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MARKERS XIX 



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Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 




Ljus. OcM^ 



Markers XIX 



Annual Journal of 
the Association for 
Gravestone Studies 



Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Association for Gravestone Studies 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 




Copyright © 2002 by 

Association for Gravestone Studies 

278 Main Street, Suite 207 

Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301 



All rights reserved 
Printed in the United States of America 



ISBN: 1-878381-12-1 
ISSN: 0277-8726 
LCN: 81-642903 



The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of 

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39 .48-1984. 



Cover illustration: Detail on gravestone, Fir Crest Cemetery, 
near Monmouth, Oregon. Photograph by Richard E. Meyer. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Page 



Obituary: James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 1 

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 

Obituary: Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000) 12 

Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij 

A Common Thread: Needlework Samplers and 18 

American Gravestones 

Laurel K. Gabel 

Legendary Explanations: The Protection of the 50 

Remu Cemetery during the Holocaust 

Simon J. Bronner 

The Origins of Marble Carving on Cape Cod, Part I: 64 

William Sturgis and Family 

James Blachowicz 

From Moravia to Texas: Immigrant Acculturation 174 

at the Cemetery 

Eva Eckert 

Key West Cemetery 212 

Kenneth Pobo 

The Rule Family: Vermont Gravestone Carvers 214 

and Marble Dealers 

Ann M. Cathcart 

Say It with Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 240 

June Hadden Hobbs 

The Year's Work in Cemetery/Gravemarker Studies: 272 

An International Bibliography 

Richard E. Meyer 

Contributors 314 

Index 318 



ui 



MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF 
THE ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

Richard E. Meyer, Editor 
Western Oregon University 

Gary Collison, Assistant Editor 
The Pennsylvania State University, York 

Jessie Lie Farber Julie Rugg 

Mount Holyoke College University of York (United Kingdom) 

Editor, Markers I 

James A. Slater 
Richard Francaviglia University of Connecticut 

University of Texas at Arlington 

Dickran Tashjian 
Laurel K. Gabel University of California, Irvine 

Barbara Rotundo David H.Watters 

State University of New York University of New Hampshire 

at Albany Editor, Markers II-IV 

Wilbur Zelinsky 

The Pennsylvania State University, University Park 

Those of us who study and love the old stones are at times brought 
face to face with a reality the Puritans understood only too well, and the 
inscriptions they often carved upon their gravemarkers serve to remind 
us that we are no more immune to the fact of mortality than those for 
whom these artifacts were originally created. Two individuals who meant 
a great deal to gravestone studies passed away recently, and it is a sad 
year indeed when we find ourselves in the position of needing to publish 
two obituaries in Markers. Still, these obituaries, tributes that they are, 
constitute an important part of the memorial process, and I hope - even 
if you did not know James Deetz and Ivan Rigny - that you will take a 
few moments here to learn a bit about the lives and achievements of 
these two remarkable men. 

Markers XIX contains articles presenting a variety of topics and perspec- 
tives - testimony once again to the vitality and diversity of this field of study. 

iv 



I am particularly pleased that two essays - those by James Blachowicz and 
Ann Cathcart - choose to focus on one of the most overlooked areas of 
gravestone studies, the role of those carvers who were practicing their trade 
during that critical period when the predominant material of choice for 
markers was shifting from slate to marble. Often plain and unadorned when 
compared to the work of some of the well known slate carvers which has 
been so well documented from the time of Harriette Forbes onwards, the 
stones which these early marble carvers placed in thousands of graveyards 
must not be neglected if we are ever to truly understand the history and 
evolution of cemeteries and gravemarkers in this country. 

Thanks are in order to many for the vital roles they have played in mak- 
ing Markers XIX a reality: first and foremost among these, of course, are the 
current year's contributors for the high quality of their submissions. Grate- 
ful thanks as well to the individual members of the journal's editorial re- 
view board for their dedicated efforts, good judgement, and consistently 
high standards. I owe a particular debt of thanks this year to Susan Olsen, 
Executive Director of the Friends of Woodlawn Cemetery in New York City 
(Bronx), for supplying us with the wonderful vintage drawing used to illus- 
trate Kenneth Pobo's poem on the Key West Cemetery. As they have for 
many years, Fred Kennedy of Lynx Communication Group, Salem, Oregon, 
and Patti Stephens of Philomath, Oregon have once again spared no effort 
in applying their considerable production and design skills to the process 
which makes Markers the handsome volume it is. The officers, execufive 
board members, staff, and general membership of the Association for Grave- 
stone Studies are, of course, the backbone of support which makes it all 
possible. And finally, two in particular whose love has been so important in 
all that I do: Lotte Larsen Meyer, ongoing companion of my soul, and a 
sweet little Siamese cat, Vienna (1983-2001), notre ami de coeur. 

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life, 
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information con- 
cerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal may 
be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of this 
issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E. Meyer, 
Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone Studies, P.O. 
Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 / E-Mail: 
meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publications, 
membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278 Main Street, 
Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836. 

R.E.M. 



James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 




vi 



OBITUARY: JAMES FANTO DEETZ (1930-2000) 
Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 

James Deetz was an outstanding anthropologist, a specialist in his- 
torical archaeology, whose professional career spanned forty years. Many 
students of cemeteries and gravemarkers are familiar with the pioneer- 
ing work he and Edwin (Ted) Dethlefsen did in the 1960s, exploring the 
cultural patterns found in colonial gravestones from seventeenth- and 
eighteenth-century New England. As experimental archaeology, these 
studies are important in the history of archaeological theory. Deetz and 
Dethlefsen serendipitously discovered that they could use tightly controlled 
data from historic cemeteries to test some of the methods commonly ap- 
plied to the study of prehistoric archaeological sites. Based on the notion 
that styles gradually come into fashion, reach a peak of popularity, and 
then decline in favor (which is shown graphically as the classic battle- 
ship-shaped curve), seriation allows an archaeologist to order sites chro- 
nologically before firm dates can be established. Deetz and Dethlefsen's 
results, happily, validated this relative dating method. They also found 
that the anthropological concept of diffusion, how cultural ideas spread, 
could be examined by distinguishing changes in gravestone styles. Fur- 
ther possibilities for interesting things to do with gravestones were seem- 
ingly endless, and exciting. One need only read Jim's foreword to Richard 
Meyer's 1989 Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture to 
appreciate ^vhat a grand time it was! 

In some four years of studying colonial gravestones in New England 
(circa 1963-1967), Jim and Ted opened the doors for a new approach to 
material culture studies in archaeology - by recording artifacts that were 
not only above-ground, but actually bearing dates, and furthermore, still 
in situ (their original place). Historical archaeologists have the advantage 
- over those who study prehistory - of access to documentary sources by 
which to check or support their interpretations of the data, and the infor- 
mation inherent in these early stones was prime material for learning 
more about the people who chose the designs and erected them as me- 
morials. Jim and Ted also discovered Harriette Merrifield Forbes's semi- 
nal study, and they applied what she had learned about the carvers of 
these folk objects to the task at hand.' Paying close attention to stylistic 
variations in the artifacts, combined with archival research and knowl- 
edge of the historic period under study, Jim and Ted sought the underly- 
ing reasons for such changes. The sequence they perceived, from death's 
head to cherub to urn and willow, appeared to be resonant with docu- 



James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 



merited changes in religious views prevalent over the period under study. 
The two scholars co-authored five professional papers from their cem- 
etery findings, which are listed in the Appendix. The clearest statement 
of this work for the non-archaeologist is "Death's Head, Cherub, Urn and 
Willow," originally published in Natural History magazine in 1967. Its last- 
ing value is evident from the three reprints of this article that have ap- 
peared, one in a collection of general interest and two in readers intended 
for classroom use.-^ 

While Ted's later work would include a number of studies specific to 
gravemarkers, Jim cast his net in various directions. But he never forgot 
the lessons he had learned from looking at colonial stones early in his 
career, and he continued to use gravemarkers as examples in teaching 
and in nearly every paper and book he wrote for the next thirty-plus 
years. He probably sent hundreds of students from his always-popular 
courses in American material culture out to their local graveyards for 
term paper and thesis projects, demonstrating that it is entirely possible 
to do archaeology without ever setting a spade in the dirt. As he once told 
Kathryn, in an advisor-student meeting, a gravemarker is "the most vio- 
lent communicative device going!" 

Jim was bom in Cumberland, Maryland, and earned his undergradu- 
ate and graduate degrees at Harvard. His 1960 doctoral dissertation on 
Arikara ceramics was published in 1965, and is still considered an impor- 
tant contribution, while his 1967 Invitation to Archaeology remains an ex- 
cellent introduction to the field (in fact, it was translated into Japanese as 
recently as 1988). Although initially trained in prehistoric archaeology, 
Jim's ever-expanding intellectual curiosity led to anthropological studies 
of early American life, first in New England, and later in Tidewater Vir- 
ginia. Eventually his research became truly global, as he applied his knowl- 
edge of American and British material culture to comparative studies of 
English settlements in colonial-period South Africa. 

His academic appointments included the University of California at 
Santa Barbara, Brown University, and the University of California at Ber- 
keley (where he also served as the director of the then-Lowie Museum of 
Anthropology, and won Berkeley's Distinguished Teaching Award in 1982). 
From 1994 he held an endowed chair, Harrison Professor of Historical 
Archaeology, at the University of Virginia. He wrote six books, edited 
others, and prepared a large number of journal papers over the course of 
his career. Here we have chosen to highlight only a few of his many pub- 
lications — those of particular interest in gravestone studies, some other 



Kathiyn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 



significant theoretical works, and his major books. Among the latter is 
Jim's multiple award-winning study, Flowerdeiv Hundred: The Arehaeology 
of a Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864, which was published in 1993. His full, 
and extensive, bibliography (and additional information about him) may 
be viewed on-line at The Phjmouth Colony Archive Project.^ It is worth not- 
ing, also, that his students presented him with two festschrifts during his 
lifetime.^ 

Jim was one of the first to embrace, and indeed helped define, the 
specialty known as historical archaeology in this country, which is now 
recognized as a specific sub-discipline of anthropology. He was one of 
the earliest presidents of the Society for Historical Archaeology (in 1974), 
and its membership would recognize his life-long contributions to the 
field with the J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical Archaeology in 1997, 
thirty years after the organization was founded.^ For his innovative con- 
tributions to Plimoth Plantation (where Jim was Assistant Director from 
1967 to 1978, and later a trustee), he was honored with the Henry 
Hornblower Tribute Award in 1999. And, of course, most readers of this 
journal will be aware that he, along with folklorist Warren Roberts, jointly 
received the Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award from the Association for 
Gravestone Studies in 2000. 

Jim was a scholar of great depth and breadth, and he was a supremely 
gifted teacher, both in the classroom and outside of it. All of us who had 
the privilege of studying under him or working with him in a variety of 
settings will always remember his irrepressible nature, his entertaining 
(often irreverent, but always insightful) lectures and comments, and his 
joie de vivre. Numerous crew members who lived in tents through steamy, 
stormy, Virginia summers would have to admit that Jim could make all 
manner of discomforts not only bearable, but fun. He certainly took a 
broad view of his work, as he commented to Gene in the field on the 
Flowerdew project: "one minute I'm doing archaeology, and the next 
minute I'm doing folklore; half an hour ago I was doing history." But 
eventually it all came together. Jim's goals, clearly, were not frivolous: he 
made his students and his colleagues think, think about the reasons for 
the work — and the methods we bring to it — and always to reach for the 
big picture. What was life really like for the people whose discarded gar- 
bage we excavate and whose houses we measure, and how did their be- 
liefs affect the artifacts they made and used? Among his research 
specialties he listed "the greater understanding of culture, cognition, and 
the impact of mind on the shape, form, and use of the material world. "^ 



James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 



The finest guide to his way of thinking that we can recommend is 
Jim's 1996 book. In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early Ameri- 
can Life (revised and expanded from the edition published in 1977). It is 
scholarly, yet a very accessible work, for he always wrote clearly and con- 
cisely, to communicate his ideas not just to other academics, but to as 
wide an audience as possible. This brief study both explains the value of 
doing historical archaeology and treats a range of material culture as clues, 
not only to behavior, but also to a worldview (to us, quite foreign) of 
people who lived in the past. Anthropologists use the concept of culture, 
which, Jim would have us remember, is itself a mental construct, to un- 
derstand human behavior in all of its complexity. His work frequently 
focused on how cultures change over time, and he was a master of dis- 
covering stylistic variations that point to the underlying patterns. The 
changes seen in gravestones — to which he devotes a full chapter in this 
book — are correlated with other classes of material culture (ceramics, 
houses, food ways, music, etc.) that mutually support his thesis. What Jim 
wanted us to understand was that the "small things" left by those who 
came before us are their legacy; and if we are careful in our analysis and 
courageous in our interpretations, the objects provide one of the most honest 
statements from which to seek knowledge of the past. 

Jim's body of work teaches archaeologists, and many others, to view 
gravemarkers and cemeteries as cultural artifacts and landscapes of deep 
significance to those who made and used them. The inclusion of the cem- 
etery has become standard practice in community studies, for this allows 
the investigator access to an invaluable set of artifacts of both social and 
religious importance. Jim's gift was to broaden our perspectives, to open 
our eyes to differing historical uses of commonplace objects, and to insist 
that we think hard about their meaning (or their multiple meanings, de- 
pending on the cultural context in which they were used). For only then 
can we begin to incorporate more of the people who lived in the past: not 
just the famous, the wealthy, and the literate, but the majority, who in- 
deed left few, if any, written records. By using a combination of solid 
scholarship within a sound historical framework and careful analysis of 
the artifactual record, the stories we tell about the past will make mean- 
ingful connections with the lives of the people who lived there, which 
can only be a good thing for all concerned. 

With his first wife, Eleanore Kelley Deetz, Jim had nine children; the 
Deetz family now includes seventeen grandchildren. His final book. The 
Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony (available only 



Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 





James Deetz teaching ceramics class. 
Archaeology Laboratory, Flowerdew Hundred, VA. 



James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 



a few weeks before his death), was co-authored by his second wife, Patricia 
Scott Deetz. She plans to complete their joint work on a children's book 
about Plymouth Colony. Jim Deetz is buried at St. Peter's Catholic Cem- 
etery in Westemport, Maryland, and one of his daughters, Cindy Deetz, 
has designed a marvelous seventeenth-century-style marker (to be carved 
of slate) for his gravesite. The family hopes that it will be in place by 
spring 2002. 

As one of his former students, Margaret Purser, remarked for a me- 
morial service held at Berkeley: "the culmination of a great career is a 
truly lived life." Jim did it all. He inspired vast legions of students, col- 
leagues, and friends — through his excellent scholarship, his oftentimes 
magical teaching, and the many enthusiasms he brought to his work. His 
myriad contributions, both professional and personal, will live on. 

NOTES 

Our special thanks to Trish Deetz, who encouraged us from the beginning of our work on this 
tribute: she graciously answered questions, provided photos of her husband, gave us permission 
to quote from The Plymouth Colony Archwe Project web site, and took time to review a draft. 
We'd also like to thank Cindy Deetz for her spirited response. We further appreciate the consid- 
ered comments of Dave and Vera-Mae Fredrickson, while Michael Stephens's suggestions were 
helpful as well. Margie Purser kindly gave us permission to quote from her manuscript, "Re- 
membering Jim." The frontispiece (by Coy Barefoot) and Burial Hill Cemetery photo are cour- 
tesy of Patricia Scott Deetz. The Flowerdew Hundred lab photo (by Gene Prince) is courtesy of 
the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. 

1. Harriette Merrifield Forbes, GraiK^stones of Early Nezo England and the Men Wlw Made Tliew, 
1653-1800 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1927). 

2. The full text of this article, with photos, is also available on-line: see James Deetz, Patricia 
Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell, eds.. The Plymouth Colony Archive Project 
(Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000), http://etext.virginia.edu/users/deetz (1 
September 2001). 

3. Ibid. 

4. Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, eds.. The Art and Mystery of Historical Ar- 
chaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 1992); Mary Ellin 
D' Agostino, Elizabeth Prine, Eleanor Casella, and Margot Winer, eds.. The Written and the 
Wrought: Complementary Sources in Historical Archaeology, Essays in Honor of James Deetz, 
Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers, no. 79 (Berkeley, CA: Department of Anthropol- 
ogy, University of California at Berkeley, 1995). 

5. See Marley Brown III, "J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical Arcliaeology: James Deetz 1997," 
Historical Archaeology 31: 4 (1997): 1-4. 

6. James Deetz, "A Summary of James Deetz's Work & Publications," in The Plymouth Colony 
Archive Project. 



Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 



APPENDIX 

A Select Bibliography (presented chronologically) of 
James Deetz's Major Works and Gravestone Studies 

"Style Change in New England Colonial Gravestone Design: An Experi- 
ment in 'Historic Archaeology.'" MS, Archaeological Materials and 
Techniques, 1963. Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, 
Cambridge, MA. 

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "The Doppler Effect and Archaeology: A Con- 
sideration of the Spatial Aspects of Seriation." Southwestern Journal of 
Anthropology 21:3 (1965), pp. 196-206. Reprinted in Experimental Arche- 
ology, ed. Daniel Ingersoll, John E. Yellen, and William Macdonald. 
New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1977, pp. 133-144. 

The Dynamics of Stylistic Change in Arikara Ceramics. Illinois Studies in An- 
thropology, no. 4. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1965. 
[Published version of his 1960 Ph.D. dissertation.] 

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Death's Heads, Cherubs, and Willow Trees: Ex- 
perimental Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries." American Antiquity 
31:4 (1966), pp. 502-510. Excerpted in Passing: the Vision of Death in 
America, ed. Charles O. Jackson. Contributions in Family Studies, no. 
2. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977, pp. 48-59. Also available as 
"Experimentacion Arqueologica en Cementerio Colonial: Disenos de 
Calaveras, Querubines y Sauces" [cover title "Arqueologia Experimen- 
tal en Cementerios Coloniales"], trans. Jaime Miasta Gutierrez. Lecturas 
"Emilio Choy," no. 15. Lima, Peru: Universidad Nacional Mayor de 
San Marcos, Seminario de Historia Rural Andina, 1998, pp. 31-55 [2]. 

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Death's Head, Cherub, Urn and Willow." Natu- 
ral History 76:3 (1967), pp. 28-37. Reprinted in Contemporary Archaeol- 
ogy: A Guide to Theory and Contributions, ed. Mark P. Leone. Carbondale, 
IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1972, pp. 402-410. Reprinted in 
Man's Many Ways: Tlie Natural History Reader in Anthropology, ed. Rich- 
ard A. Gould. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1977, pp. 88-93. Re- 
printed in Historical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical 
Contributions, ed. Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Pub- 



James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 



lishing, 1978, pp. 83-89. Available on-line in James Deetz, Patricia 
Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell, eds.. The Plymouth Colony 
Archive Project (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000), 
http://etext.virginia.edu/users/deetz (1 September 2001). 

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Eighteenth Century Cemeteries: A Demographic 
View." Historical Archaeology 1 (1967), pp. 40-42. 

Invitation to Archaeology. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Natural History 
Press, American Museum Science Books, 1967. [Translated into Japa- 
nese, Tokyo, Japan: Tuttle-Mori Agency, 1988.] 

"Late Man in North America: Archeology of European Americans." In 
Anthropological Archeology in the Americas, ed. Betty J. Meggers. Wash- 
ington, D.C.: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1968, pp. 121- 
130. Reprinted in Man's Imprint from the Past: Readings in the Methods of 
Archaeology, ed. James Deetz. The Little, Brown Series in Anthropol- 
ogy. Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1971, pp. 208-218. Reprinted in His- 
torical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions, 
ed. Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing, 1978, 
pp. 48-52. 

"Archaeology as a Social Science." In Current Directions in Anthropology. 
Bulletins of the American Anthropological Association 3:3, pt. 2 (1970), 
pp. 115-125. Reprinted in Contemporary Archaeology: A Guide to Theory 
and Contributions, ed. Mark P. Leone. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois 
University Press, 1972, pp. 108-117. Reprinted in ASA Journal 1:2 (1977), 
pp. 5-14. 

"Must Archaeologists Dig?" In Man's Imprint from the Past: Readings in the 
Methods of Archaeology, ed. James Deetz. The Little, Brown Series in 
Anthropology. Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1971, pp. 2-9. 

With Edwin Dethlefsen. "Some Social Aspects of New England Colonial 
Mortuary Art." In Ap>proaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Prac- 
tices, ed. James A. Brown. Memoirs of the Society for American Ar- 
chaeology, no. 25, ser. ed. Stuart Streuver. Issued as American Antiquity 
36:3, pt. 2 (1971), pp. 30-38. 



Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 



"A Cognitive Historical Model for American Material Culture: 1620-1835." 
In Reconstructing Complex Societies — An Archaeological Colloquium, ed. 
Charlotte B. Moore. Supplement to the Bulletin of the American Schools 
of Oriental Research, no. 20 (1974), pp. 21-24. Reprinted in Historical 
Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions, ed. 
Robert L. Schuyler. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing, 1978, pp. 
284-286. 

In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life. Garden 
City, NY: Doubleday, Anchor Press, Anchor Books, 1977. Reprint, New 
York, NY: Doubleday, 1989. 

"Material Culture and Archaeology - What's the Difference?" In Histori- 
cal Archaeology and the Importance of Material Things, ed. Leland Ferguson. 
Special Publication Series, no. 2, ser. ed. John D. Combes. N.p.: The 
Society for Historical Archaeology, 1977, pp. 9-12. 

"Scientific Humanism and Humanistic Science: A Plea for Paradigmatic 
Pluralism in Historical Archaeology." In Historical Archaeology of the 
Eastern United States: Papers fixvn the R.J. Russell Symposium, ed. Robert 
W. Neuman. Baton Rouge, LA: School of Geoscience, Louisiana State 
University. Issued as Geoscience and Man 23 (April 29, 1983), pp. 27-34. 

"History and Archaeological Theory: Walter Taylor Revisited." American 
Antiquity 53:1 (1988), pp. 13-22. 

"Material Culture and Worldview in Colonial Anglo-America." In The 
Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States, 
ed. Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter Jr. Anthropological Society of 
Washington. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988, 
pp. 219-233. 

"Archaeography, Archaeology, or Archeology?" American Journal of Ar- 
chaeology 93:3 (1989), pp. 429-435. 

Foreword to Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, ed. 
Richard E. Meyer. American Material Culture and Folklife, ser. ed. 
Simon J. Bronner. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1989, pp. ix- 
xiv. Reprint, Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1992. 



10 James Fanto Deetz (1930-2000) 



FJowerdew Hundred: Vie Archaeology of a Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864. Char- 
lottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1993. Reprint, Charlottes- 
ville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1995. 

In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life. Rev. and 
expanded ed. New York, NY: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1996. 

"Discussion: Archaeologists as Storytellers." In Archaeologists as Storytell- 
ers, ed. Mary Praetzellis. Historical Archaeology 32:1 (1998), pp. 94-96. 

"Cultural Dimensions of Ethnicity in the Archaeological Record." Key- 
note Address, 28th Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Ar- 
chaeology, Washington, D.C., 1995. In The Plymouth Colony Archive 
Project, ed. James Deetz, Patricia Scott Deetz, and Christopher Fennell. 
Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia, 2000. http://etext.lib. 
virginia.edu/users/deetz/Plymouth/TDeetzmem6.html (1 September 
2001). 

With Patricia Scott Deetz. The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in 
Plymouth Colony. New York, NY: W.H. Freeman, 2000. Reprint, New 
York, NY: Random House, Anchor Books, 2001. 



Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince 



11 




James Deetz with Nancy Brennan, Director of Plimoth Plantation, 
at Burial Hill Cemetery, Plymouth, MA (circa 1998). 



12 



Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000) 




13 



OBITUARY: IVAN B. RIGBY (1908-2000) 
Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine IVI. Noordsij 

Ivan Rigby - artist, scholar, collector, and educator - died after a brief 
illness on October 25, 2000, in Circleville, Ohio, where he had been living 
with relatives. After a memorial service in Circleville, he was buried with 
full military honors in his family plot in La Follette, Tennessee. He was 92. 

For those who are students of gravestone art, Ivan Rigby's work stands 
as a testament to his valuable contributions to this field. For those of us 
who knew Ivan personally and are familiar with the details of his years of 
intense and tireless creativity, his dedicated, scrupulous scholarship, and 
his personal integrity and loyalty, his death is a larger loss. We miss this 
gentle, modest man. 

Ivan Rigby was bom in La Follette, Tennessee. In 1931, he graduated 
from The Maryland Institute of Art, in Baltimore, Maryland, where he 
was awarded a European scholarship to stLidy three-dimensional design. 
After graduation, he served on the faculties of several schools in Mary- 
land, including The Maryland Institute of Art, where he taught a course 
in three-dimensional design. In 1939, he obtained a teaching position at 
the Pratt Institute, in Brooklyn, New York. Between 1939 and 1942, he 
received his Bachelor of Fine Arts from Pratt and took private lessons 
with the sculptor Alexander Archipenko. With colleagues at Pratt, he 
developed a course in model making and camouflage. 

In 1942, Rigby was drafted into the United States Army; he served 
until 1945. The army assigned him to the Corps of Engineers, Camou- 
flage Unit, and later to Three-Dimensional Strategic Scale Model Units in 
the United States, in England, and, after the invasion, in Paris. During 
this time, he prepared three-dimensional terrain maps for the invasions 
in the European and Pacific theatres. He also found time to explore Paris's 
art scene, to ring the bells of Notre Dame Cathedral, and to visit cel- 
ebrated artists in their studios, among them, Henry Moore, Pablo Picasso, 
George Braque, Le Corbusier, Alexander Calder, and Salvador Dali. 

In 1945, Ivan returned to The Pratt Institute, where he taught in the 
Foundation and the Industrial Design Departments. As one of the direc- 
tors of The Pratt Gallery, he developed many exhibits, several of which 
included his own work in some of his major areas of interest: Pre- 
Columbian art, Mexican art, and early American gravestone art. 

He retired from full-time teaching in 1973, continuing, however, to 



14 Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000) 



teach one or two courses. In 1992, the Pratt Institute presented him with 
The Rowena Reed Kostellow Award in honor of his long commitment to 
excellence in industrial design education. Among the many letters from 
former students congratulating him was one which read: 

... If someone were to ask me who was the most influential teacher in college, I 
would have to say: Ivan Rigby. You taught me to see, to be critical of what I do, and 
you gave me tough stcindards to follow. Fifteen years ago I was doing seams on my 
dry walls . . . and you were standing over my shoulder saying: 'Now I don't want to 
see one flaw in the plaster. I don't want to see one sandpaper scratch. I don't want 
to see one bubble, one ripple.' . . . [As a teacher] my basic design courses in the Fine 
Arts were based upon my Pratt training, and I must say I patterned myself upon 
you ... I felt if I could give [my students] what you'd given me, then they would 
have something . . . 

One of Ivan's students was Francis Duval, a French Canadian from 
Montreal, who worked, following his graduation from Pratt, as a com- 
mercial photographer. Francis was a tireless perfectionist, also interested 
in the art found on early American gravestones. Ivan, after his retire- 
ment, converted the garage of his Brooklyn apartment into a studio. There 
he and Francis became colleagues and fellow artists, creating art as well 
as promoting the understanding, appreciation, and preservation of grave- 
stone sculpture, a then relatively unrecognized area of American folk art. 
For twenty years, they traveled through New England, south to North 
Carolina, and west to Ohio, capturing fine examples of this art in photo- 
graphs and in stunning three-dimensional molds, which were then cast 
in plaster for photography and display. Their work was the subject of 
numerous exhibitions and was recorded in various publications, the most 
complete of which was their book, Enrly American Gravestone Art in Photo- 
graphs, published in 1978 by Dover Publications, Inc. After Francis' un- 
timely death, the result of complications from an accident in 1989, Ivan 
donated their photographs and molds to The Museum of American Folk 
Art in New York City. This large and important gift, added to rubbings 
by Susan Kelly and Anne Williams, molds by William McCeer, photo- 
graphs by Dan and Jessie Lie Farber, and one original gravestone, has 
resulted in this country's largest and most varied museum collection of 
early American gravestone art. 

Like many members of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Ivan 
and Francis felt a need to share the discoveries, frustrations, and suc- 
cesses they experienced in their often lonely work in graveyards. Begin- 
ning with the 1976 Dublin Seminar in Dublin, New Hampshire, which 
pre-dated the founding of AGS, they attended every conference until 



Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij 

15 



Francis' death. Their presence, and later their absence, was keenly felt. 
Their contributions to these conferences were specific and unique. Nei- 
ther Francis nor Ivan ever presented a formal paper, and in 1981 they 
even declined the Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award, the Association's 
highest honor. They enjoyed the informality of "The Late Night Show," 
which they originated and which continues as a popular session at AGS 
conferences. They produced beautiful, professional-standard exhibits. 
They designed the layout for and contributed an article ("Openwork 
Memorials of North Carolina") to Markers I, the first edition of AGS's 
Annual Journal, which was introduced at the 1980 conference. They de- 
signed the organization's original logo. Ivan and Francis were regular 
contributors to the AGS Newsletter (now the AGS Quarterly), and they com- 
pleted the first two issues, published by AGS, of a plamied series of illus- 
trated guides to the best stones in a variety of geographic areas. They 
were generous with their time, helpful to anyone who shared their inter- 
est in America's early gravestone art. In the area of conservation, they 
arranged for an important, threatened stone (Eliakim Hay den, 1797, Essex, 
Connecticut) to be taken into a museum for safekeeping. And they prac- 
ticed what they preached concerning care of the yards they visited. 

As this is being written, it seems inconceivable and somewhat sad 
that we in the Association were never until now able - except for the 
publication of an article in this journal, written by Ivan as a tribute to 
Francis - to formally recognize and celebrate the enormous contribution 
to gravestone studies made by Ivan Rigby and his colleague, Francis Duval. 




Original AGS logo, designed by Ivan Rigby and Francis Duval, 

based upon the Elisabeth Smith (1771) stone, 

Williamstown, Massachusetts. 



16 



Ivan B. Rigby (1908-2000) 



For additional information about Francis Duval and Ivan Rigby, including a 
list of their publications, a description of the process they used to make molds, as 
well as photographs of them at work, see "Reflections of a Collaboration, A Trib- 
ute to the Art of Francis Duval," by Ivan B. Rigby, with Katherine M. Noordsij, 
in Markers IX. 




Ivan Rigby at work on one of his many sculptures (1940s). 



Jessie Lie Farber, with Katherine M. Noordsij 



17 




Ivan Rigby making a gravestone mold 
in an early Massachusetts burial ground. 



18 



Samples and Gravestones 







it" 



y%. . , ,* A» .).■., ail -(n- •*•• '■"' •» ''' .»<<•. -*''^f\. 







■<:?)(K«if>-!8itvll«HerWasi86r»S«n«Tli«i)"'i7»7Wro»chitHt</^^ 



( 



Sa/nritr K773 Wiiile Q<M J^'<>g.s.jyar£|V .r De ath jPrtrye %>~ 

gt >«» jj| l < lt t> «» M> l >ll >lll>l*> l l » lli r i il l > » ) I M»M »»> t t> MU >I M t» «li l » » | ll i| l>>l>ll> MM II lMltl » / l ' 



/ 




'While God Does Spare, For Death Prepare." Embroidered sampler, 
Mary Batchelder, The Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1773. 



19 



A COMMON THREAD: 
NEEDLEWORK SAMPLERS AND AMERICAN GRAVESTONES 

Laurel K. Gabel 

Martha Taylor stitched her name with pride, and presumably relief, on 
the needlework sampler she completed in the late 1700s:' 

Martha Taylor is my name, 
Lancaster is my nation, 
Octora is my Dwelling Place, 
and Christ is my Salvation. 

This common sampler verse also occasionally appears as an epitaph on 
early New England gravestones. - 

Thirty years ago, when school girl needlework samplers were consid- 
ered to be of little or no value (and thus easy to afford from the monthly 
grocery money), I began to search out these signed and dated embroider- 
ies from garage sales and small antique stores around Boston. My first 
sampler cost fifty cents at a neighborhood bazaar and, although there were 
two almost identical examples pinned together, shortsighted frugality con- 
vinced me to resist such extravagance and I took home only one. 

It struck me then, as it still does today, that these seventeenth- and 
eighteenth-century samplers have something in common with many of 
the gravestones produced in New England during the same time period. 
In this essay I will explore some of the similarities - the common threads - 
shared by needlework samplers and early American gravestones. I do not 
intend to convey the idea that most gravestone iconography came directly 
and unaltered from embroidery pattern books, for in only a few instances 
do I believe this to be true. However, needlework and gravestones, and 
almost all other forms of decorative art, drew inspiration from a common 
vocabulary of popular motifs and themes circulating at the time. Among 
the most widespread and visible of these design influences was needle- 
work. The title pages of several early sixteenth-century needlework books 
illustrate the intended use of the printed designs by noting that working 
stone masons, carvers, and carpenters would find the collection of pat- 
terns useful in their crafts as well.'' This shared design source is illustrated 
on the title page of one such needlework pattern book, Peter Quentel's Eyn 
Neive Kunstlich Moedelboeck die Kunstner (1529). Quentel's Moedelboeck illus- 



20 



Samples and Gravestones 



tration (Fig. 1) features three views of women busy at various needlework- 
related crafts, along with a fourth scene depicting a stone carver at work 
with his mallet and chisels.^ 

Samplers, also known as examplars (from the Latin exemplum, mean- 
ing a model to be imitated or copied; an example) originated as a collec- 
tion of various needlework stitches, techniques, and patterns that were 
meant to serve the embroiderer as a convenient reference piece. ^ New 
stitches and designs were avidly collected and exchanged, passing from 
hand to hand along a far-reaching network of friends and relatives.^ 

Early seventeenth-century samplers were usually worked in a succes- 
sion of bands on long and narrow pieces of linen. While the length of indi- 
vidual samplers tended to vary greatly (some being more than three feet 
long), the width was dictated by the limitations of the loom that produced 
the cloth. Most surviving examples range somewhere between six and 
nine inches wide.^ Many early samplers were also strewn with randomly 
placed spot motifs or crowded with little individual designs, appearing 
any which way, wherever there was space. These often fanciful spot mo- 
tifs included animal (leopard, squirrel, dog, lion), bird (peacock, parrot, 
bluebird), or plant (acorn, wheat, gourd, rose, vine) designs adapted from 




Fig. 1, Illustration from the title page of Peter Quentel's 
Eyn Newe Kunstlich Moetdelboeck alle Kunstner, 1529, 



Laurel K. Gabel 21 



the illustrated botciny tracts, herbals, and bestiaries popular at the time. 
Bestiaries, especially, with their fantastic descriptions of real and imagi- 
nary creatures, were used to illustrate points of Christian doctrine. They 
rivaled the Bible in popularity during the Middle Ages.** 

Over a lifetime, as new patterns and stitches were acquired, additional 
bands might be added to the crowded sampler or some earlier work labo- 
riously removed and replaced by a more fashionable or complex design. 
When not in use, the collection was rolled up and carefully stored away 
until it was needed again as a reference. Samplers were considered to be a 
highly valued family resource, often included in estate inventories or be- 
queathed in wills to be handed down from one generation to the next.'' 

Although needlework samplers have been studied extensively, their 
ancient history remains somewhat speculative. We know that the early 
Egyptians and Babylonians were skilled embroiderers and that their fab- 
ric artistry was highly prized by the Greeks and Romans who eventually 
adopted many of the intricate patterns and stitches of the eastern cul- 
tures.^" Examplar collections of these eastern designs are known to have 
existed by 400-500 C. E. Well-preserved Mamluk needleworks from Egyp- 
tian burial chambers of the medieval period survive in several museum 
textile collections around the world." 

During the early Christian era, Italy emerged as the center of fine needle- 
work.'- Ecclesiastical embroidery, typically the province of highly skilled 
male needleworkers, was particularly widespread and highly esteemed 
by monarchs and church dignitaries of the day. Church-related needle- 
work continued to develop throughout the Dark Ages (476-1000 C. E.) and 
the early years of the Middle Ages, eventually emerging in the thirteenth 
century as part of the established Guild system.''' Under the Guild system, 
fraternal-like trade unions were established to regulate and protect the 
interests of particular trades.''' In England, professional male embroider- 
ers belonged to the influential (and still operative) Worshipful Company 
of Broderers.'^ 

That the making of needlework samplers was a fairly common female 
occupation by the late 1300s is suggested by the painting of "The Virgin 
and St. George" (Fig. 2), attributed to Spanish artist Luis Borrassa (c.l350- 
1424). The painting shows an instructor and her convent pupils display- 
ing samples of their skill.'*' From the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, al- 
most all needlework remained church related.'^ However, a strong revival 
in all forms of decorative art, especially fancy embroidery and needle arts, 
began to take hold as Europe emerged from the Middle Ages.'^ This focus 



22 



Samples and Gravestones 




Fig. 2. Young girls with their samplers, from retablo of 

"The Virgin and St. George," late 1300s, 
attributed to Spanish artist Luis Borrassa (c. 1350-1424). 



Laurel K. Gabel 23 



on embroidery followed the invention (in the 1450s) of a movable type 
printing press, which precipitated a flourishing trade in printed needle- 
work pattern sheets and design books.^"^ Venice, a city long associated with 
the textile trade, quickly became the dominant center for printing needle- 
work patterns.-'^ Many of the early designs originated in the textile-rich 
Near East, where religious conventions favored abstract geometric orna- 
mentation (stylized trees, plants, flowers, or flowing arabesques) over any 
human representation in art.-' Once in printed form, these patterns spread 
easily via the extensive trade networks that were rapidly expanding at the 
time. Before the end of the sixteenth century, needlework design books 
were being produced and copied throughout Europe and Great Britain.^^ 
There is little question that examplars were quite customary in both En- 
gland and Spain by 1500.-^ Specific mention of the word sampler occurred 
early in the sixteenth century, a time v^^hen evidence in wills and invento- 
ries also suggests that these reference embroideries had become very popu- 
lar on the Continent as well as in England.-^ This was a time when wealthy 
merchants and others who aspired to join the ranks of the aristocracy 
found embroidery a fashionable embellishment. Almost everything was 
decorated with needlework - household linens and bed hangings, mirror 
frames, heavily embroidered caskets designed to hold precious belong- 
ings, shoes, hats, traveling pouches, and every layer of men's and women's 
wearing apparel and ceremonial attire. 

Several influential pattern books are acknowledged to be the source of 
the most popular early designs: publications by Johannes Schonsperger 
(1523-24), Peter Quentel (c.1727-29), and Johann Sibmacher (1597) from 
Germany; Giovanni Andrea Vavassore (1530) and Giovanni Ostaus (1561) 
from Venice; and Federico de Vinciolo, a Venitian working in Paris (1587 
and 1591), are among the most well known. In Great Britain, Richard 
Shorleyker's Scholehouse for the Needle (published "At the Signe of the Mari- 
gold in Paules Church Yard," 1624) and John Boler's best-selling TJie Needle's 
Excellency, "a new Booke ivherin are Divers admirable workes wrought with the 
needle, newly invented and cut in Copper for the pleasure and profit of the indus- 
trious" (there were twelve editions between 1634-1640) popularized many 
of the designs and patterns seen on English and then on American sam- 
plers from the late sixteenth century onward.-"^ The Needle's Excellency was 
actually compiled by John Taylor, who wrote that the patterns came: 



24 Samples and Gravestones 



From the remotest part of Christendome 

Collected with much paines and Industrie 

Thus are these workes farre fetch'd and dearly brought 

And consequently good for ladyes thought. 

Although most sampler designs were copied from common pattern 
sources such as those mentioned above, each artist brought his or her own 
interpretation to the process. As a result, there are hundreds of imagina- 
tive variations of the most popular motifs. 

The majority of needlework patterns were printed on strong paper that 
could be used over and over. The method of transfer involved pricking 
holes along the heavy inked lines of the design and then powdering the 
holes with a fine black powder (pounce), a procedure called pouncing.^^ It 
is conceivable that gravestone carvers may have employed a similar tech- 
nique in order to transfer some designs onto stone, although this is merely 
speculation as no confirmation has been found that this technique was 
common among stonecutters. 

The earliest sampler motifs and designs were inspired by, or in many 
instances copied from, ancient patterns, illuminations, and printed tex- 
tiles. Handed down, adapted, copied, and repeatedly reworked over a 
period of many centuries, the corrupted results cannot always be identi- 
fied - or explained. Recognizable human figures, for example, evolved 
into geometric designs; geometric designs became simply stylized orna- 
mentation; stylized ornamentation disintegrated further into abstract spot 
motifs and border designs that were no longer identifiable. As the old 
patterns lost integrity, many took on new shapes and meaning. 

One such example might appear familiar to students of early grave- 
stones. Called "boxers," because their profile stance reminded one nine- 
teenth-century researcher of a boxer's pose, these little nude figures began 
appearing on English samplers early in the 1600s (Fig. 3). The little figures 
almost always appear as a pair, one on either side of a highly stylized 
plant design, and they are usually depicted with one upraised arm hold- 
ing or supporting various objects, known as trophies. These trophies of- 
ten include acorns, fir tree branches, flowers, vases, arrows, drapery, and 
many different, unrecognizable geometric shapes.^^ 

Although boxer figures were a favorite theme of many early pattern 
books, the design is found most often on samplers with English origins.^^ 
The motif proved to be relatively short lived, however, and the little men 
died out almost completely in the first quarter of the eighteenth century.^^ 



Laurel K. Gabel 



25 




Fig. 3. "Boxer" pattern from early sampler. Unknown source. 

The origin and meaning of these "boxers" has eluded the most knowl- 
edgeable needlework researchers. The figures are derived from earlier Ital- 
ian and Spanish work and at one time were thought to have evolved from 
illustrations of Renaissance cupids, or as rude renderings of processional 
figures.^*^ In one early Italian sampler (probably dating from the late 1500s), 
the figure of a winged boxer is shown carrying a stubby arrow or spear 
(Fig. 4), perhaps lending plausibility to the popular theory that these na- 
ked figures may have begim as putti or cupids. At least one scholar, how- 
ever, traces the boxers to a corrupted version of an ancient popular design 
depicting two suitors presenting gifts to a maiden.^' By the late seven- 
teenth century the figures were debased, through repeated pattern trans- 
fers and by the inherent limitations of the stitches used, almost to the point 




Fig. 4. Winged "boxer" figures carrying arrows. 
From Italian sampler of late 1500s or early 1600s. 



26 



Samples and Gravestones 



of caricature.^^ As is true with so many ancient designs and symbols, when 
the original intent was lost, the form soon became incoherent as well. There 
is stunning evidence that this particular decorative pattern was 
repeated again and again, long after the original meaning had become 
obscure. 

I believe that the enigmatic "death imps" (e.g.. Fig. 5) that appear on 
many (mostly Joseph Lamson-carved) Boston gravestones during the first 
decade of the 1700s were inspired by, if not actually copied from, the popu- 
lar "boxer" figures found in English pattern books and needlework sam- 
plers of the day. The "boxer" or "death imp" design does not appear to be 
associated with silver, pottery, decorated furniture, engraved bookplates, 
or any other form of commonly produced decorative art.^"* These little fig- 
ures appear only on samplers and on gravestones, their popularity span- 
ning a relatively brief period at the end of the 1600s and the first decade of 
the 1700s. 

According to Lamson scholar Ralph Tucker, there are 110 separate 
"death imp" images carved on at least 41 Boston-area gravestones with 
dates between 1671 and 1712 (Fig. 6). Stones bearing these images appear 
to have been carved almost exclusively by the Lamson shop.^^ The imp 
figures on the gravestones (e.g.. Fig. 7) are nearly identical to the boxers 
worked on samplers. Although unique to a single time and place (and 




Fig. 5. "Boxer" or "Death Imp" detail from gravestone for 
Martha Dadey, 1708/9, Charlestown, Massachusetts. 



Laurel K. Gabel 



27 



8 
6 - 
4 - 
2 - 



IMP STONES 



• • 



• • •• 



1660 



1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 

Fig. 6. "Death Imp" gravestones, 1671-1712. 



1720 



most likely to a single workshop), the death imp gravestones have always 
been explained within the context of Puritan religious symbolism.^"* While 
such interpretations may indeed be valid as to symbolic value, the little 
figures themselves seem to be clearly derived from needlework sampler 
patterns whose origins are obscured by several centuries of evolution. 

Another design found in early needlework pattern books, on samplers, 
and on a handful of seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Boston- 
area gravestones features a mythical mermaid on either side of a lidded 
urn or chalice. Figure 8 illustrates one of several sixteenth-century needle- 
work patterns known to have exhibited a similar arrangement.^'' 




^i^i^^^ffi 



A\aav%iJ^iili?u;«i^miu^m^i^tJi« 




Fig. 7. "Death Imp" detail from gravestone for 
Rev. Thomas Clark, 1704, Chelmsford, Massachusetts. 



28 



Samples and Gravestones 



n.%%%%%\%%%SV.\%\V.%VA%VAVd".V.-dV.'.V^--.%VJ"-% 




J"-P^iPiiPd"^J"^WW^AP.'JVWdWWirdVAPAWAP.VAV.SS\SV.%\V 



Fig. 8. One of several 16th-century mermaid patterns. 



Some form of half-human, half-fish mythology has existed, of course, 
in almost all ancient cultures, especially those with seafaring traditions.^^ 
Mermaids or mermen^^ (and the loosely related Tritons, Dagons, Nereids, 
Undines, and Nayads)^'^ were familiar figures in popular mythology. Mer- 
maid forms appear on fourth-century needlework from Egypt, Alexan- 
dria, and Rome,*^ and are also highly visible in heraldry, where they are 
usually depicted holding a mirror and comb.^' There was a revival of in- 
terest in mermaids during the Middle Ages, and they were included in 
numerous bestiaries that were in vogue at the time.^' As metaphors for 
moral lessons, mermaids can be found decorating the grand interiors of 
Europe's ancient cathedrals, posing on the blatantly irreverent monastery 
misericords, and mocking sinners from carved ends of pews and stalls 
within lesser parish churches.'*^ Saint Patrick, famous for banishing snakes 
from Ireland, was also alleged to have banished all the old pagan women 
from earth by turning them into seductive mermaids whose influence was 
limited to the watery underworld.^^ The Nuremberg Bible {Biblia Sacra 
Germanica, 1483) includes a woodcut (Fig. 9) illustrating the "Seduction of 
the Faithful", a scene which depicts Noah's Ark adrift between a mermaid 
and her mate of the deep. As one scholar notes: "Symbols of Vice, the 
voluptuous harlot-mermaids as represented by the medieval Church, per- 
sonified the lure of base, unnatural desires which stood between a man 
and his chance of salvation.'"*^ 

The mermaids of mythology existed without a soul and were always 
associated in some manner with the destructive forces of corruption, temp- 



Laurel K. Gabel 



29 




Fig. 9. "Seduction of the Faithful" woodcut from 
Biblia Sacra Gennanica, 1483 (Nuremberg Bible). 



tation, vanity, or lust.^ It was Persephone, mythical goddess of the watery 
underworld, who some say assigned mermaids the task of carrying ab- 
ducted souls of the dead to Hades. The Western Roman Church thus used 
mermaids to symbolize the attractiveness of sin that stood ready to "lure 
upright citizens from the straight and narrow/'"*^ 

How then do we explain the mermaids - pagan and mythical symbols 
of vanity and deceit, soulless messengers to Hades' underworld - that 
appear as the central theme on gravestones for Boston's Puritan elite? (Fig. 
10) Many gravestone scholars have been tempted to assign complex and 
often contradictory religious meaning to the "Puritan" mermaids.^^ Their 
explanations are not always convincing. Is it possible that Boston's grave- 
stone mermaids, much like the contemporaneous "boxer" figures, 
represent yet another example of a common motif whose ancient pagan 
meanings evolved over centuries to serve a new, essentially decorative, 
function? A suitable analogy is suggested by a beautifully carved slate 
gravestone (Fig. 11) for a man who died in 1908.'*'^ It is hard to believe that 
Puritan religious doctrine was a conscious factor in the choice of this fa- 
miliar design. Were nineteenth- and early twentieth-century patrons and 
gravestone carvers aware of the multiple layers of ancient symbolism as- 



30 



Samples and Gravestones 




Fig. 10. Detail from gravestone for Jacob Eliott, 1693, 
Boston, Massachusetts. 








mK)VVN^^ 




Fig. 11. Slate gravestone for Henry Howard Brown, 1908, 
Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 



Laurel K. Gabel 



31 



sociated with these paired mermaids? Perhaps. But the design choice may 
also be a reflection of popular revivalism - a pleasing ancient motif that 
can be vaguely associated with the early history and prestige of Boston's 
founding families. The 1908 slate is almost identical to many of the early 
Boston mermaid stones. Tastefully faithful to a meaningful historic and 
quasi-religious mythology, the design is repeated, one suspects, because 
of its artistic merit and associative history rather than for any well-defined 
symbolic intent. 

Mermaids became a part of many coats of arms granted during 
England's Elizabethan period. Of particular relevance to the composition 
of the original Boston, Massachusetts, mermaid stones are the heraldic 
arms belonging to the ancient city of Boston (Fig. 12), England. Boston 
was the English home of Puritans John Cotton, Isaac Johnson, and several 
other founders of the newly planted Puritan stronghold of the same name 




Fig. 12. Arms of the Borough of Boston, Lincolnshire, England. 



32 Samples and Gravestones 



in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. It seems likely that Boston, England's 
armorial identity n^ight have been familiar and particularly meaningful to 
the spiritual and economic leaders of newly founded Boston, Massachu- 
setts. 

Of the sixteen extant Boston-area gravestones with mermaid motifs,^" 
the majority were probably actually carved in the 1690s (Fig. 13). Most 
have been attributed to the carver known only by his initials, J.N., possi- 
bly the Boston silversmith John Noyes.^^ However, based on lettering and 
other stylistic differences, the mermaid stones, which represent the pin- 
nacle of sophisticated iconography for that time and place, appear to have 
been produced by more than one local carver. 

Many of the elegant and unconventional motifs usually attributed to 
the silversmith JN have components common to needlework: the use of 
popular lily and tulip sampler designs, for example, the inclusion of pea- 
cocks, classical urns, mermaids, squirrels, birds, and the use of detailed 
crosshatching and raised stippling to accent the center of flowers and 
gourds. Every one of these motifs and techniques is typical of (although 
certainly not exclusive to) contemporary needlework samplers and crewel 
embroidery. 

Baskets or urn-like vases overflowing with flowers and two birds eat- 

MERMAID STONES 



6 
5 

4 - 
3 - 
2 
1 



■•■■•■ ••-♦ 



1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1720 1730 

Fig. 13. Mermaid gravestones, 1680-1720. 



Laurel K. Gabel 



33 



ing cherries or fruit from either side of a low bowl (Fig. 14) are also famil- 
iar sampler designs reproduced on gravestones. Symbolically, cherries were 
believed to represent the Fruits of Paradise and thus eternal life, while 
birds were seen as stewards of the Christian soul.^^ Birds on either side of 
a fountain or bowl resemble early church embroidery of doves drinking at 
a fountain, which symbolizes Eternal Life." Numerous samplers include a 
spot design depicting two birds flanking a stylized plant or tree with the 
words "a symbol of innocence" embroidered directly beneath it. The writ- 
ten explanation associated with this particular spot motif is rare; samplers 
seldom include such clarification. The proliferation of this particular odd- 
ity appears as one more example of a standard pattern that was repro- 
duced from some unknown source and then faithfully copied again and 
again by multiple sampler makers. A similar example exists on grave- 
stones in the repeated and widespread use of a large lower case "a" in the 
word "age": e.g., "in the seventy -ninth year of her age." Tliis unexplained 
stylistic convention was repeated by several carvers working in different 
geographic areas of Massachusetts in the last quarter of the 1700s. Em- 
broiderers - and gravestone carvers - undoubtedly reproduced many 
popular motifs simply for their design value rather than from any real 
knowledge of the pattern's original symbolic significance. 

Carved border panels of twining foliage or flowers growing up from a 
decorative um,"^ undulating ribbon borders, ^^ stylized scroll devices, ^^ the 




Fig. 14, Detail from gravestone for Batha Hall, 1698, 
Dennis, Massachusetts. 



34 



Samples and Gravestones 



Tudor rose,^^ and strawberry and acorn (often associated with the Stuart 
monarchy)^** borders (Fig. 15) are further examples of designs common to 
both gravestones and needlework. 

Pomegranates and gourds (Fig. 16) are also familiar motifs on needle- 
work of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Laden with reli- 
gious meaning, they are usually associated with Christian faith and with 
the renewal and heavenly abundance promised by Christ's church.^'' 

The use of crowns of every kind was almost universal on samplers, 
where they were employed as decorative fillers for incomplete lines of 
verse or as spot motifs, often bearing descriptive labels such as king, queen, 
earl, duke, and viscount. In America, the use of crowns continued beyond 
the Revolution, due in part, perhaps, to the inclusion of this motif in the 
standard alphabet marking pages that were printed in several popular 
schoolbooks and family almanacs.*'" 

The theme of Adam and Eve, another motif prevalent on Scottish and 
English samplers, was only slightly less popular in Colonial America. The 




Fig. 15. Acorn and strawberry design borders on gravestones for (from 

left): Joseph Bernard, 1695, Deerfield, Massachusetts; Thankful Baker, 

1697/8, Dorchester, Massachusetts; Joseph Nightengale, 1715, Quincy, 

Massachusetts; Benj. Thompson, 1714, Roxbury, Massachusetts. 



Laurel K. Gabel 



35 




Fig. 16. Pomegranates and gourd borders on gravestones for (from 

left): Ambros & Mary Dawes, 1705, 1706, Boston, Massachusetts; 

Edward Grant, 1682, Boston, Massachusetts; Melicen Neal, 1687, 

Boston, Massachusetts. 



36 



Samples and Gravestones 



scene appeared on painted furniture, on firebacks, in children's' lesson 
books, and on gravestones. Scottish researcher Betty Willsher reminds us 
that "religious fervor was stronger in seventeenth- and eighteenth-cen- 
tury Scotland than in England, and great stress was laid on sin, death, and 
the Resurrection."^^ Mrs. Willsher has catalogued more than sixty Scottish 
gravestones (1696-1799) which bear this popular Biblical scene, symbolic 
of sin and death.''^ There are several similar Adam and Eve gravestone 
examples in the heavily Scottish settlements of Nova Scotia.^^ The 1767 
Bristol, Rhode Island stone for twenty-year-old Sarah Swan (Fig. 17), re- 
cently attributed to carver William Coye,^"* is the only known American 
example. 

Just as the outline shape and form of gravestones changed over time, 
so too did the size and configuration of samplers. No longer long and 
narrow, eighteenth-century needlework became organized within a de- 
fined border frame, like a picture.^^ And, like a picture, the stitching be- 
came decorative, meant to be admired. From their original purpose as a 
ready reference of stitches and patterns, samplers gradually became a 
schoolgirl exercise in embroidery technique and acquired refinement. A 
majority of the samplers made between about 1660 and 1840 were the 
educational products of young girls between the ages of five and fifteen.*'^ 
In the ordinary dame schools, instructors combined embroidery and lit- 
eracy, teaching young students (sometimes boys as well as girls) to stitch 
the alphabet, numbers, and a short moral or religious verse. Samplers, 




Fig. 17. Detail from gravestone for Sarah Swan, 1767, 
Bristol, Rhode Island. 



Laurel K. Gabel 37 



considered an important validation of a girl's educational achievement, 
were frequently framed and displayed with pride. In contrast to the work- 
ing Examplars of an earlier era, which were only occasionally initialed, 
these schoolgirl examples of accomplishment were often signed and dated, 
sometimes with an acknowledgement of thanks to a named instructor or 
particular school. 

Since sampler designs were often the work of the teacher, rather than 
of the students who actually stitched the samplers, a popular design might 
have had many variations, each combining colors and motifs in a uniquely 
individual way.^'^ Likewise, a gravestone carver's signature design might 
be adapted by another carver or employed in some fresh combination to 
create a new design. Henry Christian Geyer's characteristic border motif, 
for example, was sometimes incorporated in the work of Paul Noyes; the 
hanging tympanum flowers always identified with the Lamson shop are 
conspicuous on several stones carved by James Ford; and the equally rec- 
ognizable Park footstone device appears in the work of Daniel Hasting 
and other imitators. It is not unusual to find several carvers employing the 
same stylistic elements, each in a uniquely individual way. 

Older girls, whose parents could afford to send them to female acad- 
emies or private day schools, produced elaborate and highly refined needle- 
work: classical scenes done in silk, allegorical figvires, memorial pictures, 
mourning samplers, and professionally drawn heraldic embroideries 
worked under the guidance of special needlework instructors. The ornate 
designs were often the work of the teacher who was free to copy the suc- 
cessful needlework efforts of others or to reproduce examples found in 
printed pattern folios, illustrated Bibles, or emblem books. In 1738, Boston 
teacher Susanna Condy advertised that she would draw "Patterns from 
London, but drawn . . . much cheaper than English drawings."''*^ Later in- 
structors invited parents of prospective students "to call and view the 
collection of fine Drawings, English and French Books, &c. provided for 
the use of the pupils. "^"^ Such designs were routinely dispersed to pupils, 
each of whom might pass the pattern on to a younger sibling or neighbor, 
who, after adding to or modifying the basic design further, shared it with 
another circle of friends or relatives, and so on. The elaborately embroi- 
dered coats of arms appear to have been exclusive to the Boston area, 
where their popularity, starting in the early 1740s, coincides with the pro- 
liferation of heraldic gravestones and armorial tomb fronts (Fig. 18).'^° The 
very best of these skillfully worked schoolgirl embroideries are breaking 
records at top auction houses across the country. Hanah Otis' needlework 



38 



Samples and Gravestones 




Fig. 18. Armorial detail from James Bowdoin family tomb front, 
unknown date, Boston, Massachusetts. 



Laurel K. Gabel 39 



picture of Boston Common in 1753, for example, brought well over one 
million dollars ($1,175,500) when it sold at Sotheby's in 19967^ 

In her authoritative two-volume work. Girlhood Embroidery: American 
Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1860, Betty Ring has chronicled many 
of the influential regional instructors and their identifying needlework 
designs in much the same way that pioneering gravestone scholar Harriette 
Forbes first identified gravestone carvers and their associated styles/- Just 
as regional styles or "schools" of gravestone carving are routinely identi- 
fied because of the size and shape of a marker, the lettering style, or the 
use of a particular type of stone or signature design, samplers and embroi- 
dered pictures also may be attributed to a particular needlework school or 
geographic region based on the overall design of the sampler, uniquely 
combined motifs, the verse, and the specific materials, colors, and em- 
broidery techniques used to create the whole. Samplers originating in Essex 
County, Massachusetts, for example, were often worked on a fine dark 
linen and frequently included the Latin abbreviation Obt. or Obit, for 
"died."^^ It is interesting to note that this more classical terminology was 
also uniquely prevalent on the Essex County gravestones carved by Salem's 
Levi Maxcy and others/^ 

George Washington's death in 1799 precipitated the great popularity 
of needlework mourning pictures and memorial embroideries produced 
in America during the first quarter of the nineteenth century/"^ Always 
considered more fashionable than sorrowful, these stylized mourning em- 
broideries were meant to reflect refinement and culture, a fashionable way 
to demonstrate needlework skills and social status. The same decorative 
details were being used on wallpaper, fabrics, jewelry - and, again, grave- 
stones. Almost all mourning or memorial embroideries included one or 
more weeping trees to symbolize the surviving mourner's loss. A majority 
of the memorial scenes also included a raised tomb topped by an urn or a 
stunted obelisk, a garden of flowers or a body of water with a church or 
cathedral on the far shore, and fashionably dressed figures in obvious 
mourning poses within the picturesque graveyard (Fig. 19). The faces of 
the family mourners in the embroidered scenes were occasionally person- 
alized, some painted in by well-known portrait artists who also adver- 
tised their expertise in drawing needlework patterns.^*' At least two identi- 
fied gravestone carver/masons are known to have also designed patterns 
for needlework.^^ The local embroidery teachers and gravestone carvers 
copied the designs of others or reproduced examples found in printed 
pattern folios, illustrated Bibles, emblem books, or in the popular bestiaries 



40 



Samples and Gravestones 



and herbals mentioned earlier/^ Sometimes amazingly detailed tombstone 
inscriptions were handwritten or actually printed in type and then skill- 
fully attached to the embroidered monuments. Most of the pictures were 
romantically generic, although occasionally a recognizable setting or rep- 
lica of a specific family tomb was reproduced. Many of the most elaborate 
silk embroidery pictures were taken directly from European prints and 
engravings.^*^ If a young girl did not have a family member or distant rela- 
tive to memorialize in needle art, there were numerous popular alterna- 
tives in the form of allegorical representations of Faith, Hope, Charity, or 
Liberty, the four seasons, or illustrations of dramatic moments in popular 
novels. Scenes from classical mythology and Shakespeare appear more 
often than do purely American subjects.^" A majority of these silk needle- 
work pictures date from the first half of the nineteenth century, a time 
when the same popular figures and themes began to appear on monu- 
ments in America's emerging rural cemeteries. 




Fig. 19. Needlework mourning picture worked by 
Lucretia Carew, 1800, Norwich, Connecticut. 



Laurel K. Gabel 41 



Another important feature shared by both samplers and gravestones 
is a consoling message or instructive rhyme. Pious verses and moral les- 
sons began to appear on English samplers in the middle of the seven- 
teenth century^^ and on Colonial needlework of the 1700s. Many of the 
embroidered sampler verses are familiar to us as gravestone epitaphs. From 
the popular Nezv England Primer, for example: 

from death's arrest no age is free^^ 

* * * * 

time cuts all, both great and small 

* * * * 

as runs the glass, our lives doth pass. 

Whether embroidered on samplers or carved on gravemarkers, the verses 
served to remind the reader of his or her own mortality. Consider: 

Great God, how frail a thing is man, how swift his minutes pass. 
His age contracts within a span; he blooms and dies like grass.*"* 

Or the familiar: 

Death is a debt to nature due 
Which I have paid, and so must you. 

There were also many embroidered and carved variations of this favorite 
theme: 

Our life is never at a stand, 'tis like a fading flower. 
Death is always near at hand, comes nearer every hour.*^ 

Following the publication of Isaac Watts' Divine and Moral Songs for 
Children in 1720, and Charles Wesley's poems and hymns in the 1740s, 
many sampler verses and gravestone epitaphs derived from these popu- 
lar sources. From The Psalms and Hymns of Isaac Watts (Psalm 17): 

My flesh shall slumber in the ground 'till the last trumpet's joyous sound; 
Then burst the chorus with sweet surprise and to my Savior's 'mage rise. 



42 Samples and Gravestones 



Also popular on both samplers and gravemarkers are the following lines 
from a poem and hymn by Josiah Conder (1789-1855): 

O'Blessed be the hand that gave, still blessed when it takes. 

