopher. "Future Past Memories: A Sculptural Study of Memorial." 
Master's thesis. Ball State University, 2000. 

Rooney, Clete Anthony. "Institutional Expression in Nineteenth Century Cemeteries: The 
Alabama Insane Hospital Cemetery." Master's thesis. University of Alabama, 1999. 

Sobierajski, Amy Caroline. "Nutrition and Ethnicity of the Historic Eastern United States: 
An Investigation of Archaeologically Excavated Cemeteries." Master's thesis, Florida 
State University, 2000. 

Winner, Tara Jo. "Spring Forest Cemetery, Binghampton, New York: A Local Example of the 
Rural Cemetery Movement." Master's thesis. State University of New York at 
Binghampton, 1999. 

Conference Papers, Other Presentations, etc. 

Alexander, James Rodger. "Founding Fathers Found: the Original Town Cemetery of Cabot, 
Vermont." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, 
April 19-22, 2000. 

Baird, Scott. "Folk Language on Gravemarkers." Annual Meeting of the American Culture 
Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

"Beyond 2000: A Forum on the Future of Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies." [Chair: Gary 
Collison. Speakers: J. Joseph Edgette, Laurel Gabel, Gregory Jeane, Helen Sclair]. 
Annual Meting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 
2000. Repeated at Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000, with Colhson (chair), Edgette, Gabel, and Meyer. 

Borges, Maria Eliza. "The Public Brazilian Graveyards." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Brophy, Sarah S. "Getting Good at Grants." Annual Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 



278 



Bryant, Salita. "Four Seasons in a Small Town Cemetery." Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Buchner, C.A. "Exploring Tenant Lifeways in Tennessee: The Ridley Graveyard Relocation 
Project." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, 
Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Calidonna, Frank. "The Evolution of the Tweiitieth-Century Gravestone." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies. Providence, Rl, June 22-25, 2000. 

. "Gravestone Photography." Annual Conference of the Association for 



Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Cheek, CD. "Non-Mortuary Use of the African Burial Grounci: The 18"^ anci Early 19"^ 
Centuries." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, 
Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Collison, Gary. "Oh Pioneers?: Remembering the Settlers of the Mid-Atlantic Frontier." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 
2000. 

Conlin, Judith Miller, and Frary, Richard. "Bare Bones: Running a Rural Cemetery." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RL June 22-25, 2000. 

Corbett, Joyce. "Grave Monuments in Budapest Cemeteries, 1898-1938." Annual Meeting of 
the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Courtaud, P. "Etude d'un cimetiere d'epoque coloniale: Anse Saint-Marguerite, 
Guadeloupe, France." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, 
Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Davis, N.L. "The Cultural Landscape at the Site of the Lutheran Church Lot and Burial 
Ground in Colonial Albany, New York." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Doss, Erika. "Death and Memory in the Public Sphere: The Visual and Material Culture of 
Grief in Contemporary America." Annual Meeting of the American Studies 
Association, Detroit, MI, October 12-15, 2000. 

Downey, Judith M., and Pereira, Jorge M. "Preserving Heritage." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Eckert, Eva. "Texas Czech Cemeteries: Variation in Language and Gravestone." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Edgette, J. Joseph. "'Our Darling Precious One. . . .': Child or Pet?" Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Emlen, Robert P. "Rhode Island History, Carved in Stone." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 



279 



Florence, Robert. "The History of All Saints' Day: A Cemetery-Based Spiritual Observance." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 
2000. 

Gabel, Laurel K. "A Common Threaei: Needlework Samplers and American Gravestone 
Designs." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, 
April 19-22, 2000, and Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

, and Deloria, Claire. "The Cemetery: A Learning Laboratory." Annual 

Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies." Providence, RI, June 22-25, 
2000. 

Gardner, A.D. "Japanese Rock Art and Tombstones: Immigration Patterns on the Northern 
Plains and in the Rocky Mountains." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Goldman, Dan, Rockwood, Virginia, and Halporn, Roberta. "How to do Rubbings: 
Techniques and Stone Safety." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Gradwohl, David M. "Ethnoaracaeological Perspectives on Jewish Cemeteries in Germany: 
Antecedents and Parallels for American Patterns." Annual Meeting of the Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Graves, Thomas E. "When Is a Cemetery Not a Cemetery: The Freedoms Foundation Medal 
of Honor Grove." Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, New Orleans, 
LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Grider, Sylvia. "Material Culture Meets Archaeology: The Texas A & M University Bonfire 
Memorabilia Collection Project." Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, 
Columbus, OH, October 25-29, 2000. 

Halporn, Roberta. "How to Create an Archivally Safe Exhibit of Rubbings and 
Photographs." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Hamilton, Amy S. "Saving New Orleans' Cemeteries: Vital to Tourism, Heritage, and 
Economy." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, 
April 19-22, 2000. 

Hecht, Lea. "Uncle Tom's Cabin: Josiah Henson and the British American Institute." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Heywood, Janet. "The Grave Hath a Voice of Eloquence: Stones and Stories." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

'"Was the Carver Happy?' - Architectural Sculptor: John Evans." Annual 



Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000, and 



280 



Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22- 
25, 2000. 

Hobbs, June Hadden. "Eros and Thanatos in Southern Graveyards." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

. "The Rhetoric of Tombstones." Annual Conference of the Association for 



Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Holmes, Amanda. "Gettysburg: Words, Memory, and Landscape." Annual Meeting of the 
American Folklore Society, Columbus, OH, October 25-29, 2000. 

