Full text of "Markers"

MARKERS XIX

^ HEAV^

Edited by
Richard E. Meyer

Ljus. OcM^

Markers XIX

Annual Journal of
the Association for
Gravestone Studies

Edited by
Richard E. Meyer

Association for Gravestone Studies
Greenfield, Massachusetts

Association for Gravestone Studies

278 Main Street, Suite 207

Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301

ISBN: 1-878381-12-1
ISSN: 0277-8726
LCN: 81-642903

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39 .48-1984.

Cover illustration: Detail on gravestone, Fir Crest Cemetery,
near Monmouth, Oregon. Photograph by Richard E. Meyer.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Obituary: James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 1

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

Obituary: Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000) 12

Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij

A Common Thread: Needlework Samplers and 18

American Gravestones

Laurel K. Gabel

Legendary Explanations: The Protection of the 50

Remu Cemetery during the Holocaust

Simon J. Bronner

The Origins of Marble Carving on Cape Cod, Part I: 64

William Sturgis and Family

James Blachowicz

From Moravia to Texas: Immigrant Acculturation 174

at the Cemetery

Eva Eckert

Key West Cemetery 212

Kenneth Pobo

The Rule Family: Vermont Gravestone Carvers 214

and Marble Dealers

Ann M. Cathcart

Say It with Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 240

June Hadden Hobbs

The Year's Work in Cemetery/Gravemarker Studies: 272

An International Bibliography

Richard E. Meyer

Contributors 314

Index 318

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF
THE ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES

EDITORIAL BOARD

Richard E. Meyer, Editor
Western Oregon University

Gary Collison, Assistant Editor
The Pennsylvania State University, York

Jessie Lie Farber Julie Rugg

Mount Holyoke College University of York (United Kingdom)

Editor, Markers I

James A. Slater
Richard Francaviglia University of Connecticut

University of Texas at Arlington

Dickran Tashjian
Laurel K. Gabel University of California, Irvine

Barbara Rotundo David H.Watters

State University of New York University of New Hampshire

at Albany Editor, Markers II-IV

Wilbur Zelinsky

The Pennsylvania State University, University Park

Those of us who study and love the old stones are at times brought
face to face with a reality the Puritans understood only too well, and the
inscriptions they often carved upon their gravemarkers serve to remind
us that we are no more immune to the fact of mortality than those for
whom these artifacts were originally created. Two individuals who meant
a great deal to gravestone studies passed away recently, and it is a sad
year indeed when we find ourselves in the position of needing to publish
two obituaries in Markers. Still, these obituaries, tributes that they are,
constitute an important part of the memorial process, and I hope - even
if you did not know James Deetz and Ivan Rigny - that you will take a
few moments here to learn a bit about the lives and achievements of
these two remarkable men.

Markers XIX contains articles presenting a variety of topics and perspec-
tives - testimony once again to the vitality and diversity of this field of study.

I am particularly pleased that two essays - those by James Blachowicz and
Ann Cathcart - choose to focus on one of the most overlooked areas of
gravestone studies, the role of those carvers who were practicing their trade
during that critical period when the predominant material of choice for
markers was shifting from slate to marble. Often plain and unadorned when
compared to the work of some of the well known slate carvers which has
been so well documented from the time of Harriette Forbes onwards, the
stones which these early marble carvers placed in thousands of graveyards
must not be neglected if we are ever to truly understand the history and
evolution of cemeteries and gravemarkers in this country.

Thanks are in order to many for the vital roles they have played in mak-
ing Markers XIX a reality: first and foremost among these, of course, are the
current year's contributors for the high quality of their submissions. Grate-
ful thanks as well to the individual members of the journal's editorial re-
view board for their dedicated efforts, good judgement, and consistently
high standards. I owe a particular debt of thanks this year to Susan Olsen,
Executive Director of the Friends of Woodlawn Cemetery in New York City
(Bronx), for supplying us with the wonderful vintage drawing used to illus-
trate Kenneth Pobo's poem on the Key West Cemetery. As they have for
many years, Fred Kennedy of Lynx Communication Group, Salem, Oregon,
and Patti Stephens of Philomath, Oregon have once again spared no effort
in applying their considerable production and design skills to the process
which makes Markers the handsome volume it is. The officers, execufive
board members, staff, and general membership of the Association for Grave-
stone Studies are, of course, the backbone of support which makes it all
possible. And finally, two in particular whose love has been so important in
all that I do: Lotte Larsen Meyer, ongoing companion of my soul, and a
sweet little Siamese cat, Vienna (1983-2001), notre ami de coeur.

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life,
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information con-
cerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal may
be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of this
issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E. Meyer,
Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone Studies, P.O.
Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 / E-Mail:
meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publications,
membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278 Main Street,
Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836.

R.E.M.

James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

OBITUARY: JAMES FANTO DEETZ (1930-2000)
Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

James Deetz was an outstanding anthropologist, a specialist in his-
torical archaeology, whose professional career spanned forty years. Many
students of cemeteries and gravemarkers are familiar with the pioneer-
ing work he and Edwin (Ted) Dethlefsen did in the 1960s, exploring the
cultural patterns found in colonial gravestones from seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century New England. As experimental archaeology, these
studies are important in the history of archaeological theory. Deetz and
Dethlefsen serendipitously discovered that they could use tightly controlled
data from historic cemeteries to test some of the methods commonly ap-
plied to the study of prehistoric archaeological sites. Based on the notion
that styles gradually come into fashion, reach a peak of popularity, and
then decline in favor (which is shown graphically as the classic battle-
ship-shaped curve), seriation allows an archaeologist to order sites chro-
nologically before firm dates can be established. Deetz and Dethlefsen's
results, happily, validated this relative dating method. They also found
that the anthropological concept of diffusion, how cultural ideas spread,
could be examined by distinguishing changes in gravestone styles. Fur-
ther possibilities for interesting things to do with gravestones were seem-
ingly endless, and exciting. One need only read Jim's foreword to Richard
Meyer's 1989 Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture to
appreciate ^vhat a grand time it was!

In some four years of studying colonial gravestones in New England
(circa 1963-1967), Jim and Ted opened the doors for a new approach to
material culture studies in archaeology - by recording artifacts that were
not only above-ground, but actually bearing dates, and furthermore, still
in situ (their original place). Historical archaeologists have the advantage
- over those who study prehistory - of access to documentary sources by
which to check or support their interpretations of the data, and the infor-
mation inherent in these early stones was prime material for learning
more about the people who chose the designs and erected them as me-
morials. Jim and Ted also discovered Harriette Merrifield Forbes's semi-
nal study, and they applied what she had learned about the carvers of
these folk objects to the task at hand.' Paying close attention to stylistic
variations in the artifacts, combined with archival research and knowl-
edge of the historic period under study, Jim and Ted sought the underly-
ing reasons for such changes. The sequence they perceived, from death's
head to cherub to urn and willow, appeared to be resonant with docu-

James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

merited changes in religious views prevalent over the period under study.
The two scholars co-authored five professional papers from their cem-
etery findings, which are listed in the Appendix. The clearest statement
of this work for the non-archaeologist is "Death's Head, Cherub, Urn and
Willow," originally published in Natural History magazine in 1967. Its last-
ing value is evident from the three reprints of this article that have ap-
peared, one in a collection of general interest and two in readers intended
for classroom use.-^

While Ted's later work would include a number of studies specific to
gravemarkers, Jim cast his net in various directions. But he never forgot
the lessons he had learned from looking at colonial stones early in his
career, and he continued to use gravemarkers as examples in teaching
and in nearly every paper and book he wrote for the next thirty-plus
years. He probably sent hundreds of students from his always-popular
courses in American material culture out to their local graveyards for
term paper and thesis projects, demonstrating that it is entirely possible
to do archaeology without ever setting a spade in the dirt. As he once told
Kathryn, in an advisor-student meeting, a gravemarker is "the most vio-
lent communicative device going!"

Jim was bom in Cumberland, Maryland, and earned his undergradu-
ate and graduate degrees at Harvard. His 1960 doctoral dissertation on
Arikara ceramics was published in 1965, and is still considered an impor-
tant contribution, while his 1967 Invitation to Archaeology remains an ex-
cellent introduction to the field (in fact, it was translated into Japanese as
recently as 1988). Although initially trained in prehistoric archaeology,
Jim's ever-expanding intellectual curiosity led to anthropological studies
of early American life, first in New England, and later in Tidewater Vir-
ginia. Eventually his research became truly global, as he applied his knowl-
edge of American and British material culture to comparative studies of
English settlements in colonial-period South Africa.

His academic appointments included the University of California at
Santa Barbara, Brown University, and the University of California at Ber-
keley (where he also served as the director of the then-Lowie Museum of
Anthropology, and won Berkeley's Distinguished Teaching Award in 1982).
From 1994 he held an endowed chair, Harrison Professor of Historical
Archaeology, at the University of Virginia. He wrote six books, edited
others, and prepared a large number of journal papers over the course of
his career. Here we have chosen to highlight only a few of his many pub-
lications — those of particular interest in gravestone studies, some other

Kathiyn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

significant theoretical works, and his major books. Among the latter is
Jim's multiple award-winning study, Flowerdeiv Hundred: The Arehaeology
of a Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864, which was published in 1993. His full,
and extensive, bibliography (and additional information about him) may
be viewed on-line at The Phjmouth Colony Archive Project.^ It is worth not-
ing, also, that his students presented him with two festschrifts during his
lifetime.^

Jim was one of the first to embrace, and indeed helped define, the
specialty known as historical archaeology in this country, which is now
recognized as a specific sub-discipline of anthropology. He was one of
the earliest presidents of the Society for Historical Archaeology (in 1974),
and its membership would recognize his life-long contributions to the
field with the J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical Archaeology in 1997,
thirty years after the organization was founded.^ For his innovative con-
tributions to Plimoth Plantation (where Jim was Assistant Director from
1967 to 1978, and later a trustee), he was honored with the Henry
Hornblower Tribute Award in 1999. And, of course, most readers of this
journal will be aware that he, along with folklorist Warren Roberts, jointly
received the Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award from the Association for
Gravestone Studies in 2000.

Jim was a scholar of great depth and breadth, and he was a supremely
gifted teacher, both in the classroom and outside of it. All of us who had
the privilege of studying under him or working with him in a variety of
settings will always remember his irrepressible nature, his entertaining
(often irreverent, but always insightful) lectures and comments, and his
joie de vivre. Numerous crew members who lived in tents through steamy,
stormy, Virginia summers would have to admit that Jim could make all
manner of discomforts not only bearable, but fun. He certainly took a
broad view of his work, as he commented to Gene in the field on the
Flowerdew project: "one minute I'm doing archaeology, and the next
minute I'm doing folklore; half an hour ago I was doing history." But
eventually it all came together. Jim's goals, clearly, were not frivolous: he
made his students and his colleagues think, think about the reasons for
the work — and the methods we bring to it — and always to reach for the
big picture. What was life really like for the people whose discarded gar-
bage we excavate and whose houses we measure, and how did their be-
liefs affect the artifacts they made and used? Among his research
specialties he listed "the greater understanding of culture, cognition, and
the impact of mind on the shape, form, and use of the material world. "^

James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

The finest guide to his way of thinking that we can recommend is
Jim's 1996 book. In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early Ameri-
can Life (revised and expanded from the edition published in 1977). It is
scholarly, yet a very accessible work, for he always wrote clearly and con-
cisely, to communicate his ideas not just to other academics, but to as
wide an audience as possible. This brief study both explains the value of
doing historical archaeology and treats a range of material culture as clues,
not only to behavior, but also to a worldview (to us, quite foreign) of
people who lived in the past. Anthropologists use the concept of culture,
which, Jim would have us remember, is itself a mental construct, to un-
derstand human behavior in all of its complexity. His work frequently
focused on how cultures change over time, and he was a master of dis-
covering stylistic variations that point to the underlying patterns. The
changes seen in gravestones — to which he devotes a full chapter in this
book — are correlated with other classes of material culture (ceramics,
houses, food ways, music, etc.) that mutually support his thesis. What Jim
wanted us to understand was that the "small things" left by those who
came before us are their legacy; and if we are careful in our analysis and
courageous in our interpretations, the objects provide one of the most honest
statements from which to seek knowledge of the past.

Jim's body of work teaches archaeologists, and many others, to view
gravemarkers and cemeteries as cultural artifacts and landscapes of deep
significance to those who made and used them. The inclusion of the cem-
etery has become standard practice in community studies, for this allows
the investigator access to an invaluable set of artifacts of both social and
religious importance. Jim's gift was to broaden our perspectives, to open
our eyes to differing historical uses of commonplace objects, and to insist
that we think hard about their meaning (or their multiple meanings, de-
pending on the cultural context in which they were used). For only then
can we begin to incorporate more of the people who lived in the past: not
just the famous, the wealthy, and the literate, but the majority, who in-
deed left few, if any, written records. By using a combination of solid
scholarship within a sound historical framework and careful analysis of
the artifactual record, the stories we tell about the past will make mean-
ingful connections with the lives of the people who lived there, which
can only be a good thing for all concerned.

With his first wife, Eleanore Kelley Deetz, Jim had nine children; the
Deetz family now includes seventeen grandchildren. His final book. The
Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony (available only

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

James Deetz teaching ceramics class.
Archaeology Laboratory, Flowerdew Hundred, VA.

James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

a few weeks before his death), was co-authored by his second wife, Patricia
Scott Deetz. She plans to complete their joint work on a children's book
about Plymouth Colony. Jim Deetz is buried at St. Peter's Catholic Cem-
etery in Westemport, Maryland, and one of his daughters, Cindy Deetz,
has designed a marvelous seventeenth-century-style marker (to be carved
of slate) for his gravesite. The family hopes that it will be in place by
spring 2002.

As one of his former students, Margaret Purser, remarked for a me-
morial service held at Berkeley: "the culmination of a great career is a
truly lived life." Jim did it all. He inspired vast legions of students, col-
leagues, and friends — through his excellent scholarship, his oftentimes
magical teaching, and the many enthusiasms he brought to his work. His
myriad contributions, both professional and personal, will live on.

NOTES

Our special thanks to Trish Deetz, who encouraged us from the beginning of our work on this
tribute: she graciously answered questions, provided photos of her husband, gave us permission
to quote from The Plymouth Colony Archwe Project web site, and took time to review a draft.
We'd also like to thank Cindy Deetz for her spirited response. We further appreciate the consid-
ered comments of Dave and Vera-Mae Fredrickson, while Michael Stephens's suggestions were
helpful as well. Margie Purser kindly gave us permission to quote from her manuscript, "Re-
membering Jim." The frontispiece (by Coy Barefoot) and Burial Hill Cemetery photo are cour-
tesy of Patricia Scott Deetz. The Flowerdew Hundred lab photo (by Gene Prince) is courtesy of
the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley.

1. Harriette Merrifield Forbes, GraiK^stones of Early Nezo England and the Men Wlw Made Tliew,
1653-1800 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1927).

2. The full text of this article, with photos, is also available on-line: see James Deetz, Patricia
Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell, eds.. The Plymouth Colony Archive Project
(Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000), http://etext.virginia.edu/users/deetz (1
September 2001).

3. Ibid.

4. Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, eds.. The Art and Mystery of Historical Ar-
chaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 1992); Mary Ellin
D' Agostino, Elizabeth Prine, Eleanor Casella, and Margot Winer, eds.. The Written and the
Wrought: Complementary Sources in Historical Archaeology, Essays in Honor of James Deetz,
Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers, no. 79 (Berkeley, CA: Department of Anthropol-
ogy, University of California at Berkeley, 1995).

5. See Marley Brown III, "J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical Arcliaeology: James Deetz 1997,"
Historical Archaeology 31: 4 (1997): 1-4.

6. James Deetz, "A Summary of James Deetz's Work & Publications," in The Plymouth Colony
Archive Project.

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

APPENDIX

A Select Bibliography (presented chronologically) of
James Deetz's Major Works and Gravestone Studies

"Style Change in New England Colonial Gravestone Design: An Experi-
ment in 'Historic Archaeology.'" MS, Archaeological Materials and
Techniques, 1963. Department of Anthropology, Harvard University,
Cambridge, MA.

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "The Doppler Effect and Archaeology: A Con-
sideration of the Spatial Aspects of Seriation." Southwestern Journal of
Anthropology 21:3 (1965), pp. 196-206. Reprinted in Experimental Arche-
ology, ed. Daniel Ingersoll, John E. Yellen, and William Macdonald.
New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1977, pp. 133-144.

The Dynamics of Stylistic Change in Arikara Ceramics. Illinois Studies in An-
thropology, no. 4. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1965.
[Published version of his 1960 Ph.D. dissertation.]

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Death's Heads, Cherubs, and Willow Trees: Ex-
perimental Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries." American Antiquity
31:4 (1966), pp. 502-510. Excerpted in Passing: the Vision of Death in
America, ed. Charles O. Jackson. Contributions in Family Studies, no.
2. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977, pp. 48-59. Also available as
"Experimentacion Arqueologica en Cementerio Colonial: Disenos de
Calaveras, Querubines y Sauces" [cover title "Arqueologia Experimen-
tal en Cementerios Coloniales"], trans. Jaime Miasta Gutierrez. Lecturas
"Emilio Choy," no. 15. Lima, Peru: Universidad Nacional Mayor de
San Marcos, Seminario de Historia Rural Andina, 1998, pp. 31-55 [2].

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Death's Head, Cherub, Urn and Willow." Natu-
ral History 76:3 (1967), pp. 28-37. Reprinted in Contemporary Archaeol-
ogy: A Guide to Theory and Contributions, ed. Mark P. Leone. Carbondale,
IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1972, pp. 402-410. Reprinted in
Man's Many Ways: Tlie Natural History Reader in Anthropology, ed. Rich-
ard A. Gould. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1977, pp. 88-93. Re-
printed in Historical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical
Contributions, ed. Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Pub-

James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

lishing, 1978, pp. 83-89. Available on-line in James Deetz, Patricia
Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell, eds.. The Plymouth Colony
Archive Project (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000),
http://etext.virginia.edu/users/deetz (1 September 2001).

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Eighteenth Century Cemeteries: A Demographic
View." Historical Archaeology 1 (1967), pp. 40-42.

Invitation to Archaeology. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Natural History
Press, American Museum Science Books, 1967. [Translated into Japa-
nese, Tokyo, Japan: Tuttle-Mori Agency, 1988.]

"Late Man in North America: Archeology of European Americans." In
Anthropological Archeology in the Americas, ed. Betty J. Meggers. Wash-
ington, D.C.: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1968, pp. 121-
130. Reprinted in Man's Imprint from the Past: Readings in the Methods of
Archaeology, ed. James Deetz. The Little, Brown Series in Anthropol-
ogy. Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1971, pp. 208-218. Reprinted in His-
torical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions,
ed. Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing, 1978,
pp. 48-52.

"Archaeology as a Social Science." In Current Directions in Anthropology.
Bulletins of the American Anthropological Association 3:3, pt. 2 (1970),
pp. 115-125. Reprinted in Contemporary Archaeology: A Guide to Theory
and Contributions, ed. Mark P. Leone. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois
University Press, 1972, pp. 108-117. Reprinted in ASA Journal 1:2 (1977),
pp. 5-14.

"Must Archaeologists Dig?" In Man's Imprint from the Past: Readings in the
Methods of Archaeology, ed. James Deetz. The Little, Brown Series in
Anthropology. Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1971, pp. 2-9.

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Some Social Aspects of New England Colonial
Mortuary Art." In Ap>proaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Prac-
tices, ed. James A. Brown. Memoirs of the Society for American Ar-
chaeology, no. 25, ser. ed. Stuart Streuver. Issued as American Antiquity
36:3, pt. 2 (1971), pp. 30-38.

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

"A Cognitive Historical Model for American Material Culture: 1620-1835."
In Reconstructing Complex Societies — An Archaeological Colloquium, ed.
Charlotte B. Moore. Supplement to the Bulletin of the American Schools
of Oriental Research, no. 20 (1974), pp. 21-24. Reprinted in Historical
Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions, ed.
Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing, 1978, pp.
284-286.

In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life. Garden
City, NY: Doubleday, Anchor Press, Anchor Books, 1977. Reprint, New
York, NY: Doubleday, 1989.

"Material Culture and Archaeology - What's the Difference?" In Histori-
cal Archaeology and the Importance of Material Things, ed. Leland Ferguson.
Special Publication Series, no. 2, ser. ed. John D. Combes. N.p.: The
Society for Historical Archaeology, 1977, pp. 9-12.

"Scientific Humanism and Humanistic Science: A Plea for Paradigmatic
Pluralism in Historical Archaeology." In Historical Archaeology of the
Eastern United States: Papers fixvn the R.J. Russell Symposium, ed. Robert
W. Neuman. Baton Rouge, LA: School of Geoscience, Louisiana State
University. Issued as Geoscience and Man 23 (April 29, 1983), pp. 27-34.

"History and Archaeological Theory: Walter Taylor Revisited." American
Antiquity 53:1 (1988), pp. 13-22.

"Material Culture and Worldview in Colonial Anglo-America." In The
Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States,
ed. Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter Jr. Anthropological Society of
Washington. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988,
pp. 219-233.

"Archaeography, Archaeology, or Archeology?" American Journal of Ar-
chaeology 93:3 (1989), pp. 429-435.

Foreword to Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, ed.
Richard E. Meyer. American Material Culture and Folklife, ser. ed.
Simon J. Bronner. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1989, pp. ix-
xiv. Reprint, Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1992.

10 James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000)

FJowerdew Hundred: Vie Archaeology of a Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864. Char-
lottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1993. Reprint, Charlottes-
ville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1995.

In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life. Rev. and
expanded ed. New York, NY: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1996.

"Discussion: Archaeologists as Storytellers." In Archaeologists as Storytell-
ers, ed. Mary Praetzellis. Historical Archaeology 32:1 (1998), pp. 94-96.

"Cultural Dimensions of Ethnicity in the Archaeological Record." Key-
note Address, 28th Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Ar-
chaeology, Washington, D.C., 1995. In The Plymouth Colony Archive
Project, ed. James Deetz, Patricia Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell.
Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000. http://etext.lib.
virginia.edu/users/deetz/Plymouth/TDeetzmem6.html (1 September
2001).

With Patricia Scott Deetz. The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in
Plymouth Colony. New York, NY: W.H. Freeman, 2000. Reprint, New
York, NY: Random House, Anchor Books, 2001.

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince

James Deetz with Nancy Brennan, Director of Plimoth Plantation,
at Burial Hill Cemetery, Plymouth, MA (circa 1998).

Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000)

OBITUARY: IVAN B. RIGBY (1908-2000)
Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine IVI. Noordsij

Ivan Rigby - artist, scholar, collector, and educator - died after a brief
illness on October 25, 2000, in Circleville, Ohio, where he had been living
with relatives. After a memorial service in Circleville, he was buried with
full military honors in his family plot in La Follette, Tennessee. He was 92.

For those who are students of gravestone art, Ivan Rigby's work stands
as a testament to his valuable contributions to this field. For those of us
who knew Ivan personally and are familiar with the details of his years of
intense and tireless creativity, his dedicated, scrupulous scholarship, and
his personal integrity and loyalty, his death is a larger loss. We miss this
gentle, modest man.

Ivan Rigby was bom in La Follette, Tennessee. In 1931, he graduated
from The Maryland Institute of Art, in Baltimore, Maryland, where he
was awarded a European scholarship to stLidy three-dimensional design.
After graduation, he served on the faculties of several schools in Mary-
land, including The Maryland Institute of Art, where he taught a course
in three-dimensional design. In 1939, he obtained a teaching position at
the Pratt Institute, in Brooklyn, New York. Between 1939 and 1942, he
received his Bachelor of Fine Arts from Pratt and took private lessons
with the sculptor Alexander Archipenko. With colleagues at Pratt, he
developed a course in model making and camouflage.

In 1942, Rigby was drafted into the United States Army; he served
until 1945. The army assigned him to the Corps of Engineers, Camou-
flage Unit, and later to Three-Dimensional Strategic Scale Model Units in
the United States, in England, and, after the invasion, in Paris. During
this time, he prepared three-dimensional terrain maps for the invasions
in the European and Pacific theatres. He also found time to explore Paris's
art scene, to ring the bells of Notre Dame Cathedral, and to visit cel-
ebrated artists in their studios, among them, Henry Moore, Pablo Picasso,
George Braque, Le Corbusier, Alexander Calder, and Salvador Dali.

In 1945, Ivan returned to The Pratt Institute, where he taught in the
Foundation and the Industrial Design Departments. As one of the direc-
tors of The Pratt Gallery, he developed many exhibits, several of which
included his own work in some of his major areas of interest: Pre-
Columbian art, Mexican art, and early American gravestone art.

He retired from full-time teaching in 1973, continuing, however, to

14 Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000)

teach one or two courses. In 1992, the Pratt Institute presented him with
The Rowena Reed Kostellow Award in honor of his long commitment to
excellence in industrial design education. Among the many letters from
former students congratulating him was one which read:

... If someone were to ask me who was the most influential teacher in college, I
would have to say: Ivan Rigby. You taught me to see, to be critical of what I do, and
you gave me tough stcindards to follow. Fifteen years ago I was doing seams on my
dry walls . . . and you were standing over my shoulder saying: 'Now I don't want to
see one flaw in the plaster. I don't want to see one sandpaper scratch. I don't want
to see one bubble, one ripple.' . . . [As a teacher] my basic design courses in the Fine
Arts were based upon my Pratt training, and I must say I patterned myself upon
you ... I felt if I could give [my students] what you'd given me, then they would
have something . . .

One of Ivan's students was Francis Duval, a French Canadian from
Montreal, who worked, following his graduation from Pratt, as a com-
mercial photographer. Francis was a tireless perfectionist, also interested
in the art found on early American gravestones. Ivan, after his retire-
ment, converted the garage of his Brooklyn apartment into a studio. There
he and Francis became colleagues and fellow artists, creating art as well
as promoting the understanding, appreciation, and preservation of grave-
stone sculpture, a then relatively unrecognized area of American folk art.
For twenty years, they traveled through New England, south to North
Carolina, and west to Ohio, capturing fine examples of this art in photo-
graphs and in stunning three-dimensional molds, which were then cast
in plaster for photography and display. Their work was the subject of
numerous exhibitions and was recorded in various publications, the most
complete of which was their book, Enrly American Gravestone Art in Photo-
graphs, published in 1978 by Dover Publications, Inc. After Francis' un-
timely death, the result of complications from an accident in 1989, Ivan
donated their photographs and molds to The Museum of American Folk
Art in New York City. This large and important gift, added to rubbings
by Susan Kelly and Anne Williams, molds by William McCeer, photo-
graphs by Dan and Jessie Lie Farber, and one original gravestone, has
resulted in this country's largest and most varied museum collection of
early American gravestone art.

Like many members of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Ivan
and Francis felt a need to share the discoveries, frustrations, and suc-
cesses they experienced in their often lonely work in graveyards. Begin-
ning with the 1976 Dublin Seminar in Dublin, New Hampshire, which
pre-dated the founding of AGS, they attended every conference until

Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij

Francis' death. Their presence, and later their absence, was keenly felt.
Their contributions to these conferences were specific and unique. Nei-
ther Francis nor Ivan ever presented a formal paper, and in 1981 they
even declined the Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award, the Association's
highest honor. They enjoyed the informality of "The Late Night Show,"
which they originated and which continues as a popular session at AGS
conferences. They produced beautiful, professional-standard exhibits.
They designed the layout for and contributed an article ("Openwork
Memorials of North Carolina") to Markers I, the first edition of AGS's
Annual Journal, which was introduced at the 1980 conference. They de-
signed the organization's original logo. Ivan and Francis were regular
contributors to the AGS Newsletter (now the AGS Quarterly), and they com-
pleted the first two issues, published by AGS, of a plamied series of illus-
trated guides to the best stones in a variety of geographic areas. They
were generous with their time, helpful to anyone who shared their inter-
est in America's early gravestone art. In the area of conservation, they
arranged for an important, threatened stone (Eliakim Hay den, 1797, Essex,
Connecticut) to be taken into a museum for safekeeping. And they prac-
ticed what they preached concerning care of the yards they visited.

As this is being written, it seems inconceivable and somewhat sad
that we in the Association were never until now able - except for the
publication of an article in this journal, written by Ivan as a tribute to
Francis - to formally recognize and celebrate the enormous contribution
to gravestone studies made by Ivan Rigby and his colleague, Francis Duval.

Original AGS logo, designed by Ivan Rigby and Francis Duval,

based upon the Elisabeth Smith (1771) stone,

Williamstown, Massachusetts.

Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000)

For additional information about Francis Duval and Ivan Rigby, including a
list of their publications, a description of the process they used to make molds, as
well as photographs of them at work, see "Reflections of a Collaboration, A Trib-
ute to the Art of Francis Duval," by Ivan B. Rigby, with Katherine M. Noordsij,
in Markers IX.

Ivan Rigby at work on one of his many sculptures (1940s).

Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij

Ivan Rigby making a gravestone mold
in an early Massachusetts burial ground.

Samples and Gravestones

it"

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'While God Does Spare, For Death Prepare." Embroidered sampler,
Mary Batchelder, The Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1773.

A COMMON THREAD:
NEEDLEWORK SAMPLERS AND AMERICAN GRAVESTONES

Laurel K. Gabel

Martha Taylor stitched her name with pride, and presumably relief, on
the needlework sampler she completed in the late 1700s:'

Martha Taylor is my name,
Lancaster is my nation,
Octora is my Dwelling Place,
and Christ is my Salvation.

This common sampler verse also occasionally appears as an epitaph on
early New England gravestones. -

Thirty years ago, when school girl needlework samplers were consid-
ered to be of little or no value (and thus easy to afford from the monthly
grocery money), I began to search out these signed and dated embroider-
ies from garage sales and small antique stores around Boston. My first
sampler cost fifty cents at a neighborhood bazaar and, although there were
two almost identical examples pinned together, shortsighted frugality con-
vinced me to resist such extravagance and I took home only one.

It struck me then, as it still does today, that these seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century samplers have something in common with many of
the gravestones produced in New England during the same time period.
In this essay I will explore some of the similarities - the common threads -
shared by needlework samplers and early American gravestones. I do not
intend to convey the idea that most gravestone iconography came directly
and unaltered from embroidery pattern books, for in only a few instances
do I believe this to be true. However, needlework and gravestones, and
almost all other forms of decorative art, drew inspiration from a common
vocabulary of popular motifs and themes circulating at the time. Among
the most widespread and visible of these design influences was needle-
work. The title pages of several early sixteenth-century needlework books
illustrate the intended use of the printed designs by noting that working
stone masons, carvers, and carpenters would find the collection of pat-
terns useful in their crafts as well.'' This shared design source is illustrated
on the title page of one such needlework pattern book, Peter Quentel's Eyn
Neive Kunstlich Moedelboeck die Kunstner (1529). Quentel's Moedelboeck illus-

Samples and Gravestones

tration (Fig. 1) features three views of women busy at various needlework-
related crafts, along with a fourth scene depicting a stone carver at work
with his mallet and chisels.^

Samplers, also known as examplars (from the Latin exemplum, mean-
ing a model to be imitated or copied; an example) originated as a collec-
tion of various needlework stitches, techniques, and patterns that were
meant to serve the embroiderer as a convenient reference piece. ^ New
stitches and designs were avidly collected and exchanged, passing from
hand to hand along a far-reaching network of friends and relatives.^

Early seventeenth-century samplers were usually worked in a succes-
sion of bands on long and narrow pieces of linen. While the length of indi-
vidual samplers tended to vary greatly (some being more than three feet
long), the width was dictated by the limitations of the loom that produced
the cloth. Most surviving examples range somewhere between six and
nine inches wide.^ Many early samplers were also strewn with randomly
placed spot motifs or crowded with little individual designs, appearing
any which way, wherever there was space. These often fanciful spot mo-
tifs included animal (leopard, squirrel, dog, lion), bird (peacock, parrot,
bluebird), or plant (acorn, wheat, gourd, rose, vine) designs adapted from

Fig. 1, Illustration from the title page of Peter Quentel's
Eyn Newe Kunstlich Moetdelboeck alle Kunstner, 1529,

Laurel K. Gabel 21

the illustrated botciny tracts, herbals, and bestiaries popular at the time.
Bestiaries, especially, with their fantastic descriptions of real and imagi-
nary creatures, were used to illustrate points of Christian doctrine. They
rivaled the Bible in popularity during the Middle Ages.**

Over a lifetime, as new patterns and stitches were acquired, additional
bands might be added to the crowded sampler or some earlier work labo-
riously removed and replaced by a more fashionable or complex design.
When not in use, the collection was rolled up and carefully stored away
until it was needed again as a reference. Samplers were considered to be a
highly valued family resource, often included in estate inventories or be-
queathed in wills to be handed down from one generation to the next.''

Although needlework samplers have been studied extensively, their
ancient history remains somewhat speculative. We know that the early
Egyptians and Babylonians were skilled embroiderers and that their fab-
ric artistry was highly prized by the Greeks and Romans who eventually
adopted many of the intricate patterns and stitches of the eastern cul-
tures.^" Examplar collections of these eastern designs are known to have
existed by 400-500 C. E. Well-preserved Mamluk needleworks from Egyp-
tian burial chambers of the medieval period survive in several museum
textile collections around the world."

During the early Christian era, Italy emerged as the center of fine needle-
work.'- Ecclesiastical embroidery, typically the province of highly skilled
male needleworkers, was particularly widespread and highly esteemed
by monarchs and church dignitaries of the day. Church-related needle-
work continued to develop throughout the Dark Ages (476-1000 C. E.) and
the early years of the Middle Ages, eventually emerging in the thirteenth
century as part of the established Guild system.''' Under the Guild system,
fraternal-like trade unions were established to regulate and protect the
interests of particular trades.''' In England, professional male embroider-
ers belonged to the influential (and still operative) Worshipful Company
of Broderers.'^

That the making of needlework samplers was a fairly common female
occupation by the late 1300s is suggested by the painting of "The Virgin
and St. George" (Fig. 2), attributed to Spanish artist Luis Borrassa (c.l350-
1424). The painting shows an instructor and her convent pupils display-
ing samples of their skill.'*' From the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, al-
most all needlework remained church related.'^ However, a strong revival
in all forms of decorative art, especially fancy embroidery and needle arts,
began to take hold as Europe emerged from the Middle Ages.'^ This focus

Samples and Gravestones

Fig. 2. Young girls with their samplers, from retablo of

"The Virgin and St. George," late 1300s,
attributed to Spanish artist Luis Borrassa (c. 1350-1424).

Laurel K. Gabel 23

on embroidery followed the invention (in the 1450s) of a movable type
printing press, which precipitated a flourishing trade in printed needle-
work pattern sheets and design books.^"^ Venice, a city long associated with
the textile trade, quickly became the dominant center for printing needle-
work patterns.-'^ Many of the early designs originated in the textile-rich
Near East, where religious conventions favored abstract geometric orna-
mentation (stylized trees, plants, flowers, or flowing arabesques) over any
human representation in art.-' Once in printed form, these patterns spread
easily via the extensive trade networks that were rapidly expanding at the
time. Before the end of the sixteenth century, needlework design books
were being produced and copied throughout Europe and Great Britain.^^
There is little question that examplars were quite customary in both En-
gland and Spain by 1500.-^ Specific mention of the word sampler occurred
early in the sixteenth century, a time v^^hen evidence in wills and invento-
ries also suggests that these reference embroideries had become very popu-
lar on the Continent as well as in England.-^ This was a time when wealthy
merchants and others who aspired to join the ranks of the aristocracy
found embroidery a fashionable embellishment. Almost everything was
decorated with needlework - household linens and bed hangings, mirror
frames, heavily embroidered caskets designed to hold precious belong-
ings, shoes, hats, traveling pouches, and every layer of men's and women's
wearing apparel and ceremonial attire.

Several influential pattern books are acknowledged to be the source of
the most popular early designs: publications by Johannes Schonsperger
(1523-24), Peter Quentel (c.1727-29), and Johann Sibmacher (1597) from
Germany; Giovanni Andrea Vavassore (1530) and Giovanni Ostaus (1561)
from Venice; and Federico de Vinciolo, a Venitian working in Paris (1587
and 1591), are among the most well known. In Great Britain, Richard
Shorleyker's Scholehouse for the Needle (published "At the Signe of the Mari-
gold in Paules Church Yard," 1624) and John Boler's best-selling TJie Needle's
Excellency, "a new Booke ivherin are Divers admirable workes wrought with the
needle, newly invented and cut in Copper for the pleasure and profit of the indus-
trious" (there were twelve editions between 1634-1640) popularized many
of the designs and patterns seen on English and then on American sam-
plers from the late sixteenth century onward.-"^ The Needle's Excellency was
actually compiled by John Taylor, who wrote that the patterns came:

24 Samples and Gravestones

From the remotest part of Christendome

Collected with much paines and Industrie

Thus are these workes farre fetch'd and dearly brought

And consequently good for ladyes thought.

Although most sampler designs were copied from common pattern
sources such as those mentioned above, each artist brought his or her own
interpretation to the process. As a result, there are hundreds of imagina-
tive variations of the most popular motifs.

The majority of needlework patterns were printed on strong paper that
could be used over and over. The method of transfer involved pricking
holes along the heavy inked lines of the design and then powdering the
holes with a fine black powder (pounce), a procedure called pouncing.^^ It
is conceivable that gravestone carvers may have employed a similar tech-
nique in order to transfer some designs onto stone, although this is merely
speculation as no confirmation has been found that this technique was
common among stonecutters.

The earliest sampler motifs and designs were inspired by, or in many
instances copied from, ancient patterns, illuminations, and printed tex-
tiles. Handed down, adapted, copied, and repeatedly reworked over a
period of many centuries, the corrupted results cannot always be identi-
fied - or explained. Recognizable human figures, for example, evolved
into geometric designs; geometric designs became simply stylized orna-
mentation; stylized ornamentation disintegrated further into abstract spot
motifs and border designs that were no longer identifiable. As the old
patterns lost integrity, many took on new shapes and meaning.

One such example might appear familiar to students of early grave-
stones. Called "boxers," because their profile stance reminded one nine-
teenth-century researcher of a boxer's pose, these little nude figures began
appearing on English samplers early in the 1600s (Fig. 3). The little figures
almost always appear as a pair, one on either side of a highly stylized
plant design, and they are usually depicted with one upraised arm hold-
ing or supporting various objects, known as trophies. These trophies of-
ten include acorns, fir tree branches, flowers, vases, arrows, drapery, and
many different, unrecognizable geometric shapes.^^

Although boxer figures were a favorite theme of many early pattern
books, the design is found most often on samplers with English origins.^^
The motif proved to be relatively short lived, however, and the little men
died out almost completely in the first quarter of the eighteenth century.^^

Laurel K. Gabel

Fig. 3. "Boxer" pattern from early sampler. Unknown source.

The origin and meaning of these "boxers" has eluded the most knowl-
edgeable needlework researchers. The figures are derived from earlier Ital-
ian and Spanish work and at one time were thought to have evolved from
illustrations of Renaissance cupids, or as rude renderings of processional
figures.^*^ In one early Italian sampler (probably dating from the late 1500s),
the figure of a winged boxer is shown carrying a stubby arrow or spear
(Fig. 4), perhaps lending plausibility to the popular theory that these na-
ked figures may have begim as putti or cupids. At least one scholar, how-
ever, traces the boxers to a corrupted version of an ancient popular design
depicting two suitors presenting gifts to a maiden.^' By the late seven-
teenth century the figures were debased, through repeated pattern trans-
fers and by the inherent limitations of the stitches used, almost to the point

Fig. 4. Winged "boxer" figures carrying arrows.
From Italian sampler of late 1500s or early 1600s.

Samples and Gravestones

of caricature.^^ As is true with so many ancient designs and symbols, when
the original intent was lost, the form soon became incoherent as well. There
is stunning evidence that this particular decorative pattern was
repeated again and again, long after the original meaning had become
obscure.

I believe that the enigmatic "death imps" (e.g.. Fig. 5) that appear on
many (mostly Joseph Lamson-carved) Boston gravestones during the first
decade of the 1700s were inspired by, if not actually copied from, the popu-
lar "boxer" figures found in English pattern books and needlework sam-
plers of the day. The "boxer" or "death imp" design does not appear to be
associated with silver, pottery, decorated furniture, engraved bookplates,
or any other form of commonly produced decorative art.^"* These little fig-
ures appear only on samplers and on gravestones, their popularity span-
ning a relatively brief period at the end of the 1600s and the first decade of
the 1700s.

According to Lamson scholar Ralph Tucker, there are 110 separate
"death imp" images carved on at least 41 Boston-area gravestones with
dates between 1671 and 1712 (Fig. 6). Stones bearing these images appear
to have been carved almost exclusively by the Lamson shop.^^ The imp
figures on the gravestones (e.g.. Fig. 7) are nearly identical to the boxers
worked on samplers. Although unique to a single time and place (and

Fig. 5. "Boxer" or "Death Imp" detail from gravestone for
Martha Dadey, 1708/9, Charlestown, Massachusetts.

Laurel K. Gabel

8
6 -
4 -
2 -

IMP STONES

• •

• • ••

1660

1670 1680 1690 1700 1710

Fig. 6. "Death Imp" gravestones, 1671-1712.

1720

most likely to a single workshop), the death imp gravestones have always
been explained within the context of Puritan religious symbolism.^"* While
such interpretations may indeed be valid as to symbolic value, the little
figures themselves seem to be clearly derived from needlework sampler
patterns whose origins are obscured by several centuries of evolution.

Another design found in early needlework pattern books, on samplers,
and on a handful of seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Boston-
area gravestones features a mythical mermaid on either side of a lidded
urn or chalice. Figure 8 illustrates one of several sixteenth-century needle-
work patterns known to have exhibited a similar arrangement.^''

^i^i^^^ffi

A\aav%iJ^iili?u;«i^miu^m^i^tJi«

Fig. 7. "Death Imp" detail from gravestone for
Rev. Thomas Clark, 1704, Chelmsford, Massachusetts.

Samples and Gravestones

n.%%%%%\%%%SV.\%\V.%VA%VAVd".V.-dV.'.V^--.%VJ"-%

J"-P^iPiiPd"^J"^WW^AP.'JVWdWWirdVAPAWAP.VAV.SS\SV.%\V

Fig. 8. One of several 16th-century mermaid patterns.

Some form of half-human, half-fish mythology has existed, of course,
in almost all ancient cultures, especially those with seafaring traditions.^^
Mermaids or mermen^^ (and the loosely related Tritons, Dagons, Nereids,
Undines, and Nayads)^'^ were familiar figures in popular mythology. Mer-
maid forms appear on fourth-century needlework from Egypt, Alexan-
dria, and Rome,*^ and are also highly visible in heraldry, where they are
usually depicted holding a mirror and comb.^' There was a revival of in-
terest in mermaids during the Middle Ages, and they were included in
numerous bestiaries that were in vogue at the time.^' As metaphors for
moral lessons, mermaids can be found decorating the grand interiors of
Europe's ancient cathedrals, posing on the blatantly irreverent monastery
misericords, and mocking sinners from carved ends of pews and stalls
within lesser parish churches.'*^ Saint Patrick, famous for banishing snakes
from Ireland, was also alleged to have banished all the old pagan women
from earth by turning them into seductive mermaids whose influence was
limited to the watery underworld.^^ The Nuremberg Bible {Biblia Sacra
Germanica, 1483) includes a woodcut (Fig. 9) illustrating the "Seduction of
the Faithful", a scene which depicts Noah's Ark adrift between a mermaid
and her mate of the deep. As one scholar notes: "Symbols of Vice, the
voluptuous harlot-mermaids as represented by the medieval Church, per-
sonified the lure of base, unnatural desires which stood between a man
and his chance of salvation.'"*^

The mermaids of mythology existed without a soul and were always
associated in some manner with the destructive forces of corruption, temp-

Laurel K. Gabel

Fig. 9. "Seduction of the Faithful" woodcut from
Biblia Sacra Gennanica, 1483 (Nuremberg Bible).

tation, vanity, or lust.^ It was Persephone, mythical goddess of the watery
underworld, who some say assigned mermaids the task of carrying ab-
ducted souls of the dead to Hades. The Western Roman Church thus used
mermaids to symbolize the attractiveness of sin that stood ready to "lure
upright citizens from the straight and narrow/'"*^

How then do we explain the mermaids - pagan and mythical symbols
of vanity and deceit, soulless messengers to Hades' underworld - that
appear as the central theme on gravestones for Boston's Puritan elite? (Fig.
10) Many gravestone scholars have been tempted to assign complex and
often contradictory religious meaning to the "Puritan" mermaids.^^ Their
explanations are not always convincing. Is it possible that Boston's grave-
stone mermaids, much like the contemporaneous "boxer" figures,
represent yet another example of a common motif whose ancient pagan
meanings evolved over centuries to serve a new, essentially decorative,
function? A suitable analogy is suggested by a beautifully carved slate
gravestone (Fig. 11) for a man who died in 1908.'*'^ It is hard to believe that
Puritan religious doctrine was a conscious factor in the choice of this fa-
miliar design. Were nineteenth- and early twentieth-century patrons and
gravestone carvers aware of the multiple layers of ancient symbolism as-

Samples and Gravestones

Fig. 10. Detail from gravestone for Jacob Eliott, 1693,
Boston, Massachusetts.

mK)VVN^^

Fig. 11. Slate gravestone for Henry Howard Brown, 1908,
Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Laurel K. Gabel

sociated with these paired mermaids? Perhaps. But the design choice may
also be a reflection of popular revivalism - a pleasing ancient motif that
can be vaguely associated with the early history and prestige of Boston's
founding families. The 1908 slate is almost identical to many of the early
Boston mermaid stones. Tastefully faithful to a meaningful historic and
quasi-religious mythology, the design is repeated, one suspects, because
of its artistic merit and associative history rather than for any well-defined
symbolic intent.

Mermaids became a part of many coats of arms granted during
England's Elizabethan period. Of particular relevance to the composition
of the original Boston, Massachusetts, mermaid stones are the heraldic
arms belonging to the ancient city of Boston (Fig. 12), England. Boston
was the English home of Puritans John Cotton, Isaac Johnson, and several
other founders of the newly planted Puritan stronghold of the same name

Fig. 12. Arms of the Borough of Boston, Lincolnshire, England.

32 Samples and Gravestones

in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. It seems likely that Boston, England's
armorial identity n^ight have been familiar and particularly meaningful to
the spiritual and economic leaders of newly founded Boston, Massachu-
setts.

Of the sixteen extant Boston-area gravestones with mermaid motifs,^"
the majority were probably actually carved in the 1690s (Fig. 13). Most
have been attributed to the carver known only by his initials, J.N., possi-
bly the Boston silversmith John Noyes.^^ However, based on lettering and
other stylistic differences, the mermaid stones, which represent the pin-
nacle of sophisticated iconography for that time and place, appear to have
been produced by more than one local carver.

Many of the elegant and unconventional motifs usually attributed to
the silversmith JN have components common to needlework: the use of
popular lily and tulip sampler designs, for example, the inclusion of pea-
cocks, classical urns, mermaids, squirrels, birds, and the use of detailed
crosshatching and raised stippling to accent the center of flowers and
gourds. Every one of these motifs and techniques is typical of (although
certainly not exclusive to) contemporary needlework samplers and crewel
embroidery.

Baskets or urn-like vases overflowing with flowers and two birds eat-

MERMAID STONES

6
5

4 -
3 -
2
1

■•■■•■ ••-♦

1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1720 1730

Fig. 13. Mermaid gravestones, 1680-1720.

Laurel K. Gabel

ing cherries or fruit from either side of a low bowl (Fig. 14) are also famil-
iar sampler designs reproduced on gravestones. Symbolically, cherries were
believed to represent the Fruits of Paradise and thus eternal life, while
birds were seen as stewards of the Christian soul.^^ Birds on either side of
a fountain or bowl resemble early church embroidery of doves drinking at
a fountain, which symbolizes Eternal Life." Numerous samplers include a
spot design depicting two birds flanking a stylized plant or tree with the
words "a symbol of innocence" embroidered directly beneath it. The writ-
ten explanation associated with this particular spot motif is rare; samplers
seldom include such clarification. The proliferation of this particular odd-
ity appears as one more example of a standard pattern that was repro-
duced from some unknown source and then faithfully copied again and
again by multiple sampler makers. A similar example exists on grave-
stones in the repeated and widespread use of a large lower case "a" in the
word "age": e.g., "in the seventy -ninth year of her age." Tliis unexplained
stylistic convention was repeated by several carvers working in different
geographic areas of Massachusetts in the last quarter of the 1700s. Em-
broiderers - and gravestone carvers - undoubtedly reproduced many
popular motifs simply for their design value rather than from any real
knowledge of the pattern's original symbolic significance.

Carved border panels of twining foliage or flowers growing up from a
decorative um,"^ undulating ribbon borders, ^^ stylized scroll devices, ^^ the

Fig. 14, Detail from gravestone for Batha Hall, 1698,
Dennis, Massachusetts.

Samples and Gravestones

Tudor rose,^^ and strawberry and acorn (often associated with the Stuart
monarchy)^** borders (Fig. 15) are further examples of designs common to
both gravestones and needlework.

Pomegranates and gourds (Fig. 16) are also familiar motifs on needle-
work of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Laden with reli-
gious meaning, they are usually associated with Christian faith and with
the renewal and heavenly abundance promised by Christ's church.^''

The use of crowns of every kind was almost universal on samplers,
where they were employed as decorative fillers for incomplete lines of
verse or as spot motifs, often bearing descriptive labels such as king, queen,
earl, duke, and viscount. In America, the use of crowns continued beyond
the Revolution, due in part, perhaps, to the inclusion of this motif in the
standard alphabet marking pages that were printed in several popular
schoolbooks and family almanacs.*'"

The theme of Adam and Eve, another motif prevalent on Scottish and
English samplers, was only slightly less popular in Colonial America. The

Fig. 15. Acorn and strawberry design borders on gravestones for (from

left): Joseph Bernard, 1695, Deerfield, Massachusetts; Thankful Baker,

1697/8, Dorchester, Massachusetts; Joseph Nightengale, 1715, Quincy,

Massachusetts; Benj. Thompson, 1714, Roxbury, Massachusetts.

Laurel K. Gabel

Fig. 16. Pomegranates and gourd borders on gravestones for (from

left): Ambros & Mary Dawes, 1705, 1706, Boston, Massachusetts;

Edward Grant, 1682, Boston, Massachusetts; Melicen Neal, 1687,

Boston, Massachusetts.

Samples and Gravestones

scene appeared on painted furniture, on firebacks, in children's' lesson
books, and on gravestones. Scottish researcher Betty Willsher reminds us
that "religious fervor was stronger in seventeenth- and eighteenth-cen-
tury Scotland than in England, and great stress was laid on sin, death, and
the Resurrection."^^ Mrs. Willsher has catalogued more than sixty Scottish
gravestones (1696-1799) which bear this popular Biblical scene, symbolic
of sin and death.''^ There are several similar Adam and Eve gravestone
examples in the heavily Scottish settlements of Nova Scotia.^^ The 1767
Bristol, Rhode Island stone for twenty-year-old Sarah Swan (Fig. 17), re-
cently attributed to carver William Coye,^"* is the only known American
example.

Just as the outline shape and form of gravestones changed over time,
so too did the size and configuration of samplers. No longer long and
narrow, eighteenth-century needlework became organized within a de-
fined border frame, like a picture.^^ And, like a picture, the stitching be-
came decorative, meant to be admired. From their original purpose as a
ready reference of stitches and patterns, samplers gradually became a
schoolgirl exercise in embroidery technique and acquired refinement. A
majority of the samplers made between about 1660 and 1840 were the
educational products of young girls between the ages of five and fifteen.*'^
In the ordinary dame schools, instructors combined embroidery and lit-
eracy, teaching young students (sometimes boys as well as girls) to stitch
the alphabet, numbers, and a short moral or religious verse. Samplers,

Fig. 17. Detail from gravestone for Sarah Swan, 1767,
Bristol, Rhode Island.

Laurel K. Gabel 37

considered an important validation of a girl's educational achievement,
were frequently framed and displayed with pride. In contrast to the work-
ing Examplars of an earlier era, which were only occasionally initialed,
these schoolgirl examples of accomplishment were often signed and dated,
sometimes with an acknowledgement of thanks to a named instructor or
particular school.

Since sampler designs were often the work of the teacher, rather than
of the students who actually stitched the samplers, a popular design might
have had many variations, each combining colors and motifs in a uniquely
individual way.^'^ Likewise, a gravestone carver's signature design might
be adapted by another carver or employed in some fresh combination to
create a new design. Henry Christian Geyer's characteristic border motif,
for example, was sometimes incorporated in the work of Paul Noyes; the
hanging tympanum flowers always identified with the Lamson shop are
conspicuous on several stones carved by James Ford; and the equally rec-
ognizable Park footstone device appears in the work of Daniel Hasting
and other imitators. It is not unusual to find several carvers employing the
same stylistic elements, each in a uniquely individual way.

Older girls, whose parents could afford to send them to female acad-
emies or private day schools, produced elaborate and highly refined needle-
work: classical scenes done in silk, allegorical figvires, memorial pictures,
mourning samplers, and professionally drawn heraldic embroideries
worked under the guidance of special needlework instructors. The ornate
designs were often the work of the teacher who was free to copy the suc-
cessful needlework efforts of others or to reproduce examples found in
printed pattern folios, illustrated Bibles, or emblem books. In 1738, Boston
teacher Susanna Condy advertised that she would draw "Patterns from
London, but drawn . . . much cheaper than English drawings."''*^ Later in-
structors invited parents of prospective students "to call and view the
collection of fine Drawings, English and French Books, &c. provided for
the use of the pupils. "^"^ Such designs were routinely dispersed to pupils,
each of whom might pass the pattern on to a younger sibling or neighbor,
who, after adding to or modifying the basic design further, shared it with
another circle of friends or relatives, and so on. The elaborately embroi-
dered coats of arms appear to have been exclusive to the Boston area,
where their popularity, starting in the early 1740s, coincides with the pro-
liferation of heraldic gravestones and armorial tomb fronts (Fig. 18).'^° The
very best of these skillfully worked schoolgirl embroideries are breaking
records at top auction houses across the country. Hanah Otis' needlework

Samples and Gravestones

Fig. 18. Armorial detail from James Bowdoin family tomb front,
unknown date, Boston, Massachusetts.

Laurel K. Gabel 39

picture of Boston Common in 1753, for example, brought well over one
million dollars ($1,175,500) when it sold at Sotheby's in 19967^

In her authoritative two-volume work. Girlhood Embroidery: American
Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1860, Betty Ring has chronicled many
of the influential regional instructors and their identifying needlework
designs in much the same way that pioneering gravestone scholar Harriette
Forbes first identified gravestone carvers and their associated styles/- Just
as regional styles or "schools" of gravestone carving are routinely identi-
fied because of the size and shape of a marker, the lettering style, or the
use of a particular type of stone or signature design, samplers and embroi-
dered pictures also may be attributed to a particular needlework school or
geographic region based on the overall design of the sampler, uniquely
combined motifs, the verse, and the specific materials, colors, and em-
broidery techniques used to create the whole. Samplers originating in Essex
County, Massachusetts, for example, were often worked on a fine dark
linen and frequently included the Latin abbreviation Obt. or Obit, for
"died."^^ It is interesting to note that this more classical terminology was
also uniquely prevalent on the Essex County gravestones carved by Salem's
Levi Maxcy and others/^

George Washington's death in 1799 precipitated the great popularity
of needlework mourning pictures and memorial embroideries produced
in America during the first quarter of the nineteenth century/"^ Always
considered more fashionable than sorrowful, these stylized mourning em-
broideries were meant to reflect refinement and culture, a fashionable way
to demonstrate needlework skills and social status. The same decorative
details were being used on wallpaper, fabrics, jewelry - and, again, grave-
stones. Almost all mourning or memorial embroideries included one or
more weeping trees to symbolize the surviving mourner's loss. A majority
of the memorial scenes also included a raised tomb topped by an urn or a
stunted obelisk, a garden of flowers or a body of water with a church or
cathedral on the far shore, and fashionably dressed figures in obvious
mourning poses within the picturesque graveyard (Fig. 19). The faces of
the family mourners in the embroidered scenes were occasionally person-
alized, some painted in by well-known portrait artists who also adver-
tised their expertise in drawing needlework patterns.^*' At least two identi-
fied gravestone carver/masons are known to have also designed patterns
for needlework.^^ The local embroidery teachers and gravestone carvers
copied the designs of others or reproduced examples found in printed
pattern folios, illustrated Bibles, emblem books, or in the popular bestiaries

Samples and Gravestones

and herbals mentioned earlier/^ Sometimes amazingly detailed tombstone
inscriptions were handwritten or actually printed in type and then skill-
fully attached to the embroidered monuments. Most of the pictures were
romantically generic, although occasionally a recognizable setting or rep-
lica of a specific family tomb was reproduced. Many of the most elaborate
silk embroidery pictures were taken directly from European prints and
engravings.^*^ If a young girl did not have a family member or distant rela-
tive to memorialize in needle art, there were numerous popular alterna-
tives in the form of allegorical representations of Faith, Hope, Charity, or
Liberty, the four seasons, or illustrations of dramatic moments in popular
novels. Scenes from classical mythology and Shakespeare appear more
often than do purely American subjects.^" A majority of these silk needle-
work pictures date from the first half of the nineteenth century, a time
when the same popular figures and themes began to appear on monu-
ments in America's emerging rural cemeteries.

Fig. 19. Needlework mourning picture worked by
Lucretia Carew, 1800, Norwich, Connecticut.

Laurel K. Gabel 41

Another important feature shared by both samplers and gravestones
is a consoling message or instructive rhyme. Pious verses and moral les-
sons began to appear on English samplers in the middle of the seven-
teenth century^^ and on Colonial needlework of the 1700s. Many of the
embroidered sampler verses are familiar to us as gravestone epitaphs. From
the popular Nezv England Primer, for example:

from death's arrest no age is free^^

* * * *

time cuts all, both great and small

* * * *

as runs the glass, our lives doth pass.

Whether embroidered on samplers or carved on gravemarkers, the verses
served to remind the reader of his or her own mortality. Consider:

Great God, how frail a thing is man, how swift his minutes pass.
His age contracts within a span; he blooms and dies like grass.*"*

Or the familiar:

Death is a debt to nature due
Which I have paid, and so must you.

There were also many embroidered and carved variations of this favorite
theme:

Our life is never at a stand, 'tis like a fading flower.
Death is always near at hand, comes nearer every hour.*^

Following the publication of Isaac Watts' Divine and Moral Songs for
Children in 1720, and Charles Wesley's poems and hymns in the 1740s,
many sampler verses and gravestone epitaphs derived from these popu-
lar sources. From The Psalms and Hymns of Isaac Watts (Psalm 17):

My flesh shall slumber in the ground 'till the last trumpet's joyous sound;
Then burst the chorus with sweet surprise and to my Savior's 'mage rise.

42 Samples and Gravestones

Also popular on both samplers and gravemarkers are the following lines
from a poem and hymn by Josiah Conder (1789-1855):

O'Blessed be the hand that gave, still blessed when it takes.

And from the same verse:

Perfect and True are all His ways, whom Qirist adores and heaven obeys."^^

It is apparent that needlework pattern books and samplers were among
the many design influences familiar to early gravestone carvers. Mostly,
these patterns were not unique to needlework or gravestones, but were
part of a standard vocabulary of motifs in general use at the time. A few
specific patterns, such as the English "boxer" figures or the influential
acorn and strawberry border designs, may have derived directly from
popular pattern books that were known to have advertised their useful-
ness to carpenters, stone masons, and carvers in addition to needleworkers,
male and female.

The sentiments expressed as gravestone epitaphs also served young
embroiderers who incorporated these same lines into their samplers. Both
gravestones and needlework recognize regional designs, materials, and
methods that can be identified as "schools" of work, often associated
with a particular artisan or teacher. The stated purpose of many sam-
plers and gravestones, however, is perhaps the most enduring common
thread: "When I am dead and in my grave and all my bones are rotten.
May this yoii see and remember me, that I may not be forgotten."