And from the same verse: 

Perfect and True are all His ways, whom Qirist adores and heaven obeys."^^ 

It is apparent that needlework pattern books and samplers were among 
the many design influences familiar to early gravestone carvers. Mostly, 
these patterns were not unique to needlework or gravestones, but were 
part of a standard vocabulary of motifs in general use at the time. A few 
specific patterns, such as the English "boxer" figures or the influential 
acorn and strawberry border designs, may have derived directly from 
popular pattern books that were known to have advertised their useful- 
ness to carpenters, stone masons, and carvers in addition to needleworkers, 
male and female. 

The sentiments expressed as gravestone epitaphs also served young 
embroiderers who incorporated these same lines into their samplers. Both 
gravestones and needlework recognize regional designs, materials, and 
methods that can be identified as "schools" of work, often associated 
with a particular artisan or teacher. The stated purpose of many sam- 
plers and gravestones, however, is perhaps the most enduring common 
thread: "When I am dead and in my grave and all my bones are rotten. 
May this yoii see and remember me, that I may not be forgotten." 

NOTES 

Tine following individuals and institutions deserve special mention and my thanks for their help: 
Robert Pierce, Robert Miller, Ted Chase, Michael Coniish, Jill Cunninghis, Jo Goeselt, Joanne 
Davis, Old York Maine Historical Society, Albany Institute of History, Winterthur Museum, Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts, American Antiquaricin Society, Maine Historical Society, Edward Maeder 
at Old Deerfield Village, Colonial Williamsburg, Hingham Historical Society, Daughters of the 
American Revolution Museum, Chester County, Pennsylvania, Historical Society, Cooper-Hewitt 
National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution/Art Resource, The Museums at Stony Brook, 
Lynne Bassett of Old Sturbridge Village, Wadsworth Athenaeum, Lee-Ellen Griffith, Peabody- 
Essex Institute, John Benson, and especially to Carol Perkins and to the Daniel and Jessie Lie 
Farber Collection of Gravestone Photographs, the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, 
Massachusetts, for their permission to use photographic examples from the collection. 



Laurel K. Gabel 43 



Credits for particular illustrations used in this essay are as follows: 

Frontispiece - Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution/Art Resource, 
Bequest of Mrs. Henry E. Coe, 1941-69-166. 

Fig. 1 - Weidenfield and Nicolson Archives, London, England. 

Fig. 2 - From Girlhood Enibroidcri/ by Betty Ring, copyright © 1992 by Betty Ring. Used by per- 
mission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc. 

Fig. 4 - From title page of Margaret Fawory and Deborah Brown, Tlic Book of Samplers (New 
York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1980). 

Figs. 5, 7, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17 - From the Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber Collection of Gravestone 
Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts. 

Fig. 8 - From Needlework Patternsfrom Renaissance Germany, recharted by Kathryn Newall from 
John Sibmacher's Schon Neues Modelbuch, 1599 (Austin, TX: Curious Works Press, 1994), 
plate 66. 

Fig. 9 - Victoria and Albert Picture Library, London, England. 

Fig. 18 - Photograph courtesy of Michael Cornish. 

Fig. 19 - Long Island Museum of Art History and Carriages, Stony Brook, New York. 

1 . Martha Taylor sampler, 1 797, Winterthur Museum #91.5. 

2. Two examples: Katharine Symonds, 1785, Middleton, MA, and Jonathan Simpson, 1733, 
Wayland [Old Sudbury], MA. The Simpson gravestone records a common variation of 
this familiar theme: "Charlestown doth claim his birth / Boston his habitation / Sudbury 
hath his grave / where was his expiration." 

3. Kim Salazar, The New Carolingiaii Modelbook: Counted Embroidery Patternsfrom Before 1600 
(Albuquerque, NM: Outlaw Press, 1995), 17. 

4. Anne Sebba, Samplers: Five Centuries of a Gentle Craft (New York, NY: Thames and Hudson, 
1979), 16. 

5. Donald King, Samplers (London, England: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, Victoria and 
Albert Museum, 1960), 2; Averil Colby, Samplers (London, England: B. T. Batsford, 1984; 
reprinted from 1964 edition), 17. 

6. Rita Vainius, "Samplers Through the Ages," The Caron Collection ( http://caron-net.com/ 
featurefiles/featfeb.html (February 17, 2000): 1. 

7. Susan Burrows Swan, Wi>iterthur Guide to American Needlework (New York, NY: Crown 
Publisher, 1976), 10; Pamela Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictio}ian/ (New York, NY: 
William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1976), 232. 



44 Samples and Gravestones 



8. "The Bestiaries became standard books used by medieval artists in the development of 
their complex iconographies, as moralizing parallels were regularly drawn between the 
animals and their human counterparts": Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, Dictionary of 
Christian Art (New York, NY: Continuum, 1994), 59. See also Beatrice Phillpotts, Mermaids 
(New York, NY: Ballantine Books, 1980), 30. 

9. King, Samplers, 2. 

10. Betty Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers & Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1850 
(New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), 4; Cheryl Christian, "Kathleen Epstein: Solving 
the Mysteries of the 17th Century FineLines 3:2 (1998): 10-13. 

1 1 . Paula Richter, Historic Needlework Lecture, Peabody-Essex Museum, April 7, 2000. See 
also Sarah Don, Traditional Samplers (New York, NY: Viking Penguin Press, 1986), 9; Colby, 
Samplers, 18; King, Samplers, 4. 

12. Colby, Samplers, 18; Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 
4. 

13. Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 39. In 1613 when James I asked the guild 
companies to help settle English and Scottish Protestants in Northern Ireland, each of the 
twelve main guilds absorbed several smaller companies. Interestingly, the Broders Guild 
and the Masons Guild were included under the larger Mercers Company and remained 
linked until the system was abolished in 1908. 

14. For a brief history of the ancient Broderer 's Guild, see their website at vyvyw.csinter.net/ 
broderers/: also Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 39. 

15. Rita Vainius, "Men in the Fiber Arts: From the Renaissance to the Industrial Revolution," 
The Caron Collection, http://caron-net.com/featurefiles/featjan.html (January 14, 2000): 
1-4. 

16. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 5. 

17. Ibid., 4. 

18. Don, Traditional Samplers, 9. 

19. Carol Humphrey, Samplers (Cambridge, England: Fitzwilliam Museum Handbooks, 
Cambridge University Press, 1997), 3. 

20. Ibid., 3-4. 

21. Clabburn, The Needleworker's Dictionary, 18-19. 

22. King, Samplers, 2-3. 

23. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 5. 

24. Humphrey, Samplers, 3; King, Samplers, 2. 



Laurel K. Gabel 45 



25. Sebba, Samp^lers: Five Centuries of a Gentle Craft, 16-18. Also see Humphrey, Samplers, 
3-4. 

26. Pounce was usually a mixture of ground cuttlefish bone and charcoal: see Madilayn de 
Mer, "Transferring Embroidery Patterns to Fabric," Combat and Archery, http:// 
www.sca.org.au/riverhaven/Actmegan.html: Davida Tanenbaum Deutsch, "Needlework 
Patterns and Their Use in America," Antiques (February, 1991): 376. To transfer a design 
onto fabric: "prick with a Pin any Outlines of a Print or Drawing one has a mind to copy, 
and then, laying the said Picture on a Sheet of paper, take a Powder-puff, or a Tuft of 
Cotton, dipping it now and then in Charcoal-dust, or red Chalk-dust, and beat it over the 
prick'd Lines, through the picture, renewing it with Dust freqviently by dipping, and then 
you will have full Directions marked on your Cloth or Paper, sufficient to finish a just 
Drawing." See also Cyril G. E. Bunt, "An Embroidery Pattern Book," in Needlework: An 
Historical Survey (New and Expanded Edition), ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown, NJ: The Main 
Street Press, 1984), 15. 

27. Colby, Samplers, 57; 71-73. Also Clabburn, Tlie Needleivorker's Dictionari/, 37. 

28. Clabburn, The Needleivorker's Dictionary, 37; Humphrey, Samplers, 4. 

29. Colby, Samplers, 57; 67; 71-73. 

30. Ibid., 71-73; Humphrey, Samplers, 5; Gay Swift, The Batsford Encyclopaedia of Embroidery 
Techniques (London, England: B. T. Batsford, 1984), 31. 

31. M. Jourdain, The History of English Secular Embroidery (New York, NY: E. P. Dutton and 
Co., 1912), 182. 

32. Humphrey, Samplers, 4-5. 

33. Justin Jarrett, of Witney Antiques, London, England; personal communication, November 
12 and 13, 1999. 

34. Ralph Tucker, personal correspondence, February 22, 2000. See also: Ralph Tucker, 
"Heavenly Imps, Evil Demons, Little Men," Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies 3:3 (1979): 1-3. 

35. Allan I. Ludwig, Graven Images: Neio England Stonecarving and its Symbols, 1650-1815 
(Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1966), 100-107; 236. Also Dickran and Ann 
Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change: The Art of Early New England Stonecarving 
(Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1974), 79. 

36. Salazar, Tlie Neio Carolingian Modelbook: Counted Embroidery Patterns from Before 1600, 
154; Thomasina Beck, 77rc Embroiderer's Story: Needlework from the Roiaissance to the Present 
Day (Spa, Italy: David and Charles, 1995), 28; Kathryn Newall, Needlework Patterns from 
Renaissance Germany: Desig)is Recharted by Kathryn Newall from John Sibmacher's Schon 
Neues Modelbuch, 1599 (Boulder, CO: Costume and Dressmaker Press, 1999), 11; 22; 
German Renaissance Patterns for Embroidery: A Facsimile Copy of Nicolas Bassee's New 
Modelbuch of 1568 (Austin, TX: Curious Works Press, 1994), plate 66 (see also plates 16 
and 44 for other examples of designs shared by gravestones and needlework). 



46 Samples and Gravestones 



37. Beatrice Phillpotts, Mermaids (New York, NY: Ballantine Books, 1980). 

38. "The earliest recorded ancestor of the mermaid was in fact a male sea god, Oannes, the 
'great fish of the ocean' worshiped by the Babylonians circa 5,000 BC": Ibid., 8. 

39. Triton: a god of the sea, son of Poseidon, portrayed as having the head and trunk of a 
man and the tail of a fish; Nereid: any of the sea nymphs, sometimes seen as protectors, 
Dagon: chief god of the Philistines and later the Phoenicians, half man and half fish, 
Undine: female water spirit. See American Heritage Dictionary, 3rd ed. (New York, NY: 
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1992); Phillpotts, Mermaids, 14. Malcolm South, ed.. Mythical and 
Fabulous Creatures: A Source Book and Research Guide (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 
1987). 

40. W. Fritz Volbach, Early Decorative Textiles-; (Middlesex, England: Paul Hamlyn Publishing 
Group, 1966), 11; 14; 26. The fatal seductresses called Sirens derived from ancient Egyptian 
soul birds known as the Ba, "soul birds," "demons of death." Tlie Ba (half bird, half woman) 
often appeared on Egyptian tomb carvings. They are considered to be the direct ancestor 
of mermaids. See Phillpotts, Mermaids, 19-21. 

41 . Colby, Samplers, 74-76. 

42. Phillpotts, Mermaids, 30. 

43. Annette Stramesi, "The Mermaid's Tale: Legends and Folklore About Mermaids," Colonial 
Homes 20:4 (1994): 52; 55. See also Robert Hunt, Popular Romances of the West of England 
(New York, NY: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1916), 148; Jim Higgins, Irish Mermaids (Galway, 
Ireland, Crows Rock Press, 1995). 

44. Phillpotts, Mermaids, 26. 

45. Ibid., 27; 30. 

46. According to popular tradition, mermaids might acquire the longed-for soul if they 
married a mortal: Ibid., 38. 

47. Ibid., 28-30. 

48. Dickran and Ann Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change: The Art of Early Neiu England 
Stonecarving, 89-92; Ludwig, Graven Images: New England Stonecarving and its Syvd^ols, 
J650-1815, 296; David Watters, "The JN Carver," Markers II (1983): 115-131. 

49. Thanks to Meg Winslow, Curator of Historical Collections, Mt. Auburn Cemetery, for 
her help in identifying the location of this stone. 

50. Jol-UT Briggs, unknown date, Boston; Major Tliomas Savage, 1681, Boston; Michael Martyn, 
1682, Boston; Benjamin Hills, 1683, Boston; Prisscilla Coddington, 1688, Newport, Rhode 
Island; Hanah Craford, 1688, Boston; Timothy Dwyt, 1691/2, Boston; William Button, 
1693, Portsmouth, New Hampshire; Jacob Eliott, 1693, Boston; William Greenough, 1693, 
Boston; Matthew Pittom, 1693/4, Boston; Ann Simpson, 1694, Boston; Hannah Wadsworth, 
1706, Boston; Samuel Clap, 1708, Dorchester; Elizur Holyoke, 1711, Boston; Mary 
Holyoke, 1720, Boston. See also Watters, "The JN Carver," 117. 



Laurel K. Gabel 47 

51. Ibid., 115-131. 

52. Colby, Samplers, 40; 79-80. 

53. Ibid., 80. 

54. Massachusetts examples include stones for Sarah Wheeler, 1775, Sudbury; Anna Peirce, 
1775, Groton; Abigail Stone, 1767, Lexington; and Samuel Tuttle, 1780, Littleton. 

55. Needlework design examples can be found in Art of the Embroiderer, by Charles Germain 
de Saint-Aubin, Designer to the King, 1770 (Boston, MA and London, England: Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art in association with David R. Godine, 1983), plate 4, 
figure 3. Gravestone examples include stones for Elizabeth Shippen, 1692, Boston; and 
Henery Allen, 1695/6, Boston. 

56. Needlework design examples can be found in Art of the Embroiderer, 109. Massachusetts 
gravestone examples include stones for Solomon Park, 1753, Holliston; David Whittaker, 
1755, Concord; Tabitha Eager, 175_^ Northborough; Dr. Richard Temple, 1756, Concord; 
Deborah Lincoln, 1760, Hingham; Sarah Baldwin, 1761, Billerica; Deacon Job Lane, 1762, 
Bedford; and Margaret Nickles, 1763, Billerica. 

57. Tudor rose motifs are too numerous to list, but good representative examples exist on 
the gravestones of Elizabeth Emmes, 1715, Boston; Samuel Hinckley, 1798, Brookfield; 
and Rev. Job Cushing, 1760, Shrewsbury, all in Massachusetts. 

58. Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, Dictioiari/ of Christian Art (New York, NY: Continuum, 
1994), 61; 78; 91. See also Marcus Huish, Samplers and Tapestry Embroideries, 2nd Edition 
(New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1970), 17-18; 68. Acorns, especially popular as a 
sampler border design during the seventeenth century, were the symbolic badge of 
Henrietta Maria, wife of the Stuart king Charles I, and were usually associated with the 
Stuart rulers in England. 

59. Colby, Samplers, 40. 

60. George Fisher, The American Young Man 's Best Companion, 13th Edition (Worcester, MA: 
Issaiah Thomas, 1785), 373-375: "It is indispensably necessary and useful for the training 
up of the younger Sort of the Female Kind to the Needle, it being introductory to all the 
various and sundry Sort of Needlework pertaining to that Sex. Marking copies of the 
alphabets upper and lower case and numbers, etc." [with crowns at the end of lines used 
as fillers]. 

61 . Betty Willsher, "Adam and Eve Scenes on Kirkyard Monuments in the Scottish Lowlands," 
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 122 (1992): 416-417. 

62. /tef., 413-451. 

63. Deborah Trask, Life How Short, Eternity How Long: Gravestone Carving and Carvers in 
Nova Scotia (Halifax, Nova Scotia: The Nova Scotia Museum, 1978), 63-67. 

64. See James Blachowicz, in collaboration with Vincent F. Luti, "William Coye: Father of the 
Plymouth Carving Tradition," Markers XVII (2000): 32-107. 



48 Samples and Gravestones 



65. Ethel Stanwood Bolton and Eva Johnson Coe, American Samplers (Boston, MA: 
Massachusetts Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 1921), 8; Glee F. Krueger, A 
Gallery of American Samplers, The Theodore H. Kaptek Collection (New York, NY: E. Dutton, 
in association with the Museum of American Folk Art, 1978), 19. 

66. Betty Ring, "Schoolgirl Embroideries," in Needleiuork: An Historical Survey, New and 
Expanded Edition, ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown, NJ: The Main Street Press, 1984), 59. 

67. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needleivork, 18. 

68. Nancy Graves Cabot, "The Sources of Some Designs in the Fishing Lady Pictures," in 
Needleivork: An Historical Survey, New and Expanded Edition, ed. Betty Ring (Pittstown, 
NJ: Main Street Press, 1984), 51. 

69. Columbian Centinel (Boston), March 21, 1827, as quoted in Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print 
Sources of New England Schoolgirl Art, The Magazine Antiques (August, 1976): 296. 

70. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Sa)nplers and Pictorial Needlework, 61; 63. On heraldic 
gravestones and tomb fronts, see Theodore Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "Headstones, 
Hatchments, and Heraldry," Gravestone Chronicles II (Boston, MA: New England Historic 
Genealogical Society, 1997), 496-604. 

71. Litra Solis-Cohen, "Otis Canvas-work Picture Sells for $1.15 Million," Sotheby's January 
[1996] Americana Auction: http://wvyw.maineantiquedigest.com/articleshann0396.htm . 

72. Ethel Stanwood Bolton [American Samplers, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Society of the 
Colonial Dames of America, 1921) was one of the first to study the regional characteristics 
of American Samplers. Another excellent source of information about early needlework 
instructors and their work is Glee Krueger, New England Samplers to 1840 (Sturbridge, 
MA: Old Sturbridge Village, 1978), 139-205. 

73. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 121. 

74. Theodore Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "Levi Maxcy, The 'Other' Son," Gravestone Chronicles 
II (Boston, MA: New England Historic Genealogical Society, 1997), 458. 

75. Ring, Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1850, 20. 

76. Davida Tenenbaum Deutsch, "John Brewster, Jr., An Artist for the Needleworker," The 
Clarion 15:4 (1990): 46-50. Some known pattern and needlework painters were John 
Brewster, Wiliam Birch, Nathaniel Hancock, Frederick Kemmelmeyer, Archibald and 
Alexander Robertson, Samuel and Godfrey Folwell, the "Boston Limner" (Probably Jolin 
Jolinston, son of the heraldic painter and engraver, Tliomas Johnson), and Raphaelle Peale. 
Bernard Andrew, a Boston embroiderer, offered liis service "at the lodgings at Mrs. Geyer's, 
the Flower Maker in Pleasant Street, Boston" (Boston NeiosLetter, July 2,1772). 

77. Frederick Burgess, Tombstone Lettering on Slate (no date or publisher), 7. Grace Rogers 
Cooper, Tire Copp Family Textiles (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971), 
2. 



Laurel K. Gabel 49 



78. Davida Tenenbaum Deutsch, "Needlework Patterns and Their Use in America/' The 
Magazine Antiques 139:2 (1991): 368-381; Nancy Graves Cabot, "Engravings as Pattern 
Sources," The Magazine Antiques 40:6 (1950); Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print Sources of 
New England Schoolgirl Art," The Magazine Antiques (1976): 292-301. 

79. According to researcher Nancy Cabot, "It has been possible, in various instances, to identify 
the use on both sides of the ocean of the same engraving as a pattern source for pictorial 
embroideries. The New England version usually proves to be lives of somewhat later 
date and is generally a simpler rendering of the scene. . ." preserving most of the English 
flavor but with distinctly American details: Nancy Graves Cabot, "The Sources of Some 
Designs in the Fishing Lady Pictures," 50. 

80. Jane C. Nylander, "Some Print Sources of New England Schoolgirl Art," 292; 296. 

81. Don, Traditional Samplers, 9. 

82. Verse from Lydia HoUingsworth sampler, 1759 (DAR Museum, gift of Hannah Babcock): 

I in the Burying place may 
See graves shorter there 
Than 1, From Death's 
Arrest no Age is free 
Young Children too may 
Die. my God, may such an 
Awful Sight awakening be 
To me. Oh, that by early 
Grace I might for death 
Prepared be. 

83. These words also appear as a hymn, "Great God How Frail a Thing is Man," with text 
credited to Mather Byles (1744) and music by William Billings (1781). William Billings 
published Boston's first singing master's book {New England Psalm Singer) in 1770. 1 am 
indebted to Donna LaRue for introducing me to Billings and for providing me with a 
copy of the hymn. 

84. Perhaps from Psalms 103:15-16: "As for man, his days are as grass: as a flower of the field, 
so he flourisheth. For the wind passeth over it, and it is done; and the place thereof shall 
know it no more." 

85. These popular lines are from the last verse of an untitled hymn by Josiah Conder, which 
appears in several versions of the Watts Hymnal. The verse first appeared in 1824 in 
Conder's poem "On the Death of an Infant," published in The Star in the East. The verse 
also appears on the gravestone of Robert E. Lee's young daughter (1862), in Abraham 
Lincoln's daily devotional (The Believer's Daily Treasure; or, Texts of Scripture arranged for 
every day in the year. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1852, Entry of 
November 21), and on several nineteenth-century needlework samplers. I am indebted 
to the staff of Rochester's Eastman-Sibley Music Library, The University of Rochester 
Library, and the Monroe County Library, New York, for their considerable help in finding 
the origins of this popular sampler verse and epitaph. 



50 



Remu Cemetery 




Fig. 1. Gravemarker of the Remu, side closest to the 

Remu synagogue, Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland. 

The marker is the most elaborate in the cemetery. 



51 



LEGENDARY EXPLANATIONS: 
THE PROTECTION OF THE REMU CEMETERY DURING THE HOLOCAUST 

Simon J. Bronner 

Cemeteries and gravestones are the stuff of legend. This association 
in public consciousness can be explained by the roles of cemeteries as 
ritual, and hence mysterious, zones in many communities. Folklorists 
often consider narratives told about cemeteries in relation to the local 
legend, since themes and motifs relating to beliefs about death, burial, 
and spirit may appear migratory, although the reference is to a specific 
stone and person in a teller's community. Folkloristic literature abounds 
with legends that attribute magical qualities to tombstones, or legendary 
explanations of unusual stones. The typical scenario for the reporting of 
legends about cemeteries is that the stones are located in the teller's im- 
mediate environment and represents a connection to community. My 
concern here is the narrated place of cemeteries in the lost world of Jew- 
ish Poland and its wider ethnic and historical representation. In the case 
of elderly Yiddish speakers, the localities in Poland are distant from the 
speaker's experience, although they still relate to them, and certainly 
relate stories about them. 

In this essay, I take up an example of a cemetery /stone narrative told 
about the renowned Remu cemetery in Cracow, Poland. The legend is 
about the encounter of Nazis during the Holocaust with the cemetery. I 
contextualize the telling of this legend to gauge perceptions of its mean- 
ing as related by Yiddish speakers from Poland, and I compare the story 
to legends about the Remu as well as migratory themes concerning the 
Jewish cemetery. My ethnographic objective is to interrogate the rhetori- 
cal use of the legend so as to understand the function of the narrative. I 
also have a historical objective to analyze the sense of place, indeed a 
sense of tradition, retained in the consciousness of Holocaust survivors, 
removed from their original communities. Thematically, this example 
also raises issues of the wide symbolic significance of cemeteries for social 
groups whose experience has shaped attitudes revealed in narrative. 

I begin with a telling of the legend in the context of a gathering of 
Yiddish speakers. The date was August 8, 1993. It was at the home of 
Holocaust survivor Ed Dunietz in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. A group of 
Yiddish speakers had gathered around the dining room table as past- 
ries, fruit, tea, and coffee were served. They had been in the living room 



52 Remu Cemetery 



for a Yiddish-speaking meeting (the Vinkl, they call it), and had finished 
the program of readings and discussion. The move to the dining room 
signaled the start of informal conversation among members of the Vinkl. 
Everyone in attendance except for me had been born before World War 
II. Several had been in concentration camps or escaped to Russia from 
Poland during the war. Leo Mantelmacher, who was born in Poland but 
had not been back since liberation, pressed Ed to describe his trip to 
Poland the month before. Ed was also born in Poland, not far from 
Cracow, and had been hidden for much of the war. "Did you go to 
Kazimierz?" Leo asked. 

The question implied the specialness of this section of Cracow as a 
Jewish place. Ed nodded and described what seemed to him an amazing 
development - Jewish tourism in downtrodden Kazimierz. He discussed 
the museum that had been made from the old synagogue and the Jewish 
restaurant that featured Jewish and Russian entertainment. His tone soft- 
ened when he came to describe the Remu synagogue. The name of the 
Remu (or Remah) was familiar to all of Ed's listeners. It was the acronym 
of the renowned Talmudist Rabbi Moses Isserles who was born in Cracow 
(born 1525 or 1530, died 1572). In 1553, the Remu built a small syna- 
gogue in Kazimierz to memorialize his wife who died at the tender age 
of 20 in 1552. A cemetery lies beside the synagogue and its major attrac- 
tion is the grave of the Remu himself (Figs. 1 and 2). It was known before 
World War II as a pilgrimage site for Jews from every part of Poland who 
visited the grave of the wonder-working Rabbi on Lag ba-Omer. The 
holiday coincided with the anniversary of the Remu's death, and pil- 
grims to his grave left written wishes on the grave. 'Tt's still there? The 
Nazis didn't destroy it?" Leo asked incredulously. 

"That's right," Ed replied. He knew that many of his listeners could 
recount stories of the destruction of synagogues, cemeteries, and yeshi- 
vas in their home towns in Poland. He felt the need to explain the sur- 
vival of this structure revered by Jews. "I'll tell you what people say," he 
said in Yiddish. "The Nazis went to burn the shul by the Remu's grave 
[the stone is situated next to one wall]. But the sparks blew back, they got 
scared and left it alone." 

"Dos iz a mayse," Leo said dismissively. By mayse he meant an inten- 
tionally false folktale. "Nu, that's what the people there say," Ed repeated 
in his defense. "A legend," someone else interjected in English. "Nischt 
emes" (not true), Leo blurted out. Leo was irritated with the discussion 
that deviated from the hard facts and numbers of the Jewish catastro- 



Simon J. Bronner 



53 




Fig. 2. Gravemarker of the Remu, side facing away from synagogue, 

Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland. The notes on the grave are called 

in Yiddish shlikhes: messages containing wishes that are left 

on the graves of great righteous rabbis (tsadikim) 

who are associated with the power to perform miracles. 



54 Remu Cemetery 



phe. Ed turned from the issue of whether it was true or not and tried to 
impress upon Leo the importance of belief. "If you were there," Ed chal- 
lenged, "you would feel it was a magical place." From there ensued a 
lively argument on the ruthlessness of the Nazis with Leo taking the 
position that they would have destroyed the structure, and anything Jew- 
ish, if they had wanted. Others weren't so sure. Or they did not want to 
easily discount a host of legends they knew about the magical powers of 
wonder-working rabbis in Poland. "Maybe it is a mayse," Ed finally of- 
fered, and he emphasized in Yiddish, "Die geschichte bringt mir a sach 
wichtigkeit . . . bedaitung" (The story has importance, meaning, for me.") 
His choice of geschichte resounded in contrast to Leo's dismissal of mayse. 
Geschichte was a story, to be sure, but it connoted a historical narrative. 
Whereas the mayse tended to be offered for entertainment or instruction, 
the geschichte explained a matter of immediacy, a matter Ed referred to 
as richtig epes (something real or meaningful). 

It wasn't the first time I heard the story told as a geschichte, or wit- 
nessed an argument that followed. In Los Angeles, California, that same 
year, I attended the regular Sunday brunch hosted by Henry and Lola 
Bornstein, my aunt and uncle, for Yiddish-speaking Jews from Oswiecim, 
Poland. Conversation regLilarly drifted to wartime Poland. My aunt sighed 
when she told me once, "No matter how we start off - the weather, taxes, 
traffic - the conversation always comes back to the Holocaust. We're still 
trying to figure out how Auschwitz happened to Oswiecim." At one 
brunch, my aunt recounted being in Cracow after she left the smaller 
town of Oswiecim during the 1930s. She was asked "Was Kazimierz Frum 
(religious) then?" She acknowledged the Hasidic presence and recalled 
the pilgrimages to the Remu grave. "The Nazis cleared out the old quar- 
ter," and she recalled that some of her family members were caught in 
Cracow. Her husband Henry piped in that it was "incomprehensible" 
that the Remu synagogue survived. "You know why?" he asked in his 
typical cue that a narrative was coming. "I tell you. It was said that if the 
stone was touched then your family would mysteriously die or disap- 
pear. So the Nazis were scared." 

"You know I heard that too," Nathan Littner replied. "But I thought 
the Nazis tried to burn it, but the fire flew back at them." A guest at the 
brunch was a Yiddish speaker from Romania and he emphasized the 
importance of the synagogue burning to the Nazis in his town, and found 
it strange that they would spare the structure. This led to an excited 
conversation about Nazi displays of destruction to Jewish sites in Po- 



Simon J. Bronner 



55 



land. There were those who attributed to the Nazis senseless cruelty while 
others saw method in their madness. Emphasizing the devilish attributes 
of the Nazis, Nathan remarked that the Nazis were "superstitious," "into 
occult," and could have been scared by the curse. 

When I made a query about the legend on a Holocaust list over the 
Internet, I received a note from Jonah Bookstein living in Cracow who 
recalled a Jew in the city explaining to him that the Nazis were aware of 
a curse on vandals of the grave. He continued: "When the first Nazi 
refused because he was scared (he had been told by a Jew the power of 
the Rabbi), a second Nazi stepped up. He swung at the matzevah with a 
sledgehammer which bounced off the stone and hit him in the head. He 
was killed instantly."' The significance of the story is local awareness 
that around the Remu grave indeed stones were destroyed, and the cem- 
etery in disarray after the war (Fig. 3). Earl Vinecour has commented, in 
fact, that "miraculously, the only tombstone to survive the war totally un- 
impaired was that of Rabbi Moses Isserles" (emphasis added). ^ Part of 
the miraculous association of the grave besides its towering size, posi- 




Fig. 3. Wall of Remu Cemetery, Crakow, Poland. 

The wall was constructed with headstones the Nazis 

removed from the cemetery or damaged. 



56 Remu Cemetery 



tion right next to the eastern wall of the synagogue, and elaborate in- 
scription is the boastful Hebrew phrase connecting the Remu with Moses 
himself: "From Moshe until Moshe, there was none like Moshe. May his 
soul be bound in the bond of eternal life." 

The internet query also produced an incredulous reply similar to Leo's 
at the Vinkl . Bernard Sussman of Washington, D.C., emphasized in his 
message to me his displeasure at hearing the legend. He drew my atten- 
tion to the work at the concentration camps in the region. "It is very 
probable that all the energies and facilities of the German troops in the 
area were devoted to the extermination camps, with nothing left over 
for pointless gestures such as desecrating a cemetery that Jews couldn't 
see anymore." What especially bothered him was the supernatural motif 
of the story. "This 'legend' about a Remu Stone supports the sympa- 
thetic notion of those poor ignorant, sentimental Nazis, so easily fright- 
ened by ghost stories, like little children; can't really hold them responsible 
for the Holocaust. That's why I am very unsympathetic to such 'legends'."^ 
He felt somewhat at a loss to explain the survival of the Remu's stone 
when the rest of the cemetery was in disarray. His belief was that the 
stone's survival stemmed "partly from its superior construction and partly 
from the veneration of the spot which may have been known (if imper- 
fectly) among local Christian Poles. "^ 

The only published account I have found of the "protection from the 
Nazis" narrative is by Moshe Weiss, a Bobover Rabbi who grew up in 
Oswiecim. Weiss wrote in reference to the synagogue: "Legend has it 
that the Nazis spared the Remu Synagogue after being told that it was a 
holy place inhabited by the spirit of a holy man, and should they at- 
tempt to burn it down, they would fail in their mission."^ Weiss offered 
the narrative to emphasize the spiritual importance of the Remu, and he 
recounted other legends about the great wonder-working Rabbi. One 
that he published also gets in a commentary on German destructive- 
ness: "There is also another story about a wedding celebrated on Ulica 
Sheroka near the Remu Synagogue until late one Friday afternoon. The 
rabbi implored the guests to end the festivities lest they violate the Sab- 
bath. When the guests went heedlessly on with their merry-making, the 
rabbi placed a curse on them. According to one account, they all died; 
another version has it that they were swallowed alive. In any case, after 
the Sabbath a fence was installed around the entire area. This fence re- 
mained standing until the Germans invaded Krakow and destroyed it."'' 

This last narrative was in fact given by a Polish Catholic tour guide 



SimonJ. Bronner 57 



when I visited the site, but she did not relate the story of the Remu grave. 
The "wedding cemetery" story also appears in the memoirs of Jacob 
Seifter in the Oswiecim memorial book published in 19777 Seifter em- 
phasized the magical quality (what he called Epes tsoiberhaftes) of places 
such as the Remu synagogue for Jews in that area. For many survivors of 
the region, Kazimierz symbolizes old Jewish Poland and the Remu syna- 
gogue is its spiritual center. The Remu grave story, as far I could deter- 
mine, was largely told by Jewish survivors of the Holocaust from western 
Galicia, which included Oswiecim and Crakow. It is not a story that their 
children have inherited. 

Use of the story raises several questions about the emergence and 
function of such narrative among Jews removed from their former home 
and dealing with the memory of the Holocaust. The story with its magi- 
cal motifs can create controversy when it is told because of public sensi- 
tivity about relating the hard "facts" of the Holocaust. As my experience 
showed, there were even attempts to suppress the telling of the story. 
But as Ed Dunietz said, the story is important for many survivors to 
relate because of the bedaitung, the meaning, it conveys. It related the 
stone and the synagogue to the experience of the survivors themselves. 
Having documented some instances of the story's use and context, I want 
to encourage interpretation of this private side of post-Holocaust narra- 
tive beyond the frequently collected genre of rationalized "testimony."^ 

While the "protection from the Nazis" is clearly set in a post-Holo- 
caust setting, it is a bridge to pre-Holocaust Poland because of its strong 
relation to three themes in Jewish-Polish (and especially Yiddish-speak- 
ing) tradition. One is the cemetery and synagogue as magical sites, another 
the legendary protection provided by the Remu and wonder-working 
rabbis, and the third the use of explanatory narrative. 

The memory of Jewish presence in Poland is often attributed to the 
community center in the synagogue and cemetery. The old age of many 
synagogues and the representation of generations in cemeteries are re- 
minders of Jewish persistence in the Polish landscape. Kazimierz is es- 
pecially unusual because of two synagogue structures that date back to 
the sixteenth century or earlier. While the official guidebook of the Pol- 
ish government notes that "the 15th century synagogue in Cracow, one 
of the oldest in Poland, miraculously escaped destruction," it was Remu's 
later one that attracted legend probably because of the renown of the 
Remu. A guidebook by Polish Michal Rozek observes: "Jews from all 
over the world come to his [Remu's] grave, praying and leaving by his 



58 Remu Cemetery 



Stela small notes with requests and expressions of gratitude for grace 
obtained. The atmosphere of the cemetery is unique and strange, which 
is augmented by the prevailing silence. It is as if time stood still there."^ 

Polish Jews indicated the special role of synagogues and cemeteries 
in religious ritual as centers of spiritual activity, and in narrative and 
belief centers of the activity of spirits. They are related because the spir- 
its from the cemetery often gather in synagogues as "spirit congrega- 
tions," according to frequently collected legends from Eastern Europe.^° 
Joshua Trachtenberg in his classic study Jezvish Magic and Superstition: A 
Study in Folk Religion (1979 [1939]) devoted a full chapter to the "spirits 
of the dead," most of whom according to tradition dwelled in synagogues 
and cemeteries. While the cemetery is an unclean place, as indicated by 
the ritual cleansing of the hands upon leaving a cemetery, and a place 
apart from life, as indicated by the traditional absence of flowers and 
plant growth at Jewish cemeteries, it may also be a site for magical be- 
seeching. Trachtenberg points out the custom of visiting deceased rela- 
tives and scholars to request intercession to avert evil on earth. Indeed, 
the Remu grave is a site for leaving of written notes with prayers and 
wishes (kvitl) (see Fig. 2). Cemeteries, Trachtenberg observed, became 
places to visit on several occasions so "that the dead may beseech mercy 
on our behalf."" Befitting the power of the spirits of the dead, grave 
inscriptions in Ashkenazic tradition became elaborate and, in the case of 
renowned scholars and Tzadikim, shrines. Dov Noy identified the per- 
ception of the meaningfulness of the grave in Jewish culture with the 
Talmudic motif of "Return from dead to punish disturber of grave" 
(E235.6).i2 

That the spirits did not provide protection or return to punish Nazi 
disturbers of graves and synagogues is one of the running commentaries 
that pepper many conversations I sat in among Jewish Holocaust survi- 
vors. The Remu legend may indeed have sparked argument in the ses- 
sions I recounted here because it retained a faith in the magical 
intervention of Jewish spirituality while many reported feeling disen- 
chanted with religious belief. Reflecting on her collections of narratives 
from Holocaust survivors, Haya Bar-Itzhak wrote that "the survivors' 
sense of commitment to their dead and their community produces a 
sense of obligation to tell their stories and that of the community, which 
includes the story of its synagogue."" She gave as an example a narra- 
tive which recalls the glory of the Jewish synagogue on the Polish land- 
scape and laments its destruction. Her narrator concluded, "And when I 



Simon J. Bronner 59 



remember and call to mind the Great Synagogue, the ancient synagogue 
in our town, which was destroyed by the Germans, may their name be 
blotted out, then my sighs are many and my heart is sick."'^ 

When I heard the Remu story told, it offered less separation from the 
past than the stories Bar-Itzhak summarizes as narratives of "destruc- 
tion, eulogy, and lament." The Remu story certainly makes reference to 
the destruction of the Holocaust and the separation of pre- and post- 
Holocaust experience. Yet it also offers a parable of Jewish persistence. 
And while Bar-Itzhak heard in her tellers' performances an editorializ- 
ing about Jewish revival in Eretz Israel, I understood from the commen- 
taries on the Remu story a connection to the Diaspora. I heard the Remu 
story most often from Yiddish speakers who still hung on to some sense 
of belonging, culturally and religiously, with their Polish-Jewish past. 
The locations and characters in the story were significant for they repre- 
sented in the minds of speakers the oldest Jewish section, with the oldest 
synagogues, most revered religious figures, and the most presently ac- 
tive Jewish community. Yet it was not uncommon for listeners to counter 
the stories with stories that echoed Bar-Itzhak's theme of final "destruc- 
tion, eulogy, and lament." Folklore thus acquired wichtigkeit, or weighty 
importance, because it was a strategy of memorializing the dead, and at 
the same time commenting on the experience of the living. It encapsu- 
lated total experience and used the geschichte to offer parable. 

The attachment of the post-Holocaust narrative with the Remu is not 
incidental. The Remu has attracted a host of legends set in the pre-Holo- 
caust period and the location of his synagogue and grave within the vi- 
cinity of the most notorious region of the Holocaust— Auschwitz and 
Plaszow - adds to his post-Holocaust significance. Offering Hasidic tales 
of the Holocaust, Yaffa Eliach wrote, for example, "As I walk down the 
streets of Cracow I feel as if I am stepping on the dead. Each cobblestone 
is a skull, a Jewish face. Cracow's violated synagogues are habitations of 
ghosts. Cracow, the first Jewish settlement on Polish soil, the center of 
Jewish creativity, of law and Hasidic lore, is now a town with virtually 
no living Jews. Only a handful remain here, more dead than the clouds 
above Auschwitz and neighboring Plaszow." ^^ Within the pre-Holocaust 
legendry, the Remu as a religious figure who studied Kabbalah and com- 
mented on magical powers added to his mystique and the perception of 
his powers."' Although he could be critical of unlettered people who 
engaged in mystical speculation, the Remu wrote on the roots of magical 
arts from God and nature, and observed that material things can be en- 



60 Remu Cemetery 



dowed with occult virtues and powers.'^ One can still hear the numero- 
logical commentary that the Remu lived 33 years, wrote 33 books, died 
on the 33rd day of the Omer, and the rabbis who eulogized him listed 33 
merits.^* Beyond the Remu's association with magic, he also was the 
codifier, sometimes called the "Maimonides of Polish Jewry," and was 
known for his commentaries on the customs of Ashkenazic Jews. He 
thus represented the carrying on of life as a Jew in Poland. 

The Remu and his grave had a special place because of his stature as 
a Tzadik, or a miracle-working rabbi. The renowned Yiddish folklorist 
Y.L. Cahan collected a legend in Poland concerning the poor man who 
asked to buy a plot near the Remu's grave because of its magical associa- 
tion.^^ The caretaker took his money but buried him in a different plot 
than the one he had promised. It was far from the Remu. The dead man's 
ghost appeared in the caretaker's dreams and disturbed him. After con- 
sulting with a rabbi, the caretaker honored his promise and reburied 
him near the Remu. Mysteriously, the grave of the buried man collapsed 
in on itself. 

A significance of the Remu's saintly role is described by Bar-Itzhak as 
one closer to the "storytelling society than is the divinity, which is an 
amorphous force in Judaism, the saint serves as a means of religious 
identification for the members of the community who are unable to iden- 
tify with the divine force or can do so only through the saintly media- 
tor. "^° Thus the poor man of the storytelling society in Cahan's story 
sought a place near the Remu. Frequently such legends about Jewish 
miracle-working rabbis contain the key feature of the saint as a hero who 
offers often passive, but profound, resistance to persecution. The saintly 
hero uses spiritual or intellectual power to act for a people who are ap- 
parently powerless to combat violent attack. There can be a range of 
legendary explanations of resistance from Rabbi Akiva's martyrdom 
which inspired an insurrection against the Romans to Yemenite Rabbi 
Shalom Shabazi's turning from his plowing to destroy the governor's 
palace. In the latter narrative, used as an example of the Jewish saint's 
legend by Bar-Itzhak, "The governor, who was secretly plotting to deal 
unjustly with the Jews, saw the great power of Shabazi and recanted, 
and abandoned the wicked plot he had intended to carry out."-' 

The Remu story combines reference to the saintly intervener with the 
pre-Holocaust legend of place. As with many pre-Holocaust narratives 
of synagogues connected to the place legend, it brings out the "unique- 
ness, beauty, and sanctity" of community and its religious center." It 



Simon}. Bronner 61 



also locates a shadowy, extra-religious realm of belief connected to life in 
Poland. It offers an experience of a specific location. But in its post-Holo- 
caust context, the story relies on a memory of place and the realization 
of destruction of community. Its reference to the Nazis appears not so 
much unique or final, as it does one of many parables of Jewish persis- 
tence, in the face of persecutors from the Romans to the Crusaders. It is 
a contested narrative, however, when the Holocaust is offered as a his- 
torical finality that marks the rise of a new Jewish identity. Yet its coun- 
tering version is as much a narrative of explanation as the Remu story. 
The bedaitiiug in both cases comes from the struggle of memory. The Remu 
story told in conversation records a connection to spiritual resistance 
and cultural persistence. 

NOTES 

All photos in this essay are by the author. 

1 . Jonah Bookstein, personal communication, 1 7 January 1995. 

2. Earl Vinecour, Polish Jews: The Final Chapter (New York, NY: New York University Press, 
1977), 22. 

3. Bernard Sussman, personal communication, 9 March 1995. 

4. Bernard Sussman, personal communication, 13 March 1995. 

5. Moshe Weiss, From Osioiecim to Ausctnvitz: Poland Revisited (Oakville, Ontario, Canada: 
MosaicPress, 1994), 38. 

6. Ibid. 

7. See Jacob Seifter, "Die Stadt Oshpitsin," in Osioiecim- Auschwitz Memorial Book, ed. Ch. 
Wolnerman, Rabbi A. Burstin, and M.S. Geshuri (Jerusalem, Israel: Irgun Yotzey Oswiecim, 
Israel, 1997), 355-361; Simon J. Bronner, "Epes Tsoibivehaftes: The Rhetoric of Folklore 
and History in Jacob Seifter's Memorials of Auschwitz," Yiddish 10 (1996), 17-46. 

8. See Lawrence L. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (New Haven, CT: 
Yale University Press, 1991); Bronner, "Epes Tsoiberhaftes: The Rhetoric of Folklore and 
History in Jacob Seifter's Memoirs of Auschwitz." See also Jack Kugelmass and Jonathan 
Boyarin, eds.. From a Ruined Garden: The Memorial Books of Polish Jewry (New York, NY: 
Schocken, 1983). 

9. Michal Rozek, Cracow: The Old Town, Kazmierz and Stradom (Warsaw, Poland: 
Wydawnictwo "Sport I Turystyka", 1991). Examples of the notes left at the Remu's grave 
are shown in Figure 2 of the present essay. 



62 Remu Cemetery 



10. See Seifter, "Die Stadt Oshpitin," 355-361; Joshua Trachtenberg, Jeivish Magic and Super- 
stition: A Study in Folk Religion, 1939 rpt. (New York, NY: Atheneum, 1979), 62; Beatrice 
Silverman Weinreich, Yiddish Folktales (New York, NY: Pantheon, 1988), 348; Josepha 
Sherman, A Sampler of Jewish American Folklore (Little Rock, AR: August House, 1992), 
76-77. Jacob Hennenberg now of Cleveland (originally from Oswiecim, Poland), related 
to me in 1995 the following narrative of a spirit congregation: 

I remember hearing a legend as a youth about the Great Synagogue of 
Oswiecim. It was told that there were ghosts inside. Going home from cheder 
I had to pass the Great Synagogue, and I became scared sometimes when it 
was an especially dark night. According to the legend, when someone passed 
the synagogiie, the ghosts could call you to the Torah and you had to go in. The 
whole city knew the legend that one time this happened and some people 
walked by at night, and the doors of the Great Synagogue opened. The lights 
went on emd the people were ordered to go in backwards and to say the 'Brucha' 
and walk out the same way. 

11. Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, 64-65. 

12. Dov Neuman Noy, "Motif-Index of Talmudic-Midrashic Literature." Ph.D. dissertation, 
Indiana University, 1954. E235.6. 

13. Haya Bar-Itzhak, Polin - Agadot Reshit: Ethnopoetica ve'Korot Agadiyim [Legends of Ori- 
gin of the Jews of Poland: Ethnopoetics and Legendary Chronicles] (Tel Aviv, Israel: Sifriyat 
Poalim, 1966). 

14. Ihid. Bar-Itzhak cites the source of the narrative as Israel Folktale Archives tale no. 5219 
at Haifa University: 

The ancient synagogue in our town was built more than 900 years ago. They 
built it over a period of several years but were unable to finish it. Suddenly a 
Jew appeared from far away. No one knew who he was or where he had come 
from. He pledged to the community leaders that he would complete the syna- 
gogue. When construction was complete the man abruptly disappeared. The 
next day the congregation found all the money the community council had 
paid him for his work in a corner of the synagogue. People said he was none 
other than King David, may his merit defend us and all Israel, who built this 
splendid synagogue, for it was impossible that normal flesh and blood, a 
gevaynlikher mensch, could build such a glorious holy place. I myself cannot 
believe that I ever merited to see with my own eyes this remarkable and mag- 
nificent synagogue, which had all the hues and colors of the sun and the moon 
and the rainbow. And when I remember and call to mind the Great Synagogue, 
the ancient synagogue in our town, which was destroyed by the Germans, may 
their name be blotted out, then my eyes shed tears because the enemy has 
overcome; my sighs are many and my heart is sick. 

Bar-Itzhak's commentary is: 

The first part of this narrative is a legend of origins. The synagogue is said to 
be 900 years old, which gives a stamp of legitimacy to the community's exist- 



Simon J. Bronner 63 



ence in Poland. Its beauty and splendor dignify the town and its congregation, 
which had tlie merit of having such a synagogue. The attribution of the comple- 
tion of the synagogue to King David gives a spiritual and theological seal of 
approval to the community's presence in Poland, for King David, the greatest 
king and hero of Israel, is also the ancestor of the Messiah. This part, which is 
the center of the legend before the Holocaust, becomes merely the introduc- 
tion and excuse for what the post-Holocaust narrator wants to tell about him- 
self and his community— destrviction, eulogy, and lament. 

15. Yaffa Eliach, Hasuiic Talcs of the Holocaust, 1982 rpt. (New York, NY: Vintage, 1988), 210. 

16. See Yaakov David Shulman, The Rciiia: The Story of Rabbi Moshe Isserles (New York, NY: 
C.I.S. Publishers, 1991). 

17. See Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, 20-21; Alan 
Unterman, Dictionary of Jewish Lore a)id Legend (London, England: Thames and Hudson, 
1991), 101-102. 

18. Weiss, From Oswiecim to Ausclnvitz: Poland Revisited, 38; Unterman, Dictionary of Jewish 
Lore and Legend, 101-102. 

19. Y.L. Cahan, Yidishcr folklor: Filogische shriftn fun YIVO (Vilna: YIVO, 1938), 152-153; 
Weinreich, Yiddish Folktales, 338. 

20. Haya Bar-Itzhak, "Modes of Characterization in Religious Narrative: Jewish Folk Leg- 
ends about Miracle Worker Rabbis," Journal of Folklore Research 27 (1990), 205-229. 

21. Ibid., 209. 

22. Bar-Itzhak, Polin - Agoadot Reshit: Ethtiopoetica ve'Korot Agadiyini. 



64 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



MARBL.B TOMIl^HTOHBS* 

WM. STUROeS, of Leet BtikahiM emf»iy, tnkrt 
this metlKMt to inform the inbabittuito ofNtto- 
tucket and lis vicinftj, that ho. b«» opened 9 ttiop in 
tbitpUce, dirrctljT over the store of Jooepli R. Pioher, 
41 Ontnirf) ttreefj for the nannfactnre ofMAROLB 
TOMBSTONES. Ho luit no^r 00 hand 40 poirt, of 
ftll sizot, read J for loilering* ilavinf entered iaio co-> 
partnersliip wUh a person wlio qwm s Quarry and a 
Scops Sawmillyliy wbom ke Is to be regnlarly siipplU 
sdfhepLodiLca'hlroaeif ivSffjrd them at a much lets 
price than tliey havt^bcsn obtahisd in this pitfc?. All 
are intlted 10 ealUiMl e«ani]nnltfs assottmenl, ssiil tlio 
execution of liii work^ whetliertbey wish to porQhsso 
or not* 
MareK S^nr^Mf 

Fig. 1. Advertisement for William Sturgis' marble shop, 
1834, Nantucket, Massachusetts. 



65 



THE ORIGINS OF MARBLE CARVING ON CAPE COD, 
PART I: WILLIAM STURGIS AND FAMILY 

James Blachowicz 

Preface 

Studies of American gravestones have tended to concentrate upon 
the styles of two distinct chronological clusters: the archaic stones of 
early New England before about 1800, and the Victorian art of the great 
rural cemeteries which peaked in the second half of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. This has resulted in some neglect of the period between the two, 
when marble monuments were first introduced and developed. Of course, 
some might argue that this stage hardly deserves extensive study, for 
much of it yielded quite plain marble tablets with no decorative features 
whatsoever. 

The present study, comprising this essay and a concluding install- 
ment to appear in Markers XX, targets a significant portion of this inter- 
mediate stage in gravestone development. While there were indeed many 
plain markers produced in these decades, this was not the whole story, 
as we shall see. Besides, this period is vital for our understanding of the 
development of the traditional craft apprentice system into the more 
market-oriented businesses we find by late Victorian times. 

Marble emerged as the material of choice for gravestones at different 
times in different areas of New England. The timing of this transition 
depended in part on the proximity of a given town to sources of marble. 
We find marble stones well before 1800, for example, in the area around 
Bennington, Vermont. Bennington was on the marble belt, a stretch of 
stone extending along western Vermont south through western Massa- 
chusetts and continuing alongside the Appalachians through southern 
Pennsylvania, western Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia to Alabama. 

The earliest marble markers were shaped and carved quite like their 
tabular slate counterparts. By the time we reach the late 1800s, of course, 
quite elaborate three-dimensional sculptures had appeared. Between 
these two stages, especially as we move through the 1860s and 1870s, we 
find significantly thickened (and more squat) marble markers, often with 
sculpted sides and inscriptions on more than one face. We also begin to 
see three-dimensional obelisks of all sizes. 

Cape Cod, Massachusetts had imported all its gravestones until the 
arrival of the carver Nathaniel Holmes in 1805. Holmes' slate produc- 



66 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



tion far exceeded his marble work even to his death in 1869. 1 found only 
about fifty marble stones out of the more than 600 he carved from 1830 
on. He was in this respect conservative, matching the conservatism of 
his clientele. But marble gravestones did begin to appear in substantial 
numbers on the Cape even from the 1830s. Ebenezer D. Winslow of 
Brewster began carving appreciable numbers of them from the 1820s, 
but he seemed to maintain his slate and sandstone production in parallel. 

The birth and development of marble carving on Cape Cod was largely 
due to the influence of one remarkable man, William Sturgis. He had 
learned his trade closer to the marble belt in western Massachusetts and 
had begun to produce marble gravestones there from the 1790s. He had 
carved exclusively in marble from the beginning. Sturgis was eleven years 
older than Nathaniel Holmes and, although born in Sandwich, had moved 
to Lee in Berkshire County as a young man. He opened a marble shop 
there with his brother and supplied the towns around Lee until the early 
1830s, when he reached the age of sixty. He then returned to eastern 
Massachusetts - first to Nantucket, and then back to the Cape. He and 
his son Josiah and, to a lesser extent, his son John, were responsible not 
only for supplying the Cape with many early marble markers: they also 
helped initiate, directly and indirectly, three other independent marble- 
carving traditions there - one in Yarmouth, one in Orleans, and one in 
Sandwich, involving a total of eleven later carvers. What follows is an 
account of this enterprising development. 

Because this story will take some time to tell, it is divided into two 
parts. The present essay will focus on William Sturgis, his son Josiah, 
and the Yarmouth marble shop of William's son-in-law, Jabez M. Fisher. 
In Markers XX, I shall complete this account with a discussion of the nine 
later carvers who established themselves in Orleans and Sandwich. 

Introduction 

Some stonecarvers, such as John Tribble (1782-1862) of Plymouth, 
organized workshops with many employees at work at many trades. 
Tribble's shop offered painting, glazing, papering, stonecutting, and even 
distilling, and he employed about a half dozen individuals, mostly his 
relatives. But the services of the shop were pretty much confined to the 
citizens of a single town. Less than two percent of Tribble's gravestones 
were sold to clients outside of the Plymouth area (comprising Plymouth, 
Kingston, and Carver). With the Sturgis family, we find a similar entre- 



James Blachowicz 67 



preneurial spirit, but with a different strategy. William and Josiah Sturgis 
concentrated on stonecutting, with no apparent sideline occupation (ex- 
cept for some farming); but they sought to expand their business by geo- 
graphical diversification, that is, by selling their products to many towns 
within a general region. This may seem at first to be the same approach 
adopted by some earlier stonecutters, but there are important differences. 
While it is true that over a third of Lemuel Savery's gravestones, for ex- 
ample, were sold to citizens of towns outside of the Plymouth area, Ply- 
mouth was clearly Savery's base and he faced significant competition in 
these other towns. Nathaniel Holmes sold more than half of his work to 
towns outside of the Barnstable area, but he had benefitted from being 
the first on the scene, setting up his shop in the populous center of the 
Cape and marketing his stones in the region around it with little or no 
competition. The Sturgises, on the other hand, had arrived with Holmes 
already in place and with Ebenezer D. Winslow selling his stones in 
Brewster, Dennis, and some towns further east. They were thus forced to 
pursue a more artificial market of their own design, comprising a string 
of towns spread over a wider area, east and west of Holmes' and 
Winslow's markets - and south too, on the islands. Although the major- 
ity of William Sturgis' stones in eastern Massachusetts are found on the 
inner part of the Cape from Sandwich through Falmouth (including 
Martha's Vineyard), and most of Josiah's are on Nantucket, they really 
didn't have a single populous town as a home base on which they could 
rely. 

William and Josiah also made frequent geographical moves. As a 
young man, William left his native Sandwich for Lee, in the Berkshires; 
then in his sixties he moved to Nantucket, next probably to Falmouth, 
thence to Orleans, from there to Sandwich, then (after his retirement) 
back to Lee, and finally to Yarmouth. Josiah accompanied his father in 
many of these moves, and he also tried setting up his own shop in 
Harwich while maintaining stonecutting stations in Falmouth, Sandwich, 
Orleans, Nantucket, and Edgartown. He later abandoned this venture 
(and stonecutting altogether) and joined the rush to California. We find 
in their movements not only the enterprising spirit that continued to 
develop through the mid-nineteenth century but also the influence of 
competitive pressures that began to claim the stonecutting trade as it 
had others in earlier decades. 



68 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



William Sturgis: Biography 

A William Sturgis is paid in an 1844 probate record for a gravestone 
in Sandwich, one like many others in the area. In my earlier essay on 
Plymouth and Cape stonecarvers in Markers XV, 1 had misidentified this 
stonecutter as William W. Sturgis, a Barnstable resident - this because I 
had found no evidence in any vital records for any other William Sturgis 
in that area of the Cape. This error became apparent once 1 discovered 
that the Sturgis stones of Sandwich and Falmouth resemble very closely 
those found in and around Lee in Berkshire County, most of which were 
carved by a William Sturgis resident there. 

Lee was home to a number of families from the Cape, many of whom 
moved there shortly after 1780, in response to the depression in Cape 
fishing and shipping following the Revolution.^ These transplanted Cape 
citizens concentrated in the east part of Lee, along what came to be called 
Cape Street. The two gravestone carvers of Lee were brothers, William 
and Thomas Sturges/Sturgis.^ They were sons of Jonathan Sturgis of Sand- 
wich, who was born in about 1751 and who married Elizabeth Smith 
there on November 3, 1771.^ In the 1790 U.S. Census, there are three 
males, all under sixteen, listed in the household of Jonathan Sturgis. Since 
William was eighteen at the time, this is evidence that he may have al- 
ready moved west, probably apprenticing with an established carver 
somewhere in that area. Two of the boys under sixteen must have been 
William's brothers Thomas and Nehemiah. While 1 found no record of 
another brother who could have been listed in 1790, there is a seven-year 
gap between the births of William's sister Abigail in 1775 and his brother 
Thomas in 1782; so perhaps there was another boy who did not survive. 

Jonathan's daughter Abigail died in Sandwich on October 25, 1794, 
and is buried there. Her brother William provided her a marble marker 
carved in a style found in central and western Massachusetts - more 
evidence that he had moved out some time before. This stone, now very 
weathered, but still just legible, may be the earliest marble monument 
on the Cape. William bought a tract of land in Lee in February of 1795,'* 
preparing, perhaps, for his marriage later that year. His parents prob- 
ably didn't move to Lee until sometime later, for his father did not sell 
his house in Sandwich until 1804.^ 

William Sturgis, who was born in 1772,^ married Salome Dimmick in 
Lee on September 11, 1795.^ She was the daughter of Captain Lot Dimmick 
of Falmouth and his wife Fear Fish. Lot's brother Joseph Dimmick earned 
fame in the Revolution as a raider, twice in 1779 recapturing schooners 



James Blachowicz 69 



from the British, who were blockading Cape ports, and harassing them 
on Nantucket.^ He later rose to the rank of general. William and Salome 
had at least ten children."* William's younger brother Thomas, born in 
September of 1782, married a Mary Hinckley (of Barnstable) in Lee on 
March 20, 1806.^° They had at least seven children." 

While Sandwich vital records are incomplete for this period, Jonathan 
and Elizabeth Sturgis had as many as five other children besides Will- 
iam, Abigail, and Thomas. The entire (living) Sturgis family is named in 
an 1821 deed in which they yield all their rights to the property of the 
late John Smith of Sandwich.'- John Smith was Elizabeth Smith Sturgis' 
father; but Elizabeth had died in 1813 and her family had inherited her 
rights to her father's property. Besides Jonathan, this Sandwich deed lists 
Jonathan's living children as: William, Thomas, Russell, Robert, Hannah, 
and Celia. There is also a probate record in 1828 for Robert Sturgis of 
Lee, who was bom in about 1796,^^ which lists his brothers and sisters as 
heirs: William, Thomas, Hannah, Celia and Russell''*; the same record 
has Russell Sturgis being appointed guardian for Catherine and Lucretia 
Sturgis, daughters of the recently deceased Nehemiah, "brother of said 
Robert."'^ Thus, it is safe to assume that the Nehemiah who appears in 
Census and vital records in Lee is another brother of the stonecutters 
William and Thomas.'^ The Hannah mentioned in these two records was 
probably Nehemiah's widow Hannah {iiee Russell). Celia, unmarried, died 
in Lee in 1828 at the age of thirty-eight. Jonathan Sturgis died in Lee in 
1824 at about the age of seventy-three. His gravestone mentions that he 
was a Revolutionary War veteran. The 1804 Sandwich deed listed his 
occupation as "yeoman." 

According to a Hyde's (1878) centennial history of Lee (see note 1), 
William and Thomas Sturgis were the first resident stonecutters of Lee. 
They came from a "good family on the Cape," Hyde reports, and ran 
two different shops: Thomas' shop was in East Lee, while William's was 
on the hill road between East Lee and the center of town. "These two 
establishments supplied grave stones and other cut stone work for most 
of Southern Berkshire. Their monuments are to be found in almost every 
grave-yard in the vicinity" (pp. 316-7). They signed stones in Lee with 
"T. Sturges, Lee" and "Wm. Sturges, Lee." 

Besides its tradition of papermaking, Lee is also known as a source of 
a very hard, but not so finely grained, marble and limestone, used after 
1850 in the enlargement of the Capitol in Washington as well as in many 
monuments in New York City.'^ Lee marble quarries were also contracted 



70 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



by the government in the 1880s to supply thousands of marble grave- 
stones for Arlington National Cemetery. Western and central Massachu- 
setts stonecutters, however, had used marble from the area since before 
the turn of the century. Judging from his style, we can assume that Will- 
iam Sturgis trained with one of these carvers after having moved from 
Sandwich. 