Horton, Loren H. "Incidence of Fired-Clay Grave Markers in Iowa." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Jenks, Margaret R. (Peggy). "The Symbolism of New England Gravestones." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Jones, Billie J. "Meeting and Remembering Ones Who Were Lost: Memorialization in the 
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic 
Popular / American Culture Association, Albany, NY, November 3-5, 2000. 

Jones, C.R., et al. "Conservation Workshop." Annual Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Karrick, Katie. "Angels, Guardians and Languishing Ladies." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Kassel, Michael. "Quincy Illinois' Woodland Cemetery: A Regional Treasure." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Keck, C, Lichtenberger, R., and Montana, A. "The Iron Cross Gravemarker: A French Ronian 
Catholic Hallmark in Southern Louisiana." Annual Meeting of the Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Kuttruff, J.T. "Mid-Nineteenth Century Burial Dress in French Louisiana." Annual Meeting 
of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 
2000. 

Laiacona, Jeanne. "Contemporary Popular Memorials: Historic and Nonwestern 
Influences." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular / American Culture 
Association, Albany, NY, November 3-5, 2000. 

Larsen, Lotte. "Cemetery Pilgrimage: American Women Travel Overseas in the 1930s to 
Mourn WWI Dead." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New 
Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Lewis, Robert E. "Marking Time: Jesus at the Millennium - Places and Occasions of Mexican 
Spiritual Imagery." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New 
Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 



281 



Long, Carolyn. "Voodoo-Influenced Rituals in New Orleans Cemeteries." Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Luti, Vincent. "By Their Deeds. . . (Court Records, Probates, Account Books, Letters, 
Obituaries, and Gravestones)." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Lynch, Gay. "'. . . do not go and leave me behind unwept . . .': Greek Gravemarkers Heed the 
Warning." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, 
April 19-22, 2000. 

Malloy, Brenda. "Early American Epitaphs of Death from Childbirth." Annual Meeting of 
the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Malloy, Tom. "Epitaphs Documenting Accidental Death in Agrarian Massachusetts." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 
2000. 

.. "Epitaphs Reflecting Early American Diseases." Annual Conference of the 



Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Matero, Frank. "Constructing Tradition and Consuming Heritage: Life, Death, and the 
Revitalization of New Orleans' Cities of the Dead." Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Mayer, Lance. "Gabriel Allen of Providence and the Beginnings of Marble Gravestone 
Carving in New England." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

McGirr, PL. "The Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Black Gash of Shame: Codifying the 
Landscape as Feminine in the Twentieth Century." Annual Meeting of the Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Merriam, Shelly. "The Cuttyhunk Island Cemetery Project." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Messimer, Claire. "Gardens of God." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, 
New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Meyer, Richard E. "The Cartoonist Visits the Graveyard." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

. "Some Corners of Foreign Fields: Graves of the WWI Poets." Annual Meeting 



of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Mitchell, Michael Joseph. "Santeria in South Florida Cemeteries." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 



282 



Morganstein, M.F., and Janowitz, C.L. "Stonewares in the Cemetery: Wasters and Kiln 
Furniture from the African Burial Ground in New York City." Annual Meeting of the 
Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Mytum, H. "Beyond Famous Men and Women: Interpreting Historic Burial Grounds and 
Cemeteries." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, 
Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Nixon, Elisabeth. "'Waiting for Us at the Rainbow Bridge': Emerging Traditions of Pet 
Remembraiice and Memorialization." Annual Meeting of the American Folklore 
Society Columbus, OH, October 25-29, 2000. 

Overlie, Jill A. "The Martha T. Evans Mausoleum: A Contribution to Landscape Architecture 
and Female Patronage in the Rocky Mountain West." Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Paraskevas, Cornelia. "Gravemarkers of Greek Immigrants to the U.S.: Linguistic Texts." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 
2000. 

Paresi, Alicia R. "Cultural Resource Management for the Historic Burying Grounds of 
Concord, Massachusetts." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Providence, Rl, June 22-25, 2000. 

Pearson, Ann B. "The Cemetery Lantern Tour: History by Moonlight." Annual Conference 
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Pitts, R.H. '" The Dwellings of the Living and the Resting-Places of the Dead May be Alike 
Condemned': The Metamorphosis of the African Burial Ground from Hallowed 
Ground into Real Estate." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, 
Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Riordan, TB. "There Shall My Grave Digged Be': Changing Perspectives on Burial Practices 
in the Study of the Colonial Chesapeake." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Rivers, Cheryl. "Portrait Stones of Recent Eastern European Jewish Immigrants." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, Rl, June 22-25, 2000. 

Rotundo, Barbara. "Action:Reaction: Changing Values and Beliefs Reflected in the Arts, 
Including Gravestones." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular / American 
Culture Association, Albany, NY, November 3-5, 2000. 

. "A Few Last Words." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 



Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Schofield, Ann. "Performing Grief: The Changing Respectability of Mourning in Turn-of- 
the-Century America." Annual Meeting of the American Studies Association, Detroit, 
MLOctober 12-15, 2000. 