NOTES

Tine following individuals and institutions deserve special mention and my thanks for their help:
Robert Pierce, Robert Miller, Ted Chase, Michael Coniish, Jill Cunninghis, Jo Goeselt, Joanne
Davis, Old York Maine Historical Society, Albany Institute of History, Winterthur Museum, Boston
Museum of Fine Arts, American Antiquaricin Society, Maine Historical Society, Edward Maeder
at Old Deerfield Village, Colonial Williamsburg, Hingham Historical Society, Daughters of the
American Revolution Museum, Chester County, Pennsylvania, Historical Society, Cooper-Hewitt
National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution/Art Resource, The Museums at Stony Brook,
Lynne Bassett of Old Sturbridge Village, Wadsworth Athenaeum, Lee-Ellen Griffith, Peabody-
Essex Institute, John Benson, and especially to Carol Perkins and to the Daniel and Jessie Lie
Farber Collection of Gravestone Photographs, the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester,
Massachusetts, for their permission to use photographic examples from the collection.

Laurel K. Gabel 43

Credits for particular illustrations used in this essay are as follows:

Frontispiece - Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution/Art Resource,
Bequest of Mrs. Henry E. Coe, 1941-69-166.

Fig. 1 - Weidenfield and Nicolson Archives, London, England.

Fig. 2 - From Girlhood Enibroidcri/ by Betty Ring, copyright © 1992 by Betty Ring. Used by per-
mission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.

Fig. 4 - From title page of Margaret Fawory and Deborah Brown, Tlic Book of Samplers (New
York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1980).

Figs. 5, 7, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17 - From the Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber Collection of Gravestone
Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts.

Fig. 8 - From Needlework Patternsfrom Renaissance Germany, recharted by Kathryn Newall from
John Sibmacher's Schon Neues Modelbuch, 1599 (Austin, TX: Curious Works Press, 1994),
plate 66.

Fig. 9 - Victoria and Albert Picture Library, London, England.

Fig. 18 - Photograph courtesy of Michael Cornish.

Fig. 19 - Long Island Museum of Art History and Carriages, Stony Brook, New York.

1 . Martha Taylor sampler, 1 797, Winterthur Museum #91.5.

2. Two examples: Katharine Symonds, 1785, Middleton, MA, and Jonathan Simpson, 1733,
Wayland [Old Sudbury], MA. The Simpson gravestone records a common variation of
this familiar theme: "Charlestown doth claim his birth / Boston his habitation / Sudbury
hath his grave / where was his expiration."

3. Kim Salazar, The New Carolingiaii Modelbook: Counted Embroidery Patternsfrom Before 1600
(Albuquerque, NM: Outlaw Press, 1995), 17.

4. Anne Sebba, Samplers: Five Centuries of a Gentle Craft (New York, NY: Thames and Hudson,
1979), 16.

5. Donald King, Samplers (London, England: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, Victoria and
Albert Museum, 1960), 2; Averil Colby, Samplers (London, England: B. T. Batsford, 1984;
reprinted from 1964 edition), 17.

6. Rita Vainius, "Samplers Through the Ages," The Caron Collection ( http://caron-net.com/
featurefiles/featfeb.html (February 17, 2000): 1.

7. Susan Burrows Swan, Wi>iterthur Guide to American Needlework (New York, NY: Crown
Publisher, 1976), 10; Pamela Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictio}ian/ (New York, NY:
William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1976), 232.

44 Samples and Gravestones

8. "The Bestiaries became standard books used by medieval artists in the development of
their complex iconographies, as moralizing parallels were regularly drawn between the
animals and their human counterparts": Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, Dictionary of
Christian Art (New York, NY: Continuum, 1994), 59. See also Beatrice Phillpotts, Mermaids
(New York, NY: Ballantine Books, 1980), 30.

9. King, Samplers, 2.

10. Betty Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers & Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1850
(New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), 4; Cheryl Christian, "Kathleen Epstein: Solving
the Mysteries of the 17th Century FineLines 3:2 (1998): 10-13.

1 1 . Paula Richter, Historic Needlework Lecture, Peabody-Essex Museum, April 7, 2000. See
also Sarah Don, Traditional Samplers (New York, NY: Viking Penguin Press, 1986), 9; Colby,
Samplers, 18; King, Samplers, 4.

12. Colby, Samplers, 18; Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework,
4.

13. Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 39. In 1613 when James I asked the guild
companies to help settle English and Scottish Protestants in Northern Ireland, each of the
twelve main guilds absorbed several smaller companies. Interestingly, the Broders Guild
and the Masons Guild were included under the larger Mercers Company and remained
linked until the system was abolished in 1908.

14. For a brief history of the ancient Broderer 's Guild, see their website at vyvyw.csinter.net/
broderers/: also Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 39.

15. Rita Vainius, "Men in the Fiber Arts: From the Renaissance to the Industrial Revolution,"
The Caron Collection, http://caron-net.com/featurefiles/featjan.html (January 14, 2000):
1-4.

16. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 5.

17. Ibid., 4.

18. Don, Traditional Samplers, 9.

19. Carol Humphrey, Samplers (Cambridge, England: Fitzwilliam Museum Handbooks,
Cambridge University Press, 1997), 3.

20. Ibid., 3-4.

21. Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 18-19.

22. King, Samplers, 2-3.

23. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 5.

24. Humphrey, Samplers, 3; King, Samplers, 2.

Laurel K. Gabel 45

25. Sebba, Samp^lers: Five Centuries of a Gentle Craft, 16-18. Also see Humphrey, Samplers,
3-4.

26. Pounce was usually a mixture of ground cuttlefish bone and charcoal: see Madilayn de
Mer, "Transferring Embroidery Patterns to Fabric," Combat and Archery, http://
www.sca.org.au/riverhaven/Actmegan.html: Davida Tanenbaum Deutsch, "Needlework
Patterns and Their Use in America," Antiques (February, 1991): 376. To transfer a design
onto fabric: "prick with a Pin any Outlines of a Print or Drawing one has a mind to copy,
and then, laying the said Picture on a Sheet of paper, take a Powder-puff, or a Tuft of
Cotton, dipping it now and then in Charcoal-dust, or red Chalk-dust, and beat it over the
prick'd Lines, through the picture, renewing it with Dust freqviently by dipping, and then
you will have full Directions marked on your Cloth or Paper, sufficient to finish a just
Drawing." See also Cyril G. E. Bunt, "An Embroidery Pattern Book," in Needlework: An
Historical Survey (New and Expanded Edition), ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown, NJ: The Main
Street Press, 1984), 15.

27. Colby, Samplers, 57; 71-73. Also Clabburn, Tlie Needleivorker's Dictionari/, 37.

28. Clabburn, The Needleivorker's Dictionary, 37; Humphrey, Samplers, 4.

29. Colby, Samplers, 57; 67; 71-73.

30. Ibid., 71-73; Humphrey, Samplers, 5; Gay Swift, The Batsford Encyclopaedia of Embroidery
Techniques (London, England: B. T. Batsford, 1984), 31.

31. M. Jourdain, The History of English Secular Embroidery (New York, NY: E. P. Dutton and
Co., 1912), 182.

32. Humphrey, Samplers, 4-5.

33. Justin Jarrett, of Witney Antiques, London, England; personal communication, November
12 and 13, 1999.

34. Ralph Tucker, personal correspondence, February 22, 2000. See also: Ralph Tucker,
"Heavenly Imps, Evil Demons, Little Men," Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone
Studies 3:3 (1979): 1-3.

35. Allan I. Ludwig, Graven Images: Neio England Stonecarving and its Symbols, 1650-1815
(Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1966), 100-107; 236. Also Dickran and Ann
Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change: The Art of Early New England Stonecarving
(Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1974), 79.

36. Salazar, Tlie Neio Carolingian Modelbook: Counted Embroidery Patterns from Before 1600,
154; Thomasina Beck, 77rc Embroiderer's Story: Needlework from the Roiaissance to the Present
Day (Spa, Italy: David and Charles, 1995), 28; Kathryn Newall, Needlework Patterns from
Renaissance Germany: Desig)is Recharted by Kathryn Newall from John Sibmacher's Schon
Neues Modelbuch, 1599 (Boulder, CO: Costume and Dressmaker Press, 1999), 11; 22;
German Renaissance Patterns for Embroidery: A Facsimile Copy of Nicolas Bassee's New
Modelbuch of 1568 (Austin, TX: Curious Works Press, 1994), plate 66 (see also plates 16
and 44 for other examples of designs shared by gravestones and needlework).

46 Samples and Gravestones

37. Beatrice Phillpotts, Mermaids (New York, NY: Ballantine Books, 1980).

38. "The earliest recorded ancestor of the mermaid was in fact a male sea god, Oannes, the
'great fish of the ocean' worshiped by the Babylonians circa 5,000 BC": Ibid., 8.

39. Triton: a god of the sea, son of Poseidon, portrayed as having the head and trunk of a
man and the tail of a fish; Nereid: any of the sea nymphs, sometimes seen as protectors,
Dagon: chief god of the Philistines and later the Phoenicians, half man and half fish,
Undine: female water spirit. See American Heritage Dictionary, 3rd ed. (New York, NY:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1992); Phillpotts, Mermaids, 14. Malcolm South, ed.. Mythical and
Fabulous Creatures: A Source Book and Research Guide (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1987).

40. W. Fritz Volbach, Early Decorative Textiles-; (Middlesex, England: Paul Hamlyn Publishing
Group, 1966), 11; 14; 26. The fatal seductresses called Sirens derived from ancient Egyptian
soul birds known as the Ba, "soul birds," "demons of death." Tlie Ba (half bird, half woman)
often appeared on Egyptian tomb carvings. They are considered to be the direct ancestor
of mermaids. See Phillpotts, Mermaids, 19-21.

41 . Colby, Samplers, 74-76.

42. Phillpotts, Mermaids, 30.

43. Annette Stramesi, "The Mermaid's Tale: Legends and Folklore About Mermaids," Colonial
Homes 20:4 (1994): 52; 55. See also Robert Hunt, Popular Romances of the West of England
(New York, NY: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1916), 148; Jim Higgins, Irish Mermaids (Galway,
Ireland, Crows Rock Press, 1995).

44. Phillpotts, Mermaids, 26.

45. Ibid., 27; 30.

46. According to popular tradition, mermaids might acquire the longed-for soul if they
married a mortal: Ibid., 38.

47. Ibid., 28-30.

48. Dickran and Ann Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change: The Art of Early Neiu England
Stonecarving, 89-92; Ludwig, Graven Images: New England Stonecarving and its Syvd^ols,
J650-1815, 296; David Watters, "The JN Carver," Markers II (1983): 115-131.

49. Thanks to Meg Winslow, Curator of Historical Collections, Mt. Auburn Cemetery, for
her help in identifying the location of this stone.

50. Jol-UT Briggs, unknown date, Boston; Major Tliomas Savage, 1681, Boston; Michael Martyn,
1682, Boston; Benjamin Hills, 1683, Boston; Prisscilla Coddington, 1688, Newport, Rhode
Island; Hanah Craford, 1688, Boston; Timothy Dwyt, 1691/2, Boston; William Button,
1693, Portsmouth, New Hampshire; Jacob Eliott, 1693, Boston; William Greenough, 1693,
Boston; Matthew Pittom, 1693/4, Boston; Ann Simpson, 1694, Boston; Hannah Wadsworth,
1706, Boston; Samuel Clap, 1708, Dorchester; Elizur Holyoke, 1711, Boston; Mary
Holyoke, 1720, Boston. See also Watters, "The JN Carver," 117.

Laurel K. Gabel 47

51. Ibid., 115-131.

52. Colby, Samplers, 40; 79-80.

53. Ibid., 80.

54. Massachusetts examples include stones for Sarah Wheeler, 1775, Sudbury; Anna Peirce,
1775, Groton; Abigail Stone, 1767, Lexington; and Samuel Tuttle, 1780, Littleton.

55. Needlework design examples can be found in Art of the Embroiderer, by Charles Germain
de Saint-Aubin, Designer to the King, 1770 (Boston, MA and London, England: Los
Angeles County Museum of Art in association with David R. Godine, 1983), plate 4,
figure 3. Gravestone examples include stones for Elizabeth Shippen, 1692, Boston; and
Henery Allen, 1695/6, Boston.

56. Needlework design examples can be found in Art of the Embroiderer, 109. Massachusetts
gravestone examples include stones for Solomon Park, 1753, Holliston; David Whittaker,
1755, Concord; Tabitha Eager, 175_^ Northborough; Dr. Richard Temple, 1756, Concord;
Deborah Lincoln, 1760, Hingham; Sarah Baldwin, 1761, Billerica; Deacon Job Lane, 1762,
Bedford; and Margaret Nickles, 1763, Billerica.

57. Tudor rose motifs are too numerous to list, but good representative examples exist on
the gravestones of Elizabeth Emmes, 1715, Boston; Samuel Hinckley, 1798, Brookfield;
and Rev. Job Cushing, 1760, Shrewsbury, all in Massachusetts.

58. Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, Dictioiari/ of Christian Art (New York, NY: Continuum,
1994), 61; 78; 91. See also Marcus Huish, Samplers and Tapestry Embroideries, 2nd Edition
(New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1970), 17-18; 68. Acorns, especially popular as a
sampler border design during the seventeenth century, were the symbolic badge of
Henrietta Maria, wife of the Stuart king Charles I, and were usually associated with the
Stuart rulers in England.

59. Colby, Samplers, 40.

60. George Fisher, The American Young Man 's Best Companion, 13th Edition (Worcester, MA:
Issaiah Thomas, 1785), 373-375: "It is indispensably necessary and useful for the training
up of the younger Sort of the Female Kind to the Needle, it being introductory to all the
various and sundry Sort of Needlework pertaining to that Sex. Marking copies of the
alphabets upper and lower case and numbers, etc." [with crowns at the end of lines used
as fillers].

61 . Betty Willsher, "Adam and Eve Scenes on Kirkyard Monuments in the Scottish Lowlands,"
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 122 (1992): 416-417.

62. /tef., 413-451.

63. Deborah Trask, Life How Short, Eternity How Long: Gravestone Carving and Carvers in
Nova Scotia (Halifax, Nova Scotia: The Nova Scotia Museum, 1978), 63-67.

64. See James Blachowicz, in collaboration with Vincent F. Luti, "William Coye: Father of the
Plymouth Carving Tradition," Markers XVII (2000): 32-107.

48 Samples and Gravestones

65. Ethel Stanwood Bolton and Eva Johnson Coe, American Samplers (Boston, MA:
Massachusetts Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 1921), 8; Glee F. Krueger, A
Gallery of American Samplers, The Theodore H. Kaptek Collection (New York, NY: E. Dutton,
in association with the Museum of American Folk Art, 1978), 19.

66. Betty Ring, "Schoolgirl Embroideries," in Needleiuork: An Historical Survey, New and
Expanded Edition, ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown, NJ: The Main Street Press, 1984), 59.

67. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needleivork, 18.

68. Nancy Graves Cabot, "The Sources of Some Designs in the Fishing Lady Pictures," in
Needleivork: An Historical Survey, New and Expanded Edition, ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown,
NJ: Main Street Press, 1984), 51.

69. Columbian Centinel (Boston), March 21, 1827, as quoted in Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print
Sources of New England Schoolgirl Art, The Magazine Antiques (August, 1976): 296.

70. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Sa)nplers and Pictorial Needlework, 61; 63. On heraldic
gravestones and tomb fronts, see Theodore Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "Headstones,
Hatchments, and Heraldry," Gravestone Chronicles II (Boston, MA: New England Historic
Genealogical Society, 1997), 496-604.

71. Litra Solis-Cohen, "Otis Canvas-work Picture Sells for $1.15 Million," Sotheby's January
[1996] Americana Auction: http://wvyw.maineantiquedigest.com/articleshann0396.htm .

72. Ethel Stanwood Bolton [American Samplers, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Society of the
Colonial Dames of America, 1921) was one of the first to study the regional characteristics
of American Samplers. Another excellent source of information about early needlework
instructors and their work is Glee Krueger, New England Samplers to 1840 (Sturbridge,
MA: Old Sturbridge Village, 1978), 139-205.

73. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 121.

74. Theodore Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "Levi Maxcy, The 'Other' Son," Gravestone Chronicles
II (Boston, MA: New England Historic Genealogical Society, 1997), 458.

75. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1850, 20.

76. Davida Tenenbaum Deutsch, "John Brewster, Jr., An Artist for the Needleworker," The
Clarion 15:4 (1990): 46-50. Some known pattern and needlework painters were John
Brewster, Wiliam Birch, Nathaniel Hancock, Frederick Kemmelmeyer, Archibald and
Alexander Robertson, Samuel and Godfrey Folwell, the "Boston Limner" (Probably Jolin
Jolinston, son of the heraldic painter and engraver, Tliomas Johnson), and Raphaelle Peale.
Bernard Andrew, a Boston embroiderer, offered liis service "at the lodgings at Mrs. Geyer's,
the Flower Maker in Pleasant Street, Boston" (Boston NeiosLetter, July 2,1772).

77. Frederick Burgess, Tombstone Lettering on Slate (no date or publisher), 7. Grace Rogers
Cooper, Tire Copp Family Textiles (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971),
2.

Laurel K. Gabel 49

78. Davida Tenenbaum Deutsch, "Needlework Patterns and Their Use in America/' The
Magazine Antiques 139:2 (1991): 368-381; Nancy Graves Cabot, "Engravings as Pattern
Sources," The Magazine Antiques 40:6 (1950); Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print Sources of
New England Schoolgirl Art," The Magazine Antiques (1976): 292-301.

79. According to researcher Nancy Cabot, "It has been possible, in various instances, to identify
the use on both sides of the ocean of the same engraving as a pattern source for pictorial
embroideries. The New England version usually proves to be lives of somewhat later
date and is generally a simpler rendering of the scene. . ." preserving most of the English
flavor but with distinctly American details: Nancy Graves Cabot, "The Sources of Some
Designs in the Fishing Lady Pictures," 50.

80. Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print Sources of New England Schoolgirl Art," 292; 296.

81. Don, Traditional Samplers, 9.

82. Verse from Lydia HoUingsworth sampler, 1759 (DAR Museum, gift of Hannah Babcock):

I in the Burying place may
See graves shorter there
Than 1, From Death's
Arrest no Age is free
Young Children too may
Die. my God, may such an
Awful Sight awakening be
To me. Oh, that by early
Grace I might for death
Prepared be.

83. These words also appear as a hymn, "Great God How Frail a Thing is Man," with text
credited to Mather Byles (1744) and music by William Billings (1781). William Billings
published Boston's first singing master's book {New England Psalm Singer) in 1770. 1 am
indebted to Donna LaRue for introducing me to Billings and for providing me with a
copy of the hymn.

84. Perhaps from Psalms 103:15-16: "As for man, his days are as grass: as a flower of the field,
so he flourisheth. For the wind passeth over it, and it is done; and the place thereof shall
know it no more."

85. These popular lines are from the last verse of an untitled hymn by Josiah Conder, which
appears in several versions of the Watts Hymnal. The verse first appeared in 1824 in
Conder's poem "On the Death of an Infant," published in The Star in the East. The verse
also appears on the gravestone of Robert E. Lee's young daughter (1862), in Abraham
Lincoln's daily devotional (The Believer's Daily Treasure; or, Texts of Scripture arranged for
every day in the year. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1852, Entry of
November 21), and on several nineteenth-century needlework samplers. I am indebted
to the staff of Rochester's Eastman-Sibley Music Library, The University of Rochester
Library, and the Monroe County Library, New York, for their considerable help in finding
the origins of this popular sampler verse and epitaph.

Remu Cemetery

Fig. 1. Gravemarker of the Remu, side closest to the

Remu synagogue, Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland.

The marker is the most elaborate in the cemetery.

LEGENDARY EXPLANATIONS:
THE PROTECTION OF THE REMU CEMETERY DURING THE HOLOCAUST

Simon J. Bronner

Cemeteries and gravestones are the stuff of legend. This association
in public consciousness can be explained by the roles of cemeteries as
ritual, and hence mysterious, zones in many communities. Folklorists
often consider narratives told about cemeteries in relation to the local
legend, since themes and motifs relating to beliefs about death, burial,
and spirit may appear migratory, although the reference is to a specific
stone and person in a teller's community. Folkloristic literature abounds
with legends that attribute magical qualities to tombstones, or legendary
explanations of unusual stones. The typical scenario for the reporting of
legends about cemeteries is that the stones are located in the teller's im-
mediate environment and represents a connection to community. My
concern here is the narrated place of cemeteries in the lost world of Jew-
ish Poland and its wider ethnic and historical representation. In the case
of elderly Yiddish speakers, the localities in Poland are distant from the
speaker's experience, although they still relate to them, and certainly
relate stories about them.

In this essay, I take up an example of a cemetery /stone narrative told
about the renowned Remu cemetery in Cracow, Poland. The legend is
about the encounter of Nazis during the Holocaust with the cemetery. I
contextualize the telling of this legend to gauge perceptions of its mean-
ing as related by Yiddish speakers from Poland, and I compare the story
to legends about the Remu as well as migratory themes concerning the
Jewish cemetery. My ethnographic objective is to interrogate the rhetori-
cal use of the legend so as to understand the function of the narrative. I
also have a historical objective to analyze the sense of place, indeed a
sense of tradition, retained in the consciousness of Holocaust survivors,
removed from their original communities. Thematically, this example
also raises issues of the wide symbolic significance of cemeteries for social
groups whose experience has shaped attitudes revealed in narrative.

I begin with a telling of the legend in the context of a gathering of
Yiddish speakers. The date was August 8, 1993. It was at the home of
Holocaust survivor Ed Dunietz in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. A group of
Yiddish speakers had gathered around the dining room table as past-
ries, fruit, tea, and coffee were served. They had been in the living room

52 Remu Cemetery

for a Yiddish-speaking meeting (the Vinkl, they call it), and had finished
the program of readings and discussion. The move to the dining room
signaled the start of informal conversation among members of the Vinkl.
Everyone in attendance except for me had been born before World War
II. Several had been in concentration camps or escaped to Russia from
Poland during the war. Leo Mantelmacher, who was born in Poland but
had not been back since liberation, pressed Ed to describe his trip to
Poland the month before. Ed was also born in Poland, not far from
Cracow, and had been hidden for much of the war. "Did you go to
Kazimierz?" Leo asked.

The question implied the specialness of this section of Cracow as a
Jewish place. Ed nodded and described what seemed to him an amazing
development - Jewish tourism in downtrodden Kazimierz. He discussed
the museum that had been made from the old synagogue and the Jewish
restaurant that featured Jewish and Russian entertainment. His tone soft-
ened when he came to describe the Remu synagogue. The name of the
Remu (or Remah) was familiar to all of Ed's listeners. It was the acronym
of the renowned Talmudist Rabbi Moses Isserles who was born in Cracow
(born 1525 or 1530, died 1572). In 1553, the Remu built a small syna-
gogue in Kazimierz to memorialize his wife who died at the tender age
of 20 in 1552. A cemetery lies beside the synagogue and its major attrac-
tion is the grave of the Remu himself (Figs. 1 and 2). It was known before
World War II as a pilgrimage site for Jews from every part of Poland who
visited the grave of the wonder-working Rabbi on Lag ba-Omer. The
holiday coincided with the anniversary of the Remu's death, and pil-
grims to his grave left written wishes on the grave. 'Tt's still there? The
Nazis didn't destroy it?" Leo asked incredulously.

"That's right," Ed replied. He knew that many of his listeners could
recount stories of the destruction of synagogues, cemeteries, and yeshi-
vas in their home towns in Poland. He felt the need to explain the sur-
vival of this structure revered by Jews. "I'll tell you what people say," he
said in Yiddish. "The Nazis went to burn the shul by the Remu's grave
[the stone is situated next to one wall]. But the sparks blew back, they got
scared and left it alone."

"Dos iz a mayse," Leo said dismissively. By mayse he meant an inten-
tionally false folktale. "Nu, that's what the people there say," Ed repeated
in his defense. "A legend," someone else interjected in English. "Nischt
emes" (not true), Leo blurted out. Leo was irritated with the discussion
that deviated from the hard facts and numbers of the Jewish catastro-

Simon J. Bronner

Fig. 2. Gravemarker of the Remu, side facing away from synagogue,

Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland. The notes on the grave are called

in Yiddish shlikhes: messages containing wishes that are left

on the graves of great righteous rabbis (tsadikim)

who are associated with the power to perform miracles.

54 Remu Cemetery

phe. Ed turned from the issue of whether it was true or not and tried to
impress upon Leo the importance of belief. "If you were there," Ed chal-
lenged, "you would feel it was a magical place." From there ensued a
lively argument on the ruthlessness of the Nazis with Leo taking the
position that they would have destroyed the structure, and anything Jew-
ish, if they had wanted. Others weren't so sure. Or they did not want to
easily discount a host of legends they knew about the magical powers of
wonder-working rabbis in Poland. "Maybe it is a mayse," Ed finally of-
fered, and he emphasized in Yiddish, "Die geschichte bringt mir a sach
wichtigkeit . . . bedaitung" (The story has importance, meaning, for me.")
His choice of geschichte resounded in contrast to Leo's dismissal of mayse.
Geschichte was a story, to be sure, but it connoted a historical narrative.
Whereas the mayse tended to be offered for entertainment or instruction,
the geschichte explained a matter of immediacy, a matter Ed referred to
as richtig epes (something real or meaningful).

It wasn't the first time I heard the story told as a geschichte, or wit-
nessed an argument that followed. In Los Angeles, California, that same
year, I attended the regular Sunday brunch hosted by Henry and Lola
Bornstein, my aunt and uncle, for Yiddish-speaking Jews from Oswiecim,
Poland. Conversation regLilarly drifted to wartime Poland. My aunt sighed
when she told me once, "No matter how we start off - the weather, taxes,
traffic - the conversation always comes back to the Holocaust. We're still
trying to figure out how Auschwitz happened to Oswiecim." At one
brunch, my aunt recounted being in Cracow after she left the smaller
town of Oswiecim during the 1930s. She was asked "Was Kazimierz Frum
(religious) then?" She acknowledged the Hasidic presence and recalled
the pilgrimages to the Remu grave. "The Nazis cleared out the old quar-
ter," and she recalled that some of her family members were caught in
Cracow. Her husband Henry piped in that it was "incomprehensible"
that the Remu synagogue survived. "You know why?" he asked in his
typical cue that a narrative was coming. "I tell you. It was said that if the
stone was touched then your family would mysteriously die or disap-
pear. So the Nazis were scared."

"You know I heard that too," Nathan Littner replied. "But I thought
the Nazis tried to burn it, but the fire flew back at them." A guest at the
brunch was a Yiddish speaker from Romania and he emphasized the
importance of the synagogue burning to the Nazis in his town, and found
it strange that they would spare the structure. This led to an excited
conversation about Nazi displays of destruction to Jewish sites in Po-

Simon J. Bronner

land. There were those who attributed to the Nazis senseless cruelty while
others saw method in their madness. Emphasizing the devilish attributes
of the Nazis, Nathan remarked that the Nazis were "superstitious," "into
occult," and could have been scared by the curse.

When I made a query about the legend on a Holocaust list over the
Internet, I received a note from Jonah Bookstein living in Cracow who
recalled a Jew in the city explaining to him that the Nazis were aware of
a curse on vandals of the grave. He continued: "When the first Nazi
refused because he was scared (he had been told by a Jew the power of
the Rabbi), a second Nazi stepped up. He swung at the matzevah with a
sledgehammer which bounced off the stone and hit him in the head. He
was killed instantly."' The significance of the story is local awareness
that around the Remu grave indeed stones were destroyed, and the cem-
etery in disarray after the war (Fig. 3). Earl Vinecour has commented, in
fact, that "miraculously, the only tombstone to survive the war totally un-
impaired was that of Rabbi Moses Isserles" (emphasis added). ^ Part of
the miraculous association of the grave besides its towering size, posi-

Fig. 3. Wall of Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland.

The wall was constructed with headstones the Nazis

removed from the cemetery or damaged.

56 Remu Cemetery

tion right next to the eastern wall of the synagogue, and elaborate in-
scription is the boastful Hebrew phrase connecting the Remu with Moses
himself: "From Moshe until Moshe, there was none like Moshe. May his
soul be bound in the bond of eternal life."

The internet query also produced an incredulous reply similar to Leo's
at the Vinkl . Bernard Sussman of Washington, D.C., emphasized in his
message to me his displeasure at hearing the legend. He drew my atten-
tion to the work at the concentration camps in the region. "It is very
probable that all the energies and facilities of the German troops in the
area were devoted to the extermination camps, with nothing left over
for pointless gestures such as desecrating a cemetery that Jews couldn't
see anymore." What especially bothered him was the supernatural motif
of the story. "This 'legend' about a Remu Stone supports the sympa-
thetic notion of those poor ignorant, sentimental Nazis, so easily fright-
ened by ghost stories, like little children; can't really hold them responsible
for the Holocaust. That's why I am very unsympathetic to such 'legends'."^
He felt somewhat at a loss to explain the survival of the Remu's stone
when the rest of the cemetery was in disarray. His belief was that the
stone's survival stemmed "partly from its superior construction and partly
from the veneration of the spot which may have been known (if imper-
fectly) among local Christian Poles. "^

The only published account I have found of the "protection from the
Nazis" narrative is by Moshe Weiss, a Bobover Rabbi who grew up in
Oswiecim. Weiss wrote in reference to the synagogue: "Legend has it
that the Nazis spared the Remu Synagogue after being told that it was a
holy place inhabited by the spirit of a holy man, and should they at-
tempt to burn it down, they would fail in their mission."^ Weiss offered
the narrative to emphasize the spiritual importance of the Remu, and he
recounted other legends about the great wonder-working Rabbi. One
that he published also gets in a commentary on German destructive-
ness: "There is also another story about a wedding celebrated on Ulica
Sheroka near the Remu Synagogue until late one Friday afternoon. The
rabbi implored the guests to end the festivities lest they violate the Sab-
bath. When the guests went heedlessly on with their merry-making, the
rabbi placed a curse on them. According to one account, they all died;
another version has it that they were swallowed alive. In any case, after
the Sabbath a fence was installed around the entire area. This fence re-
mained standing until the Germans invaded Krakow and destroyed it."''

This last narrative was in fact given by a Polish Catholic tour guide

SimonJ. Bronner 57

when I visited the site, but she did not relate the story of the Remu grave.
The "wedding cemetery" story also appears in the memoirs of Jacob
Seifter in the Oswiecim memorial book published in 19777 Seifter em-
phasized the magical quality (what he called Epes tsoiberhaftes) of places
such as the Remu synagogue for Jews in that area. For many survivors of
the region, Kazimierz symbolizes old Jewish Poland and the Remu syna-
gogue is its spiritual center. The Remu grave story, as far I could deter-
mine, was largely told by Jewish survivors of the Holocaust from western
Galicia, which included Oswiecim and Crakow. It is not a story that their
children have inherited.

Use of the story raises several questions about the emergence and
function of such narrative among Jews removed from their former home
and dealing with the memory of the Holocaust. The story with its magi-
cal motifs can create controversy when it is told because of public sensi-
tivity about relating the hard "facts" of the Holocaust. As my experience
showed, there were even attempts to suppress the telling of the story.
But as Ed Dunietz said, the story is important for many survivors to
relate because of the bedaitung, the meaning, it conveys. It related the
stone and the synagogue to the experience of the survivors themselves.
Having documented some instances of the story's use and context, I want
to encourage interpretation of this private side of post-Holocaust narra-
tive beyond the frequently collected genre of rationalized "testimony."^

While the "protection from the Nazis" is clearly set in a post-Holo-
caust setting, it is a bridge to pre-Holocaust Poland because of its strong
relation to three themes in Jewish-Polish (and especially Yiddish-speak-
ing) tradition. One is the cemetery and synagogue as magical sites, another
the legendary protection provided by the Remu and wonder-working
rabbis, and the third the use of explanatory narrative.

The memory of Jewish presence in Poland is often attributed to the
community center in the synagogue and cemetery. The old age of many
synagogues and the representation of generations in cemeteries are re-
minders of Jewish persistence in the Polish landscape. Kazimierz is es-
pecially unusual because of two synagogue structures that date back to
the sixteenth century or earlier. While the official guidebook of the Pol-
ish government notes that "the 15th century synagogue in Cracow, one
of the oldest in Poland, miraculously escaped destruction," it was Remu's
later one that attracted legend probably because of the renown of the
Remu. A guidebook by Polish Michal Rozek observes: "Jews from all
over the world come to his [Remu's] grave, praying and leaving by his

58 Remu Cemetery

Stela small notes with requests and expressions of gratitude for grace
obtained. The atmosphere of the cemetery is unique and strange, which
is augmented by the prevailing silence. It is as if time stood still there."^

Polish Jews indicated the special role of synagogues and cemeteries
in religious ritual as centers of spiritual activity, and in narrative and
belief centers of the activity of spirits. They are related because the spir-
its from the cemetery often gather in synagogues as "spirit congrega-
tions," according to frequently collected legends from Eastern Europe.^°
Joshua Trachtenberg in his classic study Jezvish Magic and Superstition: A
Study in Folk Religion (1979 [1939]) devoted a full chapter to the "spirits
of the dead," most of whom according to tradition dwelled in synagogues
and cemeteries. While the cemetery is an unclean place, as indicated by
the ritual cleansing of the hands upon leaving a cemetery, and a place
apart from life, as indicated by the traditional absence of flowers and
plant growth at Jewish cemeteries, it may also be a site for magical be-
seeching. Trachtenberg points out the custom of visiting deceased rela-
tives and scholars to request intercession to avert evil on earth. Indeed,
the Remu grave is a site for leaving of written notes with prayers and
wishes (kvitl) (see Fig. 2). Cemeteries, Trachtenberg observed, became
places to visit on several occasions so "that the dead may beseech mercy
on our behalf."" Befitting the power of the spirits of the dead, grave
inscriptions in Ashkenazic tradition became elaborate and, in the case of
renowned scholars and Tzadikim, shrines. Dov Noy identified the per-
ception of the meaningfulness of the grave in Jewish culture with the
Talmudic motif of "Return from dead to punish disturber of grave"
(E235.6).i2

That the spirits did not provide protection or return to punish Nazi
disturbers of graves and synagogues is one of the running commentaries
that pepper many conversations I sat in among Jewish Holocaust survi-
vors. The Remu legend may indeed have sparked argument in the ses-
sions I recounted here because it retained a faith in the magical
intervention of Jewish spirituality while many reported feeling disen-
chanted with religious belief. Reflecting on her collections of narratives
from Holocaust survivors, Haya Bar-Itzhak wrote that "the survivors'
sense of commitment to their dead and their community produces a
sense of obligation to tell their stories and that of the community, which
includes the story of its synagogue."" She gave as an example a narra-
tive which recalls the glory of the Jewish synagogue on the Polish land-
scape and laments its destruction. Her narrator concluded, "And when I

Simon J. Bronner 59

remember and call to mind the Great Synagogue, the ancient synagogue
in our town, which was destroyed by the Germans, may their name be
blotted out, then my sighs are many and my heart is sick."'^

When I heard the Remu story told, it offered less separation from the
past than the stories Bar-Itzhak summarizes as narratives of "destruc-
tion, eulogy, and lament." The Remu story certainly makes reference to
the destruction of the Holocaust and the separation of pre- and post-
Holocaust experience. Yet it also offers a parable of Jewish persistence.
And while Bar-Itzhak heard in her tellers' performances an editorializ-
ing about Jewish revival in Eretz Israel, I understood from the commen-
taries on the Remu story a connection to the Diaspora. I heard the Remu
story most often from Yiddish speakers who still hung on to some sense
of belonging, culturally and religiously, with their Polish-Jewish past.
The locations and characters in the story were significant for they repre-
sented in the minds of speakers the oldest Jewish section, with the oldest
synagogues, most revered religious figures, and the most presently ac-
tive Jewish community. Yet it was not uncommon for listeners to counter
the stories with stories that echoed Bar-Itzhak's theme of final "destruc-
tion, eulogy, and lament." Folklore thus acquired wichtigkeit, or weighty
importance, because it was a strategy of memorializing the dead, and at
the same time commenting on the experience of the living. It encapsu-
lated total experience and used the geschichte to offer parable.

The attachment of the post-Holocaust narrative with the Remu is not
incidental. The Remu has attracted a host of legends set in the pre-Holo-
caust period and the location of his synagogue and grave within the vi-
cinity of the most notorious region of the Holocaust— Auschwitz and
Plaszow - adds to his post-Holocaust significance. Offering Hasidic tales
of the Holocaust, Yaffa Eliach wrote, for example, "As I walk down the
streets of Cracow I feel as if I am stepping on the dead. Each cobblestone
is a skull, a Jewish face. Cracow's violated synagogues are habitations of
ghosts. Cracow, the first Jewish settlement on Polish soil, the center of
Jewish creativity, of law and Hasidic lore, is now a town with virtually
no living Jews. Only a handful remain here, more dead than the clouds
above Auschwitz and neighboring Plaszow." ^^ Within the pre-Holocaust
legendry, the Remu as a religious figure who studied Kabbalah and com-
mented on magical powers added to his mystique and the perception of
his powers."' Although he could be critical of unlettered people who
engaged in mystical speculation, the Remu wrote on the roots of magical
arts from God and nature, and observed that material things can be en-

60 Remu Cemetery

dowed with occult virtues and powers.'^ One can still hear the numero-
logical commentary that the Remu lived 33 years, wrote 33 books, died
on the 33rd day of the Omer, and the rabbis who eulogized him listed 33
merits.^* Beyond the Remu's association with magic, he also was the
codifier, sometimes called the "Maimonides of Polish Jewry," and was
known for his commentaries on the customs of Ashkenazic Jews. He
thus represented the carrying on of life as a Jew in Poland.

The Remu and his grave had a special place because of his stature as
a Tzadik, or a miracle-working rabbi. The renowned Yiddish folklorist
Y.L. Cahan collected a legend in Poland concerning the poor man who
asked to buy a plot near the Remu's grave because of its magical associa-
tion.^^ The caretaker took his money but buried him in a different plot
than the one he had promised. It was far from the Remu. The dead man's
ghost appeared in the caretaker's dreams and disturbed him. After con-
sulting with a rabbi, the caretaker honored his promise and reburied
him near the Remu. Mysteriously, the grave of the buried man collapsed
in on itself.

A significance of the Remu's saintly role is described by Bar-Itzhak as
one closer to the "storytelling society than is the divinity, which is an
amorphous force in Judaism, the saint serves as a means of religious
identification for the members of the community who are unable to iden-
tify with the divine force or can do so only through the saintly media-
tor. "^° Thus the poor man of the storytelling society in Cahan's story
sought a place near the Remu. Frequently such legends about Jewish
miracle-working rabbis contain the key feature of the saint as a hero who
offers often passive, but profound, resistance to persecution. The saintly
hero uses spiritual or intellectual power to act for a people who are ap-
parently powerless to combat violent attack. There can be a range of
legendary explanations of resistance from Rabbi Akiva's martyrdom
which inspired an insurrection against the Romans to Yemenite Rabbi
Shalom Shabazi's turning from his plowing to destroy the governor's
palace. In the latter narrative, used as an example of the Jewish saint's
legend by Bar-Itzhak, "The governor, who was secretly plotting to deal
unjustly with the Jews, saw the great power of Shabazi and recanted,
and abandoned the wicked plot he had intended to carry out."-'

The Remu story combines reference to the saintly intervener with the
pre-Holocaust legend of place. As with many pre-Holocaust narratives
of synagogues connected to the place legend, it brings out the "unique-
ness, beauty, and sanctity" of community and its religious center." It

Simon}. Bronner 61

also locates a shadowy, extra-religious realm of belief connected to life in
Poland. It offers an experience of a specific location. But in its post-Holo-
caust context, the story relies on a memory of place and the realization
of destruction of community. Its reference to the Nazis appears not so
much unique or final, as it does one of many parables of Jewish persis-
tence, in the face of persecutors from the Romans to the Crusaders. It is
a contested narrative, however, when the Holocaust is offered as a his-
torical finality that marks the rise of a new Jewish identity. Yet its coun-
tering version is as much a narrative of explanation as the Remu story.
The bedaitiiug in both cases comes from the struggle of memory. The Remu
story told in conversation records a connection to spiritual resistance
and cultural persistence.

NOTES

All photos in this essay are by the author.

1 . Jonah Bookstein, personal communication, 1 7 January 1995.

2. Earl Vinecour, Polish Jews: The Final Chapter (New York, NY: New York University Press,
1977), 22.

3. Bernard Sussman, personal communication, 9 March 1995.

4. Bernard Sussman, personal communication, 13 March 1995.

5. Moshe Weiss, From Osioiecim to Ausctnvitz: Poland Revisited (Oakville, Ontario, Canada:
MosaicPress, 1994), 38.

6. Ibid.

7. See Jacob Seifter, "Die Stadt Oshpitsin," in Osioiecim- Auschwitz Memorial Book, ed. Ch.
Wolnerman, Rabbi A. Burstin, and M.S. Geshuri (Jerusalem, Israel: Irgun Yotzey Oswiecim,
Israel, 1997), 355-361; Simon J. Bronner, "Epes Tsoibivehaftes: The Rhetoric of Folklore
and History in Jacob Seifter's Memorials of Auschwitz," Yiddish 10 (1996), 17-46.

8. See Lawrence L. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1991); Bronner, "Epes Tsoiberhaftes: The Rhetoric of Folklore and
History in Jacob Seifter's Memoirs of Auschwitz." See also Jack Kugelmass and Jonathan
Boyarin, eds.. From a Ruined Garden: The Memorial Books of Polish Jewry (New York, NY:
Schocken, 1983).

9. Michal Rozek, Cracow: The Old Town, Kazmierz and Stradom (Warsaw, Poland:
Wydawnictwo "Sport I Turystyka", 1991). Examples of the notes left at the Remu's grave
are shown in Figure 2 of the present essay.

62 Remu Cemetery

10. See Seifter, "Die Stadt Oshpitin," 355-361; Joshua Trachtenberg, Jeivish Magic and Super-
stition: A Study in Folk Religion, 1939 rpt. (New York, NY: Atheneum, 1979), 62; Beatrice
Silverman Weinreich, Yiddish Folktales (New York, NY: Pantheon, 1988), 348; Josepha
Sherman, A Sampler of Jewish American Folklore (Little Rock, AR: August House, 1992),
76-77. Jacob Hennenberg now of Cleveland (originally from Oswiecim, Poland), related
to me in 1995 the following narrative of a spirit congregation:

I remember hearing a legend as a youth about the Great Synagogue of
Oswiecim. It was told that there were ghosts inside. Going home from cheder
I had to pass the Great Synagogue, and I became scared sometimes when it
was an especially dark night. According to the legend, when someone passed
the synagogiie, the ghosts could call you to the Torah and you had to go in. The
whole city knew the legend that one time this happened and some people
walked by at night, and the doors of the Great Synagogue opened. The lights
went on emd the people were ordered to go in backwards and to say the 'Brucha'
and walk out the same way.

11. Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, 64-65.

12. Dov Neuman Noy, "Motif-Index of Talmudic-Midrashic Literature." Ph.D. dissertation,
Indiana University, 1954. E235.6.

13. Haya Bar-Itzhak, Polin - Agadot Reshit: Ethnopoetica ve'Korot Agadiyim [Legends of Ori-
gin of the Jews of Poland: Ethnopoetics and Legendary Chronicles] (Tel Aviv, Israel: Sifriyat
Poalim, 1966).

14. Ihid. Bar-Itzhak cites the source of the narrative as Israel Folktale Archives tale no. 5219
at Haifa University:

The ancient synagogue in our town was built more than 900 years ago. They
built it over a period of several years but were unable to finish it. Suddenly a
Jew appeared from far away. No one knew who he was or where he had come
from. He pledged to the community leaders that he would complete the syna-
gogue. When construction was complete the man abruptly disappeared. The
next day the congregation found all the money the community council had
paid him for his work in a corner of the synagogue. People said he was none
other than King David, may his merit defend us and all Israel, who built this
splendid synagogue, for it was impossible that normal flesh and blood, a
gevaynlikher mensch, could build such a glorious holy place. I myself cannot
believe that I ever merited to see with my own eyes this remarkable and mag-
nificent synagogue, which had all the hues and colors of the sun and the moon
and the rainbow. And when I remember and call to mind the Great Synagogue,
the ancient synagogue in our town, which was destroyed by the Germans, may
their name be blotted out, then my eyes shed tears because the enemy has
overcome; my sighs are many and my heart is sick.

Bar-Itzhak's commentary is:

The first part of this narrative is a legend of origins. The synagogue is said to
be 900 years old, which gives a stamp of legitimacy to the community's exist-

Simon J. Bronner 63

ence in Poland. Its beauty and splendor dignify the town and its congregation,
which had tlie merit of having such a synagogue. The attribution of the comple-
tion of the synagogue to King David gives a spiritual and theological seal of
approval to the community's presence in Poland, for King David, the greatest
king and hero of Israel, is also the ancestor of the Messiah. This part, which is
the center of the legend before the Holocaust, becomes merely the introduc-
tion and excuse for what the post-Holocaust narrator wants to tell about him-
self and his community— destrviction, eulogy, and lament.

15. Yaffa Eliach, Hasuiic Talcs of the Holocaust, 1982 rpt. (New York, NY: Vintage, 1988), 210.

16. See Yaakov David Shulman, The Rciiia: The Story of Rabbi Moshe Isserles (New York, NY:
C.I.S. Publishers, 1991).

17. See Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, 20-21; Alan
Unterman, Dictionary of Jewish Lore a)id Legend (London, England: Thames and Hudson,
1991), 101-102.

18. Weiss, From Oswiecim to Ausclnvitz: Poland Revisited, 38; Unterman, Dictionary of Jewish
Lore and Legend, 101-102.

19. Y.L. Cahan, Yidishcr folklor: Filogische shriftn fun YIVO (Vilna: YIVO, 1938), 152-153;
Weinreich, Yiddish Folktales, 338.

20. Haya Bar-Itzhak, "Modes of Characterization in Religious Narrative: Jewish Folk Leg-
ends about Miracle Worker Rabbis," Journal of Folklore Research 27 (1990), 205-229.

21. Ibid., 209.

22. Bar-Itzhak, Polin - Agoadot Reshit: Ethtiopoetica ve'Korot Agadiyini.

64 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

MARBL.B TOMIl^HTOHBS*

WM. STUROeS, of Leet BtikahiM emf»iy, tnkrt
this metlKMt to inform the inbabittuito ofNtto-
tucket and lis vicinftj, that ho. b«» opened 9 ttiop in
tbitpUce, dirrctljT over the store of Jooepli R. Pioher,
41 Ontnirf) ttreefj for the nannfactnre ofMAROLB
TOMBSTONES. Ho luit no^r 00 hand 40 poirt, of
ftll sizot, read J for loilering* ilavinf entered iaio co->
partnersliip wUh a person wlio qwm s Quarry and a
Scops Sawmillyliy wbom ke Is to be regnlarly siipplU
sdfhepLodiLca'hlroaeif ivSffjrd them at a much lets
price than tliey havt^bcsn obtahisd in this pitfc?. All
are intlted 10 ealUiMl e«ani]nnltfs assottmenl, ssiil tlio
execution of liii work^ whetliertbey wish to porQhsso
or not*
MareK S^nr^Mf

Fig. 1. Advertisement for William Sturgis' marble shop,
1834, Nantucket, Massachusetts.

THE ORIGINS OF MARBLE CARVING ON CAPE COD,
PART I: WILLIAM STURGIS AND FAMILY

James Blachowicz

Preface

Studies of American gravestones have tended to concentrate upon
the styles of two distinct chronological clusters: the archaic stones of
early New England before about 1800, and the Victorian art of the great
rural cemeteries which peaked in the second half of the nineteenth cen-
tury. This has resulted in some neglect of the period between the two,
when marble monuments were first introduced and developed. Of course,
some might argue that this stage hardly deserves extensive study, for
much of it yielded quite plain marble tablets with no decorative features
whatsoever.

The present study, comprising this essay and a concluding install-
ment to appear in Markers XX, targets a significant portion of this inter-
mediate stage in gravestone development. While there were indeed many
plain markers produced in these decades, this was not the whole story,
as we shall see. Besides, this period is vital for our understanding of the
development of the traditional craft apprentice system into the more
market-oriented businesses we find by late Victorian times.

Marble emerged as the material of choice for gravestones at different
times in different areas of New England. The timing of this transition
depended in part on the proximity of a given town to sources of marble.
We find marble stones well before 1800, for example, in the area around
Bennington, Vermont. Bennington was on the marble belt, a stretch of
stone extending along western Vermont south through western Massa-
chusetts and continuing alongside the Appalachians through southern
Pennsylvania, western Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia to Alabama.

The earliest marble markers were shaped and carved quite like their
tabular slate counterparts. By the time we reach the late 1800s, of course,
quite elaborate three-dimensional sculptures had appeared. Between
these two stages, especially as we move through the 1860s and 1870s, we
find significantly thickened (and more squat) marble markers, often with
sculpted sides and inscriptions on more than one face. We also begin to
see three-dimensional obelisks of all sizes.

Cape Cod, Massachusetts had imported all its gravestones until the
arrival of the carver Nathaniel Holmes in 1805. Holmes' slate produc-

66 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

tion far exceeded his marble work even to his death in 1869. 1 found only
about fifty marble stones out of the more than 600 he carved from 1830
on. He was in this respect conservative, matching the conservatism of
his clientele. But marble gravestones did begin to appear in substantial
numbers on the Cape even from the 1830s. Ebenezer D. Winslow of
Brewster began carving appreciable numbers of them from the 1820s,
but he seemed to maintain his slate and sandstone production in parallel.

The birth and development of marble carving on Cape Cod was largely
due to the influence of one remarkable man, William Sturgis. He had
learned his trade closer to the marble belt in western Massachusetts and
had begun to produce marble gravestones there from the 1790s. He had
carved exclusively in marble from the beginning. Sturgis was eleven years
older than Nathaniel Holmes and, although born in Sandwich, had moved
to Lee in Berkshire County as a young man. He opened a marble shop
there with his brother and supplied the towns around Lee until the early
1830s, when he reached the age of sixty. He then returned to eastern
Massachusetts - first to Nantucket, and then back to the Cape. He and
his son Josiah and, to a lesser extent, his son John, were responsible not
only for supplying the Cape with many early marble markers: they also
helped initiate, directly and indirectly, three other independent marble-
carving traditions there - one in Yarmouth, one in Orleans, and one in
Sandwich, involving a total of eleven later carvers. What follows is an
account of this enterprising development.

Because this story will take some time to tell, it is divided into two
parts. The present essay will focus on William Sturgis, his son Josiah,
and the Yarmouth marble shop of William's son-in-law, Jabez M. Fisher.
In Markers XX, I shall complete this account with a discussion of the nine
later carvers who established themselves in Orleans and Sandwich.

Introduction

Some stonecarvers, such as John Tribble (1782-1862) of Plymouth,
organized workshops with many employees at work at many trades.
Tribble's shop offered painting, glazing, papering, stonecutting, and even
distilling, and he employed about a half dozen individuals, mostly his
relatives. But the services of the shop were pretty much confined to the
citizens of a single town. Less than two percent of Tribble's gravestones
were sold to clients outside of the Plymouth area (comprising Plymouth,
Kingston, and Carver). With the Sturgis family, we find a similar entre-

James Blachowicz 67

preneurial spirit, but with a different strategy. William and Josiah Sturgis
concentrated on stonecutting, with no apparent sideline occupation (ex-
cept for some farming); but they sought to expand their business by geo-
graphical diversification, that is, by selling their products to many towns
within a general region. This may seem at first to be the same approach
adopted by some earlier stonecutters, but there are important differences.
While it is true that over a third of Lemuel Savery's gravestones, for ex-
ample, were sold to citizens of towns outside of the Plymouth area, Ply-
mouth was clearly Savery's base and he faced significant competition in
these other towns. Nathaniel Holmes sold more than half of his work to
towns outside of the Barnstable area, but he had benefitted from being
the first on the scene, setting up his shop in the populous center of the
Cape and marketing his stones in the region around it with little or no
competition. The Sturgises, on the other hand, had arrived with Holmes
already in place and with Ebenezer D. Winslow selling his stones in
Brewster, Dennis, and some towns further east. They were thus forced to
pursue a more artificial market of their own design, comprising a string
of towns spread over a wider area, east and west of Holmes' and
Winslow's markets - and south too, on the islands. Although the major-
ity of William Sturgis' stones in eastern Massachusetts are found on the
inner part of the Cape from Sandwich through Falmouth (including
Martha's Vineyard), and most of Josiah's are on Nantucket, they really
didn't have a single populous town as a home base on which they could
rely.

William and Josiah also made frequent geographical moves. As a
young man, William left his native Sandwich for Lee, in the Berkshires;
then in his sixties he moved to Nantucket, next probably to Falmouth,
thence to Orleans, from there to Sandwich, then (after his retirement)
back to Lee, and finally to Yarmouth. Josiah accompanied his father in
many of these moves, and he also tried setting up his own shop in
Harwich while maintaining stonecutting stations in Falmouth, Sandwich,
Orleans, Nantucket, and Edgartown. He later abandoned this venture
(and stonecutting altogether) and joined the rush to California. We find
in their movements not only the enterprising spirit that continued to
develop through the mid-nineteenth century but also the influence of
competitive pressures that began to claim the stonecutting trade as it
had others in earlier decades.

68 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

William Sturgis: Biography

A William Sturgis is paid in an 1844 probate record for a gravestone
in Sandwich, one like many others in the area. In my earlier essay on
Plymouth and Cape stonecarvers in Markers XV, 1 had misidentified this
stonecutter as William W. Sturgis, a Barnstable resident - this because I
had found no evidence in any vital records for any other William Sturgis
in that area of the Cape. This error became apparent once 1 discovered
that the Sturgis stones of Sandwich and Falmouth resemble very closely
those found in and around Lee in Berkshire County, most of which were
carved by a William Sturgis resident there.

Lee was home to a number of families from the Cape, many of whom
moved there shortly after 1780, in response to the depression in Cape
fishing and shipping following the Revolution.^ These transplanted Cape
citizens concentrated in the east part of Lee, along what came to be called
Cape Street. The two gravestone carvers of Lee were brothers, William
and Thomas Sturges/Sturgis.^ They were sons of Jonathan Sturgis of Sand-
wich, who was born in about 1751 and who married Elizabeth Smith
there on November 3, 1771.^ In the 1790 U.S. Census, there are three
males, all under sixteen, listed in the household of Jonathan Sturgis. Since
William was eighteen at the time, this is evidence that he may have al-
ready moved west, probably apprenticing with an established carver
somewhere in that area. Two of the boys under sixteen must have been
William's brothers Thomas and Nehemiah. While 1 found no record of
another brother who could have been listed in 1790, there is a seven-year
gap between the births of William's sister Abigail in 1775 and his brother
Thomas in 1782; so perhaps there was another boy who did not survive.

Jonathan's daughter Abigail died in Sandwich on October 25, 1794,
and is buried there. Her brother William provided her a marble marker
carved in a style found in central and western Massachusetts - more
evidence that he had moved out some time before. This stone, now very
weathered, but still just legible, may be the earliest marble monument
on the Cape. William bought a tract of land in Lee in February of 1795,'*
preparing, perhaps, for his marriage later that year. His parents prob-
ably didn't move to Lee until sometime later, for his father did not sell
his house in Sandwich until 1804.^

William Sturgis, who was born in 1772,^ married Salome Dimmick in
Lee on September 11, 1795.^ She was the daughter of Captain Lot Dimmick
of Falmouth and his wife Fear Fish. Lot's brother Joseph Dimmick earned
fame in the Revolution as a raider, twice in 1779 recapturing schooners

James Blachowicz 69

from the British, who were blockading Cape ports, and harassing them
on Nantucket.^ He later rose to the rank of general. William and Salome
had at least ten children."* William's younger brother Thomas, born in
September of 1782, married a Mary Hinckley (of Barnstable) in Lee on
March 20, 1806.^° They had at least seven children."

While Sandwich vital records are incomplete for this period, Jonathan
and Elizabeth Sturgis had as many as five other children besides Will-
iam, Abigail, and Thomas. The entire (living) Sturgis family is named in
an 1821 deed in which they yield all their rights to the property of the
late John Smith of Sandwich.'- John Smith was Elizabeth Smith Sturgis'
father; but Elizabeth had died in 1813 and her family had inherited her
rights to her father's property. Besides Jonathan, this Sandwich deed lists
Jonathan's living children as: William, Thomas, Russell, Robert, Hannah,
and Celia. There is also a probate record in 1828 for Robert Sturgis of
Lee, who was bom in about 1796,^^ which lists his brothers and sisters as
heirs: William, Thomas, Hannah, Celia and Russell''*; the same record
has Russell Sturgis being appointed guardian for Catherine and Lucretia
Sturgis, daughters of the recently deceased Nehemiah, "brother of said
Robert."'^ Thus, it is safe to assume that the Nehemiah who appears in
Census and vital records in Lee is another brother of the stonecutters
William and Thomas.'^ The Hannah mentioned in these two records was
probably Nehemiah's widow Hannah {iiee Russell). Celia, unmarried, died
in Lee in 1828 at the age of thirty-eight. Jonathan Sturgis died in Lee in
1824 at about the age of seventy-three. His gravestone mentions that he
was a Revolutionary War veteran. The 1804 Sandwich deed listed his
occupation as "yeoman."

According to a Hyde's (1878) centennial history of Lee (see note 1),
William and Thomas Sturgis were the first resident stonecutters of Lee.
They came from a "good family on the Cape," Hyde reports, and ran
two different shops: Thomas' shop was in East Lee, while William's was
on the hill road between East Lee and the center of town. "These two
establishments supplied grave stones and other cut stone work for most
of Southern Berkshire. Their monuments are to be found in almost every
grave-yard in the vicinity" (pp. 316-7). They signed stones in Lee with
"T. Sturges, Lee" and "Wm. Sturges, Lee."

Besides its tradition of papermaking, Lee is also known as a source of
a very hard, but not so finely grained, marble and limestone, used after
1850 in the enlargement of the Capitol in Washington as well as in many
monuments in New York City.'^ Lee marble quarries were also contracted

70 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

by the government in the 1880s to supply thousands of marble grave-
stones for Arlington National Cemetery. Western and central Massachu-
setts stonecutters, however, had used marble from the area since before
the turn of the century. Judging from his style, we can assume that Will-
iam Sturgis trained with one of these carvers after having moved from
Sandwich.

An 1818 Berkshire County court record lists Nehemiah Sturgis, brother
to William and Thomas, as a stonecutter,^^ but he is not to my knowledge
paid for gravestones in probate records, and another record shows him
only as a mason. He died in 1821 at the age of thirty-four. Some of the
sons of William and Thomas also become stonecutters. Although
William's eldest son Samuel, born in 1796, is listed as an innkeeper in
U.S. Census records, he is reputed to have a signed gravestone in Cherry
Valley, NewYork.^'^ William's son John was in business with the
Bridgewater stonecutter Elisha Eveleth, together owning (but perhaps
not running) a marble shop in Sandwich in the late 1840s, just before
John accompanied his brother Josiah (William's youngest son) to Cali-
fornia late in 1849. John's death record in 1886 in Martinez, California
lists him as a "stone cutter." Josiah, born in 1816, also became a carver.
He went to Nantucket with his father in the early 1830s and married
there in 1839. There are a number of his gravestones on the island as well
as a few on the Cape. I will provide a more complete account of Josiah's
life and work shortly. Edwin, the son of Thomas Sturgis of Lee, born in
1807, continued carving into his sixties in his father's shop in Lee.^°
Edwin's brother George, born in 1823, is listed as a "stonecutter" in the
1850 U.S. Census (p. 44) as well as in the record of his death in 1863, but
is a "tanner" in the 1860 U.S. Census (p. 652). The relationships among
the ten men of the Sturgis family mentioned as stonecutters in various
records is shown in Table 1:

James Blachowicz

JONATHAN STURGIS (cl751-1824);
Sandwich(?)/Lee

WILLIAM (1772-1858); SandwichA'armouth
SAMUEL (1796-1852); LeeA.ee [8 children]
ABIGAIL (1798- ); Lee/
WILLIAM (1800-1825); Lee/Lee
FRANKLIN (1802-cl857); Lee/ [4 children]
SARAH (1804-1877); Lee/Yarmouth
WILLIAM S.(1830-1907); Sandwich/

Yarmouth
ARIETTA D.(1832-1866); Nanhjcket/

Yarmouth
BENJAMIN F.(1841-1873); Harwich/

San Francisco
[and 3 more children]
JOHN (1807-1886); Sandwich/Martinez, CA
PERSIS(1809- );Lee/
EBENEZER (1814-1834); Lee/

Lancasterville, SC
JOSIAH (1816-1897); Lee/Martinez, CA
SARAH ANN (1841-1 91 7);Nanhicket/

Berkeley, CA
THOMAS S. (1844-1924); Nantucket/CA

ABIGAIL (C1775-1794); Sandwich/Sandwich
THOMAS (1782-1852); Sandwich/Lee
EDWIN (1807-1901); Lee/Lee

[1 daughter]
ELIZABETH (1809- ); Lee/
MARY ANN (1812- ); Lee/
CHARLES (1814- ); Lee/ [3 children]
LYDIA (1816- ); Lee/
HENRY (1820- ); Lee/ [1 son]
GEORGE (1823-1863); Lee/Lee

[1 daughter]
CLARKE (1829-1829); Lee/Riverton, CT
NEHEMIAH (cl787-1821); Sandwich/Lee
[3 daughters]

CELIA (C1790-1828); Sandwich(?)/Lee
RUSSELL (cl 792- ); Sandwich(?)/

[5 children]
ROBERT (C1796-1828); (?)/Lee

Different generations are in different columns; those mentioned as stonecutters in
various records are in bold. Places of birth and death follow birth and death dates.

m. ELIZABETH SMITH 1771,

Sandwich
m. SALOME DIMMICK1795, Lee

m. ELIZA , Lee

m. EBENEZER C. BRADLEY1819, Lee

m. SARAH ANN

m. JABEZ M. FISHER 1829, Lee

m. SARAH E. HAWES 1858,

Yarmouth
m. GORHAM KNOWLES 1862,

Yarmouth

m. MARY LOOMIS 1834

m. EDWIN BALDWIN, Nanhicket

m. ELIZA R. SMFTH 1839, Nantucket
m. CORNELIUS CUTLER 1863,

Martinez, CA
m. OCTAVIA RICE 1877,

Martinez, CA

m. MARY HINCKLEY 1806, Lee
m. CHARLOTTE HEWITT of
Norfolk, CT

m. ORTON HEATH 1833, Lee

m. LUCRETIA GIFFORD 1836, Lee

m. HENRY R. COE 1834, Lee
m. LYDIA of Vermont
m. LYDIA MINER 1843, Lee

m. LYDIA HINCKLEY 1809, Lee
rm. HANNAH RUSSELL cl818,

Pittsfield
(unmarried)
m. FANNY CLAPP 1833, Lee

Table 1: The Sturgis Family Genealogy.