An 1818 Berkshire County court record lists Nehemiah Sturgis, brother 
to William and Thomas, as a stonecutter,^^ but he is not to my knowledge 
paid for gravestones in probate records, and another record shows him 
only as a mason. He died in 1821 at the age of thirty-four. Some of the 
sons of William and Thomas also become stonecutters. Although 
William's eldest son Samuel, born in 1796, is listed as an innkeeper in 
U.S. Census records, he is reputed to have a signed gravestone in Cherry 
Valley, NewYork.^'^ William's son John was in business with the 
Bridgewater stonecutter Elisha Eveleth, together owning (but perhaps 
not running) a marble shop in Sandwich in the late 1840s, just before 
John accompanied his brother Josiah (William's youngest son) to Cali- 
fornia late in 1849. John's death record in 1886 in Martinez, California 
lists him as a "stone cutter." Josiah, born in 1816, also became a carver. 
He went to Nantucket with his father in the early 1830s and married 
there in 1839. There are a number of his gravestones on the island as well 
as a few on the Cape. I will provide a more complete account of Josiah's 
life and work shortly. Edwin, the son of Thomas Sturgis of Lee, born in 
1807, continued carving into his sixties in his father's shop in Lee.^° 
Edwin's brother George, born in 1823, is listed as a "stonecutter" in the 
1850 U.S. Census (p. 44) as well as in the record of his death in 1863, but 
is a "tanner" in the 1860 U.S. Census (p. 652). The relationships among 
the ten men of the Sturgis family mentioned as stonecutters in various 
records is shown in Table 1: 



James Blachowicz 



71 



JONATHAN STURGIS (cl751-1824); 
Sandwich(?)/Lee 

WILLIAM (1772-1858); SandwichA'armouth 
SAMUEL (1796-1852); LeeA.ee [8 children] 
ABIGAIL (1798- ); Lee/ 
WILLIAM (1800-1825); Lee/Lee 
FRANKLIN (1802-cl857); Lee/ [4 children] 
SARAH (1804-1877); Lee/Yarmouth 
WILLIAM S.(1830-1907); Sandwich/ 

Yarmouth 
ARIETTA D.(1832-1866); Nanhjcket/ 

Yarmouth 
BENJAMIN F.(1841-1873); Harwich/ 

San Francisco 
[and 3 more children] 
JOHN (1807-1886); Sandwich/Martinez, CA 
PERSIS(1809- );Lee/ 
EBENEZER (1814-1834); Lee/ 

Lancasterville, SC 
JOSIAH (1816-1897); Lee/Martinez, CA 
SARAH ANN (1841-1 91 7);Nanhicket/ 

Berkeley, CA 
THOMAS S. (1844-1924); Nantucket/CA 

ABIGAIL (C1775-1794); Sandwich/Sandwich 
THOMAS (1782-1852); Sandwich/Lee 
EDWIN (1807-1901); Lee/Lee 

[1 daughter] 
ELIZABETH (1809- ); Lee/ 
MARY ANN (1812- ); Lee/ 
CHARLES (1814- ); Lee/ [3 children] 
LYDIA (1816- ); Lee/ 
HENRY (1820- ); Lee/ [1 son] 
GEORGE (1823-1863); Lee/Lee 

[1 daughter] 
CLARKE (1829-1829); Lee/Riverton, CT 
NEHEMIAH (cl787-1821); Sandwich/Lee 
[3 daughters] 

CELIA (C1790-1828); Sandwich(?)/Lee 
RUSSELL (cl 792- ); Sandwich(?)/ 

[5 children] 
ROBERT (C1796-1828); (?)/Lee 



Different generations are in different columns; those mentioned as stonecutters in 
various records are in bold. Places of birth and death follow birth and death dates. 



m. ELIZABETH SMITH 1771, 

Sandwich 
m. SALOME DIMMICK1795, Lee 

m. ELIZA , Lee 

m. EBENEZER C. BRADLEY1819, Lee 

m. SARAH ANN 

m. JABEZ M. FISHER 1829, Lee 

m. SARAH E. HAWES 1858, 

Yarmouth 
m. GORHAM KNOWLES 1862, 

Yarmouth 



m. MARY LOOMIS 1834 

m. EDWIN BALDWIN, Nanhicket 



m. ELIZA R. SMFTH 1839, Nantucket 
m. CORNELIUS CUTLER 1863, 

Martinez, CA 
m. OCTAVIA RICE 1877, 

Martinez, CA 

m. MARY HINCKLEY 1806, Lee 
m. CHARLOTTE HEWITT of 
Norfolk, CT 

m. ORTON HEATH 1833, Lee 

m. LUCRETIA GIFFORD 1836, Lee 

m. HENRY R. COE 1834, Lee 
m. LYDIA of Vermont 
m. LYDIA MINER 1843, Lee 



m. LYDIA HINCKLEY 1809, Lee 
rm. HANNAH RUSSELL cl818, 

Pittsfield 
(unmarried) 
m. FANNY CLAPP 1833, Lee 



Table 1: The Sturgis Family Genealogy. 



72 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



The fifth child of William Shirgis of Lee was Sally (Sarah), born in 
1804. She married Jabez M. Fisher of Sandwich in Lee on January 22, 
1829.^' They lived in Sandwich before moving to Nantucket in 1832. It is 
possible that William and Josiah Sturgis came with them to the island. 
Nantucket's resident carver,a James Thompson (whom I shall discuss 
briefly in Part II of this survery in Markers XX), had died in 1832. The 
Sturgises ultimately pursued this recently opened market, although it is 
not clear whether this was the reason for their move there. It is signifi- 
cant that the stones of James Thompson of Nantucket are found not only 
on that island, but also in the 1810s and 1820s in the Falmouth area (which 
was outside of Nathaniel Holmes' sphere of influence); this is also where 
we shall find the stones of William Sturgis appearing more and more as 
we advance into the 1830s. 

It is also possible that the Sturgises came to Nantucket a little later, 
perhaps in 1834, for on December 3rd of that year, an advertisement for 
the opening of William Sturgis' marble shop appeared in the Nantucket 
Inquirer (Fig. 1). Joseph R. Fisher, mentioned in the ad, was a younger 
brother of William's son-in-law, Jabez Fisher. Joseph, who would die in 
1838, ran a dry goods store at 41 Orange Street. The man William Sturgis 
mentions as his quarry-owning partner may have been his brother Tho- 
mas in Lee. This ad ran through March of 1835. 

William signed the stone for Sally Hamblen (1834) in Yarmouth with 
"Engraved on Nantucket by Wm. Sturges." He may have moved from 
Nantucket to the Falmouth area in 1835 (after his ad), for he signs the 
1834 stone for Celia Dimmick (who died December 28th) in Falmouth 
with "Made in this Town by Wm. Sturges." This is also just about the 
same time that Sturgis stones begin to appear in the Falmouth area in 
greater and more continuous numbers. On the signed stone for Seth 
Robinson (1836) in Hatchville, Sturgis carved "Engrav'd in Falmouth by. . . 
[his name is obscured by a concrete base]," confirming, it seems, that 
Falmouth had followed Nantucket. Yet perhaps he retained a residence 
in Nantucket (his son's or son-in-law's house?), or commuted between 
the two locales. I found fourteen of his stones on Nantucket dated be- 
tween 1835 and 1840, one of which is probated to him,~ and he is a wit- 
ness to Jabez Fisher's sale of a property there in 1839.'^-' 

It is also possible that when Sturgis put "Engraved in ..." at the bot- 
tom of a stone, this did not so much indicate his residence as the fact 
that he came to that location to do the engraving. On the stone for Kezia 
Gorham (1827) on Nantucket, he inscribed yet another "Engraved in this 



James Blachowicz 73 



Town by Wm. Sturges/'Yet it seems unlikely that he would have resided 
there at so early a date. If this stone is not backdated, this may be evi- 
dence that some of the stones he sold to citizens of the Cape before mov- 
ing out there may have been inscribed by him there, rather than being 
shipped already inscribed from Lee. 

In 1840, Jabez Fisher "of Nantucket" sold to William Sturgis "of Or- 
leans" all of his property in Sandwich.-"* While I found no other property 
transactions which confirm that William Sturgis was residing in Orleans 
at this time, he may have been renting or living with someone else there. 
A witness to this 1840 transaction between Fisher and Sturgis was Josiah 
Sparrow, Jr. The Orleans stonecutter Josiah Sparrow II was the son of 
Isaac Sparrow; but this Josiah Jr. could have been his uncle. It seems 
likely that William Sturgis helped train some of the Orleans carvers (Spar- 
row, Linnell, Hopkins, to be discussed in Part II) at this time before mov- 
ing on. It is noteworthy that William Sturgis has nine gravestones in this 
area of the Cape for the years 1838 through 1840.^^ 

As we should expect, there is no William Sturgis as a head of house- 
hold listed in the 1840 U.S. Census for Lee. There is a man aged seventy 
to seventy-nine living there with William's eldest son Samuel (p. 64); but 
William was sixty-eight at the time, and his wife Salome, who would not 
die until 1845, is not in this household. So perhaps this older male is 
another relative, such as Samuel's father-in-law. There is, however, a 
William Sturgis in the 1840 U.S. Census for Sandwich (p. 59). And he is 
listed on the tax rolls for Sandwich from 1840 through 1844. He was 
living, perhaps, in Jabez Fisher's old homestead near Peter's Pond. We 
find a number of his stones in the Sandwich area at this time. He then 
moves back to Lee sometime before September 8, 1845: that is when his 
wife Salome dies in Lee in the home of their son Franklin.^^ In the 1850 
U.S. Census, William, aged seventy-eight, is shown as living in Lee with 
his eldest son Samuel (p. 43). 

William Sturgis, in his sixties, had moved from Lee to Nantucket to 
Falmouth to Orleans to Sandwich - all in the span of six years, 1834 to 
1840. Or, perhaps he had a residence in one or two of these locations 
(Nantucket, Sandwich) and simply visited the others (Falmouth, Orleans) 
for extended periods. He did not sell his main residence in Lee until 
February of 1841.27 

He no doubt had a marble shop in Sandwich. When he left, he may 
have conveyed it to his son John. We know that John was still in Lee as 
late as 1841, where he represented his father's business interests, and 



74 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



that he was Hving in Great Barrington in 1844, when he mortgaged his 
house in Lee to his brother Josiah.-^*^ This may have been about the same 
time John acquired his father's shop and stock in Sandwich. John then 
formed a partnership with Elisha Eveleth of Bridgewater ("J. Sturgess & 
Co."). From June 17, 1848 they advertised in the Sandzinch Observer their 
"marble manufactory" "a few rods in the rear of the Unitarian Meeting- 
house" in Sandwich. In addition to marble monuments, they were pre- 
pared to furnish "marble and granite posts, and iron rails, for yards." 
John may not have resided in Sandwich, however. In a transaction dated 
December 20, 1848, John Sturgis, listed as a resident of "Holmes Hole" 
(Tisbury) on Martha's Vineyard, and Elisha Eveleth mortgaged to the 
firm of Hyde, Fuller, and Hyde of Castleton, Vermont, 128 pieces of marble 
in Bridgewater, 50 pieces in North Bridgewater, 75 pieces in Sandwich, 
and a horse, two harnesses, a wagon and a buggy. This "chattel" mort- 
gage was to be repaid within six months. About a week later, on Decem- 
ber 29th, John Sturgis ("of Tisbury") and Elisha Eveleth mortgaged "all 
the marble at the shop of Henry T. Bassett, also a lot lying on the wharf of 
the Sandwich Packet" to Jabez M. Fisher (John's brother-in-law) of 
Yarmouth.-'* The Bassett mentioned here was not another stonecutter; he 
is the same Henry T. Bassett who served as Josiah Sturgis' agent in Sand- 
wich - listed by Sturgis in his 1839 advertisement (see Fig. 3) for the 
network of marble stations he had set up on the Cape, Nantucket, and 
Martha's Vineyard. Thus, Sturgis marbles were probably available for 
purchase in Sandwich at Bassett's place of business from as early as 1838 
or so, that is, one or two years before William Sturgis moved there in 
1840. 

While the 1849 New England Mercantile Union Business Directory and 
the 1850-51 Massachusetts State Directory each lists under marble manu- 
facturers "John Sturgis & Co." in Sandwich, John himself was probably, 
as we have seen, residing on Martha's Vineyard. The shop he and Eveleth 
owned in Sandwich was probably run by James Thompson {not the same 
man who carved on Nantucket), who came down to Sandwich from 
Kingston at about this time. There is a single, undecorated stone pro- 
bated to "J. Sturgess & Co.," that for Deliverance (Delia) Baty (1848) in 
Sandwich. It is too difficult to judge the carver on the basis of so few 
letters, but it was probably not James Thompson (whom we know to 
have resided and carved in Sandwich); thus, it was most likely either 
John Sturgis or Elisha Eveleth. I will have more to say about James Th- 
ompson and his Sandwich shop in Part II. 



James Blachowicz 75 



Elisha Eveleth appears in various records as a stonecarver. "Elisha 
Eveleth & Co." is listed under marble manufacturers for Bridgewater 
both in the 1849 Neiu England Mercantile Union Business Directory and in 
The Massachusetts Register for 1852; and "Eveleth & Co," is paid in the 
1855 probate record for Elisha Howes of Chatham. ^'^ This is most likely 
the same Elisha Eveleth born in about 1820 in Gilsum, New Hampshire 
and who married Priscilla Dart there in about 1846.^^ He was probably 
residing in Weston, Vermont in 1847, where his son was born. I have not 
determined how it was that John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth came to form 
their partnership. Perhaps Eveleth was supplying Sturgis with Vermont 
marble. The mortgages they made in 1848, however, were quickly fol- 
lowed by the dissolution of their partnership, announced in the Sand- 
wich Observer on January 6, 1849. Eveleth proceeded to form a new part- 
nership, in Boston, with T.E. Hughes and P. McGrath under the name 
"T.E. Hughes & Co." (announced in the Sandwich Mechanic and Family 
Visitor from June 17, 1851). He signed the impressive obelisk for Prudence 
Jemegan (1852) in Edgartown and added "Boston" to his signature. 

Meanwhile, John Sturgis, despite his entry in the Massachusetts di- 
rectory in 1850-51, probably left Massachusetts for California with his 
younger brother Josiah late in 1849. He most likely still owned the Sand- 
wich marble works for a time and had James Thompson continue to 
operate it. Thompson in turn trained one or two more carvers (as we 
shall see in Part II). If this is how things transpired, then the Sturgises 
would have been responsible for helping to initiate three independent 
marble-carving traditions on the Cape: one in Orleans, one in Sandwich, 
and one in Yarmouth - the last beginning with the marble shop of 
William's son-in-law, Jabez M. Fisher. 

In 1850, Jabez Fisher mortgaged his Sandwich property to William 
Sturgis, "marble manufacturer of Lee."^^ William did appear personally 
in court in Berkshire County for a suit in March of 1852.^^ But William's 
younger brother Thomas died in January of 1852 and William's son Samuel 
died the following December. And so, in October of 1853, William moved 
again, when he was eighty-one, into the household of his daughter Sarah 
and her husband Jabez Fisher, whose Yarmouth marble shop was pros- 
pering."^ William is listed in the 1855 state census (p. 21) in Fisher's house- 
hold; this entry also records the fact that, by this time at least, William 
was deaf. 

An 1856 transaction in which Jabez pays off his mortgage to William 
lists William as "late of Lee."^^ This is the same year that William Sturgis 



76 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



signed and dated his will (in Yarmouth), in which he named his six liv- 
ing children as heirs.^*' He named Jabez Fisher as his executor. William 
Sturgis died in Yarmouth on August 2, 1858, at the age of eighty-five.^^ 
Jabez and Sarah Fisher charged the estate for expenses incurred in tak- 
ing his remains back to Lee for interment. They also charged a total of 
$747.00 (at $3.00 per week) for the four years and forty-one weeks that 
William had stayed with them (this is how we can determine that Will- 
iam came to Yarmouth in October of 1853). William Sturgis is buried in 
Lee with a gravestone carved by Jabez Fisher (Fig. 2). 

While it is true that William Sturgis was a party to a number of prop- 
erty transactions in Lee in this period (two in 1836,"*^ two in 1837,^'' two in 
1838,*° and one in 1841*^) he is listed in each of these seven as a co-party 
with his son John; and so it seems likely that, while William still owned 
property in Lee, it was John who was representing his interests there 
while William was on Nantucket and the Cape. One of these transac- 
tions, that in 1841, appears to be a mortgage of William's property (for 
$2400; on February 8th) to his son Franklin, who was an attorney. This is 
also the time that his youngest son Josiah was trying to sustain a rather 
ambitious enterprise on the Cape; perhaps William helped out with some 
money. 

William Sturgis also appears in a number of court actions in Lee. 
Between 1815 and 1854 he was a party in eleven cases, as follows: 1815, 
1818, 1825, 1828, 1831, 1834, 1839, 1848, 1848, 1851, 1854. The case in 1834 
was settled on November llth"*^; this court record reports that the two 
parties came "by their attorneys," and the court found in favor of the 
plaintiff (Sturgis) because the defendant failed to appear as ordered. Thus, 
William Sturgis himself may not have attended this session, but had his 
interests represented by his son Franklin. And even if he did appear, he 
could still have moved to Nantucket afterwards, in time to advertise his 
new shop there in December. There is only a single case (1839) which 
was heard in Lee during William's Nantucket-and-Cape residency pe- 
riod, but here again, he was a co-defendant with his sons Samuel and 
Franklin.*^ Franklin, who again acted as attorney, appealed the case to 
the next term. There is no evidence from this case that William himself 
appeared in court in Lee in 1839. 

According to the 1840 U.S. Census, four other individuals were liv- 
ing with William Sturgis in Sandwich at the time: a male between twenty 
and twenty-nine years of age and three females, one between twenty and 
twenty-nine, one between fifty and fifty-nine, and the third between sixty 



James Blachowicz 



77 




Fig. 2. William Sturgis, 1858, Lee, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Jabez Fisher. 



78 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



and sixty-nine. The oldest female was probably William's wife Salome, 
who was sixty-eight. The younger male could have been Josiah (John 
and Jabez would have been too old) and the youngest female Josiah's 
wife, whom he married in Nantucket the year before. While it is true that 
Josiah Sturgis was enumerated in the 1840 Census for Nantucket,^ it is 
possible that he was counted twice. ^^ The other female aged fifty to fifty- 
nine in this 1840 household might be Josiah's widowed mother-in-law 
Cassandra Smith: her husband Thomas died on November 26th of that 
year.''^ 

Josiah launched his own stonecutting business in Harwich and else- 
where on the Cape, probably with his father's financial aid, advertising 
his marble shop in Harwich from January of 1839 through November of 
1841; but this venture was not successful. There is a single gravestone on 
the Cape in this period - the plain stone for Captain Noah Davis (1840) 
in Falmouth - which is probated to a "Mr. Sturgis." The lettering is close 
enough to Josiah's other work to ascribe it to him. Josiah most likely 
traveled a great deal between Nantucket and Harwich, and perhaps be- 
tween Harwich and Sandwich. Despite periodic visits and stays, how- 
ever, he remained a Nantucket resident throughout this time, as is indi- 
cated in Nantucket property and probate records and in a summary of 
his life in an 1882 biographical sketch, to be considered below. 

After William Sturgis left the Sandwich area in the mid-1840s, three 
new stonecutters took his place. I will discuss this new generation in 
Part II. 

Josiah Sturgis: Biography 

Although the majority of William Sturgis' gravestones are to be found 
in Berkshire County, he was a native of Sandwich and did supply a few 
hundred stones to the Cape, residing there for a few years in his sixties 
and seventies, and then for five more years in his eighties. His son Josiah, 
however, has a more tenuous connection to the Cape, placing only a 
very few stones there. He worked on Nantucket for fifteen years, 1834 
through 1849, with perhaps a stay (without fixed residence?) in the 
Harwich area sometime between 1837 and 1841. He no doubt learned 
stonecutting from his father, and was in business for a time with his 
older brother-in-law Jabez M. Fisher, after which Jabez set up his own 
marble operation in Yarmouth. Josiah advertised his stonecutting shop 
on the Cape from 1839 through 1841, but apparently couldn't make a go 
of it there. His movements from Berkshire County to Nantucket to the 



James Blachowicz 79 



Cape (briefly) and finally to California reflect some of the wider patterns 
of settlement driven by the economic forces of the time. 

Josiah Sturgis was born in Lee on April 23, 1816.^"^ He probably came 
to Nantucket with his father in 1834 at the age of eighteen** to work in his 
father's new marble shop. The earliest record of Josiah's presence on 
Nantucket is a deed dated September 7, 1838 in which he buys a third of 
a carpenter's shop from an Asa Meiggs (but he sold this property to a 
Samuel Woodward a year later). '*'^ Just two weeks after buying this shop, 
he purchased land, a house, and other outbuildings from a Job Coleman. 
This lot is situated just to the east of Fair Street and north of Plumb Lane.^° 
In these and the other records which mention Josiah Sturgis, he is de- 
scribed as a "stone cutter," "stone engraver," and "marble engraver." In 
a late (1848) record, however, he is listed as a "merchant."^' Perhaps by 
then he had given up on marble monument manufacture. 

Josiah married Eliza Riddell Smith, ""^ a native of Virginia, on Nan- 
tucket on October 7, 1839. They had at least two children, Sarah Ann and 
Thomas, born on Nantucket in 1841 and 1844. Eliza's father Thomas died 
in 1840; in October 1844, Josiah, Eliza, and six other heirs inherited his 
property, ^-^ and they all sold it a few days later for $4500.^'' 

Although he married on Nantucket in October 1839, and his daugh- 
ter was bom there in 1841, Josiah posted an advertisement in the Barnstable 
Patriot (Fig. 3) in January of 1839 (this ran through March, followed by 
an identical ad with a different graphic from March through June); he 
then re-issued this ad the following September (running through Janu- 
ary of 1840), to be followed by another, shorter, version in November 
1841. In the ad, we can note, first, that Josiah speaks of continuing his 
"old stand" in Harwich; he thus appears to have had a working business 
in Harwich perhaps a year or more before 1839. He turned twenty-one in 
1837; perhaps this is when he began this operation. Impressively, Josiah 
informs us that he has five agents representing his interests in Sand- 
wich, Falmouth, Nantucket, Edgartown, and Orleans. (Nathaniel Holmes, 
of course, had an effective monopoly on the middle Cape, while Ebenezer 
D. Winslow was still working in Brewster.) No doubt his father, William 
Sturgis, could help expedite his business at Orleans, where he was prob- 
ably residing at the time; and Josiah had his brother-in-law Jabez Fisher 
representing him on Nantucket. His agent in Edgartown was perhaps 
aided by Jabez's brother Theodore, who was living there. Since first issu- 
ing this ad, Josiah added a new agent, Isaac Sparrow, in East Orleans. 
This is very probably the father (or possibly the older brother) of Josiah 



80 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



a . TaOOK AT THIS '.XU 




MARBLE TOMB STONES. 



fV^HE subscriber mould inronn the inhabitants of the 
J. Cape, that he still continues his business at bis old 
sUnd in Harwich, a few rods east of the Congrecrational 
Mertitif llouse ; wherf he has a large assortment ol 
STONES, Vkhich be will cot to order at short notice. 
He would also inform the inhabitants of thiti County, 
that be has Stone in Sandwich, under the Agency of 
Henry T Dhss^U; ia Falmouth, under the Ajetiey of 
Ptv/ .Vye; in Nantucket, under the Agency oCJabrz M. 
fisker-f in Edgartown. under the Agency of SylranuB 
L. Fms€ \ and in East Orieaos, under the Agency of 
/m«c i^rrht. Those wishing to perfietuate or pay 
the lasttnbote to the memory of their decea^d friends, 
can be mceouimodated by caUing on either of the gentle- 
men above loeotioned. 

JOSIAH STURGIS. 
Hsrwkb.Sepi. 17. 6aio 



w^vr- 



Fig. 3. Advertisement for Josiah Sturgis' 
multiple marble "stations" in 1839. 



James Blachowicz 81 



Sparrow II, the Orleans stonecutter. Josiah Sparrow II was just a year 
younger than Josiah Sturgis, and Sparrow's stones begin to appear in 
that area in about 1844. 

As we shall see, it was not only Josiah (or even principally Josiah) 
who was carving the stones for these locales. We find a spurt of William 
Sturgis' stones from about 1840 on, for example, on Martha's Vineyard. 
Josiah may have sold more of his father's work than his own. 

Josiah tells the reader in his 1939 ad that he has "stones" ready to cut. 
It was easier to store carved but unlettered stones in various locales which 
could be delivered in bulk and then letter them on the spot, rather than 
having to ship stones individually to these places one at a time. Thus 
these "shops" would function more as "stone stations" in a network than 
as places of business in the ordinary sense. Ernest Caulfield describes a 
very similar practice by the New London, Connecticut carver Chester 
Kimball, who was carving gravestones at about the same time: 

Chester, Sr., had branch offices in Chelsea (Norwich), Stonington, and Mill Town 
(North Stonington); the last two were in the stores of other men. As soon as he 
would receive sufficient orders at a branch office, he would go there for four or 
five days at a time to do inscriptions, meanwhile retaining his main shop in 
New London.'' 

This was probably a common practice of William Sturgis as well. 

While Josiah's main Cape shop was apparently in Harwich, his fam- 
ily residence probably remained on Nantucket. He is cited a number of 
times in property transactions there; in contrast, he is not a party to any 
property purchases on the Cape. 

Josiah's Harwich marble shop was taken over by Jabez Fisher, who 
advertises this fact in 1844. Jabez is enumerated in the 1840 U.S. census 
for Harwich and his son was born there in 1841. He probably had come 
to help Josiah at the Harwich shop while Josiah was still there. I have 
already indicated that Josiah may have stayed briefly with his father 
William in the Sandwich area at this time, for, as we have seen, a man 
about Josiah's age and a woman his wife's age are enumerated with Wil- 
liam Sturgis in the 1840 census for Sandwich. 

Fisher moved on to Yarmouth in 1844 to open up another marble 
shop. Josiah Sturgis appears to have withdrawn to Nantucket: besides 
the continuing property transactions there to which he was a party, he is 
also cited from about 1838 in a number of probate records on Nantucket; 
and his son was bom there in 1844. While he did sue a Berkshire county 
man in 1843, he was represented in this action by his brother Franklin.^^ 



82 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



In 1845, Josiah Sturgis bought eight "sheep commons" in Nantucket 
in an undeveloped area south of town^^; these were set off to him as 
private property by a vote of the town proprietors the day before.^^ This 
land was located a half mile from the mills, close to where today we find 
some of Nantucket's cemeteries. Later that year, Josiah bought (or per- 
haps paid off a mortgage on) nineteen acres of land "between the town 
of Nantucket and the farm of George My rick. "'^'' Then, in 1846, he mort- 
gaged his homestead (for $850.00) to his widowed mother-in-law, 
Cassandra Smith, with the option of paying her back and reacquiring it 
in six months.*'" This transaction is dated July 13th, the very day of the 
great fire which would destroy a third of the town, including the entire 
waterfront business area. A map of the "burnt district" which appeared 
in the Nantucket Inquirer the following July 27th shows, however, that the 
destruction did not extend far enough down Orange Street to take Josiah's 
house. 

The final recorded property transactions for Josiah Sturgis on Nan- 
tucket involve a piece of land in "Washman's Island" (a district west of 
the town) which he bought in 1847 and sold in 1849.^' This is also the 
year that we find a probate payment to him for a gravestone in Falmouth 
- one of only two of Josiah's probated stones we find on the Cape. His 
father William had by this time moved back to Lee, explaining perhaps 
why Josiah was needed to cut (or at least inscribe) this stone. Josiah sold 
off a mortgage he held on a property in Lee on April 4, 1849, acquiring 
some capital, perhaps, for his venture west.*'^ When he sued a John Baker 
in Lee in 1852, his residence was still recorded as Nantucket.''^ It is im- 
mediately after this time that other stonecutters' names begin to appear 
in Nantucket probate records.^^ 

Apparently resigned to the fact that his business prospects on Nan- 
tucket and the Cape would not improve, Josiah, like many other resi- 
dents of the island, left for California in search of better fortune. The 
decline of whaling and the discovery of gold combined to produce a 
powerful incentive to relocate. Nantucketers, of course, had known their 
way to the Pacific for a long time. Josiah left on the steamship "Empire 
City" (of New York) on December 1, 1849, arriving in San Francisco, via 
Panama, on February 1, 1850, probably in the company of his brother 
John.^^ The source of much of this and some other interesting informa- 
tion about Josiah's move is an 1882 history of Contra Costa County, Cali- 
fornia,^^ which includes a biographical sketch of Josiah Sturgis, much of 
which was undoubtedly supplied by Sturgis himself, then sixty-six. This 



James Blachowicz 



83 



sketch reports that Josiah, on arriving in San Francisco in ill health (not 
uncommon for passengers on these long voyages), moved to Martinez, 
California to regain his strength. A great many of the immigrants into 
Martinez at this time were from Nantucket. 

Josiah's name is recorded in this history as one of the forty-three vot- 
ers who took part in the first election in Martinez in 1850 (pp. 385-86). 
Because of the heavy transient population of immigrants at this time, a 
number of boarding houses, kitchens, and "hotels" were built in the area. 
In the year he arrived, Josiah bought a kitchen and boarding house called 
the Hotel de Steward from its African- American owner, William Jones, 
who had been a captain's cook and had opened the place earlier that 
year.^' In 1852, Josiah remodeled and expanded the place as the Alhambra 
Hotel and, as this history records, "by periodic additions, he has made 
one of the most comfortable and complete hostelries in the county" (p. 
678). This is the same year the Union Hotel was built in Martinez (p. 
391), but it was destroyed in a fire in September of 1856 (p. 394), leaving 
Josiah with one less competitor. Josiah is listed as a marble manufac- 
turer on Nantucket in the 1849 Nezv England Mercantile Union Business 
Directory; in the 1850-51 Massachusetts State Directory and in Josiah's suit 




AL-HAMBRA HOTEL, 

A X 1> 

R E S T A L R A IV T 5 

PARK PLACE, (West side of Bridge.) 
MARTINEZ. 

i/^rillS HOUSE AFFORDS The 
j -^ best of Eatable* and Lodgings, 

I It also hM ft«acticd a fine Stable, with the 
best aeeomniodtttions for Horses. The finest o( 
llav. Grain and Water. AUo, 

JJOJiSL'S AND CARRIAGES TO LET. 

JOSIAH STURGES, 
febl9-tf I'roprictor. 



Fig. 4. Advertisement for Josiah Sturgis' Alhambra Hotel, 
1863, Martinez, California. 



84 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



against John Baker in 1852, his residence is still listed as Nantucket. Per- 
haps he had still not committed himself completely to California at this 
time. This is strongly indicated by the fact that he did not bring his fam- 
ily west until 1857.^^ His decision to have his family join him was prob- 
ably made sometime in 1856. On June 19th of that year, he sold a large 
piece of land in Lee to the adjoining School District there; he signed this 
deed in Califomia.^^ He listed his residence this time not as Nantucket, 
but as Martinez, California. 

Josiah advertised his hotel in the first issue of the Contra Costa Gazette 
in 1858 and periodically thereafter. The ad shown in Figure 4 dates from 
1863. The 1860 U.S. Census for Martinez shows Josiah as a "hotel keeper," 
listing his property assets at $1500 and his personal worth at $3000.^° He 
is listed as living with his wife Eliza, their daughter Sarah Ann, and son 
Thomas. On November 10, 1863, in Martinez, Sarah married Cornelius 
T. Cutler, who was bom in Maine. ^^ He is listed as a deputy sheriff in 
court cases from 1859 through 1861, but this was no doubt an office he 
held rather than a full-time occupation. In 1859, a rich vein of coal was 
discovered near Horse Haven. Rights to it were later acquired by four 
Martinez men, including Josiah Sturgis and Cornelius Cutler. It was they 
who developed the roads to what came to be known as the Black Dia- 
mond vein, allowing mining operations to succeed. This brought coal 
miners to the area and led to the emergence of a few nearby towns, in- 
cluding Nortonville.^^ 

An earthquake in October of 1868 brought down two of the walls of a 
new stone building at the hotel. This may be when the photograph shown 
in Fig. 5 was taken, for it appears that blocks from the stone building on 
the left have fallen to the ground (or perhaps it was a subsequent earth- 
quake). 

In the 1870 Census, Josiah's property assets climbed to $10,000 and 
his personal worth is estimated at an additional $5000 (p. 3). His wife is 
still with him, as well as his daughter Sarah Cutler, and her daughter 
Carrie, five years old. Josiah's son Thomas is no longer living with him. 
Sarah Cutler was not widowed, for her husband Cornelius did not die 
until September 22, 1885 - of yellow fever in Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico 
(he is known to have owned a mine in Mexico). ^^ 

In March of 1876, as reported in the Contra Costa County history, the 
Alhambra hotel was "considerably enlarged by the addition of a central 
two-story structure between the east and west wings, and a new kitchen 



James Blachowicz 



85 



connected to the detached stone building, which became a dining hall" 
(p. 396). 

In about 1881, Josiah contributed two "handsome chandeliers" to the 
Grace Episcopal Church in Martinez (p. 400). By 1882, at age sixty-six, he 
had realized the fortune he first sought as a stonecutting entrepreneur in 
eastern Massachusetts and was "the proprietor of considerable property 
in conterminous districts" (p. 678). His status is reflected in his having a 
biographical sketch in the history of the county published that year - 
even if these sketches were vanity publications, commissioned and per- 
haps even written by their subjects. Josiah's sketch concludes with the 
following: 

It is a pleasure to state that by a life of honest rectitude, Mr. Sturges has earned 
the esteem and respect of all classes in the community in which he resides, 
while, that he reveres the scenes of his youth is evinced in his having crossed 
the Isthmus of Panama no less than nine times to revisit them. (p. 678). 

In 1883, Josiah's eighteen-year-old granddaughter Carrie Cutler, with 
four other women, helped to organize the first library in Martinez.^"* She 




Fig. 5. The Alhambra Hotel, perhaps in 1868, Martinez, California. 
Built, owned, and operated by Josiah Sturgis. 



86 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



married a Samuel McLenegan of San Francisco (originally from Beloit, 
Wisconsin) on March 1, 1887. Josiah's wife Eliza died in Martinez on 
February 7, 1884; her obituary records that "she was one of the pioneer 
women who, with her children, joined her husband on the Coast."^^ 

We have a late photograph of Josiah Sturgis (Fig. 6). A photo identi- 
cal to this one is in the Martinez Historical Society files, except that the 
man shown on the right is cropped out altogether. This photo (the one 
here depicted) has "Grandfather Sturgis" (the man on the left) written 
on the back. Since this photo was, according to reports of the Society, 
donated by Carrie Cutler McLenegan, Josiah's granddaughter, and since 
she was in her thirties when Josiah died, she should have known what 
he looked like. The photo may have been taken about 1886, perhaps at 
the funeral of John Sturgis, or in 1884, when Josiah's wife Eliza died. The 
man on the right might possibly be Josiah's son Thomas (though this 
identification may not be entirely reliable). ^^ 

A Martinez death record lists John Sturgis' occupation as "stonecut- 
ter."^^ Although there are a few stones in Martinez that were probably 
cut by new England carvers, I could not determine whether John or Josiah 





Fig. 6. Josiah Sturgis (on left), at about seventy years of age, 

with (possibly) his son Thomas. 

On the porch of the Alhambra Hotel, about 1886. 



James Blachowicz 87 



Sturgis were responsible for any of them. It is not only Josiah but also 
John to whom licenses are sold (in 1858 and 1859, for example) to oper- 
ate a bar. No doubt John assisted in the operation of his brother's hotel. 

Some of the wild and violent character of frontier life in Martinez in 
its early days is communicated in the many criminal suits brought against 
various parties for horse stealing, cattle rustling, assault, and murder. 
Josiah and John Sturgis are witnesses in a number of these cases, and in 
one, which came to court on September 11, 1854, John Sturgis is the plain- 
tiff against a William M. Smith. This is Colonel William M. Smith, who 
was the agent for the Martinez family out of whose holdings the town 
was originally formed; it was Colonel Smith who, according to the Con- 
tra Costa County history, in 1849 surveyed the land, laid out the first lots, 
and in effect founded the town (p. 385). John Sturgis accused Smith of 
having attacked him with a butcher knife. "^^ John died in Martinez on 
April 22, 1886, after having "resided in various localities on the coast," 
according to his obituary, which also mentions that his funeral service 
was held at the Alhambra Hotel. 

Josiah continued with his hotel until his death in Martinez on July 23, 
1897 at the age of eighty-one. His obituary in the Contra Costa Gazette the 
following day reports that he died of heart failure and that the town had 
lost "an honored and respected citizen who has been identified with the 
business interests of the town for many years." He is buried in the 
Alhambra Cemetery in Martinez (Fig. 7). 

The 1882 Contra Costa County history mentions that Josiah's Sturgis' 
two children are still residents of the county. Both Sarah Cutler and T. W. 
[Thomas] Sturgis are also mentioned as Josiah's surviving children in his 
1897 obituary - Thomas perhaps living in Ventura County at the time. 
Josiah's nephew William S. Fisher died in Yarmouth in 1907. Fisher's pro- 
bate record lists three living relatives: his wife and his cousins Thomas 
Sturgis and Sarah Cutler. Thomas' home at the time is unknown, but he 
is buried in the family plot in Martinez, having died in 1924. His wife 
Octavia Rice, whom he married in March of 1877, died in Sonora in 1935; 
perhaps that is where Thomas had lived as well. William Fisher's pro- 
bate mentions that Sarah Cutler is living in Los Angeles. She sold the old 
hotel to the town in 1912 (she was probably living in Alameda County at 
the time). The hotel has been demolished and the new town hall is built 
on the site. Sarah Cutler died at the home of her daughter Carrie 
McLenegan in Berkeley on September 14, 1917 after an illness of many 
years.^^ 



88 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 7. Josiah Sturgis, 1897, Martinez, California. 



James Blachowicz 89 



William Sturgis: Gravestones 

William Sturgis was a marble carver. Of the 402 stones 1 have as- 
cribed to him (see Appendix III), only two are in slate. This poses special 
problems. Generally speaking, at least through the Civil War, marble 
carvers did not adorn their work with as many decorative elements as 
slate carvers. Further, the length of inscriptions cut on marble stones 
becomes very short indeed, sometimes with only the name of the de- 
ceased and the date. This, as well as the fact that just about all marble 
gravestones are today less legible than their slate counterparts because 
of weathering, makes the task of carver identification and ascription 
particularly difficult. With fewer decorative symbols and letters on the 
stones, there is less basis for detecting distinctive patterns and styles in a 
given body of work. 

In the case of William Sturgis and his son Josiah, there are two factors 
which offset this handicap to a certain extent. William was born in 1772, 
and was eleven years older than the slate carver Nathaniel Holmes. He 
was a member of an older generation of stonecutters and, even though 
he carved in marble, he did not embrace the featureless style of many 
other mid-nineteenth century marble carvers. He rarely gave us un- 
adorned stones, and continued carving his distinctive urns and willows 
to the end of his life. 

The case is just the opposite with his son Josiah. I cannot point to a 
single stone of Josiah Sturgis - among the stones, that is, that we can 
attribute to him with some confidence - which has am/ decoration what- 
soever. The body of work which I have given him, therefore, is quite 
small. But an aid here, as well as with the work of his father, is the fact 
that we have an abundant number of probated and signed stones. There 
are nine references to William Sturgis (or to a "Mr. Sturgis" that is prob- 
ably William) in probate records: six in Berkshire County records, two in 
Barnstable County, and one in Nantucket County. In addition, William 
Sturgis signed at least twelve stones: four in Berkshire County (there are 
undoubtedly more there), six in Barnstable County, and two on Nan- 
tucket. In contrast, while I have found only one stone signed by Josiah 
Sturgis (in Hyannis), he is cited in probate records eighteen times, six- 
teen for stones on Nantucket and twice for stones in Falmouth. Even 
here, however, care must be taken. 1 believe Josiah's only signed stone 
was carved by his father; and it was William who carved the top of one 
of the two stones in Falmouth probated to Josiah. Josiah's brother John is 
also paid for a stone in Sandwich, but it is not certain that he carved it. 



90 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




iS&- '■'■'" '""• ■' (Vi--- •■/Y % ^«i^ ■- 

^v,/ . -/J ; .i'-' ■>■■'■ -y.t .■ '9(- ifi. KA, / 



'^^miu^ '-.^:ri^>iimmf<i^^mm 






Fig. 8. Jerusha Boies, 1837, Blandford, Massachusetts. 
Typical stone carved by Thomas Sturgis. 



James Blachowicz 91 



I did not find any stones on the Cape that could with confidence be 
ascribed to William Sturgis' younger brother Thomas, who was an ac- 
tive stonecutter in Lee. Thomas signed a number of stones in western 
Massachusetts and it is not difficult to get an idea of his style. The 1837 
stone for Jerusha Boies (Fig. 8) in Blandford is typical. He is fond of using 
larger letters than William; he also employs a more cursive script, and 
positions the initials of the deceased at the top. While his willow often 
resembles his brother's, his urn is narrower and differently decorated. 
Thomas Sturgis may have influenced the carving of Jabez Fisher, a pos- 
sibility I will consider later. 

Chronology and Regional Distribution 

To better recognize the patterns of distribution of William Sturgis' 
work (see Table 2, below), I have divided the areas in which we find his 
gravestones into seven regions, as follows (I exclude two stones in dis- 
tant regions: one in Plymouth and one in Bridgewater): 

Rl: Lee, Becket, Blandford, Granville, Pittsfield 

R2: Falmouth, Woods Hole, Forestdale, Farmersville, Hatchville, 

Bourne, Cotuit, Waquoit 

R3: Chatham, Harwich, Orleans 

R4: Nantucket 

R5: Martha's Vineyard 

R6: Sandwich, E. Sandwich, Sagamore, Cedarville 

R7: Barnstable, Yarmouth, Marstons Mills, Brewster, Dennis 





RI 


R2 


R3 


R4 


R5 


R6 


R7 


TOTAL 


1774 


1 














1 


1782 


1 














1 


1790 


1 














1 


1791 


1 














1 


1794 












1 




1 


1796 


3 








1 






4 


1797 


2 














2 


1798 


5 


1 












6 


1799 


3 














3 


1800 


3 


1 












4 



92 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 





RI 


R2 


R3 


R4 


R5 


R6 


R7 


TOTAL 


1801 


















1 

3 

1 

2 

2 





4 

1 

4 

6 

4 

3 

4 

4 

4 

1 

1 

3 

5 

6 


1802 


1 














1803 


3 














1804 


1 














1805 


2 














1806 


1 












1 


1807 
















1808 
















1809 


4 














1810 


1 














1811 


1 


1 


1 




1 






1812 


4 


2 












1813 


2 


1 






1 






1814 


3 














1815 


2 


1 






1 






1816 


4 














1817 


2 


1 






1 






1818 










1 






1819 










1 






1820 


1 








2 






1821 


3 


1 






1 






1822 


3 


2 




1 








1823 


2 






2 




1 




5 
9 


1824 


3 


2 






4 






1825 


4 


4 


1 






1 




10 
1 
6 


1826 










1 






1827 


1 


3 




1 


1 






1828 


1 


T 






2 




2 


7 
4 


1829 




2 




1 


1 






1830 






2 




3 






5 


1831 




4 


2 






1 




7 


1832 


4 


9 


4 






1 




18 


1833 






1 


1 


3 


1 




6 


1834 


3 


11 


2 


4 


7 


4 


1 


32 


1835 




10 


1 


7 


6 


2 


1 


27 


1836 




6 


2 


2 


3 


3 


1 


17 


1837 




4 


2 


2 


1 


1 




9 


1838 




5 


6 


2 


1 


1 


2 


17 


1839 




7 


4 




1 


10 




22 


1840 




9 


1 


1 


5 


7 




23 


1841 




7 


1 




5 


7 




20 


1842 




5 


3 




5 


4 




17 


1843 




6 




1 


5 


6 


1 


19 
6 


1844 




5 






1 






1845 




4* 






1 


2 


1 


8 


1846 




1 




1 


1 


6 




9 
3 
3 


1847 




1 








2 




1848 




1 






1 


1 




1849 




1* 






1 


. 




2 



James Blachowicz 93 





RI 


R2 R3 R4 


R5 


R6 


R7 


TOTAL 


1850 















1851 















1852 















1853 




1 








1 


1854 















1855 















1856 








1* 




1 


1868 










1* 


1 


1877 










1* 


1 


1908 










1* 


1 


Total 


76 


119 33 27 


69 


63 


13 


400 


*one stone inscribed by another carver 











Table 2. Chronology and Regional Distribution 
of William Sturgis's Gravestones. 

A word of explanation on the gravestones itemized in Rl: These are 
only a small sample of Sturgis' total production in western Massachu- 
setts and consequently should be disregarded in comparing his produc- 
tion elsewhere. However, in the four towns 1 canvassed in that area, 1 
looked especially for the latest Sturgis-type stones, trying to find any af- 
ter about 1834, that is, after Sturgis had presumably moved out of Lee. 
And so while the brute numbers of the stones in Rl are not complete, the 
chronological cut-off should be fairly accurate. 

1 can only guess at the full extent of William Sturgis' productivity in 
western Massachusetts. He carved slightly more than 210 stones on the 
Cape and Nantucket from 1834 through 1844, that is, from ages sixty- 
two through seventy-two, averaging about nineteen stones a year; in con- 
trast, Nathaniel Holmes, at the same age from 1845 through 1855, carved 
about 110 stones, averaging ten a year. William Sturgis may thus have 
been even more productive than Holmes. But we should remember that 
William was probably expending some extra effort in his sixties to help 
out his son Josiah, whereas Nathaniel at a comparable age was more in a 
position to scale back comfortably on his work. William's brother Tho- 
mas also ran a separate shop in Lee, and I have not determined what the 
demand was for William's stones there. Only an exhaustive canvass of 
the burial grounds around Lee will provide the answer. 1 should also 



94 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



add that while the burial grounds I list in Appendix I are those in which 
I found gravestones ascribed to the thirteen carvers of this study, my 
search did extend to all burial grounds on Cape Cod. 

Although this chronology is consistent with William Sturgis moving 
out of Lee in about 1834, we can also note that he had placed a number of 
gravestones on the Cape before his move, especially in the eight or nine 
years before. Perhaps, as I have already indicated, William would visit 
the Cape periodically and inscribe a few stones here and there. 

While the numbers of his stones on Nantucket rise in 1834, the year 
he sets up his shop, and also in 1835, I found significantly more of his 
work in these years in the Falmouth and Sandwich areas and on Martha's 
Vineyard. These two years were among the most productive of this later 
stage of his career, and were perhaps directed, as I have suggested, to 
laying the groundwork for his son Josiah, who would soon try to estab- 
lish his Cape-and-islands enterprise. As William's Nantucket numbers 
decline, there is a small but significant rise in his numbers for the outer 
Cape beginning about 1837, the year Josiah may have started up his shop 
in Harwich. But these too decline quickly afterwards, with the majority 
of William Sturgis' stones now concentrated once again in the Falmouth/ 
Sandwich area. From 1840 through 1845, as we would expect, since he 
had moved back to Sandwich, William's production for coastal Sand- 
wich, modest as it is, is significantly greater than that for his old focus in 
Falmouth and South Sandwich. 

I found twenty-two of William's gravestones on the Cape and islands 
dated after 1845, which is when he probably moved back to Lee, but at 
least five and probably more of these were inscribed by other carvers. 
Still, he may have carved a few of these in Lee and had them sent back to 
the Cape. The 1848 stone for Cloa Fish (see Fig. 23), one of his very last, 
shows an unevenness probably due to his advancing years. The marker 
for Elisha Gifford (1849) in Falmouth, with a smaller version of Sturgis' 
usual urn, may be his, but this is probated to (and probably inscribed 
by) James Thompson, who ran the Sandwich marble shop owned by 
John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth. The Daniel Weston stone (1856) in Sand- 
wich features a Sturgis-type bible and two small willows, but this was 
probably inscribed by Edwin B. Nye, an even later Sandwich stonecutter 
who worked in Thompson's shop (to be discussed in Part II). It is not 
possible to tell when Sturgis may have carved the decorative part, if in 
fact it is not a Nye imitation. Josiah Sturgis may have inscribed some of 
these late stones deposited on the islands. The three markers I ascribe to 



James Blachowicz 



95 




Cedannlle 2 O 



Sagamore 12 
Wareham I^^Bourne^ 9 ^-^ q 5 £ Sandwich_ 



Farmersville 7 g"" o 

>^ Q Barnstable 1 





f Martha s Vir^eyard 



Table 3. William Sturgis' Regional Production 
on Cape Cod and the Islands. 

William Sturgis dated after 1858, of course, were inscribed after his death. 
His total regional production on the Cape and Nantucket is shown in 
Table 3. 



Principal Decorative Elements 

(a) Cherubs 

Because the greater part of William Sturgis' carving career, until he 
moved out of Lee at the age of sixty-two, is not within the province of 
this study, 1 have very little to say about his carving origins and his early 
style. While I have made every effort to record all of his gravestones on 
Cape Cod and the islands, I provide only a sample of his work from four 
western Massachusetts towns: Lee, Becket, Blandford, and Granville (no 
doubt Robert Drinkwater, to whom I am indebted for information on 
Sturgis' gravestones in western Massachusetts, would be able to provide 
a more comprehensive picture of his work there). 



96 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




T<t~ 



' .. «"^' "^ 



iln M( nwMv' ■!•■'^ P ' 




Fig. 9. Jonathan Wadsworth, 1798, Becket, Massachusetts. 
Typical cherub carved on early stones by William Sturgis. 



James Blachowicz 97 



The 1798 gravestone for Jonathan Wadsworth (Fig. 9) provides an 
early example of Sturgis' cherub (or soul-effigy). The general style here 
is rather like the work of the Connecticut carver Josiah Manning and of 
some Manning imitators such as Amasa Loomis. There is also some re- 
semblance to the faces on the stones of Elijah Sikes, which can be found 
in and around Lee; and the wings are rather like those on the abstract 
cherubs of Solomon Ashley of Deerfield. I leave for others, however, the 
task of determining the early influences on Sturgis and identifying the 
carver who may have trained him. It is fairly apparent that he picked up 
his skills after having moved from Sandwich, probably in the late 1780s, 
for we do not find this style represented on the Cape. 

These early stones show evidence of sometimes rather shaky spell- 
ing, and also a form of lettering around 1799 in which curls are added to 
ending strokes of the "y," "a," "r," "f," and "1." It is possible that this 
curly style was a fashion; this is about the same time that we find a simi- 
lar curling in the lettering of Amaziah Harlow, Jr., a Plymouth carver. 

ih) Urns 

In my admittedly cursory examination of Sturgis' work in western 
Massachusetts, I found no cherub-representation after 1805. He intro- 
duces a pleasant, distinctively shaped urn as early as 1798, found on the 
now somewhat weathered stone for Zeruiah Crocker in Lee. The general 
shape of the urn, but little else, is evident on the signed 1806 marble 
stone for Marther Thacher (Fig. 10) in Barnstable. Marther's [Martha's] 
parents were probably former Cape citizens now living in Lee and had 
arranged with Sturgis for their daughter's stone. Sturgis, of course, saw 
this as an opportunity to display his work - hence the signature. 

He signs another Cape stone (1812), for Jane Dimmick (Fig. 11) in 
Falmouth, adding a nice circular panel for the inscription and four quar- 
ter-rosettes for the corners, a device he would use often.**" 

ic) Willows and Other Decorative Features 

Sturgis also quickly adds a willow to his urn. We find one version on 
a stone in 1809,**' but he most often uses a willow in which boughs are 
carved in positive relief and leaves indicated by simple incisions within 
the boughs - an easier process than individuating each leaf, as Holmes 
was to do. A good example of his mature urn with willow - and bibles - 
is on the 1822 marker for Rhoda Smith (Fig. 12) in Blandford. The bible is 



98 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 10. Marther Thacher, 1806, Barnstable, Massachusetts. 
Early urn stone signed by William Sturgis. 



James Blachowicz 



99 




Fig. 11. Jane Dimmick, 1812, Falmouth, Massachusetts. 
Signed by William Sturgis. 



100 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




w 



m 








wk 






'^^^ 



Fig. 12. Rhoda Smith, 1822, Blandford, Massachusetts. 
Mature Sturgis willow. 



James Blachowicz 101 



also the principal decorative element on the 1834 stone for Celia Dimmick 
(Fig. 13) in Falmouth. This is, as we have seen, an important marker in 
dating Sturgis' arrival in the Falmouth area, for he signs it with "Made in 
this Town by Wm. Sturges." The signed stone for Sally Flamblen in 
Yarmouth, dated the same year, features a willow partially obscuring 
another, narrower type of urn which we see on only a few other of his 
stones. ^^ 

Josiah Sturgis turned twenty-one in 1837, the year he may have opened 
his shop in Harwich, which he advertised in 1839. In Hyannis we find 
another sort of advertisement: the 1838 stone for Walter Baxter (Fig. 14). 
This is signed "Made in Harwich by J. Sturgs." But this stone in all re- 
spects, including the lettering, appears to be the work of William, not 
Josiah. None of Josiah's probated stones is even remotely like this one. 
While Josiah was twenty-two in 1838, William was now sixty-six. I think 
a reasonable explanation for this signature is that the father had turned 
the business over to the son and, even though the son had not carved the 
stone, Josiah would be the man to contact for new orders. Master stone- 
cutters, of course, were often paid in probate records for stones carved 
by their apprentices; but in this case, we have, not the master carver, but 
the business manager, putting his name on the stone. Times were chang- 
ing. 

William Sturgis would sometimes use a simple willow with symmetri- 
cal opposing branches as his single decorative element, such as on the 
1831 stone for Anna Dimmick (Fig. 15). Or, he might choose a more elabo- 
rate composition, such as on the 1843 marker for Almira Hoi way (Fig. 
16). Here the complex arching and intertwining of various branches cre- 
ates more interest. He would also use a broken branch or, as on the small 
1838 marker for Thomas W. Hamblen (Fig. 17), a broken trunk to repre- 
sent early death, a motif often used for children's stones. I should add 
that, because of some variability in the style of letters and numbers used 
on stones in the late 1830s and early 1840s, and because both William's 
son Josiah and his son-in-law Jabez Fisher are carving at the same time, 
it is not impossible that Josiah or Jabez may have had a hand in these 
broken-branch stones, which begin to appear at this time. It is also just 
possible that they carved the willows as well. I ascribe them to William 
in part because they are more numerous in the Sandwich/Falmouth area, 
where William was residing for some time, than in the burial grounds 
around Chatham and Harwich, where Josiah and Jabez had opened their 
marble shop. 



102 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 13. Celia Dimmick, 1834, Falmouth, Massachusetts. 
Signed "Made in this Town by Wm. Sturges.'' 



James Blachowicz 



103 




Fig. 14. Walter Baxter, 1838, Hyannis, Massachusetts. 
Signed "Made in Harwich by J. Sturgs"; 
but probably carved by William Sturgis. 



104 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 15. Anna Dimmick, 1831, Falmouth, Massachusetts. 
Sturgis' willow with symmetrically opposing branches. 



James Blachowicz 



105 







Fig. 16. Almira Holway, 1843, Farmersville, Massachusetts. 
Sturgis' more elaborate willow. 



106 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 










Fig. 17. Thomas W. Hamlen, 1838, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Typical Sturgis broken-trunk willow. 



James Blachowicz 107 



On the 1843 marker for Sylvia Crocker (Fig. 18), William Sturgis uses 
two willows with arched branches to fill out a large tympanum and adds 
a wreath around the inscription panel. Notew^orthy here is the perfectly 
horizontal edge of his urn, a simplification to which he would return 
often on his last gravestones. Lest we think that this may be Josiah's work, 
William signs one of these horizontal-edge stones in 1843.'^^ 

Other decorative features include hearts (see Fig. 9), four-pointed stars, 
upward-pointing hands, *^ and an occasional drapery, such as that on the 
1840 marker for William J. Freeman (Fig. 19). These smooth, rounded 
folds are apparently the inspiration for similar draperies used by late 
Cape carvers in the area around Orleans and Chatham, as we shall see in 
Part II. 

Sturgis' patrons on the Cape, of course, were used to slate monu- 
ments, especially if they lived near Nathaniel Holmes' sphere of influ- 
ence. Two of these patrons must have asked for a slate version of a Sturgis 
urn, one of which we find on the 1839 stone for Mary Nye (Fig. 20) in 
Sandwich. Yet Sturgis may not have been very comfortable in this me- 
dium, for, although decently carved, he put in few of his usual decora- 
tive extras - and none at all on his other slate stone, where the urn is 
represented only in outline. We can compare the Nye stone with some of 
the marble versions Holmes attempted: he in like manner rarely added 
decorative features to stones made in the medium to which he was unac- 
customed. Neither carver, apparently, liked chiseling in the other's ma- 
terial. On the other hand, Jabez Fisher, as we shall see, was at home in 
both. 

Working in Falmouth and Sandwich, William Sturgis must have at 
least met Nathaniel Holmes.These were the two "grand old men" of the 
Cape's slate and marble carving traditions. Holmes may even have done 
Sturgis a favor in the case of a single stone, that for Horace S. Crocker 
(1844) in Cotuit (Fig. 21). This is obviously a Sturgis stone, but the pro- 
bate settlement of Crocker's estate pays Nathaniel Holmes for it.^^ This 
estate was settled in 1847, after William Sturgis had returned to Lee. The 
"8," "f," and "g" on this stone seem closer to Holmes' style than to Sturgis'. 
Holmes may have been doing Sturgis and/or the Crocker family a favor 
in acquiring the uninscribed stone from Sturgis and then inscribing it 
(in Sturgis style). Or, perhaps Holmes just bought the stone from Sturgis 
and used it for Crocker on his own initiative. Holmes probably carved 
the 1848 marker for Watson Crosby (Fig. 22), with a Sturgis-like urn and 



108 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 18. Sylvia Crocker, 1843, Cotuit, Massachusetts. 
Sturgis' double, intertwined willow with horizontal-edge urn. 



James Blachowicz 



109 





7,-, ,fHrr7 {Ir' ?>. l^ '^ 
rrfv f r7 _^ G V rr r*A . 



''^ri«*ii-&»^si?sft**vi/ 1. ■,''*-^ij&-'53yUi:ii?-"-' -'• vj j*-'ia; 




Fig. 19. William J. Freeman, 1840, East Sandwich, Massachusetts. 
Mourning drapery carved by William Sturgis. 



110 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 















Fig. 20. Mary Nye, 1839, Sandwich, Massachusetts. 
Rare slate stone carved by William Sturgis. 



James Blachowicz 



111 




Fig. 21. Horace S. Crocker, 1844, Cotuit, Massachusetts. 
Typical Sturgis stone, but probated to Nathaniel Holmes. 



112 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 22. Watson Crosby, 1848, Centerville, Massachusetts. 

Willow and urn carved by Nathaniel Holmes 

in imitation of William Sturgis' style. 



James Blachowicz 113 



willow, at about the same time. He must have been aware that the future 
of stonecutting was in marble and respected Sturgis' decades-long ex- 
pertise in this medium. 

Inscriptions 

Because William Sturgis' lettering is relatively unremarkable, there is 
little we can gain from an extensive analysis of it. There is some variabil- 
ity, in his manner of making a "2," for example, that suggests that an- 
other hand is at work, such as Josiah's. But these variations appear on 
stones too early to be Josiah's work. There are one or two possible telltale 
differences between William's and Josiah's lettering, however, that 1 will 
consider below. William did characteristically loop the descending stroke 
of his "f" in "of" back and half way around the "o" (see Fig. 16); both 
Josiah and Jabez Fisher (and George Thompson of Middleborough) were 
to adopt this convention as well. 

We can see a deterioration in William's letters on the 1848 stone for 
Cloa Fish (Fig. 23), one of the very last he carved (if he actually carved it, 
that is). Two of the three markers ascribed to William Sturgis dated after 
1858, the year of his death, were probably inscribed by the Fishers - the 
last of William Sturgis' old stock. 

The gravestones of William Sturgis give us an opportunity to explore 
the evolution of sometimes complex design elements in a marble me- 
dium well into the mid-nineteenth century. His son Josiah's work, unfor- 
tunately, has no decorative or artistic qualities worthy of note. He seems 
to have been more interested in the business side of the trade than in the 
craftsmanship. 

Josiah Sturgis: Gravestones 

I ascribe only forty-five gravestones to Josiah Sturgis (in Appendix 
III). He undoubtedly carved many more than this, but they are so plain 
and the inscriptions so short that there is not enough evidence to give 
him more. Seventeen of these forty-five are probated to him; I found 
twelve of these seventeen.There is also an eighteenth probate which pays 
Josiah, but I believe this was for a stone carved by William. 

Many of Josiah's markers are like the probated 1835 stone for Solomon 
Smith (Fig. 24). From time to time, he will provide at least some varia- 
tion in the lettering and layout, such as on the probated marker for Aaron 
Holmes (Fig. 25). The probated 1845 stone for Braddock Dimmick (Fig. 
26) is the most ambitious work we could attribute to him, but it might 



114 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 23. Cloa Fish, 1848, Forestdale, Massachusetts. 
One of William Sturgis' last stones. 



James Blachowicz 



115 




Fig. 24. Capt. Solomon Smith, 1835, Nantucket, Massachusetts. 
Probated to Josiah Sturgis. 



116 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 25. Aaron Holmes, 1847, Nantucket, Massachusetts. 
Probated to Josiah Sturgis. 



James Blachowicz 




Fig. 26. Braddock Dimmick, 1845, Falmouth, Massachusetts. 

Probated to "Joseph Sturgis"; probably lettered by Josiah Sturgis, 

but quite possibly carved by William Sturgis. 



118 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



not in fact be his; his father may have left it behind for Josiah to inscribe. 
This stone is in Falmouth, although the estate was settled in Plymouth 
County. It pays "Joseph Sturgis" for gravestones, but this was most likely 
Josiah. Besides the quite similar formatting of the deceased's name, the 
italicized "died," the date and the age, other similarities to Josiah's pro- 
bated stones include the rectangular recessed panel in which the name 
is carved (with the small scallops at the corners) and the positive relief 
block letters used (compare to the Aaron Holmes stone in Figure 25). 

Josiah usually carves a significantly different "a" than his father. The 
upper hook of William's "a" is narrower than Josiah's, with Josiah's some- 
times leaning left past the lower half; William's upper stroke also (usu- 
ally) curls more than Josiah's. Josiah often makes his "g" with a larger 
upper loop than the lower, in contrast both to his father and to Jabez 
Fisher. Since it was William Sturgis who probably carved the Bible on 
this stone, I have put it into his column despite the probate payment to 
Josiah. 

It is possible that Josiah carved the urn and willow on the stone for 
Prince Dimmick (1841) in Falmouth; the urn is smaller than his father's. 
The lettering also resembles Josiah's other work. 

William Sturgis' traditional marble decorations tied him to a slightly 
older generation of carvers. Josiah's, on the other hand, were non-exis- 
tent. Josiah Sturgis tried and failed to capitalize on his stonecutting ven- 
ture in the 1840s; but greater fortune awaited his brother-in-law Jabez 
Fisher, who took over exactly where Josiah had left off. With carving 
skills that surpassed Josiah's (and Ebenezer D. Winslow's) and with a 
growing population that both demanded and was able to pay for some- 
what larger and more elaborate marble gravestones, Jabez and his son 
William developed their Yarmouth workshop into the center of the Cape's 
marble monument manufacture. The Fisher shop rode this wave of pros- 
perity for some decades before it had to accommodate both the prolif- 
eration of some smaller shops on the Cape and the influence of the larger 
manufacturing centers in distant cities. The Fishers edged closer to the 
more three-dimensional sculptural style in marble that would explode 
in burial grounds all over the country in the following decades. (Although 
I provided a brief account of the Fishers' work in Markers XV, I had not 
yet connected them to the Sturgises and had not surveyed their work in 
much depth. The analysis I present here supersedes that earlier discus- 
sion.) 