283 



Sinan, Alma. "The Cemetery Revolution: Enlightenment, Romanticism, and the Formation 
of Pere Lachaise." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

. "A Wild and Yearning Love: Erotic Gravestone Art." Annual Conference of the 



Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Slyomovics, Susan. "Palestinian Memorials to the Israeli Massacre at Kafr Qasim." Annual 
Meeting of the American Folklore Society, Columbus, OH, October 25-29, 2000. 

Sprague, Karen. "Recreating Eighteenth-Century Gravestones." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Sterhng, John E. "Reading Difficult Stones." Annual Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies, Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Thursby, Jacqueline S. "The Scofield Cemetery, Carbon City, Utah." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Ware, Thomas C. "They Were Aliens: Now They're Permanent Parisians." Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Weeks, Jim. "'One Vast Cemetery for Miles': The Gettysburg Battlefield, 1880-1920." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

White, Emilie. "Missouri Mayhew Mission." Annual Meeting of the American Culture 
Association, New Orleans, LA, April 19-22, 2000. 

Wilkins, M.L. "'Long will men keep the memory bright. . .': The Battle of Memorialization, 
Landscape Preservation, and Management at Gettysburg National Battlefield Park." 
Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Quebec City, Quebec, 
Canada, January 4-9, 2000. 

Winslow, Meg. "Sense and Sensibility: A Practical Approach to the Maintenance of Historic 
Gravestones." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Providence, RI, June 22-25, 2000. 

Zhang, Juwen. "Maintaining Memory of Identity Through Ritualization." Annual Meeting 
of the American Folklore Society, Columbus, OH, October 25-29, 2000. 



284 



CONTRIBUTORS 

James Blachowicz, Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University, 
Chicago, became interested in early American gravestones during a sum- 
mer in Falmouth, Massachusetts in 1972, but didn't discover the 
Association for Gravestone Studies until 1994. He has contributed three 
papers to the AGS Quarterly, and two of his studies on the gravestone 
carving traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod have appeared in Markers 
XV (1998) and Markers XVII (2000), the latter in collaboration with Vincent 
F. Luti. He has recently completed a book. An American Craft Lineage, 
which greatly expands his work on Plymouth and the Cape, focusing on 
twenty-five stonecarvers in the two regions active from 1770 through 
1870. His book in philosophy. Of Two Minds: The Nature of Inquiry (State 
University of New York Press), appeared in 1998. 

Elizabeth Broman is a reference librarian at the Cooper-Hewitt National 
Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution, in New York City. The essay 
found in this issue is a shortened version of her Master's thesis in Art 
History. She has lived close to Green-Wood Cemetery in Brooklyn, New 
York, all her life, and it was there her interest in gravestones and funerary 
architecture began. 

Emily Dickinson (1830-1886) is universally acknowledged as one of the 
very best poets America has produced. Though she spent the greater part 
of her adult life within her own house and yard in Amherst, 
Massachusetts, she was a great observer of both nature and the human 
condition, capturing distinctive and haunting elements of each in the 
1,775 poems she left behind at her death. Her poetry is characterized by a 
compressed diction and other stylistic features far in advance of its time, 
and by the highly unusual perspectives she brings to her subjects. 

Eva Eckert teaches linguistics, Russian, and Czech at Connecticut College, 
where she chairs the Department of Russian and East European Studies. 
A Czech native with degrees from Charles University in Prague, the 
University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, and the University of California, 
Berkeley, she has published material on Slavic verbal aspects, standard 
and colloquial language varieties, and language change and loss in 
American Czech. Her article on language and ethnicity maintenance. 



285 



using Czech tombstone inscriptions, is found in Markers XV. She is cur- 
rently writing a book on the acculturation of Texas Czechs, a case study in 
history and ethnography using gravestones and immigrant newspapers 
as primary sources. 

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at 
Western Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the 
last nine issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: 
Voices of American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the 
American Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the 
book The Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of 
the editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a former president 
of the Oregon Folklore Society, and from 1986-1996 chaired the 
Cemeteries and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture 
Association. His articles on Oregon pioneer gravemarkers and (with 
David M. Gradwohl) on San Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery have 
appeared in Markers XI and Markers XII, respectively. In 1998 he was a 
recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' Harriete M. Forbes 
Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Besides his contribution to 
material necrology, he has published a wide variety of scholarly materials 
in both folklore and literary studies. He is currently in the early stages of 
a projected book on America's Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Arlington 
National Cemetery. 

Randall M. Thies is an archaeologist and cultural resources specialist 
with the Kansas State Historical Society in Topeka, Kansas. Born and 
raised in western Kansas, he completed his graduate training at Iowa 
State University under the direction of Association for Gravestone Studies 
member David M. Gradwohl. He served for several years as Kansas coor- 
dinator for the Save Outdoor Sculpture program and has a strong interest 
in war memorials, most particularly Civil War monuments, recently pub- 
lishing an article in the journal Kansas History which examines a unique 
Civil War monument found in the Kinsley, Kansas, Cemetery. 