72 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

The fifth child of William Shirgis of Lee was Sally (Sarah), born in
1804. She married Jabez M. Fisher of Sandwich in Lee on January 22,
1829.^' They lived in Sandwich before moving to Nantucket in 1832. It is
possible that William and Josiah Sturgis came with them to the island.
Nantucket's resident carver,a James Thompson (whom I shall discuss
briefly in Part II of this survery in Markers XX), had died in 1832. The
Sturgises ultimately pursued this recently opened market, although it is
not clear whether this was the reason for their move there. It is signifi-
cant that the stones of James Thompson of Nantucket are found not only
on that island, but also in the 1810s and 1820s in the Falmouth area (which
was outside of Nathaniel Holmes' sphere of influence); this is also where
we shall find the stones of William Sturgis appearing more and more as
we advance into the 1830s.

It is also possible that the Sturgises came to Nantucket a little later,
perhaps in 1834, for on December 3rd of that year, an advertisement for
the opening of William Sturgis' marble shop appeared in the Nantucket
Inquirer (Fig. 1). Joseph R. Fisher, mentioned in the ad, was a younger
brother of William's son-in-law, Jabez Fisher. Joseph, who would die in
1838, ran a dry goods store at 41 Orange Street. The man William Sturgis
mentions as his quarry-owning partner may have been his brother Tho-
mas in Lee. This ad ran through March of 1835.

William signed the stone for Sally Hamblen (1834) in Yarmouth with
"Engraved on Nantucket by Wm. Sturges." He may have moved from
Nantucket to the Falmouth area in 1835 (after his ad), for he signs the
1834 stone for Celia Dimmick (who died December 28th) in Falmouth
with "Made in this Town by Wm. Sturges." This is also just about the
same time that Sturgis stones begin to appear in the Falmouth area in
greater and more continuous numbers. On the signed stone for Seth
Robinson (1836) in Hatchville, Sturgis carved "Engrav'd in Falmouth by. . .
[his name is obscured by a concrete base]," confirming, it seems, that
Falmouth had followed Nantucket. Yet perhaps he retained a residence
in Nantucket (his son's or son-in-law's house?), or commuted between
the two locales. I found fourteen of his stones on Nantucket dated be-
tween 1835 and 1840, one of which is probated to him,~ and he is a wit-
ness to Jabez Fisher's sale of a property there in 1839.'^-'

It is also possible that when Sturgis put "Engraved in ..." at the bot-
tom of a stone, this did not so much indicate his residence as the fact
that he came to that location to do the engraving. On the stone for Kezia
Gorham (1827) on Nantucket, he inscribed yet another "Engraved in this

James Blachowicz 73

Town by Wm. Sturges/'Yet it seems unlikely that he would have resided
there at so early a date. If this stone is not backdated, this may be evi-
dence that some of the stones he sold to citizens of the Cape before mov-
ing out there may have been inscribed by him there, rather than being
shipped already inscribed from Lee.

In 1840, Jabez Fisher "of Nantucket" sold to William Sturgis "of Or-
leans" all of his property in Sandwich.-"* While I found no other property
transactions which confirm that William Sturgis was residing in Orleans
at this time, he may have been renting or living with someone else there.
A witness to this 1840 transaction between Fisher and Sturgis was Josiah
Sparrow, Jr. The Orleans stonecutter Josiah Sparrow II was the son of
Isaac Sparrow; but this Josiah Jr. could have been his uncle. It seems
likely that William Sturgis helped train some of the Orleans carvers (Spar-
row, Linnell, Hopkins, to be discussed in Part II) at this time before mov-
ing on. It is noteworthy that William Sturgis has nine gravestones in this
area of the Cape for the years 1838 through 1840.^^

As we should expect, there is no William Sturgis as a head of house-
hold listed in the 1840 U.S. Census for Lee. There is a man aged seventy
to seventy-nine living there with William's eldest son Samuel (p. 64); but
William was sixty-eight at the time, and his wife Salome, who would not
die until 1845, is not in this household. So perhaps this older male is
another relative, such as Samuel's father-in-law. There is, however, a
William Sturgis in the 1840 U.S. Census for Sandwich (p. 59). And he is
listed on the tax rolls for Sandwich from 1840 through 1844. He was
living, perhaps, in Jabez Fisher's old homestead near Peter's Pond. We
find a number of his stones in the Sandwich area at this time. He then
moves back to Lee sometime before September 8, 1845: that is when his
wife Salome dies in Lee in the home of their son Franklin.^^ In the 1850
U.S. Census, William, aged seventy-eight, is shown as living in Lee with
his eldest son Samuel (p. 43).

William Sturgis, in his sixties, had moved from Lee to Nantucket to
Falmouth to Orleans to Sandwich - all in the span of six years, 1834 to
1840. Or, perhaps he had a residence in one or two of these locations
(Nantucket, Sandwich) and simply visited the others (Falmouth, Orleans)
for extended periods. He did not sell his main residence in Lee until
February of 1841.27

He no doubt had a marble shop in Sandwich. When he left, he may
have conveyed it to his son John. We know that John was still in Lee as
late as 1841, where he represented his father's business interests, and

74 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

that he was Hving in Great Barrington in 1844, when he mortgaged his
house in Lee to his brother Josiah.-^*^ This may have been about the same
time John acquired his father's shop and stock in Sandwich. John then
formed a partnership with Elisha Eveleth of Bridgewater ("J. Sturgess &
Co."). From June 17, 1848 they advertised in the Sandzinch Observer their
"marble manufactory" "a few rods in the rear of the Unitarian Meeting-
house" in Sandwich. In addition to marble monuments, they were pre-
pared to furnish "marble and granite posts, and iron rails, for yards."
John may not have resided in Sandwich, however. In a transaction dated
December 20, 1848, John Sturgis, listed as a resident of "Holmes Hole"
(Tisbury) on Martha's Vineyard, and Elisha Eveleth mortgaged to the
firm of Hyde, Fuller, and Hyde of Castleton, Vermont, 128 pieces of marble
in Bridgewater, 50 pieces in North Bridgewater, 75 pieces in Sandwich,
and a horse, two harnesses, a wagon and a buggy. This "chattel" mort-
gage was to be repaid within six months. About a week later, on Decem-
ber 29th, John Sturgis ("of Tisbury") and Elisha Eveleth mortgaged "all
the marble at the shop of Henry T. Bassett, also a lot lying on the wharf of
the Sandwich Packet" to Jabez M. Fisher (John's brother-in-law) of
Yarmouth.-'* The Bassett mentioned here was not another stonecutter; he
is the same Henry T. Bassett who served as Josiah Sturgis' agent in Sand-
wich - listed by Sturgis in his 1839 advertisement (see Fig. 3) for the
network of marble stations he had set up on the Cape, Nantucket, and
Martha's Vineyard. Thus, Sturgis marbles were probably available for
purchase in Sandwich at Bassett's place of business from as early as 1838
or so, that is, one or two years before William Sturgis moved there in
1840.

While the 1849 New England Mercantile Union Business Directory and
the 1850-51 Massachusetts State Directory each lists under marble manu-
facturers "John Sturgis & Co." in Sandwich, John himself was probably,
as we have seen, residing on Martha's Vineyard. The shop he and Eveleth
owned in Sandwich was probably run by James Thompson {not the same
man who carved on Nantucket), who came down to Sandwich from
Kingston at about this time. There is a single, undecorated stone pro-
bated to "J. Sturgess & Co.," that for Deliverance (Delia) Baty (1848) in
Sandwich. It is too difficult to judge the carver on the basis of so few
letters, but it was probably not James Thompson (whom we know to
have resided and carved in Sandwich); thus, it was most likely either
John Sturgis or Elisha Eveleth. I will have more to say about James Th-
ompson and his Sandwich shop in Part II.

James Blachowicz 75

Elisha Eveleth appears in various records as a stonecarver. "Elisha
Eveleth & Co." is listed under marble manufacturers for Bridgewater
both in the 1849 Neiu England Mercantile Union Business Directory and in
The Massachusetts Register for 1852; and "Eveleth & Co," is paid in the
1855 probate record for Elisha Howes of Chatham. ^'^ This is most likely
the same Elisha Eveleth born in about 1820 in Gilsum, New Hampshire
and who married Priscilla Dart there in about 1846.^^ He was probably
residing in Weston, Vermont in 1847, where his son was born. I have not
determined how it was that John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth came to form
their partnership. Perhaps Eveleth was supplying Sturgis with Vermont
marble. The mortgages they made in 1848, however, were quickly fol-
lowed by the dissolution of their partnership, announced in the Sand-
wich Observer on January 6, 1849. Eveleth proceeded to form a new part-
nership, in Boston, with T.E. Hughes and P. McGrath under the name
"T.E. Hughes & Co." (announced in the Sandwich Mechanic and Family
Visitor from June 17, 1851). He signed the impressive obelisk for Prudence
Jemegan (1852) in Edgartown and added "Boston" to his signature.

Meanwhile, John Sturgis, despite his entry in the Massachusetts di-
rectory in 1850-51, probably left Massachusetts for California with his
younger brother Josiah late in 1849. He most likely still owned the Sand-
wich marble works for a time and had James Thompson continue to
operate it. Thompson in turn trained one or two more carvers (as we
shall see in Part II). If this is how things transpired, then the Sturgises
would have been responsible for helping to initiate three independent
marble-carving traditions on the Cape: one in Orleans, one in Sandwich,
and one in Yarmouth - the last beginning with the marble shop of
William's son-in-law, Jabez M. Fisher.

In 1850, Jabez Fisher mortgaged his Sandwich property to William
Sturgis, "marble manufacturer of Lee."^^ William did appear personally
in court in Berkshire County for a suit in March of 1852.^^ But William's
younger brother Thomas died in January of 1852 and William's son Samuel
died the following December. And so, in October of 1853, William moved
again, when he was eighty-one, into the household of his daughter Sarah
and her husband Jabez Fisher, whose Yarmouth marble shop was pros-
pering."^ William is listed in the 1855 state census (p. 21) in Fisher's house-
hold; this entry also records the fact that, by this time at least, William
was deaf.

An 1856 transaction in which Jabez pays off his mortgage to William
lists William as "late of Lee."^^ This is the same year that William Sturgis

76 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

signed and dated his will (in Yarmouth), in which he named his six liv-
ing children as heirs.^*' He named Jabez Fisher as his executor. William
Sturgis died in Yarmouth on August 2, 1858, at the age of eighty-five.^^
Jabez and Sarah Fisher charged the estate for expenses incurred in tak-
ing his remains back to Lee for interment. They also charged a total of
$747.00 (at $3.00 per week) for the four years and forty-one weeks that
William had stayed with them (this is how we can determine that Will-
iam came to Yarmouth in October of 1853). William Sturgis is buried in
Lee with a gravestone carved by Jabez Fisher (Fig. 2).

While it is true that William Sturgis was a party to a number of prop-
erty transactions in Lee in this period (two in 1836,"*^ two in 1837,^'' two in
1838,*° and one in 1841*^) he is listed in each of these seven as a co-party
with his son John; and so it seems likely that, while William still owned
property in Lee, it was John who was representing his interests there
while William was on Nantucket and the Cape. One of these transac-
tions, that in 1841, appears to be a mortgage of William's property (for
$2400; on February 8th) to his son Franklin, who was an attorney. This is
also the time that his youngest son Josiah was trying to sustain a rather
ambitious enterprise on the Cape; perhaps William helped out with some
money.

William Sturgis also appears in a number of court actions in Lee.
Between 1815 and 1854 he was a party in eleven cases, as follows: 1815,
1818, 1825, 1828, 1831, 1834, 1839, 1848, 1848, 1851, 1854. The case in 1834
was settled on November llth"*^; this court record reports that the two
parties came "by their attorneys," and the court found in favor of the
plaintiff (Sturgis) because the defendant failed to appear as ordered. Thus,
William Sturgis himself may not have attended this session, but had his
interests represented by his son Franklin. And even if he did appear, he
could still have moved to Nantucket afterwards, in time to advertise his
new shop there in December. There is only a single case (1839) which
was heard in Lee during William's Nantucket-and-Cape residency pe-
riod, but here again, he was a co-defendant with his sons Samuel and
Franklin.*^ Franklin, who again acted as attorney, appealed the case to
the next term. There is no evidence from this case that William himself
appeared in court in Lee in 1839.

According to the 1840 U.S. Census, four other individuals were liv-
ing with William Sturgis in Sandwich at the time: a male between twenty
and twenty-nine years of age and three females, one between twenty and
twenty-nine, one between fifty and fifty-nine, and the third between sixty

James Blachowicz

Fig. 2. William Sturgis, 1858, Lee, Massachusetts.
Carved by Jabez Fisher.

78 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

and sixty-nine. The oldest female was probably William's wife Salome,
who was sixty-eight. The younger male could have been Josiah (John
and Jabez would have been too old) and the youngest female Josiah's
wife, whom he married in Nantucket the year before. While it is true that
Josiah Sturgis was enumerated in the 1840 Census for Nantucket,^ it is
possible that he was counted twice. ^^ The other female aged fifty to fifty-
nine in this 1840 household might be Josiah's widowed mother-in-law
Cassandra Smith: her husband Thomas died on November 26th of that
year.''^

Josiah launched his own stonecutting business in Harwich and else-
where on the Cape, probably with his father's financial aid, advertising
his marble shop in Harwich from January of 1839 through November of
1841; but this venture was not successful. There is a single gravestone on
the Cape in this period - the plain stone for Captain Noah Davis (1840)
in Falmouth - which is probated to a "Mr. Sturgis." The lettering is close
enough to Josiah's other work to ascribe it to him. Josiah most likely
traveled a great deal between Nantucket and Harwich, and perhaps be-
tween Harwich and Sandwich. Despite periodic visits and stays, how-
ever, he remained a Nantucket resident throughout this time, as is indi-
cated in Nantucket property and probate records and in a summary of
his life in an 1882 biographical sketch, to be considered below.

After William Sturgis left the Sandwich area in the mid-1840s, three
new stonecutters took his place. I will discuss this new generation in
Part II.

Josiah Sturgis: Biography

Although the majority of William Sturgis' gravestones are to be found
in Berkshire County, he was a native of Sandwich and did supply a few
hundred stones to the Cape, residing there for a few years in his sixties
and seventies, and then for five more years in his eighties. His son Josiah,
however, has a more tenuous connection to the Cape, placing only a
very few stones there. He worked on Nantucket for fifteen years, 1834
through 1849, with perhaps a stay (without fixed residence?) in the
Harwich area sometime between 1837 and 1841. He no doubt learned
stonecutting from his father, and was in business for a time with his
older brother-in-law Jabez M. Fisher, after which Jabez set up his own
marble operation in Yarmouth. Josiah advertised his stonecutting shop
on the Cape from 1839 through 1841, but apparently couldn't make a go
of it there. His movements from Berkshire County to Nantucket to the

James Blachowicz 79

Cape (briefly) and finally to California reflect some of the wider patterns
of settlement driven by the economic forces of the time.

Josiah Sturgis was born in Lee on April 23, 1816.^"^ He probably came
to Nantucket with his father in 1834 at the age of eighteen** to work in his
father's new marble shop. The earliest record of Josiah's presence on
Nantucket is a deed dated September 7, 1838 in which he buys a third of
a carpenter's shop from an Asa Meiggs (but he sold this property to a
Samuel Woodward a year later). '*'^ Just two weeks after buying this shop,
he purchased land, a house, and other outbuildings from a Job Coleman.
This lot is situated just to the east of Fair Street and north of Plumb Lane.^°
In these and the other records which mention Josiah Sturgis, he is de-
scribed as a "stone cutter," "stone engraver," and "marble engraver." In
a late (1848) record, however, he is listed as a "merchant."^' Perhaps by
then he had given up on marble monument manufacture.

Josiah married Eliza Riddell Smith, ""^ a native of Virginia, on Nan-
tucket on October 7, 1839. They had at least two children, Sarah Ann and
Thomas, born on Nantucket in 1841 and 1844. Eliza's father Thomas died
in 1840; in October 1844, Josiah, Eliza, and six other heirs inherited his
property, ^-^ and they all sold it a few days later for $4500.^''

Although he married on Nantucket in October 1839, and his daugh-
ter was bom there in 1841, Josiah posted an advertisement in the Barnstable
Patriot (Fig. 3) in January of 1839 (this ran through March, followed by
an identical ad with a different graphic from March through June); he
then re-issued this ad the following September (running through Janu-
ary of 1840), to be followed by another, shorter, version in November
1841. In the ad, we can note, first, that Josiah speaks of continuing his
"old stand" in Harwich; he thus appears to have had a working business
in Harwich perhaps a year or more before 1839. He turned twenty-one in
1837; perhaps this is when he began this operation. Impressively, Josiah
informs us that he has five agents representing his interests in Sand-
wich, Falmouth, Nantucket, Edgartown, and Orleans. (Nathaniel Holmes,
of course, had an effective monopoly on the middle Cape, while Ebenezer
D. Winslow was still working in Brewster.) No doubt his father, William
Sturgis, could help expedite his business at Orleans, where he was prob-
ably residing at the time; and Josiah had his brother-in-law Jabez Fisher
representing him on Nantucket. His agent in Edgartown was perhaps
aided by Jabez's brother Theodore, who was living there. Since first issu-
ing this ad, Josiah added a new agent, Isaac Sparrow, in East Orleans.
This is very probably the father (or possibly the older brother) of Josiah

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

a . TaOOK AT THIS '.XU

MARBLE TOMB STONES.

fV^HE subscriber mould inronn the inhabitants of the
J. Cape, that he still continues his business at bis old
sUnd in Harwich, a few rods east of the Congrecrational
Mertitif llouse ; wherf he has a large assortment ol
STONES, Vkhich be will cot to order at short notice.
He would also inform the inhabitants of thiti County,
that be has Stone in Sandwich, under the Agency of
Henry T Dhss^U; ia Falmouth, under the Ajetiey of
Ptv/ .Vye; in Nantucket, under the Agency oCJabrz M.
fisker-f in Edgartown. under the Agency of SylranuB
L. Fms€ \ and in East Orieaos, under the Agency of
/m«c i^rrht. Those wishing to perfietuate or pay
the lasttnbote to the memory of their decea^d friends,
can be mceouimodated by caUing on either of the gentle-
men above loeotioned.

JOSIAH STURGIS.
Hsrwkb.Sepi. 17. 6aio

w^vr-

Fig. 3. Advertisement for Josiah Sturgis'
multiple marble "stations" in 1839.

James Blachowicz 81

Sparrow II, the Orleans stonecutter. Josiah Sparrow II was just a year
younger than Josiah Sturgis, and Sparrow's stones begin to appear in
that area in about 1844.

As we shall see, it was not only Josiah (or even principally Josiah)
who was carving the stones for these locales. We find a spurt of William
Sturgis' stones from about 1840 on, for example, on Martha's Vineyard.
Josiah may have sold more of his father's work than his own.

Josiah tells the reader in his 1939 ad that he has "stones" ready to cut.
It was easier to store carved but unlettered stones in various locales which
could be delivered in bulk and then letter them on the spot, rather than
having to ship stones individually to these places one at a time. Thus
these "shops" would function more as "stone stations" in a network than
as places of business in the ordinary sense. Ernest Caulfield describes a
very similar practice by the New London, Connecticut carver Chester
Kimball, who was carving gravestones at about the same time:

Chester, Sr., had branch offices in Chelsea (Norwich), Stonington, and Mill Town
(North Stonington); the last two were in the stores of other men. As soon as he
would receive sufficient orders at a branch office, he would go there for four or
five days at a time to do inscriptions, meanwhile retaining his main shop in
New London.''

This was probably a common practice of William Sturgis as well.

While Josiah's main Cape shop was apparently in Harwich, his fam-
ily residence probably remained on Nantucket. He is cited a number of
times in property transactions there; in contrast, he is not a party to any
property purchases on the Cape.

Josiah's Harwich marble shop was taken over by Jabez Fisher, who
advertises this fact in 1844. Jabez is enumerated in the 1840 U.S. census
for Harwich and his son was born there in 1841. He probably had come
to help Josiah at the Harwich shop while Josiah was still there. I have
already indicated that Josiah may have stayed briefly with his father
William in the Sandwich area at this time, for, as we have seen, a man
about Josiah's age and a woman his wife's age are enumerated with Wil-
liam Sturgis in the 1840 census for Sandwich.

Fisher moved on to Yarmouth in 1844 to open up another marble
shop. Josiah Sturgis appears to have withdrawn to Nantucket: besides
the continuing property transactions there to which he was a party, he is
also cited from about 1838 in a number of probate records on Nantucket;
and his son was bom there in 1844. While he did sue a Berkshire county
man in 1843, he was represented in this action by his brother Franklin.^^

82 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

In 1845, Josiah Sturgis bought eight "sheep commons" in Nantucket
in an undeveloped area south of town^^; these were set off to him as
private property by a vote of the town proprietors the day before.^^ This
land was located a half mile from the mills, close to where today we find
some of Nantucket's cemeteries. Later that year, Josiah bought (or per-
haps paid off a mortgage on) nineteen acres of land "between the town
of Nantucket and the farm of George My rick. "'^'' Then, in 1846, he mort-
gaged his homestead (for $850.00) to his widowed mother-in-law,
Cassandra Smith, with the option of paying her back and reacquiring it
in six months.*'" This transaction is dated July 13th, the very day of the
great fire which would destroy a third of the town, including the entire
waterfront business area. A map of the "burnt district" which appeared
in the Nantucket Inquirer the following July 27th shows, however, that the
destruction did not extend far enough down Orange Street to take Josiah's
house.

The final recorded property transactions for Josiah Sturgis on Nan-
tucket involve a piece of land in "Washman's Island" (a district west of
the town) which he bought in 1847 and sold in 1849.^' This is also the
year that we find a probate payment to him for a gravestone in Falmouth
- one of only two of Josiah's probated stones we find on the Cape. His
father William had by this time moved back to Lee, explaining perhaps
why Josiah was needed to cut (or at least inscribe) this stone. Josiah sold
off a mortgage he held on a property in Lee on April 4, 1849, acquiring
some capital, perhaps, for his venture west.*'^ When he sued a John Baker
in Lee in 1852, his residence was still recorded as Nantucket.''^ It is im-
mediately after this time that other stonecutters' names begin to appear
in Nantucket probate records.^^

Apparently resigned to the fact that his business prospects on Nan-
tucket and the Cape would not improve, Josiah, like many other resi-
dents of the island, left for California in search of better fortune. The
decline of whaling and the discovery of gold combined to produce a
powerful incentive to relocate. Nantucketers, of course, had known their
way to the Pacific for a long time. Josiah left on the steamship "Empire
City" (of New York) on December 1, 1849, arriving in San Francisco, via
Panama, on February 1, 1850, probably in the company of his brother
John.^^ The source of much of this and some other interesting informa-
tion about Josiah's move is an 1882 history of Contra Costa County, Cali-
fornia,^^ which includes a biographical sketch of Josiah Sturgis, much of
which was undoubtedly supplied by Sturgis himself, then sixty-six. This

James Blachowicz

sketch reports that Josiah, on arriving in San Francisco in ill health (not
uncommon for passengers on these long voyages), moved to Martinez,
California to regain his strength. A great many of the immigrants into
Martinez at this time were from Nantucket.

Josiah's name is recorded in this history as one of the forty-three vot-
ers who took part in the first election in Martinez in 1850 (pp. 385-86).
Because of the heavy transient population of immigrants at this time, a
number of boarding houses, kitchens, and "hotels" were built in the area.
In the year he arrived, Josiah bought a kitchen and boarding house called
the Hotel de Steward from its African- American owner, William Jones,
who had been a captain's cook and had opened the place earlier that
year.^' In 1852, Josiah remodeled and expanded the place as the Alhambra
Hotel and, as this history records, "by periodic additions, he has made
one of the most comfortable and complete hostelries in the county" (p.
678). This is the same year the Union Hotel was built in Martinez (p.
391), but it was destroyed in a fire in September of 1856 (p. 394), leaving
Josiah with one less competitor. Josiah is listed as a marble manufac-
turer on Nantucket in the 1849 Nezv England Mercantile Union Business
Directory; in the 1850-51 Massachusetts State Directory and in Josiah's suit

AL-HAMBRA HOTEL,

A X 1>

R E S T A L R A IV T 5

PARK PLACE, (West side of Bridge.)
MARTINEZ.

i/^rillS HOUSE AFFORDS The
j -^ best of Eatable* and Lodgings,

I It also hM ft«acticd a fine Stable, with the
best aeeomniodtttions for Horses. The finest o(
llav. Grain and Water. AUo,

JJOJiSL'S AND CARRIAGES TO LET.

JOSIAH STURGES,
febl9-tf I'roprictor.

Fig. 4. Advertisement for Josiah Sturgis' Alhambra Hotel,
1863, Martinez, California.

84 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

against John Baker in 1852, his residence is still listed as Nantucket. Per-
haps he had still not committed himself completely to California at this
time. This is strongly indicated by the fact that he did not bring his fam-
ily west until 1857.^^ His decision to have his family join him was prob-
ably made sometime in 1856. On June 19th of that year, he sold a large
piece of land in Lee to the adjoining School District there; he signed this
deed in Califomia.^^ He listed his residence this time not as Nantucket,
but as Martinez, California.

Josiah advertised his hotel in the first issue of the Contra Costa Gazette
in 1858 and periodically thereafter. The ad shown in Figure 4 dates from
1863. The 1860 U.S. Census for Martinez shows Josiah as a "hotel keeper,"
listing his property assets at $1500 and his personal worth at $3000.^° He
is listed as living with his wife Eliza, their daughter Sarah Ann, and son
Thomas. On November 10, 1863, in Martinez, Sarah married Cornelius
T. Cutler, who was bom in Maine. ^^ He is listed as a deputy sheriff in
court cases from 1859 through 1861, but this was no doubt an office he
held rather than a full-time occupation. In 1859, a rich vein of coal was
discovered near Horse Haven. Rights to it were later acquired by four
Martinez men, including Josiah Sturgis and Cornelius Cutler. It was they
who developed the roads to what came to be known as the Black Dia-
mond vein, allowing mining operations to succeed. This brought coal
miners to the area and led to the emergence of a few nearby towns, in-
cluding Nortonville.^^

An earthquake in October of 1868 brought down two of the walls of a
new stone building at the hotel. This may be when the photograph shown
in Fig. 5 was taken, for it appears that blocks from the stone building on
the left have fallen to the ground (or perhaps it was a subsequent earth-
quake).

In the 1870 Census, Josiah's property assets climbed to $10,000 and
his personal worth is estimated at an additional $5000 (p. 3). His wife is
still with him, as well as his daughter Sarah Cutler, and her daughter
Carrie, five years old. Josiah's son Thomas is no longer living with him.
Sarah Cutler was not widowed, for her husband Cornelius did not die
until September 22, 1885 - of yellow fever in Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico
(he is known to have owned a mine in Mexico). ^^

In March of 1876, as reported in the Contra Costa County history, the
Alhambra hotel was "considerably enlarged by the addition of a central
two-story structure between the east and west wings, and a new kitchen

James Blachowicz

connected to the detached stone building, which became a dining hall"
(p. 396).

In about 1881, Josiah contributed two "handsome chandeliers" to the
Grace Episcopal Church in Martinez (p. 400). By 1882, at age sixty-six, he
had realized the fortune he first sought as a stonecutting entrepreneur in
eastern Massachusetts and was "the proprietor of considerable property
in conterminous districts" (p. 678). His status is reflected in his having a
biographical sketch in the history of the county published that year -
even if these sketches were vanity publications, commissioned and per-
haps even written by their subjects. Josiah's sketch concludes with the
following:

It is a pleasure to state that by a life of honest rectitude, Mr. Sturges has earned
the esteem and respect of all classes in the community in which he resides,
while, that he reveres the scenes of his youth is evinced in his having crossed
the Isthmus of Panama no less than nine times to revisit them. (p. 678).

In 1883, Josiah's eighteen-year-old granddaughter Carrie Cutler, with
four other women, helped to organize the first library in Martinez.^"* She

Fig. 5. The Alhambra Hotel, perhaps in 1868, Martinez, California.
Built, owned, and operated by Josiah Sturgis.

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

married a Samuel McLenegan of San Francisco (originally from Beloit,
Wisconsin) on March 1, 1887. Josiah's wife Eliza died in Martinez on
February 7, 1884; her obituary records that "she was one of the pioneer
women who, with her children, joined her husband on the Coast."^^

We have a late photograph of Josiah Sturgis (Fig. 6). A photo identi-
cal to this one is in the Martinez Historical Society files, except that the
man shown on the right is cropped out altogether. This photo (the one
here depicted) has "Grandfather Sturgis" (the man on the left) written
on the back. Since this photo was, according to reports of the Society,
donated by Carrie Cutler McLenegan, Josiah's granddaughter, and since
she was in her thirties when Josiah died, she should have known what
he looked like. The photo may have been taken about 1886, perhaps at
the funeral of John Sturgis, or in 1884, when Josiah's wife Eliza died. The
man on the right might possibly be Josiah's son Thomas (though this
identification may not be entirely reliable). ^^

A Martinez death record lists John Sturgis' occupation as "stonecut-
ter."^^ Although there are a few stones in Martinez that were probably
cut by new England carvers, I could not determine whether John or Josiah

Fig. 6. Josiah Sturgis (on left), at about seventy years of age,

with (possibly) his son Thomas.

On the porch of the Alhambra Hotel, about 1886.

James Blachowicz 87

Sturgis were responsible for any of them. It is not only Josiah but also
John to whom licenses are sold (in 1858 and 1859, for example) to oper-
ate a bar. No doubt John assisted in the operation of his brother's hotel.

Some of the wild and violent character of frontier life in Martinez in
its early days is communicated in the many criminal suits brought against
various parties for horse stealing, cattle rustling, assault, and murder.
Josiah and John Sturgis are witnesses in a number of these cases, and in
one, which came to court on September 11, 1854, John Sturgis is the plain-
tiff against a William M. Smith. This is Colonel William M. Smith, who
was the agent for the Martinez family out of whose holdings the town
was originally formed; it was Colonel Smith who, according to the Con-
tra Costa County history, in 1849 surveyed the land, laid out the first lots,
and in effect founded the town (p. 385). John Sturgis accused Smith of
having attacked him with a butcher knife. "^^ John died in Martinez on
April 22, 1886, after having "resided in various localities on the coast,"
according to his obituary, which also mentions that his funeral service
was held at the Alhambra Hotel.

Josiah continued with his hotel until his death in Martinez on July 23,
1897 at the age of eighty-one. His obituary in the Contra Costa Gazette the
following day reports that he died of heart failure and that the town had
lost "an honored and respected citizen who has been identified with the
business interests of the town for many years." He is buried in the
Alhambra Cemetery in Martinez (Fig. 7).

The 1882 Contra Costa County history mentions that Josiah's Sturgis'
two children are still residents of the county. Both Sarah Cutler and T. W.
[Thomas] Sturgis are also mentioned as Josiah's surviving children in his
1897 obituary - Thomas perhaps living in Ventura County at the time.
Josiah's nephew William S. Fisher died in Yarmouth in 1907. Fisher's pro-
bate record lists three living relatives: his wife and his cousins Thomas
Sturgis and Sarah Cutler. Thomas' home at the time is unknown, but he
is buried in the family plot in Martinez, having died in 1924. His wife
Octavia Rice, whom he married in March of 1877, died in Sonora in 1935;
perhaps that is where Thomas had lived as well. William Fisher's pro-
bate mentions that Sarah Cutler is living in Los Angeles. She sold the old
hotel to the town in 1912 (she was probably living in Alameda County at
the time). The hotel has been demolished and the new town hall is built
on the site. Sarah Cutler died at the home of her daughter Carrie
McLenegan in Berkeley on September 14, 1917 after an illness of many
years.^^

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 7. Josiah Sturgis, 1897, Martinez, California.

James Blachowicz 89

William Sturgis: Gravestones

William Sturgis was a marble carver. Of the 402 stones 1 have as-
cribed to him (see Appendix III), only two are in slate. This poses special
problems. Generally speaking, at least through the Civil War, marble
carvers did not adorn their work with as many decorative elements as
slate carvers. Further, the length of inscriptions cut on marble stones
becomes very short indeed, sometimes with only the name of the de-
ceased and the date. This, as well as the fact that just about all marble
gravestones are today less legible than their slate counterparts because
of weathering, makes the task of carver identification and ascription
particularly difficult. With fewer decorative symbols and letters on the
stones, there is less basis for detecting distinctive patterns and styles in a
given body of work.

In the case of William Sturgis and his son Josiah, there are two factors
which offset this handicap to a certain extent. William was born in 1772,
and was eleven years older than the slate carver Nathaniel Holmes. He
was a member of an older generation of stonecutters and, even though
he carved in marble, he did not embrace the featureless style of many
other mid-nineteenth century marble carvers. He rarely gave us un-
adorned stones, and continued carving his distinctive urns and willows
to the end of his life.

The case is just the opposite with his son Josiah. I cannot point to a
single stone of Josiah Sturgis - among the stones, that is, that we can
attribute to him with some confidence - which has am/ decoration what-
soever. The body of work which I have given him, therefore, is quite
small. But an aid here, as well as with the work of his father, is the fact
that we have an abundant number of probated and signed stones. There
are nine references to William Sturgis (or to a "Mr. Sturgis" that is prob-
ably William) in probate records: six in Berkshire County records, two in
Barnstable County, and one in Nantucket County. In addition, William
Sturgis signed at least twelve stones: four in Berkshire County (there are
undoubtedly more there), six in Barnstable County, and two on Nan-
tucket. In contrast, while I have found only one stone signed by Josiah
Sturgis (in Hyannis), he is cited in probate records eighteen times, six-
teen for stones on Nantucket and twice for stones in Falmouth. Even
here, however, care must be taken. 1 believe Josiah's only signed stone
was carved by his father; and it was William who carved the top of one
of the two stones in Falmouth probated to Josiah. Josiah's brother John is
also paid for a stone in Sandwich, but it is not certain that he carved it.

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

iS&- '■'■'" '""• ■' (Vi--- •■/Y % ^«i^ ■-

^v,/ . -/J ; .i'-' ■>■■'■ -y.t .■ '9(- ifi. KA, /

'^^miu^ '-.^:ri^>iimmf<i^^mm

Fig. 8. Jerusha Boies, 1837, Blandford, Massachusetts.
Typical stone carved by Thomas Sturgis.

James Blachowicz 91

I did not find any stones on the Cape that could with confidence be
ascribed to William Sturgis' younger brother Thomas, who was an ac-
tive stonecutter in Lee. Thomas signed a number of stones in western
Massachusetts and it is not difficult to get an idea of his style. The 1837
stone for Jerusha Boies (Fig. 8) in Blandford is typical. He is fond of using
larger letters than William; he also employs a more cursive script, and
positions the initials of the deceased at the top. While his willow often
resembles his brother's, his urn is narrower and differently decorated.
Thomas Sturgis may have influenced the carving of Jabez Fisher, a pos-
sibility I will consider later.

Chronology and Regional Distribution

To better recognize the patterns of distribution of William Sturgis'
work (see Table 2, below), I have divided the areas in which we find his
gravestones into seven regions, as follows (I exclude two stones in dis-
tant regions: one in Plymouth and one in Bridgewater):

Rl: Lee, Becket, Blandford, Granville, Pittsfield

R2: Falmouth, Woods Hole, Forestdale, Farmersville, Hatchville,

Bourne, Cotuit, Waquoit

R3: Chatham, Harwich, Orleans

R4: Nantucket

R5: Martha's Vineyard

R6: Sandwich, E. Sandwich, Sagamore, Cedarville

R7: Barnstable, Yarmouth, Marstons Mills, Brewster, Dennis

TOTAL

1774

1782

1790

1791

1794

1796

1797

1798

1799

1800

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

TOTAL

1801

1802

1803

1804

1805

1806

1807

1808

1809

1810

1811

1812

1813

1814

1815

1816

1817

1818

1819

1820

1821

1822

1823

5
9

1824

1825

10
1
6

1826

1827

1828

7
4

1829

1830

1831

1832

1833

1834

1835

1836

1837

1838

1839

1840

1841

1842

1843

19
6

1844

1845

1846

9
3
3

1847

1848

1849

James Blachowicz 93

R2 R3 R4

TOTAL

1850

1851

1852

1853

1854

1855

1856

1868

1877

1908

Total

119 33 27

400

*one stone inscribed by another carver

Table 2. Chronology and Regional Distribution
of William Sturgis's Gravestones.

A word of explanation on the gravestones itemized in Rl: These are
only a small sample of Sturgis' total production in western Massachu-
setts and consequently should be disregarded in comparing his produc-
tion elsewhere. However, in the four towns 1 canvassed in that area, 1
looked especially for the latest Sturgis-type stones, trying to find any af-
ter about 1834, that is, after Sturgis had presumably moved out of Lee.
And so while the brute numbers of the stones in Rl are not complete, the
chronological cut-off should be fairly accurate.

1 can only guess at the full extent of William Sturgis' productivity in
western Massachusetts. He carved slightly more than 210 stones on the
Cape and Nantucket from 1834 through 1844, that is, from ages sixty-
two through seventy-two, averaging about nineteen stones a year; in con-
trast, Nathaniel Holmes, at the same age from 1845 through 1855, carved
about 110 stones, averaging ten a year. William Sturgis may thus have
been even more productive than Holmes. But we should remember that
William was probably expending some extra effort in his sixties to help
out his son Josiah, whereas Nathaniel at a comparable age was more in a
position to scale back comfortably on his work. William's brother Tho-
mas also ran a separate shop in Lee, and I have not determined what the
demand was for William's stones there. Only an exhaustive canvass of
the burial grounds around Lee will provide the answer. 1 should also

94 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

add that while the burial grounds I list in Appendix I are those in which
I found gravestones ascribed to the thirteen carvers of this study, my
search did extend to all burial grounds on Cape Cod.

Although this chronology is consistent with William Sturgis moving
out of Lee in about 1834, we can also note that he had placed a number of
gravestones on the Cape before his move, especially in the eight or nine
years before. Perhaps, as I have already indicated, William would visit
the Cape periodically and inscribe a few stones here and there.

While the numbers of his stones on Nantucket rise in 1834, the year
he sets up his shop, and also in 1835, I found significantly more of his
work in these years in the Falmouth and Sandwich areas and on Martha's
Vineyard. These two years were among the most productive of this later
stage of his career, and were perhaps directed, as I have suggested, to
laying the groundwork for his son Josiah, who would soon try to estab-
lish his Cape-and-islands enterprise. As William's Nantucket numbers
decline, there is a small but significant rise in his numbers for the outer
Cape beginning about 1837, the year Josiah may have started up his shop
in Harwich. But these too decline quickly afterwards, with the majority
of William Sturgis' stones now concentrated once again in the Falmouth/
Sandwich area. From 1840 through 1845, as we would expect, since he
had moved back to Sandwich, William's production for coastal Sand-
wich, modest as it is, is significantly greater than that for his old focus in
Falmouth and South Sandwich.

I found twenty-two of William's gravestones on the Cape and islands
dated after 1845, which is when he probably moved back to Lee, but at
least five and probably more of these were inscribed by other carvers.
Still, he may have carved a few of these in Lee and had them sent back to
the Cape. The 1848 stone for Cloa Fish (see Fig. 23), one of his very last,
shows an unevenness probably due to his advancing years. The marker
for Elisha Gifford (1849) in Falmouth, with a smaller version of Sturgis'
usual urn, may be his, but this is probated to (and probably inscribed
by) James Thompson, who ran the Sandwich marble shop owned by
John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth. The Daniel Weston stone (1856) in Sand-
wich features a Sturgis-type bible and two small willows, but this was
probably inscribed by Edwin B. Nye, an even later Sandwich stonecutter
who worked in Thompson's shop (to be discussed in Part II). It is not
possible to tell when Sturgis may have carved the decorative part, if in
fact it is not a Nye imitation. Josiah Sturgis may have inscribed some of
these late stones deposited on the islands. The three markers I ascribe to

James Blachowicz

Cedannlle 2 O

Sagamore 12
Wareham I^^Bourne^ 9 ^-^ q 5 £ Sandwich_

Farmersville 7 g"" o

>^ Q Barnstable 1

f Martha s Vir^eyard

Table 3. William Sturgis' Regional Production
on Cape Cod and the Islands.

William Sturgis dated after 1858, of course, were inscribed after his death.
His total regional production on the Cape and Nantucket is shown in
Table 3.

Principal Decorative Elements

(a) Cherubs

Because the greater part of William Sturgis' carving career, until he
moved out of Lee at the age of sixty-two, is not within the province of
this study, 1 have very little to say about his carving origins and his early
style. While I have made every effort to record all of his gravestones on
Cape Cod and the islands, I provide only a sample of his work from four
western Massachusetts towns: Lee, Becket, Blandford, and Granville (no
doubt Robert Drinkwater, to whom I am indebted for information on
Sturgis' gravestones in western Massachusetts, would be able to provide
a more comprehensive picture of his work there).

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

T<t~

' .. «"^' "^

iln M( nwMv' ■!•■'^ P '

Fig. 9. Jonathan Wadsworth, 1798, Becket, Massachusetts.
Typical cherub carved on early stones by William Sturgis.

James Blachowicz 97

The 1798 gravestone for Jonathan Wadsworth (Fig. 9) provides an
early example of Sturgis' cherub (or soul-effigy). The general style here
is rather like the work of the Connecticut carver Josiah Manning and of
some Manning imitators such as Amasa Loomis. There is also some re-
semblance to the faces on the stones of Elijah Sikes, which can be found
in and around Lee; and the wings are rather like those on the abstract
cherubs of Solomon Ashley of Deerfield. I leave for others, however, the
task of determining the early influences on Sturgis and identifying the
carver who may have trained him. It is fairly apparent that he picked up
his skills after having moved from Sandwich, probably in the late 1780s,
for we do not find this style represented on the Cape.

These early stones show evidence of sometimes rather shaky spell-
ing, and also a form of lettering around 1799 in which curls are added to
ending strokes of the "y," "a," "r," "f," and "1." It is possible that this
curly style was a fashion; this is about the same time that we find a simi-
lar curling in the lettering of Amaziah Harlow, Jr., a Plymouth carver.

ih) Urns

In my admittedly cursory examination of Sturgis' work in western
Massachusetts, I found no cherub-representation after 1805. He intro-
duces a pleasant, distinctively shaped urn as early as 1798, found on the
now somewhat weathered stone for Zeruiah Crocker in Lee. The general
shape of the urn, but little else, is evident on the signed 1806 marble
stone for Marther Thacher (Fig. 10) in Barnstable. Marther's [Martha's]
parents were probably former Cape citizens now living in Lee and had
arranged with Sturgis for their daughter's stone. Sturgis, of course, saw
this as an opportunity to display his work - hence the signature.

He signs another Cape stone (1812), for Jane Dimmick (Fig. 11) in
Falmouth, adding a nice circular panel for the inscription and four quar-
ter-rosettes for the corners, a device he would use often.**"

ic) Willows and Other Decorative Features

Sturgis also quickly adds a willow to his urn. We find one version on
a stone in 1809,**' but he most often uses a willow in which boughs are
carved in positive relief and leaves indicated by simple incisions within
the boughs - an easier process than individuating each leaf, as Holmes
was to do. A good example of his mature urn with willow - and bibles -
is on the 1822 marker for Rhoda Smith (Fig. 12) in Blandford. The bible is

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 10. Marther Thacher, 1806, Barnstable, Massachusetts.
Early urn stone signed by William Sturgis.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 11. Jane Dimmick, 1812, Falmouth, Massachusetts.
Signed by William Sturgis.

100

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

'^^^

Fig. 12. Rhoda Smith, 1822, Blandford, Massachusetts.
Mature Sturgis willow.

James Blachowicz 101

also the principal decorative element on the 1834 stone for Celia Dimmick
(Fig. 13) in Falmouth. This is, as we have seen, an important marker in
dating Sturgis' arrival in the Falmouth area, for he signs it with "Made in
this Town by Wm. Sturges." The signed stone for Sally Flamblen in
Yarmouth, dated the same year, features a willow partially obscuring
another, narrower type of urn which we see on only a few other of his
stones. ^^

Josiah Sturgis turned twenty-one in 1837, the year he may have opened
his shop in Harwich, which he advertised in 1839. In Hyannis we find
another sort of advertisement: the 1838 stone for Walter Baxter (Fig. 14).
This is signed "Made in Harwich by J. Sturgs." But this stone in all re-
spects, including the lettering, appears to be the work of William, not
Josiah. None of Josiah's probated stones is even remotely like this one.
While Josiah was twenty-two in 1838, William was now sixty-six. I think
a reasonable explanation for this signature is that the father had turned
the business over to the son and, even though the son had not carved the
stone, Josiah would be the man to contact for new orders. Master stone-
cutters, of course, were often paid in probate records for stones carved
by their apprentices; but in this case, we have, not the master carver, but
the business manager, putting his name on the stone. Times were chang-
ing.

William Sturgis would sometimes use a simple willow with symmetri-
cal opposing branches as his single decorative element, such as on the
1831 stone for Anna Dimmick (Fig. 15). Or, he might choose a more elabo-
rate composition, such as on the 1843 marker for Almira Hoi way (Fig.
16). Here the complex arching and intertwining of various branches cre-
ates more interest. He would also use a broken branch or, as on the small
1838 marker for Thomas W. Hamblen (Fig. 17), a broken trunk to repre-
sent early death, a motif often used for children's stones. I should add
that, because of some variability in the style of letters and numbers used
on stones in the late 1830s and early 1840s, and because both William's
son Josiah and his son-in-law Jabez Fisher are carving at the same time,
it is not impossible that Josiah or Jabez may have had a hand in these
broken-branch stones, which begin to appear at this time. It is also just
possible that they carved the willows as well. I ascribe them to William
in part because they are more numerous in the Sandwich/Falmouth area,
where William was residing for some time, than in the burial grounds
around Chatham and Harwich, where Josiah and Jabez had opened their
marble shop.

102

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 13. Celia Dimmick, 1834, Falmouth, Massachusetts.
Signed "Made in this Town by Wm. Sturges.''

James Blachowicz

103

Fig. 14. Walter Baxter, 1838, Hyannis, Massachusetts.
Signed "Made in Harwich by J. Sturgs";
but probably carved by William Sturgis.

104

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 15. Anna Dimmick, 1831, Falmouth, Massachusetts.
Sturgis' willow with symmetrically opposing branches.

James Blachowicz

105

Fig. 16. Almira Holway, 1843, Farmersville, Massachusetts.
Sturgis' more elaborate willow.

106

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 17. Thomas W. Hamlen, 1838, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Typical Sturgis broken-trunk willow.

James Blachowicz 107

On the 1843 marker for Sylvia Crocker (Fig. 18), William Sturgis uses
two willows with arched branches to fill out a large tympanum and adds
a wreath around the inscription panel. Notew^orthy here is the perfectly
horizontal edge of his urn, a simplification to which he would return
often on his last gravestones. Lest we think that this may be Josiah's work,
William signs one of these horizontal-edge stones in 1843.'^^

Other decorative features include hearts (see Fig. 9), four-pointed stars,
upward-pointing hands, *^ and an occasional drapery, such as that on the
1840 marker for William J. Freeman (Fig. 19). These smooth, rounded
folds are apparently the inspiration for similar draperies used by late
Cape carvers in the area around Orleans and Chatham, as we shall see in
Part II.

Sturgis' patrons on the Cape, of course, were used to slate monu-
ments, especially if they lived near Nathaniel Holmes' sphere of influ-
ence. Two of these patrons must have asked for a slate version of a Sturgis
urn, one of which we find on the 1839 stone for Mary Nye (Fig. 20) in
Sandwich. Yet Sturgis may not have been very comfortable in this me-
dium, for, although decently carved, he put in few of his usual decora-
tive extras - and none at all on his other slate stone, where the urn is
represented only in outline. We can compare the Nye stone with some of
the marble versions Holmes attempted: he in like manner rarely added
decorative features to stones made in the medium to which he was unac-
customed. Neither carver, apparently, liked chiseling in the other's ma-
terial. On the other hand, Jabez Fisher, as we shall see, was at home in
both.

Working in Falmouth and Sandwich, William Sturgis must have at
least met Nathaniel Holmes.These were the two "grand old men" of the
Cape's slate and marble carving traditions. Holmes may even have done
Sturgis a favor in the case of a single stone, that for Horace S. Crocker
(1844) in Cotuit (Fig. 21). This is obviously a Sturgis stone, but the pro-
bate settlement of Crocker's estate pays Nathaniel Holmes for it.^^ This
estate was settled in 1847, after William Sturgis had returned to Lee. The
"8," "f," and "g" on this stone seem closer to Holmes' style than to Sturgis'.
Holmes may have been doing Sturgis and/or the Crocker family a favor
in acquiring the uninscribed stone from Sturgis and then inscribing it
(in Sturgis style). Or, perhaps Holmes just bought the stone from Sturgis
and used it for Crocker on his own initiative. Holmes probably carved
the 1848 marker for Watson Crosby (Fig. 22), with a Sturgis-like urn and

108

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 18. Sylvia Crocker, 1843, Cotuit, Massachusetts.
Sturgis' double, intertwined willow with horizontal-edge urn.

James Blachowicz

109

7,-, ,fHrr7 {Ir' ?>. l^ '^
rrfv f r7 _^ G V rr r*A .

''^ri«*ii-&»^si?sft**vi/ 1. ■,''*-^ij&-'53yUi:ii?-"-' -'• vj j*-'ia;

Fig. 19. William J. Freeman, 1840, East Sandwich, Massachusetts.
Mourning drapery carved by William Sturgis.

110

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 20. Mary Nye, 1839, Sandwich, Massachusetts.
Rare slate stone carved by William Sturgis.

James Blachowicz

111

Fig. 21. Horace S. Crocker, 1844, Cotuit, Massachusetts.
Typical Sturgis stone, but probated to Nathaniel Holmes.

112

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 22. Watson Crosby, 1848, Centerville, Massachusetts.

Willow and urn carved by Nathaniel Holmes

in imitation of William Sturgis' style.

James Blachowicz 113

willow, at about the same time. He must have been aware that the future
of stonecutting was in marble and respected Sturgis' decades-long ex-
pertise in this medium.

Inscriptions

Because William Sturgis' lettering is relatively unremarkable, there is
little we can gain from an extensive analysis of it. There is some variabil-
ity, in his manner of making a "2," for example, that suggests that an-
other hand is at work, such as Josiah's. But these variations appear on
stones too early to be Josiah's work. There are one or two possible telltale
differences between William's and Josiah's lettering, however, that 1 will
consider below. William did characteristically loop the descending stroke
of his "f" in "of" back and half way around the "o" (see Fig. 16); both
Josiah and Jabez Fisher (and George Thompson of Middleborough) were
to adopt this convention as well.

We can see a deterioration in William's letters on the 1848 stone for
Cloa Fish (Fig. 23), one of the very last he carved (if he actually carved it,
that is). Two of the three markers ascribed to William Sturgis dated after
1858, the year of his death, were probably inscribed by the Fishers - the
last of William Sturgis' old stock.

The gravestones of William Sturgis give us an opportunity to explore
the evolution of sometimes complex design elements in a marble me-
dium well into the mid-nineteenth century. His son Josiah's work, unfor-
tunately, has no decorative or artistic qualities worthy of note. He seems
to have been more interested in the business side of the trade than in the
craftsmanship.

Josiah Sturgis: Gravestones

I ascribe only forty-five gravestones to Josiah Sturgis (in Appendix
III). He undoubtedly carved many more than this, but they are so plain
and the inscriptions so short that there is not enough evidence to give
him more. Seventeen of these forty-five are probated to him; I found
twelve of these seventeen.There is also an eighteenth probate which pays
Josiah, but I believe this was for a stone carved by William.

Many of Josiah's markers are like the probated 1835 stone for Solomon
Smith (Fig. 24). From time to time, he will provide at least some varia-
tion in the lettering and layout, such as on the probated marker for Aaron
Holmes (Fig. 25). The probated 1845 stone for Braddock Dimmick (Fig.
26) is the most ambitious work we could attribute to him, but it might

114

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 23. Cloa Fish, 1848, Forestdale, Massachusetts.
One of William Sturgis' last stones.

James Blachowicz

115

Fig. 24. Capt. Solomon Smith, 1835, Nantucket, Massachusetts.
Probated to Josiah Sturgis.

116

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 25. Aaron Holmes, 1847, Nantucket, Massachusetts.
Probated to Josiah Sturgis.

James Blachowicz

Fig. 26. Braddock Dimmick, 1845, Falmouth, Massachusetts.

Probated to "Joseph Sturgis"; probably lettered by Josiah Sturgis,

but quite possibly carved by William Sturgis.

118 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

not in fact be his; his father may have left it behind for Josiah to inscribe.
This stone is in Falmouth, although the estate was settled in Plymouth
County. It pays "Joseph Sturgis" for gravestones, but this was most likely
Josiah. Besides the quite similar formatting of the deceased's name, the
italicized "died," the date and the age, other similarities to Josiah's pro-
bated stones include the rectangular recessed panel in which the name
is carved (with the small scallops at the corners) and the positive relief
block letters used (compare to the Aaron Holmes stone in Figure 25).

Josiah usually carves a significantly different "a" than his father. The
upper hook of William's "a" is narrower than Josiah's, with Josiah's some-
times leaning left past the lower half; William's upper stroke also (usu-
ally) curls more than Josiah's. Josiah often makes his "g" with a larger
upper loop than the lower, in contrast both to his father and to Jabez
Fisher. Since it was William Sturgis who probably carved the Bible on
this stone, I have put it into his column despite the probate payment to
Josiah.

It is possible that Josiah carved the urn and willow on the stone for
Prince Dimmick (1841) in Falmouth; the urn is smaller than his father's.
The lettering also resembles Josiah's other work.

William Sturgis' traditional marble decorations tied him to a slightly
older generation of carvers. Josiah's, on the other hand, were non-exis-
tent. Josiah Sturgis tried and failed to capitalize on his stonecutting ven-
ture in the 1840s; but greater fortune awaited his brother-in-law Jabez
Fisher, who took over exactly where Josiah had left off. With carving
skills that surpassed Josiah's (and Ebenezer D. Winslow's) and with a
growing population that both demanded and was able to pay for some-
what larger and more elaborate marble gravestones, Jabez and his son
William developed their Yarmouth workshop into the center of the Cape's
marble monument manufacture. The Fisher shop rode this wave of pros-
perity for some decades before it had to accommodate both the prolif-
eration of some smaller shops on the Cape and the influence of the larger
manufacturing centers in distant cities. The Fishers edged closer to the
more three-dimensional sculptural style in marble that would explode
in burial grounds all over the country in the following decades. (Although
I provided a brief account of the Fishers' work in Markers XV, I had not
yet connected them to the Sturgises and had not surveyed their work in
much depth. The analysis I present here supersedes that earlier discus-
sion.)

James Blachowicz 119

Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher: Biography

Jabez Meiggs Fisher was born in Sandwich on October 14, 1803, the
second of eight children of Theodore Fish (not Fisher) of Sandwich and
Mercy Meiggs of Falmouth.'*^ He is listed on the Sandwich tax rolls as a
resident from 1825 (after he turned twenty-one) through 1831. In 1828,
he bought sixty acres of woodland near Peter's Pond, which is appar-
ently where his family homestead was located.'*^ His mother died the
following November and is buried in nearby Forestdale Cemetery. On
January 22, 1829, he married Sarah S. Sturgis in Lee.^^ Sarah was born in
Lee on September 7, 1804, the daughter of William Sturgis - the stone-
cutter - and Salome Dimmick.'^'' Jabez and Sarah had at least six chil-
dren. Their first, William Sturgis Fisher, was born in Sandwich in 1830.'^'^
In the Sandwich tax rolls for 1831, Jabez is assessed for his land as well as
for a seven-ton vessel; in 1832, he is listed on these rolls as a resident of
Nantucket. This is where, in the same year, his second child. Arietta
Dimmick Fisher, was born. Jabez's younger brothers Joseph Robinson
Fisher and Silvester Holmes Fisher as well as his younger sister Lurana
Meiggs Fisher may have accompanied him there; they are mentioned in
various Nantucket records.'" There are a number of individuals named
Fish on Nantucket at this time; perhaps one was a relative of Jabez's
father who assisted in Jabez's move there.

I have not been able to determine exactly when and where Jabez Fisher
started carving gravestones. It is possible, I suppose, that he learned from
the Sturgises in Lee either just before or just after his marriage there in
1829; but he remains a resident of Sandwich through this period. His
first stones don't seem to cluster until later, perhaps closer to 1834, when
William Sturgis' advertisement for his marble shop first appears in the
NaJitucket Inquirer. So perhaps he didn't learn until William Sturgis came
to Nantucket. By 1834, Jabez was thirty-one, William about sixty-two,
and Josiah eighteen.

Jabez Fisher is certainly carving gravestones by 1842, the date of his
earliest probated stones. He was also carving in 1840 and 1841, when we
find him in Harwich with Josiah, who advertises his Harwich shop in
1841. The earliest stone documented to Jabez Fisher is that for Marshall
Ryder in Chatham, dated March, 1839, which is signed "J. M. Fisher,
Harwich." Jabez is listed in Nantucket records as a housewright, never a
stonecutter, and he is not credited with gravestone payments in Nan-
tucket probate records, whereas Josiah Sturgis frequently is. And so it is
possible that Jabez did not pick up the trade until his mid-thirties, with

120 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Josiah's move to open his shop in Harwich slightly before 1839.

In 1834, Jabez's brother Joseph R. Fisher advertised in the Nantucket
Inquirer (May 31) that he had moved his dry goods shop from Main and
Orange to 41 Orange Street. William Sturgis, as we have seen, opens his
marble shop above Joseph's store early in 1835.

Another child of Jabez and Sarah, Ebenezer, was born on Nantucket
in 1834; two more children, unnamed in the vital records, were born,
one in 1836, and another perhaps in 1838, but these three all died as
children. In 1835, Jabez took out a mortgage on some land in Nantucket
town.''^ In 1837, he bought a lot located in Newtown (in the south part of
town, just north of the highway) from his brother Joseph R. Fisher, who
is listed as "of Sandwich."'^'' In this record Jabez is a "housewright." In
1838, he mortgaged all of his Sandwich holdings for $775.00^* in order to
pay off the mortgage on his Nantucket property.'^^ Jabez's brother Joseph
died in 1838*^^' (he is buried in Forestdale) and Jabez was appointed ad-
ministrator of his estate.''^ Then in 1839 Jabez sold the Nantucket lot he
bought from his brother two years before'***; he is again listed as a "house
carpenter" in this record. This transaction is witnessed by William Sturgis.
William was probably residing in the Falmouth area at this time, but
perhaps came to Nantucket to provide financial support for his daugh-
ter and son-in-law. In 1840, Jabez "of Nantucket" sold to William Sturgis
"of Orleans" all of his property in Sandwich (he had apparently reac-
quired title to it in the meantime).'*'* This was just prior to William's move
there; and so William may have taken up residence in Jabez's old home.