James Blachowicz 119 



Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher: Biography 

Jabez Meiggs Fisher was born in Sandwich on October 14, 1803, the 
second of eight children of Theodore Fish (not Fisher) of Sandwich and 
Mercy Meiggs of Falmouth.'*^ He is listed on the Sandwich tax rolls as a 
resident from 1825 (after he turned twenty-one) through 1831. In 1828, 
he bought sixty acres of woodland near Peter's Pond, which is appar- 
ently where his family homestead was located.'*^ His mother died the 
following November and is buried in nearby Forestdale Cemetery. On 
January 22, 1829, he married Sarah S. Sturgis in Lee.^^ Sarah was born in 
Lee on September 7, 1804, the daughter of William Sturgis - the stone- 
cutter - and Salome Dimmick.'^'' Jabez and Sarah had at least six chil- 
dren. Their first, William Sturgis Fisher, was born in Sandwich in 1830.'^'^ 
In the Sandwich tax rolls for 1831, Jabez is assessed for his land as well as 
for a seven-ton vessel; in 1832, he is listed on these rolls as a resident of 
Nantucket. This is where, in the same year, his second child. Arietta 
Dimmick Fisher, was born. Jabez's younger brothers Joseph Robinson 
Fisher and Silvester Holmes Fisher as well as his younger sister Lurana 
Meiggs Fisher may have accompanied him there; they are mentioned in 
various Nantucket records.'" There are a number of individuals named 
Fish on Nantucket at this time; perhaps one was a relative of Jabez's 
father who assisted in Jabez's move there. 

I have not been able to determine exactly when and where Jabez Fisher 
started carving gravestones. It is possible, I suppose, that he learned from 
the Sturgises in Lee either just before or just after his marriage there in 
1829; but he remains a resident of Sandwich through this period. His 
first stones don't seem to cluster until later, perhaps closer to 1834, when 
William Sturgis' advertisement for his marble shop first appears in the 
NaJitucket Inquirer. So perhaps he didn't learn until William Sturgis came 
to Nantucket. By 1834, Jabez was thirty-one, William about sixty-two, 
and Josiah eighteen. 

Jabez Fisher is certainly carving gravestones by 1842, the date of his 
earliest probated stones. He was also carving in 1840 and 1841, when we 
find him in Harwich with Josiah, who advertises his Harwich shop in 
1841. The earliest stone documented to Jabez Fisher is that for Marshall 
Ryder in Chatham, dated March, 1839, which is signed "J. M. Fisher, 
Harwich." Jabez is listed in Nantucket records as a housewright, never a 
stonecutter, and he is not credited with gravestone payments in Nan- 
tucket probate records, whereas Josiah Sturgis frequently is. And so it is 
possible that Jabez did not pick up the trade until his mid-thirties, with 



120 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



Josiah's move to open his shop in Harwich slightly before 1839. 

In 1834, Jabez's brother Joseph R. Fisher advertised in the Nantucket 
Inquirer (May 31) that he had moved his dry goods shop from Main and 
Orange to 41 Orange Street. William Sturgis, as we have seen, opens his 
marble shop above Joseph's store early in 1835. 

Another child of Jabez and Sarah, Ebenezer, was born on Nantucket 
in 1834; two more children, unnamed in the vital records, were born, 
one in 1836, and another perhaps in 1838, but these three all died as 
children. In 1835, Jabez took out a mortgage on some land in Nantucket 
town.''^ In 1837, he bought a lot located in Newtown (in the south part of 
town, just north of the highway) from his brother Joseph R. Fisher, who 
is listed as "of Sandwich."'^'' In this record Jabez is a "housewright." In 
1838, he mortgaged all of his Sandwich holdings for $775.00^* in order to 
pay off the mortgage on his Nantucket property.'^^ Jabez's brother Joseph 
died in 1838*^^' (he is buried in Forestdale) and Jabez was appointed ad- 
ministrator of his estate.''^ Then in 1839 Jabez sold the Nantucket lot he 
bought from his brother two years before'***; he is again listed as a "house 
carpenter" in this record. This transaction is witnessed by William Sturgis. 
William was probably residing in the Falmouth area at this time, but 
perhaps came to Nantucket to provide financial support for his daugh- 
ter and son-in-law. In 1840, Jabez "of Nantucket" sold to William Sturgis 
"of Orleans" all of his property in Sandwich (he had apparently reac- 
quired title to it in the meantime).'*'* This was just prior to William's move 
there; and so William may have taken up residence in Jabez's old home. 

Jabez Fisher must have moved almost immediately to Harwich at 
this time, for the 1840 U.S. census has him there (p. 209) and his son 
Benjamin Franklin was born there in 1841.^°° This is the same year that 
Josiah Sturgis advertised his marble shop in Harwich; Jabez thus prob- 
ably joined Josiah at this shop. The earliest probate record for a payment 
to Jabez Fisher is dated 1842, for a stone in Harwich, but there is, as I 
mentioned, a signed stone in Chatham dated 1839. The presence of a 
number of other stones of a similar type in the Chatham/Harwich area 
dated 1839 suggest that Fisher was producing stones for Josiah's Harwich 
shop even before he transferred his residence there in 1840. 

In January 1844, the advertisement shown in Figure 27 ran in the 
Barnstable Patriot. This ad suggests that Fisher was actually working on 
stone at both Harwich and Yarmouth for a time. The declining years and 
productivity of Nathaniel Holmes had offered him an opportunity in 
Yarmouth that may have not been available to Josiah Sturgis just two 



James Blachowicz 



121 



.llarble Tomb SioncH 




THK Subscriber takei lhi« meihod lo inform tb» 
pubhc thai he has opened a Shop in Y«rinouui» 
where he will cut to order 

ToiHbstonts and Monuments, 
of any description, on as reasonable terms •* /^*" .^ 
purchased eUewhere. He will continue to work " J^ 
old sUnd at West Ifarwich, as usual. All orders i^n 
at the Store of Capt. Job Chase, or sent to the »«»»• 
acnber, will reoeive prompt attentioo. 

He would also inform the inhabitanU of Ch«iM»» 
that be keeps a Shop near the Store of Mr. '^'^JJ^ 
where he will furnish customers with the best of w^ 
and stock, as low as can be got of any one. All or«e 
left With Mr. Emery, or sent to Uie subiwriber, win re- 
ceiv*- prompt attentions 

N B All work delivered free o( extra charge. 

Yarmouth, Jan IG, '44. J M. FlSHfc^ 

Fig. 27. Advertisement for Jabez Fisher's 
Harwich and Yarmouth marble shops, 1844. 



122 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



years earlier. This, coupled with the fact that Fisher was a more skillful 
carver, laid the foundation for his eventual success on the Cape. It is 
interesting however, that Ebenezer D. Winslow of Brewster, who had 
been an established stonecutter on the Cape since about 1814, didn't him- 
self make a move to attract the clientele of Yarmouth once Holmes began 
cutting back. Of course, by 1840, Winslow was already forty-seven - ten 
years younger than Holmes, but ten years older than Fisher. Winslow 
did run an advertisement for his shop in 1851, at about the same time 
that Holmes retreated from Yarmouth for good; but by that time Fisher 
had already entrenched himself there. 

Fisher's 1844 ad also mentions a shop that he keeps in Chatham. No 
doubt, like Josiah Sturgis before him, he kept some carved but uninscribed 
stones at his branch stations for potential customers to examine, and 
lettered them as the need arose. Fisher's Chatham business is soon chal- 
lenged, however, by a new stonecutter on the scene - Josiah Sparrow II 
of Orleans. Nine months after Fisher introduced his ad in 1844, Sparrow 
offered the ad shown in Figure 28. It was probably Sparrow's father Isaac, 
we should recall, who was Josiah Sturgis' agent in Orleans; but Isaac 
died in 1843.'"^ Josiah Sparrow II apparently set out to acquire a portion 
of the stonecutting business for himself. While he was obviously serving 
the population of Orleans, Wellfleet, and Truro, Sparrow's shop in 
Chatham was in direct competition with Fisher's. Fisher immediately 
responded with a new ad in December of 1844. While the wording is 
identical to that in his first ad, he obviously was not ready to cede 
Chatham to Sparrow, and he kept this ad running for more than two 
years. It may be that newspaper editors at the time did not see the sense 
of using space for two marble tomb stone ads, for as soon as Fisher's ad 
stopped running. Sparrow countered with a new ad of his own (see Fig. 
29) beginning in January 1847. In it. Sparrow continues his agencies in 
Orleans, Chatham, Wellfleet, and Truro, and has now added an agent in 
Eastham as well. This competition was ended by Sparrow's death the 
following October at the age of twenty-nine. His business was continued 
by his apprentice, Thomas A. Hopkins, although his brother-in-law, 
Oliver N. Linnell, may also have had a hand in it for a time (I shall exam- 
ine the work and relationships among these men in Part II). 

In 1846, Jabez Fisher sold more of his Sandwich property in a quit 
claim to Solomon Howland (the man to whom he mortgaged it in 1838)'"-; 
this is also the time that William Sturgis left Sandwich for Lee. But Jabez 
may have retained some portion of it, for an 1848 court record in which 



James Blachowicz 



123 



Marble Tomb -Stones 




THCSttbMnber Uket thii methttii to iafonn th« 
pobliC that h« hui oponcd a tbop in Last Oi* 
l«ao«, wber* h« will cot to order 

T^mhstonet and Monumenlf, 
ftfaay ^eMriptioo, oa tt f£ai;jx)abie tar ma «• can ba 
parchaa«4 ainawbcra. 

Ha will •anttnua to work at CliatHam as Qtaai. — 
All er4«rf UA witli Mr. 9ainaa4 Hi^gina, or tanl ta 
Ilia aab aa nbar. will recaiva prampt a|tanU0D. 

Ua waald inforni tha UHa^cania of Wall€aat, 
llMt thmir ardaia oaay ba {aft with Mr. Gilea HoU 
^raok: and erdaia for Traro luaj ba lart wiU) Mr 
John 9m\th, 

Ha wilt rarniah eoatomart at the above maiuioned 
fUe— with tha baal of work ard alock, aa'ow aa 
iag«t mfrntky on*. 
M» ft. AW work ialivared fraa of ailra aharga 

^ ^ -lOSlAHfPARROW. Jo 

§»0Qt\—m$, Oct. 10^ 1844 \f 

Fig. 28. Advertisement for Josiah Sparrow II's marble shop, 1844. 



124 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



MarUe Tontb-Stones. 






■{^, *jt R-^v 



THR S«hflerlb«r UkM thip in«thocl4o inrmm the 
public that b« hat op«n«d a shop ia tail Oi- 
i««a«, wb«re h« will cut to order . . . 

T»mhslont$ and MonumentSf 
of any d««criptton, on it reaiooable terms a« can be 
perchaaed eUewbere. 

He wi'.l continue to work at Ch>ttham at u^aal. — 
All ordera lef\ with Mr. Samuel lliggin^, or Tapt 
Thaelier Kjrder, or aent to the anbacnber. will re- 
ceive priiinpt ntiention. 

He would inform the inhabitinta of Kmiham 
that I heir ordnie ma jr be left with Mr. Kl jnli K. 
Knowle«; and ordera for Wallflrtni inMy be l«A with 
Mr. Colhna M t'oie, or Doct ThomMt Stone; iinil 
otdera for Truro may he lff\wiih Mi KIkunsh Piiim. 
or e«int to the auhtcriber, and will receive pinnpl at- 
t«ntN»n. 

lie will furnish ruatomerai^ th« above m^niiunml 
y\>i'f with ihti baftt of wuik end »tock, at low ns 
Clin h« g«»i ufnny one. 

N li. All work deiiverifd frt^e nfnitrn rliNrKu. 
JO.Sl Ml i!?|'AKKt)\V. 2i. 

Ia«t OiUan«, Jiin 21. IH47 ly 

Fig. 29. Sparrow's new 1847 advertisement. 



James Blachowicz 125 



a Jabez Phinney of Sandwich sues a Thomas D. Fisher over a piece of 
land describes the land as abutted on the south by the land of "Jabez M. 
Fish," both pieces situated between Peter's Pond and the Sandwich- 
Falmouth road.^"^ The 1851 tax roll for Sandwich indicates, however, that 
Fisher's property had been sold. 

By December of 1847 Jabez Fisher had established himself in 
Yarmouth: he took out a mortgage on a Yarmouth property that year - 
one acre of land "with the Marble Manufactory of said Jabez Fisher stand- 
ing thereon." ''^^ In 1848, as we saw earlier, John Sturgis and Elisha Eveleth 
mortgaged their marble stock in Sandwich to Fisher; they paid Fisher off 
in August of 1849. 

Fisher is listed as a marble manufacturer in Yarmouth in the 1849 
New England Mercantile Union Business Directory, and again in the 1850-51 
Massachusetts State Directory and the 1852 Massachusetts Register. The 1850 
U.S. Census lists him as a "stonecutter" with real property worth $1500.'"'^ 
Early that year he again acquired a mortgage (for $1500.00) for "all my 
real estate situate in said Yarmouth, consisting of cleared land, with a 
Dwelling House, shop and other buildings thereon standing.""'*' The deed 
lists Jabez as a "marble manufacturer": the buyer, also listed as a marble 
manufacturer, was William Sturgis "of Lee." Jabez is a "marble worker" 
in the 1855 state census (p. 21) - which also has William Sturgis as a 
resident in his household - and as well in the 1856 Massachusetts Business 
Directory. In 1856, William Sturgis, "late of Lee," sold back to Fisher (for 
$500.00) the "homestead now occupied by Jabez M. Fisher" - a total of 
six acres with house, barn and outbuildings."''' That is to say, Jabez had 
paid off his mortgage to his father-in-law. Later in 1856, Jabez acquired 
another lot abutting his own property.'"'^ In 1857 he acquired a third of a 
lot for $300 from John Williams, buying this with (his neighbors?) Oliver 
Gorham and Nathaniel Taylor; but he sold this five years later to Nathaniel 
Taylor.'"'^ In 1858, Jabez, his brothers Theodore and Sylvester (both of 
whom were in Edgartown), and Theodore's children Hervey and Mercy 
Chadwick, sold a portion of the Sandwich estate they had inherited from 
their father, who had died five years before. "° 

Jabez Fisher's house and marble shop in Yarmouth were located at 
the southeast corner of Main Street and Pine Street, according to the 
1858 Wallings map of the Cape. His house is still standing - a beautiful 
Greek Revival structure at 381 Route 6A (Old King's Highway) in 
Yarmouth (Fig. 30). The house retains some exterior marble steps, no 
doubt set there by Jabez. An 1880 map indicates that a windmill was 



126 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



located on this property; perhaps Jabez, like Hiram Tribble of Kingston, 
used it to power his marble-sawing operation. Jabez sold this house (and 
barn/back building) in 1867 to Ezra Howes of Dennis for $3200.00"'; but 
he removed the shed adjoining the north part of the barn (his stonecutting 
shop?)."-^ Ezra Howes was still the owner in 1880, according to a map of 
that time."' 

In the 1860 U.S. Census, Jabez is listed as a marble-worker whose real 
property is worth $2600 and personal property worth $900 (p. 215); he is 
a marble-worker in the 1865 state census, as is his son William, who is 
living with him; and in the 1870 Census, Jabez is listed as a "stonecut- 
ter," his worth rising to $7500 in real estate and $3000 in personal prop- 
erty (p. 14). 

The 1860 record (dated August 18) includes Jabez's wife and three 
children and also his son William's wife Sarah. William married Sarah E. 
Hawes in Yarmouth on January 28, 1858."^ But there is a separate record 
in the same census (p. 203; dated 9 July), which records William S. Fisher 
and wife Sarah living at the residence of his father-in-law John Hawes, 
who is listed as a druggist. In this second record, William S. Fisher, aged 
thirty, is listed as a "stonecutter." Ten years later, the Census has William 




Fig, 30. Jabez Fisher's Greek Revival home 
in Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 



James Blachowicz 127 



as the head of a separate household, living with his wife Sarah and a 
John E. Hawes (his wife's brother?), aged nineteen, listed as an "appren- 
tice to stone-cutting" (p. 10). Two years earlier, in 1868, Sarah, her mother 
and perhaps two siblings had sold a portion of her father's estate.^^^ 

Jabez's daughter Arietta, who operated a millinery shop, married 
Gorham Knowles, a seaman from Eastham, in Yarmouth on January 10, 
1862."'' She died (of "convulsions") on February 24, 1866, in her thir- 
ties,"'^ and is buried in the same plot with her parents and brother in 
Woodside Cemetery in Yarmouth. Her grave is marked with a finely 
carved small marble stone, inscribed simply "Ariette," and "sleeping 
softly," but without either a date of death or her married name. 

Jabez wrote his will in 1866, leaving his estate to his wife Sarah, whom 
he also named as executor, and, should she die or remarry, to his two 
surviving children William and Benjamin. But Benjamin Franklin Fisher, 
who became a photographer, died of "consumption" in San Francisco 
seven years later, on February 17, 1873, at the age of thirty-one;"^ and 
Jabez's wife Sarah died in 1877. Jabez M. Fisher himself died (of nephri- 
tis) in Yarmouth on January 6, 1879, at the age of seventy-five. His and 
his wife's grave is marked with a marble monument no doubt carved by 
their son William (see Fig. 50). William died (also of nephritis) in Yarmouth 
on July 8, 1907, at the age of seventy-six. He had no heirs. His wife Sarah 
died in 1912."'* Theirs is a monumental granite marker, carved about 
seventy years after William's father had set up his first marble shop on 
the Cape. The Fisher shop itself had apparently produced granite mark- 
ers later in the century, but 1 have not examined their work to any extent 
past 1870. 

Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher: Gravestones 

Early Marble Gravestones 

I did not attempt a comprehensive survey of the Fisher workshop's 
gravestones. Besides the other reasons I have given which make a can- 
vassing of marble stones very difficult, we can, in the Fisher's case, add 
one more: Jabez and his son William carved stones of many different 
styles simultaneously. Perhaps this diversified repertoire was part of the 
reason for their success. The best that I can do here is to provide ex- 
amples of this variety. We are fortimate once again to have a number of 
probated and signed stones to help us. I uncovered twenty-two payments 
to Jabez Fisher (none to William) in probate records, and found the grave- 
stones for all but two of these (see Appendix lid). In addition, we have 



128 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 31. Tabitha Taylor, 1836, Chatham, Massachusetts. 

Marker in the style of Thomas Sturgis, 

but possibly carved by Jabez Fisher. 



James Blachowicz 



129 




Fig. 32. Marshall and Lydia Ryder, 1839, Chatham, Massachusetts. 
Jabez Fisher's earliest signed stone, in the style of William Sturgis. 



130 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 33. Capt. Alvah Nickerson, 1842, South Dennis, Massachusetts. 
Typical willow and urn of the 1840s; probated to Jabez Fisher. 



James Blachowicz 131 



ten signed stones - seven by Jabez (some with "& son"), two by William, 
and one simply "Fisher, Yarmouth." One of Jabez's signed stones is also 
probated to him. 

Jabez Fisher seems to have been influenced to some extent by the 
style of both his father-in-law William Sturgis and William's brother Tho- 
mas. Compare, for example, Thomas Sturgis' 1837 stone for Jerusha Boies 
(Fig. 8) with the 1836 marker for Tabitha Taylor (Fig. 31) in Chatham. 
Although the lettering on the Taylor stone is in question (it could be 
William's or even Josiah's), the willow and urn were probably carved by 
Jabez Fisher, for they resemble those on the important 1839 marker for 
Marshall and Lydia Ryder (Fig. 32), Fisher's earliest signed stone. The 
prominent initials were one of Thomas Sturgis' favorite devices, but the 
urn here obviously owes more to William. Yet Fisher switches almost 
immediately on later stones to another type of urn, closer to the kind 
Thomas Sturgis used. The probated 1842 gravestone for Captain Alvah 
Nickerson (Fig. 33) is an example. 

What is also significant on the Ryder and Nickerson stones are the 
willows: the left-of-center position and the configuration of the left 
branches allow us to attribute to Fisher a number of other willow-only 
stones which begin to appear in about 1839. An ascription of these stones 
to Fisher rather than to William Sturgis is supported by the fact that they 
appear when Fisher comes to this part of the Cape; and we find them 
around Harwich and Chatham rather than in the Falmouth/Sandwich 
area, where William Sturgis was probably residing at the time. 

Fisher introduces a small change in this willow which aids us in iden- 
tifying more of his stones. When he does not provide an urn, the space 
where the urn would have been contains a branch that curls up and 
around counter-clockwise - a device used perhaps to provide some in- 
terest to this part of the tree in lieu of the urn. An example is found on 
the 1842 marker for Nabby Stone (Fig. 34). As we shall see in Part II, 
Oliver N. Linnell, a later Cape carver working in the area, also uses such 
a curled-branch willow from time to time, but Lirvnell positions the tree 
in the center of the stone rather than left of center. In a single instance, 
on the stone for Richard Smith (1841), Fisher puts a small obelisk in the 
position usually occupied by the urn. 

Fisher's willow evolves quickly into another recognizable variant. The 
1845 stone for Hannah Arey (Fig. 35), practically identical to the pro- 
bated stone for Sally Small (1847), features a willow whose branches have 
become more intricately interlaced. This is a reliable feature by means of 



132 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



which we are able to identify his work from about 1843 through 1849. 
We find a similar willow on the stones of Thomas Sturgis in the 1830s. In 
a few instances, such as on the 1842 stone for Priscilla Snow (Fig. 36), 
Jabez added a mourning drapery instead of a willow to his distinctive 
urn. This was modeled on a type William Sturgis carved (see Fig. 19); 
and the later Cape carvers around Orleans would all use it as well. 

Slate Gravestones 

Beginning in about 1850, a series of stones appear in Yarmouth which 
seem at first to be the work of Nathaniel Holmes. Closer inspection re- 
veals that they are imitations. The 1867 Susanna Nickerson stone (Fig. 
37) is an example. While the stylistic differences I will describe are really 
enough to conclude that Holmes did not carve them, proof comes from 
the fact that the five latest of these stones are dated after Holmes' death. 

Features of these stones which distinguish them from Holmes' in- 
clude the following: (1) The leaves of the willow are more elongated; (2) 
the urn has two characteristics typical of Holmes' urns of the 1820s, but 
which Holmes had abandoned by the 1840s, namely, the top "hook" and 
a series of nine (or seven) vertical incisions in the urn's band (Holmes 
had reduced this number to three); (3) the numerals (such as the "3") are 




^.'"i 







Fig. 34. Nabby Stone, 1842, Dennis, Massachusetts. 
Jabez Fisher's willow with curled branch. 



James Blachowicz 



133 





WitV «f 

«t ic a Jim; 3 S» I S I li 

11 tlays. 




Fig. 35. Hannah Arey, 1845, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Jabez Fisher's more interlaced, simplified willow. 



134 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 36. Priscilla Snow, 1842, Harwich, Massachusetts. 
Jabez Fisher's mourning drapery. 



James Blachowicz 



135 





T7> J\^('7))f>7^7/ of* 

Sits A lYiM/VTT, 

»»^/Wi ill ('(J 










i«-<.^i^ 

i.*i 



,.«, 



, t*^-^^^^^^i%^*^^,^"^- ^ ^- 



.■fes 



Fig. 37. Susanna Nickerson, 1867, South Dennis, Massachusetts. 
Imitation of a Holmes slate carved by Jabez Fisher. 



136 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




; ■.-:■;;,!.., ■■■'■"■ O ' 



mm 




.,iv 




Fig. 38. Arthur Hallet, 1852, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Imitation of a Holmes slate probated to Jabez Fisher. 



James Blachowicz 137 



rounded and carved in a more contemporary mid-nineteenth century 
style, unlike Holmes'; (4) the abbreviations "Y's" and "M's" are often 
used for "years" and "months"; (5) the tiny ball at the end of the curved 
stroke of the "f" falls more or less directly in front (to the right) of the 
cross bar of the "f," whereas in Holmes' "f," the ball is positioned more 
above this cross bar; (6) the lower portion of the "g" is attached to the 
upper portion at the left (as is normal), whereas Holmes attaches it in 
the center; (7) some of these stones have fewer willow branches than 
Holmes was using at the same time. On the basis of these differences, I 
have identified forty-two of these slate stones (those marked with an "s" 
- for "slate" - in Appendix IV). Twenty-nine are found in the Yarmouth 
area, one in South Dennis, one in Provincetown, and eleven in the 
Barnstable area (including Hyannis and Marstons Mills). Four of these 
Barnstable-area stones are dated after Holmes' death. 

There is no evidence, I should repeat, that any of Holmes' sons be- 
came stonecutters. Census records consistently list his eldest son Oliver 
as a farmer (once as a shipwright). The single exception is the 1865 Mas- 
sachusetts state census, where Oliver is listed as a stonecutter, but this 
work probably consisted of aiding his father who was then in his eight- 
ies, during this period. Nathaniel's second son William is always listed 
as a harness-maker. It seems, rather, that another carver has appropri- 
ated Holmes' style in order to accommodate the Yarmouth citizenry 
(Holmes had over 200 stones in Yarmouth and West Yarmouth before 
1850). This carver was apparently successful in replacing Holmes in this 
area - for no Holmes stones appear in Yarmouth after 1850. Further, this 
imitator copied the style of Holmes' stones of the 1820s and 1830s, rather 
than Holmes' current style. This would point to a true imitator rather 
than an apprentice or partner. After Holmes' death, this imitator pro- 
duced only five more of such stones: marble and newer styles of carving 
displaced Holmes' old-fashioned slates entirely. 

The 1851 Arthur Hallet marker (Fig. 38), which is one of these forty- 
two, employs sans-serif block-capital letters for the deceased's name (these 
appear on no others of this group which have a Holmes-type willow and 
urn); while the urn lacks a hook, it has nine band-incisions, together 
with willow-leaves and lettering of the sort typical of this imitator. This 
stone is probated to Jabez M. Fisher - the only slate stone probated to 
him. 

While Fisher never carved a Holmes-type willow and urn on any of 
his probated marble stones, and also tended to prefer italics for the slates 



138 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



.^Vlri 







*^i 




yvw^v 



no7» 




EiJ7iABETH Fish; 

Vciii^'lrtcT of 
5 Oof. f»,-T8 iJI, 



pr? ,Tii7IP 



Fig. 39. Elizabeth Fish Bursley, 1863, Barnstable, Massachusetts. 
Late imitation by Fisher of Holmes' bulbous urn. 



James Blachowicz 139 



and non-italics for the marbles (a division we also find in the work of 
some other carvers), there is enough evidence from his inscriptions to 
conclude that he carved both groups. That Fisher had to adopt this com- 
pletely foreign material and style in order to succeed in Yarmouth is 
dramatic evidence of the cultural commitment a given community can 
develop to such conventional preferences. We find Fisher's telltale "f" 
and "g" as well as his numerals on the 1863 marker for Elizabeth Fish 
Bursley (Fig. 39), one of Jabez's latest slates, and the only one where he 
copies Holmes' bulbous urn. 

There are three more stones to complicate matters - those for Hiram 
Hallet (1839, probably backdated). Captain Nathan Hallet (1851) (Fig. 
40), and Joseph Kelley (1852). The first two feature the same block-capi- 
tal sans-serif letters as Jabez Fisher's Arthur Hallet stone, and the rest of 
the inscribed letters seem close to those on the other Holmes-imitation 
stones; further, the lower portion of the lower-case "f" on the first two 
stones curls down and back under the "o" of "of" in Sturgis fashion - 
just as it does on the Elizabeth Chapman stone (1853) in Provincetown, 
another stone of the group. But the willows and urns on these three mark- 
ers were obviously carved by someone else. They are probably the work 
of Jabez's son William, who turned twenty-one in 1851. 

William also worked primarily in marble, but probably tried his hand 
as a young man at a willow and urn on the two Hallet slates. William 
also carved two slates in the Holmes style after Jabez's death - for Reuben 
Ryder (1878) and Eben Whelden (1887) (Fig. 41). The willow here is rather 
like that on the two Hallet stones. 

Since the Fishers were successful with their marble-stone line quite 
independently of these slates, such Holmes-imitations were most likely 
the result of requests from clients used to Holmes' slates in Yarmouth 
than of any intentional effort on the Fishers' part to develop a slate-stone 
production in competition with Holmes. 

Later Marble Gravestones 

The 1851 marker for Samuel S. Crocker (Fig. 42) is an example of the 
more contemporary marble work of which Jabez Fisher was capable even 
as he was simultaneously producing Holmes clones. He has two other 
such stones, one of which, although probably carved by Jabez, is dated 
1885 and therefore probably inscribed by his son William. ^^° I came across 
a number of other instances of this style (mostly inferior) carved by other 
men - for example, four in Nantucket dated 1855 through 1863,^-' one in 



140 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



Chatham,'^^ one in Harwich/^^ and even one in Martinez, California.'^* 
At the same time, Fisher could provide completely plain markers such 
as the 1855 probated stone for Gideon Crowell (Fig. 43). The 1858 marker 




Fig. 40. Capt. Nathan Hallet, 1851, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 

Letters probably by Jabez Fisher; 

willow and urn probably by William S. Fisher. 



James Blachowicz 



141 





■■^••i-' 



'WS-^ 



^ • ■ ' if 



t"^' j 







Fig. 41. Eben Whelden, 1887, West Barnstable, Massachusetts. 
Imitation of a Holmes slate probably carved by William S. Fisher. 



142 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 42. Samuel S. Crocker, 1851, Cummaquid, Massachusetts. 
Late marble style probated to Jabez Fisher. 



James Blachowicz 



143 




Fig. 43. Gideon Crowell, 1855, SoutFi Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Probated to Jabez Fisher. 



144 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



for William Sturgis (Fig. 2) is another example of this simple style. Fisher 
also probably carved the plain marker for Nathaniel Holmes'^^ and simi- 
lar stones for other members of Holmes' family. The marker for Holmes 
is quite like Fisher's signed stone for David Lewis (1869). 

Two other examples of Jabez Fisher's marble monuments, which show 
even more variety in his design repertoire, are the markers for Daniel 
Hallet (1856) (Fig. 44) and his wife Caroline B. Hallet (1869) (Fig. 45). The 
chain links also appear on the signed stone for Benjamin Handy (1859), 
while sculpted flowers adorn the signed marker for Mary Bearse (1844); 
these flowers are identical to those on the 1856 stone for Elizabeth C. 
Hallet (Fig. 46). 

I should mention at this point that two of the markers probated to 
Jabez Fisher, those for Gorham Baker (1847) and for Elisha Baker (1852), 
as well as one signed by him, for Samuel W. Baxter (1858), are large, 
three-dimensional marble obelisks (one is over eight feet tall), each with 




Fig. 44. Daniel Hallet, 1856, 

West Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 

Later marble style of the 

Fisher workshop. 



Fig. 45. Caroline B. Hallet, 1869, 

West Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 

Later marble style of the 

Fisher workshop. 



James Blachowicz 



145 



an inscription written on all four sides. The Fishers were probably re- 
sponsible for many such obelisks on the Cape. 

There are two features of William's lettering that are useful in distin- 
guishing it from his father's: (1) he tends to make the lower loop of his 
"g" further to the right than his father did, and the upper loop of the 
"g," on his early stones at least, is significantly smaller than the lower 
loop; (2) his "Y" has a longer vertical stem. 

William's marble monuments are more three-dimensional than his 
father's, in keeping with the newer styles developing in burial grounds 
through the late 1800s. He probably carved the 1866 elegant small marker 
for his sister Ariette Knowles (Fig. 47). He signs the small 1889 stone for 
Rebecca Bartlett (Fig. 48). And the lettering on the large, highly sculpted 
monument for Franklin and Meribah Russell Hallett (1876, 1895) (Fig. 
49) suggests that it is also his (although it might also be the product of a 
marble firm in a larger city such as Boston). William no doubt also carved 
the monument for his parents (Fig. 50) in Yarmouth's Woodside cem- 
etery. 

William Fisher continued to carve in marble into the 1900s, his work 
of fairly high quality. Given the enormity of their output on the Cape 




'.^HB 



riT-rfiWfr 



Fig. 46. Elizabeth C. Hallet, 1856, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Sculpted flowers by Jabez Fisher. 



146 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



and the fact that Jabez's reported net worth increases seven-fold from 
1850 to 1870, the success of these two stonecutters rivals and may even 
surpass that of Nathaniel Holmes. 



In Part II of this study of Cape Cod marble carvers, to appear in Mark- 
ers XX, we shall examine the fruit of the seeds planted by William Sturgis 
in Orleans and Sandwich, considering the work of nine later carvers work- 
ing in the two locales. As we shall see, marble monuments become more 
conventional through this later period, with the business end of things 
continuing to overtake the craftsmanship. 




Fig. 47. Ariette Knowles, 1866, Yarmouth, Massachusetts. 
Probably carved by William Fisher for his sister. 



James Blachowicz 



147 




Fig. 48. Rebecca Bartlett, 1889, Cummaquid, Massachusetts. 
Signed by William S. Fisher. 



148 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 




Fig. 49. Franklin and Meribah Russell Hallett, 1876, 1895, Yarmouth, 
Massachusetts. Possibly carved by William S. Fisher, 



James Blachowicz 



149 



NOTES 

I am grateful to a number of individuals who contributed to various aspects of this study. 
Robert Drinkwater generously shared with me his information on the work of William and 
Thomas Sturgis of Lee, including their known signed and probated stones in Berkshire Covmty. 
My one-day excursion there to photograph these stones would have been impossible without 
his help. Barbara Gill of the Sandwich Archives and Historical Center provided me with valu- 
able genealogical information on the families of Jabez Fisher, James Thompson, and Joshua T. 
Faunce, as well as tax and mortgage records that more exactly established the nature of John 
Sturgis' activity in Sandwich and the residence of William Sturgis there. Thompson's moves 
from Sandwich to New Bedford to Evans, New York, and finally to Chatham would have been 
very difficult to trace without her help. Laurel Gabel provided me some leads on the Sturgis 
brothers in Lee and directed me toward Robert Drinkwater, who, as mentioned above, was 
able to supply vital information for this study. Jennifer Y. Madden, Museum Curator of the 
Sandwich Heritage Museum, located and provided me a photograph of a signed stone of Jabez 
Fisher that I had missed in my earlier canvasses. Burton Derick of South Dennis assisted me in 
locating a number of probated gravestones on the outer Cape and checked cemetery records 
for the Crosby brothers and other marble-workers in this area. He also informed me of the 
work of J. Harvey Jenks and Robert Clinton Baker, two late nineteenth-century stonecutters in 
West Dennis. Ann Sears of the Falmouth Historical Society identified the stone in Falmouth's 
Old Burying Ground signed by William Sturgis, located William's wife Salome Dimmick in 
Falmouth vital records, and helped me locate a number of other stones. Charlene Perry of the 
Martinez Museum in Martinez, California kindly sent me various materials on Josiah Sturgis 




Fig. 50. Jabez M. and Sarah S. Fisher, 1879, 1877, Yarmouth, 
Massachusetts. Carved by William S. Fisher. 



150 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



relevant to his later history there, including photographs of the Sturgis family gravemarkers. 
She also ultimately located for me both a rare photo of Josiah Sturgis and an early advertise- 
ment for his hotel. Brett Stroozas of the Contra Costa County Historical Society in California 
spent a number of extra hours locating many records relevant to Josiah Sturgis and his family. 
Maureen Meyers of the cemetery department of the town of Harwich assisted me in locating 
some stones probated to Jabez M. Fisher. Janet Griffith of Middleborough kindly helped me in 
untangling the relations among the many members of the Tliompson family in that town. The 
photograph in Figure 5 is here reprinted with permission of the Contra Costa County Histori- 
cal Society, Pleasant Hill, California, and that in Figure 6 with permission of Janet McLenegan 
and the Martinez Historical Society, Martinez, California. All other photos are by the author. 

1. See C. M. Hyde, Lee: The Centennial Celebration and Centennial History of the Town of Lee, 
Mass. (Springfield, MA, 1878). 

2. This spelling shifts: we also find "Sturgiss," "Sturgess," "Stergess," and "Stoorges" in 
various records. While "Sturges" seems more common early on, the spelling seems to 
settle down to "Sturgis" as time goes by. I shall use "Sturgis" throughout. 

3. Both Jonathan and Elizabeth are recorded as being "of Sandwich" in Sandwich vital 
records; the death record for Thomas Sturgis in Lee lists his parents as Jonathan and 
Elizabeth. Jonathan's date of birth is estimated from his gravestone in Lee. 

4. Berkshire Co. Deeds; Vol. 38, p. 133. He purchased this land from a George Bennet for 
thirty-four pounds. He subsequently bought another tract from Bennet in 1797 (38:135). 
(These transactions were uncovered by Robert Drinkwater.) 

5. Town of Sandwich Deeds, v. 3, p. 172: Jonathan and Elizabeth sold their house, land, 
garden, and orchard to Ebenezer Wing of Sandwich for $150.00 (the same land Jonathan 
bought from Benjamin Tobey in 1779); May 2, 1804. 

6. His age in the 1850 Census is seventy-eight, so that he would have been born in 1772. His 
age on his gravestone (August, 1858) is eighty-five; if correct, then he was born after 
August of 1772. 

7. Lee vital records; Salome died on September 8, 1845. 

8. I am grateful to Ann Sears for uncovering Salome's ancestry. In 1835, William and Salome 
Sturgis ("of Lee"), together with five other members of the Dimmick family (named Fish 
and Chadwick), sold their share in Lot Dimmick's homestead at "Tetaket" in Falmouth 
(Barnstable Co. Deeds, 21:123). Lot Dimmick is buried in Falmouth, while his wife Fear is 
buried in Forestdale; both have Sturgis gravestones. 

9. His children: Samuel D. (2 June 1796-7 December 1852); Nabby/ Abigail (24 May 1798-?), 
married Ebenezer Bradley in 1819; William (1 August 1800-14 September 1825); Franklin 
(4 September 1802-?), listed as a lawyer in the 1850 U.S. census and in various other civil 
records; Sally/Sarah S. (7 December 1804-29 July 1877), married Jabez M. Fisher of Sand- 
wich; John (4 April 1807-24 April 1886), married Mary Loomis in 1834, and went with his 
younger brother Josiah to Martinez, California in 1849; Persis (4 May 1809-?), who prob- 
ably accompanied to Nantucket either her sister Sarah in about 1832 or her father in 1834 
and married an Edwin Baldwin there; Ebenezer (7 February 1812-11 August 1834); Eliza- 



James Blachowicz 151 



beth (4 July 1814-28 April 1816); and Josiah (23 April 1816-23 July 1897), whom 1 shall 
discuss later. (All from Lee vital records) 

10. From Lee vital records: Mary, who was bom in about 1781 and who died in Lee on March 
24, 1869, was the daughter of Henry and Lydia Hinckley. 

11. From Lee vital records: Edwin (16 March 1807-27 Janurary 1901), married Charlotte 
Hewitt of Norfolk, CT; Elizabeth (28 April 1809-?); Mary Ami (4 February 1812-?), mar- 
ried Orton Heath in 1833; Charles (11 May 1814-?), married Lucretia Gifford in 1836; 
Lydia H. (21 April 1816-?), married Henry R. Coe in 1834; Henry (5 May 1820-?); and 
George R. (December 1823-19 November 1863), married first, Lydia B. Miner of 
Stonington in 1843, and second, Hannah A. Kyle of Chester in 1847. 

12. Town of Sandwich, vol. 3, p. 211. They are paid $30.00 by Deborah Smith. Recorded in 
Berkshire County on November 23, 1821. 

1 3. His gravestone in Lee shows his age as thirty-two. 

14. Berkshire County; Vol. 32, p. 289. 

15. Judging from his age on his gravestone, Nehemiah was born in about 1787. He married 
Lydia Hinckley in Lee in 1809 (Lee vital records). 

16. Russell is listed as a shoemaker in the 1850 U.S. census, where his age is given as fifty- 
eight (p. 57). There is also a Betsey Stvirgis who marries an Asa Nourse in Lee in June of 
1802; I have not determined whether she may have been a sister to William and Thomas. 

17. See Rev. L. S. Rowland, "Town of Lee," in J. E. A. Smith ed.. History of Berkshire County, 
Massachusetts, Volume II (New York, NY: J. B. Beers and Company, 1885), p. 149. 

18. Vol. 38, p. 274. There is an intriguing stone in Hatchville for Kezia Sturges (1805), wife of 
Ezekiel Sttirges: it is made of marble and has an urn whose shape is not unlike that used 
by William Sturgis; but the urn is more sculpted than William's and the lettering is not 
his. Might this be an early stone of one of the other stonecutting Sturgises such as Tho- 
mas (aged twenty-three) or Nehemiah (aged fifteen)? I have not determined whether 
Ezekiel or Kezia are relatives of the Sturgises of Lee; they would probably have been of 
the same generation as William and Thomas. 

19. I am grateful to Laurel Gabel for this as well as the initial information which led me to the 
Sturgis family in Lee. Later, I learned more from Robert Drinkwater on the Sturgises' 
signed and probated gravestones in that area. Samuel D. Sturgis was one of fifteen Lee 
men drafted in the War of 1812, but his "action" consisted of drilling in Boston (Rowland, 
"Town of Lee," p. 137); in 1820 he opened a tavern (the third in town) in East Lee (Ibid., 
p. 151). 

20. Hyde, p. 317. Edwin is also listed as a stonecutter in the 1850 U.S. census, p. 45, where his 
property assets are worth $1000.00; in the 1860 U.S. Census, p. 704, his assets are $2000.00 
in real property, $1500.00 in personal property; and in 1870 $5500.00 real, $925.00 per- 
sonal (p. 400). There is also an entry for "T. & E. Sturges" (presumably Thomas and 
Edwin) under marble manufacturers in Lee in the 1851 Massachusetts State Directory. 



152 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



21 . Her death record in Yarmouth records her father as William Sturgis, born in Sandwich, 
and her mother as Sally, born in Lee (but Salome was probably bom in Falmouth). 

22. For Charles E. Phillips, the record dated February 10th; Vol.14, p. 555. 

23. Vol. 39, p. 386. 

24. Vol. 22, p. 178; $400.00; January 14th. 

25. A less probable explanation is that "of Orleans" is simply a corruption of "of Lee" or 
even "formerly of Lee." 

26. Mentioned in Lee vital records. 

27. Berkshire Co. Deeds; Vol. 1 12, p. 579; February 8th. William and his son John sold the 
"home farm now occupied by us, in Lee, a little west of S. D. [Samuel] Sturgis Tavern" to 
William's son Franklin for $2400.00. They also sold their pew in the Meeting House. (This 
transaction reported to me by Robert Drinkwater.) 

28. This mortgage was for $250.00; the house and lot was just west of his oldest brother 
Samuel's hotel in East Lee; 8 Sep 1844. He paid Josiah back on June 6, 1847. (Berkshire 
County deeds; Vol. 112, pp. 45-6). 

29. The first mortgage was for $237.98. Chattel mortgages; Vol. 1, p. 322. The second was for 
$200.00 (again for six months); Vol. 1, p. 319. (I am grateful to Barbara Gill of the Sand- 
wich archives for uncovering this information.) 

30. Barnstable County; Vol. 85, p. 125; April 16, 1855. 

31. This taken from the IGI database of the LDS (Mormon) church. This also records the 
birth of two children: Lavon Priscilla, in Weston, VT, on August 23, 1847; and Frank Leslie, 
in Bridgewater, on January 5, 1852. 

32. Vol. 46, p. 368. 

33. William sued John Baker of Lee, the same man his son Josiah had sued the year before. 
On July 25th William was awarded $94.76; Vol. 75, p. 643. 

34. I have calculated the date for his move to Yarmouth in October of this year by the board 
Jabez Fisher charged his estate after his death; see below. Just before he moved to 
Yarmouth, apparently, William provided money to his son Franklin, who mortgaged to 
William his land and house in South Lee (south of the Meeting House) and another house 
called "Tlie Old Red Lion" wliich Franklin had acquired from Walter Laflin and which he 
had earlier mortgaged to his younger brother Josiah on April 29, 1851 (Berkshire Co. 
deeds; Vol. 146, p. 313; Vol. 131, p. 327). Franklin mortgaged this to his father again in 
early 1857 (Vol. 115, p. 114), a transaction recorded in Barnstable and witnessed by 
William's grandson William S. Fisher. On July 1, 1857, Josiah returned to Lee from Cali- 
fornia to convey the South Lee property (to which he seems still to have held the mort- 
gage) to Franklin's wife Sarah (had Franklin died in the meantime?) (Vol. 95, p. 334). 



James Blachowicz 153 



35. Vol. 60, p. 349. 

36. Abigail Bradley, Franklin Sturgis, Sarah S. Fisher, John Shirgis, Persis Baldwin, and Josiah 
Sturgis; case #3889; Vol. 19, p. 3. 

37. Obihiary in the Lee Vallex/ Gleaner for August 5, 1858; tombstone. 

38. Vol.89, p. 177; Vol. 92, p. 153. 

39. Vol. 103, p. 495; Vol. 109, p. 479. 

40. Vol. 93, p. 333; Vol. 98, p. 324. 

41. Vol. 112, p. 579. 

42. Vol. 56, p. 483; Wm. Shirgis vs. Henry Murray; $250.00. 

43. Casper Hollenbeck vs. Franklin, William & Samuel Shjrgis; Vol. 61, p. 367; $334.00. 

44. Enumeration signed October 17, 1840; p. 395. 

45. As we shall see, William S. Fisher was counted twice in 1850. 

46. His estate was divided in 1844; Vol. 44, p. 503. 

47. Lee vital records have only the year 1816 for Josiah's date of birth. The 1882 history of 
Contra Costa County, California, gives his birth as April 23, 1817. However, this history 
has his age as sixty-six. If he was bom in 1817, as this history reports, he would be sixty- 
six only after April 1883; yet the history is published in 1882. 1 have therefore kept the 
month and day recorded in this history, but have adopted 1816 as his year of birth. Fur- 
ther, if Josiah was himself interviewed for this history, as appears to have been the case, 
he may have told the interviewer only his present age (sixty-six) and his age when he left 
for Nantucket (eighteen). If then the interviewer incorrectly calculated Josiah's date of 
birth as 1817, Josiah may have come to Nanhicket in 1834 when his father's marble shop 
opened, not 1835, which is the date the interviewer records in the history. The obituary 
for Josiah Sturgis in the Contra Costa Gazette for July 24, 1897 repeats his date of birth as 
April 23, 1817; but it is apparent that the person writing the obituary derived much of its 
content from the 1882 history of the county. Yet even his gravestone shows 1817. An 
1890 voting register, on the other hand, records his age as "50" on January 22, 1867, 
three months before his birthday; this would make his year of birth 1816. 

48. As reported in the 1882 history. 

49. Vol. 38, p. 276; $100.00. Might Asa Meigs have been a relative of Jabez Fisher's mother 
Mercy Meiggs? He sold the shop for $100.00, December 28, 1839; Vol. 40, p. 80. 

50. Vol. 38, pp. 226-27; $1900; September 24, 1838. This is a mortgage. 

51. Vol. 48, p. 16. 



154 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



52. Daughter of Thomas Smith and Cassandra Hatch, according to Nantucket vital records. 
The History of Contra Costa County (1926), published by the Historic Record Co. (prob- 
ably), incorrectly reports that Eliza was born in Nantucket (p. 238). 

53. Vol. 44, p. 503; October 4th. 

54. Vol. 45, pp. 14-15; October 16th. 

55. Ernest Caulfield, "Comiecticut Gravestones Xlll: The Kimballs," Markers VIII (1991), 202. 

56. Vol. 65, p. 282; vs. Levi Atwood of Great Barrington. 

57. Vol. 45, p. 443; September 6th; $10.00 from Peleg Macy. 

58. Vol. 45, p. 459; September 9th; he bought eighteen more sheep commons for $13.50 in 
1847;Vol. 47, p. 331. 

59. Vol. 46, p. 47; $1050; December 4th; from James Tufts of Boston. 

60. Vol. 48, pp. 436-37; July 13th. 

61. $132.00 paid, and received; bought from Cromwell Barnard on July 25th; Vol. 48, p. 16; 
sold June 16th to Charles H. Clark; Vol. 48, p. 260. 

62. Berkshire Co. deeds; Vol. 117, p. 272. 

63. Vol. 74, p. 67. 

64. I found payments to C. F. Winslow (once, in 1852) and Charles H. Robinson (five times, 
1853 to 1858) (see Appendix II (f )). Robinson is also listed as a marble-worker in the 1856 
MassacJuisetts Business Directory and in the 1858 Wallings map of Nantucket (living on 
Fair Street). 

65. Tlie obituary in the Contra Costa Gazette in April, 1886 reports that John Sturgis, or "'Uncle 
John,' as he was familiarly known," arrived in Martinez, California "early in 1850," and 
that, after his wife died, he had "resided in various localities on the coast." 

66. History of Contra Costa County, California, with a preface by J. R Munro-Frasier (San Fran- 
cisco, CA: W. A. Slocum and Company, 1882). 

67. Ibid., 390; 678. Martinez: A California Town (RSI Publications, 1986) mentions the Hotel de 
Steward; information regarding William Jones' full name and occupation was obtained 
from Charlene Perry of the Martinez Museum. 

68. Nantucket vital records indicate that Josiah's wife Eliza "went to California in 1857"; this 
is confirmed by her obitviary notice in the Contra Costa Gazette. 

69. Berkshire Co. deeds; Vol. 115, p. 116. This might be the same land on which was situated 
"The Old Red Lion." 



James Blachowicz 155 

70. Contra Costa County; Martinez township #1; p. 49. 

71 . Records of Grace Episcopal Church, Martinez. 

72. History of Contra Costa County, California, 131. 

73. Obitviary, Contra Costa Gazette, September 26, 1885. That he owned a mine is information 
communicated in a letter from his granddaughter Carrie Cutler, McLenegan's grandson's 
wife, Janet S. McLenegan, to the Martinez museum (still in their files) in 1988. 

74. The Historic Record Company history of Contra Costa County, p. 178. 

75. Ibid., p. 238. 

76. If the photo in Fig. 5 was indeed taken after the earthquake of 1868, and if this photo was 
taken at the same time as the photo of the two men on the porch of the hotel, then the 
man on the left would probably not be Josiah Sturgis, for Josiah was only fifty-two that 
year - too young, it seems, to be the man on the left. Evidence that the two photos were 
taken at the same time comes from the two men seated on the porch in Fig. 5, who may 
be the same men as in Fig. 6 (in reversed position); one can discern the white shirt under 
the neck of the man on the left - rather like that of the man on the right in Fig. 6 - and the 
shape and attitude of the hats seems right as well. So perhaps Josiah is the man on the 
right, and the man on the left might be his older brother John Sturgis, who would have 
been sixty-one in 1868. But this would depend both on the supposition that the two pho- 
tos are contemporaneous and that the photo in Fig. 5 was indeed taken on the occasion of 
the 1868 earthquake. 

77. Lee vital records show John Sturgis marrying a Mary Loomis in 1834; and there is a Mary 
Sturges who died of consumption in Martinez in 1856. She is listed, along with Josiah and 
John, in the 1852 California census for Martinez, evidently having arrived before Josiah's 
family, who came in 1857. 

78. Contra Costa County Court Records; Document 1, B38, Smith. 

79. Contra Costa Gazette, September 15, 1917. 

80. An almost identical stone, also signed, is that for Timothy Snow (1812) in Becket. 

81 . Rachel Fames, in Becket. 

82. Such as on that for Absalom Bunker (1835) on Nantucket. 

83. For Betsey Hoxie in eastern Sandwich; unhappily, this stone has broken into three large 
pieces and has been cemented back together, propped up (in 1998) by board-struts front 
and back. 

84. Such as on the early signed stone for Captain Ezra Marvin (1811). 

85. Vol. 77, p. 94. 



156 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



86. Falmouth, Sandwich and Nantucket vital records reveal the following: Theodore was 
born in about 1778, the son of John Fish and the grandson of Nathaniel; he died in 
Sandwich on November 26, 1853. Mercy was born in about 1770 and was the daughter 
of Jabez Meiggs, who died in 1798, and Lurana Dimmick of Falmouth. Theodore Fish 
and Mercy Meiggs were married in Falmouth on November 1, 1800. Other children: 
Sabra (29 September 1801-?); Theodore (3 November 1806-?), married Adeline Butler 
of Edgartown in 1836; Joseph Robinson (10 October 1808-1838), who had a dry goods 
store on Nantticket; Lurana Meiggs (27 September 1810-3 December 1839), married 
Thomas Jefferson Coffin on Nantucket in 1836; Mercy H. (1814-4 May 1816); Edmund 
Meiggs (4 December 1815-20 November 1840), died at sea; and Silvester Holmes (12 
December 1820-?), who also resided in Edgartown. 

87. July 1st. A piece of cleared land was also purchased; both from Charles Nye and Ezra 
Tobey of Sandwich for $342.74; Vol. 6, p. 19. 

88. Their intention to marry is published on November 5, 1828 (vital records of Sandwich). 

89. The publication of their intention to marry as well as a vital record in Yarmouth both 
report that Jabez's wife Sarah S. was bom in Lee in 1804; her Yarmouth death record has 
her father as William. 

90. Yarmouth vital records. Yet his death record has him born on Nantucket. 

91 . Lurana M. Fisher married Thomas Jefferson Coffin on Nantucket on June 6, 1836 (Nan- 
tucket vital records). 

92. Vol. 22, p. 61; August 18th; from a Benjamin Freeman of Boston. 

93. $75.00; December 27th; Vol. 37, p. 34. This is witnessed by their brother Sylvester; but 
Sylvester is listed as a tailor in Edgartown in an 1856 business directory, and is with his 
brother Theodore there in 1858. 

94. With a three-year term; April 5th; to Solomon C. Rowland; Vol. 20, p. 71. 

95. For $800.00; April 4th; Vol. 22, p. 61. 

96. Nantucket Probate Vol. 15; pp. 66, 119, 185. 

97. Notice in the Nantucket Inquirer; August 8, 1838. 

98. July 25th; $75.00; to Samuel Woodward, the same person to whom Josiah Sturgis sold 
his third of a shop later that year; Vol. 39, p. 386. 

99. $400.00; January 14th; Vol. 22, p. 178. 

100. Vital Records of Yarmouth. There is also a William Sydney Fisher, a printer, living in 
Yarmouth, who is married to Elizabeth F. Flallet; they had at least four children between 
1840 and 1 846. This cannot be Jabez's son, William S. Fisher the stonecutter, who would 
have been too young. 



James Blachowicz 157 

101 . His gravestone in Orleans was carved by his son. 

102. June 13th; $900.00; Vol. 177, p. 404. 

103. Vol. 3, p. 340. 

104. $340.00 over 20 months; December 17th; Vol. 43, pp. 215-17. 

105. p. 267. This record lists him as "David M. Fisher" rather than "Jabez"; undoubtedly the 
enumerator made a phonetic mistake ("Jabez" is pronounced "JAY-biz" - enough like 
"David" to make such an error); he is correctly recorded as "Jabez" in the 1850 census. 

106. January 7th; Vol. 46, p. 368. 

107. March 28, 1856; Vol. 60, p. 349. 

108. September 26th; $100.00; from Hannah Hedge; Vol. 62, p. 407. 

109. April 7, 1862; $80.00; Vol. 63, p. 271. 

110. April 15th; $30.00; to Elihu Fish of Sandwich; Vol. 68, p. 52. 

111. July 5th; Vol. 93, p. 205. 

112. Jabez sold another small piece of land abutting this lot to Ezra Howes on June 19, 1875 
for$33.00;Vol. 120, p. 533. 

113. See Yarmouth: Old Homes and Gathering Phice (Yarmouth, MA: Yarmouth Historical Com- 
mission, 1989), p. 39. 

114. Yarmouth vital records. 

115. February 11th; for $1500.00 to Benjamin Hawes; Vol. 116, p. 184. 

116. Vital records of Yarmouth. 

117. Her death record has her age as thirty-one; but if she was born in 1832, she would have 
been about thirty-four. 

1 18. Yarmouth Register; March 1, 1873; his death record lists his occupation with his address 
given as San Joao Avenue. 

1 19. Vital records of Yarmouth. 

1 20. John Baker (1851), which is both signed by and probated to Jabez, and Jonathan Crocker 
(1885). 

121. Rachel C. Cornish (1855) (New North Cemetery), Jane Hussey (1856) (New North), Su- 
san W. Archibald (1863) (Old North), and John Maxcy (1863) (Newtown). 



158 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 

122. Henry Kendrick (1852) (People's Cemetery), probably carved by Oliver N. Lirmell. 

123. Samuel Emery, Jr. (1853) (Union Cemetery). 

124. Capt. Daniel Hooker (1856). 

125. See James Blachowicz, "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape 
Cod," Markers XV (1998), Fig. 32. 



James Blachowicz 



159 



APPENDIX I 



Relevant Burial Grounds 



All are in Massachusetts. 

For locations of burial grounds on Cape Cod, see Marjorie Hubbell 
Gibson, Historical and Genealogical Atlas and Guide to Barnstable County, 
Mass. (Falmouth, MA: Falmouth Genealogical Society, 1995). 



1. Acushnet (Acusluiet) 

2. Barnstable (Cobb's Hill) 

3. Barnstable (Lothrop) 

4. Barnstable (Sandy Hill) 

5. Becket (Becket Center) 

6. Blandford 

7. Bourne (Monument Beach) 

8. Bourne (Old Bourne) 

9. Brewster (Evergreen) 

10. Brewster (First Parish) 

11. Brewster (Pine Grove) 

12. Brewster (Redtop) 

13. Bridgewater (Central Square) 

14. Cataumet (Cataumet) 

15. Cedarville (Herring Pond Rd.) 

16. Cedarville (Long Pond Rd; baseball 
field) 

17. Centerville (Beechwood) 

18. Centerville (Congregational) 

19. Chatham (Old South) 

20. Chatham (People's) 

21. Chatham (Seaside) 

22. Chatham (Union) 

23. Chilmark 

24. Cotuit (Old Mosswood) 

25. Cummaquid 

26. Dennis (Howes) 

27. Dennis (Rte 6A) 

28. Dennis Port (Swan Lake) 

29. East Dennis (Quivet) 

30. Eastham (Evergeen) 

31. East Harwich (Evergreen) 

32. East Harwich (Old First Methodist) 

33. East Harwich (Union) 

34. East Sandwich (Cedarville) 

35. Edgartown (Westside) 

36. Falmouth (Methodist) 

37. Falmouth (Oak Grove) 

38. Falmouth (Old Burying Ground) 



39. Farmersville (S. Sandwich) 

40. Forestdale (Rte. 130) 

41. Granville (Center) 

42. Harwich (Cong. Ch.) 

43. Hatchville (East End) 

44. Hyannis (Baptist) 

45. Hyannis (Universalist) 

46. Kingston (Evergreen) 

47. Kingston (Main St.) 

48. Lee (Fairmont) 

49. Marion (Little Neck) 

50. Marstons Mills 

51. Middleborough (Purchade) 

52. Middleborough (South 
Middleborough) 

53. Nantucket (Mill Hill) 

54. Nantvicket (New North) 

55. Nantucket (Newtown) 

56. Nantucket (Old North) 

57. Nantucket (Prospect Hill) 

58. North Falmouth 

59. Norton (Newcomb) 

60. Oak Bluffs (Oak Grove) 

61. Orleans (Meeting House Rd.) 

62. Osterville (Hillside) 

63. Plymouth (Burial Hill) 

64. Plymouth (Chiltonville) 

65. Provincetown (Gilford) 

66. Provincetown (Hamilton) 

67. Sagamore 

68. Sandwich (Bay View) 

69. Sandwich (Freeman) 

70. Sandwich (Mt. Hope) 

71. Sandwich (Old) 

72. Sandwich (Spring Hill) 

73. South Chatham 

74. South Dennis (Ancient) 

75. South Dennis (Cong. Ch.) 

76. South Harwich 



160 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



77. South Yarmouth (Baptist) 

78. South Yarmouth (Georgetown) 

79. South Yarmouth (Pine Grove) 

80. Tisbury (Holmes) 

81. Tisbury (South End) 

82. Tisbury (Village) 

83. Truro (First Cong. Ch.) 

84. Truro (Old North) 

85. Truro (Methodist) 

86. Truro (Pine Grove) 

87. Waquoit (Bayview) 

88. Wareham (Agawam) 



89. Wareham (Center) 

90. Wellfleet (Duck Creek) 

91. West Barnstable 

92. West Dennis (Crowell) 

93. West Harwich (Baptist) 

94. West Tisbury (Lamberts Cove) 

95. West Tisbviry (West Tisbury) 

96. West Yarmouth (Woodside) 

97. Woods Hole (Village) 

98. Yarmouth (Ancient) 

99. Yarmouth (Woodside) 



James Blachowicz 



161 



APPENDIX II 

Probated and Signed Gravestones 

The entry after each name is the volume and page number of the probate 
record, followed by years of death and probate settlement. If the date of 
death is not given, the stone was not located. 

^Records which specifically mention gravestones. 

(a) William Sturgis: 

Probated: (Berkshire Co.)^ 



*Isaac Howk (#2369; 1805, 1812), Lee 
*RoIand Thatcher, Jr. (#2640; 1809, 1810), 

Pittsfield 
*Joseph Morgan (#2661; 1809, 1810), 

Becket 



*Solomon King (#2662; 1809, 1811), Becket 
*Jesse Bradley (#2930; 1812, 1812), Lee 
*Jared Bradley (#3178; 1814, 1814), Lee 



'These six records communicated to me by Robert Drinkwater 

Probated: (Barnstable Co.) 

Ezra H. Burgess (61:362; 1842, 1842), Sandwich 
^Jonathan Burr (61:568; 1842, 1844), Sandwich 

Probated: (Nantucket Co.) 



Charles E. Phillips (14:555; 1836, 1837), Nanhjcket 



Signed:^ 

Marther Thacher (1806), Barnstable 
Capt. Ezra Marvin (1811), Granville 
Dr. Oliver Brewster (1812), Becket 
Jane Dimmick (1812), Falmouth 
Timothy Snow (1812), Becket 
^Abigail Knox (1825), Blandford 



Kezia Gorham (1827), Nanhicket 
Celia Dimmick (1834), Falmouth 
Sally Hamblen (1834), Yarmouth 
Seth Robinson (1834), Hatchville 
Eben W. Tallant (1834), Nantucket 
Betsey Hoxie (1843), Sandwich 



'signed stones in Becket, Blandford, and Granville uncovered by Robert Drinkwater 
^signed "W. & T. Sturges Lee, Mass" 



162 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



(b) Josiah Sturgis: 

Probated: (Barnstable Co.) 

^Noah Davis (61:466; 1840, 1843), 
Falmouth 

Probated: (Nantucket Co.) 