286 



INDEX 



Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations 



"A Soldier's Cemetery" (John William 

Streets) 237 
Abeel tomb. Green- Wood Cemetery, 

Brooklyn, NY 44-45, [44] 
Abolitionism 2 

Adams, Bartlett (d. 1806) 88, [87] 
Adams, Bartlett (d. 1828) 70-145, [73-75] 
Adams, Charlotte Neal 73 
Adams, EG. 28 
Adams, Francis 73 
Adams, Lemuel 131 
Adams, Rebecca Cook 73 
Adams, Richard 73 
Adams, Zu 28 
Aisne-Marne American Cemetery, near 

Chateau-Thierry, France [224,228] 
Allen, Gabriel 92, 131 
Allen, James 105 
Ambler, Cathy 6 
American Battle Monuments Commission 

(ABMC) 218-227 
American Graves Registration Service 

(AGRS) 218 
American Society for the Prevention of 

Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) 54-55, 58 
Anderson, Timothy 150 
Andrev^^s, Wayne 35 
Angier, John 98, [96] 
Argoud, Jules [201] 
Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, 

VA 221, 242 
Armistice (WWI) 218 
Arundel-Osborne tomb, Green-Wood 

Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY 48-53 [48-50, 

52] 
Atchison, Jean 182 
Averill, Joseph W. 133 

Babcock, Nathan 131 
Bailey, George A. 133 
Barber, Thomas 6, [7] 
Bartlett, Charles 125 
Bartlett, Isaac [88] 
Bartlett, Joseph 132 
Bartlett, Lucy F 125 



Bates, Betsy 127 

Battle of the Somme 206, 216, 237 
Battle of Ticonderoga 102 
Baxter, Mary 83 
Beaumont-Hamel Memorial Park 

(Newfoundland), near Albert, France 216, 

239-20, [213] 
Belleau Wood, near Chateau-Thierry, France 

[196] 
Bent, Samuel 78, 83, [82] 
Bergh, Henry 53-55, 57-59, [53-54] 
Binyon, Laurence 189 
Bily children gravestone [164] 
Bily, Frantisek and Viktorie [164] 
"Bleeding Kansas" 6 
Blomfield, Reginald 209 
Boulee, Etienne-Louis 36, 60 
Bowker, Davis W. 127 
Bowker, Emeline T. 127 
Bowker, Howard 127 
Bosworth, Jane 123 
Brackett, Moses 89 
Bradford, Gershom 133 
Bradford, Welthea 132 
Brett, Mehetabell 105 
Brewster, Araunah 83 
Brewster, Hosea 131 
Brewster, Mary 88, [85] 
Brigden, Lydia 130 
Brooke, Rupert 207 
Brooks, William 131 
Brown, Robert 100 
Brown, Samuel 98 
Brown, Samuel, Jr. 131 
Bryant, Abby Jane 134 
Bryant, Caroline Frances 134 
Bryant, George Edward 134 
Bryant, George Washington 72-73, 125, [123] 
Bryant, Henry Lyman 134 
Bryant, Lucy Washburn 73, 125 
Bryant, Luther 93, [91] 
Bubebik, Vit 149-150, 169 
Bullard, Benjamin Dexter 112, [110] 
Burbank, Samuel 89, 92, 131 
Burial HiU, Plymouth, MA 112, 127 



287 



"Burial of Barber" (John Greenleaf 

Whittier) 6 
Burke, Edmund 36 
"Bushwackers" 4 

Caius Cestius tomb, Rome, Italy 34 
Carrott, Richard 33 
Castel, Albert 1 
Caylus, Comte de 36 
Chaloupka, Anna [1601 
Chandler, Rebecca F. 129 
Chudej, Anna [155] 
Churchill, Beulah Orton 125, [124] 
Churchill, Elizabeth C. 127, [128] 
Churchill, Elizabeth H. 127 
Churchill, Silvanus 127, [126] 
Churchill, Winston 215 
Civil War vi-29 
Clark, Robert 127 
Clarke, Joseph 133 
Classical Revival style 39, 223 
Cleaveland, Nehemiah 32, 39, 41 
Cleopatra's Needle, New York, NY 58 
Coat, George W. [vi] 
Cook, Christiana 83, [84] 
Cook, Elkanah 125 
Cook, Kezia 88 
Cook, Lydia 123 
Cook, Mary 92, [89] 
Cook, Molly 123, [120] 
Cook, Sarah 132 

Confederate Soldier's Home Cemetery, 
near Higginsville, MO 18-20, [19-20] 
Connelly, William 15 
Cotton, Theophilus 72 
Coulson, Leslie 195 
Coye, WilHam 71, 103 
Croade, Nathaniel 105 
Croade, Ruth 78 
Crosby, Mary 97, [94] 
Crosby, WilHam B. 41-43, [30, 39-40] 
Cross of Sacrifice, The 209, [210] 
Cushing, Benjamin 131 
Czech-Moravians 146-187 

Davis Cemetery, Lawrence, KS 26 
Davis, Lydia 132 
Davis, Matthew L. 75 
Delano, Joshua 88, 93, [86] 



Delville Wood CWGC Military Cemetery, 

near Longueval, France [208] 
Delville Wood Memorial (South African), 

near Albert, France 216 
Denon, Dominique Vivant 35, 48 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Belleau, near 

Chateau-Thierry, France [230, 232] 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Breitenbach, near 

Breitenbach, France [233] 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Epinoville, near 

Epinoville, France [234] 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Fort de 

Malmaison, near Soissons, France [230] 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Langemarck, near 

Langemarck, Belgium 232, 236, [231, 235] 
Deutsche Soldatenfriedhof Romagne-sous- 