Jabez Fisher must have moved almost immediately to Harwich at
this time, for the 1840 U.S. census has him there (p. 209) and his son
Benjamin Franklin was born there in 1841.^°° This is the same year that
Josiah Sturgis advertised his marble shop in Harwich; Jabez thus prob-
ably joined Josiah at this shop. The earliest probate record for a payment
to Jabez Fisher is dated 1842, for a stone in Harwich, but there is, as I
mentioned, a signed stone in Chatham dated 1839. The presence of a
number of other stones of a similar type in the Chatham/Harwich area
dated 1839 suggest that Fisher was producing stones for Josiah's Harwich
shop even before he transferred his residence there in 1840.

In January 1844, the advertisement shown in Figure 27 ran in the
Barnstable Patriot. This ad suggests that Fisher was actually working on
stone at both Harwich and Yarmouth for a time. The declining years and
productivity of Nathaniel Holmes had offered him an opportunity in
Yarmouth that may have not been available to Josiah Sturgis just two

James Blachowicz

121

.llarble Tomb SioncH

THK Subscriber takei lhi« meihod lo inform tb»
pubhc thai he has opened a Shop in Y«rinouui»
where he will cut to order

ToiHbstonts and Monuments,
of any description, on as reasonable terms •* /^*" .^
purchased eUewhere. He will continue to work " J^
old sUnd at West Ifarwich, as usual. All orders i^n
at the Store of Capt. Job Chase, or sent to the »«»»•
acnber, will reoeive prompt attentioo.

He would also inform the inhabitanU of Ch«iM»»
that be keeps a Shop near the Store of Mr. '^'^JJ^
where he will furnish customers with the best of w^
and stock, as low as can be got of any one. All or«e
left With Mr. Emery, or sent to Uie subiwriber, win re-
ceiv*- prompt attentions

N B All work delivered free o( extra charge.

Yarmouth, Jan IG, '44. J M. FlSHfc^

Fig. 27. Advertisement for Jabez Fisher's
Harwich and Yarmouth marble shops, 1844.

122 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

years earlier. This, coupled with the fact that Fisher was a more skillful
carver, laid the foundation for his eventual success on the Cape. It is
interesting however, that Ebenezer D. Winslow of Brewster, who had
been an established stonecutter on the Cape since about 1814, didn't him-
self make a move to attract the clientele of Yarmouth once Holmes began
cutting back. Of course, by 1840, Winslow was already forty-seven - ten
years younger than Holmes, but ten years older than Fisher. Winslow
did run an advertisement for his shop in 1851, at about the same time
that Holmes retreated from Yarmouth for good; but by that time Fisher
had already entrenched himself there.

Fisher's 1844 ad also mentions a shop that he keeps in Chatham. No
doubt, like Josiah Sturgis before him, he kept some carved but uninscribed
stones at his branch stations for potential customers to examine, and
lettered them as the need arose. Fisher's Chatham business is soon chal-
lenged, however, by a new stonecutter on the scene - Josiah Sparrow II
of Orleans. Nine months after Fisher introduced his ad in 1844, Sparrow
offered the ad shown in Figure 28. It was probably Sparrow's father Isaac,
we should recall, who was Josiah Sturgis' agent in Orleans; but Isaac
died in 1843.'"^ Josiah Sparrow II apparently set out to acquire a portion
of the stonecutting business for himself. While he was obviously serving
the population of Orleans, Wellfleet, and Truro, Sparrow's shop in
Chatham was in direct competition with Fisher's. Fisher immediately
responded with a new ad in December of 1844. While the wording is
identical to that in his first ad, he obviously was not ready to cede
Chatham to Sparrow, and he kept this ad running for more than two
years. It may be that newspaper editors at the time did not see the sense
of using space for two marble tomb stone ads, for as soon as Fisher's ad
stopped running. Sparrow countered with a new ad of his own (see Fig.
29) beginning in January 1847. In it. Sparrow continues his agencies in
Orleans, Chatham, Wellfleet, and Truro, and has now added an agent in
Eastham as well. This competition was ended by Sparrow's death the
following October at the age of twenty-nine. His business was continued
by his apprentice, Thomas A. Hopkins, although his brother-in-law,
Oliver N. Linnell, may also have had a hand in it for a time (I shall exam-
ine the work and relationships among these men in Part II).

In 1846, Jabez Fisher sold more of his Sandwich property in a quit
claim to Solomon Howland (the man to whom he mortgaged it in 1838)'"-;
this is also the time that William Sturgis left Sandwich for Lee. But Jabez
may have retained some portion of it, for an 1848 court record in which

James Blachowicz

123

Marble Tomb -Stones

THCSttbMnber Uket thii methttii to iafonn th«
pobliC that h« hui oponcd a tbop in Last Oi*
l«ao«, wber* h« will cot to order

T^mhstonet and Monumenlf,
ftfaay ^eMriptioo, oa tt f£ai;jx)abie tar ma «• can ba
parchaa«4 ainawbcra.

Ha will •anttnua to work at CliatHam as Qtaai. —
All er4«rf UA witli Mr. 9ainaa4 Hi^gina, or tanl ta
Ilia aab aa nbar. will recaiva prampt a|tanU0D.

Ua waald inforni tha UHa^cania of Wall€aat,
llMt thmir ardaia oaay ba {aft with Mr. Gilea HoU
^raok: and erdaia for Traro luaj ba lart wiU) Mr
John 9m\th,

Ha wilt rarniah eoatomart at the above maiuioned
fUe— with tha baal of work ard alock, aa'ow aa
iag«t mfrntky on*.
M» ft. AW work ialivared fraa of ailra aharga

^ ^ -lOSlAHfPARROW. Jo

§»0Qt\—m$, Oct. 10^ 1844 \f

Fig. 28. Advertisement for Josiah Sparrow II's marble shop, 1844.

124

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

MarUe Tontb-Stones.

■{^, *jt R-^v

THR S«hflerlb«r UkM thip in«thocl4o inrmm the
public that b« hat op«n«d a shop ia tail Oi-
i««a«, wb«re h« will cut to order . . .

T»mhslont$ and MonumentSf
of any d««criptton, on it reaiooable terms a« can be
perchaaed eUewbere.

He wi'.l continue to work at Ch>ttham at u^aal. —
All ordera lef\ with Mr. Samuel lliggin^, or Tapt
Thaelier Kjrder, or aent to the anbacnber. will re-
ceive priiinpt ntiention.

He would inform the inhabitinta of Kmiham
that I heir ordnie ma jr be left with Mr. Kl jnli K.
Knowle«; and ordera for Wallflrtni inMy be l«A with
Mr. Colhna M t'oie, or Doct ThomMt Stone; iinil
otdera for Truro may he lff\wiih Mi KIkunsh Piiim.
or e«int to the auhtcriber, and will receive pinnpl at-
t«ntN»n.

lie will furnish ruatomerai^ th« above m^niiunml
y\>i'f with ihti baftt of wuik end »tock, at low ns
Clin h« g«»i ufnny one.

N li. All work deiiverifd frt^e nfnitrn rliNrKu.
JO.Sl Ml i!?|'AKKt)\V. 2i.

Ia«t OiUan«, Jiin 21. IH47 ly

Fig. 29. Sparrow's new 1847 advertisement.

James Blachowicz 125

a Jabez Phinney of Sandwich sues a Thomas D. Fisher over a piece of
land describes the land as abutted on the south by the land of "Jabez M.
Fish," both pieces situated between Peter's Pond and the Sandwich-
Falmouth road.^"^ The 1851 tax roll for Sandwich indicates, however, that
Fisher's property had been sold.

By December of 1847 Jabez Fisher had established himself in
Yarmouth: he took out a mortgage on a Yarmouth property that year -
one acre of land "with the Marble Manufactory of said Jabez Fisher stand-
ing thereon." ''^^ In 1848, as we saw earlier, John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth
mortgaged their marble stock in Sandwich to Fisher; they paid Fisher off
in August of 1849.

Fisher is listed as a marble manufacturer in Yarmouth in the 1849
New England Mercantile Union Business Directory, and again in the 1850-51
Massachusetts State Directory and the 1852 Massachusetts Register. The 1850
U.S. Census lists him as a "stonecutter" with real property worth $1500.'"'^
Early that year he again acquired a mortgage (for $1500.00) for "all my
real estate situate in said Yarmouth, consisting of cleared land, with a
Dwelling House, shop and other buildings thereon standing.""'*' The deed
lists Jabez as a "marble manufacturer": the buyer, also listed as a marble
manufacturer, was William Sturgis "of Lee." Jabez is a "marble worker"
in the 1855 state census (p. 21) - which also has William Sturgis as a
resident in his household - and as well in the 1856 Massachusetts Business
Directory. In 1856, William Sturgis, "late of Lee," sold back to Fisher (for
$500.00) the "homestead now occupied by Jabez M. Fisher" - a total of
six acres with house, barn and outbuildings."''' That is to say, Jabez had
paid off his mortgage to his father-in-law. Later in 1856, Jabez acquired
another lot abutting his own property.'"'^ In 1857 he acquired a third of a
lot for $300 from John Williams, buying this with (his neighbors?) Oliver
Gorham and Nathaniel Taylor; but he sold this five years later to Nathaniel
Taylor.'"'^ In 1858, Jabez, his brothers Theodore and Sylvester (both of
whom were in Edgartown), and Theodore's children Hervey and Mercy
Chadwick, sold a portion of the Sandwich estate they had inherited from
their father, who had died five years before. "°

Jabez Fisher's house and marble shop in Yarmouth were located at
the southeast corner of Main Street and Pine Street, according to the
1858 Wallings map of the Cape. His house is still standing - a beautiful
Greek Revival structure at 381 Route 6A (Old King's Highway) in
Yarmouth (Fig. 30). The house retains some exterior marble steps, no
doubt set there by Jabez. An 1880 map indicates that a windmill was

126

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

located on this property; perhaps Jabez, like Hiram Tribble of Kingston,
used it to power his marble-sawing operation. Jabez sold this house (and
barn/back building) in 1867 to Ezra Howes of Dennis for $3200.00"'; but
he removed the shed adjoining the north part of the barn (his stonecutting
shop?)."-^ Ezra Howes was still the owner in 1880, according to a map of
that time."'

In the 1860 U.S. Census, Jabez is listed as a marble-worker whose real
property is worth $2600 and personal property worth $900 (p. 215); he is
a marble-worker in the 1865 state census, as is his son William, who is
living with him; and in the 1870 Census, Jabez is listed as a "stonecut-
ter," his worth rising to $7500 in real estate and $3000 in personal prop-
erty (p. 14).

The 1860 record (dated August 18) includes Jabez's wife and three
children and also his son William's wife Sarah. William married Sarah E.
Hawes in Yarmouth on January 28, 1858."^ But there is a separate record
in the same census (p. 203; dated 9 July), which records William S. Fisher
and wife Sarah living at the residence of his father-in-law John Hawes,
who is listed as a druggist. In this second record, William S. Fisher, aged
thirty, is listed as a "stonecutter." Ten years later, the Census has William

Fig, 30. Jabez Fisher's Greek Revival home
in Yarmouth, Massachusetts.

James Blachowicz 127

as the head of a separate household, living with his wife Sarah and a
John E. Hawes (his wife's brother?), aged nineteen, listed as an "appren-
tice to stone-cutting" (p. 10). Two years earlier, in 1868, Sarah, her mother
and perhaps two siblings had sold a portion of her father's estate.^^^

Jabez's daughter Arietta, who operated a millinery shop, married
Gorham Knowles, a seaman from Eastham, in Yarmouth on January 10,
1862."'' She died (of "convulsions") on February 24, 1866, in her thir-
ties,"'^ and is buried in the same plot with her parents and brother in
Woodside Cemetery in Yarmouth. Her grave is marked with a finely
carved small marble stone, inscribed simply "Ariette," and "sleeping
softly," but without either a date of death or her married name.

Jabez wrote his will in 1866, leaving his estate to his wife Sarah, whom
he also named as executor, and, should she die or remarry, to his two
surviving children William and Benjamin. But Benjamin Franklin Fisher,
who became a photographer, died of "consumption" in San Francisco
seven years later, on February 17, 1873, at the age of thirty-one;"^ and
Jabez's wife Sarah died in 1877. Jabez M. Fisher himself died (of nephri-
tis) in Yarmouth on January 6, 1879, at the age of seventy-five. His and
his wife's grave is marked with a marble monument no doubt carved by
their son William (see Fig. 50). William died (also of nephritis) in Yarmouth
on July 8, 1907, at the age of seventy-six. He had no heirs. His wife Sarah
died in 1912."'* Theirs is a monumental granite marker, carved about
seventy years after William's father had set up his first marble shop on
the Cape. The Fisher shop itself had apparently produced granite mark-
ers later in the century, but 1 have not examined their work to any extent
past 1870.

Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher: Gravestones

Early Marble Gravestones

I did not attempt a comprehensive survey of the Fisher workshop's
gravestones. Besides the other reasons I have given which make a can-
vassing of marble stones very difficult, we can, in the Fisher's case, add
one more: Jabez and his son William carved stones of many different
styles simultaneously. Perhaps this diversified repertoire was part of the
reason for their success. The best that I can do here is to provide ex-
amples of this variety. We are fortimate once again to have a number of
probated and signed stones to help us. I uncovered twenty-two payments
to Jabez Fisher (none to William) in probate records, and found the grave-
stones for all but two of these (see Appendix lid). In addition, we have

128

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 31. Tabitha Taylor, 1836, Chatham, Massachusetts.

Marker in the style of Thomas Sturgis,

but possibly carved by Jabez Fisher.

James Blachowicz

129

Fig. 32. Marshall and Lydia Ryder, 1839, Chatham, Massachusetts.
Jabez Fisher's earliest signed stone, in the style of William Sturgis.

130

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 33. Capt. Alvah Nickerson, 1842, South Dennis, Massachusetts.
Typical willow and urn of the 1840s; probated to Jabez Fisher.

James Blachowicz 131

ten signed stones - seven by Jabez (some with "& son"), two by William,
and one simply "Fisher, Yarmouth." One of Jabez's signed stones is also
probated to him.

Jabez Fisher seems to have been influenced to some extent by the
style of both his father-in-law William Sturgis and William's brother Tho-
mas. Compare, for example, Thomas Sturgis' 1837 stone for Jerusha Boies
(Fig. 8) with the 1836 marker for Tabitha Taylor (Fig. 31) in Chatham.
Although the lettering on the Taylor stone is in question (it could be
William's or even Josiah's), the willow and urn were probably carved by
Jabez Fisher, for they resemble those on the important 1839 marker for
Marshall and Lydia Ryder (Fig. 32), Fisher's earliest signed stone. The
prominent initials were one of Thomas Sturgis' favorite devices, but the
urn here obviously owes more to William. Yet Fisher switches almost
immediately on later stones to another type of urn, closer to the kind
Thomas Sturgis used. The probated 1842 gravestone for Captain Alvah
Nickerson (Fig. 33) is an example.

What is also significant on the Ryder and Nickerson stones are the
willows: the left-of-center position and the configuration of the left
branches allow us to attribute to Fisher a number of other willow-only
stones which begin to appear in about 1839. An ascription of these stones
to Fisher rather than to William Sturgis is supported by the fact that they
appear when Fisher comes to this part of the Cape; and we find them
around Harwich and Chatham rather than in the Falmouth/Sandwich
area, where William Sturgis was probably residing at the time.

Fisher introduces a small change in this willow which aids us in iden-
tifying more of his stones. When he does not provide an urn, the space
where the urn would have been contains a branch that curls up and
around counter-clockwise - a device used perhaps to provide some in-
terest to this part of the tree in lieu of the urn. An example is found on
the 1842 marker for Nabby Stone (Fig. 34). As we shall see in Part II,
Oliver N. Linnell, a later Cape carver working in the area, also uses such
a curled-branch willow from time to time, but Lirvnell positions the tree
in the center of the stone rather than left of center. In a single instance,
on the stone for Richard Smith (1841), Fisher puts a small obelisk in the
position usually occupied by the urn.

Fisher's willow evolves quickly into another recognizable variant. The
1845 stone for Hannah Arey (Fig. 35), practically identical to the pro-
bated stone for Sally Small (1847), features a willow whose branches have
become more intricately interlaced. This is a reliable feature by means of

132

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

which we are able to identify his work from about 1843 through 1849.
We find a similar willow on the stones of Thomas Sturgis in the 1830s. In
a few instances, such as on the 1842 stone for Priscilla Snow (Fig. 36),
Jabez added a mourning drapery instead of a willow to his distinctive
urn. This was modeled on a type William Sturgis carved (see Fig. 19);
and the later Cape carvers around Orleans would all use it as well.

Slate Gravestones

Beginning in about 1850, a series of stones appear in Yarmouth which
seem at first to be the work of Nathaniel Holmes. Closer inspection re-
veals that they are imitations. The 1867 Susanna Nickerson stone (Fig.
37) is an example. While the stylistic differences I will describe are really
enough to conclude that Holmes did not carve them, proof comes from
the fact that the five latest of these stones are dated after Holmes' death.

Features of these stones which distinguish them from Holmes' in-
clude the following: (1) The leaves of the willow are more elongated; (2)
the urn has two characteristics typical of Holmes' urns of the 1820s, but
which Holmes had abandoned by the 1840s, namely, the top "hook" and
a series of nine (or seven) vertical incisions in the urn's band (Holmes
had reduced this number to three); (3) the numerals (such as the "3") are

^.'"i

Fig. 34. Nabby Stone, 1842, Dennis, Massachusetts.
Jabez Fisher's willow with curled branch.

James Blachowicz

133

WitV «f

«t ic a Jim; 3 S» I S I li

11 tlays.

Fig. 35. Hannah Arey, 1845, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Jabez Fisher's more interlaced, simplified willow.

134

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 36. Priscilla Snow, 1842, Harwich, Massachusetts.
Jabez Fisher's mourning drapery.

James Blachowicz

135

T7> J\^('7))f>7^7/ of*

Sits A lYiM/VTT,

»»^/Wi ill ('(J

i«-<.^i^

i.*i

,.«,

, t*^-^^^^^^i%^*^^,^"^- ^ ^-

.■fes

Fig. 37. Susanna Nickerson, 1867, South Dennis, Massachusetts.
Imitation of a Holmes slate carved by Jabez Fisher.

136

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

; ■.-:■;;,!.., ■■■'■"■ O '

.,iv

Fig. 38. Arthur Hallet, 1852, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Imitation of a Holmes slate probated to Jabez Fisher.

James Blachowicz 137

rounded and carved in a more contemporary mid-nineteenth century
style, unlike Holmes'; (4) the abbreviations "Y's" and "M's" are often
used for "years" and "months"; (5) the tiny ball at the end of the curved
stroke of the "f" falls more or less directly in front (to the right) of the
cross bar of the "f," whereas in Holmes' "f," the ball is positioned more
above this cross bar; (6) the lower portion of the "g" is attached to the
upper portion at the left (as is normal), whereas Holmes attaches it in
the center; (7) some of these stones have fewer willow branches than
Holmes was using at the same time. On the basis of these differences, I
have identified forty-two of these slate stones (those marked with an "s"
- for "slate" - in Appendix IV). Twenty-nine are found in the Yarmouth
area, one in South Dennis, one in Provincetown, and eleven in the
Barnstable area (including Hyannis and Marstons Mills). Four of these
Barnstable-area stones are dated after Holmes' death.

There is no evidence, I should repeat, that any of Holmes' sons be-
came stonecutters. Census records consistently list his eldest son Oliver
as a farmer (once as a shipwright). The single exception is the 1865 Mas-
sachusetts state census, where Oliver is listed as a stonecutter, but this
work probably consisted of aiding his father who was then in his eight-
ies, during this period. Nathaniel's second son William is always listed
as a harness-maker. It seems, rather, that another carver has appropri-
ated Holmes' style in order to accommodate the Yarmouth citizenry
(Holmes had over 200 stones in Yarmouth and West Yarmouth before
1850). This carver was apparently successful in replacing Holmes in this
area - for no Holmes stones appear in Yarmouth after 1850. Further, this
imitator copied the style of Holmes' stones of the 1820s and 1830s, rather
than Holmes' current style. This would point to a true imitator rather
than an apprentice or partner. After Holmes' death, this imitator pro-
duced only five more of such stones: marble and newer styles of carving
displaced Holmes' old-fashioned slates entirely.

The 1851 Arthur Hallet marker (Fig. 38), which is one of these forty-
two, employs sans-serif block-capital letters for the deceased's name (these
appear on no others of this group which have a Holmes-type willow and
urn); while the urn lacks a hook, it has nine band-incisions, together
with willow-leaves and lettering of the sort typical of this imitator. This
stone is probated to Jabez M. Fisher - the only slate stone probated to
him.

While Fisher never carved a Holmes-type willow and urn on any of
his probated marble stones, and also tended to prefer italics for the slates

138

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

.^Vlri

*^i

yvw^v

no7»

EiJ7iABETH Fish;

Vciii^'lrtcT of
5 Oof. f»,-T8 iJI,

pr? ,Tii7IP

Fig. 39. Elizabeth Fish Bursley, 1863, Barnstable, Massachusetts.
Late imitation by Fisher of Holmes' bulbous urn.

James Blachowicz 139

and non-italics for the marbles (a division we also find in the work of
some other carvers), there is enough evidence from his inscriptions to
conclude that he carved both groups. That Fisher had to adopt this com-
pletely foreign material and style in order to succeed in Yarmouth is
dramatic evidence of the cultural commitment a given community can
develop to such conventional preferences. We find Fisher's telltale "f"
and "g" as well as his numerals on the 1863 marker for Elizabeth Fish
Bursley (Fig. 39), one of Jabez's latest slates, and the only one where he
copies Holmes' bulbous urn.

There are three more stones to complicate matters - those for Hiram
Hallet (1839, probably backdated). Captain Nathan Hallet (1851) (Fig.
40), and Joseph Kelley (1852). The first two feature the same block-capi-
tal sans-serif letters as Jabez Fisher's Arthur Hallet stone, and the rest of
the inscribed letters seem close to those on the other Holmes-imitation
stones; further, the lower portion of the lower-case "f" on the first two
stones curls down and back under the "o" of "of" in Sturgis fashion -
just as it does on the Elizabeth Chapman stone (1853) in Provincetown,
another stone of the group. But the willows and urns on these three mark-
ers were obviously carved by someone else. They are probably the work
of Jabez's son William, who turned twenty-one in 1851.

William also worked primarily in marble, but probably tried his hand
as a young man at a willow and urn on the two Hallet slates. William
also carved two slates in the Holmes style after Jabez's death - for Reuben
Ryder (1878) and Eben Whelden (1887) (Fig. 41). The willow here is rather
like that on the two Hallet stones.

Since the Fishers were successful with their marble-stone line quite
independently of these slates, such Holmes-imitations were most likely
the result of requests from clients used to Holmes' slates in Yarmouth
than of any intentional effort on the Fishers' part to develop a slate-stone
production in competition with Holmes.

Later Marble Gravestones

The 1851 marker for Samuel S. Crocker (Fig. 42) is an example of the
more contemporary marble work of which Jabez Fisher was capable even
as he was simultaneously producing Holmes clones. He has two other
such stones, one of which, although probably carved by Jabez, is dated
1885 and therefore probably inscribed by his son William. ^^° I came across
a number of other instances of this style (mostly inferior) carved by other
men - for example, four in Nantucket dated 1855 through 1863,^-' one in

140

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Chatham,'^^ one in Harwich/^^ and even one in Martinez, California.'^*
At the same time, Fisher could provide completely plain markers such
as the 1855 probated stone for Gideon Crowell (Fig. 43). The 1858 marker

Fig. 40. Capt. Nathan Hallet, 1851, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.

Letters probably by Jabez Fisher;

willow and urn probably by William S. Fisher.

James Blachowicz

141

■■^••i-'

'WS-^

^ • ■ ' if

t"^' j

Fig. 41. Eben Whelden, 1887, West Barnstable, Massachusetts.
Imitation of a Holmes slate probably carved by William S. Fisher.

142

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 42. Samuel S. Crocker, 1851, Cummaquid, Massachusetts.
Late marble style probated to Jabez Fisher.

James Blachowicz

143

Fig. 43. Gideon Crowell, 1855, SoutFi Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Probated to Jabez Fisher.

144

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

for William Sturgis (Fig. 2) is another example of this simple style. Fisher
also probably carved the plain marker for Nathaniel Holmes'^^ and simi-
lar stones for other members of Holmes' family. The marker for Holmes
is quite like Fisher's signed stone for David Lewis (1869).

Two other examples of Jabez Fisher's marble monuments, which show
even more variety in his design repertoire, are the markers for Daniel
Hallet (1856) (Fig. 44) and his wife Caroline B. Hallet (1869) (Fig. 45). The
chain links also appear on the signed stone for Benjamin Handy (1859),
while sculpted flowers adorn the signed marker for Mary Bearse (1844);
these flowers are identical to those on the 1856 stone for Elizabeth C.
Hallet (Fig. 46).

I should mention at this point that two of the markers probated to
Jabez Fisher, those for Gorham Baker (1847) and for Elisha Baker (1852),
as well as one signed by him, for Samuel W. Baxter (1858), are large,
three-dimensional marble obelisks (one is over eight feet tall), each with

Fig. 44. Daniel Hallet, 1856,

West Yarmouth, Massachusetts.

Later marble style of the

Fisher workshop.

Fig. 45. Caroline B. Hallet, 1869,

West Yarmouth, Massachusetts.

Later marble style of the

Fisher workshop.

James Blachowicz

145

an inscription written on all four sides. The Fishers were probably re-
sponsible for many such obelisks on the Cape.

There are two features of William's lettering that are useful in distin-
guishing it from his father's: (1) he tends to make the lower loop of his
"g" further to the right than his father did, and the upper loop of the
"g," on his early stones at least, is significantly smaller than the lower
loop; (2) his "Y" has a longer vertical stem.

William's marble monuments are more three-dimensional than his
father's, in keeping with the newer styles developing in burial grounds
through the late 1800s. He probably carved the 1866 elegant small marker
for his sister Ariette Knowles (Fig. 47). He signs the small 1889 stone for
Rebecca Bartlett (Fig. 48). And the lettering on the large, highly sculpted
monument for Franklin and Meribah Russell Hallett (1876, 1895) (Fig.
49) suggests that it is also his (although it might also be the product of a
marble firm in a larger city such as Boston). William no doubt also carved
the monument for his parents (Fig. 50) in Yarmouth's Woodside cem-
etery.

William Fisher continued to carve in marble into the 1900s, his work
of fairly high quality. Given the enormity of their output on the Cape

'.^HB

riT-rfiWfr

Fig. 46. Elizabeth C. Hallet, 1856, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Sculpted flowers by Jabez Fisher.

146

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

and the fact that Jabez's reported net worth increases seven-fold from
1850 to 1870, the success of these two stonecutters rivals and may even
surpass that of Nathaniel Holmes.

In Part II of this study of Cape Cod marble carvers, to appear in Mark-
ers XX, we shall examine the fruit of the seeds planted by William Sturgis
in Orleans and Sandwich, considering the work of nine later carvers work-
ing in the two locales. As we shall see, marble monuments become more
conventional through this later period, with the business end of things
continuing to overtake the craftsmanship.

Fig. 47. Ariette Knowles, 1866, Yarmouth, Massachusetts.
Probably carved by William Fisher for his sister.

James Blachowicz

147

Fig. 48. Rebecca Bartlett, 1889, Cummaquid, Massachusetts.
Signed by William S. Fisher.

148

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

Fig. 49. Franklin and Meribah Russell Hallett, 1876, 1895, Yarmouth,
Massachusetts. Possibly carved by William S. Fisher,

James Blachowicz

149

NOTES

I am grateful to a number of individuals who contributed to various aspects of this study.
Robert Drinkwater generously shared with me his information on the work of William and
Thomas Sturgis of Lee, including their known signed and probated stones in Berkshire Covmty.
My one-day excursion there to photograph these stones would have been impossible without
his help. Barbara Gill of the Sandwich Archives and Historical Center provided me with valu-
able genealogical information on the families of Jabez Fisher, James Thompson, and Joshua T.
Faunce, as well as tax and mortgage records that more exactly established the nature of John
Sturgis' activity in Sandwich and the residence of William Sturgis there. Thompson's moves
from Sandwich to New Bedford to Evans, New York, and finally to Chatham would have been
very difficult to trace without her help. Laurel Gabel provided me some leads on the Sturgis
brothers in Lee and directed me toward Robert Drinkwater, who, as mentioned above, was
able to supply vital information for this study. Jennifer Y. Madden, Museum Curator of the
Sandwich Heritage Museum, located and provided me a photograph of a signed stone of Jabez
Fisher that I had missed in my earlier canvasses. Burton Derick of South Dennis assisted me in
locating a number of probated gravestones on the outer Cape and checked cemetery records
for the Crosby brothers and other marble-workers in this area. He also informed me of the
work of J. Harvey Jenks and Robert Clinton Baker, two late nineteenth-century stonecutters in
West Dennis. Ann Sears of the Falmouth Historical Society identified the stone in Falmouth's
Old Burying Ground signed by William Sturgis, located William's wife Salome Dimmick in
Falmouth vital records, and helped me locate a number of other stones. Charlene Perry of the
Martinez Museum in Martinez, California kindly sent me various materials on Josiah Sturgis

Fig. 50. Jabez M. and Sarah S. Fisher, 1879, 1877, Yarmouth,
Massachusetts. Carved by William S. Fisher.

150 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

relevant to his later history there, including photographs of the Sturgis family gravemarkers.
She also ultimately located for me both a rare photo of Josiah Sturgis and an early advertise-
ment for his hotel. Brett Stroozas of the Contra Costa County Historical Society in California
spent a number of extra hours locating many records relevant to Josiah Sturgis and his family.
Maureen Meyers of the cemetery department of the town of Harwich assisted me in locating
some stones probated to Jabez M. Fisher. Janet Griffith of Middleborough kindly helped me in
untangling the relations among the many members of the Tliompson family in that town. The
photograph in Figure 5 is here reprinted with permission of the Contra Costa County Histori-
cal Society, Pleasant Hill, California, and that in Figure 6 with permission of Janet McLenegan
and the Martinez Historical Society, Martinez, California. All other photos are by the author.

1. See C. M. Hyde, Lee: The Centennial Celebration and Centennial History of the Town of Lee,
Mass. (Springfield, MA, 1878).

2. This spelling shifts: we also find "Sturgiss," "Sturgess," "Stergess," and "Stoorges" in
various records. While "Sturges" seems more common early on, the spelling seems to
settle down to "Sturgis" as time goes by. I shall use "Sturgis" throughout.

3. Both Jonathan and Elizabeth are recorded as being "of Sandwich" in Sandwich vital
records; the death record for Thomas Sturgis in Lee lists his parents as Jonathan and
Elizabeth. Jonathan's date of birth is estimated from his gravestone in Lee.

4. Berkshire Co. Deeds; Vol. 38, p. 133. He purchased this land from a George Bennet for
thirty-four pounds. He subsequently bought another tract from Bennet in 1797 (38:135).
(These transactions were uncovered by Robert Drinkwater.)

5. Town of Sandwich Deeds, v. 3, p. 172: Jonathan and Elizabeth sold their house, land,
garden, and orchard to Ebenezer Wing of Sandwich for $150.00 (the same land Jonathan
bought from Benjamin Tobey in 1779); May 2, 1804.

6. His age in the 1850 Census is seventy-eight, so that he would have been born in 1772. His
age on his gravestone (August, 1858) is eighty-five; if correct, then he was born after
August of 1772.

7. Lee vital records; Salome died on September 8, 1845.

8. I am grateful to Ann Sears for uncovering Salome's ancestry. In 1835, William and Salome
Sturgis ("of Lee"), together with five other members of the Dimmick family (named Fish
and Chadwick), sold their share in Lot Dimmick's homestead at "Tetaket" in Falmouth
(Barnstable Co. Deeds, 21:123). Lot Dimmick is buried in Falmouth, while his wife Fear is
buried in Forestdale; both have Sturgis gravestones.

9. His children: Samuel D. (2 June 1796-7 December 1852); Nabby/ Abigail (24 May 1798-?),
married Ebenezer Bradley in 1819; William (1 August 1800-14 September 1825); Franklin
(4 September 1802-?), listed as a lawyer in the 1850 U.S. census and in various other civil
records; Sally/Sarah S. (7 December 1804-29 July 1877), married Jabez M. Fisher of Sand-
wich; John (4 April 1807-24 April 1886), married Mary Loomis in 1834, and went with his
younger brother Josiah to Martinez, California in 1849; Persis (4 May 1809-?), who prob-
ably accompanied to Nantucket either her sister Sarah in about 1832 or her father in 1834
and married an Edwin Baldwin there; Ebenezer (7 February 1812-11 August 1834); Eliza-

James Blachowicz 151

beth (4 July 1814-28 April 1816); and Josiah (23 April 1816-23 July 1897), whom 1 shall
discuss later. (All from Lee vital records)

10. From Lee vital records: Mary, who was bom in about 1781 and who died in Lee on March
24, 1869, was the daughter of Henry and Lydia Hinckley.

11. From Lee vital records: Edwin (16 March 1807-27 Janurary 1901), married Charlotte
Hewitt of Norfolk, CT; Elizabeth (28 April 1809-?); Mary Ami (4 February 1812-?), mar-
ried Orton Heath in 1833; Charles (11 May 1814-?), married Lucretia Gifford in 1836;
Lydia H. (21 April 1816-?), married Henry R. Coe in 1834; Henry (5 May 1820-?); and
George R. (December 1823-19 November 1863), married first, Lydia B. Miner of
Stonington in 1843, and second, Hannah A. Kyle of Chester in 1847.

12. Town of Sandwich, vol. 3, p. 211. They are paid $30.00 by Deborah Smith. Recorded in
Berkshire County on November 23, 1821.

1 3. His gravestone in Lee shows his age as thirty-two.

14. Berkshire County; Vol. 32, p. 289.

15. Judging from his age on his gravestone, Nehemiah was born in about 1787. He married
Lydia Hinckley in Lee in 1809 (Lee vital records).

16. Russell is listed as a shoemaker in the 1850 U.S. census, where his age is given as fifty-
eight (p. 57). There is also a Betsey Stvirgis who marries an Asa Nourse in Lee in June of
1802; I have not determined whether she may have been a sister to William and Thomas.

17. See Rev. L. S. Rowland, "Town of Lee," in J. E. A. Smith ed.. History of Berkshire County,
Massachusetts, Volume II (New York, NY: J. B. Beers and Company, 1885), p. 149.

18. Vol. 38, p. 274. There is an intriguing stone in Hatchville for Kezia Sturges (1805), wife of
Ezekiel Sttirges: it is made of marble and has an urn whose shape is not unlike that used
by William Sturgis; but the urn is more sculpted than William's and the lettering is not
his. Might this be an early stone of one of the other stonecutting Sturgises such as Tho-
mas (aged twenty-three) or Nehemiah (aged fifteen)? I have not determined whether
Ezekiel or Kezia are relatives of the Sturgises of Lee; they would probably have been of
the same generation as William and Thomas.

19. I am grateful to Laurel Gabel for this as well as the initial information which led me to the
Sturgis family in Lee. Later, I learned more from Robert Drinkwater on the Sturgises'
signed and probated gravestones in that area. Samuel D. Sturgis was one of fifteen Lee
men drafted in the War of 1812, but his "action" consisted of drilling in Boston (Rowland,
"Town of Lee," p. 137); in 1820 he opened a tavern (the third in town) in East Lee (Ibid.,
p. 151).

20. Hyde, p. 317. Edwin is also listed as a stonecutter in the 1850 U.S. census, p. 45, where his
property assets are worth $1000.00; in the 1860 U.S. Census, p. 704, his assets are $2000.00
in real property, $1500.00 in personal property; and in 1870 $5500.00 real, $925.00 per-
sonal (p. 400). There is also an entry for "T. & E. Sturges" (presumably Thomas and
Edwin) under marble manufacturers in Lee in the 1851 Massachusetts State Directory.

152 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

21 . Her death record in Yarmouth records her father as William Sturgis, born in Sandwich,
and her mother as Sally, born in Lee (but Salome was probably bom in Falmouth).

22. For Charles E. Phillips, the record dated February 10th; Vol.14, p. 555.

23. Vol. 39, p. 386.

24. Vol. 22, p. 178; $400.00; January 14th.

25. A less probable explanation is that "of Orleans" is simply a corruption of "of Lee" or
even "formerly of Lee."

26. Mentioned in Lee vital records.

27. Berkshire Co. Deeds; Vol. 1 12, p. 579; February 8th. William and his son John sold the
"home farm now occupied by us, in Lee, a little west of S. D. [Samuel] Sturgis Tavern" to
William's son Franklin for $2400.00. They also sold their pew in the Meeting House. (This
transaction reported to me by Robert Drinkwater.)

28. This mortgage was for $250.00; the house and lot was just west of his oldest brother
Samuel's hotel in East Lee; 8 Sep 1844. He paid Josiah back on June 6, 1847. (Berkshire
County deeds; Vol. 112, pp. 45-6).

29. The first mortgage was for $237.98. Chattel mortgages; Vol. 1, p. 322. The second was for
$200.00 (again for six months); Vol. 1, p. 319. (I am grateful to Barbara Gill of the Sand-
wich archives for uncovering this information.)

30. Barnstable County; Vol. 85, p. 125; April 16, 1855.

31. This taken from the IGI database of the LDS (Mormon) church. This also records the
birth of two children: Lavon Priscilla, in Weston, VT, on August 23, 1847; and Frank Leslie,
in Bridgewater, on January 5, 1852.

32. Vol. 46, p. 368.

33. William sued John Baker of Lee, the same man his son Josiah had sued the year before.
On July 25th William was awarded $94.76; Vol. 75, p. 643.

34. I have calculated the date for his move to Yarmouth in October of this year by the board
Jabez Fisher charged his estate after his death; see below. Just before he moved to
Yarmouth, apparently, William provided money to his son Franklin, who mortgaged to
William his land and house in South Lee (south of the Meeting House) and another house
called "Tlie Old Red Lion" wliich Franklin had acquired from Walter Laflin and which he
had earlier mortgaged to his younger brother Josiah on April 29, 1851 (Berkshire Co.
deeds; Vol. 146, p. 313; Vol. 131, p. 327). Franklin mortgaged this to his father again in
early 1857 (Vol. 115, p. 114), a transaction recorded in Barnstable and witnessed by
William's grandson William S. Fisher. On July 1, 1857, Josiah returned to Lee from Cali-
fornia to convey the South Lee property (to which he seems still to have held the mort-
gage) to Franklin's wife Sarah (had Franklin died in the meantime?) (Vol. 95, p. 334).

James Blachowicz 153

35. Vol. 60, p. 349.

36. Abigail Bradley, Franklin Sturgis, Sarah S. Fisher, John Shirgis, Persis Baldwin, and Josiah
Sturgis; case #3889; Vol. 19, p. 3.

37. Obihiary in the Lee Vallex/ Gleaner for August 5, 1858; tombstone.

38. Vol.89, p. 177; Vol. 92, p. 153.

39. Vol. 103, p. 495; Vol. 109, p. 479.

40. Vol. 93, p. 333; Vol. 98, p. 324.

41. Vol. 112, p. 579.

42. Vol. 56, p. 483; Wm. Shirgis vs. Henry Murray; $250.00.

43. Casper Hollenbeck vs. Franklin, William & Samuel Shjrgis; Vol. 61, p. 367; $334.00.

44. Enumeration signed October 17, 1840; p. 395.

45. As we shall see, William S. Fisher was counted twice in 1850.

46. His estate was divided in 1844; Vol. 44, p. 503.

47. Lee vital records have only the year 1816 for Josiah's date of birth. The 1882 history of
Contra Costa County, California, gives his birth as April 23, 1817. However, this history
has his age as sixty-six. If he was bom in 1817, as this history reports, he would be sixty-
six only after April 1883; yet the history is published in 1882. 1 have therefore kept the
month and day recorded in this history, but have adopted 1816 as his year of birth. Fur-
ther, if Josiah was himself interviewed for this history, as appears to have been the case,
he may have told the interviewer only his present age (sixty-six) and his age when he left
for Nantucket (eighteen). If then the interviewer incorrectly calculated Josiah's date of
birth as 1817, Josiah may have come to Nanhicket in 1834 when his father's marble shop
opened, not 1835, which is the date the interviewer records in the history. The obituary
for Josiah Sturgis in the Contra Costa Gazette for July 24, 1897 repeats his date of birth as
April 23, 1817; but it is apparent that the person writing the obituary derived much of its
content from the 1882 history of the county. Yet even his gravestone shows 1817. An
1890 voting register, on the other hand, records his age as "50" on January 22, 1867,
three months before his birthday; this would make his year of birth 1816.

48. As reported in the 1882 history.

49. Vol. 38, p. 276; $100.00. Might Asa Meigs have been a relative of Jabez Fisher's mother
Mercy Meiggs? He sold the shop for $100.00, December 28, 1839; Vol. 40, p. 80.

50. Vol. 38, pp. 226-27; $1900; September 24, 1838. This is a mortgage.

51. Vol. 48, p. 16.

154 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

52. Daughter of Thomas Smith and Cassandra Hatch, according to Nantucket vital records.
The History of Contra Costa County (1926), published by the Historic Record Co. (prob-
ably), incorrectly reports that Eliza was born in Nantucket (p. 238).

53. Vol. 44, p. 503; October 4th.

54. Vol. 45, pp. 14-15; October 16th.

55. Ernest Caulfield, "Comiecticut Gravestones Xlll: The Kimballs," Markers VIII (1991), 202.

56. Vol. 65, p. 282; vs. Levi Atwood of Great Barrington.

57. Vol. 45, p. 443; September 6th; $10.00 from Peleg Macy.

58. Vol. 45, p. 459; September 9th; he bought eighteen more sheep commons for $13.50 in
1847;Vol. 47, p. 331.

59. Vol. 46, p. 47; $1050; December 4th; from James Tufts of Boston.

60. Vol. 48, pp. 436-37; July 13th.

61. $132.00 paid, and received; bought from Cromwell Barnard on July 25th; Vol. 48, p. 16;
sold June 16th to Charles H. Clark; Vol. 48, p. 260.

62. Berkshire Co. deeds; Vol. 117, p. 272.

63. Vol. 74, p. 67.

64. I found payments to C. F. Winslow (once, in 1852) and Charles H. Robinson (five times,
1853 to 1858) (see Appendix II (f )). Robinson is also listed as a marble-worker in the 1856
MassacJuisetts Business Directory and in the 1858 Wallings map of Nantucket (living on
Fair Street).

65. Tlie obituary in the Contra Costa Gazette in April, 1886 reports that John Sturgis, or "'Uncle
John,' as he was familiarly known," arrived in Martinez, California "early in 1850," and
that, after his wife died, he had "resided in various localities on the coast."

66. History of Contra Costa County, California, with a preface by J. R Munro-Frasier (San Fran-
cisco, CA: W. A. Slocum and Company, 1882).

67. Ibid., 390; 678. Martinez: A California Town (RSI Publications, 1986) mentions the Hotel de
Steward; information regarding William Jones' full name and occupation was obtained
from Charlene Perry of the Martinez Museum.

68. Nantucket vital records indicate that Josiah's wife Eliza "went to California in 1857"; this
is confirmed by her obitviary notice in the Contra Costa Gazette.

69. Berkshire Co. deeds; Vol. 115, p. 116. This might be the same land on which was situated
"The Old Red Lion."

James Blachowicz 155

70. Contra Costa County; Martinez township #1; p. 49.

71 . Records of Grace Episcopal Church, Martinez.

72. History of Contra Costa County, California, 131.

73. Obitviary, Contra Costa Gazette, September 26, 1885. That he owned a mine is information
communicated in a letter from his granddaughter Carrie Cutler, McLenegan's grandson's
wife, Janet S. McLenegan, to the Martinez museum (still in their files) in 1988.

74. The Historic Record Company history of Contra Costa County, p. 178.

75. Ibid., p. 238.

76. If the photo in Fig. 5 was indeed taken after the earthquake of 1868, and if this photo was
taken at the same time as the photo of the two men on the porch of the hotel, then the
man on the left would probably not be Josiah Sturgis, for Josiah was only fifty-two that
year - too young, it seems, to be the man on the left. Evidence that the two photos were
taken at the same time comes from the two men seated on the porch in Fig. 5, who may
be the same men as in Fig. 6 (in reversed position); one can discern the white shirt under
the neck of the man on the left - rather like that of the man on the right in Fig. 6 - and the
shape and attitude of the hats seems right as well. So perhaps Josiah is the man on the
right, and the man on the left might be his older brother John Sturgis, who would have
been sixty-one in 1868. But this would depend both on the supposition that the two pho-
tos are contemporaneous and that the photo in Fig. 5 was indeed taken on the occasion of
the 1868 earthquake.

77. Lee vital records show John Sturgis marrying a Mary Loomis in 1834; and there is a Mary
Sturges who died of consumption in Martinez in 1856. She is listed, along with Josiah and
John, in the 1852 California census for Martinez, evidently having arrived before Josiah's
family, who came in 1857.

78. Contra Costa County Court Records; Document 1, B38, Smith.

79. Contra Costa Gazette, September 15, 1917.

80. An almost identical stone, also signed, is that for Timothy Snow (1812) in Becket.

81 . Rachel Fames, in Becket.

82. Such as on that for Absalom Bunker (1835) on Nantucket.

83. For Betsey Hoxie in eastern Sandwich; unhappily, this stone has broken into three large
pieces and has been cemented back together, propped up (in 1998) by board-struts front
and back.

84. Such as on the early signed stone for Captain Ezra Marvin (1811).

85. Vol. 77, p. 94.

156 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

86. Falmouth, Sandwich and Nantucket vital records reveal the following: Theodore was
born in about 1778, the son of John Fish and the grandson of Nathaniel; he died in
Sandwich on November 26, 1853. Mercy was born in about 1770 and was the daughter
of Jabez Meiggs, who died in 1798, and Lurana Dimmick of Falmouth. Theodore Fish
and Mercy Meiggs were married in Falmouth on November 1, 1800. Other children:
Sabra (29 September 1801-?); Theodore (3 November 1806-?), married Adeline Butler
of Edgartown in 1836; Joseph Robinson (10 October 1808-1838), who had a dry goods
store on Nantticket; Lurana Meiggs (27 September 1810-3 December 1839), married
Thomas Jefferson Coffin on Nantucket in 1836; Mercy H. (1814-4 May 1816); Edmund
Meiggs (4 December 1815-20 November 1840), died at sea; and Silvester Holmes (12
December 1820-?), who also resided in Edgartown.

87. July 1st. A piece of cleared land was also purchased; both from Charles Nye and Ezra
Tobey of Sandwich for $342.74; Vol. 6, p. 19.

88. Their intention to marry is published on November 5, 1828 (vital records of Sandwich).

89. The publication of their intention to marry as well as a vital record in Yarmouth both
report that Jabez's wife Sarah S. was bom in Lee in 1804; her Yarmouth death record has
her father as William.

90. Yarmouth vital records. Yet his death record has him born on Nantucket.

91 . Lurana M. Fisher married Thomas Jefferson Coffin on Nantucket on June 6, 1836 (Nan-
tucket vital records).

92. Vol. 22, p. 61; August 18th; from a Benjamin Freeman of Boston.

93. $75.00; December 27th; Vol. 37, p. 34. This is witnessed by their brother Sylvester; but
Sylvester is listed as a tailor in Edgartown in an 1856 business directory, and is with his
brother Theodore there in 1858.

94. With a three-year term; April 5th; to Solomon C. Rowland; Vol. 20, p. 71.

95. For $800.00; April 4th; Vol. 22, p. 61.

96. Nantucket Probate Vol. 15; pp. 66, 119, 185.

97. Notice in the Nantucket Inquirer; August 8, 1838.

98. July 25th; $75.00; to Samuel Woodward, the same person to whom Josiah Sturgis sold
his third of a shop later that year; Vol. 39, p. 386.

99. $400.00; January 14th; Vol. 22, p. 178.

100. Vital Records of Yarmouth. There is also a William Sydney Fisher, a printer, living in
Yarmouth, who is married to Elizabeth F. Flallet; they had at least four children between
1840 and 1 846. This cannot be Jabez's son, William S. Fisher the stonecutter, who would
have been too young.

James Blachowicz 157

101 . His gravestone in Orleans was carved by his son.

102. June 13th; $900.00; Vol. 177, p. 404.

103. Vol. 3, p. 340.

104. $340.00 over 20 months; December 17th; Vol. 43, pp. 215-17.

105. p. 267. This record lists him as "David M. Fisher" rather than "Jabez"; undoubtedly the
enumerator made a phonetic mistake ("Jabez" is pronounced "JAY-biz" - enough like
"David" to make such an error); he is correctly recorded as "Jabez" in the 1850 census.

106. January 7th; Vol. 46, p. 368.

107. March 28, 1856; Vol. 60, p. 349.

108. September 26th; $100.00; from Hannah Hedge; Vol. 62, p. 407.

109. April 7, 1862; $80.00; Vol. 63, p. 271.

110. April 15th; $30.00; to Elihu Fish of Sandwich; Vol. 68, p. 52.

111. July 5th; Vol. 93, p. 205.

112. Jabez sold another small piece of land abutting this lot to Ezra Howes on June 19, 1875
for$33.00;Vol. 120, p. 533.

113. See Yarmouth: Old Homes and Gathering Phice (Yarmouth, MA: Yarmouth Historical Com-
mission, 1989), p. 39.

114. Yarmouth vital records.

115. February 11th; for $1500.00 to Benjamin Hawes; Vol. 116, p. 184.

116. Vital records of Yarmouth.

117. Her death record has her age as thirty-one; but if she was born in 1832, she would have
been about thirty-four.

1 18. Yarmouth Register; March 1, 1873; his death record lists his occupation with his address
given as San Joao Avenue.

1 19. Vital records of Yarmouth.

1 20. John Baker (1851), which is both signed by and probated to Jabez, and Jonathan Crocker
(1885).

121. Rachel C. Cornish (1855) (New North Cemetery), Jane Hussey (1856) (New North), Su-
san W. Archibald (1863) (Old North), and John Maxcy (1863) (Newtown).

158 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

122. Henry Kendrick (1852) (People's Cemetery), probably carved by Oliver N. Lirmell.

123. Samuel Emery, Jr. (1853) (Union Cemetery).

124. Capt. Daniel Hooker (1856).

125. See James Blachowicz, "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape
Cod," Markers XV (1998), Fig. 32.

James Blachowicz

159

APPENDIX I

Relevant Burial Grounds

All are in Massachusetts.

For locations of burial grounds on Cape Cod, see Marjorie Hubbell
Gibson, Historical and Genealogical Atlas and Guide to Barnstable County,
Mass. (Falmouth, MA: Falmouth Genealogical Society, 1995).

1. Acushnet (Acusluiet)

2. Barnstable (Cobb's Hill)

3. Barnstable (Lothrop)

4. Barnstable (Sandy Hill)

5. Becket (Becket Center)

6. Blandford

7. Bourne (Monument Beach)

8. Bourne (Old Bourne)

9. Brewster (Evergreen)

10. Brewster (First Parish)

11. Brewster (Pine Grove)

12. Brewster (Redtop)

13. Bridgewater (Central Square)

14. Cataumet (Cataumet)

15. Cedarville (Herring Pond Rd.)

16. Cedarville (Long Pond Rd; baseball
field)

17. Centerville (Beechwood)

18. Centerville (Congregational)

19. Chatham (Old South)

20. Chatham (People's)

21. Chatham (Seaside)

22. Chatham (Union)

23. Chilmark

24. Cotuit (Old Mosswood)

25. Cummaquid

26. Dennis (Howes)

27. Dennis (Rte 6A)

28. Dennis Port (Swan Lake)

29. East Dennis (Quivet)

30. Eastham (Evergeen)

31. East Harwich (Evergreen)

32. East Harwich (Old First Methodist)

33. East Harwich (Union)

34. East Sandwich (Cedarville)

35. Edgartown (Westside)

36. Falmouth (Methodist)

37. Falmouth (Oak Grove)

38. Falmouth (Old Burying Ground)

39. Farmersville (S. Sandwich)

40. Forestdale (Rte. 130)

41. Granville (Center)

42. Harwich (Cong. Ch.)

43. Hatchville (East End)

44. Hyannis (Baptist)

45. Hyannis (Universalist)

46. Kingston (Evergreen)

47. Kingston (Main St.)

48. Lee (Fairmont)

49. Marion (Little Neck)

50. Marstons Mills

51. Middleborough (Purchade)

52. Middleborough (South
Middleborough)

53. Nantucket (Mill Hill)

54. Nantvicket (New North)

55. Nantucket (Newtown)

56. Nantucket (Old North)

57. Nantucket (Prospect Hill)

58. North Falmouth

59. Norton (Newcomb)

60. Oak Bluffs (Oak Grove)

61. Orleans (Meeting House Rd.)

62. Osterville (Hillside)

63. Plymouth (Burial Hill)

64. Plymouth (Chiltonville)

65. Provincetown (Gilford)

66. Provincetown (Hamilton)

67. Sagamore

68. Sandwich (Bay View)

69. Sandwich (Freeman)

70. Sandwich (Mt. Hope)

71. Sandwich (Old)

72. Sandwich (Spring Hill)

73. South Chatham

74. South Dennis (Ancient)

75. South Dennis (Cong. Ch.)

76. South Harwich

160

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

77. South Yarmouth (Baptist)

78. South Yarmouth (Georgetown)

79. South Yarmouth (Pine Grove)

80. Tisbury (Holmes)

81. Tisbury (South End)

82. Tisbury (Village)

83. Truro (First Cong. Ch.)

84. Truro (Old North)

85. Truro (Methodist)

86. Truro (Pine Grove)

87. Waquoit (Bayview)

88. Wareham (Agawam)

89. Wareham (Center)

90. Wellfleet (Duck Creek)

91. West Barnstable

92. West Dennis (Crowell)

93. West Harwich (Baptist)

94. West Tisbury (Lamberts Cove)

95. West Tisbviry (West Tisbury)

96. West Yarmouth (Woodside)

97. Woods Hole (Village)

98. Yarmouth (Ancient)

99. Yarmouth (Woodside)

James Blachowicz

161

APPENDIX II

Probated and Signed Gravestones

The entry after each name is the volume and page number of the probate
record, followed by years of death and probate settlement. If the date of
death is not given, the stone was not located.

^Records which specifically mention gravestones.

(a) William Sturgis:

Probated: (Berkshire Co.)^

*Isaac Howk (#2369; 1805, 1812), Lee
*RoIand Thatcher, Jr. (#2640; 1809, 1810),

Pittsfield
*Joseph Morgan (#2661; 1809, 1810),

Becket

*Solomon King (#2662; 1809, 1811), Becket
*Jesse Bradley (#2930; 1812, 1812), Lee
*Jared Bradley (#3178; 1814, 1814), Lee

'These six records communicated to me by Robert Drinkwater

Probated: (Barnstable Co.)

Ezra H. Burgess (61:362; 1842, 1842), Sandwich
^Jonathan Burr (61:568; 1842, 1844), Sandwich

Probated: (Nantucket Co.)

Charles E. Phillips (14:555; 1836, 1837), Nanhjcket

Signed:^

Marther Thacher (1806), Barnstable
Capt. Ezra Marvin (1811), Granville
Dr. Oliver Brewster (1812), Becket
Jane Dimmick (1812), Falmouth
Timothy Snow (1812), Becket
^Abigail Knox (1825), Blandford

Kezia Gorham (1827), Nanhicket
Celia Dimmick (1834), Falmouth
Sally Hamblen (1834), Yarmouth
Seth Robinson (1834), Hatchville
Eben W. Tallant (1834), Nantucket
Betsey Hoxie (1843), Sandwich

'signed stones in Becket, Blandford, and Granville uncovered by Robert Drinkwater
^signed "W. & T. Sturges Lee, Mass"

162

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

(b) Josiah Sturgis:

Probated: (Barnstable Co.)

^Noah Davis (61:466; 1840, 1843),
Falmouth

Probated: (Nantucket Co.)

Thomas V. McCleve (15:139; 1837, 1838),

Nantucket
George W. Ewer (15:391; 1839, 1840),

Nantucket
3James Morse (15:398; 1839, 1840),

Nantucket
Thomas HiUer (15:499; 1839, 1841),

Nantucket
Laban Cottle (16:4; 1841, 1841), Nantucket
Henry Riddell (16:36; 1840, 1842),

Nantucket
William Coffin (16:103; 1841, 1842),

Nantucket
David Swain (16:135; 1841, 1842),

Nantucket
Eliza Ann Gardner (16:231; 1843, 1843),

Nantucket

'"Mr. Sturgis" (more likely Josiah than John Sttirgis)

^"Joseph Sturgis"

^"J. Stergess"

^"for stone posts and setting"

Signed:

Walter Baxter (1838), Hyannis

note: despite this signatvire, this stone was probably carved by William Sturgis

Probated: (Plymouth Co.)

^Braddock Dimmuck (90:436; 1845, 1848),
Falmouth

"T. G. Clapp (16:235; 1842, 1843),

Nantucket
Mary Myrick (16:283; 1844, 1844),

Nantucket
William Brown (16:304; 1840, 1844),

Nantucket
Anna Folger (17:165; 1846, 1846),

Nantucket
Solomon Smith (17:195; 1835, 1847),

Nantucket
Aaron Holmes (17:369; 1847, 1848),

Nantucket
Edward J. Pompey (17:451; 1848, 1849),

Nantucket

Probated: (Barnstable Co.)

Deliverance Baty (77:240; 1848, 1849), Sandwich
payment to "J. Sturgess and Co."

James Blachowicz

163

(d) Jabez M. Fisher:

Probated: (Barnstable Co.)

*Isaac Weekes (61:381; 1841, 1842), S.

Chatham
*Alvah Nickerson (61:482; 1842, 1844), S.

Dennis
*Benoni Baker (61:569; 1844, 1845), S.

Yarmouth
Sally Small (77:132; 1847, 1848), Harwich
*Israel Nickerson (77:195; 1847, 1848), S.

Dennis
*Abram Hedge (77:235; 1848, 1849),

Yarmouth
*Elijah Dyer (77:254; , 1849),

Provincetown
*Gorham Baker (77:267; 1847, 1850), S.

Dennis
*Nathan F. Sears (77:296; 1848, 1850), E.

Dennis
*Amos Whorf (77:340; 1849, 1851),

Provincetown
"Alexander Howes (77:391; 1849, 1851),

Dennis
*Darius Weekes (77:417-8; 1849, 1852), S.

Harwich
'Isaac Hinckley (77:475; 1850, 1852),

Barnstable
*Samuel S. Crocker (77:509;1851,1853),

Cummaquid
*Daniel F. Small (85:95; , 1853),

Provincetown
*Arthur Hallet (85:133; 1852, 1855),

Yarmouth
Hannah Baker (85:142, 390; 1851, 1855), S.

Dennis

^Gideon Crowell (85:198; 1855, 1856), S.

Yarmouth
*John Baker (85:227; 1854, 1856), Brewster

(signed)
*Michael Burgess (85:363; 1857, 1858),

Harwich
*Elisha Baker (85:371; 1852, 1858), S.

Yarmouth
*Ebenezer Turner (85:404; , 1858),

Barnstable
*Sally Baker (#4220; 1861, 1861), S. Dennis
"Thankful Hall (#4288; , 1861), Yarmouth
"Joshua Eldridge (#4424; ,1863),

Yarmouth
"Gideon Hall (#4442; 1862, 1863) Dennis
"Elnathan Lewis (#4469; 1862, 1864),

Yarmouth
"Nancy Freeman (#4577; , 1863),

Brewster
"Washington Baker (#4672; 1864, 1865),

Yarmouth
"^Jesse Freeman (#4893; 1865, 1868),

Provincetown
"William Hall (#4902; , 1866), Yarmouth
Waterman Crocker (#5023; 1866,1868),

Provincetown
"Frederick Dunbar (#5034; 1866, 1868),

Yarmouth
"Nathan Howes (#5368; 1868, 1868),

Dennis

'includes apaymentof $1.44 to "A. Fisher," perhaps Jabez's daughter Arietta, who was

20 at the time,
-payment includes the stone for his wife,
^payment is for stones for Jesse's wife Hannah, who died in 1868 and is buried beside

her husband.