Thomas V. McCleve (15:139; 1837, 1838), 

Nantucket 
George W. Ewer (15:391; 1839, 1840), 

Nantucket 
3James Morse (15:398; 1839, 1840), 

Nantucket 
Thomas HiUer (15:499; 1839, 1841), 

Nantucket 
Laban Cottle (16:4; 1841, 1841), Nantucket 
Henry Riddell (16:36; 1840, 1842), 

Nantucket 
William Coffin (16:103; 1841, 1842), 

Nantucket 
David Swain (16:135; 1841, 1842), 

Nantucket 
Eliza Ann Gardner (16:231; 1843, 1843), 

Nantucket 



'"Mr. Sturgis" (more likely Josiah than John Sttirgis) 

^"Joseph Sturgis" 

^"J. Stergess" 

^"for stone posts and setting" 

Signed: 

Walter Baxter (1838), Hyannis 

note: despite this signatvire, this stone was probably carved by William Sturgis 



Probated: (Plymouth Co.) 

^Braddock Dimmuck (90:436; 1845, 1848), 
Falmouth 



"T. G. Clapp (16:235; 1842, 1843), 

Nantucket 
Mary Myrick (16:283; 1844, 1844), 

Nantucket 
William Brown (16:304; 1840, 1844), 

Nantucket 
Anna Folger (17:165; 1846, 1846), 

Nantucket 
Solomon Smith (17:195; 1835, 1847), 

Nantucket 
Aaron Holmes (17:369; 1847, 1848), 

Nantucket 
Edward J. Pompey (17:451; 1848, 1849), 

Nantucket 



(c) John Sturgis: 

Probated: (Barnstable Co.) 

Deliverance Baty (77:240; 1848, 1849), Sandwich 
payment to "J. Sturgess and Co." 



James Blachowicz 



163 



(d) Jabez M. Fisher: 

Probated: (Barnstable Co.) 

*Isaac Weekes (61:381; 1841, 1842), S. 

Chatham 
*Alvah Nickerson (61:482; 1842, 1844), S. 

Dennis 
*Benoni Baker (61:569; 1844, 1845), S. 

Yarmouth 
Sally Small (77:132; 1847, 1848), Harwich 
*Israel Nickerson (77:195; 1847, 1848), S. 

Dennis 
*Abram Hedge (77:235; 1848, 1849), 

Yarmouth 
*Elijah Dyer (77:254; , 1849), 

Provincetown 
*Gorham Baker (77:267; 1847, 1850), S. 

Dennis 
*Nathan F. Sears (77:296; 1848, 1850), E. 

Dennis 
*Amos Whorf (77:340; 1849, 1851), 

Provincetown 
"Alexander Howes (77:391; 1849, 1851), 

Dennis 
*Darius Weekes (77:417-8; 1849, 1852), S. 

Harwich 
'Isaac Hinckley (77:475; 1850, 1852), 

Barnstable 
*Samuel S. Crocker (77:509;1851,1853), 

Cummaquid 
*Daniel F. Small (85:95; , 1853), 

Provincetown 
*Arthur Hallet (85:133; 1852, 1855), 

Yarmouth 
Hannah Baker (85:142, 390; 1851, 1855), S. 

Dennis 



^Gideon Crowell (85:198; 1855, 1856), S. 

Yarmouth 
*John Baker (85:227; 1854, 1856), Brewster 

(signed) 
*Michael Burgess (85:363; 1857, 1858), 

Harwich 
*Elisha Baker (85:371; 1852, 1858), S. 

Yarmouth 
*Ebenezer Turner (85:404; , 1858), 

Barnstable 
*Sally Baker (#4220; 1861, 1861), S. Dennis 
"Thankful Hall (#4288; , 1861), Yarmouth 
"Joshua Eldridge (#4424; ,1863), 

Yarmouth 
"Gideon Hall (#4442; 1862, 1863) Dennis 
"Elnathan Lewis (#4469; 1862, 1864), 

Yarmouth 
"Nancy Freeman (#4577; , 1863), 

Brewster 
"Washington Baker (#4672; 1864, 1865), 

Yarmouth 
"^Jesse Freeman (#4893; 1865, 1868), 

Provincetown 
"William Hall (#4902; , 1866), Yarmouth 
Waterman Crocker (#5023; 1866,1868), 

Provincetown 
"Frederick Dunbar (#5034; 1866, 1868), 

Yarmouth 
"Nathan Howes (#5368; 1868, 1868), 

Dennis 



'includes apaymentof $1.44 to "A. Fisher," perhaps Jabez's daughter Arietta, who was 

20 at the time, 
-payment includes the stone for his wife, 
^payment is for stones for Jesse's wife Hannah, who died in 1868 and is buried beside 

her husband. 



Signed: 

Marshall Ryder (1839), Chatham 

Mary Bearse (1844), Hyannis 

John Baker (1854), Brewster (probated also) 

Samuel W. Baxter (1858), W. Harwich 

Benjamin Handy (1859), Hyannis 



Capt. Theophilus Adams (1863), Marstons 

MiUs 
David Lewis (1869), W. Dennis 
Temperance Crocker (1872), Barnstable 



164 Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 

(e) William S. Fisher: 

Signed: 

Catherine Loring ( 1 888), Barnstable 
Rebecca Bartlett (1889), Cummaquid 

(£) Other Carvers Relevant to this Study: 
C. F. Winslow: 

Probated: (Nantucket Co.) 

*Eliza Jones (18:322; 1851, 1852), Nantucket 

Charles H. Robinson: 

Probated: (Nantucket Co.) 

*Tamar Starbuck (18:406; 1852, 1853), Nantucket 
Benjamin Whipple, Jr. (18:486; , 1854), Nantucket 
Benjamin Folger (19:163; , 1855), Nantucket 
Nancy [L?]uce (19:251; , 1856), Nantucket 
*Susan C. Paddock (19:487; , 1858), Nantucket 



James Blachowicz 



165 



APPENDIX III 

Gravestones of William Sturgis and Josiah Sturgis (partial list) 

This list is complete for gravestones on Cape Cod. 

The number in parentheses following each entry indicates the burial 

ground (See Appendix I). 
Probated stones are in bold. Signed stones are in italics. 
For stones with multiple burials, the name of the person with the latest 

date of burial is listed. 



(a) William Sturgis: 










1774 Watson, Ruth 


Becket (5) 


1806 


West, Thankful 


Lee (48) 


1782 Backus, Nathaniel 


Lee (48) 


1809 


Fames, Rachel 


Becket (5) 


1790 Standly, Samuel 


Lee (48) 


1809 


King, Solomon 


Becket (5) 


1791 Winegar,Zach 


Lee (48) 


1809 


Morgan, Joseph 


Becket (5) 


1794 Shjrgis, Abigail 


Sandwich (71) 


1809 


Thatcher, Roland Ji 


■. Pittsfield 


1796 Basett,Mary 


Lee (48) 


1810 


Bradley, Mamry 


Lee (48) 


1796 Coffin, Capt. 


Edgartown (35) 


1811 


Dimmick, George 


Falmouth (38) 


Thomas 




1811 


Marvin, Capt. Ezra 


Granville (41) 


1796 Crocker, Joseph 


Lee (48) 


1811 


Norton, Cornelius 


W. Tisbury (95) 


1796 Porter, Kimball 


Lee (48) 


1811 


Sparrow, Dea. 


Orleans (61) 


1797 Ball, Nathan 


Lee (48) 




Richard 




1797 Freeman, Anna 


Becket (5) 


1812 


Bradley, Capt. Jess( 


; Lee (48) 


1798 Crocker, Zemiah 


Lee (48) 


1812 


Brewster, Dr. Oliver 


Becket (5) 


1798 Dimmick, Joseph 


Falmouth (38) 


1812 


Crosby, Martha 


Lee (48) 


1798 Hamblin, Benjamin 


Lee (48) 


1812 


Dimmick, Jane 


Falmouth (38) 


1798 Wadsworth, 


Becket (5) 


1812 


Jenkins, Elizabeth 


Hatchville (43) 


Jonathan 




1812 


Snow, Timothy 


Becket (5) 


1798 Winegar,Caty 


Lee (48) 


1813 


Jenkins, Rachel 


Hatchville (43) 


1798 Winegar,John 


Lee (48) 


1813 


Norton, Lot 


Edgartown (35) 


1799 Tobey, Remember 


Lee (48) 


1813 


Sturges, Elizabeth 


Lee (48) 


1799 Vandusen, Lowrance Lee (48) 


1813 


Thatcher, Dea. 


Lee (48) 


1799 Wadsworth, 


Becket (5) 




Roland 




Rebeckah 




1814 


Bradley, Jared 


Lee (48) 


1800 Anderson, Samuel 


Blandford (6) 


1814 


Freese, John 


Lee (48) 


1800 Church, Daniel 


Lee (48) 


1814 


Rose, Elisha 


Granville (41) 


1800 Davis, Ebenezer 


Hatchville (43) 


1815 


Davis, Judith 


Hatchville (43) 


1800 Ingersoll, Lucinda 


Lee (48) 


1815 


Fellows, Susan O. 


Edgartown (35) 


1802 Knox, Capt. William 


1 Blandford (6) 


1815 


Ingersoll, William 


Lee (48) 


1803 Foot, Jonathan 


Lee (48) 


1815 


Wadsworth, Hannah Becket (5) 


1803 Gillet, Hannorah 


Becket (5) 


1816 


Perkins, Mary 


Becket (5) 


1803 Waters, Oliver 


Granville (41) 


1816 


Sturges, Eliza 


Lee (48) 


1804 Ingersoll, Lydia 


Lee (48) 


1816 


Sturges, Lydia 


Lee (48) 


1805 Howk, Isaac 


Lee (48) 


1816 


West, Dea. Oliver 


Lee (48) 


1805 Seymour, Abigail 


Granville (41) 


1817 


Chadwick, 


Lee (48) 


1806 Thacher, Marther 


Barnstable (2) 




Bathsheba 





166 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



1817 Dimmick, Capt. Lot 
1817 Gibbons, Philomena 

1817 Fellows, Sally 

1818 Fellows, Electa B. 

1819 Mayhew, Tristram 

1820 Cleaveland, Susan 
1820 Crosby John 

1820 Luce, Capt. Jason 

1821 Bradley Joseph J. 
1821 Fellows, Fienry 
1821 Phinney, Levi 
1821 Rose, Aaron 

1821 Shirges, Nehemiah 

1822 Bourne, Timothy 
1822 Clark, Anna 
1822 Gibbons, Peter 
1822 Hinckley Dea. 

Edmund 
1822 Perry, Solomon 

1822 Smith, Rhoda 

1823 Chase, Elizabeth 
1823 Chase, Mary 
1823 Chipman,Mary 
1823 Freeman, Elisha 

1823 Hine, William N. 

1824 Cooley Louisa Maria 
1824 Dimmick, Zereviah 
1824 Fellows, Fiiram Fl. 
1824 Garfield, Abigail 
1824 Fiinckley Content 
1824 Jones, Roland 
1824 Luce, Elizabeth 
1824 Manchester, 

Harriet A. 

1824 Swift, Stephen 

1825 Dimmick, Jabez 
1825 Handy Asa 
1825 Leonard, Harriet 
1825 Little, Maria 
1825 Nye, Levi 
1825'- Knox, Abigail 

1 825 Snow, Robinson 
1825 Sparrow, Thomas 
1825 Spring, Mary 

1825 Stvirgis, William 

1826 Hillman, Stephen 

1827 Bourne, Thankful 
1827 Coe, Rachel 
1827 Dimmick, Mercy 
1827 Gorham, Kezia 
1827 Lawrence, Sarah 



Falmouth (38) 
Granville (41) 
Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
Lee (48) 
Edgartown (35) 
Lee (48) 
Edgartown (35) 
Cohiit (24) 
Granville (41) 
Lee (48) 
Hatchville (43) 
Nantucket (57) 
Granville (41) 
Lee (48) 

Bourne (8) 
Blandford (6) 
Nantucket (56) 
Nantucket (56) 
Sandwich (72) 
Lee (48) 
Becket (5) 
Granville (41) 
Falmouth (38) 
Edgartown (35) 
Lee (48) 
Lee (48) 
Edgartown (35) 
Tisbury(81) 
Tisbury (82) 

Bourne (8) 
Falmouth (38) 
Cotuit (24) 
Wareham (88) 
Becket (5) 
Lee (48) 
Blandford (6) 
Hatchville (43) 
Orleans (61) 
Sagamore (67) 
Lee (48) 
Chilmark (23) 
Falmouth (36) 
Granville (41) 
Falmouth (38) 
Nanhicket (57) 
Falmouth (38) 



1827 
1828^ 
1828 
1828 
1828 
1828 
1828 



Luce, Ruth 
Fisher, Mercy 
Homer, Joseph 
Homer, Thankful 
Norton, Deborah 
Norton, Tristram 
Nye, Alvin 



1828 Spelman, Almon 

1829 Benson, Martin 
1829 Gibbs, Experience 
1829 Lambert, Bathsheba 
1829 Whippey Eliza L. 

1829 Worth, Jethro 

1830 Baker, Deforest 



1830 
1830 
1830 
1830 
1831 
1831 
1831 
1831 
1831 



Cleaveland, Mary 
Coffin, Mary 
Pease, Lydia 
Sparrow, Richard 
Burgess, Seth 
Davis, Ebenezer 
Dimmick, Anna 
Fish, David W. 
Nye, Bradley V. 



1831 Snow, Osborn 

1831 Tupper, Grace 

1832 Bassett, Nathaniel 
1832 Bearse, Hannah 
1832 Bourne, Frances 
1832 Bourne, Mary Ann 
1832 Burgess, Stephen 
1832 Burgess, Theophilus 
1832 Fisher, Ephraim 
1832 Freeman, Sarah 
1832 Gibbs, Agness 
1832 Hatch, Bethiah 
1832 Hatch, Hannah C. 
1832 Kingsley Alethea 
1832 Lawrence, Mary S. 

1832 Lester, Samuel 
1832 Lloyd, Sarah Ann 
1832 Robinson, Hannah 
1832 Sherman, Hannah J. 

1832 Stevens, Cpt. 
Benjamin 

1833 Lloyd, Sarah Ann 
1833 Fisher, Simeon 
1833 Freeman, Abner 



Edgartown (35) 
Forestdale (40) 
Brewster (12) 
Brewster (12) 
Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
N. Falmouth 
(58) 

Granville (41) 
Plymouth (63) 
Bourne (8) 
Bourne (8) 
Nanhjcket (56) 
Edgartown (35) 
W. Harwich 
(93) 

Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
Edgartown (35) 
Orleans (61) 
Harwich (42) 
Hatchville (43) 
Falmouth (38) 
Falmouth (38) 
N. Falmouth 
(58) 

Harwich (42) 
Sagamore (67) 
E. Harwich (32) 
Cotuit (24) 
Hatchville (43) 
Falmouth (38) 
Harwich (42) 
Harwich (42) 
Forestdale (40) 
Orleans (61) 
Blandford (6) 
Falmouth (38) 
Hatchville (43) 
Becket (5) 
Farmersville 
(39) 

Becket (5) 
Sandwich (71) 
Hatchville (43) 
Hatchville (43) 
Lee (48) 

Sandwich (71) 
Nantucket (56) 
Orleans (61) 



James Blachowicz 



167 



1833 Merchant, Deborah 


Edgartown (35) 


1835 


Holbrook, Mary 


Sandwich (71) 


1833 Merchant, Eliza J. 


Edgartown (35) 


1835 


Jenkins, Eliza 


Nantucket (56) 


1833 Morse, Joann 


Edgartown (35) 


1835 


Jenkins, Joseph 


Hatchville (43) 


1834 Bayliss, Thomas L. 


Edgartown (35) 


1835 


Luce, Dea. Timothy 


W. Tisbury (95) 


1834 Bennett, Celia T. 


Nantucket (56) 


1835 


Mooers, Jonathan 


Nantucket (56) 


1834 Bennett, Lydia 


Bourne (7) 


1835 


Morse, Uriah 


Edgartown (35) 


1834 Boyden, Jesse 


Sandwich (70) 


1835 


Norton, Henry 


Edgartown (35) 


[daugh] 




1835 


Pinkham, Catharine 


Nantucket (57) 


1834 Butler, Charles 


Edgartown (35) 




W 




1834 Chipman, Josiah 


Sandwich (72) 


1835 


Robinson, Sarah 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Clark, Abiah 


Becket (5) 


1835 


Sampson, Joseph W. 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Coffin, Anna 


Nantucket (56) 


1835 


Small, Priscilla 


Harwich (42) 


1834 Dimmick, Celia 


Falmouth (38) 


1835 


Snow, Jane 


Yarmouth (99) 


1834 Cottle, Margaret 


W. Tisbury (94) 


1835 


Swift, Stephen 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Ellis, Jonathan 


Bourne (8) 


1835 


Webb, Sarah 


Nanhicket (56) 


1834 Fisher, Eunice 


Edgartown (35) 


1835 


Weeks, Octavius 


W. Tisbury (94) 


1834 Hamblen, Sally 


Yarmouth (98) 


1836 


Arey, Catherine 


Yarmouth (99) 


1834 Jenkins, Weston 


Falmouth (37) 


1836 


Bourne, Mary 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Johnson, Fear D. 


Forestdale (40) 


1836 


Bunting, Capt. James 


Edgartown (35) 


1834 Lawrence, Shadrach 


Falmouth (37) 


1836 


Chipman, Benjamin Sandwich (72) 


1834 Lloyd, James 


Sandwich (71) 


1836 


Crowel, Reuben 


N. Falmouth 


1834 Mayhew, Mathew 


Edgartown (35) 






(58) 


1834 Nickerson, Lydia 


S. Harwich (76) 


1836 


Davis, Francis 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Norton, Cordelia 


Edgartown (35) 


1836 


Dimmick, Sarah 


Falmouth (38) 


1834 Orpin, Isaac [wife] 


Nantucket (56) 


1836 


Doty, Elizabeth 


Hatchville (43) 


1834 Percival, James L. 


Farmersville 


1836 


Fisher, Sarah Bartlett 


Nantucket (56) 




(39) 


1836 


Godfrey, Edward A. 


S. Harwich (76) 


1834 Phinney, Mary 


Hatchville (43) 


1836 


Nickerson, Leonard 


Chatham (21) 


1834 Phinney, Naome 


Cotuit (24) 


1836 


Norton, Tristram 


Edgartown (35) 


1834 Robinson, Charles 


Hatchville (43) 


1836 


Pease, Mary 


Edgartown (35) 


1834 Ryder, Kimball 


Chatham (20) 


1836 


Phillips, Charles E. 


Nanbjcket (57) 


1834 Sampson, William 


Cotuit (24) 


1836 


Robinson, Seth 


Hatchville (43) 


1834 Sturgis, Ebenezer 


Lee (48) 


1836 


Skiff, Rufus 


Sagamore (67) 


1834 Tallani, Eben W. 


Nanhjcket (57) 


1836 


Weston, Phebe 


Sandwich (71) 


1834 Tilton,Asa 


Chilmark (23) 


1837 


Baker, Job 


Hatchville (43) 


1834 Tobey, Capt. Henry 


Sandwich (71) 


1837 


Chase, Mercy 


Orleans (61) 


1834 Whitman, Phebe 


Bridgewater 


1837 


Fish, Isaiah 


Forestdale (40) 




(13) 


1837 


Fisher, Jonathan 


Edgartown (35) 


1834 Williams, Lydia E. 


Becket (5) 


1837 


Hatch, Betsey 


Hatchville (43) 


1835 Atheam, Susan 


Edgartown (35) 


1837 


Jenkins, Celia F. 


Falmouth (37) 


1835 Bennett, Almira 


Bourne (7) 


1837 


Marstons, Sarah 


Sandwich (72) 


1835 Bunker, Absalom 


Nantucket (56) 


1837 


Mooers, Hannah 


Nanhicket (56) 


1835 Chipman, Delia 


Sandwich (72) 


1837 


Sherman, Lydia 


Orleans (61) 


1835 Davis, Hannah 


Falmouth (38) 


1838 


Benson, Charity 


Sagamore (67) 


1835 Davis, Susanna 


Falmouth (38) 


1838 


Burgess, Hannah 


Harwich (42) 


1835 Dimmick, Fear 


Forestdale (40) 


1838 


Crosby, Eliza 


Orleans (61) 


1835 Fellows, Hermione 


Edgartown (35) 


1838 


Crowell, Capt. 


Dennis (27) 


1835 Fish, Elizabeth C. 


Nantucket (56) 




Nathan 




1835 Fisher, Bethiah 


Forestdale (40) 


1838 


Davis, John 


Falmouth (38) 


1835 Fisher, Eliza 


Forestdale (40) 


1838 


Davis, Susanna 


Falmouth (38) 


1835 Cwinn, Capt. James 


Nantucket (56) 


1838 


Eld red, Abiel 


Falmouth (38) 



168 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



1838 Ewer, Mary 


Nantucket (54) 


1840 


Hillman, Elijah 


Tisbury (82) 


1838 Hamblen, Thomas 


Yarmouth (99) 


1840 


Luce, Jane 


Edgartown (35) 


W. 




1840 


Percival, Hannah C. 


Farmersville 


1838 Lawrence, Joseph 


Falmouth (38) 






(39) 


1838 Norton, Rhoda 


Oak Bluffs (60) 


1840 


Perry, Charles 


Sandwich (72) 


1838 Pease, Sally 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1840 


Phinney, Anna 


Waquoit (87) 


1838 PhineyAbish 


Hatchville (43) 


1840 


Roberts, Chloe 


Edgartown (35) 


1838 Rogers, Joseph 


Orleans (61) 


1840 


Robinson, Ann H. 


Falmouth (38) 


1838 Snow, Capt. Thomas 


Harwich (42) 


1840 


Robinson, Lucy 


Woods Hole 


1838 Sparrow, Dea. Seth 


Orleans (61) 






(97) 


1838 Tripp, Barbary W. 


W. Harwich 


1840 


Smith, Ebenezer 


Oak Bluffs (60) 




(93) 


1840 


Swain, Mary Abby 


Nantucket (56) 


1839 Bourne, Elizabeth 


Hatchville (43) 


1840 


Swift, Harriet R. 


Falmouth (38) 


1839 Chipman, Josiah 


Sandwich (70) 


1840 


Tinkham, Hannah 


Sandwich (70) 


1839 Comings, Benjamin 


Orleans (61) 


1840 


Tobey, Nancy H. 


Sandwich (71) 


1839 Crocker, Temperance Cotuit (24) 


1840 


Weston, Seth 


Sandwich (70) 


1839 Eldred,Mary 


N. Falmouth 


1841 


Bourne, Hannah 


Bourne (8) 




(58) 


1841 


Chadwick, Emeline 


Hatchville (43) 


1839 Fish, Sarah H. 


Sandwich (72) 




C. 




1839 Freeman, Cpt. 


Orleans (61) 


1841 


Coffin, Henry 


Edgartown (35) 


Jonathan 




1841 


Crocker, Braddock 


Cotuit (24) 


1839 Goodwin, Ezra 


Sandwich (71) 


1841 


Eldridge, Sanyra 


S. Harwich (76) 


1839 Harding, Deborah 


Chatham (19) 


1841 


Freeman, Capt. 


E. Sandwich 


1839 Hatch, William 


Hatchville (43) 




Thomas 


(34) 


1839 Higgins, Eliakim 


Orleans (61) 


1841 


Hall, Asenouth 


Waquoit (87) 


1839 Jones, AbbyE. 


Sandwich (69) 


1841 


Hamblin, Charles H. 


Sandwich (72) 


1839 Jones, Francis F. 


Sandwich (69) 


1841 


Hancock, John 


Chilmark (23) 


1839 Lawrence, Josephine 


Falmouth (38) 


1841 


Jenkins, Daniel 


Hatchville (43) 


1839 Nye,Lydia 


E. Sandwich 


1841 


Lawrence, Shubael 


Hatchville (43) 




(34) 


1841 


Mayhew, Eunice 


Chilmark (23) 


1839 Nye, Mary 


Sandwich (71) 


1841 


McGuire, Catherine 


Sandwich (70) 


1839 Pope, Augustus 


Sandwich (71) 


1841 


Nye, Eliza B. 


Sandwich (71) 


1839 Pope, Mary 


Sandwich (71) 


1841 


Nye, Jane 


Sandwich (70) 


1839 Sampson, Hannah 


Cotuit (24) 


1841 


Pease, Mary Ann 


Edgartown (35) 


H. 




1841 


Pent, Samuel 


Edgartown (35) 


1839 Sampson, Micah 


Falmouth (38) 


1841 


Studley, Lydia 


Waquoit (87) 


1839 Swift, Phebe 


Sagamore (67) 


1841 


Tobey, Nancy 


Sandwich (70) 


1839 Tilton, Daniel 


Chilmark (23) 


1841 


Tupper, Prince 


Sagamore (67) 


1840 Bourne, Nathaniel 


Falmouth (38) 


1842 


Athearn, Jonathan 


W. Tisbury (95) 


1840 Chuumiuc [sp?]. 


Cedarville (16) 


1842 


Bourne, Mehetable 


Falmouth (38) 


Dina 




1842 


Burgess, Ezra H. 


Sagamore (67) 


1840 Crowell, Capt. 


Tisbury(81) 


1842 


Burr, Jonathan 


Sandwich (71) 


William 




1842 


Butler, Parnel 


Falmouth (38) 


1840 Eldridge, Albert D. 


Woods Hole 


1842 


Coffin, Zoraida 


Edgartown (35) 




(97) 


1842 


Cottle, John 


W. Tisbury (94) 


1840 Eldridge, Jeremiah 


S. Harwich (76) 


1842 


Davis, Sophronia 


W. Tisbury (95) 


1840 Ellis, Mary 


Bourne (8) 


1842 


Eld red, Harriet 


N. Falmouth 


1840 Fisher, Salome S. 


Forestdale (40) 






(58) 


1840 Francis, An tone 


Cedarville (16) 


1842 


Eldridge, Elijah Jr. 


S. Harwich (76) 


1840 Freeman, William J. 


E. Sandwich 


1842 


Eldridge, Ezra 


S. Harwich (76) 




(34) 


1842 


Faunce, William 


Sandwich (71) 



James Blachowicz 



169 



1842 Higgins, Sarah 
1842 Nye, Rebecca 

1842 Phinney, Mary 
1842 Swift, Thankful 

1842 Tilton, Olivia B. 

1843 Adams, Capt. Moses 
1843 Andrews, William 
1843 Crocker, Ezra 

1843 Crocker, Sylvia 
1843 Crowell, Bathsheba 

1843 Davis, Hannah Ellen 

1843 Davis, Dea. John 
1843 Eldridge, Edmund 

D. 
1843 Freeman, Mehitable 

1843'"Gardner, Eliza Ann 
1843 Gifford, Tabitha 
1843 Holway, Elmira 

1843 Hoxie, Betsey 
1843 Luce, Thomas 
1843 Merry, Mary 
1843 Nye,Mahala 
1843 Phinney, Braddock 
1843 Swift, Jacob 

1843 Swift, Rebecca 
1844' Crocker, Horace S. 

1844 Lawrence, Solomon 
1844 Meiggs, Eliza C. 

1844 Pent, Samuel 



Orleans (61) 
E. Sandwich 
(34) 

Waquoit (87) 
Waquoit (87) 
Chilmark (23) 
Chilmark (23) 
Tisbury (82) 
Marstons Mills 
(50) 

Cotuit (24) 
N. Falmouth 
(58) 

Woods Hole 
(97) 

W. Tisbury (95) 
Woods Hole 
(97) 

E. Sandwich 
(34) 

Nantucket (57) 
Sandwich (70) 
Farmersville 
(39) 

Sandwich (70) 
W. Tisbury (94) 
Tisbury (81) 
Sandwich (70) 
Waquoit (87) 
Sagamore (67) 
Sagamore (67) 
Cotuit (24) 
Falmouth (38) 
Farmersville 
(39) 
Edgartown (35) 



1844 Percival, Mercy F. 

1844 Percival, Sally 

1845 Dillingham, Thomas 
1845 Cleveland, Lois N. 
1845* Dimmick, Braddock 
1845 Gibbs, Betsey 
1845 Jenkins, Rebecca 
1845 Sampson, Mary C. 
1845 Small, Mary 

1845 Snow, David 

1846 Adams, Sophronia 
1846 Bassett, Mary 
1846 Covell, Hiram 
1846 Gibbs, Elisha 
1846 Jenkins, Ann 
1846 Nye, Joseph 
1846 Riddell, Eliza 
1846 Stutson, Mary 

1846 Whenley, Ann 

1847 Gibbs, Benjamin 
1847 Lewis, Ebenezer 

1847 Tobey, Elizabeth 

1848 Fish,Cloa 
1848'^ Norton, Elihu R 
1848 Tinkham, Susan G. 
1849^ Gifford, Elisha 
1849'' Merchant, 

Ephraim Jr. 
1853' Cooper, Arthur 
1856" Weston, David 
1868^ Nickerson, Richard 
18775 Hamblen, Joseph 
1908-'Herr[?], Olive 



Farmersville 
(39) 

Farmersville 
(39) 

Sandwich (71) 
Edgartown (35) 
Falmouth (38) 
Sagamore (67) 
Hatchville (43) 
Cohiit (24) 
Waquoit (87) 
Yarmouth (99) 
Tisbury (82) 
Sandwich (70) 
Sagamore (67) 
Sagamore (67) 
Hatchville (43) 
Sandwich (70) 
Nantucket (57) 
Sandwich (70) 
Sandwich (70) 
Sandwich (70) 
Hatchville (43) 
Sandwich (70) 
Forestdale (40) 
Edgartown (35) 
Sandwich (70) 
Falmouth (38) 
Edgartown (35) 

Nanhjcket (53) 
Sandwich (71) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 



'probated to and probably inscribed by Nathaniel Holmes 
'signed "W. & T. Sturges Lee, Mass." 
^probably inscribed by Jabez M. Fisher 
'probably inscribed by another carver 
'probably inscribed by William S. Fisher 

•^probated to and possibly inscribed by James Thompson of Sandwich 
^probably inscribed by Edwin B. Nye 

^probated to "Joseph [probably Josiah] Sturgis"; probably carved by William Sturgis 
but inscribed by Josiah 
''possibly inscribed by Josiah Sturgis 
'"probated to Josiah Sturgis, but probably carved by William Sturgis 



170 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



(b)Josiah Sturgis: 










1818 Davis, Malachi 


Hatchville (43) 


1842 


Parker, Capt. 


Falmouth (38) 


1824 Tobey, Capt. Zimri 


Falmouth (37) 




Timothy 




1834 Paine, Jolin 


S.Harwich (76) 


1843 


Eldridge, Capt. 


Woods Hole 


1835 Smith, Capt. 


Nanhjcket (56) 




Ephraim 


(97) 


Solomon 




1843 


Gardner, Peleg 


Nantucket (56) 


1836 Fisher, Ebenezer S. 


Nanhacket (56) 


1843 


Russell, John 


Falmouth (37) 


1836 Waitt, Henry 


Nantucket (56) 


1844 


Bridger, John 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1837 McCleve,Cpt. 


Nantticket (56) 


1844 


Gardner, George H. 


Nanhicket (56) 


Thomas 




1844 


Hatch, Moses 


Falmouth (38) 


1838' Baxter, Walter 


Hyannis (44) 


1844 


Myrick, Mary 


Nantucket (56) 


1839 Ewer, George W. 


Nantucket (56) 


1844 


Nye, Lewis Henry 


Falmouth (38) 


1839 Hatch, Sarah 


Falmouth (38) 


1844 


Russell, Mary Ann 


Nantucket (56) 


1839 Hiller,Capt. 


Nanhicket (56) 


1844 


Webster, Sarah 


Woods Hole 


Thomas 








(97) 


1839 Morse, James 


Nanhjcket (57) 


1845 


Brown, Judith 


Nanhjcket (57) 


1840 Brown, William 


Nantucket (55) 


1845 


Chadwick, Elijah 


Falmouth (38) 


1840- Davis, Capt. Noah 


Falmouth (38) 


1845 


Fisher, Nabby 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1840 Riddell, Henry 


Nantucket (57) 


1846 


Davis, Capt. Jabez 


Woods Hole 


1841 Coffin, William 


Nantticket (56) 






(97) 


1841 Cottle, Capt. Laban 


Nanhicket (55) 


1846 


Coffin, Judith 


Nantucket (56) 


1841 Dimmick, Prince 


Falmouth (37) 


1846 


Folger, Anna 


Nantucket (56) 


1841 Meiggs, Abby B. 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1847 


Coffin, Phebe 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1841 Swain, David 


Nanhicket (55) 


1847 


Holmes, Aaron 


Nanhjcket (56) 


1842 Clapp, Timothy. G. 


Nanhicket (54) 


1848 


Baker, Hannah H. 


Nantucket (56) 


1842 Davis, Lydia 


Woods Hole 


1848 


Fish, Abigail 


Forestdale (40) 




(97) 


1848 


Pompey, Edward J. 


Nantucket (53) 


1842 Lawrence, Sarah N. 


Falmouth (37) 









'Signed "J. Shirgs," but probably carved by William Shirgis 
^payment to "Mr. Sturgis" 

(c) ]ohn Sturgis: 

1848 Baty, Delia Sandwich (69) 

payment to "J. Sturgess and Co." 



James Blachowicz 



171 



APPENDIX IV 
Gravestones of Jabez M. Fisher and William S. Fisher (partial list) 

The number in parentheses following each entry indicates the burial 
ground (See Appendix 1). 

Probated stones are in bold. Signed stones are in italics. 

Years in parentheses are dates of probate, not death (stones not exam- 
ined). 

For stones with multiple burials, the name of the person with the latest 
date of burial is listed. 

Note: An "s" following the date indicates a slate stone; all the rest are 
marble 



1821 Stone, Patience 
1825 Stone, Thankful 

1836 Taylor, Tabitha 

1837 Smith, Carlona 

1838 Lawrence, William 

1838 Moses, Susan C. 

1839 Baker, Phebe 

1839 Calder,Josiah 
1839 Cash, Patience 
1839s Hallet, Hiram 
1 839 Howes, Rebecca 
1839 Lawrence, Anna 

1839 Paddock, Sally 
1839 Ryder, Marshall 
1839 Sears, Lydia 
1839 Stone, Job 
1839 Stone, Nathan 

1839 Tobey, Mercy 

1840 Albertson, Patience 
1840s Crowell, Perlina 

1840 Godfrey Capt. David 
1840 Goodeno[?], Peter 
1840 Eldridge, Meriton S. 
1840 Fisher, Edmund M. 
1840 Homer, Stephen 
1840 Hull, Elizas. 
1840 Nickerson, Silas 



Dennis (27) 
Dennis (27) 
Chatham (20) 
E.Harwich (33) 
Farmersville 
(39) 

Nantucket (56) 
W. Harwich 
(93) 

Nanhicket (56) 
Harwich (42) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Dennis (27) 
Farmersville 
(39) 

Dennis (27) 
Chatham (22) 
Brewster (12) 
Dennis (27) 
Dennis (27) 
Brewster (12) 
S. Harwich (76) 
W. Yarmouth 
(96) 

Chatham (22) 
Brewster (12) 
S. Chatham (73) 
Forestdale (40) 
Brewster (12) 
Barnstable (3) 
E. Harwich (33) 



1840 Snow, Sylvia T. 
1840 Stone, Emily 

1840 Swift, Samuel B. 

1841 Blanchard, Cyrus 
1841 Crowell, Luther 

1841 Hopkins, Martha 
1841 Paine, Bethiah 
1841 Smith, Richard 
1841 Underwood, Nathan 
1841 Weekes, Isaac 

1841 White, Elvira 

1842 Howes, Martha 
1842 Nickerson, Alvah 
1842 Ryder, Richard 
1842 Snow, Priscilla 

1842 Stone, Nabby 

1843 Crocker, Betsey 

1843 Crowell, Mehitable 
1843s Hallet, Gideon 
1843s Howland, Mary 

1844 Baker, Benoni 

1844 Bearse, Mary 
1844 Hedge, Warren 
1844 Howes, Jerusha 
1844 Matthews, Sylvanus 
1844 Nickerson, 
Meliitable 
1844 Smalley Edward 



S. Chatham (73) 
Dennis (27) 
Waquoit (87) 
Harwich (42) 
W. Yarmouth 
(96) 

Brewster (11) 
Harwich (42) 
Chatham (22) 
Harwich (42) 
S. Chatham (73) 
Dennis (26) 
Dennis (27) 
S. Dennis (75) 
Chatham (20) 
Harwich (42) 
Dennis (27) 
Hyannis (44) 
Hatchville (43) 
Yarmouth (99) 
Marstons Mills 
(50) 

S. Yarmouth 
(78) 

Hyannis (45) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Dennis (27) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Harwich (42) 

Harwich (42) 



172 



Origins of Cape Cod Marble Carving 



1845 Arey, Hannah 
1845 Chase, Irene 

1845 Eldridge, Sarah R. 

1845 Fish, Elizabeth 

1845 Hamilton, 
Nehemiah 

1845 Melcher, Rebecca H. 

1846 Clark, Abby 

1846 Rogers, Capt. Foster 

1847 Baker, Gorham 

1847 Crowell, Elizabeth 
1847 Hallet, Edward B. 
1847 Nickerson, Israel 
1847 Small, Sally 

1847 Weekes, Priscilla 

1848 Hedge, Abram 

1848 Sears, Nathan F. 
(1849)Dyer, Elijah 

1849 Eldredge, Betsey J. 
1849 Eldredge, Sally A. 
1849 Fessenden, Lois T. 
1849 Howes, Alexander 
1849 Spilsted, Caroline S. 
1849 Weekes, Darius 

1849 Whorf,Amos 

1850 Bearse, Sophia H. 
1850s Custis, Hannah 

1850 Hinckley, Isaac 
1850s Taylor, Azubah 

1851 Baker, Hannah 

1851s Baker, Maria 

1851s Carsley, Susanna 
1851 Crocker, Samuel S. 

1851 Dillingham, Abigail 

1851 Dillingham, Betsey 
1851s Hallet, Capt. Nathan 
1 85 IsSmalley Sally 
1851s Taylor, Ruth 

1852 Baker, Elisha 

1852 Baker, Hannah 



Yarmouth (99) 

W. Harwich 

(93) 

Woods Hole 

(97) 

N. Falmouth 

(58) 

S. Harwich (76) 

Sandwich (71) 
Sandwich (70) 
W. Harwich 
(93) 

S. Dennis (74) 
Hatchville (43) 
Yarmouth (99) 
S. Dennis (75) 
Harwich (42) 
Harwich (42) 
Yarmouth (99) 
E. Dennis (29) 
Provincetown 
S. Harwich (76) 
S. Harwich (76) 
Sandwich (71) 
Dennis (26) 
Barnstable (3) 
S. Harwich (76) 
Provincetown 
(66) 

Hyannis (45) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Barnstable (3) 
S. Yarmouth 
(77) 

S. Dennis (74) 
W. Yarmouth 
(96) 

Marstons Mills 
(50) 

Cummaquid 
(25) 

Sandwich (71) 
Sandwich (71) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
S. Yarmouth 
(77) 

S. Yarmouth 
(78) 



1852s Hallet, Arthur 

1852 Hallet, Sally S. 
1852s Kelley Joseph 

1852s Matthews, Lydia 

1852s Matthews, Sarah 
1853s Chapman, Elizabeth 

1853s Custis, Sarah 

1853 Holmes, James D. 
1853s White, Lucy 
(1853)Small, Daniel F. 

1854 Baker, John 

1854 Baxter, Nella P 
1854s Hallet, Dorcas 
1855s Bray, Sarah 

1855 Crowell, Gideon 

1855 Crowell, Ruth 

1855 Fisher, Theodore 
1855s Taylor, Thanklial 

1856 Hallet, Daniel 

1856 Hallet, Elizabeth C. 
1856s White, Dea. Joseph 
1856s White, Phosa 

1857 Burgess, Michael 
1857 Hallett, Eliza H. 
1857s Homer, Susan 

1857 Sears, Seth 

1858 Baxter, Samuel W. 

1858s Gray, Chandler 
1858s Hallet, Matthews 
1858 Nickerson, Ruth 

Hall 
1858s Phinney, Sarah 
1858 Sturgis, William 
(1858)Turner, Ebenezer 

1858 Whorf, Susan L. 

1859s Gray Henry 

1859 Handy, Benjamin 
1860s Hallet, Polly 

1861 Baker, Sally 
(1861)HaIl, Thankful 

1861s Dunbar, John H. 

1862 Hall, Gideon 



Yarmouth (98) 
Hyannis (45) 
W. Harwich 
(93) 

S. Yarmouth 
(77) 

Yarmouth (98) 
Provincetown 
(65) 

Yarmouth (98) 
Barnstable (2) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Provincetown 
Brewster (9) 
Hyannis (45) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
S. Yarmouth 
(79) 

S. Yarmouth 
(79) 

Forestdale (40) 
Yarmouth (98) 
W. Yarmouth 
(96) 

Yarmouth (99) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Harwich (42) 
Hyannis (45) 
Yarmouth (98) 
E. Dennis (29) 
W. Harwich 
(93) 

Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
S. Dennis (75) 

Barnstable (2) 

Lee (48) 

Barnstable 

Provincetown 

(66) 

Yarmouth (98) 

Hyannis (44) 

W. Yarmouth 

(96) 

S. Dennis (75) 

Yarmouth 

Yarmouth (98) 

Dennis (27) 



James Blachowicz 



173 



1862 Lewis, Elnathan 

1862s Thacher, Susannah 

1863 Adams, Cpt. 
TheophihiS 

1863s Bursley, Elizabeth 

Fish 
(1863)Eldridge, Joshua 
(1863)Freeman, Nancy 
1864s Baker, Patty 

1864 Baker, Washington 

1864s CusHs, Sally 

1865 Freeman, Jesse 

1865s Norris, Peter 

1865 Sears, Betsey 

1866 Crocker, Waterman 

1866s Dunbar, Dorcas 
1866 Dunbar, Frederick 

1866 Fisher, Ariette 
(1866)Hall, William 

1867 Hawes, John 
1867s Nickerson, Susanna 

1867 Sears, Edmund 

1868 Howes, Nathan 
1869s Hall, John 

1869 Hallet, Caroline B. 

1869 Holmes, Abiah C. 

1869 Holmes, Ephraim 

1869 Holmes, Nathaniel 

1869 Lewis, David 

1870 Lewis, Jane 



Yarmouth (99) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Marstons Mills 
(50) 
Barnstable (2) 

Yarmouth 
Brewster 
Hyannis (45) 
S. Yarmouth 
(78) 

Yarmouth (98) 
Provincetown 
(66) 

Hyannis (44) 
E. Dennis (29) 
Provincetown 
(65) 

Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (99) 
Yarmouth 
Yarmouth (99) 
S. Dennis (75) 
E. Dennis (29) 
Dennis (27) 
Yarmouth (98) 
W. Yarmouth 
(96) 

Barnstable (2) 
Barnstable (2) 
Barnstable (2) 
W. Dennis (92) 
W. Dennis (92) 



1871s Lewis, Thomas B. 

1872 Crocker, Temperance 
1872s Smith, Susan 
1872s Whelden, Clarissa 

1873 Bursley, Mary C. 
1873 Holmes, Nathaniel 
1875 Holmes, Carrie 

1878 Ryder, Amelia H. 
1878s Ryder, Reuben 

1879 Fisher, Jabez M. 
1885 Crocker, Jonathan 

1887 Hawes, Betsy 

1 887s Whelden, Eben 

1888 Loring, Catheriiie 

1889 Bartlett, Rebecca 

1889 Bearse,Capt. 
William 

1890 Holmes, Sarah 
Lizzie 

1893 Baker, John E. 

1897 Maria Eldridge 

1900 Holmes, Grace 
1903 Crowell, Abby B. 

1906 Baker, John A. 

1907 Jenkins, Charles C. 



Barnstable (4) 
Barnstable (2) 
Barnstable (3) 
W. Barnstable 
(91) 

Barnstable (2) 
Barnstable (2) 
Barnstable (2) 
Yarmouth (99) 
Yarmouth (98) 
Yarmouth (99) 
Cummaquid 
(25) 

Yarmouth (99) 
W. Barnstable 
(91) 

Barnstable (3) 
Cummaquid 
(25) 
Hyannis (44) 

Barnstable (2) 

S. Yarmouth 

(77) 

S. Yarmouth 

(77) 

Barnstable (2) 

W. Yarmouth 

(96) 

S. Yarmouth 

{77) 

W. Barnstable 

(91) 



174 



From Moravia to Texas 




Fig. 1. Road to Praha, Texas Cemetery. 



175 



FROM MORAVIA TO TEXAS: 
IMMIGRANT ACCULTURATION AT THE CEMETERY 

Eva Eckert 

Journey to Texas 

My research on the acculturation of Czech and Moravian peasant 
immigrants in Texas started where the immigrant journey ended - at the 
cemetery. On a sweltering Spring day I drove from San Antonio to a 
cemetery at Praha, Texas. Homesick for the real Prague back in my home- 
land, I felt immediately attracted by the placename: how could a place 
in Texas bear the name of a central European capital? The road to the 
cemetery curved around and was lined with trees (see Fig. 1). As I came 
near, I could see from a distance seemingly endless stretches of land 
dotted with tombstones decorated by reliefs and photographs, dilapi- 
dated gravestones as well as elaborate metal crosses crafted by talented 
artisans and perfectly shaped granite stones covered with Czech writing 
of various tones. At the cemetery I found the language and culture of a 
community; yet the prairie surrounding the cemetery included few hints 
about how this community once lived. 

Questions began to emerge. Why did Czechs and Moravians ever 
come to Texas? Why did they trade neat villages with squares shaped by 
tradition and ancient gems of churches for the bleakness of the Texas 
prairie? Did they ever get used to living there, or did their hearts break 
when they found no gentle meadows or quick streams in sight? When I 
traveled back to Moravian and Czech villages where the immigrants were 
born, I found them set in mountains or their foothills within a romantic 
countryside (see Fig. 2). They attracted tourists by carefully marked trails 
and guidebooks describing the scenery, local legends and folk tales, re- 
gional musical traditions, and medieval history of the towns and vil- 
lages. The more I saw the more I was startled because the contrasts 
between geography, architecture, and history of the Czech Republic and 
Texas were seemingly irreconcilable. What forced the peasants to leave? 
And why did they end up in Texas of all places? There was Pennsylvania 
with 18th century Moravian Brethren and German Deutsch settlements, 
Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota with Czech as well as German commu- 
nities that they could have joined. Was it the expansive prairie of fertile 
blackland that seemed so attractive to those who spent their lives in 
crowded dwellings, landless and farming on rented subdivided fields? 



176 



From Moravia to Texas 



Did they take a chance to escape cold, snowy winters? Or were they 
mystified by the freedom of the American frontier? 

Whenever I followed Czech placenames on a map in the search of 
Czech Texas^ I ended up at a cemetery. My first encounter with Czech 
Texas was in Praha. From a distance I recognized the "Czech" church, 
quaint and un-American but nothing like those at home built of stone 
upon layers of architectural foundations and history. In the cemetery, I 
found language and culture that since has disintegrated in the commu- 
nity of the living. As I entered, order and peace surrounded me. Just as 
in the homeland, the rows of graves were symmetrical and the design 
maintained.^ 

The first Czechs came to the site of Praha over one and a half centu- 
ries before me, led by Mate] Novak (1818-96). He disembarked in 
Galveston in 1854 and found his way into the Anglo settlement of Mul- 
berry Creek in the southeast corner of Fayette County, "Beset by outlaws 
who could not get along even with rough frontiersmen. They were used 
to an undisciplined lifestyle and could not understand the hard-work- 
ing Czechs who were willing to sacrifice much to wrest a living out of 
the heavily wooded blackland."^ Novak worked for wages among the 




Fig. 2. Czech countryside, the village of Lichnov. 



Eva Eckert 



177 




Fig. 3. Cross in Czech homeland cemetery. 



178 



From Moravia to Texas 



American settlers and eventually bought land and built a loghouse. By 
1864, twenty-five Moravian families had joined him in the settlement 
that would become by the turn of the century one of the largest Czech 
towns in Texas, known as Praha.'' According to the Fayette County His- 
tory, in the 1870s Praha already had three stores. By 1882 the businesses 
included a saloon, post office, cafe, herb center, and a liquor store. The 
population increased from two hundred families in 1882 to six hundred 
in 1894, and by then both a church^ and a permanent priest were in place. 
By 1902 there were also a blacksmith shop and a wheelwright shop, a 
meat market located about a mile out of town, and a resident physician 
living in the town. By 1904, over 200 children attended the town's Catho- 
lic school, and a new school was opened as late as 1936.*' Several hun- 
dred tombstones, cross monuments, and bordered graves at the Praha 
Cemetery indicated how numerous the Czech population of the Praha 
settlement once was. Today's cemetery visitor is greeted by the welcome 
sign to Maticka Praha, "Dear mother Prague."^ The cemetery became a 
treasured site for me that contained hundreds of Czech inscriptions, epi- 
taphs, and emblems. 







Fig. 4. Cross in Texas Czech cemetery. 



Eva Eckert 179 



Sanctity of the cemeteries 

From Praha I drove to Flatonia, Ammansville, Dubina, High Hill, and 
Hostyn, and traced the immigrant footsteps in little used country roads 
and old farms. The names designated cemeteries rather than present 
communities. The cemeteries appeared as islands enveloped by roads 
and highways leading away to the city. As I followed them driving through 
the country I was guided by the cross. Crosses with Jesus overriding the 
horizon define religious affiliation of most Texas Czech cemeteries, much 
as in the homeland (see Figs. 3 and 4). Texas Czech immigrants were 
believers, and churches with adjacent cemeteries were central to Texas 
Czech communities in the physical as well as in the social and cultural 
sense. 

The communities were settled as either Roman Catholic or Brethren, 
and composition of the immigrants reflected the Catholic vs. Brethren 
distribution of homeland population. Over 80% of immigrants from 
Bohemia and Moravia were Catholics.** The graveyards in Praha, Dubina, 
Ammansville, and other Czech sites abound in homeland-inspired (e.g.. 
Fig. 5) religious motifs displaying symbolic sanctity, and the churches 
were ornately decorated with Saints' paintings and statues. Prevalent 
Czech Catholicism emerged out of three centuries of religious discord, 
beginning in the Hussite Wars.'^ It carried a stamp of Baroque culture 
emphasizing the external elements of faith and its visual manifestations. 
Catholic rituals of the religious practice structured everyday life and the 
whole life cycle of believers. In Texas, as had been the case in the home- 
land, Czechs communed in services, celebrations of saints' name days 
and religious processions. Catholic stonecarvers refrained from biblical 
quotations but often included all sorts of epitaphs, rhymed vernacular 
poetry, and greetings. Their stones were richly engraved with religious 
and other symbols such as crowns, clasped hands, flowers, cut down 
bunches of wheat, fading blossoms, or lambs, and were often decorated 
with photographs of the dead (see Fig. 6). Children's sections in the pre- 
WWII cemeteries formed isles of small graves and stones in the middle; '° 
the position suggested both social hierarchy (visible also in separate rows 
for children in some churches) and protection by the circle of "adults." 
These graves were often indistinctive, but some were decorated with 
special touches and emblems such as lamb reliefs, faded flowers, dying 
doves, the child's photograph, or touching epitaphs. Family burial lots 
did not occur in the cemetery, suggesting that the community was the 
family to the Czech immigrants. 



180 



From Moravia to Texas 




Fig. 5. Religious statuary in a liomeland village. 



Eva Eckert 



181 




Fig. 6. Example of Texas Czech tombstone that includes photograph. 



182 From Moravia to Texas 



Texas Brethren cemeteries at Wesley or Ross Prairie were small, re- 
flecting the minority position of Brethren both at home and in Texas. 
The early Brethren cemeteries of the 1860s, as well as those at Snook or 
Novy Tabor established a couple of decades later, carried on their mark- 
ers the visible stamps of Brethren identity: they typically included a chal- 
ice, the symbol of accepting both the bread and blood of Christ, and an 
opened Bible symbolizing accessibility of the Word to all through the 
vernacular that was taught and shared equally by all believers (see Fig. 
7). Brethren graveyards excluded photographs but, most importantly, 
included biblical verses, quoted from memory as evidenced by a myriad 
of misspellings and dialectal pronunciations. One of the recurring verses 
welcomes believers into the original church at Wesley still today: Jd jsem 
ta cesta i pravda i zivot ('T am the road, the truth and the life"). The Breth- 
ren have always shunned ceremony and ostentatious display of one's 
faith and grandeur, while emphasizing instead private study of the Word, 
meetings of believers at individual homes, and historical values of their 
faith endowed by prosecution and respect for learning. Differences in 
religious affiliation caused occasional friction within the Czech commu- 
nity in Texas which, nevertheless, presented a unified front to the out- 
side." This friction was particularly noticeable in large mixed towns, such 
as Fayetteville, that included both Czechs and Germans, as well as Catho- 
lics and Brethren, all segregated and supposedly distant from the others. 

Why Texas? 

As I ventured into the Texas Czech graveyards, I met the Gajdas, 
Novaks, and Simeceks whom I knew from emigration petitions, passen- 
ger lists, and homeland chronicles. Their children and grandchildren 
were all also buried in the cemetery. Walking from stone to stone I tried 
to picture the individuals, their families and children. How did the im- 
migrants react to their promised land when they debarked? They must 
have felt a shock instead of the reconciliation that should have followed 
the horrors of weeks of journey on a ship. The contrasts of the old and 
the new land were stark. The land in no way resembled central Europe, 
where the countryside was chaotic and irregular, broken up by valleys, 
hills, and crooked rivers, where one had to climb a hill to get a view of 
the country. A pioneer woman who arrived to Texas Cat Springs in 1851 
wrote back home: "The grass and trees are gray instead of green. In the 
whole of Texas, there is not a single piece of soft lawn resembling that at 
home. Local grass is like bristles, hard and tall, so it looks like a broom 



Eva Eckert 



183 




Fig. 7. Chalice and open bible on Brethren tombstone. 



184 



From Moravia to Texas 



more than grass. And those beautiful meadow flowers, abundant in our 
country, we saw only a few, and none smelling nicely. We also suffer a 
shortage of water and annoying insects."'- Texas lacked not only mead- 
ows and flowers but also the structure imposed by churches, town halls, 
market places and pubs where people would gather every day; the land 
spread out indefinitely and the sky embracing it was enormous. Stand- 
ing on the grand prairie the immigrants felt puny and insignificant.'^ 
They achieved their destination, yet, they were at the beginning, disen- 
chanted by the Texas reality that did not match their "American dream." 
The move was costly, but when they first set out they had no idea how 
costly it would be: mothers lost their infants and families their matri- 
archs or patriarchs to the sea. Exhausted travelers starved and fell vic- 
tim to yellow fever. Seeing abused slaves must have reminded the 
immigrants of their own recent reality of forced labor. The relocation 
was ultimate with little chance of ever returning. What they saw all around 




Fig, 8. Hrncif family house, Lichnov. 



Eva Eckert 



185 



was land that had to be broken to receive the seed. Wells had to be dug, 
shelters built, and roads traced through the country. 

As I stared at old tombstone photos, I wondered about the fates of 
those depicted.'^ I tried to match photos on the gravestones with authors 
of letters and diaries; I imagined that the old mother in the black scarf 
was the ailing stafenka 'grandmother' concerned that her children 
attended Mass regularly overseas. Engraved placenames marking 
pioneers' origin and pioneers' last names associated with particular 
homeland villages led me to the area of Lanskroun in Bohemia, and Frenstdt 
pod Radhostem, Vsetin, and Novy Jicin in Moravia. When I first arrived at 
a village in the homeland I felt as though I had already known it from its 
description in an autobiography or a memoir published in a Texas Czech 
newspaper. I found individuals with names I knew from tombstones. In 
Lichnov, near Frenstdt, I saw the substantial house of the Hrncif family 
who left for Texas on the eve of Civil War. They were descendants of the 
village mayor and their house and land reflected their elevated social 
status. Yet they left it all behind. Today their house is occupied, 
surrounded by a garden and fields (see Fig. 8). I wondered what the 
emigrant villages were like at the time when the emigrants said good- 
bye to their loved ones forever? How did the pioneers and those left 
behind once live in the homeland? 



.'•' *. J «. 
•-•• V.- 


t 




/ Bohemia 


•^ 




i" 


-•' Moravia 




.#■'• 




y 





Fig. 9. Distribution map of villages with significant emigration. 



186 From Moravia to Texas 



Emigration from the Czech Lands 

Over 80 % of immigrants to Texas came from a compact territory of 
Moravian Wallachia and Lachia bordering Slovakia, Poland, and Prussia 
(see Fig. 9), defined by the language contact of Czech and Moravian dia- 
lects with dialects of Polish and Slovak. ^^ The combined territory of 
Moravian Wallachia and Lachia, isolated geographically, historically and 
linguistically, stretches some sixty miles from north to south and forty 
miles from east to west. The Beskids, a range of the Carpathians, cover 
much of this territory. 

The villages surrounding the town of Frenstdt in Wallachia - Tichd, 
Vlcovice, Lichnov, Trojanoznce, and others - are like small pearls on a string 
woven through the lowlands among individual hills. Each village forms 
a separate unit today as it did in the 1850s. Village houses are often aligned 
along a creek or a road and face the square, and fields stretch long in the 
back of the houses. Occasional isolated clearings in the hills indicate that 
newcomers found insufficient land in the village and were forced to move 
on. For an overview of the region one has to ascend a hill. But when 
following the road one feels as if in a puzzle because each turn around a 
hill reveals a new view of an unsuspected village. A church unambigiously 
dominates the village. Usually it is a plain stone church with a single 
steeple decorated in the baroque style on the inside that replaced an 
original wooden church in the 17th century. The cemetery attached to 
each church provides the best site to overlook the countryside because it 
is typically located on a hill (see Fig. lO).'*" 

As mountainous regions distant from major urban centers, north 
Bohemia, Wallachia, and Lachia were traditionally among the poorest 
and most backward areas of the Czech Lands. The first groups emigrated 
in the early 1850s from the northeast Bohemian region around the town 
of Lanskroun. This initial trickling of pioneers was followed within a de- 
cade by a strong and lasting emigration wave from adjacent northeast 
Moravia. The two decades preceding the emigration from northeastern 
Bohen\ia and Moravia were devastating: one infertile season followed 
another, and the region suffered from severe storms and floods. Pota- 
toes, which fed the majority of the population, were infected by potato 
blight, causing periodic famine; fields yielded poor grain crops. As a 
result, hundreds starved to death or fell victim to cholera and typhus 
epidemics. There was no food to purchase; not even landowners could 
afford to hire day laborers. The villages of Cermnn and Nepomuky, near 
Lanskroun, experienced overcrowding and poor crops in the years pre- 



Eva Eckert 



187 



ceding 1852, and several dozens of very poor Brethren families in the 
region decided to emigrate to Texas and Wisconsin in the early 1850s. 
Historians recorded economic instability and religious persecution as 
reasons for their departure. The poor around Frenstdt, the Moravian cen- 
ter of Texas emigration, where peasants depended on domestic weaving 
for income, ate acorns, tree buds, orach, and nettles. Malnutrition led to 
the spread of epidemics, with typhus alone killing six hundred in 1846- 
47.^^ One source notes, "The fields produced nothing, and people ate 
grass and grounded tree bark, which led to all sorts of diseases. Starva- 
tion was imminent in that year [1847]."'^ The district of Vsetin, from which 
the first peasants left for Texas under the leadership of teacher Masik in 
1854, showed all the signs of economic decline. The overpopulated re- 
gion had no industry and its land was depleted. Parents depended on 
child labor in the fields. For seven years potato crops were diseased and 
many cattle died. When the railroad was built through the region, the 
local population lost income from transportation by horse wagons. 
Floods, starvation, and the extreme cost of everything recur among rea- 
sons for emigration presented in peasants' petitions. Crisis in the weav- 




Fig. 10. Moravian village church with an adjacent cemetery. 



188 From Moravia to Texas 



ing and spinning industries put thousands of men out of work. Yet the 
governor of Vsetin reported in 1855 to the Novy/ Jicin regional office that 
poverty and starvation were due to laziness of the local peasantry, who 
were drunkards and sinners, and suggested as remedy an improved at- 
tendance of church and school. ^"^ 

The search for answers to questions such as who the immigrants were 
and why they left for Texas uncovers various leads and diverse factors 
but also reveals a shared climate conducive to emigration. Stories of the 
first pioneers indicate idiosyncratic reasons for their Texas journey. They 
followed personal ideals formed against the backdrop of literary novels 
about America and independence of the Texas Republic. A Protestant 
minister sought religious freedom and dreamed of establishing a com- 
munity of believers living in moral and spiritual harmony. An 1848 revo- 
lutionary responded to the calling of the Republic in hope for relief from 
persecution of the Austrian police apparatus. A merchant couple from 
Hradec seem to have followed in their footsteps, incited by fiction about 
frontier life and pioneer news in the German press (by now Texas had 
attracted thousands of immigrants from Germany). 

The earliest adventurers who came to Texas from Bohemia wrote 
letters back home and were followed by large interrelated families and 
acquaintances, depopulating villages in the emigration regions. The 
pioneers wrote home how warm and pleasant the Texas climate was, 
and described a land abundant in game and fertile fields. The news spread 
among peasants who followed the leaders, mainly after the Civil War 
(1861-1865) from Moravia where economic prospects for peasants, 
laborers, and weavers were hopeless. They needed to get out of Austria 
to escape mounting threats of accumulated debts, eviction, and job loss, 
and wanted to provide for their children. They went where the land was 
cheap and the weather good. That they ended up in Texas was due, at 
least initially, to the game of events. They read about Texas in a German 
paper or somehow got the news of the free land policy of the Texas 
Republic. The idea that they could own hundreds of acres must have 
sounded like a fairy tale to landless laborers or peasants who depended 
on a couple of acres. Ultimately, they were attracted by those who went 
ahead, those whom they knew and whose letters of success (what else 
would one write from a place of no return?) convinced them that the 
dream of America could come true. 

In the 1850s the road to emigration opened up through accessibility 
to seaports by railroads from land-locked Bohemia and Moravia and the 



Eva Eckert 



189 



peasants' release from labor services. The journey to Texas was planned 
within families and entire villages, and emigrants depended on the ad- 
vice and guidance, as well as the money, of those who preceded them. 
They left with many children but little of anything else. Through village 
and family contacts new emigrants were drawn as laborers to the cities 
of St. Louis, Chicago and New York, and, in the case of farmers, to a 
number of locales, including Fayetteville in Texas. The immigrants ar- 
rived in Texas at a time when it sought to attract immigrants who would 
colonize unbroken prairies and take over abandoned plantations, and it 
lured them to land and prosperity. Civil War defeat and the abolition of 
slavery had devastated the Texas plantation economy; Texas needed their 
labor and sought it assertively at a time when Bohemia and Moravia 
suffered the consequences of the lost Austro-Prussian war and decline 
of the weaving industry. The immigrants replaced the black slaves on 
the land they bought from plantation owners and ushered in three de- 
cades of economic growth. 