Montfaucon, near Romagne-sous- 

Montfaucon, France [229] 
Dornak, Karolina [157] 
Dover Cemetery, Dover, OH 12, 14, 19-22 
Dover, OH 2, 12, 14, 19-22 
Dover (OH) Historical Society 19-21 
Drew, Dorothy 88 
Drew, Emily 106-107 
Drew, James 132 
Drew, William 83 
Dubina Cemetery, Dubina, TX [148] 

Early battlefield cemeteries [195-196] 

Eastern Argus, Portland, ME 73, 75 

Egyptian Revival style 30-67 

Etaples CWGC Military Cemetery, Etaples, 

France 208 
Evergreen Cemetery, Kingston, MA 133 
Everson, Abigail 103 
Everson, Eunice 123 
Everson, Oliver 125, [122] 
Everson, Samuel 123 

Faunce, Joshua T 125 

Fajkus gravestone [177] 

Faykus gravestone 177] 

Felton, S.M. 133 

Fenaux, Marcel [194] 

Fisk, Lauretta Louise 1 

Flanders Field American Cemetery, 

Waregem, Belgium 221, [222] 
Fobes, Abner 104 
"For the Fallen" (Laurence Binyon) 189 



288 



Foster, Betsy 104 
Foster, James 106-107 
Foster, Robert 131 
Fuller, John 92, [90] 
Fuller, Priscilla 125 

Gajer gravestone 168, [167] 

Gizeh pyramids (Egypt) 54, 60 

Gold Star Mothers 227, 242 

Gooding, Francis 83 

Gooding, James 83 

Goodspeed, John 98, [97] 

Goodspeed, Mercy 98 

Gore, Polly 131 

Gothic Revival style 39, 223 

Griiberoffiziere 227 

Grand Army of the Republic (G.A.R.) 21, 

[22] 
Gray, John 132 
Greenville, NH 4 
Great War, The 188-253 
Green-Wood Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY 

30-67 
Griswold, et al. "death marker," 

Lawrence, KS 11, [10] 

Hale, Ann 131 
Hall, Joseph 132 
Hanson, Frederic 125 
Harlow, Barnabas 78, [79] 
Harvey Hannah 104, [102] 
Havel, Josef and Marie [179] 
Hay, Chester [vi] 
Heckscher, C.A. 43-44, [41] 
Heldenhaine 242 
Holmes, Marcia 132 
Holmes, Mercy 131 
Holmes, Nathaniel 112, 114 
Holmes, Susan C. 123, [119] 
Holy, Terezie [152] 
Horcica, John, Sr. [172] 
Horcica, Paulina [172] 
Howes, Susan S. 127 
Howland, Eunice 115, [117] 

Imperial (later Commonwealth) War 
Graves Commission (IWGC/CWGC) 
205-217 

Iron Cross (German) 232 



Jacqviith, Aaron 131 

Janak, Robert 150 

"Jayhawkers" 2 

Johnston, John 45-48, [45-48] 

Johnston, John Taylor 45-48, [45-48] 

Jordan, Terry 150, 156 

Kansas State Historical Society vi-29 
Kansas Unmarked Burial Sites Preservation 

Board 18 
Keats, John 237 
Keen, William 88 
Kent, Peleg 131 
Kimball, Frederic 4, [5] 
Kingman, Nathan 102 
Kingston, MA 70-145 
Kipling, Rudyard 209 
Kocian, Jan and Veronike [164] 
Kresta, Emilie [170] 
Kovarik, Jan and Frantiska [175] 
Kubecka, Amahe [173] 

Lane, James H. 2 

Lawrence Massacre, The vi-29, [1] 

Lawrence, KS vi-29 

Le Gateau CWGC Military Cemetery, Le 

Cateau, France [210] 
Lednicky, Jan [171] 
Lee, Robert E. 12 
Leslie, Edward E. 29 
Lord, Samuel 131 
Louverval CWGC Military Cemetery, near 

Boursies, France [209] 
Luti, Vincent 104 
Lutyens, Edwin 209 
Lychgates 208, [207] 

Machann, Clinton 150 
Macomber, Joanna 93, [93] 
Maglathlea, Margaret 131 
Manaut, Paul Raphael [203] 
Martin, George W. 15-16 
Maxcy, Levi 131 
McLauthlen, Robert 123, [118] 
McLauthlen, Samuel 125 
Medal of Honor (American) 224, [225] 
Mendl. James 150 

Menin Gate Memorial to the Missing, Ypres 
(Leper), Belgium 216, [216-217] 



289 



Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 

NY 45 
Meuse-Argonne American Cemetery, near 

Romagne-Gesnes, France 218-221, 

[221] 
Military Cross (British) 212 
Mollish, Samuel 131 
Monuments aux marts 197, [193] 
Morkovsky, Alois J. [183] 
Morton, Nathaniel 100 
Mt. Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA 32 
Myers-Scotton, Carol 167 

Napoleon Bonaparte 35 
"Narrow-Nose carver" 89 
Necropoles Nationales 197-205 
Necropole Nationale de Chateau-Thierry, 

Chateau-Thierry, France 198, [198] 
Necropole Nationale de Dormans, 

Dormans, France 203 
Necropole Nationale de Douamont, near 

Verdun, France 203, 205, [cover, 205] 
Necropole Nationale de 

Hartmanwillerkopf, near Cernay, 

France 203 
Necropole Nationale de Notre-Dame-de- 

Lorette, near Souchez, France 203 
Necropole Nationale de Saint-Mihiel, 

near Saint-Mihiel, France [202] 
Necropole Nationale de Sondernach, 

Sondernach, France [203] 
Necropole Nationale de Wettstein, near 

Orbey, France 199, [199] 
Nelson, William 133 
Neskorik gravestone [176] 
New, James 92, 104 
New, John 92, 98 
Newcomb, Dorcas Emily 125 
Newfoundland 216, 239-240 [213] 
North American Review 38 