Signed:

Marshall Ryder (1839), Chatham

Mary Bearse (1844), Hyannis

John Baker (1854), Brewster (probated also)

Samuel W. Baxter (1858), W. Harwich

Benjamin Handy (1859), Hyannis

Capt. Theophilus Adams (1863), Marstons

MiUs
David Lewis (1869), W. Dennis
Temperance Crocker (1872), Barnstable

164 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

(e) William S. Fisher:

Signed:

Catherine Loring ( 1 888), Barnstable
Rebecca Bartlett (1889), Cummaquid

(£) Other Carvers Relevant to this Study:
C. F. Winslow:

Probated: (Nantucket Co.)

*Eliza Jones (18:322; 1851, 1852), Nantucket

Charles H. Robinson:

Probated: (Nantucket Co.)

*Tamar Starbuck (18:406; 1852, 1853), Nantucket
Benjamin Whipple, Jr. (18:486; , 1854), Nantucket
Benjamin Folger (19:163; , 1855), Nantucket
Nancy [L?]uce (19:251; , 1856), Nantucket
*Susan C. Paddock (19:487; , 1858), Nantucket

James Blachowicz

165

APPENDIX III

Gravestones of William Sturgis and Josiah Sturgis (partial list)

This list is complete for gravestones on Cape Cod.

The number in parentheses following each entry indicates the burial

ground (See Appendix I).
Probated stones are in bold. Signed stones are in italics.
For stones with multiple burials, the name of the person with the latest

date of burial is listed.

(a) William Sturgis:

1774 Watson, Ruth

Becket (5)

1806

West, Thankful

Lee (48)

1782 Backus, Nathaniel

Lee (48)

1809

Fames, Rachel

Becket (5)

1790 Standly, Samuel

Lee (48)

1809

King, Solomon

Becket (5)

1791 Winegar,Zach

Lee (48)

1809

Morgan, Joseph

Becket (5)

1794 Shjrgis, Abigail

Sandwich (71)

1809

Thatcher, Roland Ji

■. Pittsfield

1796 Basett,Mary

Lee (48)

1810

Bradley, Mamry

Lee (48)

1796 Coffin, Capt.

Edgartown (35)

1811

Dimmick, George

Falmouth (38)

Thomas

1811

Marvin, Capt. Ezra

Granville (41)

1796 Crocker, Joseph

Lee (48)

1811

Norton, Cornelius

W. Tisbury (95)

1796 Porter, Kimball

Lee (48)

1811

Sparrow, Dea.

Orleans (61)

1797 Ball, Nathan

Lee (48)

Richard

1797 Freeman, Anna

Becket (5)

1812

Bradley, Capt. Jess(

; Lee (48)

1798 Crocker, Zemiah

Lee (48)

1812

Brewster, Dr. Oliver

Becket (5)

1798 Dimmick, Joseph

Falmouth (38)

1812

Crosby, Martha

Lee (48)

1798 Hamblin, Benjamin

Lee (48)

1812

Dimmick, Jane

Falmouth (38)

1798 Wadsworth,

Becket (5)

1812

Jenkins, Elizabeth

Hatchville (43)

Jonathan

1812

Snow, Timothy

Becket (5)

1798 Winegar,Caty

Lee (48)

1813

Jenkins, Rachel

Hatchville (43)

1798 Winegar,John

Lee (48)

1813

Norton, Lot

Edgartown (35)

1799 Tobey, Remember

Lee (48)

1813

Sturges, Elizabeth

Lee (48)

1799 Vandusen, Lowrance Lee (48)

1813

Thatcher, Dea.

Lee (48)

1799 Wadsworth,

Becket (5)

Roland

Rebeckah

1814

Bradley, Jared

Lee (48)

1800 Anderson, Samuel

Blandford (6)

1814

Freese, John

Lee (48)

1800 Church, Daniel

Lee (48)

1814

Rose, Elisha

Granville (41)

1800 Davis, Ebenezer

Hatchville (43)

1815

Davis, Judith

Hatchville (43)

1800 Ingersoll, Lucinda

Lee (48)

1815

Fellows, Susan O.

Edgartown (35)

1802 Knox, Capt. William

1 Blandford (6)

1815

Ingersoll, William

Lee (48)

1803 Foot, Jonathan

Lee (48)

1815

Wadsworth, Hannah Becket (5)

1803 Gillet, Hannorah

Becket (5)

1816

Perkins, Mary

Becket (5)

1803 Waters, Oliver

Granville (41)

1816

Sturges, Eliza

Lee (48)

1804 Ingersoll, Lydia

Lee (48)

1816

Sturges, Lydia

Lee (48)

1805 Howk, Isaac

Lee (48)

1816

West, Dea. Oliver

Lee (48)

1805 Seymour, Abigail

Granville (41)

1817

Chadwick,

Lee (48)

1806 Thacher, Marther

Barnstable (2)

Bathsheba

166

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

1817 Dimmick, Capt. Lot
1817 Gibbons, Philomena

1817 Fellows, Sally

1818 Fellows, Electa B.

1819 Mayhew, Tristram

1820 Cleaveland, Susan
1820 Crosby John

1820 Luce, Capt. Jason

1821 Bradley Joseph J.
1821 Fellows, Fienry
1821 Phinney, Levi
1821 Rose, Aaron

1821 Shirges, Nehemiah

1822 Bourne, Timothy
1822 Clark, Anna
1822 Gibbons, Peter
1822 Hinckley Dea.

Edmund
1822 Perry, Solomon

1822 Smith, Rhoda

1823 Chase, Elizabeth
1823 Chase, Mary
1823 Chipman,Mary
1823 Freeman, Elisha

1823 Hine, William N.

1824 Cooley Louisa Maria
1824 Dimmick, Zereviah
1824 Fellows, Fiiram Fl.
1824 Garfield, Abigail
1824 Fiinckley Content
1824 Jones, Roland
1824 Luce, Elizabeth
1824 Manchester,

Harriet A.

1824 Swift, Stephen

1825 Dimmick, Jabez
1825 Handy Asa
1825 Leonard, Harriet
1825 Little, Maria
1825 Nye, Levi
1825'- Knox, Abigail

1 825 Snow, Robinson
1825 Sparrow, Thomas
1825 Spring, Mary

1825 Stvirgis, William

1826 Hillman, Stephen

1827 Bourne, Thankful
1827 Coe, Rachel
1827 Dimmick, Mercy
1827 Gorham, Kezia
1827 Lawrence, Sarah

Falmouth (38)
Granville (41)
Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
Lee (48)
Edgartown (35)
Lee (48)
Edgartown (35)
Cohiit (24)
Granville (41)
Lee (48)
Hatchville (43)
Nantucket (57)
Granville (41)
Lee (48)

Bourne (8)
Blandford (6)
Nantucket (56)
Nantucket (56)
Sandwich (72)
Lee (48)
Becket (5)
Granville (41)
Falmouth (38)
Edgartown (35)
Lee (48)
Lee (48)
Edgartown (35)
Tisbury(81)
Tisbury (82)

Bourne (8)
Falmouth (38)
Cotuit (24)
Wareham (88)
Becket (5)
Lee (48)
Blandford (6)
Hatchville (43)
Orleans (61)
Sagamore (67)
Lee (48)
Chilmark (23)
Falmouth (36)
Granville (41)
Falmouth (38)
Nanhicket (57)
Falmouth (38)

1827
1828^
1828
1828
1828
1828
1828

Luce, Ruth
Fisher, Mercy
Homer, Joseph
Homer, Thankful
Norton, Deborah
Norton, Tristram
Nye, Alvin

1828 Spelman, Almon

1829 Benson, Martin
1829 Gibbs, Experience
1829 Lambert, Bathsheba
1829 Whippey Eliza L.

1829 Worth, Jethro

1830 Baker, Deforest

1830
1830
1830
1830
1831
1831
1831
1831
1831

Cleaveland, Mary
Coffin, Mary
Pease, Lydia
Sparrow, Richard
Burgess, Seth
Davis, Ebenezer
Dimmick, Anna
Fish, David W.
Nye, Bradley V.

1831 Snow, Osborn

1831 Tupper, Grace

1832 Bassett, Nathaniel
1832 Bearse, Hannah
1832 Bourne, Frances
1832 Bourne, Mary Ann
1832 Burgess, Stephen
1832 Burgess, Theophilus
1832 Fisher, Ephraim
1832 Freeman, Sarah
1832 Gibbs, Agness
1832 Hatch, Bethiah
1832 Hatch, Hannah C.
1832 Kingsley Alethea
1832 Lawrence, Mary S.

1832 Lester, Samuel
1832 Lloyd, Sarah Ann
1832 Robinson, Hannah
1832 Sherman, Hannah J.

1832 Stevens, Cpt.
Benjamin

1833 Lloyd, Sarah Ann
1833 Fisher, Simeon
1833 Freeman, Abner

Edgartown (35)
Forestdale (40)
Brewster (12)
Brewster (12)
Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
N. Falmouth
(58)

Granville (41)
Plymouth (63)
Bourne (8)
Bourne (8)
Nanhjcket (56)
Edgartown (35)
W. Harwich
(93)

Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
Edgartown (35)
Orleans (61)
Harwich (42)
Hatchville (43)
Falmouth (38)
Falmouth (38)
N. Falmouth
(58)

Harwich (42)
Sagamore (67)
E. Harwich (32)
Cotuit (24)
Hatchville (43)
Falmouth (38)
Harwich (42)
Harwich (42)
Forestdale (40)
Orleans (61)
Blandford (6)
Falmouth (38)
Hatchville (43)
Becket (5)
Farmersville
(39)

Becket (5)
Sandwich (71)
Hatchville (43)
Hatchville (43)
Lee (48)

Sandwich (71)
Nantucket (56)
Orleans (61)

James Blachowicz

167

1833 Merchant, Deborah

Edgartown (35)

1835

Holbrook, Mary

Sandwich (71)

1833 Merchant, Eliza J.

Edgartown (35)

1835

Jenkins, Eliza

Nantucket (56)

1833 Morse, Joann

Edgartown (35)

1835

Jenkins, Joseph

Hatchville (43)

1834 Bayliss, Thomas L.

Edgartown (35)

1835

Luce, Dea. Timothy

W. Tisbury (95)

1834 Bennett, Celia T.

Nantucket (56)

1835

Mooers, Jonathan

Nantucket (56)

1834 Bennett, Lydia

Bourne (7)

1835

Morse, Uriah

Edgartown (35)

1834 Boyden, Jesse

Sandwich (70)

1835

Norton, Henry

Edgartown (35)

[daugh]

1835

Pinkham, Catharine

Nantucket (57)

1834 Butler, Charles

Edgartown (35)

1834 Chipman, Josiah

Sandwich (72)

1835

Robinson, Sarah

Falmouth (38)

1834 Clark, Abiah

Becket (5)

1835

Sampson, Joseph W.

Falmouth (38)

1834 Coffin, Anna

Nantucket (56)

1835

Small, Priscilla

Harwich (42)

1834 Dimmick, Celia

Falmouth (38)

1835

Snow, Jane

Yarmouth (99)

1834 Cottle, Margaret

W. Tisbury (94)

1835

Swift, Stephen

Falmouth (38)

1834 Ellis, Jonathan

Bourne (8)

1835

Webb, Sarah

Nanhicket (56)

1834 Fisher, Eunice

Edgartown (35)

1835

Weeks, Octavius

W. Tisbury (94)

1834 Hamblen, Sally

Yarmouth (98)

1836

Arey, Catherine

Yarmouth (99)

1834 Jenkins, Weston

Falmouth (37)

1836

Bourne, Mary

Falmouth (38)

1834 Johnson, Fear D.

Forestdale (40)

1836

Bunting, Capt. James

Edgartown (35)

1834 Lawrence, Shadrach

Falmouth (37)

1836

Chipman, Benjamin Sandwich (72)

1834 Lloyd, James

Sandwich (71)

1836

Crowel, Reuben

N. Falmouth

1834 Mayhew, Mathew

Edgartown (35)

(58)

1834 Nickerson, Lydia

S. Harwich (76)

1836

Davis, Francis

Falmouth (38)

1834 Norton, Cordelia

Edgartown (35)

1836

Dimmick, Sarah

Falmouth (38)

1834 Orpin, Isaac [wife]

Nantucket (56)

1836

Doty, Elizabeth

Hatchville (43)

1834 Percival, James L.

Farmersville

1836

Fisher, Sarah Bartlett

Nantucket (56)

(39)

1836

Godfrey, Edward A.

S. Harwich (76)

1834 Phinney, Mary

Hatchville (43)

1836

Nickerson, Leonard

Chatham (21)

1834 Phinney, Naome

Cotuit (24)

1836

Norton, Tristram

Edgartown (35)

1834 Robinson, Charles

Hatchville (43)

1836

Pease, Mary

Edgartown (35)

1834 Ryder, Kimball

Chatham (20)

1836

Phillips, Charles E.

Nanbjcket (57)

1834 Sampson, William

Cotuit (24)

1836

Robinson, Seth

Hatchville (43)

1834 Sturgis, Ebenezer

Lee (48)

1836

Skiff, Rufus

Sagamore (67)

1834 Tallani, Eben W.

Nanhjcket (57)

1836

Weston, Phebe

Sandwich (71)

1834 Tilton,Asa

Chilmark (23)

1837

Baker, Job

Hatchville (43)

1834 Tobey, Capt. Henry

Sandwich (71)

1837

Chase, Mercy

Orleans (61)

1834 Whitman, Phebe

Bridgewater

1837

Fish, Isaiah

Forestdale (40)

(13)

1837

Fisher, Jonathan

Edgartown (35)

1834 Williams, Lydia E.

Becket (5)

1837

Hatch, Betsey

Hatchville (43)

1835 Atheam, Susan

Edgartown (35)

1837

Jenkins, Celia F.

Falmouth (37)

1835 Bennett, Almira

Bourne (7)

1837

Marstons, Sarah

Sandwich (72)

1835 Bunker, Absalom

Nantucket (56)

1837

Mooers, Hannah

Nanhicket (56)

1835 Chipman, Delia

Sandwich (72)

1837

Sherman, Lydia

Orleans (61)

1835 Davis, Hannah

Falmouth (38)

1838

Benson, Charity

Sagamore (67)

1835 Davis, Susanna

Falmouth (38)

1838

Burgess, Hannah

Harwich (42)

1835 Dimmick, Fear

Forestdale (40)

1838

Crosby, Eliza

Orleans (61)

1835 Fellows, Hermione

Edgartown (35)

1838

Crowell, Capt.

Dennis (27)

1835 Fish, Elizabeth C.

Nantucket (56)

Nathan

1835 Fisher, Bethiah

Forestdale (40)

1838

Davis, John

Falmouth (38)

1835 Fisher, Eliza

Forestdale (40)

1838

Davis, Susanna

Falmouth (38)

1835 Cwinn, Capt. James

Nantucket (56)

1838

Eld red, Abiel

Falmouth (38)

168

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

1838 Ewer, Mary

Nantucket (54)

1840

Hillman, Elijah

Tisbury (82)

1838 Hamblen, Thomas

Yarmouth (99)

1840

Luce, Jane

Edgartown (35)

1840

Percival, Hannah C.

Farmersville

1838 Lawrence, Joseph

Falmouth (38)

(39)

1838 Norton, Rhoda

Oak Bluffs (60)

1840

Perry, Charles

Sandwich (72)

1838 Pease, Sally

Nanhjcket (56)

1840

Phinney, Anna

Waquoit (87)

1838 PhineyAbish

Hatchville (43)

1840

Roberts, Chloe

Edgartown (35)

1838 Rogers, Joseph

Orleans (61)

1840

Robinson, Ann H.

Falmouth (38)

1838 Snow, Capt. Thomas

Harwich (42)

1840

Robinson, Lucy

Woods Hole

1838 Sparrow, Dea. Seth

Orleans (61)

(97)

1838 Tripp, Barbary W.

W. Harwich

1840

Smith, Ebenezer

Oak Bluffs (60)

(93)

1840

Swain, Mary Abby

Nantucket (56)

1839 Bourne, Elizabeth

Hatchville (43)

1840

Swift, Harriet R.

Falmouth (38)

1839 Chipman, Josiah

Sandwich (70)

1840

Tinkham, Hannah

Sandwich (70)

1839 Comings, Benjamin

Orleans (61)

1840

Tobey, Nancy H.

Sandwich (71)

1839 Crocker, Temperance Cotuit (24)

1840

Weston, Seth

Sandwich (70)

1839 Eldred,Mary

N. Falmouth

1841

Bourne, Hannah

Bourne (8)

(58)

1841

Chadwick, Emeline

Hatchville (43)

1839 Fish, Sarah H.

Sandwich (72)

1839 Freeman, Cpt.

Orleans (61)

1841

Coffin, Henry

Edgartown (35)

Jonathan

1841

Crocker, Braddock

Cotuit (24)

1839 Goodwin, Ezra

Sandwich (71)

1841

Eldridge, Sanyra

S. Harwich (76)

1839 Harding, Deborah

Chatham (19)

1841

Freeman, Capt.

E. Sandwich

1839 Hatch, William

Hatchville (43)

Thomas

(34)

1839 Higgins, Eliakim

Orleans (61)

1841

Hall, Asenouth

Waquoit (87)

1839 Jones, AbbyE.

Sandwich (69)

1841

Hamblin, Charles H.

Sandwich (72)

1839 Jones, Francis F.

Sandwich (69)

1841

Hancock, John

Chilmark (23)

1839 Lawrence, Josephine

Falmouth (38)

1841

Jenkins, Daniel

Hatchville (43)

1839 Nye,Lydia

E. Sandwich

1841

Lawrence, Shubael

Hatchville (43)

(34)

1841

Mayhew, Eunice

Chilmark (23)

1839 Nye, Mary

Sandwich (71)

1841

McGuire, Catherine

Sandwich (70)

1839 Pope, Augustus

Sandwich (71)

1841

Nye, Eliza B.

Sandwich (71)

1839 Pope, Mary

Sandwich (71)

1841

Nye, Jane

Sandwich (70)

1839 Sampson, Hannah

Cotuit (24)

1841

Pease, Mary Ann

Edgartown (35)

1841

Pent, Samuel

Edgartown (35)

1839 Sampson, Micah

Falmouth (38)

1841

Studley, Lydia

Waquoit (87)

1839 Swift, Phebe

Sagamore (67)

1841

Tobey, Nancy

Sandwich (70)

1839 Tilton, Daniel

Chilmark (23)

1841

Tupper, Prince

Sagamore (67)

1840 Bourne, Nathaniel

Falmouth (38)

1842

Athearn, Jonathan

W. Tisbury (95)

1840 Chuumiuc [sp?].

Cedarville (16)

1842

Bourne, Mehetable

Falmouth (38)

Dina

1842

Burgess, Ezra H.

Sagamore (67)

1840 Crowell, Capt.

Tisbury(81)

1842

Burr, Jonathan

Sandwich (71)

William

1842

Butler, Parnel

Falmouth (38)

1840 Eldridge, Albert D.

Woods Hole

1842

Coffin, Zoraida

Edgartown (35)

(97)

1842

Cottle, John

W. Tisbury (94)

1840 Eldridge, Jeremiah

S. Harwich (76)

1842

Davis, Sophronia

W. Tisbury (95)

1840 Ellis, Mary

Bourne (8)

1842

Eld red, Harriet

N. Falmouth

1840 Fisher, Salome S.

Forestdale (40)

(58)

1840 Francis, An tone

Cedarville (16)

1842

Eldridge, Elijah Jr.

S. Harwich (76)

1840 Freeman, William J.

E. Sandwich

1842

Eldridge, Ezra

S. Harwich (76)

(34)

1842

Faunce, William

Sandwich (71)

James Blachowicz

169

1842 Higgins, Sarah
1842 Nye, Rebecca

1842 Phinney, Mary
1842 Swift, Thankful

1842 Tilton, Olivia B.

1843 Adams, Capt. Moses
1843 Andrews, William
1843 Crocker, Ezra

1843 Crocker, Sylvia
1843 Crowell, Bathsheba

1843 Davis, Hannah Ellen

1843 Davis, Dea. John
1843 Eldridge, Edmund

D.
1843 Freeman, Mehitable

1843'"Gardner, Eliza Ann
1843 Gifford, Tabitha
1843 Holway, Elmira

1843 Hoxie, Betsey
1843 Luce, Thomas
1843 Merry, Mary
1843 Nye,Mahala
1843 Phinney, Braddock
1843 Swift, Jacob

1843 Swift, Rebecca
1844' Crocker, Horace S.

1844 Lawrence, Solomon
1844 Meiggs, Eliza C.

1844 Pent, Samuel

Orleans (61)
E. Sandwich
(34)

Waquoit (87)
Waquoit (87)
Chilmark (23)
Chilmark (23)
Tisbury (82)
Marstons Mills
(50)

Cotuit (24)
N. Falmouth
(58)

Woods Hole
(97)

W. Tisbury (95)
Woods Hole
(97)

E. Sandwich
(34)

Nantucket (57)
Sandwich (70)
Farmersville
(39)

Sandwich (70)
W. Tisbury (94)
Tisbury (81)
Sandwich (70)
Waquoit (87)
Sagamore (67)
Sagamore (67)
Cotuit (24)
Falmouth (38)
Farmersville
(39)
Edgartown (35)

1844 Percival, Mercy F.

1844 Percival, Sally

1845 Dillingham, Thomas
1845 Cleveland, Lois N.
1845* Dimmick, Braddock
1845 Gibbs, Betsey
1845 Jenkins, Rebecca
1845 Sampson, Mary C.
1845 Small, Mary

1845 Snow, David

1846 Adams, Sophronia
1846 Bassett, Mary
1846 Covell, Hiram
1846 Gibbs, Elisha
1846 Jenkins, Ann
1846 Nye, Joseph
1846 Riddell, Eliza
1846 Stutson, Mary

1846 Whenley, Ann

1847 Gibbs, Benjamin
1847 Lewis, Ebenezer

1847 Tobey, Elizabeth

1848 Fish,Cloa
1848'^ Norton, Elihu R
1848 Tinkham, Susan G.
1849^ Gifford, Elisha
1849'' Merchant,

Ephraim Jr.
1853' Cooper, Arthur
1856" Weston, David
1868^ Nickerson, Richard
18775 Hamblen, Joseph
1908-'Herr[?], Olive

Farmersville
(39)

Sandwich (71)
Edgartown (35)
Falmouth (38)
Sagamore (67)
Hatchville (43)
Cohiit (24)
Waquoit (87)
Yarmouth (99)
Tisbury (82)
Sandwich (70)
Sagamore (67)
Sagamore (67)
Hatchville (43)
Sandwich (70)
Nantucket (57)
Sandwich (70)
Sandwich (70)
Sandwich (70)
Hatchville (43)
Sandwich (70)
Forestdale (40)
Edgartown (35)
Sandwich (70)
Falmouth (38)
Edgartown (35)

Nanhjcket (53)
Sandwich (71)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)

'probated to and probably inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes
'signed "W. & T. Sturges Lee, Mass."
^probably inscribed by Jabez M. Fisher
'probably inscribed by another carver
'probably inscribed by William S. Fisher

•^probated to and possibly inscribed by James Thompson of Sandwich
^probably inscribed by Edwin B. Nye

^probated to "Joseph [probably Josiah] Sturgis"; probably carved by William Sturgis
but inscribed by Josiah
''possibly inscribed by Josiah Sturgis
'"probated to Josiah Sturgis, but probably carved by William Sturgis

170

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

(b)Josiah Sturgis:

1818 Davis, Malachi

Hatchville (43)

1842

Parker, Capt.

Falmouth (38)

1824 Tobey, Capt. Zimri

Falmouth (37)

Timothy

1834 Paine, Jolin

S.Harwich (76)

1843

Eldridge, Capt.

Woods Hole

1835 Smith, Capt.

Nanhjcket (56)

Ephraim

(97)

Solomon

1843

Gardner, Peleg

Nantucket (56)

1836 Fisher, Ebenezer S.

Nanhacket (56)

1843

Russell, John

Falmouth (37)

1836 Waitt, Henry

Nantucket (56)

1844

Bridger, John

Nanhjcket (56)

1837 McCleve,Cpt.

Nantticket (56)

1844

Gardner, George H.

Nanhicket (56)

Thomas

1844

Hatch, Moses

Falmouth (38)

1838' Baxter, Walter

Hyannis (44)

1844

Myrick, Mary

Nantucket (56)

1839 Ewer, George W.

Nantucket (56)

1844

Nye, Lewis Henry

Falmouth (38)

1839 Hatch, Sarah

Falmouth (38)

1844

Russell, Mary Ann

Nantucket (56)

1839 Hiller,Capt.

Nanhicket (56)

1844

Webster, Sarah

Woods Hole

Thomas

(97)

1839 Morse, James

Nanhjcket (57)

1845

Brown, Judith

Nanhjcket (57)

1840 Brown, William

Nantucket (55)

1845

Chadwick, Elijah

Falmouth (38)

1840- Davis, Capt. Noah

Falmouth (38)

1845

Fisher, Nabby

Nanhjcket (56)

1840 Riddell, Henry

Nantucket (57)

1846

Davis, Capt. Jabez

Woods Hole

1841 Coffin, William

Nantticket (56)

(97)

1841 Cottle, Capt. Laban

Nanhicket (55)

1846

Coffin, Judith

Nantucket (56)

1841 Dimmick, Prince

Falmouth (37)

1846

Folger, Anna

Nantucket (56)

1841 Meiggs, Abby B.

Nanhjcket (56)

1847

Coffin, Phebe

Nanhjcket (56)

1841 Swain, David

Nanhicket (55)

1847

Holmes, Aaron

Nanhjcket (56)

1842 Clapp, Timothy. G.

Nanhicket (54)

1848

Baker, Hannah H.

Nantucket (56)

1842 Davis, Lydia

Woods Hole

1848

Fish, Abigail

Forestdale (40)

(97)

1848

Pompey, Edward J.

Nantucket (53)

1842 Lawrence, Sarah N.

Falmouth (37)

'Signed "J. Shirgs," but probably carved by William Shirgis
^payment to "Mr. Sturgis"

1848 Baty, Delia Sandwich (69)

payment to "J. Sturgess and Co."

James Blachowicz

171

APPENDIX IV
Gravestones of Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher (partial list)

The number in parentheses following each entry indicates the burial
ground (See Appendix 1).

Probated stones are in bold. Signed stones are in italics.

Years in parentheses are dates of probate, not death (stones not exam-
ined).

For stones with multiple burials, the name of the person with the latest
date of burial is listed.

Note: An "s" following the date indicates a slate stone; all the rest are
marble

1821 Stone, Patience
1825 Stone, Thankful

1836 Taylor, Tabitha

1837 Smith, Carlona

1838 Lawrence, William

1838 Moses, Susan C.

1839 Baker, Phebe

1839 Calder,Josiah
1839 Cash, Patience
1839s Hallet, Hiram
1 839 Howes, Rebecca
1839 Lawrence, Anna

1839 Paddock, Sally
1839 Ryder, Marshall
1839 Sears, Lydia
1839 Stone, Job
1839 Stone, Nathan

1839 Tobey, Mercy

1840 Albertson, Patience
1840s Crowell, Perlina

1840 Godfrey Capt. David
1840 Goodeno[?], Peter
1840 Eldridge, Meriton S.
1840 Fisher, Edmund M.
1840 Homer, Stephen
1840 Hull, Elizas.
1840 Nickerson, Silas

Dennis (27)
Dennis (27)
Chatham (20)
E.Harwich (33)
Farmersville
(39)

Nantucket (56)
W. Harwich
(93)

Nanhicket (56)
Harwich (42)
Yarmouth (98)
Dennis (27)
Farmersville
(39)

Dennis (27)
Chatham (22)
Brewster (12)
Dennis (27)
Dennis (27)
Brewster (12)
S. Harwich (76)
W. Yarmouth
(96)

Chatham (22)
Brewster (12)
S. Chatham (73)
Forestdale (40)
Brewster (12)
Barnstable (3)
E. Harwich (33)

1840 Snow, Sylvia T.
1840 Stone, Emily

1840 Swift, Samuel B.

1841 Blanchard, Cyrus
1841 Crowell, Luther

1841 Hopkins, Martha
1841 Paine, Bethiah
1841 Smith, Richard
1841 Underwood, Nathan
1841 Weekes, Isaac

1841 White, Elvira

1842 Howes, Martha
1842 Nickerson, Alvah
1842 Ryder, Richard
1842 Snow, Priscilla

1842 Stone, Nabby

1843 Crocker, Betsey

1843 Crowell, Mehitable
1843s Hallet, Gideon
1843s Howland, Mary

1844 Baker, Benoni

1844 Bearse, Mary
1844 Hedge, Warren
1844 Howes, Jerusha
1844 Matthews, Sylvanus
1844 Nickerson,
Meliitable
1844 Smalley Edward

S. Chatham (73)
Dennis (27)
Waquoit (87)
Harwich (42)
W. Yarmouth
(96)

Brewster (11)
Harwich (42)
Chatham (22)
Harwich (42)
S. Chatham (73)
Dennis (26)
Dennis (27)
S. Dennis (75)
Chatham (20)
Harwich (42)
Dennis (27)
Hyannis (44)
Hatchville (43)
Yarmouth (99)
Marstons Mills
(50)

S. Yarmouth
(78)

Hyannis (45)
Yarmouth (98)
Dennis (27)
Yarmouth (98)
Harwich (42)

Harwich (42)

172

Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving

1845 Arey, Hannah
1845 Chase, Irene

1845 Eldridge, Sarah R.

1845 Fish, Elizabeth

1845 Hamilton,
Nehemiah

1845 Melcher, Rebecca H.

1846 Clark, Abby

1846 Rogers, Capt. Foster

1847 Baker, Gorham

1847 Crowell, Elizabeth
1847 Hallet, Edward B.
1847 Nickerson, Israel
1847 Small, Sally

1847 Weekes, Priscilla

1848 Hedge, Abram

1848 Sears, Nathan F.
(1849)Dyer, Elijah

1849 Eldredge, Betsey J.
1849 Eldredge, Sally A.
1849 Fessenden, Lois T.
1849 Howes, Alexander
1849 Spilsted, Caroline S.
1849 Weekes, Darius

1849 Whorf,Amos

1850 Bearse, Sophia H.
1850s Custis, Hannah

1850 Hinckley, Isaac
1850s Taylor, Azubah

1851 Baker, Hannah

1851s Baker, Maria

1851s Carsley, Susanna
1851 Crocker, Samuel S.

1851 Dillingham, Abigail

1851 Dillingham, Betsey
1851s Hallet, Capt. Nathan
1 85 IsSmalley Sally
1851s Taylor, Ruth

1852 Baker, Elisha

1852 Baker, Hannah

Yarmouth (99)

W. Harwich

(93)

Woods Hole

(97)

N. Falmouth

(58)

S. Harwich (76)

Sandwich (71)
Sandwich (70)
W. Harwich
(93)

S. Dennis (74)
Hatchville (43)
Yarmouth (99)
S. Dennis (75)
Harwich (42)
Harwich (42)
Yarmouth (99)
E. Dennis (29)
Provincetown
S. Harwich (76)
S. Harwich (76)
Sandwich (71)
Dennis (26)
Barnstable (3)
S. Harwich (76)
Provincetown
(66)

Hyannis (45)
Yarmouth (98)
Barnstable (3)
S. Yarmouth
(77)

S. Dennis (74)
W. Yarmouth
(96)

Marstons Mills
(50)

Cummaquid
(25)

Sandwich (71)
Sandwich (71)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
S. Yarmouth
(77)

S. Yarmouth
(78)

1852s Hallet, Arthur

1852 Hallet, Sally S.
1852s Kelley Joseph

1852s Matthews, Lydia

1852s Matthews, Sarah
1853s Chapman, Elizabeth

1853s Custis, Sarah

1853 Holmes, James D.
1853s White, Lucy
(1853)Small, Daniel F.

1854 Baker, John

1854 Baxter, Nella P
1854s Hallet, Dorcas
1855s Bray, Sarah

1855 Crowell, Gideon

1855 Crowell, Ruth

1855 Fisher, Theodore
1855s Taylor, Thanklial

1856 Hallet, Daniel

1856 Hallet, Elizabeth C.
1856s White, Dea. Joseph
1856s White, Phosa

1857 Burgess, Michael
1857 Hallett, Eliza H.
1857s Homer, Susan

1857 Sears, Seth

1858 Baxter, Samuel W.

1858s Gray, Chandler
1858s Hallet, Matthews
1858 Nickerson, Ruth

Hall
1858s Phinney, Sarah
1858 Sturgis, William
(1858)Turner, Ebenezer

1858 Whorf, Susan L.

1859s Gray Henry

1859 Handy, Benjamin
1860s Hallet, Polly

1861 Baker, Sally
(1861)HaIl, Thankful

1861s Dunbar, John H.

1862 Hall, Gideon

Yarmouth (98)
Hyannis (45)
W. Harwich
(93)

S. Yarmouth
(77)

Yarmouth (98)
Provincetown
(65)

Yarmouth (98)
Barnstable (2)
Yarmouth (98)
Provincetown
Brewster (9)
Hyannis (45)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
S. Yarmouth
(79)

S. Yarmouth
(79)

Forestdale (40)
Yarmouth (98)
W. Yarmouth
(96)

Yarmouth (99)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
Harwich (42)
Hyannis (45)
Yarmouth (98)
E. Dennis (29)
W. Harwich
(93)

Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
S. Dennis (75)

Barnstable (2)

Lee (48)

Barnstable

Provincetown

(66)

Yarmouth (98)

Hyannis (44)

W. Yarmouth

(96)

S. Dennis (75)

Yarmouth

Yarmouth (98)

Dennis (27)

James Blachowicz

173

1862 Lewis, Elnathan

1862s Thacher, Susannah

1863 Adams, Cpt.
TheophihiS

1863s Bursley, Elizabeth

Fish
(1863)Eldridge, Joshua
(1863)Freeman, Nancy
1864s Baker, Patty

1864 Baker, Washington

1864s CusHs, Sally

1865 Freeman, Jesse

1865s Norris, Peter

1865 Sears, Betsey

1866 Crocker, Waterman

1866s Dunbar, Dorcas
1866 Dunbar, Frederick

1866 Fisher, Ariette
(1866)Hall, William

1867 Hawes, John
1867s Nickerson, Susanna

1867 Sears, Edmund

1868 Howes, Nathan
1869s Hall, John

1869 Hallet, Caroline B.

1869 Holmes, Abiah C.

1869 Holmes, Ephraim

1869 Holmes, Nathaniel

1869 Lewis, David

1870 Lewis, Jane

Yarmouth (99)
Yarmouth (98)
Marstons Mills
(50)
Barnstable (2)

Yarmouth
Brewster
Hyannis (45)
S. Yarmouth
(78)

Yarmouth (98)
Provincetown
(66)

Hyannis (44)
E. Dennis (29)
Provincetown
(65)

Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (99)
Yarmouth
Yarmouth (99)
S. Dennis (75)
E. Dennis (29)
Dennis (27)
Yarmouth (98)
W. Yarmouth
(96)

Barnstable (2)
Barnstable (2)
Barnstable (2)
W. Dennis (92)
W. Dennis (92)

1871s Lewis, Thomas B.

1872 Crocker, Temperance
1872s Smith, Susan
1872s Whelden, Clarissa

1873 Bursley, Mary C.
1873 Holmes, Nathaniel
1875 Holmes, Carrie

1878 Ryder, Amelia H.
1878s Ryder, Reuben

1879 Fisher, Jabez M.
1885 Crocker, Jonathan

1887 Hawes, Betsy

1 887s Whelden, Eben

1888 Loring, Catheriiie

1889 Bartlett, Rebecca

1889 Bearse,Capt.
William

1890 Holmes, Sarah
Lizzie

1893 Baker, John E.

1897 Maria Eldridge

1900 Holmes, Grace
1903 Crowell, Abby B.

1906 Baker, John A.

1907 Jenkins, Charles C.

Barnstable (4)
Barnstable (2)
Barnstable (3)
W. Barnstable
(91)

Barnstable (2)
Barnstable (2)
Barnstable (2)
Yarmouth (99)
Yarmouth (98)
Yarmouth (99)
Cummaquid
(25)

Yarmouth (99)
W. Barnstable
(91)

Barnstable (3)
Cummaquid
(25)
Hyannis (44)

Barnstable (2)

S. Yarmouth

(77)

S. Yarmouth

(77)

Barnstable (2)

W. Yarmouth

(96)

S. Yarmouth

{77)

W. Barnstable

(91)

174

From Moravia to Texas

Fig. 1. Road to Praha, Texas Cemetery.

175

FROM MORAVIA TO TEXAS:
IMMIGRANT ACCULTURATION AT THE CEMETERY

Eva Eckert

Journey to Texas

My research on the acculturation of Czech and Moravian peasant
immigrants in Texas started where the immigrant journey ended - at the
cemetery. On a sweltering Spring day I drove from San Antonio to a
cemetery at Praha, Texas. Homesick for the real Prague back in my home-
land, I felt immediately attracted by the placename: how could a place
in Texas bear the name of a central European capital? The road to the
cemetery curved around and was lined with trees (see Fig. 1). As I came
near, I could see from a distance seemingly endless stretches of land
dotted with tombstones decorated by reliefs and photographs, dilapi-
dated gravestones as well as elaborate metal crosses crafted by talented
artisans and perfectly shaped granite stones covered with Czech writing
of various tones. At the cemetery I found the language and culture of a
community; yet the prairie surrounding the cemetery included few hints
about how this community once lived.

Questions began to emerge. Why did Czechs and Moravians ever
come to Texas? Why did they trade neat villages with squares shaped by
tradition and ancient gems of churches for the bleakness of the Texas
prairie? Did they ever get used to living there, or did their hearts break
when they found no gentle meadows or quick streams in sight? When I
traveled back to Moravian and Czech villages where the immigrants were
born, I found them set in mountains or their foothills within a romantic
countryside (see Fig. 2). They attracted tourists by carefully marked trails
and guidebooks describing the scenery, local legends and folk tales, re-
gional musical traditions, and medieval history of the towns and vil-
lages. The more I saw the more I was startled because the contrasts
between geography, architecture, and history of the Czech Republic and
Texas were seemingly irreconcilable. What forced the peasants to leave?
And why did they end up in Texas of all places? There was Pennsylvania
with 18th century Moravian Brethren and German Deutsch settlements,
Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota with Czech as well as German commu-
nities that they could have joined. Was it the expansive prairie of fertile
blackland that seemed so attractive to those who spent their lives in
crowded dwellings, landless and farming on rented subdivided fields?

176

From Moravia to Texas

Did they take a chance to escape cold, snowy winters? Or were they
mystified by the freedom of the American frontier?

Whenever I followed Czech placenames on a map in the search of
Czech Texas^ I ended up at a cemetery. My first encounter with Czech
Texas was in Praha. From a distance I recognized the "Czech" church,
quaint and un-American but nothing like those at home built of stone
upon layers of architectural foundations and history. In the cemetery, I
found language and culture that since has disintegrated in the commu-
nity of the living. As I entered, order and peace surrounded me. Just as
in the homeland, the rows of graves were symmetrical and the design
maintained.^

The first Czechs came to the site of Praha over one and a half centu-
ries before me, led by Mate] Novak (1818-96). He disembarked in
Galveston in 1854 and found his way into the Anglo settlement of Mul-
berry Creek in the southeast corner of Fayette County, "Beset by outlaws
who could not get along even with rough frontiersmen. They were used
to an undisciplined lifestyle and could not understand the hard-work-
ing Czechs who were willing to sacrifice much to wrest a living out of
the heavily wooded blackland."^ Novak worked for wages among the

Fig. 2. Czech countryside, the village of Lichnov.

Eva Eckert

177

Fig. 3. Cross in Czech homeland cemetery.

178

From Moravia to Texas

American settlers and eventually bought land and built a loghouse. By
1864, twenty-five Moravian families had joined him in the settlement
that would become by the turn of the century one of the largest Czech
towns in Texas, known as Praha.'' According to the Fayette County His-
tory, in the 1870s Praha already had three stores. By 1882 the businesses
included a saloon, post office, cafe, herb center, and a liquor store. The
population increased from two hundred families in 1882 to six hundred
in 1894, and by then both a church^ and a permanent priest were in place.
By 1902 there were also a blacksmith shop and a wheelwright shop, a
meat market located about a mile out of town, and a resident physician
living in the town. By 1904, over 200 children attended the town's Catho-
lic school, and a new school was opened as late as 1936.*' Several hun-
dred tombstones, cross monuments, and bordered graves at the Praha
Cemetery indicated how numerous the Czech population of the Praha
settlement once was. Today's cemetery visitor is greeted by the welcome
sign to Maticka Praha, "Dear mother Prague."^ The cemetery became a
treasured site for me that contained hundreds of Czech inscriptions, epi-
taphs, and emblems.

Fig. 4. Cross in Texas Czech cemetery.

Eva Eckert 179

Sanctity of the cemeteries

From Praha I drove to Flatonia, Ammansville, Dubina, High Hill, and
Hostyn, and traced the immigrant footsteps in little used country roads
and old farms. The names designated cemeteries rather than present
communities. The cemeteries appeared as islands enveloped by roads
and highways leading away to the city. As I followed them driving through
the country I was guided by the cross. Crosses with Jesus overriding the
horizon define religious affiliation of most Texas Czech cemeteries, much
as in the homeland (see Figs. 3 and 4). Texas Czech immigrants were
believers, and churches with adjacent cemeteries were central to Texas
Czech communities in the physical as well as in the social and cultural
sense.

The communities were settled as either Roman Catholic or Brethren,
and composition of the immigrants reflected the Catholic vs. Brethren
distribution of homeland population. Over 80% of immigrants from
Bohemia and Moravia were Catholics.** The graveyards in Praha, Dubina,
Ammansville, and other Czech sites abound in homeland-inspired (e.g..
Fig. 5) religious motifs displaying symbolic sanctity, and the churches
were ornately decorated with Saints' paintings and statues. Prevalent
Czech Catholicism emerged out of three centuries of religious discord,
beginning in the Hussite Wars.'^ It carried a stamp of Baroque culture
emphasizing the external elements of faith and its visual manifestations.
Catholic rituals of the religious practice structured everyday life and the
whole life cycle of believers. In Texas, as had been the case in the home-
land, Czechs communed in services, celebrations of saints' name days
and religious processions. Catholic stonecarvers refrained from biblical
quotations but often included all sorts of epitaphs, rhymed vernacular
poetry, and greetings. Their stones were richly engraved with religious
and other symbols such as crowns, clasped hands, flowers, cut down
bunches of wheat, fading blossoms, or lambs, and were often decorated
with photographs of the dead (see Fig. 6). Children's sections in the pre-
WWII cemeteries formed isles of small graves and stones in the middle; '°
the position suggested both social hierarchy (visible also in separate rows
for children in some churches) and protection by the circle of "adults."
These graves were often indistinctive, but some were decorated with
special touches and emblems such as lamb reliefs, faded flowers, dying
doves, the child's photograph, or touching epitaphs. Family burial lots
did not occur in the cemetery, suggesting that the community was the
family to the Czech immigrants.

180

From Moravia to Texas

Fig. 5. Religious statuary in a liomeland village.

Eva Eckert

181

Fig. 6. Example of Texas Czech tombstone that includes photograph.

182 From Moravia to Texas

Texas Brethren cemeteries at Wesley or Ross Prairie were small, re-
flecting the minority position of Brethren both at home and in Texas.
The early Brethren cemeteries of the 1860s, as well as those at Snook or
Novy Tabor established a couple of decades later, carried on their mark-
ers the visible stamps of Brethren identity: they typically included a chal-
ice, the symbol of accepting both the bread and blood of Christ, and an
opened Bible symbolizing accessibility of the Word to all through the
vernacular that was taught and shared equally by all believers (see Fig.
7). Brethren graveyards excluded photographs but, most importantly,
included biblical verses, quoted from memory as evidenced by a myriad
of misspellings and dialectal pronunciations. One of the recurring verses
welcomes believers into the original church at Wesley still today: Jd jsem
ta cesta i pravda i zivot ('T am the road, the truth and the life"). The Breth-
ren have always shunned ceremony and ostentatious display of one's
faith and grandeur, while emphasizing instead private study of the Word,
meetings of believers at individual homes, and historical values of their
faith endowed by prosecution and respect for learning. Differences in
religious affiliation caused occasional friction within the Czech commu-
nity in Texas which, nevertheless, presented a unified front to the out-
side." This friction was particularly noticeable in large mixed towns, such
as Fayetteville, that included both Czechs and Germans, as well as Catho-
lics and Brethren, all segregated and supposedly distant from the others.

Why Texas?

As I ventured into the Texas Czech graveyards, I met the Gajdas,
Novaks, and Simeceks whom I knew from emigration petitions, passen-
ger lists, and homeland chronicles. Their children and grandchildren
were all also buried in the cemetery. Walking from stone to stone I tried
to picture the individuals, their families and children. How did the im-
migrants react to their promised land when they debarked? They must
have felt a shock instead of the reconciliation that should have followed
the horrors of weeks of journey on a ship. The contrasts of the old and
the new land were stark. The land in no way resembled central Europe,
where the countryside was chaotic and irregular, broken up by valleys,
hills, and crooked rivers, where one had to climb a hill to get a view of
the country. A pioneer woman who arrived to Texas Cat Springs in 1851
wrote back home: "The grass and trees are gray instead of green. In the
whole of Texas, there is not a single piece of soft lawn resembling that at
home. Local grass is like bristles, hard and tall, so it looks like a broom

Eva Eckert

183

Fig. 7. Chalice and open bible on Brethren tombstone.

184

From Moravia to Texas

more than grass. And those beautiful meadow flowers, abundant in our
country, we saw only a few, and none smelling nicely. We also suffer a
shortage of water and annoying insects."'- Texas lacked not only mead-
ows and flowers but also the structure imposed by churches, town halls,
market places and pubs where people would gather every day; the land
spread out indefinitely and the sky embracing it was enormous. Stand-
ing on the grand prairie the immigrants felt puny and insignificant.'^
They achieved their destination, yet, they were at the beginning, disen-
chanted by the Texas reality that did not match their "American dream."
The move was costly, but when they first set out they had no idea how
costly it would be: mothers lost their infants and families their matri-
archs or patriarchs to the sea. Exhausted travelers starved and fell vic-
tim to yellow fever. Seeing abused slaves must have reminded the
immigrants of their own recent reality of forced labor. The relocation
was ultimate with little chance of ever returning. What they saw all around

Fig, 8. Hrncif family house, Lichnov.

Eva Eckert

185

was land that had to be broken to receive the seed. Wells had to be dug,
shelters built, and roads traced through the country.

As I stared at old tombstone photos, I wondered about the fates of
those depicted.'^ I tried to match photos on the gravestones with authors
of letters and diaries; I imagined that the old mother in the black scarf
was the ailing stafenka 'grandmother' concerned that her children
attended Mass regularly overseas. Engraved placenames marking
pioneers' origin and pioneers' last names associated with particular
homeland villages led me to the area of Lanskroun in Bohemia, and Frenstdt
pod Radhostem, Vsetin, and Novy Jicin in Moravia. When I first arrived at
a village in the homeland I felt as though I had already known it from its
description in an autobiography or a memoir published in a Texas Czech
newspaper. I found individuals with names I knew from tombstones. In
Lichnov, near Frenstdt, I saw the substantial house of the Hrncif family
who left for Texas on the eve of Civil War. They were descendants of the
village mayor and their house and land reflected their elevated social
status. Yet they left it all behind. Today their house is occupied,
surrounded by a garden and fields (see Fig. 8). I wondered what the
emigrant villages were like at the time when the emigrants said good-
bye to their loved ones forever? How did the pioneers and those left
behind once live in the homeland?

.'•' *. J «.
•-•• V.-

/ Bohemia

•^

-•' Moravia

.#■'•

Fig. 9. Distribution map of villages with significant emigration.

186 From Moravia to Texas

Emigration from the Czech Lands

Over 80 % of immigrants to Texas came from a compact territory of
Moravian Wallachia and Lachia bordering Slovakia, Poland, and Prussia
(see Fig. 9), defined by the language contact of Czech and Moravian dia-
lects with dialects of Polish and Slovak. ^^ The combined territory of
Moravian Wallachia and Lachia, isolated geographically, historically and
linguistically, stretches some sixty miles from north to south and forty
miles from east to west. The Beskids, a range of the Carpathians, cover
much of this territory.

The villages surrounding the town of Frenstdt in Wallachia - Tichd,
Vlcovice, Lichnov, Trojanoznce, and others - are like small pearls on a string
woven through the lowlands among individual hills. Each village forms
a separate unit today as it did in the 1850s. Village houses are often aligned
along a creek or a road and face the square, and fields stretch long in the
back of the houses. Occasional isolated clearings in the hills indicate that
newcomers found insufficient land in the village and were forced to move
on. For an overview of the region one has to ascend a hill. But when
following the road one feels as if in a puzzle because each turn around a
hill reveals a new view of an unsuspected village. A church unambigiously
dominates the village. Usually it is a plain stone church with a single
steeple decorated in the baroque style on the inside that replaced an
original wooden church in the 17th century. The cemetery attached to
each church provides the best site to overlook the countryside because it
is typically located on a hill (see Fig. lO).'*"

As mountainous regions distant from major urban centers, north
Bohemia, Wallachia, and Lachia were traditionally among the poorest
and most backward areas of the Czech Lands. The first groups emigrated
in the early 1850s from the northeast Bohemian region around the town
of Lanskroun. This initial trickling of pioneers was followed within a de-
cade by a strong and lasting emigration wave from adjacent northeast
Moravia. The two decades preceding the emigration from northeastern
Bohen\ia and Moravia were devastating: one infertile season followed
another, and the region suffered from severe storms and floods. Pota-
toes, which fed the majority of the population, were infected by potato
blight, causing periodic famine; fields yielded poor grain crops. As a
result, hundreds starved to death or fell victim to cholera and typhus
epidemics. There was no food to purchase; not even landowners could
afford to hire day laborers. The villages of Cermnn and Nepomuky, near
Lanskroun, experienced overcrowding and poor crops in the years pre-

Eva Eckert

187

ceding 1852, and several dozens of very poor Brethren families in the
region decided to emigrate to Texas and Wisconsin in the early 1850s.
Historians recorded economic instability and religious persecution as
reasons for their departure. The poor around Frenstdt, the Moravian cen-
ter of Texas emigration, where peasants depended on domestic weaving
for income, ate acorns, tree buds, orach, and nettles. Malnutrition led to
the spread of epidemics, with typhus alone killing six hundred in 1846-
47.^^ One source notes, "The fields produced nothing, and people ate
grass and grounded tree bark, which led to all sorts of diseases. Starva-
tion was imminent in that year [1847]."'^ The district of Vsetin, from which
the first peasants left for Texas under the leadership of teacher Masik in
1854, showed all the signs of economic decline. The overpopulated re-
gion had no industry and its land was depleted. Parents depended on
child labor in the fields. For seven years potato crops were diseased and
many cattle died. When the railroad was built through the region, the
local population lost income from transportation by horse wagons.
Floods, starvation, and the extreme cost of everything recur among rea-
sons for emigration presented in peasants' petitions. Crisis in the weav-

Fig. 10. Moravian village church with an adjacent cemetery.

188 From Moravia to Texas

ing and spinning industries put thousands of men out of work. Yet the
governor of Vsetin reported in 1855 to the Novy/ Jicin regional office that
poverty and starvation were due to laziness of the local peasantry, who
were drunkards and sinners, and suggested as remedy an improved at-
tendance of church and school. ^"^

The search for answers to questions such as who the immigrants were
and why they left for Texas uncovers various leads and diverse factors
but also reveals a shared climate conducive to emigration. Stories of the
first pioneers indicate idiosyncratic reasons for their Texas journey. They
followed personal ideals formed against the backdrop of literary novels
about America and independence of the Texas Republic. A Protestant
minister sought religious freedom and dreamed of establishing a com-
munity of believers living in moral and spiritual harmony. An 1848 revo-
lutionary responded to the calling of the Republic in hope for relief from
persecution of the Austrian police apparatus. A merchant couple from
Hradec seem to have followed in their footsteps, incited by fiction about
frontier life and pioneer news in the German press (by now Texas had
attracted thousands of immigrants from Germany).

The earliest adventurers who came to Texas from Bohemia wrote
letters back home and were followed by large interrelated families and
acquaintances, depopulating villages in the emigration regions. The
pioneers wrote home how warm and pleasant the Texas climate was,
and described a land abundant in game and fertile fields. The news spread
among peasants who followed the leaders, mainly after the Civil War
(1861-1865) from Moravia where economic prospects for peasants,
laborers, and weavers were hopeless. They needed to get out of Austria
to escape mounting threats of accumulated debts, eviction, and job loss,
and wanted to provide for their children. They went where the land was
cheap and the weather good. That they ended up in Texas was due, at
least initially, to the game of events. They read about Texas in a German
paper or somehow got the news of the free land policy of the Texas
Republic. The idea that they could own hundreds of acres must have
sounded like a fairy tale to landless laborers or peasants who depended
on a couple of acres. Ultimately, they were attracted by those who went
ahead, those whom they knew and whose letters of success (what else
would one write from a place of no return?) convinced them that the
dream of America could come true.

In the 1850s the road to emigration opened up through accessibility
to seaports by railroads from land-locked Bohemia and Moravia and the

Eva Eckert

189

peasants' release from labor services. The journey to Texas was planned
within families and entire villages, and emigrants depended on the ad-
vice and guidance, as well as the money, of those who preceded them.
They left with many children but little of anything else. Through village
and family contacts new emigrants were drawn as laborers to the cities
of St. Louis, Chicago and New York, and, in the case of farmers, to a
number of locales, including Fayetteville in Texas. The immigrants ar-
rived in Texas at a time when it sought to attract immigrants who would
colonize unbroken prairies and take over abandoned plantations, and it
lured them to land and prosperity. Civil War defeat and the abolition of
slavery had devastated the Texas plantation economy; Texas needed their
labor and sought it assertively at a time when Bohemia and Moravia
suffered the consequences of the lost Austro-Prussian war and decline
of the weaving industry. The immigrants replaced the black slaves on
the land they bought from plantation owners and ushered in three de-
cades of economic growth.

Texas Land

A comparison of cemetery land usage tells us something important
about the differences between the value of land in Texas and the home-
land. The new Texas cemeteries stretched into an opened space of the
immense land (see Fig. 11). In contrast, the cemetery space in the

iggi^^gijg^

■m

.mf^-M^-

. .4..:.. M

Fig. 11. Spacious Texas Czech cemetery.

190

From Moravia to Texas

homeland's mountainous villages was cluttered and one grave bordered
another with hardly any space in between to pass through (see Fig. 12).
Its organization reflected an old habit of reusing burial lots because of a
lack of space. Every grave contained remains of several family mem-
bers. Old bones were dug up, wrapped in a clean piece of linen, and
reburied along with the new dead in the intervals of eight to ten years
needed for the body to decompose. "Every acre of land was needed to
grow potatoes, even the dead had to struggle for a piece of land," recalls
a pioneer. ^° But in Texas, they read in an 1849 letter from the evangelical
pastor Bergmann, land resources were without a limit and land could be
purchased cheaply by hundreds of acres; it was fertile, abundant, and
waited to be broken. "Various trees grow here such as oaks, maple, nut
and so forth," he wrote. "There are forests five miles to the north with
cedars and cypresses from which we get lumber. The trees in the forests
grow wild, large and tall, from the ground up to the heavens... We have
many prairie chickens and deer. Now they are shooting turkeys and deer.
Bees can be found everywhere in hollow trees. "^^

Fig. 12. Crowded Czech village cemetery.

Eva Eckert 191

In 1848, peasants throughout the Austrian monarchy were freed to
move from the estates and relieved from forced labor services and con-
tributions.- They achieved immediate personal economic freedom, but
the rigid system of landholding continued to tie them as debtors and
tenants to former masters. They continued to pay taxes and furnish ten
per cent of their income to the church, which was enough to bring them
to debt. Vincenc Siller was twenty two when he married sixteen year old
Frantiska of Cermna, near Lanskroun, in 1850. Now he was to take over
the entire farm and care for both the land and aging parents. But the
young couple refused to accept the farm because it was indebted and
would potentially burden them for their entire lives. Instead they left for
Texas, accompanied by relatives and numerous families from the region.
By then, they already had two children, including a six week old infant.-'
As evidenced by memoirs, even the poorest traveled, having borrowed
money from richer neighbors and repaying it by working for the debtors
in America.-"* Texas seemed to promise all that they could never attain at
home.

Sixteen families, totalling seventy-four individuals, left in the very
first group. All planned to emigrate legally with passports.-^ They were
the very poor Protestant laborers of the region; only two had over 1,000
gold pieces needed as the officially required emigration minimum, and
they supported their compatriots who had none. Their landing was noted
by Houston authorities, who published a report about the Lanskroun im-
migrants in the Telegraphs and Texas Register. "Miserably poor immigrants
have recently arrived in Houston destitute of the comforts of life and
suffering from the effects of diarrhea. Several of them died within the
last two weeks . . . They were furnished with provisions and medicine at
the expense of the city, otherwise more would have died . . . They intend
to settle in Austin County . . . Measures should be taken to prevent cap-
tains of the vessels from transporting such wretched persons to our
shores." The survivors formed the North Bremen and New Ulm settle-
ments in Austin County, where they were joined by about thirty families
from the same village of Cermna, near Lanskroun, between 1851 and 1854.^*'

Cemeteries of former communities

During the first two decades of Czech immigration to Texas, only less
than eight hundred arrived, although almost twice as many left the home-
land to go there. Two cases are typical of this experience. Mrs. Marek
reached Texas as a widow. She worked for $3 per month doing house-

192 From Moravia to Texas

work and moved among settlements frequently in search of work, until
she married a German pioneer, Henry Ginzel, himself a widower with
two children, who had already established a farm. Josef Masik, a politi-
cally active leader with twenty-three years of teaching experience in
Bohemia and Moravia, arrived at Galveston along with half of the peas-
ants who originally set out on the journey. The other half, including his
wife, perished on the ship. He lived in Texas with a German family in
exchange for work, as did many other pioneers. Eventually, he rented
twenty five acres, and by 1859 had started a Czech school at Vese/f AVesley^^
in Washington County. ^^

Today's Wesley is its cemetery: ten or so residents live in small houses
in the country, but there is no town to speak of. Yet, already before the
Civil War Wesley was "a thriving commercial center." In 1866, a Breth-
ren church and a store were built for some forty-five families living within
two miles. The church served as a public school in the beginning. Dur-
ing the 1880s, the congregation grew to the point that the church build-
ing was enlarged and the town had several stores, a cotton gin, and a
grain mill. I approached Wesley with particular trepidation. I had known
it from pastor Chlumsky's letter found in the Prague archives. Would I
recognize the church from his drawings? The country was enchanting
and must have appealed to the immigrants when they selected a promi-
nent hill overlooking a spacious prairie as a site of their church and cem-
etery. The Wesley church was tiny and quaint, the cemetery small and
informal in design, marked by Brethren signs of chalice and with bibli-
cal verses quoted in the vernacular with all sorts of misspellings and
even wrong verse identifications. Did the immigrants first see the land
lush green and covered by bluebonnets, as I did? As I closed my eyes, I
heard the preacher's voice and Brethren singing. Mrs. Sulak recalled in
her memoir how she used to walk to Veseli to join the Brethren in singing
when she felt particularly lonely. She was a Catholic, but there was no
Catholic church nearby in the early 1860s that she could attend.