Texas Land 

A comparison of cemetery land usage tells us something important 
about the differences between the value of land in Texas and the home- 
land. The new Texas cemeteries stretched into an opened space of the 
immense land (see Fig. 11). In contrast, the cemetery space in the 



iggi^^gijg^ 



■m 



.mf^-M^- 



. .4..:.. M 




Fig. 11. Spacious Texas Czech cemetery. 



190 



From Moravia to Texas 



homeland's mountainous villages was cluttered and one grave bordered 
another with hardly any space in between to pass through (see Fig. 12). 
Its organization reflected an old habit of reusing burial lots because of a 
lack of space. Every grave contained remains of several family mem- 
bers. Old bones were dug up, wrapped in a clean piece of linen, and 
reburied along with the new dead in the intervals of eight to ten years 
needed for the body to decompose. "Every acre of land was needed to 
grow potatoes, even the dead had to struggle for a piece of land," recalls 
a pioneer. ^° But in Texas, they read in an 1849 letter from the evangelical 
pastor Bergmann, land resources were without a limit and land could be 
purchased cheaply by hundreds of acres; it was fertile, abundant, and 
waited to be broken. "Various trees grow here such as oaks, maple, nut 
and so forth," he wrote. "There are forests five miles to the north with 
cedars and cypresses from which we get lumber. The trees in the forests 
grow wild, large and tall, from the ground up to the heavens... We have 
many prairie chickens and deer. Now they are shooting turkeys and deer. 
Bees can be found everywhere in hollow trees. "^^ 




Fig. 12. Crowded Czech village cemetery. 



Eva Eckert 191 



In 1848, peasants throughout the Austrian monarchy were freed to 
move from the estates and relieved from forced labor services and con- 
tributions.- They achieved immediate personal economic freedom, but 
the rigid system of landholding continued to tie them as debtors and 
tenants to former masters. They continued to pay taxes and furnish ten 
per cent of their income to the church, which was enough to bring them 
to debt. Vincenc Siller was twenty two when he married sixteen year old 
Frantiska of Cermna, near Lanskroun, in 1850. Now he was to take over 
the entire farm and care for both the land and aging parents. But the 
young couple refused to accept the farm because it was indebted and 
would potentially burden them for their entire lives. Instead they left for 
Texas, accompanied by relatives and numerous families from the region. 
By then, they already had two children, including a six week old infant.-' 
As evidenced by memoirs, even the poorest traveled, having borrowed 
money from richer neighbors and repaying it by working for the debtors 
in America.-"* Texas seemed to promise all that they could never attain at 
home. 

Sixteen families, totalling seventy-four individuals, left in the very 
first group. All planned to emigrate legally with passports.-^ They were 
the very poor Protestant laborers of the region; only two had over 1,000 
gold pieces needed as the officially required emigration minimum, and 
they supported their compatriots who had none. Their landing was noted 
by Houston authorities, who published a report about the Lanskroun im- 
migrants in the Telegraphs and Texas Register. "Miserably poor immigrants 
have recently arrived in Houston destitute of the comforts of life and 
suffering from the effects of diarrhea. Several of them died within the 
last two weeks . . . They were furnished with provisions and medicine at 
the expense of the city, otherwise more would have died . . . They intend 
to settle in Austin County . . . Measures should be taken to prevent cap- 
tains of the vessels from transporting such wretched persons to our 
shores." The survivors formed the North Bremen and New Ulm settle- 
ments in Austin County, where they were joined by about thirty families 
from the same village of Cermna, near Lanskroun, between 1851 and 1854.^*' 

Cemeteries of former communities 

During the first two decades of Czech immigration to Texas, only less 
than eight hundred arrived, although almost twice as many left the home- 
land to go there. Two cases are typical of this experience. Mrs. Marek 
reached Texas as a widow. She worked for $3 per month doing house- 



192 From Moravia to Texas 



work and moved among settlements frequently in search of work, until 
she married a German pioneer, Henry Ginzel, himself a widower with 
two children, who had already established a farm. Josef Masik, a politi- 
cally active leader with twenty-three years of teaching experience in 
Bohemia and Moravia, arrived at Galveston along with half of the peas- 
ants who originally set out on the journey. The other half, including his 
wife, perished on the ship. He lived in Texas with a German family in 
exchange for work, as did many other pioneers. Eventually, he rented 
twenty five acres, and by 1859 had started a Czech school at Vese/f AVesley^^ 
in Washington County. ^^ 

Today's Wesley is its cemetery: ten or so residents live in small houses 
in the country, but there is no town to speak of. Yet, already before the 
Civil War Wesley was "a thriving commercial center." In 1866, a Breth- 
ren church and a store were built for some forty-five families living within 
two miles. The church served as a public school in the beginning. Dur- 
ing the 1880s, the congregation grew to the point that the church build- 
ing was enlarged and the town had several stores, a cotton gin, and a 
grain mill. I approached Wesley with particular trepidation. I had known 
it from pastor Chlumsky's letter found in the Prague archives. Would I 
recognize the church from his drawings? The country was enchanting 
and must have appealed to the immigrants when they selected a promi- 
nent hill overlooking a spacious prairie as a site of their church and cem- 
etery. The Wesley church was tiny and quaint, the cemetery small and 
informal in design, marked by Brethren signs of chalice and with bibli- 
cal verses quoted in the vernacular with all sorts of misspellings and 
even wrong verse identifications. Did the immigrants first see the land 
lush green and covered by bluebonnets, as I did? As I closed my eyes, I 
heard the preacher's voice and Brethren singing. Mrs. Sulak recalled in 
her memoir how she used to walk to Veseli to join the Brethren in singing 
when she felt particularly lonely. She was a Catholic, but there was no 
Catholic church nearby in the early 1860s that she could attend. 

Initially the Czech pioneers were scattered among the other earlier 
settlers, depending on availability of work and land for rent or purchase. 
Typically, they were without means to buy land in the first years after 
arrival, and, just as at home, they were left with renting land, this time 
from Americans and Germans. 'Tt was difficult to find work," recalled a 
pioneer in his 1943 memoir. "Those who had their slaves needed no labor- 
ers. There were almost no agricultural utensils, everything was made of 
wood, and the crops were very low."^^ They lived in primitive dwellings: 



Eva Eckert 



193 



The house was a single room without windows, a hole was left in a wall to 
enter, there was no floor. Father made roof from bundles of grass and com 
stalks, covered holes in between logs and hung a blanket in the door space. 
Luckily, mother brought a sufficient amount of covers and clothing from Europe. 
In the middle of the room we made fire over which we cooked and baked in a 
large metal pot. We had no matches... Those who brought a little mill with 
them could grind up com, boil porridge out of it and bake bread. We had no 
milk because all cattle was wild. There was plenty of game and father hunted 
frequently, which helped in the daily survival.^" 

Like Wesley, Dubina was settled by hundreds of families within a few 
decades starting in 1856. Today, all that is left of the once prosperous 
community of the living is the community of the dead, still increasing in 
size as those who once lived in Dubina return home to be buried. "It was 
at the end of November," I read in the memoir of Judge Haidusek, who 
arrived with his parents and other villagers from Tichn, near Frenstdt, in 
1856. "We loaded up two wagons that brought us to an area under live 
oak trees on Mr. Holub's land. Heavy rain started. We had no cover ex- 
cept oaks over our heads . . . For miles around there were no settlers and 
we felt miserable and forsaken. Next day the sun came out very bright 
and we got to work ..."^^ The immigrants stayed on the land under the 
oaks and named their settlement Duhinn ('Oak land'). Fayetteville (origi- 
nally begun in 1833 as a shelter against American Indians and wild ani- 




Fig. 13. Abandoned Czech Catholic Union building, Dubina, Texas. 



194 From Moravia to Texas 



mals) became a shelter for a few Czechs in 1854, evolving within three 
decades into a prominent Czech-German community where Czechs made 
up the majority of the population.^-^ Hostyn was originally established in 
1831 as a Spanish Catholic mission post. It was a German town in the 
1830s, but twenty years later the first Czechs joined in and transformed it 
into a stronghold of Texas Czech Catholics.''^ 

When I arrived at Dubina I had a sense of entering the past. The road 
passed by "Jerry Shimek's Place," a small structure that looked like an 
old car service station or a country store, the abandoned building of 
"K.J.T. Dubina" [Czech Catholic Union] (Fig. 13), and eventually brought 
me in front of a large church. Next to it stood a shabby hut of stone, once 
supposedly the priest's dwelling, two toilet booths with bilingual signs 
for both genders, and finally a large cemetery. I passed through the mod- 
ern section into the old one, shielded by the branches of ancient crooked 
oaks covered with moss. Parts of the cemetery were overgrown with grass 
and other vegetation, obviously not visited for years (Fig. 14). As I started 
taking photographs, fascinated by the diversity of stones and texts, I 
surprised a couple in their forties standing over an old grave in silence. 
They knew little about the particular relative buried there but happily 
exchanged a few formulaic phrases with me in Czech and filled me in on 
the past. Dubina, I learned, once had several stores, gins, and pubs, and 
was in every respect a booming community. In 1877, six hundred Czech 
families lived there and the community had its church, with a parochial 
as well as a public school. By 1900 the town had expanded to the point 
where there was even a zoo.^'* A fire destroyed Dubina in 1912: it never 
recovered and most of its settlers left the area. Today, all that is left is the 
church and the cemetery. 

While taking photographs in Texas cemeteries on Easter and All Souls 
Day I met other descendants of the pioneers at the graves as well. They 
shared their memories of aging parents who lost the sense of the Ameri- 
can reality as they grew old and returned to the Czech world of their 
youth. "Stafenka 'grandmother' became like a baby and now she is gone," 
one said. "I wish I could have understood all her stories." They told me 
that the prairie was once dotted with Czech stores and gins and that the 
Czechs adapted c^uickly to the new land. At first, they hunted for meat 
to survive, established primitive shelters shared by several families, rented 
a few acres from luckier neighbors, and sent their children to work for 
others while they turned the prairie into fields. And then, in a predict- 
able order, they built a church, a cemetery, and a school to make the 



Eva Eckert 



195 



community complete. When the Czechs first settled in various regions 
of central Texas they endowed their settlements with names that still 
today bring up distinctly Czech historical and geographical associations: 
Hostyn, after a hill and village in Moravia known for the miracle of the 
Virgin Mary's apparition; Prnhn, after the capital of the Czech Lands and 
the symbol of the Czech nation; Velehrad, after the site of the 863 A.D. 
mission from Byzantium; Komensky, after the 17th century philosopher 
of that name; Roznov, after the town under the hill of Rndhosf in the Beskid 
mountains; Bild Horn, after the 1620 battle of that name; Novy Tabor, after 
the bastion of radical Hussites in south Bohemia. When they joined ear- 
lier German immigrants in Fayetteville, Frelsburg, Shiner, and Ellinger, 
they typically outnumbered or matched the original population within a 
few decades. But that was a long time ago, the descendants stressed. 
Once prospereous, Czech rural settlements today represent no more than 
a dot on the map linked to a cemetery. 

Many pioneers died in the march from Galveston inland, and the 
sites of their burials are long forgotten. A pioneer recalled, "It happened 
so that Mares died on the way and so they dug up a hole, laid him in it. 







Fig. 14. Overgrown section of Dubina Cemetery, 
shielded by tall oaks. 



196 



From Moravia to Texas 



covered him with ground and went on."^^ But laying out a cemetery was 
one of the earHest priorities of the newly organized congregations; it 
entailed claiming a possession in the land and creating a new homeland. 




'•^^.s^.,- 



Fig. 15. Tombstone displaying kinship relations or origin. 



Eva Eckert 197 



Burying one's parents there was not only part of the traditional ancestor 
veneration but also of the intention to stay and to belong.^^ By having a 
piece of land where one's ancestors were buried one could enter into 
local history. The land that contained bones of their departed contained 
also roots of the community. Veneration of land and nature characteristic 
of the Czech vernacular culture was reflected also in immigrants' 
attachment to the land as a valued ownership. They lived off the land; 
once purchased, it stayed in the family (additional acreage was often 
acquired cheaply in undeveloped blackland regions as long as a tendency 
to found a Czech settlement became apparent). 

The tombstones (e.g.. Fig. 15) that Czech immigrants raised on the 
land memorialized their relatives through data about their origin, re- 
corded often with obsessive precision ("Born in Cermna near Lanskroun 
in Bohemia, Austria, Europe"). The data were embellished by details clari- 
fying the community linkage, family kinship ("Marie Horak, wife of Josef 
Novak, born as Zamykalova, first wife of Jan Simecek"), time of arrival 
and number of years spent in America ("Born on 29 March, 1867, ar- 
rived to America in April 1887 and died in Dubina July 15, 1910"). The 
texts traced family interrelationships and community networks, and were 
selected and carved with the awareness that community members would 
read them in the future; thus, they became critical in creating commu- 
nity memory. The cemetery became the place to reaffirm one's identity 
and a museum where the second and third generations could reconnect 
with their ancestry. Abundant language on the stones contains memo- 
ries meant to outlive the deceased individuals and become permanent 
records. The cemeteries were the sites of ceremonial visitation on sev- 
eral holidays during the year, in particular on All Souls Day in Novem- 
ber, when entire families would arrive to remember the deceased, show 
children where the departed lay, and narrate stories about their deeds. 

The earliest marked graves with inscriptions appeared when the first 
communities were established in the 1860s. The Wesley Moravian Breth- 
ren congregation, the oldest Brethren congregation in the state, was or- 
ganized in 1864 and its first church built in 1866; the earliest death date 
carved on a tombstone is 1870. The Ross Prairie Brethren congregation 
was founded in 1870, its church and cemetery established that same year, 
which coincides with the earliest death date engraved upon a stone. The 
first Fayetteville Catholic church was dedicated in 1872, the same year 
that the first person was buried in its cemetery. ^^ St. Mary's in Praha is 
one of the oldest Catholic parishes in the state. The pattern of tombstone 



198 From Moravia to Texas 



inscriptions in the cemetery reflects the arrival and eventual dominance 
of Czechs in the parish. The earliest preserved stones remember the lives 
of Anglo-Texans at Mulberry [earlier name for the settlement] and bear 
English inscriptions. The first Czech inscription is dated 1869, but the 
first Czech burial at the cemetery actually took place in 1866 when forty- 
nine year old Marie Gallia died.^*^ By the 1880s, the majority of the in- 
scriptions were in Czech, something which was true still in the 1940s.^'* 

Messages from the dead 

In reading the graveyard messages one senses the gains and losses 
that the immigrants experienced. They often had to leave behind their 
parents and were severed from the support of family and village, as well 
as the ties of language and traditions. Separation was particularly diffi- 
cult for lonely and aging parents who knew that never again would they 
see their children. A Moravian mother wrote to her children in Texas: 

I inform you that we received the two pictures and I was so glad that you 
thought of me because I longed to see you. So now my wish came true. I'm so 
pleased that you have such big and healthy children, they will be of good 
help to you; you could never keep them in such an order here. We welcomed 
you back having your pictures. I cried from joy when I was looking at you 
and you at me . . . P.S. The postcard that we sent you some time ago came 
back and so we're sending it to you again now.*" 

Communication with home was slow and unreliable. Most emigrants 
died without ever seeing their loved ones again. The cemetery assumed 
the role of a public chronicle and was maintained by successive genera- 
tions that can be traced through the tombstones. Tombstone inscriptions 
fi.mctioned as both public and private texts at the same time: they were 
displayed, shared, and accessible to all; but they were also personal ex- 
pressions of individual grief. The texts communicated in three different 
ways: the bereaved announced a relative's departure to the community 
('Here rests in the Lord O.M. born . . . and died . . . Let's wish her eternal 
rest in her ashes' [1888]); they addressed the deceased in a final good- 
bye ('Rest always sweetly and in peace. Your father and mother always 
remember you' [1927]); and the deceased admonished grieving relatives 
and the community, reminding them of everyone's mortality ('The High- 
est Lord called me up so that I intercede for you' [undated but pre-1900]).^^ 
Authorship of tombstone texts and designs was communal. The bereaved 
chose the text and imagery, perhaps in consultation with the dying fam- 
ily member, pastor, and friends. The engraver took deliberate steps in 



Eva Eckert 199 



making final modifications in the text and arrangement. With each death, 
the pioneers mourned not only the departure of a dear soul but also a 
link to the home that was irrevocably lost. They promised in the stone 
never to forget the departed, expressed a hope that the foreign soil was 
going to give them easy rest, and found consolation in a heavenly re- 
union with them. The inscriptions ended in sad good-byes of the be- 
reaved - "My darling, be well up there" - resembling vernacular greetings 
used in the community and adding a refreshing tone to the language of 
death. 

Distinctive elements of the Texas Czech graveyard incorporate diver- 
sified language and material culture, and, despite the polished artistry 
of some, most early tombstones carry the imprints of vernacular pro- 
duction. Initially, inscriptions were cast into soft gravestones'*- and the 
text laid out in all sorts of arrangements and types of lettering, as de- 
signed by the bereaved. Each stone was idiosyncratic in its design of text 
and decoration. Some included crude lettering, casually drawn lines, 
words running over lines, and text lacking any order and form. Occa- 
sional aesthetic mismatching of the orderly gravestone and disorderly 
language is striking. 

Messages on early gravestones tend to be memorable and idiosyn- 
cratic. In 1912, a husband wrote on the stone for his deceased wife: "Sleep 
sweetly my dear wife and our darling. Have peace at your grave and 
think of us in the kingdom of stars. Be with the Lord God my sweet 
darling. Good-bye until we meet where nothing will ever separate us." 
Others engraved what was weighing on their heart. Many gravestones 
reveal despair and poverty. A metal plate on one contains the names and 
birth and death dates of four children who died within a short time span 
in one family. It looks more like a catalogue entry than a tombstone text. 
The writing is crowded and leaves no room for an additional name. 
Crooked lines separate the text into four columns. The impact is grim. 
More standardized stones of marble and granite often prevent such an 
emotional effect: they do not reveal material status or pain, and carry 
the message of death through static prescribed formulae. 

Acculturation 

Gravestones point to the pioneers' historical identity and ethnicity, 
and suggest how the immigrants negotiated their identity in emigration: 
they mark the extent of contacts with the American world, as well as the 
speed of immigrant adaptation and abandonment of community. Being 



200 From Moravia to Texas 



Czech, I could glean the acculturation pattern from the tombstones and 
began in my mind to attach footnotes to the stones about religious faith, 
vernacular concerns, geographical origin, generation, and degree of con- 
tact with English. To most visitors these tombstones were inaccessible 
and begged explanation. But one thing was apparent beyond any doubt 
even to those who could not read Czech: the language was inscribed 
everywhere, and the cemetery was the product of a community of liter- 
ate believers who held onto their identity for an unusually long time 
period. 

Czech cemeteries in central Texas followed the life cycle of the com- 
munities that established them. Inscriptions display stages of commu- 
nity acculturation through patterns of language usage, the initial 
functional separation of English and Czech as well as the eventual shift 
into English. Czech was imprinted everywhere and did not seem to re- 
cede or mix with English until after World War II. Even the fourth gen- 
eration continued to dot their English texts with Czech identity symbols. 
What was the community like that it imparted such a lasting ethnic at- 
tachment? In the modern houses spread at some distance from the cem- 
etery, and considerable distances from one another, there was nobody to 
ask. If the locals knew of Texas Czechs who once lived in the area, they 
referred to them as to a culture gone a long time ago. I could not help but 
wonder about the speed of change that obliterated traces of the past. For 
how long will the cemeteries last as the cultural vestiges? 

The actual community maintenance was affected by various factors, 
both prior to the actual emigration and in the emigration itself. Its seeds 
were the emigrants' literacy, and their high level of ethnic, cultural, and 
language awareness. The factors defining the Texas Czech community 
were several: the homogeneity of the Czech immigrant group; the heavy 
flow of immigrants into central Texas after the Civil War; the self-suffi- 
ciency and relative isolation of the immigrant farming communities; the 
ethnically defined social networks within the communities; and the pres- 
ence of leaders who contributed to the organized and planned emigra- 
tion, and shaped the immigrants' new Texan identity. During the period 
prior to World War I the communities were being continually settled 
and immigration to them was increasing every year. Original settlements 
were rejuvenated through the homeland contacts, and new immigrants 
dispersed into settlements established in the neighborhood. The pre-WWI 
period constituted the peak years of the community, when cultivation of 
homeland ties and affirmation of Czech roots happened naturally as an 



Eva Eckert 201 



ongoing process. The communities needed to exert no special effort to 
maintain themselves. They also did not seek to integrate into the Anglo- 
American culture, and mutual relations of Americans and Czechs were 
rather distant. The situation changed drastically after WWI, when con- 
tacts with the immigrant homeland decreased: immigration into Texas 
declined after the declaration of Czechoslovakia's independence in 1918, 
and immigration quotas were imposed by the U.S. Congress in 1924. 
These events in effect severed the community from the homeland. After 
WWII, the community became affected by a myriad of changes on sev- 
eral fronts. The farming countryside changed forever when small farms 
vanished due to a massive restructuring of agricultural production. Fur- 
ther, the war dispersed the population: after the conflict, some returned 
to the cities rather than to their hometowns while others did not return 
at all. The changes in America were compounded by post-WWII devel- 
opments in Czechoslovakia. Institution of the communist regime in 1948 
sealed off the American settlements for forty years to come. Descendants 
of pioneers who wanted to visit their Czech relatives and see the villages 
from which their parents emigrated never received a Czech visa, and letters 
they wrote home got "lost." Conversely, maintenance of contacts with 
Texas relatives was politically dangerous for those in Czechoslovakia. 

The cemeteries reflect these historical changes. The stones provide a 
measure of continuity in the community, and also show through the con- 
tent and culture of messages how the immigrants of the second and third 
generations changed their identity. The most striking change in interwar 
inscriptions was a shift away from an idiosyncratic text to its arrange- 
ment into two columns with parallel data on deceased parents, i.e. kin- 
ship, names, dates and epitaph, representing adoption of an American 
cultural pattern that initially did not affect the language per se. When 
used in the pre- WWII inscriptions, the American layout was filled with 
Czech content, but in the post-war period this shifted to English. Al- 
ready in the interwar years, tombstones began to display anglicizing fea- 
tures, mixing in English through borrowings and grammar patterns, and 
code-switching between Czech and English dates and epitaphs on the 
stone (see Fig. 16). This usage indicated that both languages were now 
present in the community through increasing contacts with the Anglo 
world. Czech was the language of the immigrants' homeland used for 
self-identification, and English the language through which the immi- 
grants began to negotiate their American identity from "Czechs in Texas," 
to "Texas Czechs," and finally to "Americans." Tombstone inscriptions 



202 



From Moravia to Texas 



(and also minutes of KJT meetings, readers' letters to the press, and per- 
sonal notes) illustrate the colorful language that the immigrants brought 



•fca^SSi--^ 





V 



MOTHER 




MARIE VYCHOPEN 
8. 24, 1855 
2. \G. 1941 



RUZEVADNF, 7.MiRA LlLUi 
NFSMPT}-1.NY KViil VSAK MA 
VYSOSTl-CH NIKDY NI'/^UYNI 



-^ 




Fig. 16. Mixed language tombstone text. 



Eva Eckert 203 



with them originally from home, its gradual convergence to English in 
selected patterns, and a subsequent full shift to English. 

After WWII, the Czech language in Texas became a hybrid marked 
by English borrowings and grammatical patterns. Its outside source dried 
up: no new immigrants were arriving who would refresh its vocabulary 
and remind users of the homeland sounds. Only a few listened to the old 
voices of priests, teachers, and press editors. The language became com- 
pressed into a monotonous style with a rusty tone. It lived through self- 
perpetuating rituals of song, prayer, and cemetery phraseology of those 
who once spoke Czech daily in the community. However, though the 
language has been dying with its original speakers, ethnicity has lin- 
gered on for decades. ^'' Tombstones of the post-WWII period seem to 
echo language rituals lingering on in those who used to hear their elders 
speak Czech. One usually remembers greetings, sayings, a few distinc- 
tive vocabulary items when everything else escapes the memory. After 
WWII, initial variation of names, greetings, and epitaphs of diverse spell- 
ings and dialects were streamlined and reduced to a few patterns re- 
peated throughout Czech Texas. Most gravestones indicate joint mother/ 
father burials. Rare are the graves of individuals, young people, or chil- 
dren nowadays because after WWII the young departed for the city. The 
cemetery had ceased to be an integral part of a community. 

In the years following World War II many rural communities van- 
ished. By 1982 Moravian Hranice, in Lee County, was a dispersed rural 
community marked by two cemeteries and a few scattered buildings. 
Even earlier - by 1950 - most land in the area of the Moravian commu- 
nity of Vsetin in Lavaca County, settled in the 1880s, had reverted to 
pasture due to a decline in cotton production. Today the former commu- 
nity continues to be marked by a church and it's two cemeteries.^ The 
story of post-WWII decline and abandonment repeats in community af- 
ter community. Gravemarkers that have appeared in cemeteries since 
then were placed by descendants living removed from the original com- 
munity. Their choice of an inscription for their parents' tombstone was 
determined by the parents' desire, the descendant's perception of their 
identity, and their capacity to write in Czech. Although the link to the 
community was broken, the respect for parents remained, as evident in 
the choice of the Czech language marking parents' identity. But the Czech 
used was formulaic and revealed nothing about the actual capacity to 
speak the language (see Fig. 17). 



204 



From Moravia to Texas 



Stones upon the prairie 

Searching through these old cemeteries I relished every tombstone, 
gently moving plants and rubbing off dirt to read the text. The modern 
ones irritated me. They disclosed little basic data, and this in large clearly 
legible letters; all was in the open and monotonous (Fig. 18). Even in the 
graveyard, the Czechs did what the time demanded; they accommodated 
the majority and ceased to be different. Modern communal cemeteries 
obliterated distinctive elements of ethnic traditions reflected in the older 
graveyards:"*^ in modern sections of the Czech cemeteries photos, per- 
sonal greetings of the bereaved, various personal identification of the 
deceased, biblical verses, vernacular terminology, dialectisms, mistakes 
and misspellings ... all that vanished. Cultural homogenization into an 
American prototype took away the choices of individuals.^*' It replaced 
lavender and rosebushes with commercially produced plastic flowers. 
Informal messages on stones of various sizes, shapes, and materials 
yielded to formal language and content on the newer, more expensive 
granite stones. 




Fig. 17. The 1949 Riha tombstone was placed by children of the 

deceased parents. All the data are formulaic and abbreviated to a 

minimum. But the authors' intention was to write in Czech. 



Eva Eckert 



205 



Today, Texas Czech cemeteries are no longer surrounded by immi- 
grant settlements; ongoing, vibrant relationship between the commu- 
nity and cemetery, commonplace in the homeland, is gone forever. Texas 
Czech cemeteries became stones on the prairie and memorials to the 
past; those in the Czech Republic, on the other hand, are part of the 
present life of villages and towns. Ties of the community to the cemetery 
containing the bones of those who belonged to the community have never 
been severed there, and descendants continue to arrive several times a 
year and add creative touches even to mass produced tombstones. Uni- 
formity of gravestones has not reached the degree that it attained in 
America. In the homeland, the cemetery remains a place where people 
visit and where flowers bloom according to the season (see Fig. 19). In 
Texas, the cemetery is a site of memorials where only old couples get 
buried nowadays, those who outlived the Texas Czech community that 
dissipated half a century ago.'*'' 

Churches and cemeteries were the first visual elements to define Texas 
Czech settlements when established; today, they are their remains. Church 
steeples continue to guide travelers to the sites that were once vibrant 




Fig. 18. Modern Texas Czech gravestones 
displaying general uniformity. 



206 



From Moravia to Texas 



with Czech ethnic culture. Texas Czechs hved and died, but their 
gravemarkers stand to tell their story and to document their identity. As 
one walks today among gravestones with inscriptions from the 1970s 
and later containing staccato English messages that repeat from stone to 
stone, Czech identity of the dead stands out in signs of names, marks 
above letters, and isolated words, documenting that the Czech language 
did not "fade away neatly."^^ Despite a sharp decline in Czech tomb- 
stone writing in the last three decades, when Czech inscriptions have 
become an exception rather than a rule, the inscriptions reflect descen- 
dants' loyalty to their Czech roots. Inscribing tombstones turned into an 
act of Czech identity, and the inscription became a metaphor of the physi- 
cal interment. 

As I kept returning to Texas, traveling throughout the Czech settle- 
ment areas and collecting tombstone inscriptions, the distant Texas past 
of these immigrants became near and familiar. Old-timers' stories enliv- 
ened Texas Czech history that began to seem as recent as yesterday. Con- 
tinuity emerged when I talked to grandsons who spoke with love of their 



M ' 




Jan 

Kafka 

r «<rr09 

Fig. 19, A typical contemporary homeland cemetery. 




Eva Eckert 



207 




Fig. 20. An immigrant stone upon the prairie. 



208 From Moravia to Texas 



grandfathers' adventures and related their stories of childhood in Texas 
Czech communities. Two eighty-year old sisters living in Fayetteville in 
the house where they were born asserted that their town has changed 
little since they were growing up. They remembered who built which 
house and to whom it successively belonged. The sisters and others who 
defended the old ways of living associated with the Texas Czech com- 
munity were themselves also as those stones upon the prairie (Fig. 20) 
preserving the collective memory. As I listened to them I pictured their 
ancestors as they sang, danced, picked cotton, and prayed. Their stories 
rendered the Texas Czechs, whom I had already known from my tomb- 
stones, alive, and a fading past became part of the present. 

NOTES 

All photos are by the author, with the exception of Fig. 2. The map in Fig. 9 is from Robert 
Janak, Geographic Origins of Czech Texmis (Halletsville, TX, 1985). 

1. Descendants of Czechs and Moravians who immigrated to Texas are known today as 
Texas Czechs. Many are, however, aware, of their distinct ethnographic origins, as de- 
fined by geographical, historical, and ethic boundaries. The label Texas Czechs is used in 
scholarly literature today to encompass both groups. 

2. For a comparison with German Texas cemeteries, see Terry Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A 
Cultural Legacy (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1982), p. 97. 

3. This sort of description is characteristic of various stories that appeared in the calendar 
Amerikdn, published in Chicago and distributed from the 1870s throughout the 1950s in 
the U.S. It seems to have entered the narratives of many pioneers. For instance, see a 
story called "Kfovdci" in Amerikdn 9 (1886): 102-109. 

4. Cf. Rev. V.A. Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas (Waco, 
TX, 1974) and History of St. Mary's Parish at Praha, Texas, 1995, The Schulenburg Sticker, 
Schulenburg, Texas [collection of memoirs of Moravian settlers of Praha, as narrated by 
their descendants and compiled by church parishioners]. 

5. The pioneers attented a church at Hallettsville before the Praha church was built. 

6. Fayette County, Texas Heritage (Fayetteville, TX: Curtis Media, Inc., 1996), 78. 

7. Praha remains attractive still today thanks to its annual feast day reunions on the day of 
Virgin Mary Apparition in August that continues to be celebrated by Czech gatherings 
and masses. 

8. L.W. Dongres, an American journalist who lived among Texas Czechs, estimated that as 
many as 80 percent of all Czechs and Moravians in Texas were Roman Catholics. See also 
A.J. Morkovsky, "The Church and the Czechs in Texas," in The Czechs in Texas, ed. Clinton 



Eva Eckert 209 



Machann (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1978): 88-95. Tombstone 
counts of homeland placenames confirm this majority. 

9. The burning at the stake of Hus and Hieronymus of Prague in 1415-16 for their adher- 
ence to the Bible and request for Church reform ignited a powerful social response that 
resonated throughout the centuries, but which also devastated both the countryside and 
church architecture. 

10. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legaci/, p. 97 on children sections at German 
cemeteries. 

11. As evaluated by American historian F. Lotto: Fai/ette County. Her History and Her People 
(La Grange, TX: Sticker Stem Press, 1902). 

12. Katefina Herrmann's letter from 1851, in Naprstek Museum Archives, Prague, Czech 
Republic. 

13. On the settlers' trauma when faced with a radically different countryside than the one to 
which they were accustomed and which has been culturally shaped for many centuries, 
see David Murphy, "Podstatne rysy ceskoamericke krajiny" [Basic features of Czech- 
American countryside], Cesky lid 85: 1 (1998): 35-47. 

14. For comments on the use of photographs in German cemeteries as well, see Jordan, Texas 
Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 116. 

15. Robert Janak, 1991, "Czech Texas and Texas Czechs," Stirpes 31, (1991): 106-119. In two 
other works - Geographic Origin of Czech Texans (Halletsville, TX, 1985) and Old Bohe- 
mian Tombstones (Hallettsville, TX, 1987) -Janak has also demonstrated through data 
compiled from tombstone inscriptions that some 80% of the Czech immigration to Texas 
originated in northeastern Moravia. This figure is corroborated by official statistics of 
emigration petitions and population counts as well as genealogists and arcliivists research- 
ing the history of individual families. 

16. For an interpretation of the cemetery location, see Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural 
Legacy, 33. 

17. Drahomir Strnadel, Emigration to Texas from the Mistek District (Victoria, TX: Czech Heri- 
tage Society, 1996), 17. 

18. From the Lichnov chronicle, quoted in Josef Simicek, ed., 700 let Lichnova 1293-1993 [700 
years of Lichnov] (Lichnov, Czech Republic: District office of Lichnov, 1993). 

19. The report is analyzed in Vyst ehovalectvi z okresu Vsetin 1853-80 [Emigration from the 
Vsetin district in 1853-80], 1987, in the Museum of Lichnov, Czech Republic, unpublished. 

20. From memoirs published in the immigrant newspaper Si'oboda, 1950 (El Campo). After 
WWII, many memoirs were published in the immigrant press in an attempt to rekindle 
the past for the sake of the old settlers and that of the youth who had begun to depart 
from the community. 



210 From Moravia to Texas 



21. Quoted in Strnadel, Emigration to Texas from the Mistek District (unpaginated). 

22. See Derek Sayer, On the Coasts of Bohemia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 
1998), p. 66. Labor services were regulated and significantly lightened by Joseph II's 
Robota Patent of 1775, whereby peasants were emancipated from serfdom but still bonded 
to nobles' estates. In remote regions, however, labor was often enforced throughout the 
1850s. 

23. Svoboda, 11 February 1943. 

24. See, for instance, "Tiny Town Tells of Czech Heritage," Houston Chronicle (27 October, 
1980), 3; see also History of St. Mary's Parish at Praha, Texas and other primary sources 
from the areas of Czech settlement in Texas. 

25. A total of 115 persons originally applied for passports and received them after many 
weeks of anticipation, but over thirty decided not to leave after all. See Frantisek Silar, 
"The First Nepomuky and Cermna Emigrants in Texas," Hos;wrffl/(January, 1967). 

26. See Frantisek Kutnar, "Dopisy ceskych vystehovalcu z padesatych let 19. stoleti ze zamofi 
do vlasti" [Letters of Czech emigrants from the 1850s from overseas], in Zaciatky ceskej a 
slovenskej emigrdcie [Beginnings of Czech and Slovak emigration], ed. Josef Polisensky 
(Bratislava, Czech Republic: Slovenska academia vied, 1970), 211-306. 

27. The name of Veseli was anglicized as Wesley in 1866 when it established its own post 
office. The English name was perhaps a play on words recalling the English church re- 
former as well as a way to accommodate English spelling. The original building still 
stands next to a new church built in 1962. 

28. Masik's life story was initially recorded by his daughter in 1887 for Amerikdn, in remem- 
brance of his death in 1881. 

29. St'O^orfr?, 11 February 1943. 

30. Ibid. 

31. Quoted in Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas, p. 45. 

32. The settlement served as a stage coach station on the Old San Felipe Trail that connected 
San Felipe and Bastrop, and it attracted heavy German immigration in the 1830s. Origi- 
nally settled by these Germans, the first Czechs began living there in 1854. In 1890, 
Fayetteville had over 200 families, two hotels, a general store operated by Czechs, and a 
doctor who lived in town. 220 Catholic Moravian families were counted in 1904. It was 
a center of commerce for cotton growers, cattlemen, and egg farmers, with the towns of 
Industry, Ellinger, Columbus, Ammannsville, Ross Prairie, and Nelsonville within easy 
traveling distance. 

33. Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Ceciwv americkych (St. Louis, MO: Hlas, 1904). Hostyn's Catholic 
school was founded in 1868, a theater and reading clubs a few years later, and a first 
Czech Mutual Society in 1877. A permanent local pastor arrived in 1884 from Moravia. 
In 1939, 115 families lived in Hostyn and the parish had 512 believers. 



Eva Eckert 211 



34. See The Czech Texans (San Antonio, TX: Institute of Texan Culttires, 1972), 8. 

35. From a description of a journey from the port of Galveston in 1853, Svoboda, 1 1 February 
1943. 

36. Czechs never adopted the custom, then so prevalent in America among the other groups, 
of burying the dead on the edges of their farmland in unsanctified ground. Cf . Jordan, 
Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, for a description of German folk cemeteries in New 
Braunfels and isolated family cemeteries in the Hill Country corroborating adoption of 
the American custom. 

37. Janak, Old Bohemian Tombstones, 3. 

38. Svrcek, A History of the Czech-Moravian Catholic Communities of Texas, 148. 

39. janak. Old Bohemian Tombstones, 3. 

40. A private letter dated 1884 and sent from Valasske Klobuky in Moravia to Texas. 

41. Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 117-118. 

42. Limestone and sandstone were used in domestic production, and from the 1900s also 
cement. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, passim. 

43. "A language may be lost but such loss does not mean inevitably that the group that used 
it has lost its identity, although such loss of identity often does follow" : Ronald Wardhaugh, 
Sociolinguistics, 3rd ed. (Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, Inc., 1998), 20. 

44. See Sean N. Gallup, Journeys into Czech-Moravian Texas (College Station, TX: Texas A&M 
University Press, 1996), 127-128 for a chart of existing Czech communities, marked at 
least by a physical vestige such as a church or cemetery. Only communities with Czechs 
names are, however, included in the chart. 

45. See Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy, 49-50, on the arrival of commercial mark- 
ers in Texas cemeteries. 

46. Ibid.,7. 

47. Ibid., 100. Originally every burial constituted a separate entity. Although family burial 
lots never materialized, 90% of post- WWII stones comprise gravestones that include both 
parents. 

48. As Jean Aitchison comments, "Language death is messy": Language Change: Progress or 
Decay?, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 208. 



212 



Key West Cemetery 




Pen and watercolor drawing of Key West Cemetery, ca. 1947. 



213 



KEY WEST CEMETERY 

Kenneth Pobo 

Sun on stone, 
humid names drip. 
Flowers. Memory 
needs a bouquet, 
a place to rest. 

We walk slowly past 
these bodies, 
take our time. 

The sea is kinder, 

covers bones 

with coral and sand. 

Our salt veins 

flow back under flns, 

turtle shells, 

pulsing anemones, 

but among graves, 
grief has an address: 
a mother, a father, 
a lover, 

less than photographs, 
a few stories told 
which can't be proven, 
like faith or love. 

We listen for a voice 

that cannot speak, 

grow more aware 

of breath. The cemetery, 

a community. 

Stars petal the ground 

with light. 



214 



The Rule Family 




Fig. 1. Mary Creighton gravestone. 
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, New York. 



215 



THE RULE FAMILY: VERMONT GRAVESTONE CARVERS 
AND MARBLE DEALERS 

Ann M. Cathcart 

In 1802, Henry Rule, Sr., his wife. Christian Stuart Rule, and their 
children, Agnes, 11, John, 8, Henry, 5, and Robert, 2, left Scotland for 
America. They settled in Bennington County, Vermont, where a son, 
James, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary, were born (see Appen- 
dix I).^ The father, Henry, had been a teacher in Scotland. In Vermont, in 
the village of Sunderland, he became a farmer.' In an application dated 
14 August 1812, Henry Rule, Sr. applied for U.S. citizenship. He said, "I 
am a common laborer ... I have resided in the United States of America 
about term [sic] years . . . and have never maid [sic] an application to any 
other Courts of the United States to become a citizen ..."^ 

Young Henry and his brother James would eventually become stone- 
cutters and marble dealers, taking advantage of the locally quarried 
marble found in their Bennington County neighborhood, specifically in 
the villages of Sunderland and Arlington, Vermont. It is not known where 
or how Henry and James learned to carve gravemarkers. The 18th cen- 
tury gravestone carver, Samuel Dwight, lived in Arlington^ and Sunder- 
land,^ and perhaps they had contact with him and his work as they were 
growing up. Samuel Dwight, on occasion, signed his work as "S. Dwight, 
Sc": it is interesting to note that Henry and James Rule also used this 
same designation (i.e., "Sc") on gravestones which they signed. While 
Samuel Dwight may have taught the Rules techniques for carving marble, 
they did not copy or develop his folk art style for gravemarkers. As we 
shall see, the Rules carved the neo-classical willow-and-um designs which 
became a widely used style in the early nineteenth century. 

Agnes Rule, older sister of Henry and James, married Ethan Stone c. 
1813, and moved to Arlington, where Ethan also became a stonecutter 
and marble dealer. The Vermont Gazette in 1831 published a list of stone- 
cutters in the Bennington County, Vermont, area: included on this list 
were the names James Rule, M. McKee, and E. Stone.^ 

Henry Rule was married 20 September 1834 to Mary Canfield of Ar- 
lington.^ Mary was a descendant of early settlers of Arlington, and her 
uncle, Nathan Canfield, Jr., owned a marble cutting mill in Arlington 
where Henry worked. Most of the marble came from quarries near the 



216 The Rule Family 



Battenkill River, at the point where it flows through Arlington.^ Ethan 
Stone purchased a quarry in this area from Moses McKee in 1833.^ 

As early as 28 September 1825, James Rule had journeyed to Brockport, 
New York, where he was attempting to establish a business for grave- 
stones. He wrote to his brother Henry from Brockport, saying, "As for 
our sales they are not rapped [sic], but sell to a great proffet [sic] at two 
dollars per foot besides lettering. We have sold $90.74 worth and have 
engagements for as many more."^° 

The McKees of Arlington were also a family of carvers and marble 
dealers. Aaron McKee and his brother Moses" owned a quarry in Ar- 
lington.^^ A nephew of Aaron and Moses, Samuel McKee, taught school 
in Arlington for two years. The younger McKees, Samuel and his brother 
James, and Henry and James Rule were friends who spent a good bit of 
time together. Samuel McKee moved to Herkimer County, New York, 
where he settled in Winfield. In a diary entry dated 29 March 1826, Samuel 
wrote that he "... talked with Henry Rule about a hand to work for me. 
H. thought his brother would come. He agreed to see him and write me 
word; talked with him about stone he is to furnish me with some from 
Canfield's quarry if I wish." In April 1827, Samuel wrote in his diary, "... 
wrote a letter to M[oses] M[cKee] to have James Rule come on & M.M. to 
send about 80 ft. of slabs &c." James Rule made the trip to Winfield, 
where he worked on McKee's farm and helped in the marble business: 
"... Rule this week cut 116 letters finished curtains cut a willow urn & 
oval ..." Apparently the arrangement suited both parties, for on 19 
March 1828, Samuel wrote, "... rec'd a letter ... from Jas. Rule ... inform- 
ing me he would work for me the ensuing season ...", and on 24 Mar 
1828, "... wrote a letter to James Rule directing him to come on the first 
of May."^"* Samuel McKee took farm products from Winfield to Albany, 
New York, then continued to Arlington and loaded his wagon with 
marble, which he took back to Herkimer County to sell.^^ 

From Winfield, Herkimer County, New York, James wrote in 1828 to 
Henry in Arlington: "Saw a gentleman on my way here who was in want 
of two pare [sic] of grave stones 6 ft by 1 ft 8 carved with willows and urn 
ovals and grape vines. . . . Offered me forty Dollars cash in the Fall for 
them . . . wish you to consult with Ethan [Stone] on it and let me know 
the least it can be don [sic] for."^^ Later that same year, James, from Spring- 
field, New York, wrote to "Henry Rule or Ethan Stone, Arlington. Dear 
Brother — I will send you the inscription for the two set of gravestones. 
One set are to be worth thirty dollars finished and delivered at the Springs, 



Ann M. Cathcart 



217 



and the other set to be worth twenty dollars finished in good stile [sic], 
the Cash is ready on the Delivery. . . . Please forward a ... stone imediately 
[sic] pay the transportation and forward a bill of the whole and the money 
shall be ready when you come to finish the gravestone . . . both sets are to 
be worth fifty dollars including carving them ..."^^ 

As mentioned earlier, both Henry and James Rule carved gravestones, 
and many signed examples of their work can be found today (see Ap- 
pendix II). For example, a gravestone signed by James Rule may be seen 
in Old Hebron Cemetery, Chamberlain Mills Road (north side), Hebron, 
New York (Figs. 1 and 2). This stone marks the grave of Mary Creighton, 
who died 17 September 1820. It is not as elaborate as the Thomas Law 
marker carved by Henry Rule (to be discussed shortly), but it follows the 
same general pattern which features an urn with flame and a willow 
tree. The stone for Thomas Creighton, husband of Mary, is virtually iden- 
tical to the the Mary Creighton stone, but is not signed. Both Salem and 
Hebron are located just west of the boundary between Vermont and New 
York, and are very close to Arlington, Vermont. A stone signed "H. Rule, 
Sc." for a man named Thomas Law, who died 4 March 1830, is located in 




Fig. 2. James Rule signature on Mary Creighton gravestone. 
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, New York. 



218 



The Rule Family 




Fig. 3. Thomas Law gravestone. 
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, New York. 



Ann M. Cathcart 



219 



the Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, Washington County, New York (Figs. 
2 and 3). The marker is leaning against another gravestone, but other- 
wise appears to be in good condition. Its design includes a willow tree 
with visible roots and an urn with a flame coming from the top. The top 
portion of the stone is curved with a small rosette on each side, and the 
borders are rather ornate columns. The name and death date are carved 
upon a raised oval, which is surrounded with leaves. There is a bow at 
the top of the oval, and another at the bottom. 

In Cayuga County, New York, in the towns of King Ferry, Genoa, and 
Venice Center, there are a number of other stones carved and signed by 
Henry Rule. The recurring motifs are a willow and urn, sometimes sur- 
rounded with leaves or vines. The willows almost always shows roots, 
and the letters are carved both neatly and consistently and are evenly 
spaced. In the West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York, there are 
three gravemarkers located close together, each signed by Henry Rule 
(see Fig. 5). The largest is an obelisk marking the graves of Roswell and 
Pamela Franklin (died February and March, 1843, respectively), and it is 
signed "H. Rule, Vt." (Fig. 6). A plain tablet marker for Lewis Toan, Esq. 




Fig. 4. Henry Rule signature on Thomas Law gravestone. 
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, New York. 



220 



The Rule Family 




Fig. 5. Three gravemarkers, each signed by Henry Rule. 
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York. 



Ann M. Cathcart 



221 




Fig. 6. Detail of Roswell and Pamela Franklin obelisk. 
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, New York. 



222 



The Rule Family 



■sm-'^ •'W€VS' 







v 







IJrrrr^i .:^/j^ 




Fig. 7. Lewis Toan gravestone. West Genoa Cemetery, 
King Ferry, New York. 



Ann M. Cathcart 



223 




Fig. 8. Betsey Toan gravestone. West Genoa Cemetery, 
King Ferry, New York. 



224 The Rule Family 



(died 1842) is signed "H.Rule" (Fig. 7), while the third stone in this group, 
that for Betsey, wife of Lewis Toan (died 1833), is signed "H. Rule, Sculpt." 
(Fig. 8). Betsey's marker is considerably more elaborate than that for her 
husband, featuring a curved top, a willow with visible roots, an urn with 
flame, and rosettes at the edge of the tympanum. The differences in these 
three markers illustrates the variety of Henry Rule's work. 

On 22 November 1829, Ethan Stone wrote in a letter to Henry Rule, in 
Geneva, New York that he had a "... pretty hard summer's work. I have 
sold more than two hundred dollars worth of stone . . . besides my other 
work." In the same letter, he noted, "... James wrote to me to have a 
stone sent to him ... It is not probable that it can be sent this fall so that 
he can get it up the [presumably Erie] canal. "^^ An example of Ethan's 
work is the gravestone for Rebekah Deming, died 1816, in St. James' 
Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington, Vermont, bearing the signature 
"Wrought by Ethan Stone" (Fig. 9). This marker displays a willow tree, 
an urn, rosettes, and leaves and flowers encircling a center oval showing 
the name and death date. 

Ethan and Agnes Stone had two sons. Their older son, Henry Rule 
Stone, who was born 25 May 1814, became in adulthood a marble dealer 
working with his father. He lived in Greenwich, New York, and died 
there in 1890. The younger son, John Jerome, migrated to Ohio, to Min- 
nesota, and as far as Oregon. He became both a marble dealer and a 
medical doctor, prompting one of his cousins to remark many years later 
that "... He was in the marble business and afterwards went to medical 
college ... came through all right as I used to tell him, to start up the 
marble trade he had to kill the people off with his practice. He used to 
get quite out of patience with my joking ..."'^ He ultimately settled in 
Argyle, Minnesota, where he died in 1894.^^ 

We are fortunate in that Henry Rule kept a useful notebook of his 
business dealings.^" The notebook contains a few sketches, some inscrip- 
tions for stones, amounts he charged for his carving and other services, 
and various other items reflecting his business activities. The inscription 
for the previously discussed Betsey Toan marker (Fig. 8) is in this note- 
book, perhaps written out by Mr. Toan. Also contained within is a trac- 
ing of an inscription for the gravestone of Helen Canfield, located in St. 
James' Cemetery, Arlington. This stone is not signed, although the trac- 
ing indicates that it was carved by Henry. There are identical markers in 
the cemetery for two brothers and a sister of Helen Canfield, each a small 
obelisk displaying a branch with leaves, a flower, and the child's name 



Ann M. Cathcart 



225 




Fig, 9. Rebekah Deming gravestone, St. James' Church Cemetery, 
Arlington, Vermont. 



226 The Rule Family 



(raised) on the front. The child's date of death and the parents' names, 
RH. and L.P. Canfield, are carved on the back of each stone, very small 
and close to the base. Another entry in Henry Rule's notebook contains 
this charge to a customer: "...detail working on a monument ($20.), trim- 
ming a grindstone ($0.50), splitting rails 3 days ($2.25) and planting corn 
($0.62y2)." In this case, the sum of his charges was offset by his "Acct at 
store. "^^ 

In February of 1832, Henry Rule purchased forty-nine acres of land 
in Sunderland.- He farmed the land, and lived on it until he deeded it to 
his brother James in 1834.^^ In March of 1837, Henry bought one acre of 
land in Arlington,^'* and in July of 1838 he increased the size of the prop- 
erty by purchasing forty-nine additional acres.^^ He sold this farm on 24 
April 1847^^ and moved to a house on Water Street in Arlington. He main- 
tained a marble shop on the property,-^ and purchased a house there in 
1850.28 

John, the older brother of Henry and James Rule, served briefly as a 
soldier in the War of 1812. 2'=' After his military service, he left Vermont for 
western New York state, where he worked as a blacksmith and as a bounty 
hunter, called a "tracker."^" He married Deborah Robinson on 18 Sep- 
tember 1817 in Potter, Gates County, New York."*' After several years liv- 
ing in various small towns in western New York, John and Deborah settled 
in Norwalk, Ohio in 1832.^^ He worked as a blacksmith and as a farmer, 
and he also sold marble which his brother Henry sent to him. A notice in 
the Norwalk Experiment dated 22 April, 1845 states that "JOHN H. RULE, 
Has just received from the East a good assortment of White and Clouded 
MARBLE TOMB STONES, TOMB TABLES AND MONUMENTS, which 
he offers for sale very cheap. '"'^ 

Henry Rule, Sr. and Christian Stuart Rule, the parents of Henry and 
James, remained in Sunderland. Christian died in 1831, Henry, Sr. in 
1838. They are buried in the Ira Allen Cemetery in Sunderland, and one 
could conclude their gravestones (Figs. 10 and 11) were probably carved 
by their sons, although these markers are not signed. The designs are 
very similar to others that Henry and James carved and did sign. 

There is little known of James Rule's final years. He continued to travel 
from Vermont to the West, and he continued as well to farm in 
Sunderland, Vermont. In the 1840 U. S. Census, he is listed as occupied 
in agriculture in Sunderland."^ He married Elvira Knapp of Arlington, 
and they had two daughters, Georgina, born in 1839, and Selina, born in 
1847.^^ In 1841, Gilbert Bradley, "overseer of the poor in Sunderland," 



Ann M. Cathcart 



227 




Fig. 10. Christian Stuart Rule gravestone, Ira Allen Cemetery, 
Sunderland, Vermont. 



228 



The Rule Family 




Fig. 11. Henry Rule, Sr. gravestone, Ira Allen Cemetery, 
Sunderland, Vermont. 



Ann M. Cathcart 229 



made application to the Probate Court in Manchester, Vermont that a 
"guardian be appointed for James Rule, because he is so much a spend- 
thrift ..." The Probate Court officer declined to make such an appoint- 
ment, saying "...the person herein complained of does not come within 
the limit of description ..."^^ In the 1860 U. S. Census, Elvira Rule is enu- 
merated with her father, Silas Knapp, in Arlington. Her occupation is 
given as "grass widow." ^^^ In a poignant letter written in 1890 by Jane 
Rule Power, daughter of John and Deborah Rule, she describes a visit 
from her uncle James many years earlier. He arrived in Norwalk, Ohio 
destitute, ragged, and hungry. He stayed a short while, was unable to 
find any work, and departed again. The Ohio family never saw him again, 
and " ... it almost killed Father.""*** 

Agnes and Ethan Stone spent their lives in Arlington. Agnes died on 
28 September \M7f Ethan on 7 February 1857.^" Both are buried in the 
St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington. 

Mary Canfield Rule and Henry Rule had two children - a daughter, 
Marion, and a son, Henry Stuart Rule. Marion married George B. Holden, 
and they spent their lives in Arlington. Henry Stuart Rule lived in Ar- 
lington until the early 1900s, when he and his family moved to Rutland, 
Vermont. Mary Canfield Rule died on 16 February 1880.^' In the 1880 
U.S. Federal Census, enumerated 19 June 1880, Henry is shown as living 
with his son, Henry Stuart Rule, and his daughter-in-law, Maria E. Blakely. 
His occupation is given as marble cutter. ^^ Henry Rule died on 21 Sep- 
tember 1889 at the age of 92.^^ An obituary in The Bennington Banner, 26 
September 1889, describes him as "... one of the pioneers of the marble 
industry in Vermont, commencing in active life when quarries which 
furnished stone which would split like slate were considered the most 
valuable." Mary and Henry Rule are buried in the St. James' Episcopal 
Church Cemetery in Arlington with a single gravestone marking the site. 
The stone is large and appears to have been carved using far more mod- 
em methods than those which Henry Rule himself had employed. 

Henry Rule, his brothers John and James, and their brother-in-law 
Ethan Stone were not well-to-do, and they never achieved widespread 
renown or great financial success. Unlike many eighteenth century grave- 
stones, noted for whimsical and imaginative carvings, those done by the 
Rules early in the nineteenth century are very structured. Their primary 
designs are the urn-and-willow, usually with a flame in the urn; they 
feature leaves, curtains, or columns as borders; and the finials are either 
a rosette or a pinwheel. Upon occasion other touches are added, as in 



230 The Rule Family 



the previously discussed Thomas Law marker (Fig. 3), with its two bows 
around the inscription panel. Numerous other stones located but not 
specifically identified feature a bow of similar style. Henry Rule also 
carved and signed plain rectangular stones which included only the name, 
date of death, and age of the deceased. In all instances, his lettering is 
neat, well-spaced, and legible. 

Henry Rule apparently considered himself first and foremost a stone 
cutter or marble cutter, as he reported that to be his occupation in the 
1850, 1860, and 1870 census enumerations.^^ James Rule"*^ and Ethan 
Stone^^ each are shown with the occupation of farmer in the 1850 census, 
the last in which they were enumerated. They, as probably most of their 
contemporaries in nineteenth century Vermont, supported themselves 
and their families as best they could, using the materials available to 
them and their own ingenuity. This meant farming in the summer sea- 
son, quarrying marble, carving gravemarkers during the cold winters, 
and traveling as far as necessary to sell, deliver, and install them. The 
small town of Arlington, Vermont, essentially a farming community, had 
ample supplies of marble, and the members of the Rule family used that 
resource to create gravestones and their livelihood. 

NOTES 

Gratitude and appreciation are due to Margaret R. Jenks for providing the original impetus 
for this article, and for her helpful advice during the research and writing periods; to Mary 
Dexter, for her time and advice regarding Cayuga County, New York, cemeteries; and to the 
Association for Gravestone Stvidies Carver DataBase for assistance in locating gravemarkers 
carved by the Rules. All photos are by the author, with the exception of Figures 3 and 4, which 
are by Margaret R. Jenks. 

1. Record of the Ride FaiiiUy, notebook, prepared by Henry Stuart Rule; inside cover notes 
"Property of Selina Arnold Rule, from H. Stuart Rule, 1885." In possession of the author; 
additional hand-written copy at Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Henry Rule, Report to the Marshal, District of Bennington, Vermont; Rule Family Pa- 
pers, Bennington Museum Archives, Bennington, Vermont. 

4. Samuel Dwight hovisehold, 1800 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington County, Vermont, 
page 179, line 7, National Archives micropublication M32, roll 51. 



Ann M. Cathcart 231 



5. Samuel Dwight household, 1810 U.S. census, Svinderland, Bennington County, Vermont, 
page 124A, line 6, National Archives micropublication M252, roll 64; 1820 U.S. census, 
Sunderland, Bennington County, Vermont, page 131A, line 28, National Archives 
micropublication M33, roll 126; 1830 U.S. census, Sunderland, Bennington County, Ver- 
mont, page 115, line 26, National Archives micropublication M19, roll 184. 

6. Vermont Gazette, 11 January 1831, Microfilm #17, 1831-1832, Bennington Museum Library. 

7. George A. Russell, Vital statistics of Arlington, Vermont, including soldiers rolls and grave- 
stone records (Arlington, VT: typescript, 1936), vol I, page 187. 

8. 1856 Map of Arlington, Vermont, in Old Arlington Houses and Roads, notes made by George 
A. Russell, M.D. George Russell Vermontiana Collection, Martha Canfield Library, Ar- 
lington, Vermont. 

9. Arlington Town Records, Vol. 9, pages 110-111, 6 July 1833, and page 400, 5 Jan 1837. 
Town Clerk's Office, Arlington, Vermont. 

10. James Rule, Brockport, New York, to Henry Rule, 28 September 1825. Rule Family Papers, 
Bennington Museum Archives. 

11. Aaron McKee household, 1820 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington County, Vermont, 
page 127, line 1; Moses McKee household, 1820 U.S. census, Arlington, Bennington 
County, Vermont, page 126, line 8. 

12. Old Arlington Houses and Roads. 

13. Diary of Samuel McKee, 1804-1893, (typescript; George Russell Vermontiana Collection). 

14. Biographical Revieio, Biographical Sketches of the Leading Citizens of Otsego County, New 
York, (Boston: Biographical Review Publishing Co., 1893) page 615. 

15. James Rule, Winfield, New York, to Henry Rule, 4 May 1828. Rule Family Papers. 

16. James Rule, Springfield, New York, to Henry Rule, 11 August 1828. Rule Family Papers. 

17. Ethan Stone, Arlington, Vermont, to Henry Rule, 22 November 1829. Rule Family Papers. 

18. Jane Rule Powers, Akron, Ohio, to Henry Stuart Rule, 7 Jan 1890. Rule Family Letters, in 
possession of the author. 

19. Letter from B. F. Bivins, Argyle, Minnesota, 14 January 1895, to Jane Rule Powers. Rule 
Family Letters. 

20. Henry Rule Notebook, Rule Family Papers, Bennington Museum. 

21. Ihtd. 

22. Original Deed, Edmund A. Graves to Henry Rule, Jr., 15 February 1832, recorded in 
Book 8, page 263 of Sunderland Town Records. 



232 The Rule Family 



23. Edward H. Holden (grandson of Henry Rule), notes regarding Henry Rule, transcribed 
from Sunderland Town Records, Book 8, page 438. 

24. Arlington Town Records, Vol. 9, page 420. 

25. ftuf.,VollO,page26. 

26. Ibid., Vol 10, page 523. 

27. 1856 Map of Arlington, Vermont. 

28. Henry Stuart Rule to Martha Canfield, 21 January 1909; George Russell Vermontiana 
Collection. 

29. Roster of Soldiers in the War of 1812-1814 (State of Vermont, Prepared and published 
under the direction of Herbert T. Johnson, The Adjutant General, 1933), 367. 

30. Henry R. Timman, ]iist Like Old Times, Bool< 11 (Norwalk, OH, 1977), 100. 

31 . Firclands Pioneer (Norwalk, OH: Firelands Historical Society 1884), 108. 

32. Ibid., 107-108. 

33. Norwalk Experiment (22 April 1845), 4. 

34. James Rule household, 1840 U.S. census, Sunderland, Bennington County, Vermont, page 
201, line 15; National Archives micropublication M704, roll no. 539. 

35. Henry Stuart Rule, Record oftlie Rule Family. 

36. Application to have guardian appointed. Volume 15, page 472, Probate Court Record, 
State of Vermont, District of Manchester, 25 October 1841. Northshire Courthouse, 
Manchester, Vermont. 

37. Silas Knapp household, 1860 U.S. census, Bennington County, Vermont, Arlington, Ar- 
lington post office, page 632, line 25, dwelling 1266, family 1289; National Archives 
micropublication M653, roll 288. 

38. Jane Rule Power, Akron, Ohio, to Henry Stuart Rule, 7 January 1890, Rule Family Papers. 

39. Agnes Stone gravemarker, St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery, Arlington, Vermont 
(Route 7A); photographed by the author, August 1996. 

40. Ethan Stone gravemarker. Ibid. 

41. Arlington Town Records, volume 2, 103. 



Ann M. Cathcart 233 



42. Henry Stuart Rule household, 1880 U.S. census, Bennington County, Vermont, popula- 
tion schedule, town of Arlington, enumeration district [ED] 23, sheet 300, dwelling 244, 
family 258; National Archives micropublication T9, roll 1341. 

43. Arlington Town Records, volume 3, 45. 

44. Henry Rule household, 1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population sched- 
ule, Arlington, page 52, dwelling 727, family 801, NARA micropublication M432, roll 
921; 1860 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population schedule, Arlington, 
page 156, dwelling 1242, family 1273, NARA micropublication M653, roll 1316; 1870 
U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population schedule, Arlington, page 328, 
dwelling 201, family 197, NARA micropublication M593, roll 1615. 

45. James Rule household,1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population sched- 
ule, Sunderland, page 28, dwelling 378, family 409; NARA micropublication M432, roll 
921. 

46. Ethan Stone household, 1850 U.S. Census, Bennington County, Vermont, population 
schedule, Arlington, page 52, dwelling 719, family 793; NARA micropublication M432, 
roll 921. 