Oak Grove Cemetery, Plymouth, MA 127 
Oak Hill Cemetery, Lawrence, KS 1, 6, 

8-11 
Oakman, Edward 88 
Oread Cemetery, Lawrence, KS 6 
Ors Communal Cemetery, Ors, France 

[212] 
Osgood, Francis 83 



O'Shea, Thomas E. [225] 

Ossuaries (WWl) 203, 205 [cover, 205] 

Owen, Wilfred 211, 236, 240 [212] 

Packard, Sarah 131 

Paddock, Eunice 112, [113] 

Parker, Benjamin 133 

Parker, Jonathan 105 

Parmiter, C. [213] 

Parrish, Alexander 75 

Parsons, Albert Ross 60-62, [58-61] 

Patton, George S. 227 

Pere Lachaise Cemetery, Paris, France 35 

Perkins, Charles H. and Anne E. 133 

Pershing, John J. 220 

Plymouth, MA 71 

Pioneer Cemetery, Lawrence, KS 1 

Piranesi, Giovanni Battista 34 

Portland Gazette, Portland, ME 73 

Prouty, H.J. 106 

Pyne, Percy R. 43-44, [43] 

Quantrill, Caroline 12, 14-15 

Quantrill, William C. vi-29, [3, 14, 16-17, 19- 

22, 24] 
Quantrill's Raid (Lawrence, KS) vi-29 

Ramsey, Howard 219-220, [219] 

Rand, Bridget 103 

Rand, William 103, [101] 

Richardson, Seth 104 

Ripley, Hezekiah 97 

Ripley, Nehemiah 100 

Robbins, Margaret 112 

Rogers, Jemima 131 

Romanticism 36 

Roznovjak, Joe [152] 

Rumney, Edward 131 

Rural Cemetery Movement 32, 34, 39, 41, 223 

Russell, George 72, 88 

Russell, Rebecca 114, [114] 

Sampson, Andrew 72 

Sampson, Esther 98, [98] 

Samson, Ichabod 109 

Savery, Lemuel 72, 92, 97, 103-105 

Scott, Walter 19 

Scott, W.W. 12-15, [13] 

Sebesta, Anna and Frank [178] 



290 



Secretariat d'Etat Charges des Anciens 

Combattants et des Victimes de Guerre 

200 
Sharp, John (or G.C.) 16 
Shaw, Dorcas 77, 93, [77] 
Skopova, Rodina [174] 
Smith, Asenath 104 
Smith, Mercy 131 
Snell, Abigail 131 
Sriow, Sarah 131 
Somme American Cemetery, near Bony, 

France [225] 
Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV), 

Missouri Branch 18-20, [19-20] 
Soule family carvers 103-105 
Soule, Asaph 103 
Soule, Beza, Sr. 194-105 
Soule, Mary 125 
South Street Cemetery, West Bridgewater, 

MA 104 
St. John's Cemetery, Louisville, KY 12, 

[21] 
St. Mary's Catholic Cemetery, Louisville, 

KY12 
St. Mihiel American Cemetery, Thiacourt, 

France [223] 
St. Nicolas-lez -Arras, France [193] 
Steles, Thomas 133 
Stephens, Benjamin 53, 55-57, [55-56] 
Stephens, John Lloyd 57, [55-56] 
Stetson, Elisha 130 

Stone of Remembrance, The 209, [209] 
Stonehouse, Mary 78 
Stranger, Betsey 129 
Streets, John William 237 
Sturtevant, CaleblOS 
Suez Canal (Egypt) 58 
Suresnes American Cemetery, near Paris, 

France [222] 
Swan, Louis H. [vi] 
Sylvester, William 83, [81] 

Taylor, Sally 105, 112, [111] 

Taylorsville, KY 12 

Thayer, Ann 83, [80] 

Thayer, Ephraim 89 

"The Rainbow" (Leslie Coulson) 195 

"The Soldier" (Rupert Brooke) 207 



Thiepval Anglo-French Military Cemetery, 

near Albert, France [214] 
Thiepval Memorial to the Missing, near 

Albert, France 216, [215] 
Thies, Randall M. [17] 
38'h (Welsh) Division Monument, Mametz 

Wood, near Montauban, France [191] 
Thompson, George 125, 133 
Thompson, Harriet 125, 133 
Thompson, Harris 125 
Thompson, Isaac 133 
Thompson, Lucy Sturtevant 133 
Thompson, James 106, 125 
Thompson, James Soule 106 
Thompson, Solomon 125, 133 
Tilson, Abigail 131 
Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, Arlington 

National Cemetery, Arlington, VA 242 
Tomson, Isaac 105 
Torrey, John 100, [100] 
Treaty of Versailles 229 
Triacourt-en-Argonne Communal Cemetery, 