Initially the Czech pioneers were scattered among the other earlier
settlers, depending on availability of work and land for rent or purchase.
Typically, they were without means to buy land in the first years after
arrival, and, just as at home, they were left with renting land, this time
from Americans and Germans. 'Tt was difficult to find work," recalled a
pioneer in his 1943 memoir. "Those who had their slaves needed no labor-
ers. There were almost no agricultural utensils, everything was made of
wood, and the crops were very low."^^ They lived in primitive dwellings:

Eva Eckert

193

The house was a single room without windows, a hole was left in a wall to
enter, there was no floor. Father made roof from bundles of grass and com
stalks, covered holes in between logs and hung a blanket in the door space.
Luckily, mother brought a sufficient amount of covers and clothing from Europe.
In the middle of the room we made fire over which we cooked and baked in a
large metal pot. We had no matches... Those who brought a little mill with
them could grind up com, boil porridge out of it and bake bread. We had no
milk because all cattle was wild. There was plenty of game and father hunted
frequently, which helped in the daily survival.^"

Like Wesley, Dubina was settled by hundreds of families within a few
decades starting in 1856. Today, all that is left of the once prosperous
community of the living is the community of the dead, still increasing in
size as those who once lived in Dubina return home to be buried. "It was
at the end of November," I read in the memoir of Judge Haidusek, who
arrived with his parents and other villagers from Tichn, near Frenstdt, in
1856. "We loaded up two wagons that brought us to an area under live
oak trees on Mr. Holub's land. Heavy rain started. We had no cover ex-
cept oaks over our heads . . . For miles around there were no settlers and
we felt miserable and forsaken. Next day the sun came out very bright
and we got to work ..."^^ The immigrants stayed on the land under the
oaks and named their settlement Duhinn ('Oak land'). Fayetteville (origi-
nally begun in 1833 as a shelter against American Indians and wild ani-

Fig. 13. Abandoned Czech Catholic Union building, Dubina, Texas.

194 From Moravia to Texas

mals) became a shelter for a few Czechs in 1854, evolving within three
decades into a prominent Czech-German community where Czechs made
up the majority of the population.^-^ Hostyn was originally established in
1831 as a Spanish Catholic mission post. It was a German town in the
1830s, but twenty years later the first Czechs joined in and transformed it
into a stronghold of Texas Czech Catholics.''^

When I arrived at Dubina I had a sense of entering the past. The road
passed by "Jerry Shimek's Place," a small structure that looked like an
old car service station or a country store, the abandoned building of
"K.J.T. Dubina" [Czech Catholic Union] (Fig. 13), and eventually brought
me in front of a large church. Next to it stood a shabby hut of stone, once
supposedly the priest's dwelling, two toilet booths with bilingual signs
for both genders, and finally a large cemetery. I passed through the mod-
ern section into the old one, shielded by the branches of ancient crooked
oaks covered with moss. Parts of the cemetery were overgrown with grass
and other vegetation, obviously not visited for years (Fig. 14). As I started
taking photographs, fascinated by the diversity of stones and texts, I
surprised a couple in their forties standing over an old grave in silence.
They knew little about the particular relative buried there but happily
exchanged a few formulaic phrases with me in Czech and filled me in on
the past. Dubina, I learned, once had several stores, gins, and pubs, and
was in every respect a booming community. In 1877, six hundred Czech
families lived there and the community had its church, with a parochial
as well as a public school. By 1900 the town had expanded to the point
where there was even a zoo.^'* A fire destroyed Dubina in 1912: it never
recovered and most of its settlers left the area. Today, all that is left is the
church and the cemetery.

While taking photographs in Texas cemeteries on Easter and All Souls
Day I met other descendants of the pioneers at the graves as well. They
shared their memories of aging parents who lost the sense of the Ameri-
can reality as they grew old and returned to the Czech world of their
youth. "Stafenka 'grandmother' became like a baby and now she is gone,"
one said. "I wish I could have understood all her stories." They told me
that the prairie was once dotted with Czech stores and gins and that the
Czechs adapted c^uickly to the new land. At first, they hunted for meat
to survive, established primitive shelters shared by several families, rented
a few acres from luckier neighbors, and sent their children to work for
others while they turned the prairie into fields. And then, in a predict-
able order, they built a church, a cemetery, and a school to make the

Eva Eckert

195

community complete. When the Czechs first settled in various regions
of central Texas they endowed their settlements with names that still
today bring up distinctly Czech historical and geographical associations:
Hostyn, after a hill and village in Moravia known for the miracle of the
Virgin Mary's apparition; Prnhn, after the capital of the Czech Lands and
the symbol of the Czech nation; Velehrad, after the site of the 863 A.D.
mission from Byzantium; Komensky, after the 17th century philosopher
of that name; Roznov, after the town under the hill of Rndhosf in the Beskid
mountains; Bild Horn, after the 1620 battle of that name; Novy Tabor, after
the bastion of radical Hussites in south Bohemia. When they joined ear-
lier German immigrants in Fayetteville, Frelsburg, Shiner, and Ellinger,
they typically outnumbered or matched the original population within a
few decades. But that was a long time ago, the descendants stressed.
Once prospereous, Czech rural settlements today represent no more than
a dot on the map linked to a cemetery.

Many pioneers died in the march from Galveston inland, and the
sites of their burials are long forgotten. A pioneer recalled, "It happened
so that Mares died on the way and so they dug up a hole, laid him in it.

Fig. 14. Overgrown section of Dubina Cemetery,
shielded by tall oaks.

196

From Moravia to Texas

covered him with ground and went on."^^ But laying out a cemetery was
one of the earHest priorities of the newly organized congregations; it
entailed claiming a possession in the land and creating a new homeland.

'•^^.s^.,-

Fig. 15. Tombstone displaying kinship relations or origin.

Eva Eckert 197

Burying one's parents there was not only part of the traditional ancestor
veneration but also of the intention to stay and to belong.^^ By having a
piece of land where one's ancestors were buried one could enter into
local history. The land that contained bones of their departed contained
also roots of the community. Veneration of land and nature characteristic
of the Czech vernacular culture was reflected also in immigrants'
attachment to the land as a valued ownership. They lived off the land;
once purchased, it stayed in the family (additional acreage was often
acquired cheaply in undeveloped blackland regions as long as a tendency
to found a Czech settlement became apparent).

The tombstones (e.g.. Fig. 15) that Czech immigrants raised on the
land memorialized their relatives through data about their origin, re-
corded often with obsessive precision ("Born in Cermna near Lanskroun
in Bohemia, Austria, Europe"). The data were embellished by details clari-
fying the community linkage, family kinship ("Marie Horak, wife of Josef
Novak, born as Zamykalova, first wife of Jan Simecek"), time of arrival
and number of years spent in America ("Born on 29 March, 1867, ar-
rived to America in April 1887 and died in Dubina July 15, 1910"). The
texts traced family interrelationships and community networks, and were
selected and carved with the awareness that community members would
read them in the future; thus, they became critical in creating commu-
nity memory. The cemetery became the place to reaffirm one's identity
and a museum where the second and third generations could reconnect
with their ancestry. Abundant language on the stones contains memo-
ries meant to outlive the deceased individuals and become permanent
records. The cemeteries were the sites of ceremonial visitation on sev-
eral holidays during the year, in particular on All Souls Day in Novem-
ber, when entire families would arrive to remember the deceased, show
children where the departed lay, and narrate stories about their deeds.

The earliest marked graves with inscriptions appeared when the first
communities were established in the 1860s. The Wesley Moravian Breth-
ren congregation, the oldest Brethren congregation in the state, was or-
ganized in 1864 and its first church built in 1866; the earliest death date
carved on a tombstone is 1870. The Ross Prairie Brethren congregation
was founded in 1870, its church and cemetery established that same year,
which coincides with the earliest death date engraved upon a stone. The
first Fayetteville Catholic church was dedicated in 1872, the same year
that the first person was buried in its cemetery. ^^ St. Mary's in Praha is
one of the oldest Catholic parishes in the state. The pattern of tombstone

198 From Moravia to Texas

inscriptions in the cemetery reflects the arrival and eventual dominance
of Czechs in the parish. The earliest preserved stones remember the lives
of Anglo-Texans at Mulberry [earlier name for the settlement] and bear
English inscriptions. The first Czech inscription is dated 1869, but the
first Czech burial at the cemetery actually took place in 1866 when forty-
nine year old Marie Gallia died.^*^ By the 1880s, the majority of the in-
scriptions were in Czech, something which was true still in the 1940s.^'*

Messages from the dead

In reading the graveyard messages one senses the gains and losses
that the immigrants experienced. They often had to leave behind their
parents and were severed from the support of family and village, as well
as the ties of language and traditions. Separation was particularly diffi-
cult for lonely and aging parents who knew that never again would they
see their children. A Moravian mother wrote to her children in Texas:

I inform you that we received the two pictures and I was so glad that you
thought of me because I longed to see you. So now my wish came true. I'm so
pleased that you have such big and healthy children, they will be of good
help to you; you could never keep them in such an order here. We welcomed
you back having your pictures. I cried from joy when I was looking at you
and you at me . . . P.S. The postcard that we sent you some time ago came
back and so we're sending it to you again now.*"

Communication with home was slow and unreliable. Most emigrants
died without ever seeing their loved ones again. The cemetery assumed
the role of a public chronicle and was maintained by successive genera-
tions that can be traced through the tombstones. Tombstone inscriptions
fi.mctioned as both public and private texts at the same time: they were
displayed, shared, and accessible to all; but they were also personal ex-
pressions of individual grief. The texts communicated in three different
ways: the bereaved announced a relative's departure to the community
('Here rests in the Lord O.M. born . . . and died . . . Let's wish her eternal
rest in her ashes' [1888]); they addressed the deceased in a final good-
bye ('Rest always sweetly and in peace. Your father and mother always
remember you' [1927]); and the deceased admonished grieving relatives
and the community, reminding them of everyone's mortality ('The High-
est Lord called me up so that I intercede for you' [undated but pre-1900]).^^
Authorship of tombstone texts and designs was communal. The bereaved
chose the text and imagery, perhaps in consultation with the dying fam-
ily member, pastor, and friends. The engraver took deliberate steps in

Eva Eckert 199

making final modifications in the text and arrangement. With each death,
the pioneers mourned not only the departure of a dear soul but also a
link to the home that was irrevocably lost. They promised in the stone
never to forget the departed, expressed a hope that the foreign soil was
going to give them easy rest, and found consolation in a heavenly re-
union with them. The inscriptions ended in sad good-byes of the be-
reaved - "My darling, be well up there" - resembling vernacular greetings
used in the community and adding a refreshing tone to the language of
death.

Distinctive elements of the Texas Czech graveyard incorporate diver-
sified language and material culture, and, despite the polished artistry
of some, most early tombstones carry the imprints of vernacular pro-
duction. Initially, inscriptions were cast into soft gravestones'*- and the
text laid out in all sorts of arrangements and types of lettering, as de-
signed by the bereaved. Each stone was idiosyncratic in its design of text
and decoration. Some included crude lettering, casually drawn lines,
words running over lines, and text lacking any order and form. Occa-
sional aesthetic mismatching of the orderly gravestone and disorderly
language is striking.

Messages on early gravestones tend to be memorable and idiosyn-
cratic. In 1912, a husband wrote on the stone for his deceased wife: "Sleep
sweetly my dear wife and our darling. Have peace at your grave and
think of us in the kingdom of stars. Be with the Lord God my sweet
darling. Good-bye until we meet where nothing will ever separate us."
Others engraved what was weighing on their heart. Many gravestones
reveal despair and poverty. A metal plate on one contains the names and
birth and death dates of four children who died within a short time span
in one family. It looks more like a catalogue entry than a tombstone text.
The writing is crowded and leaves no room for an additional name.
Crooked lines separate the text into four columns. The impact is grim.
More standardized stones of marble and granite often prevent such an
emotional effect: they do not reveal material status or pain, and carry
the message of death through static prescribed formulae.

Acculturation

Gravestones point to the pioneers' historical identity and ethnicity,
and suggest how the immigrants negotiated their identity in emigration:
they mark the extent of contacts with the American world, as well as the
speed of immigrant adaptation and abandonment of community. Being

200 From Moravia to Texas

Czech, I could glean the acculturation pattern from the tombstones and
began in my mind to attach footnotes to the stones about religious faith,
vernacular concerns, geographical origin, generation, and degree of con-
tact with English. To most visitors these tombstones were inaccessible
and begged explanation. But one thing was apparent beyond any doubt
even to those who could not read Czech: the language was inscribed
everywhere, and the cemetery was the product of a community of liter-
ate believers who held onto their identity for an unusually long time
period.

Czech cemeteries in central Texas followed the life cycle of the com-
munities that established them. Inscriptions display stages of commu-
nity acculturation through patterns of language usage, the initial
functional separation of English and Czech as well as the eventual shift
into English. Czech was imprinted everywhere and did not seem to re-
cede or mix with English until after World War II. Even the fourth gen-
eration continued to dot their English texts with Czech identity symbols.
What was the community like that it imparted such a lasting ethnic at-
tachment? In the modern houses spread at some distance from the cem-
etery, and considerable distances from one another, there was nobody to
ask. If the locals knew of Texas Czechs who once lived in the area, they
referred to them as to a culture gone a long time ago. I could not help but
wonder about the speed of change that obliterated traces of the past. For
how long will the cemeteries last as the cultural vestiges?

The actual community maintenance was affected by various factors,
both prior to the actual emigration and in the emigration itself. Its seeds
were the emigrants' literacy, and their high level of ethnic, cultural, and
language awareness. The factors defining the Texas Czech community
were several: the homogeneity of the Czech immigrant group; the heavy
flow of immigrants into central Texas after the Civil War; the self-suffi-
ciency and relative isolation of the immigrant farming communities; the
ethnically defined social networks within the communities; and the pres-
ence of leaders who contributed to the organized and planned emigra-
tion, and shaped the immigrants' new Texan identity. During the period
prior to World War I the communities were being continually settled
and immigration to them was increasing every year. Original settlements
were rejuvenated through the homeland contacts, and new immigrants
dispersed into settlements established in the neighborhood. The pre-WWI
period constituted the peak years of the community, when cultivation of
homeland ties and affirmation of Czech roots happened naturally as an

Eva Eckert 201

ongoing process. The communities needed to exert no special effort to
maintain themselves. They also did not seek to integrate into the Anglo-
American culture, and mutual relations of Americans and Czechs were
rather distant. The situation changed drastically after WWI, when con-
tacts with the immigrant homeland decreased: immigration into Texas
declined after the declaration of Czechoslovakia's independence in 1918,
and immigration quotas were imposed by the U.S. Congress in 1924.
These events in effect severed the community from the homeland. After
WWII, the community became affected by a myriad of changes on sev-
eral fronts. The farming countryside changed forever when small farms
vanished due to a massive restructuring of agricultural production. Fur-
ther, the war dispersed the population: after the conflict, some returned
to the cities rather than to their hometowns while others did not return
at all. The changes in America were compounded by post-WWII devel-
opments in Czechoslovakia. Institution of the communist regime in 1948
sealed off the American settlements for forty years to come. Descendants
of pioneers who wanted to visit their Czech relatives and see the villages
from which their parents emigrated never received a Czech visa, and letters
they wrote home got "lost." Conversely, maintenance of contacts with
Texas relatives was politically dangerous for those in Czechoslovakia.

The cemeteries reflect these historical changes. The stones provide a
measure of continuity in the community, and also show through the con-
tent and culture of messages how the immigrants of the second and third
generations changed their identity. The most striking change in interwar
inscriptions was a shift away from an idiosyncratic text to its arrange-
ment into two columns with parallel data on deceased parents, i.e. kin-
ship, names, dates and epitaph, representing adoption of an American
cultural pattern that initially did not affect the language per se. When
used in the pre- WWII inscriptions, the American layout was filled with
Czech content, but in the post-war period this shifted to English. Al-
ready in the interwar years, tombstones began to display anglicizing fea-
tures, mixing in English through borrowings and grammar patterns, and
code-switching between Czech and English dates and epitaphs on the
stone (see Fig. 16). This usage indicated that both languages were now
present in the community through increasing contacts with the Anglo
world. Czech was the language of the immigrants' homeland used for
self-identification, and English the language through which the immi-
grants began to negotiate their American identity from "Czechs in Texas,"
to "Texas Czechs," and finally to "Americans." Tombstone inscriptions

202

From Moravia to Texas

(and also minutes of KJT meetings, readers' letters to the press, and per-
sonal notes) illustrate the colorful language that the immigrants brought

•fca^SSi--^

MOTHER

MARIE VYCHOPEN
8. 24, 1855
2. \G. 1941

RUZEVADNF, 7.MiRA LlLUi
NFSMPT}-1.NY KViil VSAK MA
VYSOSTl-CH NIKDY NI'/^UYNI

Fig. 16. Mixed language tombstone text.

Eva Eckert 203

with them originally from home, its gradual convergence to English in
selected patterns, and a subsequent full shift to English.

After WWII, the Czech language in Texas became a hybrid marked
by English borrowings and grammatical patterns. Its outside source dried
up: no new immigrants were arriving who would refresh its vocabulary
and remind users of the homeland sounds. Only a few listened to the old
voices of priests, teachers, and press editors. The language became com-
pressed into a monotonous style with a rusty tone. It lived through self-
perpetuating rituals of song, prayer, and cemetery phraseology of those
who once spoke Czech daily in the community. However, though the
language has been dying with its original speakers, ethnicity has lin-
gered on for decades. ^'' Tombstones of the post-WWII period seem to
echo language rituals lingering on in those who used to hear their elders
speak Czech. One usually remembers greetings, sayings, a few distinc-
tive vocabulary items when everything else escapes the memory. After
WWII, initial variation of names, greetings, and epitaphs of diverse spell-
ings and dialects were streamlined and reduced to a few patterns re-
peated throughout Czech Texas. Most gravestones indicate joint mother/
father burials. Rare are the graves of individuals, young people, or chil-
dren nowadays because after WWII the young departed for the city. The
cemetery had ceased to be an integral part of a community.

In the years following World War II many rural communities van-
ished. By 1982 Moravian Hranice, in Lee County, was a dispersed rural
community marked by two cemeteries and a few scattered buildings.
Even earlier - by 1950 - most land in the area of the Moravian commu-
nity of Vsetin in Lavaca County, settled in the 1880s, had reverted to
pasture due to a decline in cotton production. Today the former commu-
nity continues to be marked by a church and it's two cemeteries.^ The
story of post-WWII decline and abandonment repeats in community af-
ter community. Gravemarkers that have appeared in cemeteries since
then were placed by descendants living removed from the original com-
munity. Their choice of an inscription for their parents' tombstone was
determined by the parents' desire, the descendant's perception of their
identity, and their capacity to write in Czech. Although the link to the
community was broken, the respect for parents remained, as evident in
the choice of the Czech language marking parents' identity. But the Czech
used was formulaic and revealed nothing about the actual capacity to
speak the language (see Fig. 17).

204

From Moravia to Texas

Stones upon the prairie

Searching through these old cemeteries I relished every tombstone,
gently moving plants and rubbing off dirt to read the text. The modern
ones irritated me. They disclosed little basic data, and this in large clearly
legible letters; all was in the open and monotonous (Fig. 18). Even in the
graveyard, the Czechs did what the time demanded; they accommodated
the majority and ceased to be different. Modern communal cemeteries
obliterated distinctive elements of ethnic traditions reflected in the older
graveyards:"*^ in modern sections of the Czech cemeteries photos, per-
sonal greetings of the bereaved, various personal identification of the
deceased, biblical verses, vernacular terminology, dialectisms, mistakes
and misspellings ... all that vanished. Cultural homogenization into an
American prototype took away the choices of individuals.^*' It replaced
lavender and rosebushes with commercially produced plastic flowers.
Informal messages on stones of various sizes, shapes, and materials
yielded to formal language and content on the newer, more expensive
granite stones.

Fig. 17. The 1949 Riha tombstone was placed by children of the

deceased parents. All the data are formulaic and abbreviated to a

minimum. But the authors' intention was to write in Czech.

Eva Eckert

205

Today, Texas Czech cemeteries are no longer surrounded by immi-
grant settlements; ongoing, vibrant relationship between the commu-
nity and cemetery, commonplace in the homeland, is gone forever. Texas
Czech cemeteries became stones on the prairie and memorials to the
past; those in the Czech Republic, on the other hand, are part of the
present life of villages and towns. Ties of the community to the cemetery
containing the bones of those who belonged to the community have never
been severed there, and descendants continue to arrive several times a
year and add creative touches even to mass produced tombstones. Uni-
formity of gravestones has not reached the degree that it attained in
America. In the homeland, the cemetery remains a place where people
visit and where flowers bloom according to the season (see Fig. 19). In
Texas, the cemetery is a site of memorials where only old couples get
buried nowadays, those who outlived the Texas Czech community that
dissipated half a century ago.'*''

Churches and cemeteries were the first visual elements to define Texas
Czech settlements when established; today, they are their remains. Church
steeples continue to guide travelers to the sites that were once vibrant

Fig. 18. Modern Texas Czech gravestones
displaying general uniformity.

206

From Moravia to Texas

with Czech ethnic culture. Texas Czechs hved and died, but their
gravemarkers stand to tell their story and to document their identity. As
one walks today among gravestones with inscriptions from the 1970s
and later containing staccato English messages that repeat from stone to
stone, Czech identity of the dead stands out in signs of names, marks
above letters, and isolated words, documenting that the Czech language
did not "fade away neatly."^^ Despite a sharp decline in Czech tomb-
stone writing in the last three decades, when Czech inscriptions have
become an exception rather than a rule, the inscriptions reflect descen-
dants' loyalty to their Czech roots. Inscribing tombstones turned into an
act of Czech identity, and the inscription became a metaphor of the physi-
cal interment.

As I kept returning to Texas, traveling throughout the Czech settle-
ment areas and collecting tombstone inscriptions, the distant Texas past
of these immigrants became near and familiar. Old-timers' stories enliv-
ened Texas Czech history that began to seem as recent as yesterday. Con-
tinuity emerged when I talked to grandsons who spoke with love of their

M '

Jan

Kafka

r «<rr09

Fig. 19, A typical contemporary homeland cemetery.

Eva Eckert

207

Fig. 20. An immigrant stone upon the prairie.

208 From Moravia to Texas

grandfathers' adventures and related their stories of childhood in Texas
Czech communities. Two eighty-year old sisters living in Fayetteville in
the house where they were born asserted that their town has changed
little since they were growing up. They remembered who built which
house and to whom it successively belonged. The sisters and others who
defended the old ways of living associated with the Texas Czech com-
munity were themselves also as those stones upon the prairie (Fig. 20)
preserving the collective memory. As I listened to them I pictured their
ancestors as they sang, danced, picked cotton, and prayed. Their stories
rendered the Texas Czechs, whom I had already known from my tomb-
stones, alive, and a fading past became part of the present.

NOTES

All photos are by the author, with the exception of Fig. 2. The map in Fig. 9 is from Robert
Janak, Geographic Origins of Czech Texmis (Halletsville, TX, 1985).

1. Descendants of Czechs and Moravians who immigrated to Texas are known today as
Texas Czechs. Many are, however, aware, of their distinct ethnographic origins, as de-
fined by geographical, historical, and ethic boundaries. The label Texas Czechs is used in
scholarly literature today to encompass both groups.

2. For a comparison with German Texas cemeteries, see Terry Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A
Cultural Legacy (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1982), p. 97.

3. This sort of description is characteristic of various stories that appeared in the calendar
Amerikdn, published in Chicago and distributed from the 1870s throughout the 1950s in
the U.S. It seems to have entered the narratives of many pioneers. For instance, see a
story called "Kfovdci" in Amerikdn 9 (1886): 102-109.

4. Cf. Rev. V.A. Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas (Waco,
TX, 1974) and History of St. Mary's Parish at Praha, Texas, 1995, The Schulenburg Sticker,
Schulenburg, Texas [collection of memoirs of Moravian settlers of Praha, as narrated by
their descendants and compiled by church parishioners].

5. The pioneers attented a church at Hallettsville before the Praha church was built.

6. Fayette County, Texas Heritage (Fayetteville, TX: Curtis Media, Inc., 1996), 78.

7. Praha remains attractive still today thanks to its annual feast day reunions on the day of
Virgin Mary Apparition in August that continues to be celebrated by Czech gatherings
and masses.

8. L.W. Dongres, an American journalist who lived among Texas Czechs, estimated that as
many as 80 percent of all Czechs and Moravians in Texas were Roman Catholics. See also
A.J. Morkovsky, "The Church and the Czechs in Texas," in The Czechs in Texas, ed. Clinton

Eva Eckert 209

Machann (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1978): 88-95. Tombstone
counts of homeland placenames confirm this majority.

9. The burning at the stake of Hus and Hieronymus of Prague in 1415-16 for their adher-
ence to the Bible and request for Church reform ignited a powerful social response that
resonated throughout the centuries, but which also devastated both the countryside and
church architecture.

10. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legaci/, p. 97 on children sections at German
cemeteries.

11. As evaluated by American historian F. Lotto: Fai/ette County. Her History and Her People
(La Grange, TX: Sticker Stem Press, 1902).

12. Katefina Herrmann's letter from 1851, in Naprstek Museum Archives, Prague, Czech
Republic.

13. On the settlers' trauma when faced with a radically different countryside than the one to
which they were accustomed and which has been culturally shaped for many centuries,
see David Murphy, "Podstatne rysy ceskoamericke krajiny" [Basic features of Czech-
American countryside], Cesky lid 85: 1 (1998): 35-47.

14. For comments on the use of photographs in German cemeteries as well, see Jordan, Texas
Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 116.

15. Robert Janak, 1991, "Czech Texas and Texas Czechs," Stirpes 31, (1991): 106-119. In two
other works - Geographic Origin of Czech Texans (Halletsville, TX, 1985) and Old Bohe-
mian Tombstones (Hallettsville, TX, 1987) -Janak has also demonstrated through data
compiled from tombstone inscriptions that some 80% of the Czech immigration to Texas
originated in northeastern Moravia. This figure is corroborated by official statistics of
emigration petitions and population counts as well as genealogists and arcliivists research-
ing the history of individual families.

16. For an interpretation of the cemetery location, see Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural
Legacy, 33.

17. Drahomir Strnadel, Emigration to Texas from the Mistek District (Victoria, TX: Czech Heri-
tage Society, 1996), 17.

18. From the Lichnov chronicle, quoted in Josef Simicek, ed., 700 let Lichnova 1293-1993 [700
years of Lichnov] (Lichnov, Czech Republic: District office of Lichnov, 1993).

19. The report is analyzed in Vyst ehovalectvi z okresu Vsetin 1853-80 [Emigration from the
Vsetin district in 1853-80], 1987, in the Museum of Lichnov, Czech Republic, unpublished.

20. From memoirs published in the immigrant newspaper Si'oboda, 1950 (El Campo). After
WWII, many memoirs were published in the immigrant press in an attempt to rekindle
the past for the sake of the old settlers and that of the youth who had begun to depart
from the community.

210 From Moravia to Texas

21. Quoted in Strnadel, Emigration to Texas from the Mistek District (unpaginated).

22. See Derek Sayer, On the Coasts of Bohemia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
1998), p. 66. Labor services were regulated and significantly lightened by Joseph II's
Robota Patent of 1775, whereby peasants were emancipated from serfdom but still bonded
to nobles' estates. In remote regions, however, labor was often enforced throughout the
1850s.

23. Svoboda, 11 February 1943.

24. See, for instance, "Tiny Town Tells of Czech Heritage," Houston Chronicle (27 October,
1980), 3; see also History of St. Mary's Parish at Praha, Texas and other primary sources
from the areas of Czech settlement in Texas.

25. A total of 115 persons originally applied for passports and received them after many
weeks of anticipation, but over thirty decided not to leave after all. See Frantisek Silar,
"The First Nepomuky and Cermna Emigrants in Texas," Hos;wrffl/(January, 1967).

26. See Frantisek Kutnar, "Dopisy ceskych vystehovalcu z padesatych let 19. stoleti ze zamofi
do vlasti" [Letters of Czech emigrants from the 1850s from overseas], in Zaciatky ceskej a
slovenskej emigrdcie [Beginnings of Czech and Slovak emigration], ed. Josef Polisensky
(Bratislava, Czech Republic: Slovenska academia vied, 1970), 211-306.

27. The name of Veseli was anglicized as Wesley in 1866 when it established its own post
office. The English name was perhaps a play on words recalling the English church re-
former as well as a way to accommodate English spelling. The original building still
stands next to a new church built in 1962.

28. Masik's life story was initially recorded by his daughter in 1887 for Amerikdn, in remem-
brance of his death in 1881.

29. St'O^orfr?, 11 February 1943.

30. Ibid.

31. Quoted in Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas, p. 45.

32. The settlement served as a stage coach station on the Old San Felipe Trail that connected
San Felipe and Bastrop, and it attracted heavy German immigration in the 1830s. Origi-
nally settled by these Germans, the first Czechs began living there in 1854. In 1890,
Fayetteville had over 200 families, two hotels, a general store operated by Czechs, and a
doctor who lived in town. 220 Catholic Moravian families were counted in 1904. It was
a center of commerce for cotton growers, cattlemen, and egg farmers, with the towns of
Industry, Ellinger, Columbus, Ammannsville, Ross Prairie, and Nelsonville within easy
traveling distance.

33. Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Ceciwv americkych (St. Louis, MO: Hlas, 1904). Hostyn's Catholic
school was founded in 1868, a theater and reading clubs a few years later, and a first
Czech Mutual Society in 1877. A permanent local pastor arrived in 1884 from Moravia.
In 1939, 115 families lived in Hostyn and the parish had 512 believers.

Eva Eckert 211

34. See The Czech Texans (San Antonio, TX: Institute of Texan Culttires, 1972), 8.

35. From a description of a journey from the port of Galveston in 1853, Svoboda, 1 1 February
1943.

36. Czechs never adopted the custom, then so prevalent in America among the other groups,
of burying the dead on the edges of their farmland in unsanctified ground. Cf . Jordan,
Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, for a description of German folk cemeteries in New
Braunfels and isolated family cemeteries in the Hill Country corroborating adoption of
the American custom.

37. Janak, Old Bohemian Tombstones, 3.

38. Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas, 148.

39. janak. Old Bohemian Tombstones, 3.

40. A private letter dated 1884 and sent from Valasske Klobuky in Moravia to Texas.

41. Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 117-118.

42. Limestone and sandstone were used in domestic production, and from the 1900s also
cement. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, passim.

43. "A language may be lost but such loss does not mean inevitably that the group that used
it has lost its identity, although such loss of identity often does follow" : Ronald Wardhaugh,
Sociolinguistics, 3rd ed. (Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, Inc., 1998), 20.

44. See Sean N. Gallup, Journeys into Czech-Moravian Texas (College Station, TX: Texas A&M
University Press, 1996), 127-128 for a chart of existing Czech communities, marked at
least by a physical vestige such as a church or cemetery. Only communities with Czechs
names are, however, included in the chart.

45. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 49-50, on the arrival of commercial mark-
ers in Texas cemeteries.

46. Ibid.,7.

47. Ibid., 100. Originally every burial constituted a separate entity. Although family burial
lots never materialized, 90% of post- WWII stones comprise gravestones that include both
parents.

48. As Jean Aitchison comments, "Language death is messy": Language Change: Progress or
Decay?, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 208.

212

Key West Cemetery

Pen and watercolor drawing of Key West Cemetery, ca. 1947.

213

KEY WEST CEMETERY

Kenneth Pobo

Sun on stone,
humid names drip.
Flowers. Memory
needs a bouquet,
a place to rest.

We walk slowly past
these bodies,
take our time.

The sea is kinder,

covers bones

with coral and sand.

Our salt veins

flow back under flns,

turtle shells,

pulsing anemones,

but among graves,
grief has an address:
a mother, a father,
a lover,

less than photographs,
a few stories told
which can't be proven,
like faith or love.

We listen for a voice

that cannot speak,

grow more aware

of breath. The cemetery,

a community.

Stars petal the ground

with light.

214

The Rule Family

Fig. 1. Mary Creighton gravestone.
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, New York.

215

THE RULE FAMILY: VERMONT GRAVESTONE CARVERS
AND MARBLE DEALERS

Ann M. Cathcart

In 1802, Henry Rule, Sr., his wife. Christian Stuart Rule, and their
children, Agnes, 11, John, 8, Henry, 5, and Robert, 2, left Scotland for
America. They settled in Bennington County, Vermont, where a son,
James, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary, were born (see Appen-
dix I).^ The father, Henry, had been a teacher in Scotland. In Vermont, in
the village of Sunderland, he became a farmer.' In an application dated
14 August 1812, Henry Rule, Sr. applied for U.S. citizenship. He said, "I
am a common laborer ... I have resided in the United States of America
about term [sic] years . . . and have never maid [sic] an application to any
other Courts of the United States to become a citizen ..."^

Young Henry and his brother James would eventually become stone-
cutters and marble dealers, taking advantage of the locally quarried
marble found in their Bennington County neighborhood, specifically in
the villages of Sunderland and Arlington, Vermont. It is not known where
or how Henry and James learned to carve gravemarkers. The 18th cen-
tury gravestone carver, Samuel Dwight, lived in Arlington^ and Sunder-
land,^ and perhaps they had contact with him and his work as they were
growing up. Samuel Dwight, on occasion, signed his work as "S. Dwight,
Sc": it is interesting to note that Henry and James Rule also used this
same designation (i.e., "Sc") on gravestones which they signed. While
Samuel Dwight may have taught the Rules techniques for carving marble,
they did not copy or develop his folk art style for gravemarkers. As we
shall see, the Rules carved the neo-classical willow-and-um designs which
became a widely used style in the early nineteenth century.

Agnes Rule, older sister of Henry and James, married Ethan Stone c.
1813, and moved to Arlington, where Ethan also became a stonecutter
and marble dealer. The Vermont Gazette in 1831 published a list of stone-
cutters in the Bennington County, Vermont, area: included on this list
were the names James Rule, M. McKee, and E. Stone.^

Henry Rule was married 20 September 1834 to Mary Canfield of Ar-
lington.^ Mary was a descendant of early settlers of Arlington, and her
uncle, Nathan Canfield, Jr., owned a marble cutting mill in Arlington
where Henry worked. Most of the marble came from quarries near the

216 The Rule Family

Battenkill River, at the point where it flows through Arlington.^ Ethan
Stone purchased a quarry in this area from Moses McKee in 1833.^

As early as 28 September 1825, James Rule had journeyed to Brockport,
New York, where he was attempting to establish a business for grave-
stones. He wrote to his brother Henry from Brockport, saying, "As for
our sales they are not rapped [sic], but sell to a great proffet [sic] at two
dollars per foot besides lettering. We have sold $90.74 worth and have
engagements for as many more."^°

The McKees of Arlington were also a family of carvers and marble
dealers. Aaron McKee and his brother Moses" owned a quarry in Ar-
lington.^^ A nephew of Aaron and Moses, Samuel McKee, taught school
in Arlington for two years. The younger McKees, Samuel and his brother
James, and Henry and James Rule were friends who spent a good bit of
time together. Samuel McKee moved to Herkimer County, New York,
where he settled in Winfield. In a diary entry dated 29 March 1826, Samuel
wrote that he "... talked with Henry Rule about a hand to work for me.
H. thought his brother would come. He agreed to see him and write me
word; talked with him about stone he is to furnish me with some from
Canfield's quarry if I wish." In April 1827, Samuel wrote in his diary, "...
wrote a letter to M[oses] M[cKee] to have James Rule come on & M.M. to
send about 80 ft. of slabs &c." James Rule made the trip to Winfield,
where he worked on McKee's farm and helped in the marble business:
"... Rule this week cut 116 letters finished curtains cut a willow urn &
oval ..." Apparently the arrangement suited both parties, for on 19
March 1828, Samuel wrote, "... rec'd a letter ... from Jas. Rule ... inform-
ing me he would work for me the ensuing season ...", and on 24 Mar
1828, "... wrote a letter to James Rule directing him to come on the first
of May."^"* Samuel McKee took farm products from Winfield to Albany,
New York, then continued to Arlington and loaded his wagon with
marble, which he took back to Herkimer County to sell.^^

From Winfield, Herkimer County, New York, James wrote in 1828 to
Henry in Arlington: "Saw a gentleman on my way here who was in want
of two pare [sic] of grave stones 6 ft by 1 ft 8 carved with willows and urn
ovals and grape vines. . . . Offered me forty Dollars cash in the Fall for
them . . . wish you to consult with Ethan [Stone] on it and let me know
the least it can be don [sic] for."^^ Later that same year, James, from Spring-
field, New York, wrote to "Henry Rule or Ethan Stone, Arlington. Dear
Brother — I will send you the inscription for the two set of gravestones.
One set are to be worth thirty dollars finished and delivered at the Springs,

Ann M. Cathcart

217

and the other set to be worth twenty dollars finished in good stile [sic],
the Cash is ready on the Delivery. . . . Please forward a ... stone imediately
[sic] pay the transportation and forward a bill of the whole and the money
shall be ready when you come to finish the gravestone . . . both sets are to
be worth fifty dollars including carving them ..."^^

As mentioned earlier, both Henry and James Rule carved gravestones,
and many signed examples of their work can be found today (see Ap-
pendix II). For example, a gravestone signed by James Rule may be seen
in Old Hebron Cemetery, Chamberlain Mills Road (north side), Hebron,
New York (Figs. 1 and 2). This stone marks the grave of Mary Creighton,
who died 17 September 1820. It is not as elaborate as the Thomas Law
marker carved by Henry Rule (to be discussed shortly), but it follows the
same general pattern which features an urn with flame and a willow
tree. The stone for Thomas Creighton, husband of Mary, is virtually iden-
tical to the the Mary Creighton stone, but is not signed. Both Salem and
Hebron are located just west of the boundary between Vermont and New
York, and are very close to Arlington, Vermont. A stone signed "H. Rule,
Sc." for a man named Thomas Law, who died 4 March 1830, is located in

Fig. 2. James Rule signature on Mary Creighton gravestone.
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, New York.

218

The Rule Family

Fig. 3. Thomas Law gravestone.
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, New York.

Ann M. Cathcart

219

the Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, Washington County, New York (Figs.
2 and 3). The marker is leaning against another gravestone, but other-
wise appears to be in good condition. Its design includes a willow tree
with visible roots and an urn with a flame coming from the top. The top
portion of the stone is curved with a small rosette on each side, and the
borders are rather ornate columns. The name and death date are carved
upon a raised oval, which is surrounded with leaves. There is a bow at
the top of the oval, and another at the bottom.

In Cayuga County, New York, in the towns of King Ferry, Genoa, and
Venice Center, there are a number of other stones carved and signed by
Henry Rule. The recurring motifs are a willow and urn, sometimes sur-
rounded with leaves or vines. The willows almost always shows roots,
and the letters are carved both neatly and consistently and are evenly
spaced. In the West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York, there are
three gravemarkers located close together, each signed by Henry Rule
(see Fig. 5). The largest is an obelisk marking the graves of Roswell and
Pamela Franklin (died February and March, 1843, respectively), and it is
signed "H. Rule, Vt." (Fig. 6). A plain tablet marker for Lewis Toan, Esq.

Fig. 4. Henry Rule signature on Thomas Law gravestone.
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, New York.

220

The Rule Family

Fig. 5. Three gravemarkers, each signed by Henry Rule.
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York.

Ann M. Cathcart

221

Fig. 6. Detail of Roswell and Pamela Franklin obelisk.
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York.

222

The Rule Family

■sm-'^ •'W€VS'

IJrrrr^i .:^/j^

Fig. 7. Lewis Toan gravestone. West Genoa Cemetery,
King Ferry, New York.

Ann M. Cathcart

223

Fig. 8. Betsey Toan gravestone. West Genoa Cemetery,
King Ferry, New York.

224 The Rule Family

(died 1842) is signed "H.Rule" (Fig. 7), while the third stone in this group,
that for Betsey, wife of Lewis Toan (died 1833), is signed "H. Rule, Sculpt."
(Fig. 8). Betsey's marker is considerably more elaborate than that for her
husband, featuring a curved top, a willow with visible roots, an urn with
flame, and rosettes at the edge of the tympanum. The differences in these
three markers illustrates the variety of Henry Rule's work.

On 22 November 1829, Ethan Stone wrote in a letter to Henry Rule, in
Geneva, New York that he had a "... pretty hard summer's work. I have
sold more than two hundred dollars worth of stone . . . besides my other
work." In the same letter, he noted, "... James wrote to me to have a
stone sent to him ... It is not probable that it can be sent this fall so that
he can get it up the [presumably Erie] canal. "^^ An example of Ethan's
work is the gravestone for Rebekah Deming, died 1816, in St. James'
Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington, Vermont, bearing the signature
"Wrought by Ethan Stone" (Fig. 9). This marker displays a willow tree,
an urn, rosettes, and leaves and flowers encircling a center oval showing
the name and death date.

Ethan and Agnes Stone had two sons. Their older son, Henry Rule
Stone, who was born 25 May 1814, became in adulthood a marble dealer
working with his father. He lived in Greenwich, New York, and died
there in 1890. The younger son, John Jerome, migrated to Ohio, to Min-
nesota, and as far as Oregon. He became both a marble dealer and a
medical doctor, prompting one of his cousins to remark many years later
that "... He was in the marble business and afterwards went to medical
college ... came through all right as I used to tell him, to start up the
marble trade he had to kill the people off with his practice. He used to
get quite out of patience with my joking ..."'^ He ultimately settled in
Argyle, Minnesota, where he died in 1894.^^

We are fortunate in that Henry Rule kept a useful notebook of his
business dealings.^" The notebook contains a few sketches, some inscrip-
tions for stones, amounts he charged for his carving and other services,
and various other items reflecting his business activities. The inscription
for the previously discussed Betsey Toan marker (Fig. 8) is in this note-
book, perhaps written out by Mr. Toan. Also contained within is a trac-
ing of an inscription for the gravestone of Helen Canfield, located in St.
James' Cemetery, Arlington. This stone is not signed, although the trac-
ing indicates that it was carved by Henry. There are identical markers in
the cemetery for two brothers and a sister of Helen Canfield, each a small
obelisk displaying a branch with leaves, a flower, and the child's name

Ann M. Cathcart

225

Fig, 9. Rebekah Deming gravestone, St. James' Church Cemetery,
Arlington, Vermont.

226 The Rule Family

(raised) on the front. The child's date of death and the parents' names,
RH. and L.P. Canfield, are carved on the back of each stone, very small
and close to the base. Another entry in Henry Rule's notebook contains
this charge to a customer: "...detail working on a monument ($20.), trim-
ming a grindstone ($0.50), splitting rails 3 days ($2.25) and planting corn
($0.62y2)." In this case, the sum of his charges was offset by his "Acct at
store. "^^

In February of 1832, Henry Rule purchased forty-nine acres of land
in Sunderland.- He farmed the land, and lived on it until he deeded it to
his brother James in 1834.^^ In March of 1837, Henry bought one acre of
land in Arlington,^'* and in July of 1838 he increased the size of the prop-
erty by purchasing forty-nine additional acres.^^ He sold this farm on 24
April 1847^^ and moved to a house on Water Street in Arlington. He main-
tained a marble shop on the property,-^ and purchased a house there in
1850.28

John, the older brother of Henry and James Rule, served briefly as a
soldier in the War of 1812. 2'=' After his military service, he left Vermont for
western New York state, where he worked as a blacksmith and as a bounty
hunter, called a "tracker."^" He married Deborah Robinson on 18 Sep-
tember 1817 in Potter, Gates County, New York."*' After several years liv-
ing in various small towns in western New York, John and Deborah settled
in Norwalk, Ohio in 1832.^^ He worked as a blacksmith and as a farmer,
and he also sold marble which his brother Henry sent to him. A notice in
the Norwalk Experiment dated 22 April, 1845 states that "JOHN H. RULE,
Has just received from the East a good assortment of White and Clouded
MARBLE TOMB STONES, TOMB TABLES AND MONUMENTS, which
he offers for sale very cheap. '"'^

Henry Rule, Sr. and Christian Stuart Rule, the parents of Henry and
James, remained in Sunderland. Christian died in 1831, Henry, Sr. in
1838. They are buried in the Ira Allen Cemetery in Sunderland, and one
could conclude their gravestones (Figs. 10 and 11) were probably carved
by their sons, although these markers are not signed. The designs are
very similar to others that Henry and James carved and did sign.

There is little known of James Rule's final years. He continued to travel
from Vermont to the West, and he continued as well to farm in
Sunderland, Vermont. In the 1840 U. S. Census, he is listed as occupied
in agriculture in Sunderland."^ He married Elvira Knapp of Arlington,
and they had two daughters, Georgina, born in 1839, and Selina, born in
1847.^^ In 1841, Gilbert Bradley, "overseer of the poor in Sunderland,"

Ann M. Cathcart

227

Fig. 10. Christian Stuart Rule gravestone, Ira Allen Cemetery,
Sunderland, Vermont.

228

The Rule Family

Fig. 11. Henry Rule, Sr. gravestone, Ira Allen Cemetery,
Sunderland, Vermont.

Ann M. Cathcart 229

made application to the Probate Court in Manchester, Vermont that a
"guardian be appointed for James Rule, because he is so much a spend-
thrift ..." The Probate Court officer declined to make such an appoint-
ment, saying "...the person herein complained of does not come within
the limit of description ..."^^ In the 1860 U. S. Census, Elvira Rule is enu-
merated with her father, Silas Knapp, in Arlington. Her occupation is
given as "grass widow." ^^^ In a poignant letter written in 1890 by Jane
Rule Power, daughter of John and Deborah Rule, she describes a visit
from her uncle James many years earlier. He arrived in Norwalk, Ohio
destitute, ragged, and hungry. He stayed a short while, was unable to
find any work, and departed again. The Ohio family never saw him again,
and " ... it almost killed Father.""***

Agnes and Ethan Stone spent their lives in Arlington. Agnes died on
28 September \M7f Ethan on 7 February 1857.^" Both are buried in the
St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington.

Mary Canfield Rule and Henry Rule had two children - a daughter,
Marion, and a son, Henry Stuart Rule. Marion married George B. Holden,
and they spent their lives in Arlington. Henry Stuart Rule lived in Ar-
lington until the early 1900s, when he and his family moved to Rutland,
Vermont. Mary Canfield Rule died on 16 February 1880.^' In the 1880
U.S. Federal Census, enumerated 19 June 1880, Henry is shown as living
with his son, Henry Stuart Rule, and his daughter-in-law, Maria E. Blakely.
His occupation is given as marble cutter. ^^ Henry Rule died on 21 Sep-
tember 1889 at the age of 92.^^ An obituary in The Bennington Banner, 26
September 1889, describes him as "... one of the pioneers of the marble
industry in Vermont, commencing in active life when quarries which
furnished stone which would split like slate were considered the most
valuable." Mary and Henry Rule are buried in the St. James' Episcopal
Church Cemetery in Arlington with a single gravestone marking the site.
The stone is large and appears to have been carved using far more mod-
em methods than those which Henry Rule himself had employed.

Henry Rule, his brothers John and James, and their brother-in-law
Ethan Stone were not well-to-do, and they never achieved widespread
renown or great financial success. Unlike many eighteenth century grave-
stones, noted for whimsical and imaginative carvings, those done by the
Rules early in the nineteenth century are very structured. Their primary
designs are the urn-and-willow, usually with a flame in the urn; they
feature leaves, curtains, or columns as borders; and the finials are either
a rosette or a pinwheel. Upon occasion other touches are added, as in

230 The Rule Family

the previously discussed Thomas Law marker (Fig. 3), with its two bows
around the inscription panel. Numerous other stones located but not
specifically identified feature a bow of similar style. Henry Rule also
carved and signed plain rectangular stones which included only the name,
date of death, and age of the deceased. In all instances, his lettering is
neat, well-spaced, and legible.

Henry Rule apparently considered himself first and foremost a stone
cutter or marble cutter, as he reported that to be his occupation in the
1850, 1860, and 1870 census enumerations.^^ James Rule"*^ and Ethan
Stone^^ each are shown with the occupation of farmer in the 1850 census,
the last in which they were enumerated. They, as probably most of their
contemporaries in nineteenth century Vermont, supported themselves
and their families as best they could, using the materials available to
them and their own ingenuity. This meant farming in the summer sea-
son, quarrying marble, carving gravemarkers during the cold winters,
and traveling as far as necessary to sell, deliver, and install them. The
small town of Arlington, Vermont, essentially a farming community, had
ample supplies of marble, and the members of the Rule family used that
resource to create gravestones and their livelihood.

NOTES

Gratitude and appreciation are due to Margaret R. Jenks for providing the original impetus
for this article, and for her helpful advice during the research and writing periods; to Mary
Dexter, for her time and advice regarding Cayuga County, New York, cemeteries; and to the
Association for Gravestone Stvidies Carver DataBase for assistance in locating gravemarkers
carved by the Rules. All photos are by the author, with the exception of Figures 3 and 4, which
are by Margaret R. Jenks.

1. Record of the Ride FaiiiUy, notebook, prepared by Henry Stuart Rule; inside cover notes
"Property of Selina Arnold Rule, from H. Stuart Rule, 1885." In possession of the author;
additional hand-written copy at Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont.

2. Ibid.

3. Henry Rule, Report to the Marshal, District of Bennington, Vermont; Rule Family Pa-
pers, Bennington Museum Archives, Bennington, Vermont.

4. Samuel Dwight hovisehold, 1800 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington County, Vermont,
page 179, line 7, National Archives micropublication M32, roll 51.

Ann M. Cathcart 231

5. Samuel Dwight household, 1810 U.S. census, Svinderland, Bennington County, Vermont,
page 124A, line 6, National Archives micropublication M252, roll 64; 1820 U.S. census,
Sunderland, Bennington County, Vermont, page 131A, line 28, National Archives
micropublication M33, roll 126; 1830 U.S. census, Sunderland, Bennington County, Ver-
mont, page 115, line 26, National Archives micropublication M19, roll 184.

6. Vermont Gazette, 11 January 1831, Microfilm #17, 1831-1832, Bennington Museum Library.

7. George A. Russell, Vital statistics of Arlington, Vermont, including soldiers rolls and grave-
stone records (Arlington, VT: typescript, 1936), vol I, page 187.

8. 1856 Map of Arlington, Vermont, in Old Arlington Houses and Roads, notes made by George
A. Russell, M.D. George Russell Vermontiana Collection, Martha Canfield Library, Ar-
lington, Vermont.

9. Arlington Town Records, Vol. 9, pages 110-111, 6 July 1833, and page 400, 5 Jan 1837.
Town Clerk's Office, Arlington, Vermont.

10. James Rule, Brockport, New York, to Henry Rule, 28 September 1825. Rule Family Papers,
Bennington Museum Archives.

11. Aaron McKee household, 1820 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington County, Vermont,
page 127, line 1; Moses McKee household, 1820 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington
County, Vermont, page 126, line 8.

12. Old Arlington Houses and Roads.

13. Diary of Samuel McKee, 1804-1893, (typescript; George Russell Vermontiana Collection).

14. Biographical Revieio, Biographical Sketches of the Leading Citizens of Otsego County, New
York, (Boston: Biographical Review Publishing Co., 1893) page 615.

15. James Rule, Winfield, New York, to Henry Rule, 4 May 1828. Rule Family Papers.

16. James Rule, Springfield, New York, to Henry Rule, 11 August 1828. Rule Family Papers.

17. Ethan Stone, Arlington, Vermont, to Henry Rule, 22 November 1829. Rule Family Papers.

18. Jane Rule Powers, Akron, Ohio, to Henry Stuart Rule, 7 Jan 1890. Rule Family Letters, in
possession of the author.

19. Letter from B. F. Bivins, Argyle, Minnesota, 14 January 1895, to Jane Rule Powers. Rule
Family Letters.

20. Henry Rule Notebook, Rule Family Papers, Bennington Museum.

21. Ihtd.

22. Original Deed, Edmund A. Graves to Henry Rule, Jr., 15 February 1832, recorded in
Book 8, page 263 of Sunderland Town Records.

232 The Rule Family

23. Edward H. Holden (grandson of Henry Rule), notes regarding Henry Rule, transcribed
from Sunderland Town Records, Book 8, page 438.

24. Arlington Town Records, Vol. 9, page 420.

25. ftuf.,VollO,page26.

26. Ibid., Vol 10, page 523.

27. 1856 Map of Arlington, Vermont.

28. Henry Stuart Rule to Martha Canfield, 21 January 1909; George Russell Vermontiana
Collection.

29. Roster of Soldiers in the War of 1812-1814 (State of Vermont, Prepared and published
under the direction of Herbert T. Johnson, The Adjutant General, 1933), 367.

30. Henry R. Timman, ]iist Like Old Times, Bool< 11 (Norwalk, OH, 1977), 100.

31 . Firclands Pioneer (Norwalk, OH: Firelands Historical Society 1884), 108.

32. Ibid., 107-108.

33. Norwalk Experiment (22 April 1845), 4.

34. James Rule household, 1840 U.S. census, Sunderland, Bennington County, Vermont, page
201, line 15; National Archives micropublication M704, roll no. 539.

35. Henry Stuart Rule, Record oftlie Rule Family.

36. Application to have guardian appointed. Volume 15, page 472, Probate Court Record,
State of Vermont, District of Manchester, 25 October 1841. Northshire Courthouse,
Manchester, Vermont.

37. Silas Knapp household, 1860 U.S. census, Bennington County, Vermont, Arlington, Ar-
lington post office, page 632, line 25, dwelling 1266, family 1289; National Archives
micropublication M653, roll 288.

38. Jane Rule Power, Akron, Ohio, to Henry Stuart Rule, 7 January 1890, Rule Family Papers.

39. Agnes Stone gravemarker, St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington, Vermont
(Route 7A); photographed by the author, August 1996.

40. Ethan Stone gravemarker. Ibid.

41. Arlington Town Records, volume 2, 103.

Ann M. Cathcart 233

42. Henry Stuart Rule household, 1880 U.S. census, Bennington County, Vermont, popula-
tion schedule, town of Arlington, enumeration district [ED] 23, sheet 300, dwelling 244,
family 258; National Archives micropublication T9, roll 1341.

43. Arlington Town Records, volume 3, 45.

44. Henry Rule household, 1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population sched-
ule, Arlington, page 52, dwelling 727, family 801, NARA micropublication M432, roll
921; 1860 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population schedule, Arlington,
page 156, dwelling 1242, family 1273, NARA micropublication M653, roll 1316; 1870
U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population schedule, Arlington, page 328,
dwelling 201, family 197, NARA micropublication M593, roll 1615.

45. James Rule household,1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population sched-
ule, Sunderland, page 28, dwelling 378, family 409; NARA micropublication M432, roll
921.

46. Ethan Stone household, 1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population
schedule, Arlington, page 52, dwelling 719, family 793; NARA micropublication M432,
roll 921.

234

The Rule Family

APPENDIX I
Family Group Sheet, Henry Rule Sr.

Subject* Henry RULE

Birth: cir 29 Dec 1765 Scotland'

Death* 10 Jun 1838 Sunderland, Bennington, VT^

Father* John RULE (1728- )
Mother* Janet WAFT (1735- )

Marriage*

15 Mar 1790 Perth, Perthshire, Scotland^- ^

Spouse* Christian STUART

Birth* 1770 Scotland

Death* 15 Feb 1831 Sunderland, Bennington, VT'

Father* John STEWART
Mother*

Seven Oiildren

1/F

Agnes RULE

Birth*

19 Feb 1791

Scotland"

Baptism:

06 Mar 1791

Cranshaws, Berwick, Scotland^

Marriage*

cir 1813

Ethan STONE (1789-1857), son of
Lutl-ierSTONE^

Son:

25 May 1814

Henry Rule STONE

Son:

1827

John Jerome STONE; Arlington,
Bennington, VT

Death*

28 Sep 1847

Arlington, Bennington, VT

2/M

John H RULE

Birth*

19 Apr 1794

Scotland'

Baptism:

27 Apr 1794

Cranshaws, Berwick, Scotland'"

Marriage*

18 Sep 1817

Deborah ROBINSON (1797-1882),
daughter of PhilUp ROBINSON and
ChrisHana PERRY; Potter, NY"-'^

Daughter

03 Aug 1818

Mary C RULE''

Daughter

24 Jun 1820

Nancy E RULE'*

Daughter

07 Aug 1822

PhilaMRULE'5

Daughter

11 May 1826

Sarah D RULE'*' '^

Son:

26 Jun 1828

James H RULE; Springport, Cayuga,

fslY'*'"

Daughter

01 Aug 1832

Jane L RULE; Ohio^«-'

Death*

17 Jul 1867

Norwalk,OH-

Burial*

aft 17 Jul 1867

Norwalk,OH

Daughter

Alma L RULE

Daughter

Ellen D RULE

Ann M. Cathcart

235

3/M

Henry RULE Jr

Birth*

24Junl797

Scotland-^

Marriage*

30 Sep 1834

Mary CANFIELD (1804-1880), daughter of
Albert CANFIELD and Salvina BINGHAM;
Arlington, Bennington, VT-^

Daughter:

20 Apr 1836

Marion Steele RULE; Arlington,
Bennington, VT-"^ -*

Son:

28 May 1839

Henry Stuart RULE

Death*

21 Sep 1889

Arlington, Bennington, VT-^

Burial*

23 Oct 1889

Arlington, Bennington, VT^"*

4/M

Robert RULE

Birth*

09Ji.ml800

Garvald, East Lotliian, Scotland"'''^

Baptism:

29 Jun 1800

Garvald, East Lotliian, Scotland-*^

Marriage*

1831

Sally FERRIS (1787-1867), daughter of
Peter FERRIS and Betsey BREWER^^

Son:

10 Nov 1833

Henry RULE

Death*

28 Oct 1873

Pern, NY

5/M

James RULE

Birth*

16 Nov 1802

Sunderland, Bennington, VT^

Marriage*

cir 1838

Elvira KN APP (1808-1894), daughter of
Silas KN APP and Urana HAWLEY^

Daughter:

06 Oct 1839

Georgianna RULE""

Daughter:

25 Jun 1847

Selina Arnold RULE^'^'i^

6/F

Elizabeth RULE

Birth*

26 Apr 1806

Sunderland, Bennington, VT'^

Death*

11 Apr 1883

7/F

Mary RULE

Birth*

11 Dec 1810

Sunderland, Beiinington, VP'*

Marriage*

09 Oct 1845

Benjamin SHIPLEY ( -1849);Norwalk,
Huron, OH«^' ^-

Marriage*

16 Mar 1854

LemuelRAYMOND«

Death*

12 May 1856

Shelby Richland, OH«

236 The Rule Family

Notes for Appendix I

1 . Genealogy of the Rule Family, 1 885, Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont.

2. Gravestone Photographs, 1995-1997, Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, Vermont, Cathcart
Genealogy Files.

3. International Genealogical Index, 1980, Batch M119481, Source Call #1040160; Church
Records, Marriages 1756-1804, Perth, Perthshire, Scotland.

4. Extract of entries in an Old Parochial Register, Registration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages
(Scotland) Act 1965, s. 47, Church Records, Marriages 1756-1804, Parish of Perth, Scotland:
microfilm no. 1040160, Family Fiistory Library, Salt Lake City, Utah.

5. Gravestone Photographs, Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, Vermont.

6. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

7. Old Parish Records, Parish of Cranshaws, County of Berwick, 6 Mar 1 791 .

8. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

9. Rnd.

10. Old Parish Records, Parish of Cranshaws, County of Berwick.

1 1 . Genealogy of the Rule Family.

12. Biographies and Memoirs, "The Firelands Pioneer," 1884, 107.

1 3 . Genealogy of the Rule Family.

14. Wid.

15. End.

16. Rnd.

1 7. Rule Family, Letters, Photographs, and other Memorabilia; Letter from James Rule, Winfield,
NY, to Henry Rule Jr, 25 September 1828, Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont.

18. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

19. Biographies and Memoirs, "Firelands Pioneer," 1884, p 110.

20. 1850 United States Federal Census, M432, Mf M432, roll 697, p 73, dwelling 213, family 207.

21 . Genealogy of the Rule Family, p 1 6.

22. Biographies and Memoirs, "Firelands Pioneer," June 1868, p 100.

Ann M. Cathcart 237

23. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

24. George A Russell MD, in Vital Statistics of Arlington VT, Including Soldiers' Rolls and Grave-
stone Records, I & II (Arlington, Vermont: personal, 1937), V. 1, 187.

25. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

26. Holden Genealogy, 1972-1985, Cathcart Genealogy Files, Houston, Texas, p 3.

27. Records of the Town of Arlington, Vermont, 1762-1997, Births, Deaths 1883-1896, p 45.

28. List of Burials, St. James' Parish Churchyard, 1969.

29. International Genealogical Index, Batch CI 17072; Source 1067798; Scottish OPR.

30. Old Parish Records, Parish of Garvald, County of East Lothian, 29 June 1800: microfilm
1067798, Family History Library Salt Lake City Utah.

31. Ibid.

32. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

33. Ibid., p. 6.

34. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., p. 16.

37. 1850 United States Federal Census, Mf M432, roll 921, p 28, dwelling 378, family 409.

38. Genealogy of the Rule Family, p 15.

39. Anne Lockwood Dallas Budd, Richland Coiinti/ Ohio Abstracts of Wills, 1813-1873, 1 (Mansfield,
OH: Ohio Genealogical Society 44906, 1974), 119.