234 



The Rule Family 



APPENDIX I 
Family Group Sheet, Henry Rule Sr. 

Subject* Henry RULE 

Birth: cir 29 Dec 1765 Scotland' 

Death* 10 Jun 1838 Sunderland, Bennington, VT^ 

Father* John RULE (1728- ) 
Mother* Janet WAFT (1735- ) 



Marriage* 



15 Mar 1790 Perth, Perthshire, Scotland^- ^ 



Spouse* Christian STUART 

Birth* 1770 Scotland 

Death* 15 Feb 1831 Sunderland, Bennington, VT' 

Father* John STEWART 
Mother* 



Seven Oiildren 


1/F 


Agnes RULE 










Birth* 


19 Feb 1791 


Scotland" 






Baptism: 


06 Mar 1791 


Cranshaws, Berwick, Scotland^ 






Marriage* 


cir 1813 


Ethan STONE (1789-1857), son of 
Lutl-ierSTONE^ 






Son: 


25 May 1814 


Henry Rule STONE 






Son: 


1827 


John Jerome STONE; Arlington, 
Bennington, VT 






Death* 


28 Sep 1847 


Arlington, Bennington, VT 




2/M 


John H RULE 










Birth* 


19 Apr 1794 


Scotland' 






Baptism: 


27 Apr 1794 


Cranshaws, Berwick, Scotland'" 






Marriage* 


18 Sep 1817 


Deborah ROBINSON (1797-1882), 
daughter of PhilUp ROBINSON and 
ChrisHana PERRY; Potter, NY"-'^ 






Daughter 


03 Aug 1818 


Mary C RULE'' 






Daughter 


24 Jun 1820 


Nancy E RULE'* 






Daughter 


07 Aug 1822 


PhilaMRULE'5 






Daughter 


11 May 1826 


Sarah D RULE'*' '^ 






Son: 


26 Jun 1828 


James H RULE; Springport, Cayuga, 


fslY'*'" 




Daughter 


01 Aug 1832 


Jane L RULE; Ohio^«-' 






Death* 


17 Jul 1867 


Norwalk,OH- 






Burial* 


aft 17 Jul 1867 


Norwalk,OH 






Daughter 




Alma L RULE 






Daughter 





Ellen D RULE 





Ann M. Cathcart 



235 



3/M 


Henry RULE Jr 








Birth* 


24Junl797 


Scotland-^ 




Marriage* 


30 Sep 1834 


Mary CANFIELD (1804-1880), daughter of 
Albert CANFIELD and Salvina BINGHAM; 
Arlington, Bennington, VT-^ 




Daughter: 


20 Apr 1836 


Marion Steele RULE; Arlington, 
Bennington, VT-"^ -* 




Son: 


28 May 1839 


Henry Stuart RULE 




Death* 


21 Sep 1889 


Arlington, Bennington, VT-^ 




Burial* 


23 Oct 1889 


Arlington, Bennington, VT^"* 


4/M 


Robert RULE 








Birth* 


09Ji.ml800 


Garvald, East Lotliian, Scotland"'''^ 




Baptism: 


29 Jun 1800 


Garvald, East Lotliian, Scotland-*^ 




Marriage* 


1831 


Sally FERRIS (1787-1867), daughter of 
Peter FERRIS and Betsey BREWER^^ 




Son: 


10 Nov 1833 


Henry RULE 




Death* 


28 Oct 1873 


Pern, NY 


5/M 


James RULE 








Birth* 


16 Nov 1802 


Sunderland, Bennington, VT^ 




Marriage* 


cir 1838 


Elvira KN APP (1808-1894), daughter of 
Silas KN APP and Urana HAWLEY^ 




Daughter: 


06 Oct 1839 


Georgianna RULE"" 




Daughter: 


25 Jun 1847 


Selina Arnold RULE^'^'i^ 


6/F 


Elizabeth RULE 








Birth* 


26 Apr 1806 


Sunderland, Bennington, VT'^ 




Death* 


11 Apr 1883 




7/F 


Mary RULE 








Birth* 


11 Dec 1810 


Sunderland, Beiinington, VP'* 




Marriage* 


09 Oct 1845 


Benjamin SHIPLEY ( -1849);Norwalk, 
Huron, OH«^' ^- 




Marriage* 


16 Mar 1854 


LemuelRAYMOND« 




Death* 


12 May 1856 


Shelby Richland, OH« 



236 The Rule Family 

Notes for Appendix I 

1 . Genealogy of the Rule Family, 1 885, Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont. 

2. Gravestone Photographs, 1995-1997, Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, Vermont, Cathcart 
Genealogy Files. 

3. International Genealogical Index, 1980, Batch M119481, Source Call #1040160; Church 
Records, Marriages 1756-1804, Perth, Perthshire, Scotland. 

4. Extract of entries in an Old Parochial Register, Registration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages 
(Scotland) Act 1965, s. 47, Church Records, Marriages 1756-1804, Parish of Perth, Scotland: 
microfilm no. 1040160, Family Fiistory Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. 

5. Gravestone Photographs, Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, Vermont. 

6. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

7. Old Parish Records, Parish of Cranshaws, County of Berwick, 6 Mar 1 791 . 

8. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

9. Rnd. 

10. Old Parish Records, Parish of Cranshaws, County of Berwick. 

1 1 . Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

12. Biographies and Memoirs, "The Firelands Pioneer," 1884, 107. 

1 3 . Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

14. Wid. 

15. End. 

16. Rnd. 

1 7. Rule Family, Letters, Photographs, and other Memorabilia; Letter from James Rule, Winfield, 
NY, to Henry Rule Jr, 25 September 1828, Bennington Museum, Bennington, Vermont. 

18. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

19. Biographies and Memoirs, "Firelands Pioneer," 1884, p 110. 

20. 1850 United States Federal Census, M432, Mf M432, roll 697, p 73, dwelling 213, family 207. 

21 . Genealogy of the Rule Family, p 1 6. 

22. Biographies and Memoirs, "Firelands Pioneer," June 1868, p 100. 



Ann M. Cathcart 237 

23. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

24. George A Russell MD, in Vital Statistics of Arlington VT, Including Soldiers' Rolls and Grave- 
stone Records, I & II (Arlington, Vermont: personal, 1937), V. 1, 187. 

25. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

26. Holden Genealogy, 1972-1985, Cathcart Genealogy Files, Houston, Texas, p 3. 

27. Records of the Town of Arlington, Vermont, 1762-1997, Births, Deaths 1883-1896, p 45. 

28. List of Burials, St. James' Parish Churchyard, 1969. 

29. International Genealogical Index, Batch CI 17072; Source 1067798; Scottish OPR. 

30. Old Parish Records, Parish of Garvald, County of East Lothian, 29 June 1800: microfilm 
1067798, Family History Library Salt Lake City Utah. 

31. Ibid. 

32. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

33. Ibid., p. 6. 

34. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Ibid., p. 16. 

37. 1850 United States Federal Census, Mf M432, roll 921, p 28, dwelling 378, family 409. 

38. Genealogy of the Rule Family, p 15. 

39. Anne Lockwood Dallas Budd, Richland Coiinti/ Ohio Abstracts of Wills, 1813-1873, 1 (Mansfield, 
OH: Ohio Genealogical Society 44906, 1974), 119. 

40. Genealogy of the Rule Family. 

41. Budd, Richland Count]/ Ohio Abstracts, 119. 

42. Letter from Henry R. Timman regarding Rule Family, 1998, per Reflector, Huron County, 
Ohio, newspaper. 

43. Budd, Richland County Ohio Abstracts, 119. 

44. Ibid. 



238 



The Rule Family 



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240 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 




fe 



n 



INFANT SON OF 

MRAMasJ.H.^UaiCK 



-n ^: 





Fig. 1. Memorial for "Infant Son" of Mr. & Mrs. J.H. Zurick 

with "Budded on earth to bloom in heaven." 

Kenton Cemetery, Kenton, Oklahoma. 



241 



SAY IT WITH FLOWERS IN THE VICTORIAN CEMETERY 
June Hodden Hobbs 

Familiarity breeds contempt in the Victorian cemetery, and that's just 
the beginning of the problem. Once any icon becomes so common that it 
can be labeled a cliche, it risks becoming invisible. The cliches of death - 
clasped hands, fingers pointing up, ladies clinging to crosses, angels, 
gates ajar - are those symbols least likely to arouse the interest of tomb- 
stone scholars simply because they are everywhere. But it is time to rec- 
ognize their importance. Cliches don't start out as trite and ordinary 
expressions; rather, they are a discourse so attuned to a cultural need 
that they become a sort of shorthand for complex ideas. Many times 
they are, in fact, condensed versions of intertextual conversations be- 
tween, say, a tombstone and a scripture, a hymn, or a novel. 

Of all the cliches of death in Victorian cemeteries, none is more nearly 
ubiquitous than flowers. Their very abundance makes them invisible, 
and ignorance of funerary symbolism often renders them unreadable. 
People of the nineteenth century, however, recognized well the symbolic 
and commercial value of flowers, and publishing companies in Western 
countries capitalized on and promoted flower symbolism by selling sen- 
timental flower books purporting to be dictionaries of standardized 
meanings. As a result, one commonplace notion about Victorian culture 
is that flower arrangements of any kind during this period deliver a co- 
herent message accessible only to those conversant with the complicated 
"language of flowers" supposedly known to all civilized Western people 
during the nineteenth century. 

Testing this hypothesis is a good place to begin investigating what 
flowers in a Victorian cemetery are saying and how they are saying it. 
Using nineteenth-century flower dictionaries can become a sort of par- 
lor game. Consider an arrangement of roses, Easter lilies, and poppies I 
saw on a gravestone in Atlanta, Georgia. Based on what I know about 
conventional symbolism and from a quick perusal of information from 
Mme. Latour's 1854 text, Le Langage des Fleurs, I could discern that the 
carving says something like, "Sleep well, beautiful one, until the day of 
resurrection." Unfortunately, if I consulted a variety of flower vocabu- 
lary books from England, France, and the United States, as Beverly Seaton 
did in her research for The Language of Flowers: A History, I might just as 
easily decide that the message could be, "Your falsehood brings no con- 



242 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



solation to the sick, so I'm going to war." Sentimental flower books, as 
Seaton concluded, were what we today would call coffee table books 
whose presence indicated "the gentility of the women of the family." 
The so-called "language of flowers" was primarily a commercial project 
promoted by the publishing companies. Flower vocabulary lists did not 
always agree with each other, and Seaton claims that, despite the cul- 
tural importance of such books, "there is almost no evidence that people 
actually used these symbolic lists to communicate."' 

In truth, the importance for Americans of flowers in Victorian tomb- 
stone iconography and epitaphs is at once more complicated and more 
culturally significant than the flood of sentimental flower books in nine- 
teenth-century France, England, and America might imply. By the middle 
of the century. Romanticism and scientific naturalism had reduced hu- 
man beings to the level of plants and animals, and, according to James J. 
Farrell, "naturalists [had] redefined death as a natural process."^ The 
already-well-established symbolism of flowers began to change accord- 
ingly by acquiring new connotations that made it more compatible with 
the cultural climate of the day.^ As David Charles Sloane has observed, 
the institution of rural cemeteries in the northeastern United States dur- 
ing the early-nineteenth century was accompanied by tombstone designs 
that used flowers and plants to emphasize themes of "hope, immortal- 
ity, and life.""* Often, they compare flower nature to human nature. 

The human nature in question, though, is not androgynous. It is very 
specifically female, and the correspondences between flower nature and 
human nature articulated on tombstones reveal the way that death in 
the ideal was sexualized and feminized in the Victorian age. Cut flowers 
in this feminized world were not simply reminders of mortality as they 
would have been in an earlier time, but, in the words of a sentimental 
poem published in Godey's Lady's Book in 1855, "emblems dear of all we 
treasure here with tender care."^ In this sense, both males and females 
can be gendered feminine in American tombstone iconography and epi- 
taphs when they are compared to flowers, which were figuratively asso- 
ciated with women's physical and emotional characteristics. In addition, 
floral designs evoke the religion of Protestant women, who sponsored 
popular "flower missions" to carry blossoms to the sick and poor, espe- 
cially those further corrupted by urban life. The focus of Enlightenment 
era scientists on the reproductive processes of flowers, Seaton explains, 
had also made a strong connection between flowers and sexuality by the 
nineteenth century.^ As a result, references to perennial flowers and plants 



June Hadden Hobbs 



243 



on tombstones often have erotic overtones that include oblique refer- 
ences to deflowering and to the pain and pleasure represented by women's 
bodies. By the turn of the twentieth century, however, flowers began los- 
ing these Romantic connections to women as they came to be associated 
with women's roles in establishing social status through conspicuous 
consumption. 

Since epitaphs often give a fuller articulation of attitudes toward death 
than graphics alone, I would like to support my point that nineteenth- 
century funerary symbolism used flowers to feminize death and the dead 
by examining two representative though not always distinct groups of 
flower epitaphs that became the cliches of nineteenth-century American 
tombstones (see Appendix). The first group describes the memorialized 
person as an earthly flower given to teach a heavenly lesson, just as Prot- 
estant women used flowers to influence the unconverted. The message 
is neatly condensed in the common formula "Budded on earth to bloom 
in heaven," variations of which appeared on American tombstones at 
least as early as 1834 (Fig. 1)7 Nineteenth-century stonecarvers appar- 
ently received explicit orders for this popular epitaph (Fig. 2). The for- 
mula offers both consolation and instruction, but availability and eco- 
nomics may also have popularized it. The special Sears and Roebuck 
Tombstones and Monuments catalog of 1902 includes this epitaph in its 
two-page list of formulaic inscriptions that have been "used very fre- 



¥' 




,@,?KZ^^5i^fe 






AC 



./d 









Fig. 2. Detail from the ledger of D.J. Hamrick, late-nineteenth 

and early-twentieth-century stonecutter of Boiling Springs, 

North Carolina, showing an order for a child's stone 

inscribed with "budded on earth to bloom in heaven." 



244 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



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Fig. 3. Willie E Wells stone (d. 1882), 
Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, Texas. 



June Hadden Hobbs 245 



quently on work we have made in the past." The mere 28 letters of the 
epitaph cost only 70 cents to inscribe, making it the best bargain of the 
lot after "Gone, but not forgotten" at 47 cents.^ The second group em- 
phasizes the intense but transitory beauty of life that is analogous to the 
ethereal beauty of a virginal young woman. Her beauty is so tempting 
that it leads to "deflowering," but then, of course, the virgin is no more. 
A variation of the first inscription, which I once saw on the grave of a 
baby in Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C., nicely illustrates this sec- 
ond group of epitaphs: "plucked from earth to bloom in heaven." Many 
of these memorial sayings are allusions to specific hymns, tracts, poetry, 
and other popular literature of the period, and their themes are devel- 
oped more fully in these less condensed texts. 

The very clearest articulation of the first group of epitaphs is the fol- 
lowing, which appears on the grave of Willie F. Wells, who died in 1882 
and is buried in Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, Texas (Fig. 3): 

This lovely bud, so young so fair 

Called hence by early doom. 

Just came to show 

How sweet a flower 

In Paradice [sic] would bloom. 

This epitaph is very common. A quick Internet search for it turned up 
around thirty examples in cemeteries whose markers have been tran- 
scribed online. The epitaph was used frequently in the United States by 
the 1850s at least and even earlier than that in the British Isles. It is a 
quotation from Tlie Young Cottager (c. 1810), a Christian tract written by 
Legh Richmond and collected in an anthology called Annals of the Poor. 
Richmond was an English clergyman and the prolific composer of such 
works as The Dairyman's Daughter, the "most widely read religious tract 
of the 19th century."^ 

The Young Cottager chronicles the short but exemplary life of young 
Jane S[quibb], who died of consumption in 1799 at the age of fifteen and 
is buried at St. Mary's Church in Brading on the Isle of Wight. ''^ Rich- 
mond describes Jane as his "first-born child" in the faith; in other words, 
she was his first convert. The clergyman first met the young girl when 
she joined a class of children receiving religious instruction at his house 
on Saturday afternoons. Richmond's texts were "catechisms, psalms, 
hymns and portions of Scriptures." Eventually, he hit upon a further 



246 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



source of instruction: the epitaphs on tombstones in the nearby church- 
yard. Richmond describes his technique in this way: 

Sometimes I sent the children to the various stones which stood at the head of 
the graves, and bade them learn the epitaphs inscribed upon them. 1 took 
pleasure in seeing the little ones thus dispersed in the churchyard, each 
committing to memory a few verses written in commemoration of the departed. 
They would soon accomplish the desired object, and eagerly return to me 
ambitious to repeat their task. 

Thus my churchyard became a book of instruction, and every gravestone a 
leaf of edification for my young disciples." 

Young Jane memorized her assigned epitaph one afternoon and then 
voluntarily learned the one next to it: 

It must be so. Our father Adam's fall 
And disobedience brought this lot on all. 
All die in him. But hopeless should we be. 
Blest Revelation, were it not for thee. 
Hail, glorious Gospel! Heavenly light, whereby 
We live with comfort, and with comfort die. 
And view beyond this gloomy scene, the tomb, 
A life of endless happiness to come. 

Jane later tells her minister that his probing questions (e.g., "Children, 
where will you be a hundred years hence?") and the epitaph made her 
long for salvation and effected her conversion.^- 

Soon, it appears, Jane herself will be eligible for an epitaph. Rich- 
mond visits her frequently during her decline and comes to regard her 
as his teacher: "The Lord, thought I, has called this little child, and set 
her in the midst of us, as a parable, a pattern, an emblem." Throughout 
the narrative, Jane is associated with flowers. Upon his first visit to her 
cottage, Richmond smells the honeysuckle growing up the walls and 
fancies the fragrance symbolizes the "intercession of a Redeemer, which 
I trusted was, in the case of this little child, as 'a sweet-smelling savor' to 
her heavenly Father." As he puts it, "The very flowers and leaves of the 
garden and field are emblematical of higher things, when grace teaches 
us to make them so."^^ 

Jane's approaching death makes her conscious of her careless par- 
ents' lack of religion, and many of the interviews between her and the 
Reverend Richmond center on her concern for them and for her younger 



June Hadden Hobbs 247 



brother. Her selflessness is touching in the face of her obvious suffering. 
After one such conversation, Richmond observes to himself that "surely 
. . . this young bud of grace will bloom beauteously in Paradise. The Lord 
transplant her thither in his own good time!" At the end of the narrative, 
after he conducts her funeral, Richmond muses upon what he has gained 
from his "cultivation" of one of God's "spiritual lilies of the valley." The 
epitaph so often employed in American cemeteries is one that Richmond 
claims he pondered as he stood at Jane's grave. These words, he says, 
"are inscribed on a gravestone erected in the same churchyard": 

This lovely bud, so young and fair. 
Called hence by early doom. 
Just came to show how sweet a flower 
In Paradise would bloom. '^ 

A few years after its publication by the Religious Tract Society in En- 
gland, The Young Cottager was picked up by the American Tract Society, 
which "flooded the nation with evangelical pamphlets," distributing 
around "35 million evangelical books and tracts" during the ten years 
after its founding in 1825.^^ At the same time, American writers were 
also much taken with the idea that those who die young are like flowers 
sent as gifts from heaven to embody spiritual truths. In the novel Say and 
Seal, published in 1860 by American sisters Susan and Anna Warner, a 
young boy named Johnny is the designated flower. As he is dying of 
tuberculosis, his Sunday school teachers, John and Faith, come to wait 
with him. Johnny finally falls asleep, and his friends have the opportu- 
nity to reflect upon their coming loss. John says, "It was very hard for 
me to give him up at first . . . but [accepting the will of God] answers all 
questions. 'The good Husbandman may pluck his roses, and gather in 
his lilies at mid-summer, and, for aught I dare say, in the beginning of 
the first summer month.'" In response, "Faith looked at the little human 
flower in her arms - and was silent." When little Johnny awakes, he asks 
the male teacher to sing to him, and the hymn - composed by Anna B. 
Warner especially for the novel - is an expression of the child's exem- 
plary faith.^^ This hymn, "Jesus Loves Me," was a smash hit when it was 
set to music by William Bradbury two years later, and it is still the first 
hymn most Protestant children learn. '^ The hymn models for adults a 
childlike acceptance of death, especially in verses three and four, where 



248 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



Johnny imagines Jesus watching him on his deathbed, prepared to take 
him to heaven at the end.^^ 

The popular literature of the period is full of hymns, stories, and verse 
that metaphorically describe feminized children as blossoms sent from 
heaven to teach ideal faith by example. Sunday school hymnals such as 
W.A. Ogden and A.J. Abbey's Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School (1873) 
were particularly explicit in developing this idea. As is typical for the 
period, hymnal editors were often hymnists as well and used their hym- 
nals to sell their own work. Abbey's "Go to Thy Rest, Sweet Child," sub- 
titled "Funeral Song," in the Ogden and Abbey collection, is a case in 
point. In the first verse. Abbey describes the child's corpse laid out with 
flowers, and then moves quickly in the chorus to show that the flowers 
are, in fact, symbols of the child itself: 

Go to thy rest, sweet child. 
Go to thy dreamless bed; 
Gentle and undefiled. 
With blessings on thy head. 
Fresh roses in thy hand - 
Buds on thy pillow laid; 
Chorus: 

Haste from this tearful land. 
Where flowers so quickly fade. 
Haste from this tearful land. 
Where flowers so quickly fade. 

In verse two. Abbey articulates the comfort to be found in an early death. 
He addresses the dead child who has expired "ere sin had sear'd thy 
breast. "^'^ The inclusion of this hymn in a social hymnal intended for use 
in children's Sunday schools rather than in adult-oriented worship ser- 
vices suggests the utter conventionality of regarding flowers as spiritual 
messengers. Beverly Seaton notes that "children's literature is an area 
always reserved for the tried and true, the totally acceptable."^" In an- 
other hymn from the "Infant Class Songs" of a collection edited by 
Abbey's collaborator, W. A. Ogden, a child speaks to a flower, begging it 
to "tell me, little flower, with uplifted eye, what do you see yonder?" The 
flower, however, can teach only by example, just as the child must, and 
the singer concludes in the end that: 



June Hadden Hobbs 



249 



Sweetest little flower, 
God gave you to me; 
May I too look upward 
And his child e'er be.^^ 

Significantly, the moral example of children, which had to be lived rather 
than spoken, is also the ideal for women, who were supposed to civilize 
the nation and make it more moral by their "influence" rather than by 
voting, preaching, and governing. 

Many epitaphs articulate a lesson of this sort. Consider, for example, 
the words on the gravestone of Mary W. Starnes, who died in 1855 at not 
quite two years old and is buried in Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, 
Cherokee County, South Carolina: 




Fig. 4. Broken rosebud detail on memorial for Bessie Gaston, who 

died in 1877 at 2 years old. Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, 
Cherokee County, North Carolina. The child's epitaph reads: "Alas! 

How changed that lovely flower, which bloomed and cheered our 
hearts. Fair, fleeting comfort of an hour, how soon we're called to part." 



250 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 











™^^ '-* ■/'■ "-^ -'"' 4>^ ' 4* HI 






ti^ b^ffl 




1 fri 





Fig. 5. Eleanor Mayhugh stone (d. 1916), 
Good Shepherd Cemetery, Ellicott City, Maryland. 



June Hadden Hobbs 251 



So fades the lovely blooming flower 
Frail, smiling solace of an hour. 
So soon our transient comforts fly 
And pleasure only blooms to die. 

Little Mary did not have to voice the lesson of her existence. Her life, 
short as it was, had meaning because it exemplified the ephemeral qual- 
ity of earthly delights. Frequently such epitaphs are accompanied by a 
rosebud or other bloom on a broken stem, an apt symbol for the thought 
(Figs. 4, 5, 6). 

The use of flowers to teach spiritual lessons deftly parallels the reli- 
gious activities of Protestant women in America because by the latter 
half of the nineteenth century "flower missions" had become quite popu- 
lar. The idea was that sending a flower, usually accompanied by a scrip- 
tural verse or religious tract, to people living in a city was a way to spread 
the gospel. Seaton explains that "nineteenth-century Christians believed 
that flowers spoke God's language; thus, sending flowers to the sick and 
the poor was a way of testifying to them of God's love." In England, 
trains carried flowers - sometimes at a discount fare - from the country 
to "a distribution center in the city," where they were picked up to be 
distributed to the ill and destitute.- In Boston, a teen-aged Alice Stone 
Blackwell recorded sadly in her journal that she "was not very success- 
ful with the flowers I had brought to give to the dirty little children in the 
street."" 

During this era, women, who were often named for flowers, were so 
closely allied with flora that specific flowers became associated with spe- 
cific variations of female beauty and the feminine personality. Etiquette 
books of the day make frequent references to the connections between 
women and flowers. In addition to establishing social conventions, such 
books of manners also served as guides to morals, grooming, and fash- 
ion.^'* Maud C. Cooke's Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite 
Society (1896) includes in the section called "Colors and Complexions" 
categories of beauty types for women with appropriate colors, jewels, 
and flowers for each. Golden blondes may wear "all flowers," but par- 
ticularly "pansies, sweet peas, and pale tinted roses." Those with "green- 
ish gray hair . . . accompanied with brown, or dark gray eyes, and a skin 
in which the brownish tints prevail" are limited to "tea roses." Women 
with any claims to beauty, we may infer, are by definition white, middle- 
class, and presumably Christian if not specifically Protestant. In another 



252 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 




1^. 



Fig. 6. William Camp, Jr. stone (d. 1854), Buffalo Baptist Church 
Cemetery, Cherokee County, North Carolina. 



June Hadden Hobbs 253 



section of the book, Cooke informs us that "it is the duty of a well-bred 
person to attend church regularly on Sunday."^^ 

Flora were also emblematic of categories of female personalities. 
Louisa May Alcott, whose references to flowers in connection to women 
infuse most of her writings, gives a wonderful example of what Seaton 
calls the "rapprochement between women and flowers"-" in her 1872-73 
serial novel Work. The scene is a greenhouse at the rural home of a Quaker 
family, where Christie Devon, the young heroine, has gone to recover 
from an emotional ordeal. Christie's task of arranging flowers for a gala 
dance known as a "German" has been set by David Sterling, a gardener 
who is the mainstay of his widowed mother. David tells his young guest 
that she should do the job because "it is better fitted for a woman's fin- 
gers than a man's." When David returns to find the work completed, he 
sadly acknowledges that he cannot "read" flowers and asks Christie to 
interpret for him. Here are a few of the descriptions of her nosegays: 

This white one might be given to a newly engaged girl, as suggestive of the 
coming bridal ... Here is a rosy daisy for some merry little damsel ... this 
delicate azalea and fern for some lovely creature just out; and there is a bunch 
of sober pansies for a spinster, if spinsters go to "Germans." Heath, scentless 
but pretty, would do for many; these Parma violets for one with a sorrow; 
and this curious purple flower with arrow-shaped stamens would just suit a 
handsome, sharp-tongued woman, if any partner dared give it to her. 

Seeing Christie's obvious affinity for flowers, David praises her and wist- 
fully comments that "I wish I could put consolation, hope, and submis- 
sion into my work as easily." His work of the moment is arranging a box 
of white flowers for a baby's funeral, and Christie quickly adds the fin- 
ishing touches that change it from a box of flowers to a message that will 
comfort a "mother's sore heart."^^ Clearly, a man can grow flowers, but 
only a woman fully understands how to communicate with them be- 
cause flower nature and female nature are much alike. And so the circle 
of connections is complete: women are like flowers and flowers are inti- 
mately associated with death. God sends women and the children they 
bear to teach truths about the spirit just as women send flowers to the ill, 
destitute, and grieving for comfort and instruction. 

Women and flowers also emphasize the nature of all humanity be- 
cause their beauty is intense but short lived. It certainly must not be 
taken for granted. Maud C. Cooke sagely advises the readers of Social 
Etiquette in 1896 that "the very delicate blonde who has reveled in palest, 
daintiest shades must beware of presuming too long on that evanescent 



254 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



bloom, lest she find herself basing the color of her dress on a flower that 
faded years ago."'*^ The blossom's transient beauty also has the power to 
attract sometimes unfortunate attention to itself. A verse offered in the 
suggested "Mottoes, Verses, and Quotations" section of the 1882 Monu- 
mental Bronze Company's catalog tells a little story in which a human 
blossom seals its fate when it catches the eye of an angel: 




Fig. 7. Elizabeth Lucenia Cash stone (d. 1909), Boiling Springs 

Baptist Church Cemetery, Boiling Springs, North Carolina. 

This marker was carved by the child's grandfather, D.J. Hamrick. 



June Hadden Hobbs 255 



A flower just blossoming into life 

Enticed an Angel's eye. 

"Too pure for earth," he said, "Come home," 

And bade the floweret die.^^ 

It seems to me that the most telling words in the narrative are "enticed" 
and "he." The flower has seductive power, just as a beautiful young vir- 
gin would have for a man, and deflowering is the result. In an age when 
angels typically were female, only a male angel makes this story work. 

Another line that appears on many tombstones of the era condenses 
a similar story into the words "an angel visited the green earth and took 
a flower" (Fig. 7). These words are the slightly altered final lines of Henry 
Wadsworth Longfellow's "The Reaper and the Flowers." Because the 
poem was included in both the fifth and sixth levels of McGuffey's Eclec- 
tic Reader, many Americans must have read and committed it to memory 
in public schools (Fig. 8). The narrative opens with the Grim Reaper 
using his scythe to slice down rows of "bearded grain" and "the flowers 
that grow between." The Reaper justifies his actions in terms of desire 
for what is young and fresh: "'Shall I have naught that is fair?'saith he; / 
'Have naught but the bearded grain?'" And so he reaps the young plants 
along with the mature but justifies his actions, as "he bound them in his 
sheaves," by saying they are not for him really but for "The Lord of Para- 
dise," who wants them as "dear tokens of the earth ... where he was 
once a child." Longfellow's portrayal of this deity attributes sentimental 
longing to God that mirrors the sentimental longing of bereaved parents 
for a lost child. The little one is not truly gone, of course, but displaced 
into another county, and that other place - heaven for the grieving mother, 
earth for the tender God - becomes the true focus of the poem: 

And the mother gave, in tears and pain. 
The flowers she most did love; 
She knew she should find them all again 
In the fields of light above. 

O, not in cruelty, not in wrath. 

The Reaper came that day; 

'T was an angel visited the green earth. 

And took the flowers away. 



256 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



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Fig. 8. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's "The Reaper and the Flowers/ 
as found in McGuffey's Fifth Eclectic Reader, rev. ed. (1879). 



June Hadden Hobbs 



257 




Fig. 9. Mary Melissa Rippy stone (d. 1867) with full-blown rose 

and epitaph identifying her as "the fairest of roses in our home." 

Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, Cherokee County, North Carolina. 



258 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



The Grim Reaper ends the poem, then, with his true nature revealed 
as an angel or messenger from God sent to pluck flowers for the Master, 
who seems to need them and to expect their mothers to endure the loss 
required in the spirit of a peasant woman whose loveliest daughter has 
attracted attention from the lord of the manor. The difference is that the 
subsequent deflowering carries with it a hope of reunion in some man- 
sion in the sky because the young maiden is not just worthy but the best 
that the home could offer. Sixteen-year-old Mary Melissa Rippy, who 
died in 1867, seems to fit this pattern very well. Her tombstone (Fig. 9) is 
adorned with a rose in full bloom and the following epitaph: "She was 
the finest of roses in our home. We loved her dearly but Jesus loved her 
best." 

An icon expressive of this theme is the hand from heaven, often reach- 
ing down from a cloud to snatch up flowers from the earth (Figs. 10 and 
11). Sometimes the hand simply holds aloft a flower or a bouquet (Fig. 
12). Presumably, the hand belongs to God. The fact that the hand in many 
instances emerges from a frilly cuff makes the notion of God gleaning 




Fig. 10. Detail from stone for Sarah J. Herren (d. 1883, age 17), 
Salem Pioneer Cemetery, Salem, Oregon, 



June Hadden Hobbs 



259 






V 



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Fig. 11. Anna A. Holman stone (d. 1897), 
Juniper Haven Cemetery, Prineville, Oregon. 



260 



Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 




Fig. 12. Syntha Ann Miller stone (d. 1870), 
Santiam Central Cemetery, near Albany, Oregon. 



JuneHadden Hobbs 261 



buds from earth analogous to a woman plucking flowers in her garden. 
Although many stones set this imagery within a Christian context, 
whether through inscriptional reference or location within a particular 
type of cemetery, it is interesting that Jews also used flowers in this way, 
indicating perhaps their acculturation within American communities. 
Consider the epitaph for Irene W. Spiro (1887-1907), who is buried in 
Emmanuel Cemetery in Birmingham, Alabama. Her gravestone is 
adorned with a Star of David, an inscription in Hebrew script, and the 
following words in English: 'Alas: like a beautiful flower slain, she sleeps 
in sweet peace serene." In this epitaph, the word "slain" clearly indi- 
cates that death was premeditated murder of her beauty. 

For a time in which the mortality rate for babies and young people 
was much higher than it is today, flowers pulled up by an unseen hand 
provide the perfect analogy for both the cruelty of death and the beauty 
of what dies. Flowers used as tombstone icons represent what Carl 
Lindahl terms "mirror symbols," that is, the use of one image to suggest 
two "antithetical meanings." In an intriguing experiment, Lindahl asked 
young and senior adults to articulate their responses to some of the cli- 
ches of nineteenth and early-twentieth century cemeteries: the "rose, lily, 
lamb, weeping willow, angel, dove, clasped hands, urn, tree stump." 
Lindahl assumed that such "mirror symbols" would suggest both "grief 
and hope" to the viewers, and the data he compiled bore out his as- 
sumption. The two flowers icons elicited especially paradoxical reactions. 
For example, one older viewer responded to the rose with these words, 
"I like it. I buried my husband with a rose. They don't last too long. 
Neither do we. But the beauty is always there to remember. Something 
pretty doesn't die."^° Most significantly, Lindahl's study suggests that 
symbols which have disappeared from the "iconographic repertoire of 
American cemeteries" - the draped urn, for example - are the ones which 
no longer elicit a dual response.^^ Perhaps that is why flowers persist as 
funerary designs but the idea of God or a messenger from God plucking 
flowers does not. Americans no longer have in common the human ex- 
perience that the latter idea represents, nor do we as a group have a 
common knowledge of Scripture and other popular texts needed to in- 
terpret it. 

The ambivalence for nineteenth-century Americans was more clearly 
gendered, however. Browsing through almost any of the popular maga- 
zines, novels, and other literature of the day targeted at women means 
reading sentimental verse in which dead women and children are com- 



262 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



pared to flowers plucked too early. Growing, picking, and arranging flow- 
ers was the province of middle-class women, of course, so both the 
plucker and the plucked have an intimate relationship to flowers. A poem 
(mentioned earlier) by Mrs. S. M. Combes in the September 1855 issue of 
Godey's Lady's Book tells the story of a woman who went out one morning 
when her "heart was light and gay, as are the smiles of early love." She 
explains that she wanted to gather flowers for spiritual nourishment: "I 
went to gather flowers - a fresh bouquet, / To feast my soul with nature's 
own revealing." As she prepares her bouquet, however, she finds herself 
pondering the symbolism of what she picks. Soon her mood grows dark 
in the midst of beauty because the flowers voice a conflicting message of 
both "the enchanting spell of pleasure, and the tear / That comes unbid- 
den e'er we are aware." That which comes "unbidden" is memories and 
"sounds we may not hear again." At last the speaker concludes, "These 
flowers are dead - alas! . . . but their perfume lingers yet, ... to cheer us on."^^ 

The most significant line of this last verse is the first: cut flowers are 
by definition dead flowers, no matter how beautiful. They can be pre- 
served by drying, pressing, and other methods, something that young 
ladies did to keep souvenirs of a happy time. Still, flowers are mirror 
symbols because they point both to death and to its polar opposite: fresh, 
budding youth, whether in the past or in heaven. When flowers appear 
in epitaphs and icons on tombstones, Mrs. Combes would likely see a 
similar message. Her poem appears on a page that includes three other 
poems about dead children. Apparently people enjoyed reading, writ- 
ing, and singing such words, and their pleasure in them contrasts dra- 
matically with the shift in taste that requires our contemporaries to view 
their behavior with cynicism or detachment. Few of the songs by Stephen 
Collins Foster about women who are dead or in a death-like sleep, for 
example, are in vogue today, but in the mid-nineteenth century, they 
were the popular stuff of minstrel shows and parlor gatherings. 

In "Gentle Annie" (1856), for example, Foster commemorates a child 
who was trampled to death while trying to cross the street in a rain storm. 
This popular song, which is full of flower imagery, begins with a simile 
comparing the little girl to a blossom: 

Thou wilt come no more, gentle Annie, 

Like a flow'r thy spirit did depart; 

Thou art gone, alas! like the many 

That have blossomed in the summer of my heart.^^ 



JuneHadden Hobbs 263 



The emphasis of such a song is on the eternal beauty of memory that will 
always keep Gentle Annie young and delightful. Philippe Aries has called 
our time an era of "forbidden death" and Stephen Foster's time "The 
Age of the Beautiful Death."^ These labels suggest that changes in tomb- 
stone iconography parallel a dramatic shift in ways of looking at mortal- 
ity. The pairing of women and flowers as symbols of death seems simply 
morbid to a twentieth-first century audience because we have denied 
the complex nature of grief that brings both pleasure and pain. 

Nineteenth-century writers less likely to use the sentimentality so of- 
fensive to moderns also depict this duality. Nathaniel Hawthorne, for 
example, makes specific connections between tombstones and the mir- 
ror symbolism of flowers in a sketch about an itinerant tombstone carver 
named Mr. Wigglesworth called "Chippings with a Chisel." Hawthorne's 
piece was first published in The Democratic Review in 1838 and later in- 
cluded in the 1851 edition of Tzuice-Told Tales. In the narrative, Hawthorne 
handily invokes the mirror symbolism of flower imagery when he de- 
scribes a mother buying a tombstone for her daughter, who has a living 
twin. I think we are to assume that the twins were identical rather than 
fraternal. The mother is "a comely woman, with a pretty rose-bud of a 
daughter" who accompanies her to place the order. The mother in this 
incident is sad and aware of her loss, but Hawthorne describes the daugh- 
ter as lacking "real knowledge of what death's doings were" because she 
and the dead sister, an identical though dead rosebud, still miaintain a 
mystical connection. "It seemed to me," Hawthorne writes: 

that by the print and pressure which the dead sister had left upon the 
survivor's spirit, her feelings were almost the same as if she still stood side by 
side, and arm in arm, with the departed, looking at the slabs of marble; and 
once or twice she glanced around with a sunny smile, which, as its sister- 
smile had faded forever, soon grew confusedly overshadowed. Perchance her 
consciousness was truer than her reflection - perchance her dead sister was a 
closer companion than in life." 

The living sister exists as herself even as she mirrors what Hawthorne 
calls her mother's lost "treasure. "''^ A single image brings both joy and 
sadness. By the end of the sketch, the narrator perceives "a strange doubt 
in [his] mind, whether the dark shadowing of this life, the sorrows and 
regrets, have not as much real comfort in them - leaving religious influ- 
ences out of the question - as what we term life's joys."^^ In other words, 
the process of memorialization is a two-edged sword, defeating the rav- 
ages of time even as it injures the one who wields it. 



264 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



As the nineteenth century drew to a close, the associations between 
women and flowers in relationship to death took on new meanings. In 
1899, when Thorstein Veblen published The Theory of the Leisure Class, 
women were beginning to be associated with the beauty of flowers in a 
very different way. Purchasing and displaying flowers had become a mode 
of "conspicuous consumption," in the phrase Veblen coined. Within this 
scheme, the beauty of flowers became a function of limited availability: 
"Some beautiful flowers pass conventionally for offensive weeds. . . while 
still other flowers, of no greater intrinsic beauty than these are cultivated 
at great cost and call out much admiration from flower-lovers whose 
tastes have been matured under the critical guidance of a polite environ- 
ment." Middle-class women, of course, were the primary ones purchas- 
ing flowers, a social responsibility assigned to those whose "vicarious 
leisure" and "vicarious consumption" enhanced the status of their hus- 
bands and fathers. ^^ 

Mrs. John [Mary Elizabeth] Sherwood's 1887 edition of Manners and 
Social Usages describes this shift in the social functions of flowers: 

The language of flowers, so thoroughly understood among the Persians that a 
single flower expresses a complete declaration of love, an offer of marriage, 
and, presumably, a hint at the settlement, is, with our more practical visionaries 
and enthusiasts of the nineteenth cenhiry, rather an echo of the stock market 
than a poetical fancy. We fear that no prima donna looks at her flowers without 
a thought of how much they have cost, and the belle estimates her bouquet 
according to the commercial value of a lily-of-the-valley as compared with that 
of a Jacqueminot rose, rather than as flowers simply.^^' 

Sherwood's reference to "Persians" shows that she, like others of her 
time, understands the language of flowers described in sentimental flower 
books as a custom originating in the Oriental harem, a notion Seaton 
deftly discredits as implausible despite its widespread acceptance.*" The 
significance of Sherwood's description of the relationship between flow- 
ers and women is that she perceives flowers are losing their romantic 
connotations in favor of economic ones. She mentions later that hothouse 
flowers at social events are so popular that "it is a favorite caprice to put 
the field-flowers of June on a lunch-table in January." She also deplores 
"the extravagant use of flowers at funerals."'*^ Robert Tomes, author of 
The Bazar Book of Decorum, complains in 1873 that displays of funeral 
flowers have become "an ostentatious exhibition of a profusion of crowns, 
crosses, hearts, and stars of the rarest and most costly products of the 
hothouse, which seem rather an indication of the exultation of wealth 



June Hadden Hobbs 



265 



than of regret for the dead or sympathy for the living.'"*^ When Henry 
Ward Beecher, the nation's most popular preacher, died in 1887, his fu- 
neral became the epitome of flower extravagance. In accordance with 
his wishes to focus on hope in the face of death, his family "staged a 
nationally noticed 'flower funeral,'" banking his casket with floral offer- 
ings and hanging flowers instead of crepe on the front door.^^^ 

As the American mania for funeral flowers rose, the number of flower 
epitaphs appears to have decreased. Only the carved or incised flowers, 
with their more ambiguous symbolism, are still common in later twenti- 
eth-century and early twenty-first cenhiry tombstone iconography. One 
of the few floral epitaphs I have found in recent years is on a contempo- 
rary gravemarker in Shelby, North Carolina. The stone is decorated with 
an open book; a single full-blown rose is the bookmark. Across the opened 
pages are the words "Just One Rose Will Do" (Fig. 13). Despite a small 




Fig. 13. Quotation from the hymn "Just a Rose Will Do" on a 
contemporary gravemarker. Sunset Cemetery, Shelby, North Carolina. 



266 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



change, the epitaph clearly quotes a twentieth-century hymn, "Just a Rose 
Will Do" by J. A. McClung. This hymn associates flowers, not with con- 
solation but with extravagance. The speaker asks for restraint in the face 
of death: "Don't spend your money for flowers, / Just a rose will do." The 
issue, however, is not quiet good taste. The speaker in this hymn is one 
with whom a blue-collar worker, a mill hand perhaps, might identify. 
Appropriately, the chorus envisions life in terms of work that has been 
poorly recompensed. The words suggest wistful envy of those who could 
afford conspicuous consumption as well as superiority to those who get 
their reward on earth: 

I'll go to a beautiful garden. 
At last when life's work is thru; 
Don't spend your money for flowers. 
Just a rose will do.^ 

The hymn ends then on a new mirror symbol. When McClung writes, 
"just a rose will do," the flower does not invoke the duality of nineteenth- 
century feminine nature. It is related to women only in the sense that 
they are associated with the luxuries of life. The issue is economics. In 
rural and small-town North Carolina, a new grave adorned only with a 
single rose would look pitifully neglected beside those covered with the 
usual masses of floral offerings, but that's not the end of the matter. In 
terms of spiritual economics, the size of one's funeral sprays is not really 
important. Indeed, it is better to have fewer flowers because in heaven 
the first shall be last and the last first. Death is a permanent lay-off for 
those whose earthly life has been characterized by toil, but in heaven 
they have a new status that can afford the conspicuous leisure of relax- 
ing in a "beautiful garden" that a nineteenth-century lady might have 
cultivated. No doubt it is a flower garden rather than a vegetable gar- 
den, and one that never needs weeding. 



June Hadden Hobbs 267 



NOTES 

All photos are by the author, with the exception of Figs. 10, 11 and 12, which are by Richard E. 
Meyer. The ledger shown in Fig. 2 is reproduced courtesy of Maida Greene Scruggs, great- 
granddaughter of carver D.J. Hamrick. 

1. Beverly Seaton, The Language of Flowers: A History (Charlottesville, VA: University Press 
of Virginia, 1995), 2; 19; 183; 189; 193. 

2. James J. Farrell, Inventing tlie Americaii Way ofDeatli, 1830-1920 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple 
University Press), 51. 

3. Excellent guides to these standardized meanings are Jessie Lie Farber's leaflet. Symbolism 
in the Carvings on Old Gravestones, published by the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
and George Ferguson's Signs and Syndmls in Christiai: Art (New York, NY: Oxford Uni- 
versity Press, 1966). 

4. David Charles Sloane, The Last Great Necessity: Cemeteries in American History (Baltimore, 
MD: Johns Fiopkins University Press, 1991), 77. 

5. Mrs. S. M. Combes, "I Went to Gather Flowers," Godey's Ladies Book (September, 1855), 
257. 

6. Seaton, The Language of Flowers: A History, 52. 

7. My thanks to John Spaulding, Research Coordinator for the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, who found many variations of this idea in only one cemetery in Connecticut. I 
have been unable to locate its author and first use, but it seems to have been popular 
throughout both the United States and the United Kingdom. 

8. Tombstones and Monuments (Chicago, IL: Sears, Roebuck, and Company, 1902), 60-61. 

9. Dave Parker, "Famous Caulkheads and Overners" Isle of Wight Nostalgia Site, 6 March 
2001, <http://www3.mistral.co.uk/daveparker/iow/people.htm>. 

10. "St. Mary's Church," Brading Home Page, 26 March 2001, <http://www.brading.co.uk/ 
church.html>. 

11. Legh Richmond, The Young Cottager: An Authoitic Narrative, in Annals of the Poor: Narra- 
tives of The Dairyman's Daughter, The Negro Servant, and The Young Cottager (London, 
England: The Religious Tract Society, c. 1810; reprint Boston: The American Tract Soci- 
ety, c. 1828), 8-10. 

12. Ibid., \5; 27-31. 

13. Ibid., 16; 47; 22. 

14. Ibid., 62; 89-90. 



268 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 



15. Library of Congress, "Religion and the New Republic," Religion and the Founding of the 
American Republic, 21 March 2001, <http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/religion/rell07.html>. 

16. Susan Warner and Anna B. Warner, Say and Seal, vol. 2 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, 
1860), 115-116. 

17. William J. Reynolds, Companion to the Baptist Hymnal (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 
1976), 124. 

18. Warner and Warner, Say and Seal, 115-16. 

19. A.J. Abbey, "Go to Thy Rest, Sweet Child," in Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School, ed. 
A.J. Abbey and W.A. Ogden, (Toledo, OH: W.W.Whitney 1873), 84. 

20. Seaton, The Language ofFlorwers: A History, 60. 

21. W.A. Ogden, "Little Flower," in The Silver Song, ed. W.A. Ogden (Toledo, OH: W.W. 
Whitneyc. 1875), 140-41. 

22. Seaton, The Language of Florzvers: A History, 13-14. 

23. Alice Stone Blackwell, Growing Up in Boston's Gilded Age: The Journal of Alice Stone 
Blackivell, 1872-1874, ed. Marlene Deahl Merrill (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 
1990), 176-77. Quoted in Judith Walsh, "The Language of Flowers and Other Floral Sym- 
bols Used by Winslow Homer," Magazine Antiques (Nov., 1999), note 12: NC Live, 
Gardner-Webb University, Boiling Springs, NC, 9 August 2000, <http:// 
www.nclive.org.htm>. 

24. See Simon J. Bronner, Grasping Things: Folk Material Culture and Mass Society in America 
(Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentvicky, 1986) for a fascinating discussion of eti- 
quette books as a factor in cultural formation. 

25. Maude C. Cooke, Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite Society (London, England: 
McDermid and Logan, 1896), 328; 403-404. 

26. Seaton, The Language of Florzvers: A History, 19. 

27. Louisa May Alcott, Work: Or Christie's Experiment, The Christian Union, December 1872- 
June 1873; reprinted as Work: A Story of Experience (New York, NY: Schocken Books, 
1977), 230-235. 

28. Cooke, Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of Polite Society, 399. 

29. The Catalogue of the Monumental Bronze Company (Bridgeport, CT: Monumental Bronze 
Company 1882), 123. 

30. Carl Lindahl, "Transition Symbolism on Tombstones," Western Folklore 45.3 (1986), 165; 
72-80. 

31. Ibid., 167. 



June Hadden Hobbs 269 



32. Combes, "I Went to Gather Flowers," 257. 

33. Stephen Collins Foster, "Gentle Annie," in A Treasury of Stephen Foster, ed. John Tasker 
Howard (New York, NPi': Random House, 1946), 127. 

34. Philippe Aries, TJie Hour of Our Death, trans. Helen Weaver (New York, NY: Knopf, 1981), 
451; and Western Attitudes Toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. Patricia 
M. Ranum (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 85-107. 

35. Nathaniel Hawthorne, "Chippings with a Chisel," in Tales and Sketches, ed. Roy Harvey 
Pearce (New York, NY: Library of America, 1982), 621. 

36. Ibid. 

37. Ibid., 624-25. 

38. Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1899; re- 
print Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 1994), 37; 50-51; 81. 

39. Mrs. John [Mary Elizabeth] Sherwood, Manners and Social Usages, rev. ed. (New York, 
NY: Harper & Brothers, 1887), 352. 

40. Seaton, The Language ofFlorwers: A History, 61-62. 

41. Sherwood, Manners and Social Usages, 353; 356. 

42. Robert Tomes, The Bazar Book of Decorum: The Care of the Persofi, Manners, Etiquette, and 
Ceremonials (New York, NY: Harper & Brothers, 1873), 269. 

43. Farrell, Inventing the American Way of Death, 1830-1920, 81-82. 

44. J. A. McClung, "Just a Rose Will Do," in Heavenly Highway Hymns (Dallas, TX: Stamps 
Baxter Music and Printing Company, 1956), 233. 



270 Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery 

APPENDIX 
Flower Epitaphs 

The dead, like flowers, teach spiritual truths: 

Budded on earth to bloom in heaven. 

(1902 Sears Tombstones and Monuments 
catalog and many other places.) 

This lovely bud, so young so fair 
Called hence by early doom. 
Just came to show how sweet a flower 
In Paradice would bloom. 

The Young Cottager, Legh Richmond 

(Willie F.Wells 1867-1882, Old Bayview Cemetery, 

Corpus Christi, TX) 

Alas! how changed that lovely flower 
Which bloomed and cheered our hearts. 
Fair, fleeting comfort of an hour. 
How soon we're called to part. 

(Bessie Gaston, 1875-77, Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, 
Cherokee Co., NC) 

A little flower of love 
That blossomed but to die 
Transplanted now above 
To bloom with God on high. 

(Dau. Of A.B. and Annie Ater, 1893-94, City Cemetery, Rogers, TX) 

Husband dear, take thy rest 
The summer flowers will bloom 
While you, the purest and the best. 
Doth wither in the tomb. 

(J.L.T. Hall, 1833-97, City Cemetery, Rogers, TX) 

So fades the lovely blooming flower 
Frail smiling solace of an hour. 
So soon our transient comforts fly 
and pleasure only blooms to die. 

(Mary W. Starnes, 1852-55, Buffalo Baphst Church Cemetery, 
Cherokee Co., NC) 



June Hadden Hobbs 271 



TJie most beautiful flowers must be plucked: 

Plucked from earth to bloom in heaven. 

(Clarence Haw, 1860-61, Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C.) 

A flower just blossoming into life 

Enticed an Angel's eye. 

"Too pure for earth," he said, "Come home." 

And bade the floweret die. 

(Monumental Bronze Co. catalog, 1882) 

"Who plucked that Flower?" cried the Gardener. His fellow 
servant answered, "The Master." And the Gardener held his 
peace. 

(Maggie Bissicks, 1866-69, Lexington Municipal Cemetery, 
Lexington, KY) 

An angel visited the green earth and took a flower. 
From "The Reaper and the Flowers," H.W. Longfellow 
(Elizabeth Lucenia Cash, 1907-1909, Boiling Springs Baptist Church 
Cemetery, Boiling Springs, NC) 

She was the finest of roses in our home. 

We loved her dearly but Jesus loved her best. 

(Mary Melissa Rippy, 1850-67, Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, 
Cherokee Co., NC) 

Alas: like a beautiful flower slain, she sleeps in sweet peace 
serene." 

(Irene W. Spiro, 1887-1907, Emmanuel Cemetery, Birmingham, AL ) 

The pure and precious little flower 
Whose sweetness we so much did love 
God needed for His heavenly bower 
And took her up above. 

(June Beaussee, 1928-35, Oconee Hills Cemetery, Athens, GA) 



272 



THE YEAR'S WORK IN CEMETERY/GRAVEMARKER STUDIES: 
AN INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Richard E. Meyer 

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to 
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the 
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be 
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Categorized entries, listed 
in alphabetical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and 
pamphlets and of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are 
materials found in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals 
(though, as any researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes 
be gleaned from these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical 
publications (there are exceptions in instances where the publication is 
deemed to be of value to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and 
cemetery "readings," book reviews, electronic resources (e.g.. World Wide 
Web sites), and irretrievably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the 
order of the recently published, "revised" edition of a book with the 
grotesque title. The Definitive Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes 
about Death, Funny Funeral Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). 
Revised or subsequent editions of previously published works are noted. 
Beginning with Markers XIV, the listing has included a much larger selec- 
tion of relevant foreign language materials in the field, formal master 's- 
and doctoral-level theses and dissertations (important research often not 
published in the traditional manner but nonetheless frequently obtain- 
able through interlibrary loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished 
typescripts on deposit in accessible locations. In addition, from Markers 
XVI onwards, it has included publications on war, holocaust, and disas- 
ter memorials and monuments (their essential function as cenotaphs re- 
lating them to the general field of gravemarkers), as well as formal papers 
presented at academic conferences which are relevant to the major themes 
covered by this bibliography. Commencing with Markers XVIII, entries 
have been separated into several large categories representing basic types 
of publication or other presentation. For the first time in this issue, a 
new category has been added for videotaped material. 

With its debut in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to fill 
gaps in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 
1990 through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult 



273 



the bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI 
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This 
same format was utilized in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV, add- 
ing in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards as 
well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the 1990- 
1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point be 
safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is rela- 
tively complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's Work" 
has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the journal's 
annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 2000 and 2001): 
previously reported work from the earlier of these two years will not be 
repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to 
welcome addenda from readers (complete bibliographic citations, please) 
for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is made to insure 
accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission may occur, 
for which apologies are sincerely offered. For reviews of gravestone- and 
cemetery-specific books and other materials, the reader is invited to consult 
the various issues of the Association for Gravestone Studies' AGS Quarterly. 

Books, Monographs, Pamphlets, etc. 

Abbott, Olyve. Ghosts in the Graveyard: Texas Cemetery Tales. Piano, TX: Republic of Texas 
Press, 2001. 

Akin'shin, A.N., Popov, P., and Firsov, B.A. Voronezhskii NekropoV. Sankt-Peterburg, Russia: 
VIRD, 2001. 

Allen, Thomas B. Offerings at the Wall: Artifacts from the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Collection. 
Rev. Ed. Collingdale, PA: DIANE Publishing Co., 2000. 

Alva, Walter. Sipan: Splendor and Mystery of the Royal Tombs of the Mochica Culture - Penh Lima, 
Peru: Quebecor Peru, 2000. 

Applegate, Melissa Littlefield. The Egyptian Book of Life: Symbolism of Ancient Egyptian Temple 
and Tomb Art. Deerfield Beach, PL: Health Communications, Inc., 2001. 

Ardolina, Rosemary Muscarella. Second Calvary Cemetery: Neiv Yorkers Carved in Stone. Floral 
Park, NY: Delia Publications, 2000. 

Arnold, Bettina, and Wicker, Nancy L., eds. Gender and the Archaeology of Death. Walnut Creek, 
C A: AltaMira Press, 2001 . 

Aronowitz, Marguerite Madison. Art Treasures and Museums in and around Prescott, Arizona: 
Sculptures and Paintings, Histories and Biographies, Historic Buildings, Victorian Homes and 
Cemeteries, Fine Art Foundries, One- and Two-Day Excursions, Vintage Trains and Aircraft. 
Prescott, AZ: Pine Castle Books, 2001. 



274 



Ashabranner, Brent K. A Date with Destiny: The Women in Military Service for America Memorial. 
Brookfield, CT: Twenty-First Century Books, Inc., 2000. 

. Remembering Korea: The Korean War Veterans Memorial. Brookfield, CT: Twenty- 



First Century Books, Inc., 2001. 

Baker, Joan E., et al. Historical Research and Archaeological Investigations at the Williamson Creek 
Cemetery, Travis County, Texas. Austin, TX: Prewitt and Associates, 2000. 

Balbay, Mustafa. Yemen Tiirkler Mezarligi. Cagaloglu, Istanbul, Turkey: Cumhuriyet Kitaplari, 
2000. 

Ballard, Michael B. Civil War Mississippi: A Guide. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 
2000. 

Bamberger, Naftali Bar-Giora. Der Jiidische Friedhofin Neuioied-Biederbieber: Memor-Buch. 
Neuwied, Germany: Deutsch-Israelischen Freundeskreis, 2000. 

BarcIay-LaPointe, Elizabeth. Canadian Cemeteries: A Research Guide. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: 
Buckingham Press, 2000. 

Bard, Kathryn A. From Farmers to Pharaohs: Mortuary Evidence for the Rise of Complex Society in 
Egypt. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. 

Batora, Jozef, and Gorsdorf, Jochen. Das Grdberfeld von jelsovcelSlowakei: Ein Beitrag zur 
Frilhbronzezeit iin Nordioestlichen Karpatoibecken. Kiel, Germany: OetkenA'oges, 2000. 

Beament, Justin, and Dudley, Esther. In Blessed Memory. . . : Incised Headstones of North and West 
Devon and North Cornwall, 1650-1860. Plymouth, England: Faculty of Arts and Education, 
University of Plymouth, 2000. 

Beed, Blair. Titanic Victims in Halifax Graveyards. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada: Dtours Visitors 
and Convention Service, 2001. 

Berman, Judith E. Holocaust Remembrance in Australian Jewish Conununities, 1945-2000. Crawley, 
Western Australia, Australia: University of Western Australia Press, 2001. 

Bodson, Lilian, ed. Ces animaux que I'homme choisit d'enhumer: contribution a I'etude de la place et 
du role de I'animal dans les rites funer aires. Liege, Belgium: Universite de Liege, 2000. 

Bonatz, Dominik. Das Syro-Hethitische Grabdenkmal: Untersuchungen zur Entstehung einer Neuen 
Bildgattung in der Eiserzeit im Nordsyrisch-Siidenstanatollischen Raun. Mainz, Germany: P. 
von Zabern, 2000. 

Breisacher, E.H., and Lorentzen, Sandra, eds. East Resting Places: Being a Compendium of Fact 
Pertaining to the Mortal Remains of the Famous and Infamous. Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 
Inc., 2001. 

Brocato, Paolo. Ea necropoli etrusca della riserva del Ferrone: Analisi di un comunitd arcaica dei 
Monti della Tolfa. Roma, Italy: Quasar, 2000. 

Bromberg, Francine Weiss. "To Find Rest From All Trouble": The Archaeology of The Quaker 
Burying Ground, Alexandria, Virginia. Alexandria, VA: Alexandria Archaeology, Office of 
Historic Alexandria, 2000. 

Bronze, Jean-Yves. Ee marts de la Guerre de Sept ans au Cimetiere de I'Hopital-General de Quebec. 
Sainte-Foy, Quebec, Canada: Presses de /Universite Laval, 2001. 



275 



Brouwer, Rindert. Oak u Wacht it Begraafplaatsen in Eiiropa en htin Geschiedenis. Rijswijk, 
Netherlands: Elmar, 2000. 

Bucy, Carole Stanford. The Nashville City Cemetery: History Carved in Stone. Nashville, TN: 
Nashville City Cemetery Association, Inc., 2000. 

Burkhardt, Johannes. Krieg und Frieden in der Historischen Geddchtniskultur: Studien zur 
Friendenspolitischen Bedeutung Historischer Argiimente und juhllen von der Antike bis in die 
Gegemvart. Miinchen, Germany: Ernst Vogel, 2000. 

Byrd, Dean H., Clarke, Stanley R., and Healy, Janice M., comps. Oregon Burial Site Guide. 
Portland, OR: Binford and Mort Publishing, 2001 . 

Calimani, Riccardo, Reinisch, Giovannini Sullam, and Vivante, Cesare. Venice: Guide to the 
Synagogues, Museum and Cemetery. Venezia, Italy: Marsilio, 2001. 

Camara Serrano, Juan Antonio. El ritual funerario en la prehistoria reciente en el sur de la penninsula 
iberica. Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 2001. 

Cave, Nigel. Somme: Beaumont-Hamel, Newfounfland Park. London, England: Leo Cooper, 2000. 

Cerny, Jaroslav. A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside Period. 2nd Ed. Le Caire, 
France: lnstih.it fran^ais d'archeologie orientale, 2001. 

Chesson, Meredith S., ed. Social Memory, Identity, and Death: Anthropological Perspectives on 
Mortuary Rituals. Arlington, VA: American Anthropological Association, 2001. 

Chielens, Piet, and Putkowski, Julian. Unquiet Graves: Execution Sites of the First World War in 
Flanders. London, England: Francis Boutle, 2000. 

Clairmont, Christoph, Hoffman, Genevieve, and Lazzi-Hafter, Adrienne. Les pierres del'offrandc. 
Kilchberg, Germany: Akanthus, 2001 . 

Cocke, Thomas. The Churchyards Handbook. 4th Ed. London, England: Church House Publishing, 
2001. 

Cohen, Alan, and Oilman, Sander L. On Europeati Ground. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago 
Press, 2001. 

Connelly, Mark. The Great War, Memory and Ritual: Commemoration in the City and East London, 
1916-1939. Rochester, NY: Boydell and Brewer, Inc., 2001. 

Cooper, Jason. Korean War Memorial: Historic Landmarks. Vera Beach, FL: Rourke Book Co., 
2001. 

Cooper, Judy Hennessee, and Peter, Duane E. Cultural Resources and Bioarchaeological 
Investigations at the Dallas Coiivention Center and Pioneer Cemetery, Dallas, Texas. Piano, 
TX: Geo-Marine, 2000. 

Cooper, Nigel. Wildlife in Church and Churchyard: Plants, Animals and their Management . 2nd 
Ed. London, England: Church House Publishing, 2001. 