Triacourt-en-Argonne, France [194] 
Tribble, Abbie 109 
Tribble, Abigail 105 
Tribble, Ella 109 
Tribble, George 105-106 
Tribble, Hiram 70-145, [108] 
Tribble, Hiram, Jr. 109 
Tribble, John 71, 76-77, 105, 112, 115 
Tribble, Joseph 105 
Tribble, Maria 106 
Tribble, Mary 106 
Tribble, Otis 109 
Tribble, Polly Holmes 105 
Tribble, Thomas 106 
Tribble, William 106 
Tribble, Winslow 71, 105, 115 
Tyne Cot CWGC Military Cemetery, 

Passchendaele, Belgium 208, 211, [207] 

Union Recruits "Death Marker," Lawrence, 

KS 11, [11] 
University of Kansas 6 
"Unknown Soldiers" 200, 211, 224, 234, [204, 

214, 226, 233] 



291 



Vallee Foulon, France [195] 

Van Ness-Parsons tomb. Green- Wood 

Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY 60-62, [58-61] 
Vaughn, Benjamin 125 
Verdun, France 205, [192] 
Villers-Bretoneux Memorial (Australian), 

near Amiens, France 216 
Vimy Memorial (Canadian), near Arras, 

France 216 
Vinall, Joshua 89, [88] 
Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgraberfiirsorge 

(VDK) 227-236 
Voie Sacree [192] 

Wadsworth, Peleg 71-72 
Ware, Fabian 206 
Washburn, Abiel 72 
Washburn, Alvan 72, 75 
Washburn, Bildad 70-145, [70, 116] 
Washburn, EHas 72, 75, 83, [75] 
Washburn, Jabez, Jr. 71, 100, [99] 
Washburn, Lucy Adams 72 
Washburn, Mary 71, 132 
Wentworth, A. 125 
Wesley, TX [146] 

Western Front (WWI) 188-253, [188] 
Wheeler, Thomas 130 
White, Roxana 115, [115] 
Whittier, John Greenleaf 6 
Williams, Josiah 105, [104] 



WiUis, Hannah Thomas 97, [95] 

Willis, Isaac 105 

Willis, Sarah 104, [103] 

Wing, Charles 114 

Winslow, Augusta 123, [121] 

Winslow, Ebenezer, D. 105, 112, 115, 131 

Winsor, Olive 93, [92] 

Woodward, Rufus 115 

World War 1 188-253 

World War I Battlefield Cemeteries (British 

Commonwealth) 205-217, [190, 208] 
World War 1 Battlefield Cemeteries (France) 

197-205, [195, 198] 
World War 1 Battlefield Cemeteries 

(Germany) 227-236, [229-231, 234] 
World War I Battlefield Cemeteries (Portugal) 

238 
World War I Battlefield Cemeteries (United 

States) 218-227, [196, 221-224] 
World War II Military Cemeteries 227 

"Y" Ravine CWGC Military Cemetery, 
Beaumont-Hamel Memorial Park, near 
Albert, France [213] 

Ypres Salient 216 

Young, Arthur Conway 211 

Young, John 131 

Zerroubui. Ali Ben Mohammed [202] 



292 



NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO 

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE ASSOCIATION 

FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

Scope 

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non- 
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the DubUn Seminar for New 
England FolkHfe. The first volume of the Association's annual scholarly 
journal. Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes of AGS are 
broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its subject mat- 
ter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and encompassing 
all historical periods and geographical regions, with an emphasis upon 
North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean above-ground arti- 
facts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in most instances 
excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, however, be made to 
this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are urged to consult the 
editor if they have any questions concerning this matter). Articles on 
death and dying in general or on other aspects of death-related material 
culture would not normally fall within the journal's purview unless clear- 
ly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular cemeteries may form 
the basis of study if a major focus of the article is on the markers con- 
tained therein and if the purpose of the article is more than simply a non- 
analytical history or description of the cemeteries themselves. Finally, 
articles submitted for publication in Markers should be scholarly, analyti- 
cal and interpretive, not merely descriptive and entertaining. Within these 
general parameters, the journal seeks variety both in subject n^atter and 
disciplinary orientation. For illustration of these general principles, the 
prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of Markers. 

Submissions 

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard 
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581-5344 
/ E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in tripli- 
cate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals of 
any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, articles 
in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 typescripted. 



293 



double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any appended 
material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of exceptional 
merit and if space permits. 

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the 
text of the manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard copy 
and computer diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing pro- 
grams are compatible with the journal's disk translation software, which 
is used for typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on this matter 
should be directed to the editor. 

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in 
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial sub- 
mission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in a 
given volume of the journal are generally determined by the chronologi- 
cal order of their acceptance and submission in final form. 

Style/Notes 

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and prin- 
ciples enumerated in the most current edition of The Cliicago Manual of 
Style, [a notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal 
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style 
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded as 
the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period]. 

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as end- 
notes (i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary 
nature should conform in format to the models found in the chapter enti- 
tled "Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they 
should be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the arti- 
cle and before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not 
desired, though bibliographical material may, of course, be included with- 
in one or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a sepa- 
rate paragraph at the beginning of the note section. 

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly 
labeled as such (e.g.. Appendix 1, Appendix 11, etc.). 

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of 
Markers for examples of these principles in context. 