40. Genealogy of the Rule Family.

41. Budd, Richland Count]/ Ohio Abstracts, 119.

42. Letter from Henry R. Timman regarding Rule Family, 1998, per Reflector, Huron County,
Ohio, newspaper.

43. Budd, Richland County Ohio Abstracts, 119.

44. Ibid.

238

The Rule Family

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Ann M. Cathcart

239

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240

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

INFANT SON OF

MRAMasJ.H.^UaiCK

-n ^:

Fig. 1. Memorial for "Infant Son" of Mr. & Mrs. J.H. Zurick

with "Budded on earth to bloom in heaven."

Kenton Cemetery, Kenton, Oklahoma.

241

SAY IT WITH FLOWERS IN THE VICTORIAN CEMETERY
June Hodden Hobbs

Familiarity breeds contempt in the Victorian cemetery, and that's just
the beginning of the problem. Once any icon becomes so common that it
can be labeled a cliche, it risks becoming invisible. The cliches of death -
clasped hands, fingers pointing up, ladies clinging to crosses, angels,
gates ajar - are those symbols least likely to arouse the interest of tomb-
stone scholars simply because they are everywhere. But it is time to rec-
ognize their importance. Cliches don't start out as trite and ordinary
expressions; rather, they are a discourse so attuned to a cultural need
that they become a sort of shorthand for complex ideas. Many times
they are, in fact, condensed versions of intertextual conversations be-
tween, say, a tombstone and a scripture, a hymn, or a novel.

Of all the cliches of death in Victorian cemeteries, none is more nearly
ubiquitous than flowers. Their very abundance makes them invisible,
and ignorance of funerary symbolism often renders them unreadable.
People of the nineteenth century, however, recognized well the symbolic
and commercial value of flowers, and publishing companies in Western
countries capitalized on and promoted flower symbolism by selling sen-
timental flower books purporting to be dictionaries of standardized
meanings. As a result, one commonplace notion about Victorian culture
is that flower arrangements of any kind during this period deliver a co-
herent message accessible only to those conversant with the complicated
"language of flowers" supposedly known to all civilized Western people
during the nineteenth century.

Testing this hypothesis is a good place to begin investigating what
flowers in a Victorian cemetery are saying and how they are saying it.
Using nineteenth-century flower dictionaries can become a sort of par-
lor game. Consider an arrangement of roses, Easter lilies, and poppies I
saw on a gravestone in Atlanta, Georgia. Based on what I know about
conventional symbolism and from a quick perusal of information from
Mme. Latour's 1854 text, Le Langage des Fleurs, I could discern that the
carving says something like, "Sleep well, beautiful one, until the day of
resurrection." Unfortunately, if I consulted a variety of flower vocabu-
lary books from England, France, and the United States, as Beverly Seaton
did in her research for The Language of Flowers: A History, I might just as
easily decide that the message could be, "Your falsehood brings no con-

242 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

solation to the sick, so I'm going to war." Sentimental flower books, as
Seaton concluded, were what we today would call coffee table books
whose presence indicated "the gentility of the women of the family."
The so-called "language of flowers" was primarily a commercial project
promoted by the publishing companies. Flower vocabulary lists did not
always agree with each other, and Seaton claims that, despite the cul-
tural importance of such books, "there is almost no evidence that people
actually used these symbolic lists to communicate."'

In truth, the importance for Americans of flowers in Victorian tomb-
stone iconography and epitaphs is at once more complicated and more
culturally significant than the flood of sentimental flower books in nine-
teenth-century France, England, and America might imply. By the middle
of the century. Romanticism and scientific naturalism had reduced hu-
man beings to the level of plants and animals, and, according to James J.
Farrell, "naturalists [had] redefined death as a natural process."^ The
already-well-established symbolism of flowers began to change accord-
ingly by acquiring new connotations that made it more compatible with
the cultural climate of the day.^ As David Charles Sloane has observed,
the institution of rural cemeteries in the northeastern United States dur-
ing the early-nineteenth century was accompanied by tombstone designs
that used flowers and plants to emphasize themes of "hope, immortal-
ity, and life.""* Often, they compare flower nature to human nature.

The human nature in question, though, is not androgynous. It is very
specifically female, and the correspondences between flower nature and
human nature articulated on tombstones reveal the way that death in
the ideal was sexualized and feminized in the Victorian age. Cut flowers
in this feminized world were not simply reminders of mortality as they
would have been in an earlier time, but, in the words of a sentimental
poem published in Godey's Lady's Book in 1855, "emblems dear of all we
treasure here with tender care."^ In this sense, both males and females
can be gendered feminine in American tombstone iconography and epi-
taphs when they are compared to flowers, which were figuratively asso-
ciated with women's physical and emotional characteristics. In addition,
floral designs evoke the religion of Protestant women, who sponsored
popular "flower missions" to carry blossoms to the sick and poor, espe-
cially those further corrupted by urban life. The focus of Enlightenment
era scientists on the reproductive processes of flowers, Seaton explains,
had also made a strong connection between flowers and sexuality by the
nineteenth century.^ As a result, references to perennial flowers and plants

June Hadden Hobbs

243

on tombstones often have erotic overtones that include oblique refer-
ences to deflowering and to the pain and pleasure represented by women's
bodies. By the turn of the twentieth century, however, flowers began los-
ing these Romantic connections to women as they came to be associated
with women's roles in establishing social status through conspicuous
consumption.

Since epitaphs often give a fuller articulation of attitudes toward death
than graphics alone, I would like to support my point that nineteenth-
century funerary symbolism used flowers to feminize death and the dead
by examining two representative though not always distinct groups of
flower epitaphs that became the cliches of nineteenth-century American
tombstones (see Appendix). The first group describes the memorialized
person as an earthly flower given to teach a heavenly lesson, just as Prot-
estant women used flowers to influence the unconverted. The message
is neatly condensed in the common formula "Budded on earth to bloom
in heaven," variations of which appeared on American tombstones at
least as early as 1834 (Fig. 1)7 Nineteenth-century stonecarvers appar-
ently received explicit orders for this popular epitaph (Fig. 2). The for-
mula offers both consolation and instruction, but availability and eco-
nomics may also have popularized it. The special Sears and Roebuck
Tombstones and Monuments catalog of 1902 includes this epitaph in its
two-page list of formulaic inscriptions that have been "used very fre-

¥'

,@,?KZ^^5i^fe

./d

Fig. 2. Detail from the ledger of D.J. Hamrick, late-nineteenth

and early-twentieth-century stonecutter of Boiling Springs,

North Carolina, showing an order for a child's stone

inscribed with "budded on earth to bloom in heaven."

244

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

W E !- L S

r>i...rlP

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If Si

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so young so fair-

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: early doom.

4^^ •

(/ " ' ~ .

!-nw s^^'fetafb^^t^L^,

■

Fig. 3. Willie E Wells stone (d. 1882),
Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, Texas.

June Hadden Hobbs 245

quently on work we have made in the past." The mere 28 letters of the
epitaph cost only 70 cents to inscribe, making it the best bargain of the
lot after "Gone, but not forgotten" at 47 cents.^ The second group em-
phasizes the intense but transitory beauty of life that is analogous to the
ethereal beauty of a virginal young woman. Her beauty is so tempting
that it leads to "deflowering," but then, of course, the virgin is no more.
A variation of the first inscription, which I once saw on the grave of a
baby in Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C., nicely illustrates this sec-
ond group of epitaphs: "plucked from earth to bloom in heaven." Many
of these memorial sayings are allusions to specific hymns, tracts, poetry,
and other popular literature of the period, and their themes are devel-
oped more fully in these less condensed texts.

The very clearest articulation of the first group of epitaphs is the fol-
lowing, which appears on the grave of Willie F. Wells, who died in 1882
and is buried in Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, Texas (Fig. 3):

This lovely bud, so young so fair

Called hence by early doom.

Just came to show

How sweet a flower

In Paradice [sic] would bloom.

This epitaph is very common. A quick Internet search for it turned up
around thirty examples in cemeteries whose markers have been tran-
scribed online. The epitaph was used frequently in the United States by
the 1850s at least and even earlier than that in the British Isles. It is a
quotation from Tlie Young Cottager (c. 1810), a Christian tract written by
Legh Richmond and collected in an anthology called Annals of the Poor.
Richmond was an English clergyman and the prolific composer of such
works as The Dairyman's Daughter, the "most widely read religious tract
of the 19th century."^

The Young Cottager chronicles the short but exemplary life of young
Jane S[quibb], who died of consumption in 1799 at the age of fifteen and
is buried at St. Mary's Church in Brading on the Isle of Wight. ''^ Rich-
mond describes Jane as his "first-born child" in the faith; in other words,
she was his first convert. The clergyman first met the young girl when
she joined a class of children receiving religious instruction at his house
on Saturday afternoons. Richmond's texts were "catechisms, psalms,
hymns and portions of Scriptures." Eventually, he hit upon a further

246 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

source of instruction: the epitaphs on tombstones in the nearby church-
yard. Richmond describes his technique in this way:

Sometimes I sent the children to the various stones which stood at the head of
the graves, and bade them learn the epitaphs inscribed upon them. 1 took
pleasure in seeing the little ones thus dispersed in the churchyard, each
committing to memory a few verses written in commemoration of the departed.
They would soon accomplish the desired object, and eagerly return to me
ambitious to repeat their task.

Thus my churchyard became a book of instruction, and every gravestone a
leaf of edification for my young disciples."

Young Jane memorized her assigned epitaph one afternoon and then
voluntarily learned the one next to it:

It must be so. Our father Adam's fall
And disobedience brought this lot on all.
All die in him. But hopeless should we be.
Blest Revelation, were it not for thee.
Hail, glorious Gospel! Heavenly light, whereby
We live with comfort, and with comfort die.
And view beyond this gloomy scene, the tomb,
A life of endless happiness to come.

Jane later tells her minister that his probing questions (e.g., "Children,
where will you be a hundred years hence?") and the epitaph made her
long for salvation and effected her conversion.^-

Soon, it appears, Jane herself will be eligible for an epitaph. Rich-
mond visits her frequently during her decline and comes to regard her
as his teacher: "The Lord, thought I, has called this little child, and set
her in the midst of us, as a parable, a pattern, an emblem." Throughout
the narrative, Jane is associated with flowers. Upon his first visit to her
cottage, Richmond smells the honeysuckle growing up the walls and
fancies the fragrance symbolizes the "intercession of a Redeemer, which
I trusted was, in the case of this little child, as 'a sweet-smelling savor' to
her heavenly Father." As he puts it, "The very flowers and leaves of the
garden and field are emblematical of higher things, when grace teaches
us to make them so."^^

Jane's approaching death makes her conscious of her careless par-
ents' lack of religion, and many of the interviews between her and the
Reverend Richmond center on her concern for them and for her younger

June Hadden Hobbs 247

brother. Her selflessness is touching in the face of her obvious suffering.
After one such conversation, Richmond observes to himself that "surely
. . . this young bud of grace will bloom beauteously in Paradise. The Lord
transplant her thither in his own good time!" At the end of the narrative,
after he conducts her funeral, Richmond muses upon what he has gained
from his "cultivation" of one of God's "spiritual lilies of the valley." The
epitaph so often employed in American cemeteries is one that Richmond
claims he pondered as he stood at Jane's grave. These words, he says,
"are inscribed on a gravestone erected in the same churchyard":

This lovely bud, so young and fair.
Called hence by early doom.
Just came to show how sweet a flower
In Paradise would bloom. '^

A few years after its publication by the Religious Tract Society in En-
gland, The Young Cottager was picked up by the American Tract Society,
which "flooded the nation with evangelical pamphlets," distributing
around "35 million evangelical books and tracts" during the ten years
after its founding in 1825.^^ At the same time, American writers were
also much taken with the idea that those who die young are like flowers
sent as gifts from heaven to embody spiritual truths. In the novel Say and
Seal, published in 1860 by American sisters Susan and Anna Warner, a
young boy named Johnny is the designated flower. As he is dying of
tuberculosis, his Sunday school teachers, John and Faith, come to wait
with him. Johnny finally falls asleep, and his friends have the opportu-
nity to reflect upon their coming loss. John says, "It was very hard for
me to give him up at first . . . but [accepting the will of God] answers all
questions. 'The good Husbandman may pluck his roses, and gather in
his lilies at mid-summer, and, for aught I dare say, in the beginning of
the first summer month.'" In response, "Faith looked at the little human
flower in her arms - and was silent." When little Johnny awakes, he asks
the male teacher to sing to him, and the hymn - composed by Anna B.
Warner especially for the novel - is an expression of the child's exem-
plary faith.^^ This hymn, "Jesus Loves Me," was a smash hit when it was
set to music by William Bradbury two years later, and it is still the first
hymn most Protestant children learn. '^ The hymn models for adults a
childlike acceptance of death, especially in verses three and four, where

248 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

Johnny imagines Jesus watching him on his deathbed, prepared to take
him to heaven at the end.^^

The popular literature of the period is full of hymns, stories, and verse
that metaphorically describe feminized children as blossoms sent from
heaven to teach ideal faith by example. Sunday school hymnals such as
W.A. Ogden and A.J. Abbey's Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School (1873)
were particularly explicit in developing this idea. As is typical for the
period, hymnal editors were often hymnists as well and used their hym-
nals to sell their own work. Abbey's "Go to Thy Rest, Sweet Child," sub-
titled "Funeral Song," in the Ogden and Abbey collection, is a case in
point. In the first verse. Abbey describes the child's corpse laid out with
flowers, and then moves quickly in the chorus to show that the flowers
are, in fact, symbols of the child itself:

Go to thy rest, sweet child.
Go to thy dreamless bed;
Gentle and undefiled.
With blessings on thy head.
Fresh roses in thy hand -
Buds on thy pillow laid;
Chorus:

Haste from this tearful land.
Where flowers so quickly fade.
Haste from this tearful land.
Where flowers so quickly fade.

In verse two. Abbey articulates the comfort to be found in an early death.
He addresses the dead child who has expired "ere sin had sear'd thy
breast. "^'^ The inclusion of this hymn in a social hymnal intended for use
in children's Sunday schools rather than in adult-oriented worship ser-
vices suggests the utter conventionality of regarding flowers as spiritual
messengers. Beverly Seaton notes that "children's literature is an area
always reserved for the tried and true, the totally acceptable."^" In an-
other hymn from the "Infant Class Songs" of a collection edited by
Abbey's collaborator, W. A. Ogden, a child speaks to a flower, begging it
to "tell me, little flower, with uplifted eye, what do you see yonder?" The
flower, however, can teach only by example, just as the child must, and
the singer concludes in the end that:

June Hadden Hobbs

249

Sweetest little flower,
God gave you to me;
May I too look upward
And his child e'er be.^^

Significantly, the moral example of children, which had to be lived rather
than spoken, is also the ideal for women, who were supposed to civilize
the nation and make it more moral by their "influence" rather than by
voting, preaching, and governing.

Many epitaphs articulate a lesson of this sort. Consider, for example,
the words on the gravestone of Mary W. Starnes, who died in 1855 at not
quite two years old and is buried in Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery,
Cherokee County, South Carolina:

Fig. 4. Broken rosebud detail on memorial for Bessie Gaston, who

died in 1877 at 2 years old. Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery,
Cherokee County, North Carolina. The child's epitaph reads: "Alas!

How changed that lovely flower, which bloomed and cheered our
hearts. Fair, fleeting comfort of an hour, how soon we're called to part."

250

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

™^^ '-* ■/'■ "-^ -'"' 4>^ ' 4* HI

ti^ b^ffl

1 fri

Fig. 5. Eleanor Mayhugh stone (d. 1916),
Good Shepherd Cemetery, Ellicott City, Maryland.

June Hadden Hobbs 251

So fades the lovely blooming flower
Frail, smiling solace of an hour.
So soon our transient comforts fly
And pleasure only blooms to die.

Little Mary did not have to voice the lesson of her existence. Her life,
short as it was, had meaning because it exemplified the ephemeral qual-
ity of earthly delights. Frequently such epitaphs are accompanied by a
rosebud or other bloom on a broken stem, an apt symbol for the thought
(Figs. 4, 5, 6).

The use of flowers to teach spiritual lessons deftly parallels the reli-
gious activities of Protestant women in America because by the latter
half of the nineteenth century "flower missions" had become quite popu-
lar. The idea was that sending a flower, usually accompanied by a scrip-
tural verse or religious tract, to people living in a city was a way to spread
the gospel. Seaton explains that "nineteenth-century Christians believed
that flowers spoke God's language; thus, sending flowers to the sick and
the poor was a way of testifying to them of God's love." In England,
trains carried flowers - sometimes at a discount fare - from the country
to "a distribution center in the city," where they were picked up to be
distributed to the ill and destitute.- In Boston, a teen-aged Alice Stone
Blackwell recorded sadly in her journal that she "was not very success-
ful with the flowers I had brought to give to the dirty little children in the
street.""

During this era, women, who were often named for flowers, were so
closely allied with flora that specific flowers became associated with spe-
cific variations of female beauty and the feminine personality. Etiquette
books of the day make frequent references to the connections between
women and flowers. In addition to establishing social conventions, such
books of manners also served as guides to morals, grooming, and fash-
ion.^'* Maud C. Cooke's Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite
Society (1896) includes in the section called "Colors and Complexions"
categories of beauty types for women with appropriate colors, jewels,
and flowers for each. Golden blondes may wear "all flowers," but par-
ticularly "pansies, sweet peas, and pale tinted roses." Those with "green-
ish gray hair . . . accompanied with brown, or dark gray eyes, and a skin
in which the brownish tints prevail" are limited to "tea roses." Women
with any claims to beauty, we may infer, are by definition white, middle-
class, and presumably Christian if not specifically Protestant. In another

252

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

1^.

Fig. 6. William Camp, Jr. stone (d. 1854), Buffalo Baptist Church
Cemetery, Cherokee County, North Carolina.

June Hadden Hobbs 253

section of the book, Cooke informs us that "it is the duty of a well-bred
person to attend church regularly on Sunday."^^

Flora were also emblematic of categories of female personalities.
Louisa May Alcott, whose references to flowers in connection to women
infuse most of her writings, gives a wonderful example of what Seaton
calls the "rapprochement between women and flowers"-" in her 1872-73
serial novel Work. The scene is a greenhouse at the rural home of a Quaker
family, where Christie Devon, the young heroine, has gone to recover
from an emotional ordeal. Christie's task of arranging flowers for a gala
dance known as a "German" has been set by David Sterling, a gardener
who is the mainstay of his widowed mother. David tells his young guest
that she should do the job because "it is better fitted for a woman's fin-
gers than a man's." When David returns to find the work completed, he
sadly acknowledges that he cannot "read" flowers and asks Christie to
interpret for him. Here are a few of the descriptions of her nosegays:

This white one might be given to a newly engaged girl, as suggestive of the
coming bridal ... Here is a rosy daisy for some merry little damsel ... this
delicate azalea and fern for some lovely creature just out; and there is a bunch
of sober pansies for a spinster, if spinsters go to "Germans." Heath, scentless
but pretty, would do for many; these Parma violets for one with a sorrow;
and this curious purple flower with arrow-shaped stamens would just suit a
handsome, sharp-tongued woman, if any partner dared give it to her.

Seeing Christie's obvious affinity for flowers, David praises her and wist-
fully comments that "I wish I could put consolation, hope, and submis-
sion into my work as easily." His work of the moment is arranging a box
of white flowers for a baby's funeral, and Christie quickly adds the fin-
ishing touches that change it from a box of flowers to a message that will
comfort a "mother's sore heart."^^ Clearly, a man can grow flowers, but
only a woman fully understands how to communicate with them be-
cause flower nature and female nature are much alike. And so the circle
of connections is complete: women are like flowers and flowers are inti-
mately associated with death. God sends women and the children they
bear to teach truths about the spirit just as women send flowers to the ill,
destitute, and grieving for comfort and instruction.

Women and flowers also emphasize the nature of all humanity be-
cause their beauty is intense but short lived. It certainly must not be
taken for granted. Maud C. Cooke sagely advises the readers of Social
Etiquette in 1896 that "the very delicate blonde who has reveled in palest,
daintiest shades must beware of presuming too long on that evanescent

254

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

bloom, lest she find herself basing the color of her dress on a flower that
faded years ago."'*^ The blossom's transient beauty also has the power to
attract sometimes unfortunate attention to itself. A verse offered in the
suggested "Mottoes, Verses, and Quotations" section of the 1882 Monu-
mental Bronze Company's catalog tells a little story in which a human
blossom seals its fate when it catches the eye of an angel:

Fig. 7. Elizabeth Lucenia Cash stone (d. 1909), Boiling Springs

Baptist Church Cemetery, Boiling Springs, North Carolina.

This marker was carved by the child's grandfather, D.J. Hamrick.

June Hadden Hobbs 255

A flower just blossoming into life

Enticed an Angel's eye.

"Too pure for earth," he said, "Come home,"

And bade the floweret die.^^

It seems to me that the most telling words in the narrative are "enticed"
and "he." The flower has seductive power, just as a beautiful young vir-
gin would have for a man, and deflowering is the result. In an age when
angels typically were female, only a male angel makes this story work.

Another line that appears on many tombstones of the era condenses
a similar story into the words "an angel visited the green earth and took
a flower" (Fig. 7). These words are the slightly altered final lines of Henry
Wadsworth Longfellow's "The Reaper and the Flowers." Because the
poem was included in both the fifth and sixth levels of McGuffey's Eclec-
tic Reader, many Americans must have read and committed it to memory
in public schools (Fig. 8). The narrative opens with the Grim Reaper
using his scythe to slice down rows of "bearded grain" and "the flowers
that grow between." The Reaper justifies his actions in terms of desire
for what is young and fresh: "'Shall I have naught that is fair?'saith he; /
'Have naught but the bearded grain?'" And so he reaps the young plants
along with the mature but justifies his actions, as "he bound them in his
sheaves," by saying they are not for him really but for "The Lord of Para-
dise," who wants them as "dear tokens of the earth ... where he was
once a child." Longfellow's portrayal of this deity attributes sentimental
longing to God that mirrors the sentimental longing of bereaved parents
for a lost child. The little one is not truly gone, of course, but displaced
into another county, and that other place - heaven for the grieving mother,
earth for the tender God - becomes the true focus of the poem:

And the mother gave, in tears and pain.
The flowers she most did love;
She knew she should find them all again
In the fields of light above.

O, not in cruelty, not in wrath.

The Reaper came that day;

'T was an angel visited the green earth.

And took the flowers away.

256

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

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Fig. 8. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's "The Reaper and the Flowers/
as found in McGuffey's Fifth Eclectic Reader, rev. ed. (1879).

June Hadden Hobbs

257

Fig. 9. Mary Melissa Rippy stone (d. 1867) with full-blown rose

and epitaph identifying her as "the fairest of roses in our home."

Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, Cherokee County, North Carolina.

258

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

The Grim Reaper ends the poem, then, with his true nature revealed
as an angel or messenger from God sent to pluck flowers for the Master,
who seems to need them and to expect their mothers to endure the loss
required in the spirit of a peasant woman whose loveliest daughter has
attracted attention from the lord of the manor. The difference is that the
subsequent deflowering carries with it a hope of reunion in some man-
sion in the sky because the young maiden is not just worthy but the best
that the home could offer. Sixteen-year-old Mary Melissa Rippy, who
died in 1867, seems to fit this pattern very well. Her tombstone (Fig. 9) is
adorned with a rose in full bloom and the following epitaph: "She was
the finest of roses in our home. We loved her dearly but Jesus loved her
best."

An icon expressive of this theme is the hand from heaven, often reach-
ing down from a cloud to snatch up flowers from the earth (Figs. 10 and
11). Sometimes the hand simply holds aloft a flower or a bouquet (Fig.
12). Presumably, the hand belongs to God. The fact that the hand in many
instances emerges from a frilly cuff makes the notion of God gleaning

Fig. 10. Detail from stone for Sarah J. Herren (d. 1883, age 17),
Salem Pioneer Cemetery, Salem, Oregon,

June Hadden Hobbs

259

n^ss^

'n. w » w 'V

T 7

'4j[liKI 2

— ^ n

Fig. 11. Anna A. Holman stone (d. 1897),
Juniper Haven Cemetery, Prineville, Oregon.

260

Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

Fig. 12. Syntha Ann Miller stone (d. 1870),
Santiam Central Cemetery, near Albany, Oregon.

JuneHadden Hobbs 261

buds from earth analogous to a woman plucking flowers in her garden.
Although many stones set this imagery within a Christian context,
whether through inscriptional reference or location within a particular
type of cemetery, it is interesting that Jews also used flowers in this way,
indicating perhaps their acculturation within American communities.
Consider the epitaph for Irene W. Spiro (1887-1907), who is buried in
Emmanuel Cemetery in Birmingham, Alabama. Her gravestone is
adorned with a Star of David, an inscription in Hebrew script, and the
following words in English: 'Alas: like a beautiful flower slain, she sleeps
in sweet peace serene." In this epitaph, the word "slain" clearly indi-
cates that death was premeditated murder of her beauty.

For a time in which the mortality rate for babies and young people
was much higher than it is today, flowers pulled up by an unseen hand
provide the perfect analogy for both the cruelty of death and the beauty
of what dies. Flowers used as tombstone icons represent what Carl
Lindahl terms "mirror symbols," that is, the use of one image to suggest
two "antithetical meanings." In an intriguing experiment, Lindahl asked
young and senior adults to articulate their responses to some of the cli-
ches of nineteenth and early-twentieth century cemeteries: the "rose, lily,
lamb, weeping willow, angel, dove, clasped hands, urn, tree stump."
Lindahl assumed that such "mirror symbols" would suggest both "grief
and hope" to the viewers, and the data he compiled bore out his as-
sumption. The two flowers icons elicited especially paradoxical reactions.
For example, one older viewer responded to the rose with these words,
"I like it. I buried my husband with a rose. They don't last too long.
Neither do we. But the beauty is always there to remember. Something
pretty doesn't die."^° Most significantly, Lindahl's study suggests that
symbols which have disappeared from the "iconographic repertoire of
American cemeteries" - the draped urn, for example - are the ones which
no longer elicit a dual response.^^ Perhaps that is why flowers persist as
funerary designs but the idea of God or a messenger from God plucking
flowers does not. Americans no longer have in common the human ex-
perience that the latter idea represents, nor do we as a group have a
common knowledge of Scripture and other popular texts needed to in-
terpret it.

The ambivalence for nineteenth-century Americans was more clearly
gendered, however. Browsing through almost any of the popular maga-
zines, novels, and other literature of the day targeted at women means
reading sentimental verse in which dead women and children are com-

262 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

pared to flowers plucked too early. Growing, picking, and arranging flow-
ers was the province of middle-class women, of course, so both the
plucker and the plucked have an intimate relationship to flowers. A poem
(mentioned earlier) by Mrs. S. M. Combes in the September 1855 issue of
Godey's Lady's Book tells the story of a woman who went out one morning
when her "heart was light and gay, as are the smiles of early love." She
explains that she wanted to gather flowers for spiritual nourishment: "I
went to gather flowers - a fresh bouquet, / To feast my soul with nature's
own revealing." As she prepares her bouquet, however, she finds herself
pondering the symbolism of what she picks. Soon her mood grows dark
in the midst of beauty because the flowers voice a conflicting message of
both "the enchanting spell of pleasure, and the tear / That comes unbid-
den e'er we are aware." That which comes "unbidden" is memories and
"sounds we may not hear again." At last the speaker concludes, "These
flowers are dead - alas! . . . but their perfume lingers yet, ... to cheer us on."^^

The most significant line of this last verse is the first: cut flowers are
by definition dead flowers, no matter how beautiful. They can be pre-
served by drying, pressing, and other methods, something that young
ladies did to keep souvenirs of a happy time. Still, flowers are mirror
symbols because they point both to death and to its polar opposite: fresh,
budding youth, whether in the past or in heaven. When flowers appear
in epitaphs and icons on tombstones, Mrs. Combes would likely see a
similar message. Her poem appears on a page that includes three other
poems about dead children. Apparently people enjoyed reading, writ-
ing, and singing such words, and their pleasure in them contrasts dra-
matically with the shift in taste that requires our contemporaries to view
their behavior with cynicism or detachment. Few of the songs by Stephen
Collins Foster about women who are dead or in a death-like sleep, for
example, are in vogue today, but in the mid-nineteenth century, they
were the popular stuff of minstrel shows and parlor gatherings.

In "Gentle Annie" (1856), for example, Foster commemorates a child
who was trampled to death while trying to cross the street in a rain storm.
This popular song, which is full of flower imagery, begins with a simile
comparing the little girl to a blossom:

Thou wilt come no more, gentle Annie,

Like a flow'r thy spirit did depart;

Thou art gone, alas! like the many

That have blossomed in the summer of my heart.^^

JuneHadden Hobbs 263

The emphasis of such a song is on the eternal beauty of memory that will
always keep Gentle Annie young and delightful. Philippe Aries has called
our time an era of "forbidden death" and Stephen Foster's time "The
Age of the Beautiful Death."^ These labels suggest that changes in tomb-
stone iconography parallel a dramatic shift in ways of looking at mortal-
ity. The pairing of women and flowers as symbols of death seems simply
morbid to a twentieth-first century audience because we have denied
the complex nature of grief that brings both pleasure and pain.

Nineteenth-century writers less likely to use the sentimentality so of-
fensive to moderns also depict this duality. Nathaniel Hawthorne, for
example, makes specific connections between tombstones and the mir-
ror symbolism of flowers in a sketch about an itinerant tombstone carver
named Mr. Wigglesworth called "Chippings with a Chisel." Hawthorne's
piece was first published in The Democratic Review in 1838 and later in-
cluded in the 1851 edition of Tzuice-Told Tales. In the narrative, Hawthorne
handily invokes the mirror symbolism of flower imagery when he de-
scribes a mother buying a tombstone for her daughter, who has a living
twin. I think we are to assume that the twins were identical rather than
fraternal. The mother is "a comely woman, with a pretty rose-bud of a
daughter" who accompanies her to place the order. The mother in this
incident is sad and aware of her loss, but Hawthorne describes the daugh-
ter as lacking "real knowledge of what death's doings were" because she
and the dead sister, an identical though dead rosebud, still miaintain a
mystical connection. "It seemed to me," Hawthorne writes:

that by the print and pressure which the dead sister had left upon the
survivor's spirit, her feelings were almost the same as if she still stood side by
side, and arm in arm, with the departed, looking at the slabs of marble; and
once or twice she glanced around with a sunny smile, which, as its sister-
smile had faded forever, soon grew confusedly overshadowed. Perchance her
consciousness was truer than her reflection - perchance her dead sister was a
closer companion than in life."

The living sister exists as herself even as she mirrors what Hawthorne
calls her mother's lost "treasure. "''^ A single image brings both joy and
sadness. By the end of the sketch, the narrator perceives "a strange doubt
in [his] mind, whether the dark shadowing of this life, the sorrows and
regrets, have not as much real comfort in them - leaving religious influ-
ences out of the question - as what we term life's joys."^^ In other words,
the process of memorialization is a two-edged sword, defeating the rav-
ages of time even as it injures the one who wields it.

264 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, the associations between
women and flowers in relationship to death took on new meanings. In
1899, when Thorstein Veblen published The Theory of the Leisure Class,
women were beginning to be associated with the beauty of flowers in a
very different way. Purchasing and displaying flowers had become a mode
of "conspicuous consumption," in the phrase Veblen coined. Within this
scheme, the beauty of flowers became a function of limited availability:
"Some beautiful flowers pass conventionally for offensive weeds. . . while
still other flowers, of no greater intrinsic beauty than these are cultivated
at great cost and call out much admiration from flower-lovers whose
tastes have been matured under the critical guidance of a polite environ-
ment." Middle-class women, of course, were the primary ones purchas-
ing flowers, a social responsibility assigned to those whose "vicarious
leisure" and "vicarious consumption" enhanced the status of their hus-
bands and fathers. ^^

Mrs. John [Mary Elizabeth] Sherwood's 1887 edition of Manners and
Social Usages describes this shift in the social functions of flowers:

The language of flowers, so thoroughly understood among the Persians that a
single flower expresses a complete declaration of love, an offer of marriage,
and, presumably, a hint at the settlement, is, with our more practical visionaries
and enthusiasts of the nineteenth cenhiry, rather an echo of the stock market
than a poetical fancy. We fear that no prima donna looks at her flowers without
a thought of how much they have cost, and the belle estimates her bouquet
according to the commercial value of a lily-of-the-valley as compared with that
of a Jacqueminot rose, rather than as flowers simply.^^'

Sherwood's reference to "Persians" shows that she, like others of her
time, understands the language of flowers described in sentimental flower
books as a custom originating in the Oriental harem, a notion Seaton
deftly discredits as implausible despite its widespread acceptance.*" The
significance of Sherwood's description of the relationship between flow-
ers and women is that she perceives flowers are losing their romantic
connotations in favor of economic ones. She mentions later that hothouse
flowers at social events are so popular that "it is a favorite caprice to put
the field-flowers of June on a lunch-table in January." She also deplores
"the extravagant use of flowers at funerals."'*^ Robert Tomes, author of
The Bazar Book of Decorum, complains in 1873 that displays of funeral
flowers have become "an ostentatious exhibition of a profusion of crowns,
crosses, hearts, and stars of the rarest and most costly products of the
hothouse, which seem rather an indication of the exultation of wealth

June Hadden Hobbs

265

than of regret for the dead or sympathy for the living.'"*^ When Henry
Ward Beecher, the nation's most popular preacher, died in 1887, his fu-
neral became the epitome of flower extravagance. In accordance with
his wishes to focus on hope in the face of death, his family "staged a
nationally noticed 'flower funeral,'" banking his casket with floral offer-
ings and hanging flowers instead of crepe on the front door.^^^

As the American mania for funeral flowers rose, the number of flower
epitaphs appears to have decreased. Only the carved or incised flowers,
with their more ambiguous symbolism, are still common in later twenti-
eth-century and early twenty-first cenhiry tombstone iconography. One
of the few floral epitaphs I have found in recent years is on a contempo-
rary gravemarker in Shelby, North Carolina. The stone is decorated with
an open book; a single full-blown rose is the bookmark. Across the opened
pages are the words "Just One Rose Will Do" (Fig. 13). Despite a small

Fig. 13. Quotation from the hymn "Just a Rose Will Do" on a
contemporary gravemarker. Sunset Cemetery, Shelby, North Carolina.

266 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

change, the epitaph clearly quotes a twentieth-century hymn, "Just a Rose
Will Do" by J. A. McClung. This hymn associates flowers, not with con-
solation but with extravagance. The speaker asks for restraint in the face
of death: "Don't spend your money for flowers, / Just a rose will do." The
issue, however, is not quiet good taste. The speaker in this hymn is one
with whom a blue-collar worker, a mill hand perhaps, might identify.
Appropriately, the chorus envisions life in terms of work that has been
poorly recompensed. The words suggest wistful envy of those who could
afford conspicuous consumption as well as superiority to those who get
their reward on earth:

I'll go to a beautiful garden.
At last when life's work is thru;
Don't spend your money for flowers.
Just a rose will do.^

The hymn ends then on a new mirror symbol. When McClung writes,
"just a rose will do," the flower does not invoke the duality of nineteenth-
century feminine nature. It is related to women only in the sense that
they are associated with the luxuries of life. The issue is economics. In
rural and small-town North Carolina, a new grave adorned only with a
single rose would look pitifully neglected beside those covered with the
usual masses of floral offerings, but that's not the end of the matter. In
terms of spiritual economics, the size of one's funeral sprays is not really
important. Indeed, it is better to have fewer flowers because in heaven
the first shall be last and the last first. Death is a permanent lay-off for
those whose earthly life has been characterized by toil, but in heaven
they have a new status that can afford the conspicuous leisure of relax-
ing in a "beautiful garden" that a nineteenth-century lady might have
cultivated. No doubt it is a flower garden rather than a vegetable gar-
den, and one that never needs weeding.

June Hadden Hobbs 267

NOTES

All photos are by the author, with the exception of Figs. 10, 11 and 12, which are by Richard E.
Meyer. The ledger shown in Fig. 2 is reproduced courtesy of Maida Greene Scruggs, great-
granddaughter of carver D.J. Hamrick.

1. Beverly Seaton, The Language of Flowers: A History (Charlottesville, VA: University Press
of Virginia, 1995), 2; 19; 183; 189; 193.

2. James J. Farrell, Inventing tlie Americaii Way ofDeatli, 1830-1920 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple
University Press), 51.

3. Excellent guides to these standardized meanings are Jessie Lie Farber's leaflet. Symbolism
in the Carvings on Old Gravestones, published by the Association for Gravestone Studies,
and George Ferguson's Signs and Syndmls in Christiai: Art (New York, NY: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1966).

4. David Charles Sloane, The Last Great Necessity: Cemeteries in American History (Baltimore,
MD: Johns Fiopkins University Press, 1991), 77.

5. Mrs. S. M. Combes, "I Went to Gather Flowers," Godey's Ladies Book (September, 1855),
257.

6. Seaton, The Language of Flowers: A History, 52.

7. My thanks to John Spaulding, Research Coordinator for the Association for Gravestone
Studies, who found many variations of this idea in only one cemetery in Connecticut. I
have been unable to locate its author and first use, but it seems to have been popular
throughout both the United States and the United Kingdom.

8. Tombstones and Monuments (Chicago, IL: Sears, Roebuck, and Company, 1902), 60-61.

9. Dave Parker, "Famous Caulkheads and Overners" Isle of Wight Nostalgia Site, 6 March
2001, <http://www3.mistral.co.uk/daveparker/iow/people.htm>.

10. "St. Mary's Church," Brading Home Page, 26 March 2001, <http://www.brading.co.uk/
church.html>.

11. Legh Richmond, The Young Cottager: An Authoitic Narrative, in Annals of the Poor: Narra-
tives of The Dairyman's Daughter, The Negro Servant, and The Young Cottager (London,
England: The Religious Tract Society, c. 1810; reprint Boston: The American Tract Soci-
ety, c. 1828), 8-10.

12. Ibid., \5; 27-31.

13. Ibid., 16; 47; 22.

14. Ibid., 62; 89-90.

268 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

15. Library of Congress, "Religion and the New Republic," Religion and the Founding of the
American Republic, 21 March 2001, <http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/religion/rell07.html>.

16. Susan Warner and Anna B. Warner, Say and Seal, vol. 2 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott,
1860), 115-116.

17. William J. Reynolds, Companion to the Baptist Hymnal (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press,
1976), 124.

18. Warner and Warner, Say and Seal, 115-16.

19. A.J. Abbey, "Go to Thy Rest, Sweet Child," in Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School, ed.
A.J. Abbey and W.A. Ogden, (Toledo, OH: W.W.Whitney 1873), 84.

20. Seaton, The Language ofFlorwers: A History, 60.

21. W.A. Ogden, "Little Flower," in The Silver Song, ed. W.A. Ogden (Toledo, OH: W.W.
Whitneyc. 1875), 140-41.

22. Seaton, The Language of Florzvers: A History, 13-14.

23. Alice Stone Blackwell, Growing Up in Boston's Gilded Age: The Journal of Alice Stone
Blackivell, 1872-1874, ed. Marlene Deahl Merrill (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1990), 176-77. Quoted in Judith Walsh, "The Language of Flowers and Other Floral Sym-
bols Used by Winslow Homer," Magazine Antiques (Nov., 1999), note 12: NC Live,
Gardner-Webb University, Boiling Springs, NC, 9 August 2000, <http://
www.nclive.org.htm>.

24. See Simon J. Bronner, Grasping Things: Folk Material Culture and Mass Society in America
(Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentvicky, 1986) for a fascinating discussion of eti-
quette books as a factor in cultural formation.

25. Maude C. Cooke, Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite Society (London, England:
McDermid and Logan, 1896), 328; 403-404.

26. Seaton, The Language of Florzvers: A History, 19.

27. Louisa May Alcott, Work: Or Christie's Experiment, The Christian Union, December 1872-
June 1873; reprinted as Work: A Story of Experience (New York, NY: Schocken Books,
1977), 230-235.

28. Cooke, Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite Society, 399.

29. The Catalogue of the Monumental Bronze Company (Bridgeport, CT: Monumental Bronze
Company 1882), 123.

30. Carl Lindahl, "Transition Symbolism on Tombstones," Western Folklore 45.3 (1986), 165;
72-80.

31. Ibid., 167.

June Hadden Hobbs 269

32. Combes, "I Went to Gather Flowers," 257.

33. Stephen Collins Foster, "Gentle Annie," in A Treasury of Stephen Foster, ed. John Tasker
Howard (New York, NPi': Random House, 1946), 127.

34. Philippe Aries, TJie Hour of Our Death, trans. Helen Weaver (New York, NY: Knopf, 1981),
451; and Western Attitudes Toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. Patricia
M. Ranum (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 85-107.

35. Nathaniel Hawthorne, "Chippings with a Chisel," in Tales and Sketches, ed. Roy Harvey
Pearce (New York, NY: Library of America, 1982), 621.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., 624-25.

38. Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1899; re-
print Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 1994), 37; 50-51; 81.

39. Mrs. John [Mary Elizabeth] Sherwood, Manners and Social Usages, rev. ed. (New York,
NY: Harper & Brothers, 1887), 352.

40. Seaton, The Language ofFlorwers: A History, 61-62.

41. Sherwood, Manners and Social Usages, 353; 356.

42. Robert Tomes, The Bazar Book of Decorum: The Care of the Persofi, Manners, Etiquette, and
Ceremonials (New York, NY: Harper & Brothers, 1873), 269.

43. Farrell, Inventing the American Way of Death, 1830-1920, 81-82.

44. J. A. McClung, "Just a Rose Will Do," in Heavenly Highway Hymns (Dallas, TX: Stamps
Baxter Music and Printing Company, 1956), 233.

270 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery

APPENDIX
Flower Epitaphs

The dead, like flowers, teach spiritual truths:

Budded on earth to bloom in heaven.

(1902 Sears Tombstones and Monuments
catalog and many other places.)

This lovely bud, so young so fair
Called hence by early doom.
Just came to show how sweet a flower
In Paradice would bloom.

The Young Cottager, Legh Richmond

(Willie F.Wells 1867-1882, Old Bayview Cemetery,

Corpus Christi, TX)

Alas! how changed that lovely flower
Which bloomed and cheered our hearts.
Fair, fleeting comfort of an hour.
How soon we're called to part.

(Bessie Gaston, 1875-77, Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery,
Cherokee Co., NC)

A little flower of love
That blossomed but to die
Transplanted now above
To bloom with God on high.

(Dau. Of A.B. and Annie Ater, 1893-94, City Cemetery, Rogers, TX)

Husband dear, take thy rest
The summer flowers will bloom
While you, the purest and the best.
Doth wither in the tomb.

(J.L.T. Hall, 1833-97, City Cemetery, Rogers, TX)

So fades the lovely blooming flower
Frail smiling solace of an hour.
So soon our transient comforts fly
and pleasure only blooms to die.

(Mary W. Starnes, 1852-55, Buffalo Baphst Church Cemetery,
Cherokee Co., NC)

June Hadden Hobbs 271

TJie most beautiful flowers must be plucked:

Plucked from earth to bloom in heaven.

(Clarence Haw, 1860-61, Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C.)

A flower just blossoming into life

Enticed an Angel's eye.

"Too pure for earth," he said, "Come home."

And bade the floweret die.

(Monumental Bronze Co. catalog, 1882)

"Who plucked that Flower?" cried the Gardener. His fellow
servant answered, "The Master." And the Gardener held his
peace.

(Maggie Bissicks, 1866-69, Lexington Municipal Cemetery,
Lexington, KY)

An angel visited the green earth and took a flower.
From "The Reaper and the Flowers," H.W. Longfellow
(Elizabeth Lucenia Cash, 1907-1909, Boiling Springs Baptist Church
Cemetery, Boiling Springs, NC)

She was the finest of roses in our home.

We loved her dearly but Jesus loved her best.

(Mary Melissa Rippy, 1850-67, Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery,
Cherokee Co., NC)

Alas: like a beautiful flower slain, she sleeps in sweet peace
serene."

(Irene W. Spiro, 1887-1907, Emmanuel Cemetery, Birmingham, AL )

The pure and precious little flower
Whose sweetness we so much did love
God needed for His heavenly bower
And took her up above.

(June Beaussee, 1928-35, Oconee Hills Cemetery, Athens, GA)

272

THE YEAR'S WORK IN CEMETERY/GRAVEMARKER STUDIES:
AN INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

Richard E. Meyer

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Categorized entries, listed
in alphabetical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and
pamphlets and of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are
materials found in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals
(though, as any researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes
be gleaned from these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical
publications (there are exceptions in instances where the publication is
deemed to be of value to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and
cemetery "readings," book reviews, electronic resources (e.g.. World Wide
Web sites), and irretrievably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the
order of the recently published, "revised" edition of a book with the
grotesque title. The Definitive Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes
about Death, Funny Funeral Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs).
Revised or subsequent editions of previously published works are noted.
Beginning with Markers XIV, the listing has included a much larger selec-
tion of relevant foreign language materials in the field, formal master 's-
and doctoral-level theses and dissertations (important research often not
published in the traditional manner but nonetheless frequently obtain-
able through interlibrary loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished
typescripts on deposit in accessible locations. In addition, from Markers
XVI onwards, it has included publications on war, holocaust, and disas-
ter memorials and monuments (their essential function as cenotaphs re-
lating them to the general field of gravemarkers), as well as formal papers
presented at academic conferences which are relevant to the major themes
covered by this bibliography. Commencing with Markers XVIII, entries
have been separated into several large categories representing basic types
of publication or other presentation. For the first time in this issue, a
new category has been added for videotaped material.

With its debut in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to fill
gaps in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's
1990 through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult

273

the bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This
same format was utilized in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV, add-
ing in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards as
well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the 1990-
1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point be
safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is rela-
tively complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's Work"
has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the journal's
annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 2000 and 2001):
previously reported work from the earlier of these two years will not be
repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to
welcome addenda from readers (complete bibliographic citations, please)
for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is made to insure
accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission may occur,
for which apologies are sincerely offered. For reviews of gravestone- and
cemetery-specific books and other materials, the reader is invited to consult
the various issues of the Association for Gravestone Studies' AGS Quarterly.

Books, Monographs, Pamphlets, etc.

Abbott, Olyve. Ghosts in the Graveyard: Texas Cemetery Tales. Piano, TX: Republic of Texas
Press, 2001.

Akin'shin, A.N., Popov, P., and Firsov, B.A. Voronezhskii NekropoV. Sankt-Peterburg, Russia:
VIRD, 2001.

Allen, Thomas B. Offerings at the Wall: Artifacts from the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Collection.
Rev. Ed. Collingdale, PA: DIANE Publishing Co., 2000.

Alva, Walter. Sipan: Splendor and Mystery of the Royal Tombs of the Mochica Culture - Penh Lima,
Peru: Quebecor Peru, 2000.

Applegate, Melissa Littlefield. The Egyptian Book of Life: Symbolism of Ancient Egyptian Temple
and Tomb Art. Deerfield Beach, PL: Health Communications, Inc., 2001.

Ardolina, Rosemary Muscarella. Second Calvary Cemetery: Neiv Yorkers Carved in Stone. Floral
Park, NY: Delia Publications, 2000.

Arnold, Bettina, and Wicker, Nancy L., eds. Gender and the Archaeology of Death. Walnut Creek,
C A: AltaMira Press, 2001 .

Aronowitz, Marguerite Madison. Art Treasures and Museums in and around Prescott, Arizona:
Sculptures and Paintings, Histories and Biographies, Historic Buildings, Victorian Homes and
Cemeteries, Fine Art Foundries, One- and Two-Day Excursions, Vintage Trains and Aircraft.
Prescott, AZ: Pine Castle Books, 2001.

274

Ashabranner, Brent K. A Date with Destiny: The Women in Military Service for America Memorial.
Brookfield, CT: Twenty-First Century Books, Inc., 2000.

. Remembering Korea: The Korean War Veterans Memorial. Brookfield, CT: Twenty-

First Century Books, Inc., 2001.

Baker, Joan E., et al. Historical Research and Archaeological Investigations at the Williamson Creek
Cemetery, Travis County, Texas. Austin, TX: Prewitt and Associates, 2000.

Balbay, Mustafa. Yemen Tiirkler Mezarligi. Cagaloglu, Istanbul, Turkey: Cumhuriyet Kitaplari,
2000.

Ballard, Michael B. Civil War Mississippi: A Guide. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi,
2000.

Bamberger, Naftali Bar-Giora. Der Jiidische Friedhofin Neuioied-Biederbieber: Memor-Buch.
Neuwied, Germany: Deutsch-Israelischen Freundeskreis, 2000.

BarcIay-LaPointe, Elizabeth. Canadian Cemeteries: A Research Guide. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada:
Buckingham Press, 2000.

Bard, Kathryn A. From Farmers to Pharaohs: Mortuary Evidence for the Rise of Complex Society in
Egypt. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001.

Batora, Jozef, and Gorsdorf, Jochen. Das Grdberfeld von jelsovcelSlowakei: Ein Beitrag zur
Frilhbronzezeit iin Nordioestlichen Karpatoibecken. Kiel, Germany: OetkenA'oges, 2000.

Beament, Justin, and Dudley, Esther. In Blessed Memory. . . : Incised Headstones of North and West
Devon and North Cornwall, 1650-1860. Plymouth, England: Faculty of Arts and Education,
University of Plymouth, 2000.

Beed, Blair. Titanic Victims in Halifax Graveyards. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada: Dtours Visitors
and Convention Service, 2001.

Berman, Judith E. Holocaust Remembrance in Australian Jewish Conununities, 1945-2000. Crawley,
Western Australia, Australia: University of Western Australia Press, 2001.

Bodson, Lilian, ed. Ces animaux que I'homme choisit d'enhumer: contribution a I'etude de la place et
du role de I'animal dans les rites funer aires. Liege, Belgium: Universite de Liege, 2000.

Bonatz, Dominik. Das Syro-Hethitische Grabdenkmal: Untersuchungen zur Entstehung einer Neuen
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Boveda, M.J., Canizo, J. A., and Vilaseco, X.I. "Places to Engrave, Places to Die: Rock Art and
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Bradbury, Mary. "Forget Me Not: Memorialization in Cemeteries and Crematoria." In Grief,
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Cauwe, Nicolas. "Skeletons in Motion, Ancestors in Action: Early Mesolithic Collective Tombs
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"Cemetery Walking Tours." The British Columbia Genealogist 29:1 (2000), pp. 47ff.

Chabas, A., and Jeanette, D. "Weathering of Marbles and Granites in Marine Environment:
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Cocke, Thomas. "'The Repository of Our English Kings': The Henry VII Chapel as Royal
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Crass, B.A. "Gender and Mortuary Analysis: What Can Grave Goods Really Tell Us?" Gender
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Crawford, Sally. "Children, Grave Goods, and Social Stature in Early Anglo-Saxon England."
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Crawford, Sybil F. "A Classic Gravemarker Personalization: Pure, Simple, and Meaningful."
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Currie, D., and McBride, K. "Respect for the Ancestors: New Approaches for the Recovery
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Currie, E.J. "Manteno Ceremony and Symbolism: Mortuary Practices and Ritual Activities at
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Curtis, Charlie. "Talking Tombstones: Living Graveyards of the South." Southern Cultures 7:2
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Czamecki, G.E.O. "Vanishing Americana: The Case for Permanent Indoor Gravestone
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de Clerq, P. "Instruments in the Cemetery: A Cast-Iron Monument Erected for a Dutch Amateur
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DeLong, Nancy. "Adams County Gravestone-Cutters, 1770-1918." Adams County History 7
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Di-Capua, Yoav. "Embodiment of the Revolutionary Spirit: Tlie Mustafa Kamil Mausoleum in
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Doucette, D.L. "Decoding the Gender Bias: Inferences of Atlatls in Female Mortuary Contexts."
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Dressier, Rachel. "Cross-Legged Knights and Signification in English Medieval Tomb
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Dunnett, N. "Tending God's Acre: Wild-Style Planting in a North Yorkshire Churchyard."
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Edwards, Walter. "Contested Access: The Imperial Tombs in the Postwar Period." The Journal
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Emerson, Thomas E., and Hargrave, Eve. "Strangers in Paradise? Recognizing Ethnic Mortuary
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Finch, J. "Church Monuments in Norfolk Before 1850: An Archaeology of Commemoration."
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Fisher-Carroll, Rita, and Mainfort, Robert C, Jr. "Late Prehistoric Mortuary Behavior at Upper
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Francis, Doris, Kellaher, Leonie, and Neophytou, Georgina. "The Cemetery: The Evidence of
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Francis, J. "A Roman Battle Sarcophagus at Concondia University, Montreal." Phoenix 54:3/4
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Frankel, R. "Antecedents and Remnants of Jodensavanne: The Synagogues and Cemeteries of
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Gath, A. "Division and Demolition at the Tomb of a Beloved Saint: The Evolving Character of
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Trywhitt-Drake, B. "National Burial Index for England and Wales." Computers in Geanealogy
7:7 (2001), pp. 333-338.

302

Tyquin, Michael. "Going in Style: Sidney's Funeral Train System." Journal of the Royal Australian
Historical Society 86:1 (2000), pp. 65-73.

Underbill, Anne. "An Analysis of Mortuary Ritual at the Dawenkou Site, Shandong, China."
Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2:1/2 (2000), pp. 93-127.

Urton, G. "A Calendrical and Demographic Tomb Text from Northern Peru." Latin American
Antiquity 12:2 (2001), pp. 127-147.

Vandendorp, Florence. "Funerals in Belgium: The Hidden Complexity of Contemporary
Practices." Mortality 5:1 (2000), pp. 18-23.

Vernon, Noel Dorsey. "Adolph Strauch: Cincinnati and the Legacy of Spring Grove Cemetery."
In Midwestern Landscape Architecture. Edited by William H. Tishler. Urbana, IL: University
of Illinois Press, 2000, pp. 5-24.

Voekel, Pamela. "Piety and Public Space: The Cemetery Campaign in Veracruz, 1789-1810."
In Latin American Popular Culture: An Introduction. Edited by William H. Beezley and
Linda Ann Curcio. Wilmington, DE: SR Books, 2000, pp. 1-26.

Wagner-Pacifici, Robin, and Schv^^artz, Barry. "The Vietnam Veterans Memorial:
Commemorating a Difficult Past." In Historical Meaning and Representations of the Vietnam
War. Edited by Walter L. Hixson. New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 2000, pp. 18-63.

Walker, Bethany J. "The Late Ottoman Cemetery in Field L, Tall Hisban." Bulletin of the American
Schools of Oriental Research 322 (2001), pp. 47-65.

Walter, T. "From Cathedral to Supermarket: Mourning, Silence and Solidarity." Sociological
Review 49:4 (2001), pp. 494-511.

Watson, Bruce. "The Dogs of War." Smithsonian 31:9 (2000), p. 100-104; 106; 108; 110-111.

Webb, Dorothy. "How They're Remembered." AGS Quarterly 25:3 (2001), p. 14.

Webster, W. Russell. "Lost and Nearly Forgotten." Naval History 14:1 (2000), pp. 46-50.

Weisler, M.I. "Burial Artifacts from the Marshall Islands: Description, Dating and Evidence for
Extra-Archipelago Contacts." Micronesia 33:1/2 (2000), pp. 111-136.

Whitten, David O. "Mortuary Mergers and the Internalization of Interment." Essays in Economic
and Business History 19 (2001), pp. 225-234.

Winschel, Terrence J. "Stephen D. Lee and the Making of an American Shrine." Journal of
Mississippi History 63:1 (2001), pp. 17-32.

Woodman, RE. "Beyond Significant Patterns Towards Past Intentions: The Location of Orcadian
Chambered Tombs." BAR International Series 844 (2000), pp. 91-105.

Woodward, Christopher. "The Soane Family Tomb." In John Sonne, Architect: Master of Space
and Light. Edited by Margaret Richardson and Mary Anne Stevens. London, England:
Royal Academy of Arts, 2000, np.

Wragg, Sue. "After-Image: Holocaust and Diaspora." In The Image of the Twentieth Century in
Literature, Media, and Society. Edited by Will Wright and Steven Kaplan. Pueblo, CO: Society
for the Interdisciplinary Stvidy of Social Imagery, University of Southern Colorado, 2000,
pp. 283-288.

303

Wueschner, Silvano A. "One Man's Demise is Another Man's Gain: The Growth of the Funeral
Industry on the Iowa Frontier." Essays in Economic and Business History 19 (2001), pp.
245-251.

Young, James E. "Memory and Counter-Memory: Towards a Social Aesthetics of Holocaust
Memorials." In The Holocaust's Ghost: Writings on Art, Politics, Laiv, and Education. Edited
by F.C. DeCoste and Bernard Schwartz. Edmonton, Alberta, Canada: University of Alberta
Press, 2000, np.

Yonetani, Julia. "On the Battlefield of Mabuni: Struggles Over Peace and the Past in
Contemporary Okinawa." East Asian History 20 (2000), pp. 145-168.

Ypersele, Laurence van, and Tixhon, Axel. "Celebrations de Novembre 1918 au royaume de
Belgique." Vingtieme Siecle 67 (2000), pp. 61-78.

Zandri, G. "The Altare delle Sacre-Catene and Nicholas of Cusa's Tomb in San Pietro in Vincoci."
Studi Romani 48:1-2 (2000), pp. 118ff.

Dissertations, Theses, etc.

Andres, Christopher R. "Caches, Censers, Monuments, and Burials: Archaeological Evidence
of Post-Classic Ritual Activity in Northern Belize." Master's thesis. Southern Illinois
University at Carbondale, 2000.

Baines, Elizabeth Anne. "Mortality and Migration: A Study of the Comstock Lode." Master's
thesis. University of Nevada, Reno, 2000.

Born, Jennifer D. "A Survey of Indiana Military Monuments." Master's thesis, Indiana
University, 2000.

Bruss, John Steffen. "Hidden Presences: Monuments, Gravesites, and Corpses in Greek
Funerary Epigram." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Minnesota, 2000.

Callaghan, Brenda Doreen. "Death, Burial and Mutability: A Study of Popular Funerary
Customs in Cumbria, 1700-1920." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Victoria (Canada),
2000.

Carterette, Christopher E. "A Spatial Analysis of Rural Cemeteries near Chico, California."
Master's thesis, California State University, Chico, 2000.

Cass, Kelsey R. "None Else of Name: The Origin and Early Development of the United States
National Cemetery System." Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate University, 2001.

Cheek, Sheldon Lloyd. "Gozzoli, the Camposanto, and the Pisan Renaissance: A Documentary
Study of the Old Testament Cycle." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 2000.

Chen, Gang. "Death Rituals in a Chinese Village: An Old Tradition in Contemporary Social
Context." Ph.D. dissertation. The Ohio State University, 2000.

Cooper, Mary S. "Site of Connection: Cemetery Spaces that Integrate the Living and the Dead."
Master's thesis. University of Washington, 2001.

Dejongh, Jennifer J. "Undertaking Community: The Origins of Cemeteries in the Levant."
Master's thesis, University of Cincinnati, 2001.

304

De la Loza, Alejandro M. "Exploring Monumental Bronze Casting Techniques." Master's thesis,
California State University, 2000.

Dorsch, Michael Scott. "Strong Women, Fallen Men: French Commemorative Sculpture
Following the Franco-Prussicin War, 1870-1880." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University,
2001.

Draine, James Patrick. "The 1977-1978 Archaeological Excavations of the Lu Cemeteries at
Qufu, Shandong." Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2000.

Glastetter, Kathleen E. "Sacred and Profane: A Preservation Plan for Pine Grove Cemetery."
Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2001.

Greenberg, Mona Doreen. "The May 4, 1970 Kent State University Shootings: Thirty Years of
Myths, Memorials and Commemorations." Master's thesis. University of Nevada, Las
Vegas, 2000.

Haibei, Ren. "Feng Shui and Chinese Traditional Domestic Architecture." Master's thesis.
University of Cincinnati, 2000.

Harlow, Genevieve Threet. "The Silent Historian: The Monuments of the United Daughters
of the Confederacy and Their Influence Upon History." Master's thesis, James Madison
University, 2001.

Hamois, Richard D. "Gone to a Better Land: A Study of Gravestone Forms, Art and Symbolism."
Master's thesis. College of William and Mary, 2000.

Hart, Susan Elizabeth. "Traditional War Memorials and Postmodern Memory." Ph.D.
dissertation, Concordia University (Canada), 2000.