294 



Illustrations 

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally lend- 
ing itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal encour- 
ages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, plus any 
number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding that 
these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's value 
through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. Photos 
should be5x7or8xl0 black and white glossy prints of medium-high 
contrast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Although black 
and white is without question the preferred format, color prints, if they 
are of exceptionally high quality, may be submitted. Neither color trans- 
parencies (i.e., slides) nor pre-scanned photographic images submitted 
on computer disk are acceptable. Maps, charts, diagrams or other line art 
should be rendered as carefully as possible so as to enhance presentation. 
A separate sheet should be provided listing captions for each illustration. 
It is especially important that each illustration be numbered and clearly 
identified by parenthetical reference at the appropriate place in the text, 
e.g. (Fig. 7). 

Review 

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the jour- 
nal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort is 
made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When 
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be noti- 
fied of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions for 
revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized man- 
uscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for style 
and format before publication. 

Copyright 

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing copy- 
right and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written permissions 
for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously copyrighted 
material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written permission 
from the person holding the copyright must be secured and submitted to 
the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained from persons 
who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit to the photog- 
rapher should be provided in captions or acknowledgment statement. 



295 



As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given 
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission 
to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles 
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a com- 
plimentary copy of the volume. 



AGS JOURNALS 



MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of 
15 articles on topics such as recording & care of grave- 
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual markers, 
& carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & the 
CT Hook-and-Eye Man. [182 pp; 100 illus.] 

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & 
Atlantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in 
Scotland & New England; early symbols in religious 
& wider social perspective; MA carvers Joseph 
Barbur, Jr., Stephen & Charles Hartshorn, & carver 
known as "JN"; Portage County, WI carvers, 1850- 
1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo, TX. 
[226 pp.; 168 illus.] 

MARKERS III Gravestone styles in frontier towns 
of western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan 
markers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County, 
MA.; & NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah 
Coolidge Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther 
Hubbard. [154 pp.; 80 illus.] 

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural 
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions; 
camposantos of NM; & death Italo- American style. [180 
pp.; 138 illus.] 

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum 
designs of Louis Henri Sullivan; Thomas Gold & 7 
Boston carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with 
their initials; & Canadian gravestones & yards in 
Ontario & Kings County, Nova Scotia. [240 pp.; 158 
illus.] 

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley MA.; 
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to 
GA; sociological study of Chicago-area monuments; 
more on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in south- 
western Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a 
review essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying 
Grounds of Eastern Connecticut. [245 pp.; 90 illus.] 

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot 
enclosures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds 
Initiative; unusual monuments in colonial tidewater 
VA; tree stones in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; life 
& work of VA carver Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of 
Monroe County, IN; Celtic crosses; & monuments of 
the Tsimshian Indians of western Canada. [281 pp.; 
158 illus.] 

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering 
studies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their 
work: 15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited 
by Peter Benes. [342 pp.; 206 illus.] 

MARKERS IX A tribute to the art of Francis Duval; 
the Mullicken Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the 
Green Man on Scottish markers; the Center Church 
Crypt, New Haven, CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin & 
his shop; the Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, 
MA; Thomas Crawford's monument for Amos 
Binney; Salt Lake City Temple symbols on Mormon 



tombstones; language codes in TX German cemeter- 
ies; & the disappearing Shaker cemetery. [281 pp.; 176 
illus.] 

MARKERS X The markers carved by Calvin Barber 
of Simsbury CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern 
American cemetery; stonecarving of Charles Lloyd 
Neale of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of 
Louisville, KY; 4 generations of the Lamson family 
carvers of Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the 
Protestant Cemetery in Florence, Italy. [254 pp.; 122 
illus.] 

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemark- 
ers; regional & denominational identity in LA ceme- 
teries; carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester 
County, NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the 
Dead'; slave markers in colonial MA; the Leigh ton & 
Worster families of carvers; a KY stonecutter's career; 
& pioneer markers in OR. [237 pp.; 132 illus.] 

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta gravemarkers; Adam & 
Eve markers in Scotland; a sociological examination 
of cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead 
diary; contemporary gravemarkers of youths; San 
Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's 
Work in Gravemarker/ Cemetery Studies. [238 pp.; 
Ill illus.] 

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of 

Plainfield, CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of 
gravestone carving in Coastal NH; language commu- 
nity in a TX cemetery; carver John Huntington of 
Lebanon, CT; & "The Year's Work." [248 pp.; 172 
illus.] 

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols; 
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern 
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt 
family stonecutters; African-American cemeteries in 
north PL; & "The Year's Work." [232 pp.; 107 illus.] 

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries; 

Herman Melville's grave; carving traditions of 
Plymouth & Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscrip- 
tions; Aboriginal Australian markers; Kansas ceme- 
teries & The New Deal; Chinese markers in Hong 
Kong; & "The Year's Work." [350 pp.; 166 illus.] 

MARKERS XVI Daniel Farber obituary; Nar- 

ragansett carvers John & James New; celebration in 
American memorials; "Joshua Sawyer" (poem); 
Harriet Ruggles Loomis' gravestone; Scotch-Irish 
markers of John Wight; murder in MA; & "The Year's 
Work." [281 pp.; 142 illus.] 

MARKERS XVII Warren Roberts obituary; Italian- 
American memorial practices; carver William Coye 
of Plymouth, MA; "The Quaker Graveyard" (poem); 
developing technologies & cemetery studies; carver 
John Solomon Teetzle & Anglo-German markers in 
NJ; carvers & lettering styles; & "The Year's Work." 
[253 pp.; 150 illus.]