Hartwig, Melinda K. "Institutional Patronage and Social Commemoration in Theban Tomb
Painting During the reigns of Thutmose IV (1419-1382 B.C.) And Amenhotep III (1410-
1382 B.C.)." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University 2000.

Haynak, Christine M. "A Study of Nineteenth Century Gravemarkers in Northwest Arkansas."
Master's thesis. University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, 2001.

Houston, Tami-Ann. "Aspects of the Eternal Feminine in Sacred Space." Ph.D. dissertation,
California State University, Dominguez, 2001.

Howard, Anita. "The First Church of the United States: Arlington National Cemetery and the
Cult of Patriotic Death." Master's thesis. University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2000.

Hughes, Lisa Ann. "Remembering the Dead: The Liberti of Late Republican Municipalities
and Colonies of Italy." Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 2001 .

Ingle, Beth Ann. '"British BuU Dogs AH': Endurance and Identity During the Napoleonic Wars."
Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 2000.

Im, Joann Hyohan. "Chapel, Crematorium, and Columbarium." Master's thesis, Virginia
Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2000.

Inman, Jason Christopher. "The Living Dead: A Design for a Cemetery in New Orleans."
Master's thesis. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2001.

Jordan, Jennifer Annabelle. "Building Culture: Urban Change and Collective Memory in the
New Berlin." Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, San Diego, 2000.

305

Keever, Jay P. "The Controversial Role of Die Neue Wache Central War Memorial in German
Political History." Master's thesis, East Carolina University, 2000.

Kousser, Rachel. "Sensual Power: A Warrior Aphrodite in Greek and Roman Sculpture." Ph.D.
dissertation. New York University, 2001.

Kuba, Cassandra L. "Differences in DNA Preservation Between Adult and Subadult Human
Skeletal Remains as Evidenced by Individuals from Two 19th Century Cemeteries." Ph.D.
dissertation. University of Indianapolis, 2001.

Lang, Peter Thomas. "Masses in Motion: Spaces and Spectacle in Fascist Rome, 1919-1929."
Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 2000.

LaRonge, Michael B. "Company Family, Company Coffin: The Role of Quincy Mining
Company's Patemalishc Practices at the Ingot Street Cemetery." Master's thesis, Michigan
Technological University, 2000.

Lott, Jacqueline A. "On the Hallowed Hill: An Analysis of Historic Cemeteries Within the
Great Smoky Mountains National Park." Master's thesis. University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, 2000.

Mattemes, Hugh Bryson. "Social and Biological Structures in the Mound C Cemetery, Wickliffe
Mound Group." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2000.

McAllister, Kirsten Emiko. "Remembering Political Violence: The Nikkei Internment Memorial
Centre." Ph.D. dissertation, Carleton University (Canada), 2000.

Mishana, Fadhili SafieU. "Art and Identity Among the Zaramo of Tanzania." Ph.D. dissertation.
State University of New York at Binghampton, 2000.

Nelson, Louis Perry. "The Material Word: Anglican Visual Culture in Colonial South Carolina."
Ph.D. dissertation. University of Deleware, 2001.

Neuman, Eran. "From the Holy to the Sublime: A Evolution in Holocaust Spatial
Representation." Master's thesis, UCLA, 2000.

Ngwenya, Barbara Ntombi. "Gender and Social Transformation Through Burial Societies in
Contemporary Southern African Society: The Case of Botswana." Ph.D. dissertation.
University of Michigan, 2000.

Oehlschlaeger-Garvey, Barbara. "Reconstructing the Merovingian Cemetery of Butte des
Gargans, Houdan, France." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign, 2000.

Paresi, Alicia R. "Cultural Resource Management for the Historic Burying Grounds of Concord,
Massachusetts." Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts, Boston, 2000.

Pellegrini, Robert Enrico. "Monumenta Memoriae: The Self-Aggradizing Aspects of Roman
Tombs of the Late Republic and Early Augustan Age." Master's thesis. University of
Washington, 2001.

Perlmutter, Suzanne Butler. "A Place for the Sacred: Native American and European American
Representations of Death in the American Landscape." Master's thesis. University of
Washington, 2000.

306

Pleasant, Joanna E. "Remembering American Wars in Three Controversial Displays: The Wall,
The Enola Gay, and the Vietnam Era Educational Center." Master's thesis. College of
William and Mary, 2001.

Pleasants, John G. "Mortuary Patterns at the Irene Site, Chatham County, Georgia." Master's
thesis. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001.

Potter, Cynthia Denise. "Photo Finish: The Memorialization of Death Through Photography
in Nineteenth-Century America." Master's thesis, Iowa State University. 2001 .

Robinson, Brian Scott. "Burial Ritual, Groups, and Boundaries on the Gulf of Maine." Ph.D.
dissertation. Brown University, 2001.

Rogers, Michael. "Detection of Burials at the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians Historic
Period Cemetery, Oregon." Master's thesis, Oregon State University, 2001.

Rous, David G. "The Soldier Monuments: Civil War Commemoration in Vermont." Master's
thesis. University of Vermont, 2000.

Sawaged, Tamie. "Is Archaeology Enough?: The Big Village Site Revisited: An Exploration of
the Relationship Between Material Culture and Gender Dynamics in a Historic Mortuary
Context." Master's thesis. University of Nebraska - Lincoln, 2001.

Sherlock, Peter. "Funeral Monuments: Piety, Honour and Memory in Early Modem England."
Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University (England), 2000.

Sorabella, Jean Louise. "Sleep that Rouses: Naturalism and the Observer in Greco-Roman Art."
Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2000.

Spars, Stephanie A. "Variation in Civilian and Wartime Burials in an Eastern Orthodox Setting:
a Case Study in Forensic Archaeology." Master's thesis. University of Nebraska - Lincoln,
2000.

Strange, J.M. "This Mortal Coil: Death and Bereavement in Working Class Culture, C. 1880-
1914." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Liverpool (England), 2000.

Taylor, Laurel L. "Dying Like a Roman: Funerary Monuments and the Creation of a Provincial
Material Culture in Roman Venetia." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Pennsylvania, 2000.

Tung, Tiffany A. "Kin-Based Burial Groups in Hellenistic-Early Roman (325 BC-AD 150)
Cyprus: A Biodistanic Analysis of Mortuary Organization." Master's thesis. University
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2000.

Usher, Bethany McKay. "A Multisate Model of Health and Mortality for Paleodemography:
Tirup Cemetery (Denmark)." Ph.D. dissertation. The Pennsylvania State University, 2000.

Walker, Amy E. "A Tisket, a Tasket, Please Don't Touch that Casket: An Evaluation of
Cemeteries in Delaware County, Indiana." Master's thesis. Ball State University, 2001.

Wansley, James Hoyt, Jr. "Rose Hill Cemetery and the Ocmulgee Heritage Greenway: The
Impact of Integration." Master's thesis. University of Georgia, 2000.

Will, Martina Elaine. "God Gives and God Takes Away: Death and Dying in New Mexico,
1760-1850." Ph.D. dissertation. The University of New Mexico, 2000.

Wu, Xiaolong. "Female and Male Status as Displayed at the Maoquinggou Cemetery: Ascribed
or Achieved?" Master's thesis. University of Pittsburgh, 2000.

307

Videotapes

"California's Gold: San Francisco Cemeteries." Los Angeles, CA: Huell Hawser Productions,
2000.

"Cliff Mummies of the Andes." New York, NY: A & E Television Networks, 2001 .

"Cryptic Clues in the Boneyard." Sharon De Bartolo. Hurricane, UT: The Studio, 2001.

"Crypts, Coffins and Corpses." New York, NY: A & E Television Networks, 2000.

"Forest Home Cemetery, Milwaukee, Wisconsin." Dan Jones. Milwaukee, WI: Milwaukee Public
Television, 2000.

"Freedman's Cemetery Memorial: A Place of Healing." Alfre Woodard, Katie Sherrod, and
Joe Norman. Dallas, TX: KERA-TV, 2001.

"Gentle Voices Calling: A Walk Through Southern Illinois History." John L. Leckel. CoUinsville,
IL: CoUinsville Memorial Library Foundation, 2000.

"Gentle Voices Calling: A Walk Through Southern Illinois History # 2." John L. Leckel.
CoUinsville, IL: CoUinsville Memorial Library Foundation, 2001.

"Historical Cemeteries of the South: A Photographic Tour. W. Todd Groce. Savannah, GA:
Georgia Historical Society, 2000.

"Modem Marvels: Cemeteries." Lee Schneider. New York, NY: The History Channel, 2001.

"Mortal Remains." Kelowna, British Columbia, Canada: Foxglove Films, 2000.

"Rockford Historical Society Presents This Is A Cemetery." Rockford, IL: Rockford Historical
Society, 2000.

"Save Our History: The World War II Memorial." Arthur Drooker. New York, NY: A & E
Television Networks, 2000.

"Speakers for the Dead." Jennifer Holness and David Sutherland. Montreal, Quebec, Canada:
NFB, 2000.

"The Desert Mummies of Peru." Amy Bucher and Benjamin Bratt. Bethesda, MD: Discovery
Channel Video, 2000.

"The Marble Orchard 2000." Timothy P. Henderson and Eva Nicklas. Lewiston, NY: Lewiston
Council on the Arts, 2000.

"The Preservation of Civil War Sites in Georgia." Gene Hatfield and Oliver J. Keller. Savannah,
GA: Georgia Historical Society, 2000.

"The Taj Mahal: An Immortal Love Story in Stone." Udai Mathan and Sonia Narayan. Wheeling,
IL: Film Ideas, 2000.

Conference Papers, Other Presentations, etc.

Adler, Brian. "Graveyards and Landscapes of Memory." Annual Meeting of the American
Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

308

Baeckler, Bill. "Corporations continue to Seize the Death Care Industries." Annual Conference
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Baird, Scott, "Gravemarkers: Affirmation of Life Within a Catholic Community." Annual
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Bazzarone, Ann K. "Marking Time: Burial Markers as Indicators of Ethnic Identity and
Acculturation in Baltimore's Greek American Community." Annual Meeting of the Mid-
Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November
3-5, 2001.

Bernstein, Robin. "Talismans of the Middle Class: Nineteenth-Century Postmorten
Daguerreotypes of Children." Annual Meeting of the American Studies Association,
November 8-11, 2001.

Broe, Mary Lynn. "'Sweeping Up the Heart / And Putting Love Away': Caring for Your Own
Dead in Contemporary American Culture." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture /
American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001.

Buckham, Susan. "And the Grave Proves the Child Ephemeral? Feminist Theory as a Paradigm
to Examine the Commemoration of Children." Annual Meeting of the Society for
Historical Archaeology, Long Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001.

CaUdonna, Frank. "Archival Considerations for the Care and Preservation of Gravestone Data."
Armual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-
24, 2001.

. "Cemeteries, Gravestones, and Kids: Teachable Moments." Annual Conference

of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Carnes-McNaughton, Linda, and Clauser, John. "Silent Witnesses: Mapping the Hill Top
Cemetery in Historic Halifax, NC." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical
Archaeology, Long Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001.

Collison, Gary. "Somewhat Beyond the Time: The Vernacular Gravestones of Crawford Duncan,
ca. 1820-1849." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA,
April 11-14, 2001, and Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American
Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

. "Winged Skulls, Angels, and Beyond: The Study of U.S. Gravemarkers." Congress

of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October
18-21, 2001.

, Gabel, Laurel, and Deloria, Claire. "AGS and the Educational Community: Past,

Present, and Future." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Conlin, Judith Miller. "The Search for Achsah and Other Curiosities from a Small Town
Cemetery." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline,
MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Corbett, Joyce. "The Cult of Personality in Hungarian Cemetery Gravemarkers." Annual
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

309

Crabtree, Kathryn, and Prince, Eugene. "A Voice We Loved Is Stilled: A Study of Epitaphs
Found in Historic Cemeteries." West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001.

Davis, Erik. "Bodies of Knowledge: The Tug of War Over Native American Dead." Annual
Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver
Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

De Chapparo, Martina WiU. "Death and Impermanence in New Mexico: A Overview of Colonial
and Mexican Period Mortuary Customs." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture /
American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001.

Donlon, Jocelyn. "Crossed Boundaries: Creolizing Toussaint in Lacombe, Louisiana." Annual
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Eckert, Eva. "Gone to America! Life and Death of Czech Immigrants In Texas." Annual Meeting
of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Edgette, J. Joseph. "'Nearer My God to Thee': R.M.S. Titanic's Victims." Annual Meeting of
the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Gabel, Laurel K. "Fraternal Emblems and Grave Markers." Annual Conference of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

. "Introduction to Boston Area Colonial Carvers and Their Stones." Annual

Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.
. "'Seize the Shadow 'Ere the Substance Fade': The Use of Photography in Mourning

and Memorialization." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American
Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

Galley, Janet L. McShane. "The 'Mother and Twins' Monument at Philadelphia's Laurel Hill
Cemetery." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture
Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

Garciagodoy, Juanita. "Prehispanic and Contemporary Life-Death Dualism in Central Mexican
Archaeological Artifacts and Days-of-the-Dead Calaveras." Congress of the Americas,
Popular Culture/ American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001.

Gleason, William [chair]. "Civic Design, Public Space, and the Washington Mall: A Roundtable
Discussion on the National World War II Memorial." Annual Meeting of the American
Studies Association, Washington, D.C., November 8-11, 2001.

Gordon, Bill. "What Lurks Below? Look Above: An Introduction to New England Coffin Plates."
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-
24, 2001.

Greenfield, Marianne McCaffrey. "The Delaware Anti-Rent War." Annual Conference of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Graves, Thomas E. "Burial Practices in Argentina." Annual Meeting of the American Culture
Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Harmon, Thomas. "Reflections of FENG-SHUI in Korean Cemetery Location and Morphology."
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14,
2001.

310

Halporn, Roberta. "Women of Valor: Lives and Losses. The Intersection Between Research,
the Arts, and the Graveyard." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 200L

Hass, Kristin. "Pandering to Anxiety: The National World War II Memorial." Annual Meeting
of the American Studies Association, Washington, D.C., November 8-11, 2001.

Heikkila, Kim. "Citizen Jane: The Vietnam Women's Memorial and U.S. Popular Memory."
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14,
2001.

Hey wood, Janet. "Gravestone Studies: Nineteenth Century Style - A Look at Guidebooks for
Rural Cemeteries." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

. "John Evans, Boston Stone Carver." Annual Conference of the Association for

Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 .
. "Landscape as Lesson: Morals and Melancholy in the 19th-century Cemetery.'

Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14,
2001.

Hobbs, June Hadden. "Grave Gifts and Postmodernism in the American Cemetery." Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

. "Say It With Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery." Annual Meeting of the American

Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Jenks, Margaret R. "The Symbolism of New England Gravestones." Annual Conference of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Jones, Mary-Ellen. "Northern California Tombstone Carvers, 1850-1890." West Coast
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12,
2001.

Karrick, Katie. "Joseph Carabelli: His Monumental Destiny." Annual Meeting of the American
Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Kearl, Michael C. "The Expanding Roles of the Dead in Civic and Popular Cultures." Annual
Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver
Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

Logan, Kelley "Under the Big Top: The Showman's Rest of Mount Olivet Cemetery." Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2201 .

Lynch, Daniel J. "The Digital Darkroom." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 .

. "Rock - Types of Ages - A Geologist's View of Gravestones." Annual Conference

of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 .

Mahaffrey, Tracy. "Stone Carving Apprentice in the Twenty-First Century." Annual Conference
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Malloy, Brenda. "Early American Epitaphs of Death from Childbirth." Annual Meeting of the
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

311

. "Identification of Children in Stone." Annual Conference of the Association for

Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Malloy, Thomas A. "Epitaphs Reflecting Early American Diseases." Annual Meeting of the
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

. "What Was Killing the Children in Agrarian New England." Annual Conference

of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

McCarthy, John. "Beyond the Grave: Tlie Individual and the Community in African American
Cemetery Archaeology." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Long
Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001.

McGuckin, Eric. "Breathing With the Dead: Concrete Memories and Mindfulness in the
Cemetery." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture Division,
Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001.

Meyer, Richard E. "John McCrae, the Essex Farm Military Cemetery, and the Poppy of
Remembrance." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA,
April 11-14, 2001.

Nygard, Paul David. "T Have a Piece of Thee Here...': Mourning Practices Among Nineteenth
Century Middle-Class Americans." Annual Meeting of the Mid- Atlantic Popular Culture
/ American Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001 .

Palkovich, Ann M. "Marking Childhood: The Creation of Childhood Identity in Cemeteries."
Annual Meeting of the Mid- Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association,
Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

Paraskevas, Cornelia. "Greeks Abroad." Annual Meeting of the American Cultvire Association,
Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Parent, Traci. "Read All About It! - Using Newspaper Articles as Historic Resources for
Cemetery Studies." West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies,
San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001.

Pearce, J. "Infants, Cemeteries and Communities in the Roman Provinces." Tenth Annual
Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, London, England, April, 2000.

Pearson, Ann B. "The Cemetery Lantern Tour: History by Moonlight." Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Pobo, Kenneth G. "American Poets: Contemporary Views of the Cemetery." Annual Meeting
of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Purcell, Jennifer E. "Gravemarkers: Affirmation of Life Within a Non-Catholic Cemetery."
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14,
2001.

Reilly-McNellan, Mary. "Cemetery Saviors: Digging Up Volunteers." Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2000.

Richman, Jeff. "Brooklyn's Green-Wood Cemetery: The Photographic Record." Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

312

Roark, Elisabeth L. "Almost Heaven: Angel Monuments and the American Rural Cemetery as
Metaphor." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture
Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001.

Rotundo, Barbara. "Nineteenth-Century Stones in Boston Area Cemeteries." Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Sauers, Richard A. "Black December: The Monongah Explosion." Annual Meeting of the
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Sclair, Helen. "The Cemetery for the Genealogist." Annual Conference of the Association for
Gravestone Shidies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

. "Resting in Pieces." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association,

Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Shapleigh-Brown, Ruth. "Cemetery Theft - In Your Town, Too!" Annual Conference of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Sinan, Alma. "In the Reaper's Shadow: The Personification of Death in Gravestone Art." Annual
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Spencer Gillian. "White Bronze: The Eternal Alternative." Annual Conference of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Stott, Annette. "M. Rauh, A Pioneer Monument Maker of Colorado Territory." West Coast
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12,
2001.

Svanevik, Michael. Keynote Address, West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone
Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001.

Thursby, Jacqueline S. "Cemeteries and Water Rights in Salt Lake City." Annual Meeting of
the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Van Beck, Todd. "The Visible and the Invisible." Keynote Address at Annual Conference of
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001.

Vinuales, Rodrigo Gutierrez. "Excultura commemorativa en Iberoamerica (1850-1930): Hacia
ima comprension comiin." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture
Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001.

Walker, Jean C, ct al. "Surface Weathering and Erosion of Marble Tombstones in Northeastern
New Jersey." Annual Meeting of Middle States Division of the Association of American
Geographers, Wilkes-Barre, PA, October 19-21, 2000.

Walsh, Beth. "Anatomy of One Short Story: Necrological References and Metaphors." Annual
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

Williams, Gray. "By Their Characters Shall You Know Them: Using Lettering Styles to Identify
Carvers." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA,
June 21-24, 2001.

Wood, Harvard C, III. "Packaged Sentiment." Annual Meeting of the American Culture
Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001.

313

Yea, S. "Rewriting Rebellion and Mapping Memory in South Korea: The (Re) Presentation of
the 1980 Kwangju Uprising Through Mangwol-Dong Cemetery." Second Biennial
Conference of the Korean Studies Association of Australia, Monash, Australia, September,
1001.

314

CONTRIBUTORS

James Blachowicz, Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University, Chicago,
became interested in early American gravestones during a summer in
Falmouth, Massachusetts in 1972, but didn't discover the Association
for Gravestone Studies until 1994. He has contributed three papers to
the AGS Qiiarterh/, and three of his studies on the gravestone carving
traditions of Plymouth, Kingston, and Cape Cod have appeared in Markers
XV (1998), Markers XVII (2000) (in collaboration with Vincent F. Luti),
and Markers XVIII (2001). He has recently completed a book. An American
Craft Lineage, which greatly expands his work on these carving traditions,
focusing on twenty-seven stonecarvers in the two regions active from
1770 through 1870. His book in philosophy. Of Two Minds: The Nature of
Inquiry (State University of New York Press), appeared in 1998.

Simon J. Bronner is Distinguished Professor of Folklore and American
Studies and Coordinator of the American Studies Program at The
Pennsylvania State University, Harrisburg. He has also taught at Harvard
University, University of California at Davis, and Osaka University
(Japan). He has published a dozen books, including Grasping Things: Folk
Material Culture and Mass Society in America; Following Tradition: Folklore
in the Discourse of American Culture; American Material Culture and Folklife;
Folk Art and Art Worlds; and Creativity and Tradition in Folklore, as well as
numerous scholarly articles. He is the editor of the University Press of
Kentucky's Material Worlds book series and the Publications of the
Pennsylvania German Society. He has previously served as editor of the
journals Material Culture and Folklore Historian, and edited the American
Material Culture and Folklife book series for UMI Research Press. His
obituary on Warren Roberts was published in Markers XVII.

Ann M. Cathcart was born in Vermont, moved to Texas at an early age,
and is a graduate of Rice University in Houston, Texas. She practiced as
a Certified Public Accountant (CPA) until her retirement in 1996. Her
most current gravestone/genealogical project is the preparation of a
booklet about St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery in Arlington, Vermont.

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince date their association with James
Deetz to the late 1970s, when he came to Berkeley as a faculty member
and director of the anthropology museum. Kathryn holds a B.A. degree

315

in Anthropology from the University of California, Berkeley, and a M.A.
degree in Cultural Resources Management from Sonoma State University.
Her primary research interest is the study of historic cemeteries in the
American West, and she is especially intrigued by expressions of
sentiment found on gravemarkers and in decorative offerings. Eugene
received a B. A. degree in Anthropology from the University of California,
Berkeley, and his background includes a considerable amount of
experience in archaeology and archaeological photography. He has retired
from his position as Principal Photographer at the Phoebe A. Hearst
Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. Kathryn
and Eugene have presented papers on Nineteenth-Century epitaphs at
several Association for Gravestone Studies conferences, and together they
continue to pursue research into topics related to deathways and the
material culture of cemeteries.

Eva Eckert teaches linguistics, Russian, and Czech at Connecticut College,
where she chairs the Department of Russian and East European Studies.
A Czech native with degrees from Charles University in Prague, the
University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, and the University of California,
Berkeley, she has published material on Slavic verbal aspects, standard
and colloquial language varieties, and language change and loss in
American Czech. Her book on the acculturation of Texas Czechs, a case
study in history and ethnography using gravestones and immigrant
newspapers as primary sources, will be published by Lidove noviny in
the Czech Republic in 2002. She has previously published articles in
Markers XV and in Markers XVIII, and her recent work has included articles
published in Brown Slavic Contribiitioiis [Modem Czech Studies]; Festschrift
for Charles Townsend; Cesky lid [Journal of the Ethnographic Institute of
the Czech Academy of Sciences]; The Czech Voice [Newsletter of the Czech
Heritage Society]; and Casopis pro moderni filologii [Journal of Modern
Philology].

Jessie Lie Farber is one of the six founders of the Association for
Gravestone studies, and has served as editor of both this journal and the
organization's newsletter, the AGS Quarterly. Working with AGS member
Laurel Gabel and Visual Information, Inc. of Denver, Colorado, she and
her husband, Daniel Farber, produced eleven CDROMs, cataloging more
than fifteen thousand images of 9,300 gravestones photographed by the
Farbers, Harriette Merrifield Forbes, and Ernest Caulfield.

316

Laurel K. Gabel, former Research Clearinghouse Coordinator of the
Association for Gravestone Studies, has published a number of important
articles on early American gravemarkers, including a seminal study of
fraternal symbolism and gravestones in Markers XL Teaming with former
Markers editor Theodore Chase, she has published articles on early New
England carvers in Markers III and Markers V, as well as the two-volume
Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century New England Carvers and
Their Work (1997). In 1988 she was recipient of the AGS' Harriette M.
Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Her most recent
contribution to this journal, an analysis of the Africa-related imagery on
the Vermont gravestone of Harriet Ruggles Loomis, appeared in Markers
XVI.

June Hadden Hobbs is Associate Professor of English at Gardner-Webb
University in Boiling Springs, North Carolina, where she teaches classes
in American Literature and in Composition. Her casual interest in
gravestones became a passion in 1994 when she was finishing a book on
American gospel hymns and realized that many epitaphs in American
graveyards are in fact quotations from hymn texts. Her book, "/ Sing for
I Cannot Be Silent": The Feminization of American Hymnody, 1870-1920, was
published by the University of Pittsburgh Press in 1997. She has recently
published an article entitled "Tombstone Erotics and Gender in the
Graveyards of the South" in the journal Southern Quarterly and has begun
a preservation project in the Boiling Springs Baptist Church Cemetery,
conveniently located across the street from her university.

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at Western
Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the last ten
issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of
American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the American
Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the book The
Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of the
editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a former president of
the Oregon Folklore Society, and from 1986-1996 chaired the Cemeteries
and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture Association. His
articles on Oregon pioneer gravemarkers, San Francisco's Presidio Pet
Cemetery (with David M. Gradwohl), and World War I Western Front
cemeteries have appeared in Markers XI, Markers XII, and Markers XVIII,
respectively. In 1998 he was a recipient of the Association for Gravestone

317

Studies' Harriete M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies.
Besides his contribution to material necrology, he has published a wide
variety of scholarly materials in both folklore and literary studies. He is
currently in the early stages of a projected book on America's Tomb of
the Unknown Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery.

Katherine Noordsij, a niece of Ivan Rigby, was born in New Jersey about
the time (WWII) that Ivan joined the Army. She spent her years of
elementary school in Buffalo, New York and the rest of her childhood in
Ohio. After graduating from Denison University, she taught high school
English for two years, thereafter earning an M.A. in Renaissance English
Literature from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and a Ph.D. in Nineteenth
Century English Literature from Drew University in New Jersey. She
started work as a technical editor for Bell Laboratories in New Jersey,
and, except for a break when her son, David, was born, worked nearly
twenty-six years with Bell Laboratories, Western Electric, AT&T, and
Lucent Technologies in a variety of marketing and business development
programs. Recently retired from Lucent, she lives in New Jersey with
her husband. Dr. A. Johan Noordsij, and is at present developing an
independent consulting business.

Kenneth Pobo is an Associate Professor of English at Widener University
in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he teaches courses in creative writing,
minority literature, and contemporary poetry. He writes poetry, short
stories, and essays, and his research interests include gay studies, women
writers, and contemporary poets. His most recent (2001) published
collection of poetry is Ordering: A Season in My Garden (Higganum Hills
Books): earlier collections include Cicadas in the Apple Tree (Palanquin
Press), Yes: Irises (Singular Speech Press), and Ravens and Bad Bananas
(Oscric Press). An essay on May Swenson appeared in Heaven Bone, and
another on British writer Jeanette Winterson will be featured in a
forthcoming anthology published by Red Hen Press. His essay "Poets
Among the Stones" will be published in Markers XX. "Key West
Cemetery," the poem presented in the current issue, first appeared in
Kentucky Poetry Review.

318

INDEX

Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations

Adam and Eve 34, 36, [36]

AGS Newsletter {AGS Quarterly) 15

Albany, NY 216

Alcott, Louisa May 253

Alhambra Cemetery, Martinez, CA 87

Alhambra Hotel, Martinez, CA 83-87, [83,

85, 86]
All Souls Day 197
Allen, Henery 47
Ammansville, TX 179, 210
American Tract Society 247
American Revolutionary War 69
Amerikdn [Chicago, IL] 208
Andrew, Bernard 48
Archibald, Susan W. 157
Archipenko, Alexander 13
Arey, Hannah 131, [133]
Argyle, MN 224
Aries, Philippe 263
Arikara ceramics 2
Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington,

VA70
Arlington, VT 215, 217
Ashley, Solomon 97
Ater, A.B. and Annie 270
Atwood, Levi 154

Association for Gravestone Studies 14-15
Association for Gravestone Studies logo

(original) 15, [15]
Auschwitz concentration camp, Poland 54,

59
Austro-Prussian War 189

Baker, Elisha 144
Baker, Gorham 144
Baker,John82, 84, 157
Baker, Tliankful [34]
Baldwin, Edwin 150
Baldwin, Persis Sturgis 150, 153
Baldwin, Sarah 47
Bar-Itzhak, Haya 58-59
Barnard, Cromwell 154
Barnstable Patriot [MA] 79, 120
Bartlett, Rebecca 145, [147]
Bassett, Henry T. 74
Batchelder, Mary 18

Batterkill River, VT 216

Baty, Deliverance (Delia) 74

Baxter, Samuel W. 144

Baxter, Walter 101, [103]

Bearse, Mary 144

Beaussee, June 271

Beecher, Henry Ward 265

Bennett, George 150

Bennington Banner [VT] 229

Bennington, VT 65

Bennington County, VT 214-239

Berkshire County, MA 66

Bernard, Joseph [34]

bestiaries 21, 44

Biblica Sacra Germania ("The Nuremberg

Bible") 28, [29]
Bila Hora, TX 195
Billings, William 49
Birch, William 48
Bissicks, Maggie 271
Black Diamond vein [CA] 84
Blackwell, Alice Stone 251
Bohemia 174-211
Boies, Jerusha 91, 131, 152, [90]
Boiling Springs Baptist Church Cemetery,

Boiling Springs, NC 254, 271
Boiling Springs, NC 243
Bookstein, Jonah 55
Borrassa, Luis 21-22
Bornstein, Henry and Lola 54
Boston, MA 31-32
"Boston Limmer" 48
Boston, Lincolnshire, England 31-32, [31]
"Boxers" 23-26, [25, 26]
Bowdoin, James [38]
Bradley, Abigail 153
Bradley, Ebenezer 150
Bradley, Gilbert 226, 229
Bradley, Nabby/Abigail Sturgis 150
Braque, George 13
Brennan, Nancy [11]
Brewster, Jolin 48
Briggs, John 46
Brockport, NY 216
Brown, Henry Howard [30]
Brown University, Providence, Rl 2

319

Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, Cherokee

County, SC 249, 252, 257, 270-271
Bunker, Absalom 155
Burial Hill Cemetery, Plymouth, MA [11]
Bursley. Elizabeth Fish 139, [138]
Button, William 46
Byles, Mather 49

Cahan, Y.L. 60

Calder, Alexander 13

Camp, William, Jr. [252]

Canfield, F.H. and L.P. 226

Canfield, Helen 224

Canfield, Nathan, Jr. 215

Cape Cod, MA 64-173

Carew, Lucretia 40

Cash, Elizaneth Lucenia 271, [254]

Caulfield, Ernest 81

Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of

American Culture (Richard E. Meyer) 1
Cermna, Bohemia 186, 191, 197
Cervenka, Anna [181]
Chapman, Elizabeth 139
Cherry Valley, NY 70
"Chippings with a Chisel" (Nathaniel

Hawthorne) 263
Circleville, OH 13
City Cemetery, Rogers, TX 270
Clap, Samuel 46
Clark, Charles H. 154
Clark, Thomas [27]
Coddington, Prisscilla 46
Coe, Henry P. 151
Coe, Lydia H. Sturgis 151
Coffin, Lurana Meiggs Fisher 156
Coffin, Thomas Jefferson 156
Coleman, Job 79
Columbus, TX 210
Combes, Mrs. S.M. 262
Conder, Josiah 42, 49
Condy, Susanna 37
Contra Costa Gazette (CA) 84, 87
Cornish, Rachel C. 157
Cotton, John 31
Coye, William 36
Cracow, Poland 50-63
Craford, Hana 46
Creighton, Mary 217, [214, 217]
Creighton, Thomas 217
Crocker, Horace S. 107, [111]
Crocker, Jonathan 157

Crocker, Samuel S. 139, [142]
Crocker, Sylvia 107, [108]
Crocker, Zeruiah 97
Crosby, Watson 107, [112]
Crowell, Gideon 140, [143]
Cumberland, MD 2
Cushing, Job 47
Cutler, Cornelius T 84
Cutler, Sarah Ann StLirgis 84, 87
Czech Republic 174-211

Dadey, Martha [26]

Dali, Salvador 13

Davis, Noah 78

Dawes, Ambrose and Mary [35]

"death imps" 26-27, [26, 27]

"Death's Head, Chenib, Urn and Willow"

(James Deetz and Edwin Dethlefsen) 2
Deetz, Cindy 6
Deetz, Eleanore Kelley 4
Deetz, James Fanno vi-11, [vi, 5, 11]
Deetz, Patricia Scott 6
Deming, Rebekah 224, [225]
Dethlefsen, Edwin (Ted) 1-2
de Vinciolo, Federico 23
Dimmick, Anna 101, [104]
Dimmick, Braddock 113, [117]
Dimmick, Celia 72, 101, [102]
Dimmick, Fear Fish 68
Dimmick, Jane 97, [99]
Dimmick, Joseph 69-70
Dimmick, Lot 68
Dimmick, Prince 118
Divine and Moral Songs for Children (Isaac

Watts) 41
Dongres, L.W. 208
Drinkwater, Robert 95
Dvibina Cemetery, Dubina, TX [195]
Dubina, TX 179, 193-195
Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife

(1976), Dublin, NH 14
Dunietz, Ed 51-52, 54, 57
Duval, Francis Y. 14-16
Dwight, Samuel 215
Dwyt, Timothy 46

Eager, Tabitha 47
Fames, Rachel 155

Early American Gravestone Art in

Photographs (Francis Y. Duval and Ivan
B. Rigby) 14

320

Eliach, Yaffa 59

Eliott, Jacob 46, [30]

Ellinger, TX 195-210

Emery, Samuel, Jr. 158

Emmanuel Cemetery, Birmingham, AL 261,

271
Emmes, Elizabeth 47
Essex County, MA 39
Eveleth, Elisha 70, 74-75, 94, 125
Eveleth, Frank Leslie 152
Eveleth, La von Priscilla 152
Eveleth, Priscilla Dart 75
exemplars 20
Eyn Newe Kunstlich Moedelboeck allc

Kunstner (Peter Quentel) 18-19, [19]

Farber, Dan and Jessie Lie 14

Farrell, James J. 242

Fayetteville Catholic Church Cemetery,

Fayetteville, TX 197
Fayetteville, TX 182, 189, 193, 195
Fir Crest Cemetery, near Monmouth, OR

[front cover]
Fish,Cloa94, 113, 1114]
Fish, Elihu 157
Fish, John 156

Fish, Mercy Meiggs 119, 153
Fish, Nathaniel 156
Fish, Theodore 119
Fisher, Adeline Butler 156
Fisher, Benjamin Franklin 120, 127
Fisher, Ebenezer 120
Fisher, Elizabeth F. Hallet 156
Fisher, Hervey 125
Fisher, Jabez Meiggs 66-173, [149]
Fisher,JosephR. 72, 120
Fisher, Joseph Robinson 119
Fisher, Lurana Meiggs 119
Fisher, Mercy Chadwick 125
Fisher, Sabra 156
Fisher, Sally (Sarah) Shargis 72, 127, 153,

[149]
Fisher, Sarah E. Hawes 126
Fisher, Silvester Holmes 119, 125
Fisher, Theodore 79, 125
Fisher, Thomas D. 125

Fisher, William Sturgis 87, 119, 127, 139, 152
Fisher, William Sydney 156
Flatonia,TX179

Flowerdeiv Hundred: The Archaeology of a
Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864 (James
Deetz) 3

Flowerdew Hundred, VA [5]

Folwell, Godfrey 48

Folwell, Samuel 48

Forbes, Harriette Merrifield 1, 39

Ford, James 37

Forestdale Cemetery, Sandwich, MA 119-120

Foster, Stephen Collins 262-263

Franklin, Roswell and Pamela 219-221, [220,
221]

Freeman, Benjamin 156

Freeman, William J. 107, [109]

Frelsburg, TX 195

Frenstat pod Radhostem, Moravia 185-187

Galia, Marie 197

Galveston, TX 176

Gaston, Bessie 270, [249]

Geneva, NY 224

Genoa, NY 219

"Gentle Annie" (Stephen Collins Foster)

262-263
Geyer, Henry Christian 37
Gifford, Elisha 94
Gilsum, NH 75
Ginzel, Henry 192
Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and

Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1860 (Betty

Ring) 39
Godey's Lady's Book 242, 262
Good Shepherd Cemetery, Ellicott City, MD

250
Gorham, Kezia 72
Gorham, Oliver 125
"Go to Rest, Sweet Child: Funeral Song"

(A.J. Abbey) 248
Grace Episcopal Church, Martinez, CA 85
Grant, Edward [35]
"Great God How Frail a Thing is Man"

(Mathey Byles and William Billings) 49
Greenough, William 46
Greenwich, NY 224

Haidusek family 193

Hall, Batha [33]

Hall, J.L.T. 270

Hallet, Arthur 137, 139, [136]

321

Hallet, Caroline B. 144, [144]

Hallet Daniel 144, [144]

Hallet, Elizabeth C. 144, [145]

Hallet, Franklin and Meribah Russell 145,

[148]
Hallet, Hiram 139
Hallet, Nathan 139, [140]
Halletsville, TX 208
Hamblen, Sally 72, 101
Hamblen, Thomas W. 101, [106]
Hamrick, D.J. 254, [243]
Hancock, Nathaniel 48
Handy, Benjamin 144
Harlow, Amaziah, Jr. 97
Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award 3, 15
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 2
Hastings, Daniel 37
Haw, Clarence 271
Hawes, Benjamin 157
Hawes, John 126
Hawes, John E. 127
Hayden, Eliakim 15
Heath, Mary Ann Sturgis 151
Heath, Orton 151
Hedge, Hannah 157
Hennenberg, Jacob 62
Henry Homblower Tribute Award 3
Hermann, Katelina 209
Herren, SarahJ. [258]
High Hill, TX 179
Hills, Benjamin 46
Hinckley, Henry and Lydia 151
Hinckley, Samuel 47
Historical Archaeology 3
Holden, George B. 229
Holden, Marion Rule 229
Holman, Anna A. [259]
Hollenbeck, Casper 153
Hollingsworth, Lydia 49
Holmes, Aaron 113, [116]
Holmes, Nathaniel 65-66, 89, 107, 137, 146
Holmes, Oliver 137
Holmes, William 137
Holocaust survivors 50-63
Holway, Almira 101, [105]
Holyoke, Elizur 46
Holyoke, Mary 46
Hooker, Daniel 158
Hopkins, Thomas A. 122

Horak, Ludvik [196]

Horak, Marie 197

Hostyn, TX 179, 195

Hotel de Steward, Martinez, CA 83

Howes, Elisha 75

Howes. Ezra 126, 157

Howland, Solomon 122, 156

Hoxie Betsey 155

Hradec, Moravia 188

Hranice, TX 203

Hmcif family 185, [184]

Hughes, TE. 75

Hussey, Jane 157

Hussite Wars 179

Hyde, Fuller and Hyde [Castleton, VT] 74

In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of

Early American Life (James Deetz) 4
Industry, TX 210

Invitation to Archaeology (James Deetz) 2
Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, VT 226-228
Isserles, Rabbi Moses [the "Remu"] 50-63,

[50, 53]
"I Went to Gather Flowers" (Mrs. S.M.
Combes) 262

J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical

Archaeology 3
Jemegan, Prudence 75
"Jesus Loves Me" (Anna B. Warner /

William Bradbury) 247-249
]eioish Magic and Superstition: A Study in

Folk Religion (Joshua Tractenberg) 58
Johnson, Isaac 31
Johnson, Thomas 48
Johnston, John 48
"J.N." 21
Jones, William 83

Juniper Haven Cemetery, Prineville, OR 259
"Just a Rose Will Do" (J.A. McClung) 265-

266, [265]

Kafka, Jan [206]

Kalkova, K. [206]

Kelly, Susan 14

Kelley, Joseph 139

Kemmelmeyer, Frederick 48

Kendrick, Henry 158

Kenton Cemetery, Kenton, OK 240

322

Key West Cemetery, Key West, FL 212-213,

[212]
Kimball, Chester 81
King Ferry, NY 219
K.J.T. [Czech Catholic Union], Dubina, TX

194, [193]
Knapp, Silas 229
Knowles, Arietta Dimmick Fisher 127, 145,

[146]
Knowles, Gorham 127
Komensky, TX 195

Laciak, Bohuslav Emil [183]

Laflin, Walter 152

La Follette, TN 13

Lamson, Joseph 26

Lane, Job 47

Lanskroun, Bohemia 185-186

Law, Thomas 217-218, 230, [218, 219]

LeCorbusier 13

Lee, MA 66, 69-70

Lee, Robert E. 49

Le Langage des Flctirs (Mme. Latour) 241

Lewis, David 144

Lexington Municipal Cemetery, Lexington,

KY271
Lichnov, Moravia 185-186, [176, 184]
Lincoln, Abraham 49
Lincoln, Deborah 47
Lindahl, Carl 261
Linnell, Oliver N. 122, 131, 158
"Little Flower" (W.A. Ogden) 248-249
Littner, Nathan 54
Loomis, Amasa 97
Loomis, Mary 155
Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University

of California, Berkeley, CA 2

Macy, Peleg 154

Manning, Josiah 97

Mamluk needlework 21

Manners and Social Usages (Mary Elizabeth

Sherwood) 264
Mantelmacher, Leo 52, 54
"marble belt" 65
Markers / 15

Martha's Vineyard, MA 67
Martinez, CA 70, 83-87
Martinez [CA] Historical Society 86
Martyn, Michael 46
martyrdom of Hus and Hieronymus 209

martyrdom of Rabbi Akiva 60

Marvin, Ezra 155

Maryland Institute of Art, Baltimore, MD 13

Masik, Josef 192

Massachusetts Business Directory 125

Massachusetts Register 75, 125

Massachusetts State Directory 74, 83, 125

Mayhugh, Eleanor [250]

Maxcy, John 157

Maxcy, Levi 39

McClung, J.A. 266

McGeer, William 14

McGrath, P. 75

McGuffey's Eclectic Reader 255

McKee, Aaron 216

McKee, James 216

McKee, Moses 215

McKee, Samuel 216

McLenegan, Carrie Cutler 84-86

McLenegan, Samuel 86

Medieval guilds 21

Meiggs, Asa 79, 153

Meiggs, Edmund 156

Meiggs, Jabez 156

Meiggs, Lurana Dimmick 156

Meiggs, Mercy H. Fisher 156

mermaids 27-32, [28, 29, 30, 31]

Miklova, Anna [190]

Miller, Symtha Ann [260]

Monumental Bronze Company 254, 271

Moore, Henry 13

Moravia 174-211

Mount Auburn Cemetery Cambridge, MA

30
mourning pictures 39-40, [40]
Mucha, Julia [205]

Mulberry Creek, Fayette County, TX 176
Mulberry settlement, TX 197
Murray, Henry 153
Museum of American Folk Art, New York,

NY 14
Myrick, George 82

Nantucket Inquirer [MA] 72, 82, 119-120

Nantucket, MA 64, 66, 82-83

Nazis 50-63

Neal, Melicen [35]

needlework samplers 18-49, [18, 25, 28, 40]

Nelsonville,TX210

Nepomuky, Bohemia 186

New North Cemetery, Nantucket, MA 157

323

Newtown Cemetery, Nantvicket, MA 157
New Ulm settlement, Austin County, TX

191
New England Mercantile Union Business

Directory 74, 83, 125
New England Primer 41
New England Psalm Singer (William Billings)

49
Nickerson, Alvah 131, [130]
Nickerson, Susanna 132, [135]
Nickles, Margaret 47
Nightengale, Joseph [34]
Nortonville, CA 84
North Bremen settlement, Austin County,

TX191
Norwalk Experiment [OH] 226
Norwalk, OH 226, 229
Nourse, Asa 151
Nourse, Betsey Sturgis 151
Novak, Josef 197
Novak, Matej 176
Nova Scotia, Canada 36
Novy Jicin, Moravia 185
Novy Tabor, TX 182, 195
Noy Dov 58
Noyes, John 31
Noyes, Paul 37
Nye, Charles 156
Nye, Edwin B. 94
Nye, Mary 107, [110]

Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C. 245,

271
Oconee Hills Cemetery, Athens, GA 271
Ogden, W.A. 248
Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, TX

244-245, 270
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, NY 214,

217
Old North Cemetery, Nantucket, MA 157
"On the Death of an Infant" ( Josiah

Conder) 49
"Openwork Memorials of North Carolina"

(Francis Y. Duval and Ivan B. Rigby) 15
Orleans, MA 66
Ostaus, Giovanni 23
Oswiecim, Poland 54
Otis, Hannah 37, 39

Paris, France 13

Park family carvers 37

Park, Solomon 47

Peale, Raphaelle 48

Peirce, Anna 47

People's Cemetery, Chatham, MA 158

Persephone 29

Phillips, Charles E. 152

Phimiey, Jabez 125

Picasso, Pablo 13

Pittom, Matthew 46

Plimoth Plantation, MA 3, 11

Plymouth, MA 66

Potter, NY 226

Power, Jane Rule 229

Prague, Czech Republic 175

Praha Cemetery Praha, TX 175, 178

Praha, TX 174-176, 195

Pratt Gallery Brooklyn, NY 13

Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY 13

Purser, Margaret 6

Quentel, Peter 19-20, 23

Radhost', TX 195

"Reflections of a Collaboration, A Tribute to

the Art of Francis Duval" (Ivan B. Rigby,

with Katherine M. Noordsij) 16
Religious Tract Society (England) 247
Remu Cemetery, Cracow, Poland 50-63, [55]
Remu Synagogue, Cracow, Poland 50-63
Republic of Texas 174-21 1
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, NY 218-

219
Rigby Ivan B. 12-17, [12, 16, 17]
Riha, Martin and Rozalie [204]
Ring, Betty 39

Rippy Mary Melissa 258, 271, [257]
Roberts, Warren 3
Robertson, Alexander 48
Robertson, Archibald 48
Robinson, Charles H. 154
Robinson, Seth 72
Ross Prairie [TX] Brethren Congregation

197
Ross Prairie, TX 182, 210
Rowena Reed Kostellow Award 13
Rozek, Michal 57-58
Roznov, TX 195

Rule, Christian Stviart 215, 226, [227]
Rule, Deborah Robinson 226
Rule, Elizabeth 215
Rule, Elvira Knapp 226

324

Rule, Georgina 226

Rule, Henry 214-239

Rule, Henry, Sr. 215, 226, [228]

Rule, Henry Stuart 229

Rule, James 215

Rule, John 215

Rule, Maria E. Blakely 229

Rule, Mary 215

Rule, Mary Canfield 215, 229

Rule, Robert 215

Rule, Selina 226

Rutland, VT 229

Ryder, Marshall and Lydia 119, 131, [129]

Ryder, Reuben 139

Saint Patrick 28

Salem Pioneer Cemetery, Salem, OR 258

Salem, NY 217

Sandwich, MA 66

Sandwich Mechanic and Family Visitor [MA]

75
Sandwich Observer [MA] 74-75
San Filipe Trail, TX 210
Santiam Central Cemetery, near Albany, OR

260
Say and Seal (Susan and Anna B. Warner)

' 247-248
Savage, Tliomas 46
Savery, Lemuel 67
Scholehoiise for the Needle (Richard

Shorleyker) 23
Schonsperger, Johannes 23
Sears and Roebuck catalog. Tombstones and

Monuments 243, 270
Seifter, Jacob 57
sedation 1

Shabazi, Rabbi Shalom 60
Shippen, Elizabeth 47
Shimek, Jerry 194
Shiner, TX 195
Sibmacher, Johann 23
Sikes, Elijah 97
Siller, Frantiska 191
Siller, Vincenc 191
Sime...ek,Janl97
Simpson, Ann 46
Simpson, Jonathan 43
Sloane, David Charles 242
Small, Sally 131
Smith, Cassandra 78, 82, 154
Smith, Deborah 151

Smith, Elisabeth [15]

Smith, John 69

Smith, Rhoda 97, [100]

Smith, Richard 131

Smith, Solomon 113, [115]

Smith, Thomas 78, 84, 87, 154

Smith, William M. 87

Snook, TX 182

Snow, Priscilla 132, [134]

Snow, Timothy 155

Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of

Polite Society (Maud C. Cooke) 251, 253-

254
Society for Historical Archaeology 3
Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School (W.A.

Ogden and A.J. Abbey) 248
Sotheby's 39
South Africa 2
Sparrow, Isaac 73, 79, 122
Sparrow, Josiah II 73, 79, 81, 122
Sparrow, Josiah, Jr. 73
Spiro, Irene W. 261, 271
Springfield, NY 216
Squibb, Jane 245-247
St. James Episcopal Church Cemetery,

Arlington, VT 224-226, 229
St. Mary's Catholic Church Cemetery, Praha,

TX 197-198
St. Mary's Church, Brading, Isle of Wight

245
St. Peter's Catholic Cemetery, Westemport,

MD6
Starnes, Mary W. 249, 270
Stone, Abigail 131
Stone, Agnes Rule 215, 229
Stone, Ethan 215, 229
Stone, Henry Rule 224
Stone, John Jerome 224
Stone, Nabby 131, [132]
Sturges, Ezekiel 151
Sturges, Kezia 151
Stvirgis, Abigail 68
Sturgis, Catherine 69
Sturgis, Celia 69
Sturgis, Charles 151
Sturgis, Charlotte Hewitt 151
Sturgis, Ebenezer 150
Sturgis, Edwin 70

Sturgis, Eliza Riddell Smith 79, 84, 86, [88]
Sturgis, Elizabeth Smith 68
Sturgis, Franklin 73, 81, 153

325

Sturgis, George 70

Sturgis, George R. 151

Sturgis, Hannah 69

Sturgis, Hannah A. Kyle 151

Sturgis, Henry 151

Sturgis, John 66-173

Sturgis, Jonathan 68

ShJrgis, Josiah 66-173, [86, 88]

Sturgis, Lucretia 69

Sturgis, Lucretia Gifford 151

Sturgis, Lydia B. Miner 151

Sturgis, Lydia Hinckley 151

Sturgis, Mary Hinckley 69

Sturgis, Mary Loomis 150

Sturgis, Nehemiah 68

Sturgis, Octavia Rice 87

Sturgis, Robert 69

Sturgis, Russell 69

Sturgis, Salome Dimmick 68, 73, 119

Sturgis, Samuel 70, 73

Sturgis, Samuel D. 150

Sturgis, Thomas 68-173, [86]

Sturgis, William 64-173, [77]

Sturgis, William W. 68

Sunderland, VT 21 5

Sunset Cemetery, Shelby, NC 265

Sussman, Bernard 56

Swan, Sarah 36, [36]

Symonds, Katharine 43

"The Reaper and the Flowers" (Henry

Wadsworth Longfellow) 255-256, 258,

271, [256]
The Theory of the Leisure Class (Thorstein

Veblen) 264
The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death

in Plymouth Colony (James Deetz and

Patricia Scott Deetz) 4-5
"Tlie Virgin and Saint George" (Luis

Borrassa) 21, [22]
The Young Cottager (Leigh Richmond) 245-

247, 270
Thompson, Benj. [34]
Thompson, James 72, 74, 94
Thompson, George 113
three-dimensional strategic terrain maps

(World War II) 13
Ticha, Moravia 186, 193
Tidewater Virginia 2
Toan, Betsey 224, [223]
Toan, Lewis 219-220, 224, [222]
Tobey, Benjamin 150
Tobey, Ezra 156
Tribble, Hiram 126
Tribble, John 66
Trojanovice, Moravia 186
Tucker, Ralph 26
Tufts, James 154
Tuttle, Samuel 47

Taylor, John 23
Taylor, Martha 19
Taylor, Nathaniel 125
Taylor, Tabitha 131, [128]

Telegraphs and Texas Register, Houston, TX

191
Temple, Richard 47
Texas Cat Springs, TX 182
Texas Czechs 174-211
Texas Germans 174-211
Thatcher, Marther 97, [98]
The Bazan Book of Decorum (Robert Tomes)

264-265
The Dairyman's Daughter (Leigh Richmond)

245
The Language ofFloiuers: A History (Beverly

Seaton) 241
"The Needle's Excellency" (John Boler) 23
The Plymouth Colony Archives Project 3
The Psalms and Hymns of Isaac Watts 41

Union Cemetery, Harwich, MA 158
Union Hotel, Martinez, CA 83
University of California at Santa Barbara,

Santa Barbara, CA 2
University of California at Berkeley,

Berkeley, CA 2
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 2
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 13

Valasske Klobiiky, Moravia 211
Vavassore, Giovanni Andrea 23
Velehrod, TX 195
Venice Center, NY 219
Venice, Italy 23
Vermont Gazette 215
Victorian cemeteries 240-271
Vinecour, Earl 55-56
Vlcovice, Moravia 186
Vsetin, Moravia 185, 187
Vsetin, TX 203
Vychopen, Marie [202]

326

Wadsworth, Hannah 46

Wadsworth, Jonathan 97, [96]

War of 1812 151, 226

Warner, Anna B. 247-248

Warner, Susan 247-248

Washington, George 39

Weiss, Moshe 56

Wells, Willie F. 245, 270, [244]

Wesley, Charles 41

Wesley [TX] Moravian Brethren

Congregation 197
Wesley, TX 182, 192
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, NY 219-

224, [220]
Weston, Daniel 94
Weston, VT 75
Wheeler, Sarah 47
Whelden, Eben 139, [141]
Whittaker, David 47
Williams, Amie 14
Williams, John 125
Willsher, Betty 36
Winfield, NY 216
Wing, Ebenezer 150
Winslow, C.F. 154

Winslow, Ebenezer D. 66-67, 118, 122
Woodside Cemetery, Yarmouth, MA 127,

145
Woodward, Samuel 79, 156
Work (Louisa May Alcott) 253
Worshiphal Company of Broderers 21

Yarmouth, MA 66, 125-126, [126]

Zurick, Mr. & Mrs. J.H. [240]

327

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE ASSOCIATION

FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES

Scope

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non-
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for
New England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual
scholarly journal. Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes
of AGS are broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its
subject matter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and
encompassing all historical periods and geographical regions, with an
emphasis upon North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean
above-ground artifacts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in
most instances excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may,
however, be made to this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are
urged to consult the editor if they have any questions concerning this
matter). Articles on death and dying in general or on other aspects of
death-related material culture would not normally fall within the journal's
purview unless clearly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular
cemeteries may form the basis of study if a major focus of the article is
on the markers contained therein and if the purpose of the article is more
than simply a non-analytical history or description of the cemeteries
themselves. Finally, articles submitted for publication in Markers should
be scholarly, analytical and interpretive, not merely descriptive and
entertaining. Within these general parameters, the journal seeks variety
both in subject matter and disciplinary orientation. For illustration of
these general principles, the prospective author is encouraged to consult
recent issues of Markers.

Submissions

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581-
5344 / E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in
triplicate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals
of any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally,
articles in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11
typescripted, double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any
appended material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of
exceptional merit and if space permits.

328

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the
text of the manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard
copy and computer diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing
programs are compatible with the journal's disk translation software,
which is used for typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on
this matter should be directed to the editor.

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial
submission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in
a given volume of the journal are generally determined by the
chronological order of their acceptance and submission in final form.

Style/Notes

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and
principles enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual
of Style, [a notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded
as the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period].

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as endnotes
(i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary nature
should conform in format to the models found in the chapter entitled
"Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they should
be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the article and
before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not desired,
though bibliographical material may, of course, be included within one
or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a separate
paragraph at the beginning of the note section.

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly
labeled as such (e.g.. Appendix 1, Appendix II, etc.).

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues
of Markers for examples of these principles in context.

Illustrations

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally
lending itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal
encourages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs,
plus any number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding
that these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's

329

value through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text.
Photos should be 5 X 7 or 8 X 10 black and white glossy prints of medium-
high contrast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Although
black and white is without question the preferred format, color prints, if
they are of exceptionally high quality, may be submitted. Neither color
transparencies (i.e., slides) nor pre-scanned photographic images
submitted on computer disk are acceptable. Maps, charts, diagrams or
other line art should be rendered as carefully as possible so as to enhance
presentation. A separate sheet should be provided listing captions for
each illustration. It is especially important that each illustration be
numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference at the
appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7).

Review

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the
journal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort
is made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be
notified of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions
for revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized
manuscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for
style and format before publication.

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing
copyright and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written
permissions for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously
copyrighted material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written
permission from the person holding the copyright must be secured and
submitted to the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained
from persons who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit
to the photographer should be provided in captions or acknowledgment
statement.

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission
to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a
complimentary copy of the volume.

AGS JOURNALS

MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of 15
articles on topics such as recording & care of grave-
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual markers,
& carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & the CT
Hook-and-Eye Man. [182 pp; 100 illus.]

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & At-
lantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in Scotland
& New England; early symbols in religious & social
perspective; MA carvers Joseph Barbur, Jr., Stephen &
Charles Hartshorn, & "JN"; Portage County, Wl carv-
ers, 1850-1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo,
TX. [226 pp.; 168 illus.]

MARKERS III Gravestone styles in frontier towns of
western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan mark-
ers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County, MA.;
& NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah Coolidge
Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther Hubbard. [154 pp.;
80 illus.)

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions;
camposantos of NM; & death Italo-American style. [180
pp.; 138 illus.]

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum de-
signs of Louis Henri SuUivan; Thomas Gold & 7 Bos-
ton carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with initials;
& markers/graveyards in Ontario & Kings County,
Nova Scotia. [240 pp.; 158 illus.]

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, MA.;
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to G A;
sociological study of Chicago-area monuments; more
on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in southwestern
Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a review
essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying Grou7ids
of Eastern Connecticut. [245 pp.; 90 illus.]

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot en-
closures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds Initiative;
unusual monuments in colonial tidewater VA; tree stones
in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; hfe & work of VA carver
Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of Monroe County, IN;
Celtic crosses; & monuments of the Tsimshian Indians of
western Canada. [281 pp.; 158 illus.]

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering stud-
ies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their work:
15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited by Pe-
ter Benes. [342 pp.; 206 illus.]

MARKERS IX The art of Francis Duval; the MuUicken
Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the Green Man on
Scottish markers; Center Church Crypt, New Haven,
CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin & his shop; the
Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, MA; Thomas
Crawford's monument for Amos Binney; Salt Lake City
Temple symbols on Mormon tombstones; language
codes in TX German cemeteries; & the disappearing
Shaker cemetery. [281 pp.; 176 illus.]

MARKERS X Markers carved by Calvin Barber of
Simsbury, CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern
American cemetery; carving of Charles Lloyd Neale
of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of Louisville, KY;
4 generations of the Lamson family carvers of
Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the Protestant Cem-
etery in Florence, Italy. [254 pp.; 122 illus.]

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemarkers;
regional & denominational identity in LA cemeteries;
carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester County,
NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the Dead';
slave markers in colonial MA; the Leighton & Worster
families of carvers; a KY stonecutter's career; & pio-
neer markers in OR. [237 pp.; 132 illus.]

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta markers; Adam & Eve
markers in Scotland; a sociological examination of
cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead
diary; contemporary markers of youths; San Francisco's
Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's Work in
Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies. [238 pp.; Ill illus.]

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of Plainfield,

CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of gravestone
carving in Coastal NH; language community in a TX
cemetery; carver John Huntington of Lebanon, CT; &
"The Year's Work." [248 pp.; 172 illus.]

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols;
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt fam-
ily stonecutters; African-American cemeteries in north
FL; & "The Year's Work." [232 pp.; 107 illus.]

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries; Herman
Melville's grave; carving traditions of Plymouth &
Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscriptions; Aboriginal
Australian markers; Kansas cemeteries & The New
Deal; Chinese markers in Hong Kong; & "The Year's
Work." [350 pp.; 166 illus.]

MARKERS XVI Daniel Farber obituary;
Narragansett carvers John & James New; celebration
in American memorials; "Joshua Sawyer" (poem);
Harriet Ruggles Loomis' gravestone; Scotch-Irish
markers of John Wight; murder in MA; & "The Year's
Work." [281 pp.; 142 illus.]

MARKERS XVir Warren Roberts obituary; Italian-
American memorial practices; carver William Coye of
Plymouth, MA; "The Quaker Graveyard" (poem); de-
veloping technologies & cemetery studies; carver John
Solomon Teetzle & Anglo-German markers in NJ; carv-
ers & lettering styles; & "The Year's Work." [253 pp;
150 illus.]

MARKERS XVIII William Quantrill gravesites;
Egyptian Revival at Brooklyn's Green- Wood; "A Cem-
etery" (poem); Kingston, MA carvers; Czech-Moravian
gravestones in TX; WWI battlefield cemeteries; & "The
Year's Work" [301pp; 160 illus.]