Conticello, de' Spagnolis, Marisa. Pompei e la valle del Sarno in epoca preromana: la cultura dclle 
tombe a Fossa. Roma, Italy: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2001. 

, and Zevolino, Giovanni. La tondm del calzolaio: dalla necropoli monumentale ronmna 



di Nocera Superiore. Roma, Italy: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2000. 



276 



Corfield, Justin J. Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia): Cathedral Church of St. Mary the Virgin and the Jalan 
Birch Cemetery. London, England: BACSA, 2000. 

Cosentino, Serena, D'Ercole, Vincenzo, and Mieli, Gianfranco. La necropoli di Fossa. Pescara, 
Italy: Carsa, 2001. 

Cotterell, Maurice M. The Lost Tomb ofViracocha: Unlocking the Secrets of the Peruvian Pyramids. 
London, England: Headline, 2001. 

Cowley, Richard. Wlio's Buried Wliere in Northharnptonshire. Kettering, England: Hooded Lion 
Books, 2000. 

Coyle, Katy. Historical Research and Remote Sensing of the Former Location of the Braziel Baptist 
Church and Cemetery Complex, Iberville Parish, Louisiana. New Orleans, LA: R. Christopher 
Goodwin & Associates, Inc., 2000. 

Curry, Marcella M. Hollywood Cemetery: Selected Resources Available at the Library of Virginia. 
Richmond, VA: Library of Virginia, Archives Research Services, 2000. 

Daybell, Chad. One Foot in the Grave: The Strange but True Adventures of a Cemetery Sexton. 
Springville, VT: Bonneville Books, 2001. 

Dedet, Bernard. Tombes et pratiques funeraires protohistoriques des Grand Gausses du Gevaudan 
(Aveyron, Gard, Lozere). Paris, France: Editions de la Maison des sciences de I'homme, 
2001. 

, Gruat, Philippe, and Marchand, Georges. Archeologie de la mort, archeologie de la 



tombe au premier age du fer. Montagnac, France: diff . Libraire archeologique, 2000. 

Deetz, James F., and Deetz, Patricia Scott. The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in 
Plymouth Colony. New York, NY: W. H. Freeman, 2000. 

Destexhe, Guy. La necropole merovingienne d'Oudoumont commune de Verlaine, Hesbaye liegeoise. 
Saint Georges, Belgium: A.S.B.L., Societe Archeologique de Hesbaye, 2000. 

Diamant, Adolf. Geschdndete Jiidische Friedhofe in Deii tschland, 1 945 bis 1 999. Potsdam, Germany: 
Verlag Rir Berlin-Brandenburg. 2000. 

Diefenbach, Joachim, and Gaedke, Jiirgen. Hanbuch des Friedhofs- und Bestattungs Rechts: Mit 
Ausfiihrlicher Quellensammlung des Geltenden Straatlichen und Kirchlichen Rechts. Rev. Ed. 
Koln, Germany: C. Heymans, 2000. 

Dieterle, Lorraine Jacyno. Arlington Cemetery: A Nation's Story Carved in Stone. Rohnert Park, 
CA: Pomegranate Communications, Inc., 2001. 

Dinel, Paul. Cimetieres du diocese de Mont-Laurier (la Lievre). Longueuil, Quebec, Canada: Editions 
Le Temps retrouve, 2000. 

. Repertoire des mojiuments des cimetieres de Mont-Laurier. Longueuil, Quebec, 



Canada: Editions Le Temps retrouve, 2000. 

Di lonno, Mark. A Guide to New jersey's Revolutionary War Trail. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers 
University Press, 2000. 

Donnelly, Judy. A Wall of Names: The Story of The Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Boston, MA: 
Houghton Mifflin, 2001. 



277 



Dubow, Neville. Imaging the Unimaginable: Holocaust Memory in Art and Architecture. Cape 
Town, South Africa: Isaac and Jessie Kaplan Centre for Jewish Studies and Research, 
University of Cape Town, 2001 . 

Ejstrud, Bo, and Jensen, Claus Kjeld. Vendehoj: Landsby og Gravplads. Hejbjerg, Denmark: Jysk 
Arkaeologisk Selskab, 2000. 

Ellenberger, Allan R. Celebrities in Los Angeles Cemeteries: A Directory. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 
2001. 

Elschnig, Harms. Dieter. Cementerios en Venezuela: los Camposantos de los Extranjeros del Sigh 
XIX y los Antiquos Cementerios en Caracas y el Litoral. Caracas, Venezuela: Edicion del 
Autor, 2000. 

Emery, Tom. 19th Century Echoes: The Carlini'ille City Cemetery. Carlinville, IL: History in Print, 
2000. 

Empereur, J-Y, and Nenna, Marie-Dominique. Necropolis l.Le Caire, France: Institut fran^ais 
d'archeologie orientale, 2001. 

Fansa, Mamoun. Grobstengrdber zwischen Weser und Ems. Oldenburg, Germany: Isensee Verlag, 
2000. 

Favreau, Robert, et. al. Corpus des inscriptions de la France medievale. Paris, France: CNRS, 2000. 

Ferrer, Jean-Marc, and Grandgoing, Philippe. Des funerailles de porcelaine: L'art de la plaque 
funeraire en porcelaine de Limoges au XIXE S. Limoges, France: Culture & Patrimoine en 
Limousin, 2000. 

Finch, Jonathan. Church Monuments in Norfolk Before 1850: An Archaeology of Commemoration. 
Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 2000. 

Firestein, Cecily Barth. Making Paper and Fabric Rubbings: Capturing Designs from Brasses, 
Gravestones, Carved Doors, Coins, and More. Asheville, NC: Lark Books, 2001. 

Foppa, Daniel. Beriihmte und Vergessene Tote aufZiirichs Friedhofen. Ziirich, Switzerland: Limmat, 
2000. 

Forty, Adrian, and Kiichler, Susanne, eds. The Art of Forgetting. Oxford, England, Berg, 2001. 

Frede, Simone. Die Phonizischen Anthropoiden Sarkophage. Mainz am Rhein, Germany: P. von 
Zabern, 2000. 

Galitekin, Ahmed Nezih. Osmanli Donemi Golciik Mezan Taslari. Golciik, Turkey: Golciik 
Belediyesi, 2000. 

Gaugler, William M. The Tomb of Lars Porsenna at Clusium and its Religious and Political 
Implications. Bangor, ME: Laureate Press, 2001. 

Gettysburg National Military Park, Pennsylimnia: A Complete Listing of the 439 Monuments and 
416 Markers and Tablets Wliich Commemorate the July 1863 Civil War Battle [Map, with 
Notes, Charts, etc.]. Aurora, CO: Trailhead Graphics, 2000. 

Goberman, David Noevich. Zabytye Kammi: Evreiskie Nadgrobiia v. Moldove. Sankt-Peterburg, 
Russia: Iskusstvo-SPB, 2000. 

Gomaa, Farouk, and Hegazy, el Sayed Aly Die Neuentdeckte Nekropole von Athribis. Wiesbaden, 
Germany: Harassowitz im Kommission, 2001. 



278 



Gonzalez Villaescusa, Ricardo. El mundo funerario romano en el Paris Valcnciano: Monumentos 
funemrios y sepultums entre los sighs I a. de C.-VII d. de C. Madrid, Spain: Institute Alacantino 
di Cultura "Juan Gil-Albert," 2001. 

Govenar, Alan B., and Collins, Phillip. Facing the Rising Sun: Freedman's Cemetery. Dallas, TX: 
African American Museum and Black Dallas Remembered, 2000. 

Graffy, Neal R Tlie History of the Cieneguitas Cemetery. Santa Barbara, CA: Cieneguitas Cemetery 
Association, 2001. 

Graham, Elspeth. Mummies, Tombs, and the Afterlife. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 
2001. 

Greenwood, Douglas. WJw's Buried Wlierc in England. 3rd Ed. London, England: Constable, 
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Groh, Stefan, Adam, Amgelika, and Brandt, Barbara. Die Graining 1998 im Kastelhncus Siid von 
Mautern an der Donau/Favianis. Wien, Austria" Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, 
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Grossman, Janet Burnett, et al. Greek Funerary Sculpture: Catalogue of the Collection. Los Angeles, 
CA: Getty Publications, 2001. 

Gurda, John. Silent City: A History of Forest Home Cemetery. Milwaukee, Wl: Forest Home 
Cemetery 2000. 

Hacker, Debi. Iconography of Death: Common Symbolism of Late 18th through Early 20th Century 
Tombstones in the Southeastern United States. Columbia, SC: Chicora Foundation, 2001. 

Hallam, Elizabeth, and Miller, Danny. Death, Memory, and Material Culture. New York, NY: 
Berg, 2001. 

Hallotte, Rachel S. Death, Burial, and Afterlife in the Biblical World: How the Israelites and Their 
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Halporn, Roberta. Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors: The Ching Ming Festival in America. Brooklyn, 
NY: Center for Thanatology Research and Education, Inc., 2000. 

Hargrove, Julia. The Shaw Memorial. Carthage, IL: Teaching & Learning Co., 2001. 

Harpur, Yvonne. The Tombs ofNefermaat and Rahotep at Maidum: Discovery, Destruction and 
Reconstruction. Cheltenham, England: Oxford Expedition to Egypt, 2001. 

Harris, Edward Doubleday. Ancient Long Island Epitaphs from the Towns of Southold, Shelter 
Island and Eastliampton, Neio York. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 2001. 

Hasan, Sh Khurshid. The Islamic Architectural Heritage of Pakistan: Funerary Mcnwrial 
Architecture. Karachi, Pakistan: Royal Book Company, 2001. 

Heinemann, Hartmut, and Wiesner, Christa. Der jiidische Friedhofin Alsbach an der Bergstrasse. 
Wiesbaden, Germany: Kommission fiir die Geschichte der Juden in Hessen, 2001. 

Heinzelmann, Michael. Die Nekropolen voti Ostia: Untersuchungen zu den Grdberstrassen voii 
der Porta Romana und an der Via Laurentina. Miinchen, Germany: Verlag Dr. Friedrich 
Pfeil, 2000. 



279 



Henshall, A.S., and Ritchie, Graham. Tlic Chambered Cairns of the Central Highlands: An Inventory 
of the Structures and Their Contents. Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh University Press, 
2001. 

Hernandez Perez, Ricardo. Poesia latina sepulchral de la Hispana romana: estudio de los topicos y 
susformulaciones. Valencia, Spain: Department de Filogia Classica, Focultat de Filogia, 
Universitat de Valencia, 2001. 

Herz, Rudolf, etal. Zivei Entwiirfe zuvi Holocaust-Doikmal in Berli7i. Nlimberg, Germany: Verlag 
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Saul, Nigel. Death, Art and Memory in Medieval England: The Cohham Family and Their 
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Schanche, Audhild. Graver i Ur og Berg: Samisk Gravskikk og Religion fra Forhistorisk til Nyere 
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Schoenfeld, Helmut. Der Friedhof Ohlsdorf: Grciber, Geschichte. Gedenkstdtten. Hamburg, 
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Taylor, Troy. Beyond the Grave: The History of America's Haunted Cemeteries. Alton, IL: 
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Tine, Angela L., and Green, Melissa. An Archaeological Delineation of a Historic African American 
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Andreae, Bernard, Pace, Claire, and Heuser, Tina. "Das Grab der Nasonier in Rom." Antike 
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Arnold, Bettina. "The Limits of Agency in the Analysis of Elite Iron Age Celtic Burials." journal 
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Baudry, Patrick. "Ideologie funeraire et pratique ordinaires de deuil." Recherches Sociologiques 
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Beard, L., Hilliard, J., and Akridge, G. "Historical and Chemical Traces of an Ozark Cemetery 
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Beattie, Ann. "Tales from the Crypt." Preservation 52:6 (2000), pp. 46-51. 

Beech, John. "The Enigma of Holocaust Sites as Tourist Attractions: The Case of Buchenwald." 
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Bell, Malcolm. "Understanding Tarantine Funerary Figurines." journal of Roman Archaeology 
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Lebo, S., and Savulis, E.R. "Last Will, Hiding Pits, Hiding Caves: Incorporating Hawaiian 
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Meskell, Lynn. "Cycles of Life and Death: Narrative Homology and Archaeological Realities." 
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Reade, Julian. "Assyrian King-Lists, the Royal Tombs of Ur, and Indus Origins." Jouriml of Near 
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Rundkvist, M. "Late Viking Period Pagan Burial in Gotland: The Symbolic Code." BAR 
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Santarsiero, A., et al. "Environmental and Legislative Aspects Concerning Existing and New 
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Slater, James. "On Some Early Connecticut Gravestone Carvers - or Were They?" AGS Quarterly 
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. "Thoughts on Gravestone Humor." AGS Quarterly 25:1 (2001), pp. 8-9. 

Slyomovics, S. "Geographies of Jewish Telmcen." Journal of North African Studies 5:4 (2000), 
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Spaulding, John J., and Bellantoni, Nicholas F. "Who is Buried in the 'Empty' Vault?" AGS 
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Spencer, J. "An Elite Cemetery at Tell-el-Balamun." Egyptian Archaeology 18 (2001 ), pp. 18-20. 

Spongberg, Alison, and Becks, Paul M. "Organic Contamination in Soils Associated with 
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Stadlbauer, E., and Visser, H. "Deterioration and Conservation of Natural Stone Monuments: 
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Stone, Gaynell. "Material Evidence of Ideological And Ethnic Choice in Long Island 
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Sturken, Marita. "The Wall, the Screen, and the Image: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial." In 
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Swiebocka, Teresa. "The Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum: From Commemoration 
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Szonyi, M. "The Graveyard of Huang Ziulang: Early Twentieth Perspectives on the Role of the 
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Tait, C. "Harnessing Corpses: Death, Burial, Disinterment and Commemoration in Ireland, c. 

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Teather, Elizabeth K. "The Case of the Disorderly Graves: Contemporary Deathscapes in 
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. "Time Out and Worlds Apart: Tradition and Modernity Meet in the Time-Space 

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Thies, Randall M. "Quantrill's Three Graves and Other Reminders of the Lawrence Massacre." 
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Thompson, Jerry. "When General Albert Sidney Johnston Came Home to Texas: Reconstruction 
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Thorp, Gregory. "Farewell, Bright Soul: In New England, Gravestones Adorned with Faces 
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Tixhon, Axel, and VanYpersele, Laurence. "Du Sang et des pierres: les monuments des la guerre 
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Triantaphyllou, S. "A Bioarchaeological Approach to Prehistoric Cemetery Populations from 
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Truscott, Lucian K., IV. "Children of Monticello." American Heritage 52:1 (2001), pp. 50-57. 

Trywhitt-Drake, B. "National Burial Index for England and Wales." Computers in Geanealogy 
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Underbill, Anne. "An Analysis of Mortuary Ritual at the Dawenkou Site, Shandong, China." 
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Urton, G. "A Calendrical and Demographic Tomb Text from Northern Peru." Latin American 
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Vandendorp, Florence. "Funerals in Belgium: The Hidden Complexity of Contemporary 
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Vernon, Noel Dorsey. "Adolph Strauch: Cincinnati and the Legacy of Spring Grove Cemetery." 
In Midwestern Landscape Architecture. Edited by William H. Tishler. Urbana, IL: University 
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Voekel, Pamela. "Piety and Public Space: The Cemetery Campaign in Veracruz, 1789-1810." 
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Wagner-Pacifici, Robin, and Schv^^artz, Barry. "The Vietnam Veterans Memorial: 
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Walker, Bethany J. "The Late Ottoman Cemetery in Field L, Tall Hisban." Bulletin of the American 
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Walter, T. "From Cathedral to Supermarket: Mourning, Silence and Solidarity." Sociological 
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Watson, Bruce. "The Dogs of War." Smithsonian 31:9 (2000), p. 100-104; 106; 108; 110-111. 

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Webster, W. Russell. "Lost and Nearly Forgotten." Naval History 14:1 (2000), pp. 46-50. 

Weisler, M.I. "Burial Artifacts from the Marshall Islands: Description, Dating and Evidence for 
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Whitten, David O. "Mortuary Mergers and the Internalization of Interment." Essays in Economic 
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Winschel, Terrence J. "Stephen D. Lee and the Making of an American Shrine." Journal of 
Mississippi History 63:1 (2001), pp. 17-32. 

Woodman, RE. "Beyond Significant Patterns Towards Past Intentions: The Location of Orcadian 
Chambered Tombs." BAR International Series 844 (2000), pp. 91-105. 

Woodward, Christopher. "The Soane Family Tomb." In John Sonne, Architect: Master of Space 
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Wragg, Sue. "After-Image: Holocaust and Diaspora." In The Image of the Twentieth Century in 
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Wueschner, Silvano A. "One Man's Demise is Another Man's Gain: The Growth of the Funeral 
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Young, James E. "Memory and Counter-Memory: Towards a Social Aesthetics of Holocaust 
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Yonetani, Julia. "On the Battlefield of Mabuni: Struggles Over Peace and the Past in 
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Dissertations, Theses, etc. 

Andres, Christopher R. "Caches, Censers, Monuments, and Burials: Archaeological Evidence 
of Post-Classic Ritual Activity in Northern Belize." Master's thesis. Southern Illinois 
University at Carbondale, 2000. 

Baines, Elizabeth Anne. "Mortality and Migration: A Study of the Comstock Lode." Master's 
thesis. University of Nevada, Reno, 2000. 

Born, Jennifer D. "A Survey of Indiana Military Monuments." Master's thesis, Indiana 
University, 2000. 

Bruss, John Steffen. "Hidden Presences: Monuments, Gravesites, and Corpses in Greek 
Funerary Epigram." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Minnesota, 2000. 

Callaghan, Brenda Doreen. "Death, Burial and Mutability: A Study of Popular Funerary 
Customs in Cumbria, 1700-1920." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Victoria (Canada), 
2000. 

Carterette, Christopher E. "A Spatial Analysis of Rural Cemeteries near Chico, California." 
Master's thesis, California State University, Chico, 2000. 

Cass, Kelsey R. "None Else of Name: The Origin and Early Development of the United States 
National Cemetery System." Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate University, 2001. 

Cheek, Sheldon Lloyd. "Gozzoli, the Camposanto, and the Pisan Renaissance: A Documentary 
Study of the Old Testament Cycle." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 2000. 

Chen, Gang. "Death Rituals in a Chinese Village: An Old Tradition in Contemporary Social 
Context." Ph.D. dissertation. The Ohio State University, 2000. 

Cooper, Mary S. "Site of Connection: Cemetery Spaces that Integrate the Living and the Dead." 
Master's thesis. University of Washington, 2001. 

Dejongh, Jennifer J. "Undertaking Community: The Origins of Cemeteries in the Levant." 
Master's thesis, University of Cincinnati, 2001. 



304 



De la Loza, Alejandro M. "Exploring Monumental Bronze Casting Techniques." Master's thesis, 
California State University, 2000. 

Dorsch, Michael Scott. "Strong Women, Fallen Men: French Commemorative Sculpture 
Following the Franco-Prussicin War, 1870-1880." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 
2001. 

Draine, James Patrick. "The 1977-1978 Archaeological Excavations of the Lu Cemeteries at 
Qufu, Shandong." Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2000. 

Glastetter, Kathleen E. "Sacred and Profane: A Preservation Plan for Pine Grove Cemetery." 
Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2001. 

Greenberg, Mona Doreen. "The May 4, 1970 Kent State University Shootings: Thirty Years of 
Myths, Memorials and Commemorations." Master's thesis. University of Nevada, Las 
Vegas, 2000. 

Haibei, Ren. "Feng Shui and Chinese Traditional Domestic Architecture." Master's thesis. 
University of Cincinnati, 2000. 

Harlow, Genevieve Threet. "The Silent Historian: The Monuments of the United Daughters 
of the Confederacy and Their Influence Upon History." Master's thesis, James Madison 
University, 2001. 

Hamois, Richard D. "Gone to a Better Land: A Study of Gravestone Forms, Art and Symbolism." 
Master's thesis. College of William and Mary, 2000. 

Hart, Susan Elizabeth. "Traditional War Memorials and Postmodern Memory." Ph.D. 
dissertation, Concordia University (Canada), 2000. 

Hartwig, Melinda K. "Institutional Patronage and Social Commemoration in Theban Tomb 
Painting During the reigns of Thutmose IV (1419-1382 B.C.) And Amenhotep III (1410- 
1382 B.C.)." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University 2000. 

Haynak, Christine M. "A Study of Nineteenth Century Gravemarkers in Northwest Arkansas." 
Master's thesis. University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, 2001. 

Houston, Tami-Ann. "Aspects of the Eternal Feminine in Sacred Space." Ph.D. dissertation, 
California State University, Dominguez, 2001. 

Howard, Anita. "The First Church of the United States: Arlington National Cemetery and the 
Cult of Patriotic Death." Master's thesis. University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2000. 

Hughes, Lisa Ann. "Remembering the Dead: The Liberti of Late Republican Municipalities 
and Colonies of Italy." Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 2001 . 

Ingle, Beth Ann. '"British BuU Dogs AH': Endurance and Identity During the Napoleonic Wars." 
Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 2000. 

Im, Joann Hyohan. "Chapel, Crematorium, and Columbarium." Master's thesis, Virginia 
Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2000. 

Inman, Jason Christopher. "The Living Dead: A Design for a Cemetery in New Orleans." 
Master's thesis. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2001. 

Jordan, Jennifer Annabelle. "Building Culture: Urban Change and Collective Memory in the 
New Berlin." Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, San Diego, 2000. 



305 



Keever, Jay P. "The Controversial Role of Die Neue Wache Central War Memorial in German 
Political History." Master's thesis, East Carolina University, 2000. 

Kousser, Rachel. "Sensual Power: A Warrior Aphrodite in Greek and Roman Sculpture." Ph.D. 
dissertation. New York University, 2001. 

Kuba, Cassandra L. "Differences in DNA Preservation Between Adult and Subadult Human 
Skeletal Remains as Evidenced by Individuals from Two 19th Century Cemeteries." Ph.D. 
dissertation. University of Indianapolis, 2001. 

Lang, Peter Thomas. "Masses in Motion: Spaces and Spectacle in Fascist Rome, 1919-1929." 
Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 2000. 

LaRonge, Michael B. "Company Family, Company Coffin: The Role of Quincy Mining 
Company's Patemalishc Practices at the Ingot Street Cemetery." Master's thesis, Michigan 
Technological University, 2000. 

Lott, Jacqueline A. "On the Hallowed Hill: An Analysis of Historic Cemeteries Within the 
Great Smoky Mountains National Park." Master's thesis. University of Tennessee, 
Knoxville, 2000. 

Mattemes, Hugh Bryson. "Social and Biological Structures in the Mound C Cemetery, Wickliffe 
Mound Group." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2000. 

McAllister, Kirsten Emiko. "Remembering Political Violence: The Nikkei Internment Memorial 
Centre." Ph.D. dissertation, Carleton University (Canada), 2000. 

Mishana, Fadhili SafieU. "Art and Identity Among the Zaramo of Tanzania." Ph.D. dissertation. 
State University of New York at Binghampton, 2000. 

Nelson, Louis Perry. "The Material Word: Anglican Visual Culture in Colonial South Carolina." 
Ph.D. dissertation. University of Deleware, 2001. 

Neuman, Eran. "From the Holy to the Sublime: A Evolution in Holocaust Spatial 
Representation." Master's thesis, UCLA, 2000. 

Ngwenya, Barbara Ntombi. "Gender and Social Transformation Through Burial Societies in 
Contemporary Southern African Society: The Case of Botswana." Ph.D. dissertation. 
University of Michigan, 2000. 

Oehlschlaeger-Garvey, Barbara. "Reconstructing the Merovingian Cemetery of Butte des 
Gargans, Houdan, France." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana- 
Champaign, 2000. 

Paresi, Alicia R. "Cultural Resource Management for the Historic Burying Grounds of Concord, 
Massachusetts." Master's thesis. University of Massachusetts, Boston, 2000. 

Pellegrini, Robert Enrico. "Monumenta Memoriae: The Self-Aggradizing Aspects of Roman 
Tombs of the Late Republic and Early Augustan Age." Master's thesis. University of 
Washington, 2001. 

Perlmutter, Suzanne Butler. "A Place for the Sacred: Native American and European American 
Representations of Death in the American Landscape." Master's thesis. University of 
Washington, 2000. 



306 



Pleasant, Joanna E. "Remembering American Wars in Three Controversial Displays: The Wall, 
The Enola Gay, and the Vietnam Era Educational Center." Master's thesis. College of 
William and Mary, 2001. 

Pleasants, John G. "Mortuary Patterns at the Irene Site, Chatham County, Georgia." Master's 
thesis. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001. 

Potter, Cynthia Denise. "Photo Finish: The Memorialization of Death Through Photography 
in Nineteenth-Century America." Master's thesis, Iowa State University. 2001 . 

Robinson, Brian Scott. "Burial Ritual, Groups, and Boundaries on the Gulf of Maine." Ph.D. 
dissertation. Brown University, 2001. 

Rogers, Michael. "Detection of Burials at the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians Historic 
Period Cemetery, Oregon." Master's thesis, Oregon State University, 2001. 

Rous, David G. "The Soldier Monuments: Civil War Commemoration in Vermont." Master's 
thesis. University of Vermont, 2000. 

Sawaged, Tamie. "Is Archaeology Enough?: The Big Village Site Revisited: An Exploration of 
the Relationship Between Material Culture and Gender Dynamics in a Historic Mortuary 
Context." Master's thesis. University of Nebraska - Lincoln, 2001. 

Sherlock, Peter. "Funeral Monuments: Piety, Honour and Memory in Early Modem England." 
Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University (England), 2000. 

Sorabella, Jean Louise. "Sleep that Rouses: Naturalism and the Observer in Greco-Roman Art." 
Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2000. 

Spars, Stephanie A. "Variation in Civilian and Wartime Burials in an Eastern Orthodox Setting: 
a Case Study in Forensic Archaeology." Master's thesis. University of Nebraska - Lincoln, 
2000. 

Strange, J.M. "This Mortal Coil: Death and Bereavement in Working Class Culture, C. 1880- 
1914." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Liverpool (England), 2000. 

Taylor, Laurel L. "Dying Like a Roman: Funerary Monuments and the Creation of a Provincial 
Material Culture in Roman Venetia." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Pennsylvania, 2000. 

Tung, Tiffany A. "Kin-Based Burial Groups in Hellenistic-Early Roman (325 BC-AD 150) 
Cyprus: A Biodistanic Analysis of Mortuary Organization." Master's thesis. University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2000. 

Usher, Bethany McKay. "A Multisate Model of Health and Mortality for Paleodemography: 
Tirup Cemetery (Denmark)." Ph.D. dissertation. The Pennsylvania State University, 2000. 

Walker, Amy E. "A Tisket, a Tasket, Please Don't Touch that Casket: An Evaluation of 
Cemeteries in Delaware County, Indiana." Master's thesis. Ball State University, 2001. 

Wansley, James Hoyt, Jr. "Rose Hill Cemetery and the Ocmulgee Heritage Greenway: The 
Impact of Integration." Master's thesis. University of Georgia, 2000. 

Will, Martina Elaine. "God Gives and God Takes Away: Death and Dying in New Mexico, 
1760-1850." Ph.D. dissertation. The University of New Mexico, 2000. 

Wu, Xiaolong. "Female and Male Status as Displayed at the Maoquinggou Cemetery: Ascribed 
or Achieved?" Master's thesis. University of Pittsburgh, 2000. 



307 



Videotapes 

"California's Gold: San Francisco Cemeteries." Los Angeles, CA: Huell Hawser Productions, 
2000. 

"Cliff Mummies of the Andes." New York, NY: A & E Television Networks, 2001 . 

"Cryptic Clues in the Boneyard." Sharon De Bartolo. Hurricane, UT: The Studio, 2001. 

"Crypts, Coffins and Corpses." New York, NY: A & E Television Networks, 2000. 

"Forest Home Cemetery, Milwaukee, Wisconsin." Dan Jones. Milwaukee, WI: Milwaukee Public 
Television, 2000. 

"Freedman's Cemetery Memorial: A Place of Healing." Alfre Woodard, Katie Sherrod, and 
Joe Norman. Dallas, TX: KERA-TV, 2001. 

"Gentle Voices Calling: A Walk Through Southern Illinois History." John L. Leckel. CoUinsville, 
IL: CoUinsville Memorial Library Foundation, 2000. 

"Gentle Voices Calling: A Walk Through Southern Illinois History # 2." John L. Leckel. 
CoUinsville, IL: CoUinsville Memorial Library Foundation, 2001. 

"Historical Cemeteries of the South: A Photographic Tour. W. Todd Groce. Savannah, GA: 
Georgia Historical Society, 2000. 

"Modem Marvels: Cemeteries." Lee Schneider. New York, NY: The History Channel, 2001. 

"Mortal Remains." Kelowna, British Columbia, Canada: Foxglove Films, 2000. 

"Rockford Historical Society Presents This Is A Cemetery." Rockford, IL: Rockford Historical 
Society, 2000. 

"Save Our History: The World War II Memorial." Arthur Drooker. New York, NY: A & E 
Television Networks, 2000. 

"Speakers for the Dead." Jennifer Holness and David Sutherland. Montreal, Quebec, Canada: 
NFB, 2000. 

"The Desert Mummies of Peru." Amy Bucher and Benjamin Bratt. Bethesda, MD: Discovery 
Channel Video, 2000. 

"The Marble Orchard 2000." Timothy P. Henderson and Eva Nicklas. Lewiston, NY: Lewiston 
Council on the Arts, 2000. 

"The Preservation of Civil War Sites in Georgia." Gene Hatfield and Oliver J. Keller. Savannah, 
GA: Georgia Historical Society, 2000. 

"The Taj Mahal: An Immortal Love Story in Stone." Udai Mathan and Sonia Narayan. Wheeling, 
IL: Film Ideas, 2000. 



Conference Papers, Other Presentations, etc. 

Adler, Brian. "Graveyards and Landscapes of Memory." Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 



308 



Baeckler, Bill. "Corporations continue to Seize the Death Care Industries." Annual Conference 
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Baird, Scott, "Gravemarkers: Affirmation of Life Within a Catholic Community." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Bazzarone, Ann K. "Marking Time: Burial Markers as Indicators of Ethnic Identity and 
Acculturation in Baltimore's Greek American Community." Annual Meeting of the Mid- 
Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 
3-5, 2001. 

Bernstein, Robin. "Talismans of the Middle Class: Nineteenth-Century Postmorten 
Daguerreotypes of Children." Annual Meeting of the American Studies Association, 
November 8-11, 2001. 

Broe, Mary Lynn. "'Sweeping Up the Heart / And Putting Love Away': Caring for Your Own 
Dead in Contemporary American Culture." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / 
American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001. 

Buckham, Susan. "And the Grave Proves the Child Ephemeral? Feminist Theory as a Paradigm 
to Examine the Commemoration of Children." Annual Meeting of the Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Long Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001. 

CaUdonna, Frank. "Archival Considerations for the Care and Preservation of Gravestone Data." 
Armual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21- 
24, 2001. 

. "Cemeteries, Gravestones, and Kids: Teachable Moments." Annual Conference 



of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Carnes-McNaughton, Linda, and Clauser, John. "Silent Witnesses: Mapping the Hill Top 
Cemetery in Historic Halifax, NC." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Long Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001. 

Collison, Gary. "Somewhat Beyond the Time: The Vernacular Gravestones of Crawford Duncan, 
ca. 1820-1849." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, 
April 11-14, 2001, and Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American 
Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

. "Winged Skulls, Angels, and Beyond: The Study of U.S. Gravemarkers." Congress 

of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 
18-21, 2001. 

, Gabel, Laurel, and Deloria, Claire. "AGS and the Educational Community: Past, 

Present, and Future." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Conlin, Judith Miller. "The Search for Achsah and Other Curiosities from a Small Town 
Cemetery." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, 
MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Corbett, Joyce. "The Cult of Personality in Hungarian Cemetery Gravemarkers." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 



309 



Crabtree, Kathryn, and Prince, Eugene. "A Voice We Loved Is Stilled: A Study of Epitaphs 
Found in Historic Cemeteries." West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001. 

Davis, Erik. "Bodies of Knowledge: The Tug of War Over Native American Dead." Annual 
Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver 
Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

De Chapparo, Martina WiU. "Death and Impermanence in New Mexico: A Overview of Colonial 
and Mexican Period Mortuary Customs." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / 
American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001. 

Donlon, Jocelyn. "Crossed Boundaries: Creolizing Toussaint in Lacombe, Louisiana." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Eckert, Eva. "Gone to America! Life and Death of Czech Immigrants In Texas." Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Edgette, J. Joseph. "'Nearer My God to Thee': R.M.S. Titanic's Victims." Annual Meeting of 
the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Gabel, Laurel K. "Fraternal Emblems and Grave Markers." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

. "Introduction to Boston Area Colonial Carvers and Their Stones." Annual 



Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 
. "'Seize the Shadow 'Ere the Substance Fade': The Use of Photography in Mourning 



and Memorialization." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American 
Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

Galley, Janet L. McShane. "The 'Mother and Twins' Monument at Philadelphia's Laurel Hill 
Cemetery." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture 
Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

Garciagodoy, Juanita. "Prehispanic and Contemporary Life-Death Dualism in Central Mexican 
Archaeological Artifacts and Days-of-the-Dead Calaveras." Congress of the Americas, 
Popular Culture/ American Culture Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001. 

Gleason, William [chair]. "Civic Design, Public Space, and the Washington Mall: A Roundtable 
Discussion on the National World War II Memorial." Annual Meeting of the American 
Studies Association, Washington, D.C., November 8-11, 2001. 

Gordon, Bill. "What Lurks Below? Look Above: An Introduction to New England Coffin Plates." 
Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21- 
24, 2001. 

Greenfield, Marianne McCaffrey. "The Delaware Anti-Rent War." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Graves, Thomas E. "Burial Practices in Argentina." Annual Meeting of the American Culture 
Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Harmon, Thomas. "Reflections of FENG-SHUI in Korean Cemetery Location and Morphology." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 
2001. 



310 



Halporn, Roberta. "Women of Valor: Lives and Losses. The Intersection Between Research, 
the Arts, and the Graveyard." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 200L 

Hass, Kristin. "Pandering to Anxiety: The National World War II Memorial." Annual Meeting 
of the American Studies Association, Washington, D.C., November 8-11, 2001. 

Heikkila, Kim. "Citizen Jane: The Vietnam Women's Memorial and U.S. Popular Memory." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 
2001. 

Hey wood, Janet. "Gravestone Studies: Nineteenth Century Style - A Look at Guidebooks for 
Rural Cemeteries." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

. "John Evans, Boston Stone Carver." Annual Conference of the Association for 



Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 . 
. "Landscape as Lesson: Morals and Melancholy in the 19th-century Cemetery.' 



Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 
2001. 

Hobbs, June Hadden. "Grave Gifts and Postmodernism in the American Cemetery." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

. "Say It With Flowers in the Victorian Cemetery." Annual Meeting of the American 



Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Jenks, Margaret R. "The Symbolism of New England Gravestones." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Jones, Mary-Ellen. "Northern California Tombstone Carvers, 1850-1890." West Coast 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 
2001. 

Karrick, Katie. "Joseph Carabelli: His Monumental Destiny." Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Kearl, Michael C. "The Expanding Roles of the Dead in Civic and Popular Cultures." Annual 
Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, Silver 
Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

Logan, Kelley "Under the Big Top: The Showman's Rest of Mount Olivet Cemetery." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2201 . 

Lynch, Daniel J. "The Digital Darkroom." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 . 

. "Rock - Types of Ages - A Geologist's View of Gravestones." Annual Conference 



of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001 . 

Mahaffrey, Tracy. "Stone Carving Apprentice in the Twenty-First Century." Annual Conference 
of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Malloy, Brenda. "Early American Epitaphs of Death from Childbirth." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 



311 



. "Identification of Children in Stone." Annual Conference of the Association for 

Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Malloy, Thomas A. "Epitaphs Reflecting Early American Diseases." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

. "What Was Killing the Children in Agrarian New England." Annual Conference 



of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

McCarthy, John. "Beyond the Grave: Tlie Individual and the Community in African American 
Cemetery Archaeology." Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Long 
Beach, CA, January 10-13, 2001. 

McGuckin, Eric. "Breathing With the Dead: Concrete Memories and Mindfulness in the 
Cemetery." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture Division, 
Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001. 

Meyer, Richard E. "John McCrae, the Essex Farm Military Cemetery, and the Poppy of 
Remembrance." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, 
April 11-14, 2001. 

Nygard, Paul David. "T Have a Piece of Thee Here...': Mourning Practices Among Nineteenth 
Century Middle-Class Americans." Annual Meeting of the Mid- Atlantic Popular Culture 
/ American Culture Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001 . 

Palkovich, Ann M. "Marking Childhood: The Creation of Childhood Identity in Cemeteries." 
Annual Meeting of the Mid- Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture Association, 
Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

Paraskevas, Cornelia. "Greeks Abroad." Annual Meeting of the American Cultvire Association, 
Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Parent, Traci. "Read All About It! - Using Newspaper Articles as Historic Resources for 
Cemetery Studies." West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, 
San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001. 

Pearce, J. "Infants, Cemeteries and Communities in the Roman Provinces." Tenth Annual 
Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, London, England, April, 2000. 

Pearson, Ann B. "The Cemetery Lantern Tour: History by Moonlight." Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Pobo, Kenneth G. "American Poets: Contemporary Views of the Cemetery." Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Purcell, Jennifer E. "Gravemarkers: Affirmation of Life Within a Non-Catholic Cemetery." 
Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 
2001. 

Reilly-McNellan, Mary. "Cemetery Saviors: Digging Up Volunteers." Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2000. 

Richman, Jeff. "Brooklyn's Green-Wood Cemetery: The Photographic Record." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 



312 



Roark, Elisabeth L. "Almost Heaven: Angel Monuments and the American Rural Cemetery as 
Metaphor." Annual Meeting of the Mid-Atlantic Popular Culture / American Culture 
Association, Silver Spring, MD, November 3-5, 2001. 

Rotundo, Barbara. "Nineteenth-Century Stones in Boston Area Cemeteries." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Sauers, Richard A. "Black December: The Monongah Explosion." Annual Meeting of the 
American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Sclair, Helen. "The Cemetery for the Genealogist." Annual Conference of the Association for 
Gravestone Shidies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

. "Resting in Pieces." Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, 



Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Shapleigh-Brown, Ruth. "Cemetery Theft - In Your Town, Too!" Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Sinan, Alma. "In the Reaper's Shadow: The Personification of Death in Gravestone Art." Annual 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Spencer Gillian. "White Bronze: The Eternal Alternative." Annual Conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Stott, Annette. "M. Rauh, A Pioneer Monument Maker of Colorado Territory." West Coast 
Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 
2001. 

Svanevik, Michael. Keynote Address, West Coast Conference of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, San Francisco, CA, August 10-12, 2001. 

Thursby, Jacqueline S. "Cemeteries and Water Rights in Salt Lake City." Annual Meeting of 
the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Van Beck, Todd. "The Visible and the Invisible." Keynote Address at Annual Conference of 
the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, June 21-24, 2001. 

Vinuales, Rodrigo Gutierrez. "Excultura commemorativa en Iberoamerica (1850-1930): Hacia 
ima comprension comiin." Congress of the Americas, Popular Culture / American Culture 
Division, Puebla, Mexico, October 18-21, 2001. 

Walker, Jean C, ct al. "Surface Weathering and Erosion of Marble Tombstones in Northeastern 
New Jersey." Annual Meeting of Middle States Division of the Association of American 
Geographers, Wilkes-Barre, PA, October 19-21, 2000. 

Walsh, Beth. "Anatomy of One Short Story: Necrological References and Metaphors." Annual 
Meeting of the American Culture Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 

Williams, Gray. "By Their Characters Shall You Know Them: Using Lettering Styles to Identify 
Carvers." Annual Conference of the Association for Gravestone Studies, Brookline, MA, 
June 21-24, 2001. 

Wood, Harvard C, III. "Packaged Sentiment." Annual Meeting of the American Culture 
Association, Philadelphia, PA, April 11-14, 2001. 



313 



Yea, S. "Rewriting Rebellion and Mapping Memory in South Korea: The (Re) Presentation of 
the 1980 Kwangju Uprising Through Mangwol-Dong Cemetery." Second Biennial 
Conference of the Korean Studies Association of Australia, Monash, Australia, September, 
1001. 



314 



CONTRIBUTORS 

James Blachowicz, Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University, Chicago, 
became interested in early American gravestones during a summer in 
Falmouth, Massachusetts in 1972, but didn't discover the Association 
for Gravestone Studies until 1994. He has contributed three papers to 
the AGS Qiiarterh/, and three of his studies on the gravestone carving 
traditions of Plymouth, Kingston, and Cape Cod have appeared in Markers 
XV (1998), Markers XVII (2000) (in collaboration with Vincent F. Luti), 
and Markers XVIII (2001). He has recently completed a book. An American 
Craft Lineage, which greatly expands his work on these carving traditions, 
focusing on twenty-seven stonecarvers in the two regions active from 
1770 through 1870. His book in philosophy. Of Two Minds: The Nature of 
Inquiry (State University of New York Press), appeared in 1998. 

Simon J. Bronner is Distinguished Professor of Folklore and American 
Studies and Coordinator of the American Studies Program at The 
Pennsylvania State University, Harrisburg. He has also taught at Harvard 
University, University of California at Davis, and Osaka University 
(Japan). He has published a dozen books, including Grasping Things: Folk 
Material Culture and Mass Society in America; Following Tradition: Folklore 
in the Discourse of American Culture; American Material Culture and Folklife; 
Folk Art and Art Worlds; and Creativity and Tradition in Folklore, as well as 
numerous scholarly articles. He is the editor of the University Press of 
Kentucky's Material Worlds book series and the Publications of the 
Pennsylvania German Society. He has previously served as editor of the 
journals Material Culture and Folklore Historian, and edited the American 
Material Culture and Folklife book series for UMI Research Press. His 
obituary on Warren Roberts was published in Markers XVII. 

Ann M. Cathcart was born in Vermont, moved to Texas at an early age, 
and is a graduate of Rice University in Houston, Texas. She practiced as 
a Certified Public Accountant (CPA) until her retirement in 1996. Her 
most current gravestone/genealogical project is the preparation of a 
booklet about St. James' Episcopal Church Cemetery in Arlington, Vermont. 

Kathryn Crabtree and Eugene Prince date their association with James 
Deetz to the late 1970s, when he came to Berkeley as a faculty member 
and director of the anthropology museum. Kathryn holds a B.A. degree 



315 



in Anthropology from the University of California, Berkeley, and a M.A. 
degree in Cultural Resources Management from Sonoma State University. 
Her primary research interest is the study of historic cemeteries in the 
American West, and she is especially intrigued by expressions of 
sentiment found on gravemarkers and in decorative offerings. Eugene 
received a B. A. degree in Anthropology from the University of California, 
Berkeley, and his background includes a considerable amount of 
experience in archaeology and archaeological photography. He has retired 
from his position as Principal Photographer at the Phoebe A. Hearst 
Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. Kathryn 
and Eugene have presented papers on Nineteenth-Century epitaphs at 
several Association for Gravestone Studies conferences, and together they 
continue to pursue research into topics related to deathways and the 
material culture of cemeteries. 

Eva Eckert teaches linguistics, Russian, and Czech at Connecticut College, 
where she chairs the Department of Russian and East European Studies. 
A Czech native with degrees from Charles University in Prague, the 
University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, and the University of California, 
Berkeley, she has published material on Slavic verbal aspects, standard 
and colloquial language varieties, and language change and loss in 
American Czech. Her book on the acculturation of Texas Czechs, a case 
study in history and ethnography using gravestones and immigrant 
newspapers as primary sources, will be published by Lidove noviny in 
the Czech Republic in 2002. She has previously published articles in 
Markers XV and in Markers XVIII, and her recent work has included articles 
published in Brown Slavic Contribiitioiis [Modem Czech Studies]; Festschrift 
for Charles Townsend; Cesky lid [Journal of the Ethnographic Institute of 
the Czech Academy of Sciences]; The Czech Voice [Newsletter of the Czech 
Heritage Society]; and Casopis pro moderni filologii [Journal of Modern 
Philology]. 

Jessie Lie Farber is one of the six founders of the Association for 
Gravestone studies, and has served as editor of both this journal and the 
organization's newsletter, the AGS Quarterly. Working with AGS member 
Laurel Gabel and Visual Information, Inc. of Denver, Colorado, she and 
her husband, Daniel Farber, produced eleven CDROMs, cataloging more 
than fifteen thousand images of 9,300 gravestones photographed by the 
Farbers, Harriette Merrifield Forbes, and Ernest Caulfield. 



316 



Laurel K. Gabel, former Research Clearinghouse Coordinator of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies, has published a number of important 
articles on early American gravemarkers, including a seminal study of 
fraternal symbolism and gravestones in Markers XL Teaming with former 
Markers editor Theodore Chase, she has published articles on early New 
England carvers in Markers III and Markers V, as well as the two-volume 
Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century New England Carvers and 
Their Work (1997). In 1988 she was recipient of the AGS' Harriette M. 
Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Her most recent 
contribution to this journal, an analysis of the Africa-related imagery on 
the Vermont gravestone of Harriet Ruggles Loomis, appeared in Markers 
XVI. 

June Hadden Hobbs is Associate Professor of English at Gardner-Webb 
University in Boiling Springs, North Carolina, where she teaches classes 
in American Literature and in Composition. Her casual interest in 
gravestones became a passion in 1994 when she was finishing a book on 
American gospel hymns and realized that many epitaphs in American 
graveyards are in fact quotations from hymn texts. Her book, "/ Sing for 
I Cannot Be Silent": The Feminization of American Hymnody, 1870-1920, was 
published by the University of Pittsburgh Press in 1997. She has recently 
published an article entitled "Tombstone Erotics and Gender in the 
Graveyards of the South" in the journal Southern Quarterly and has begun 
a preservation project in the Boiling Springs Baptist Church Cemetery, 
conveniently located across the street from her university. 

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at Western 
Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the last ten 
issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of 
American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the American 
Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the book The 
Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of the 
editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a former president of 
the Oregon Folklore Society, and from 1986-1996 chaired the Cemeteries 
and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture Association. His 
articles on Oregon pioneer gravemarkers, San Francisco's Presidio Pet 
Cemetery (with David M. Gradwohl), and World War I Western Front 
cemeteries have appeared in Markers XI, Markers XII, and Markers XVIII, 
respectively. In 1998 he was a recipient of the Association for Gravestone 



317 



Studies' Harriete M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. 
Besides his contribution to material necrology, he has published a wide 
variety of scholarly materials in both folklore and literary studies. He is 
currently in the early stages of a projected book on America's Tomb of 
the Unknown Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery. 

Katherine Noordsij, a niece of Ivan Rigby, was born in New Jersey about 
the time (WWII) that Ivan joined the Army. She spent her years of 
elementary school in Buffalo, New York and the rest of her childhood in 
Ohio. After graduating from Denison University, she taught high school 
English for two years, thereafter earning an M.A. in Renaissance English 
Literature from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and a Ph.D. in Nineteenth 
Century English Literature from Drew University in New Jersey. She 
started work as a technical editor for Bell Laboratories in New Jersey, 
and, except for a break when her son, David, was born, worked nearly 
twenty-six years with Bell Laboratories, Western Electric, AT&T, and 
Lucent Technologies in a variety of marketing and business development 
programs. Recently retired from Lucent, she lives in New Jersey with 
her husband. Dr. A. Johan Noordsij, and is at present developing an 
independent consulting business. 

Kenneth Pobo is an Associate Professor of English at Widener University 
in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he teaches courses in creative writing, 
minority literature, and contemporary poetry. He writes poetry, short 
stories, and essays, and his research interests include gay studies, women 
writers, and contemporary poets. His most recent (2001) published 
collection of poetry is Ordering: A Season in My Garden (Higganum Hills 
Books): earlier collections include Cicadas in the Apple Tree (Palanquin 
Press), Yes: Irises (Singular Speech Press), and Ravens and Bad Bananas 
(Oscric Press). An essay on May Swenson appeared in Heaven Bone, and 
another on British writer Jeanette Winterson will be featured in a 
forthcoming anthology published by Red Hen Press. His essay "Poets 
Among the Stones" will be published in Markers XX. "Key West 
Cemetery," the poem presented in the current issue, first appeared in 
Kentucky Poetry Review. 



318 



INDEX 



Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations 



Adam and Eve 34, 36, [36] 

AGS Newsletter {AGS Quarterly) 15 

Albany, NY 216 

Alcott, Louisa May 253 

Alhambra Cemetery, Martinez, CA 87 

Alhambra Hotel, Martinez, CA 83-87, [83, 

85, 86] 
All Souls Day 197 
Allen, Henery 47 
Ammansville, TX 179, 210 
American Tract Society 247 
American Revolutionary War 69 
Amerikdn [Chicago, IL] 208 
Andrew, Bernard 48 
Archibald, Susan W. 157 
Archipenko, Alexander 13 
Arey, Hannah 131, [133] 
Argyle, MN 224 
Aries, Philippe 263 
Arikara ceramics 2 
Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, 

VA70 
Arlington, VT 215, 217 
Ashley, Solomon 97 
Ater, A.B. and Annie 270 
Atwood, Levi 154 

Association for Gravestone Studies 14-15 
Association for Gravestone Studies logo 

(original) 15, [15] 
Auschwitz concentration camp, Poland 54, 

59 
Austro-Prussian War 189 

Baker, Elisha 144 
Baker, Gorham 144 
Baker,John82, 84, 157 
Baker, Tliankful [34] 
Baldwin, Edwin 150 
Baldwin, Persis Sturgis 150, 153 
Baldwin, Sarah 47 
Bar-Itzhak, Haya 58-59 
Barnard, Cromwell 154 
Barnstable Patriot [MA] 79, 120 
Bartlett, Rebecca 145, [147] 
Bassett, Henry T. 74 
Batchelder, Mary 18 



Batterkill River, VT 216 

Baty, Deliverance (Delia) 74 

Baxter, Samuel W. 144 

Baxter, Walter 101, [103] 

Bearse, Mary 144 

Beaussee, June 271 

Beecher, Henry Ward 265 

Bennett, George 150 

Bennington Banner [VT] 229 

Bennington, VT 65 

Bennington County, VT 214-239 

Berkshire County, MA 66 

Bernard, Joseph [34] 

bestiaries 21, 44 

Biblica Sacra Germania ("The Nuremberg 

Bible") 28, [29] 
Bila Hora, TX 195 
Billings, William 49 
Birch, William 48 
Bissicks, Maggie 271 
Black Diamond vein [CA] 84 
Blackwell, Alice Stone 251 
Bohemia 174-211 
Boies, Jerusha 91, 131, 152, [90] 
Boiling Springs Baptist Church Cemetery, 

Boiling Springs, NC 254, 271 
Boiling Springs, NC 243 
Bookstein, Jonah 55 
Borrassa, Luis 21-22 
Bornstein, Henry and Lola 54 
Boston, MA 31-32 
"Boston Limmer" 48 
Boston, Lincolnshire, England 31-32, [31] 
"Boxers" 23-26, [25, 26] 
Bowdoin, James [38] 
Bradley, Abigail 153 
Bradley, Ebenezer 150 
Bradley, Gilbert 226, 229 
Bradley, Nabby/Abigail Sturgis 150 
Braque, George 13 
Brennan, Nancy [11] 
Brewster, Jolin 48 
Briggs, John 46 
Brockport, NY 216 
Brown, Henry Howard [30] 
Brown University, Providence, Rl 2 



319 



Buffalo Baptist Church Cemetery, Cherokee 

County, SC 249, 252, 257, 270-271 
Bunker, Absalom 155 
Burial Hill Cemetery, Plymouth, MA [11] 
Bursley. Elizabeth Fish 139, [138] 
Button, William 46 
Byles, Mather 49 

Cahan, Y.L. 60 

Calder, Alexander 13 

Camp, William, Jr. [252] 

Canfield, F.H. and L.P. 226 

Canfield, Helen 224 

Canfield, Nathan, Jr. 215 

Cape Cod, MA 64-173 

Carew, Lucretia 40 

Cash, Elizaneth Lucenia 271, [254] 

Caulfield, Ernest 81 

Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of 

American Culture (Richard E. Meyer) 1 
Cermna, Bohemia 186, 191, 197 
Cervenka, Anna [181] 
Chapman, Elizabeth 139 
Cherry Valley, NY 70 
"Chippings with a Chisel" (Nathaniel 

Hawthorne) 263 
Circleville, OH 13 
City Cemetery, Rogers, TX 270 
Clap, Samuel 46 
Clark, Charles H. 154 
Clark, Thomas [27] 
Coddington, Prisscilla 46 
Coe, Henry P. 151 
Coe, Lydia H. Sturgis 151 
Coffin, Lurana Meiggs Fisher 156 
Coffin, Thomas Jefferson 156 
Coleman, Job 79 
Columbus, TX 210 
Combes, Mrs. S.M. 262 
Conder, Josiah 42, 49 
Condy, Susanna 37 
Contra Costa Gazette (CA) 84, 87 
Cornish, Rachel C. 157 
Cotton, John 31 
Coye, William 36 
Cracow, Poland 50-63 
Craford, Hana 46 
Creighton, Mary 217, [214, 217] 
Creighton, Thomas 217 
Crocker, Horace S. 107, [111] 
Crocker, Jonathan 157 



Crocker, Samuel S. 139, [142] 
Crocker, Sylvia 107, [108] 
Crocker, Zeruiah 97 
Crosby, Watson 107, [112] 
Crowell, Gideon 140, [143] 
Cumberland, MD 2 
Cushing, Job 47 
Cutler, Cornelius T 84 
Cutler, Sarah Ann StLirgis 84, 87 
Czech Republic 174-211 

Dadey, Martha [26] 

Dali, Salvador 13 

Davis, Noah 78 

Dawes, Ambrose and Mary [35] 

"death imps" 26-27, [26, 27] 

"Death's Head, Chenib, Urn and Willow" 

(James Deetz and Edwin Dethlefsen) 2 
Deetz, Cindy 6 
Deetz, Eleanore Kelley 4 
Deetz, James Fanno vi-11, [vi, 5, 11] 
Deetz, Patricia Scott 6 
Deming, Rebekah 224, [225] 
Dethlefsen, Edwin (Ted) 1-2 
de Vinciolo, Federico 23 
Dimmick, Anna 101, [104] 
Dimmick, Braddock 113, [117] 
Dimmick, Celia 72, 101, [102] 
Dimmick, Fear Fish 68 
Dimmick, Jane 97, [99] 
Dimmick, Joseph 69-70 
Dimmick, Lot 68 
Dimmick, Prince 118 
Divine and Moral Songs for Children (Isaac 

Watts) 41 
Dongres, L.W. 208 
Drinkwater, Robert 95 
Dvibina Cemetery, Dubina, TX [195] 
Dubina, TX 179, 193-195 
Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife 

(1976), Dublin, NH 14 
Dunietz, Ed 51-52, 54, 57 
Duval, Francis Y. 14-16 
Dwight, Samuel 215 
Dwyt, Timothy 46 

Eager, Tabitha 47 
Fames, Rachel 155 

Early American Gravestone Art in 

Photographs (Francis Y. Duval and Ivan 
B. Rigby) 14 



320 



Eliach, Yaffa 59 

Eliott, Jacob 46, [30] 

Ellinger, TX 195-210 

Emery, Samuel, Jr. 158 

Emmanuel Cemetery, Birmingham, AL 261, 

271 
Emmes, Elizabeth 47 
Essex County, MA 39 
Eveleth, Elisha 70, 74-75, 94, 125 
Eveleth, Frank Leslie 152 
Eveleth, La von Priscilla 152 
Eveleth, Priscilla Dart 75 
exemplars 20 
Eyn Newe Kunstlich Moedelboeck allc 

Kunstner (Peter Quentel) 18-19, [19] 

Farber, Dan and Jessie Lie 14 

Farrell, James J. 242 

Fayetteville Catholic Church Cemetery, 

Fayetteville, TX 197 
Fayetteville, TX 182, 189, 193, 195 
Fir Crest Cemetery, near Monmouth, OR 

[front cover] 
Fish,Cloa94, 113, 1114] 
Fish, Elihu 157 
Fish, John 156 

Fish, Mercy Meiggs 119, 153 
Fish, Nathaniel 156 
Fish, Theodore 119 
Fisher, Adeline Butler 156 
Fisher, Benjamin Franklin 120, 127 
Fisher, Ebenezer 120 
Fisher, Elizabeth F. Hallet 156 
Fisher, Hervey 125 
Fisher, Jabez Meiggs 66-173, [149] 
Fisher,JosephR. 72, 120 
Fisher, Joseph Robinson 119 
Fisher, Lurana Meiggs 119 
Fisher, Mercy Chadwick 125 
Fisher, Sabra 156 
Fisher, Sally (Sarah) Shargis 72, 127, 153, 

[149] 
Fisher, Sarah E. Hawes 126 
Fisher, Silvester Holmes 119, 125 
Fisher, Theodore 79, 125 
Fisher, Thomas D. 125 

Fisher, William Sturgis 87, 119, 127, 139, 152 
Fisher, William Sydney 156 
Flatonia,TX179 



Flowerdeiv Hundred: The Archaeology of a 
Virginia Plantation, 1619-1864 (James 
Deetz) 3 

Flowerdew Hundred, VA [5] 

Folwell, Godfrey 48 

Folwell, Samuel 48 

Forbes, Harriette Merrifield 1, 39 

Ford, James 37 

Forestdale Cemetery, Sandwich, MA 119-120 

Foster, Stephen Collins 262-263 

Franklin, Roswell and Pamela 219-221, [220, 
221] 

Freeman, Benjamin 156 

Freeman, William J. 107, [109] 

Frelsburg, TX 195 

Frenstat pod Radhostem, Moravia 185-187 

Galia, Marie 197 

Galveston, TX 176 

Gaston, Bessie 270, [249] 

Geneva, NY 224 

Genoa, NY 219 

"Gentle Annie" (Stephen Collins Foster) 

262-263 
Geyer, Henry Christian 37 
Gifford, Elisha 94 
Gilsum, NH 75 
Ginzel, Henry 192 
Girlhood Embroidery: American Samplers and 

Pictorial Needlework, 1650-1860 (Betty 

Ring) 39 
Godey's Lady's Book 242, 262 
Good Shepherd Cemetery, Ellicott City, MD 

250 
Gorham, Kezia 72 
Gorham, Oliver 125 
"Go to Rest, Sweet Child: Funeral Song" 

(A.J. Abbey) 248 
Grace Episcopal Church, Martinez, CA 85 
Grant, Edward [35] 
"Great God How Frail a Thing is Man" 

(Mathey Byles and William Billings) 49 
Greenough, William 46 
Greenwich, NY 224 

Haidusek family 193 

Hall, Batha [33] 

Hall, J.L.T. 270 

Hallet, Arthur 137, 139, [136] 



321 



Hallet, Caroline B. 144, [144] 

Hallet Daniel 144, [144] 

Hallet, Elizabeth C. 144, [145] 

Hallet, Franklin and Meribah Russell 145, 

[148] 
Hallet, Hiram 139 
Hallet, Nathan 139, [140] 
Halletsville, TX 208 
Hamblen, Sally 72, 101 
Hamblen, Thomas W. 101, [106] 
Hamrick, D.J. 254, [243] 
Hancock, Nathaniel 48 
Handy, Benjamin 144 
Harlow, Amaziah, Jr. 97 
Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award 3, 15 
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 2 
Hastings, Daniel 37 
Haw, Clarence 271 
Hawes, Benjamin 157 
Hawes, John 126 
Hawes, John E. 127 
Hayden, Eliakim 15 
Heath, Mary Ann Sturgis 151 
Heath, Orton 151 
Hedge, Hannah 157 
Hennenberg, Jacob 62 
Henry Homblower Tribute Award 3 
Hermann, Katelina 209 
Herren, SarahJ. [258] 
High Hill, TX 179 
Hills, Benjamin 46 
Hinckley, Henry and Lydia 151 
Hinckley, Samuel 47 
Historical Archaeology 3 
Holden, George B. 229 
Holden, Marion Rule 229 
Holman, Anna A. [259] 
Hollenbeck, Casper 153 
Hollingsworth, Lydia 49 
Holmes, Aaron 113, [116] 
Holmes, Nathaniel 65-66, 89, 107, 137, 146 
Holmes, Oliver 137 
Holmes, William 137 
Holocaust survivors 50-63 
Holway, Almira 101, [105] 
Holyoke, Elizur 46 
Holyoke, Mary 46 
Hooker, Daniel 158 
Hopkins, Thomas A. 122 



Horak, Ludvik [196] 

Horak, Marie 197 

Hostyn, TX 179, 195 

Hotel de Steward, Martinez, CA 83 

Howes, Elisha 75 

Howes. Ezra 126, 157 

Howland, Solomon 122, 156 

Hoxie Betsey 155 

Hradec, Moravia 188 

Hranice, TX 203 

Hmcif family 185, [184] 

Hughes, TE. 75 

Hussey, Jane 157 

Hussite Wars 179 

Hyde, Fuller and Hyde [Castleton, VT] 74 

In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of 

Early American Life (James Deetz) 4 
Industry, TX 210 

Invitation to Archaeology (James Deetz) 2 
Ira Allen Cemetery, Sunderland, VT 226-228 
Isserles, Rabbi Moses [the "Remu"] 50-63, 

[50, 53] 
"I Went to Gather Flowers" (Mrs. S.M. 
Combes) 262 

J.C. Harrington Medal in Historical 

Archaeology 3 
Jemegan, Prudence 75 
"Jesus Loves Me" (Anna B. Warner / 

William Bradbury) 247-249 
]eioish Magic and Superstition: A Study in 

Folk Religion (Joshua Tractenberg) 58 
Johnson, Isaac 31 
Johnson, Thomas 48 
Johnston, John 48 
"J.N." 21 
Jones, William 83 

Juniper Haven Cemetery, Prineville, OR 259 
"Just a Rose Will Do" (J.A. McClung) 265- 

266, [265] 

Kafka, Jan [206] 

Kalkova, K. [206] 

Kelly, Susan 14 

Kelley, Joseph 139 

Kemmelmeyer, Frederick 48 

Kendrick, Henry 158 

Kenton Cemetery, Kenton, OK 240 



322 



Key West Cemetery, Key West, FL 212-213, 

[212] 
Kimball, Chester 81 
King Ferry, NY 219 
K.J.T. [Czech Catholic Union], Dubina, TX 

194, [193] 
Knapp, Silas 229 
Knowles, Arietta Dimmick Fisher 127, 145, 

[146] 
Knowles, Gorham 127 
Komensky, TX 195 

Laciak, Bohuslav Emil [183] 

Laflin, Walter 152 

La Follette, TN 13 

Lamson, Joseph 26 

Lane, Job 47 

Lanskroun, Bohemia 185-186 

Law, Thomas 217-218, 230, [218, 219] 

LeCorbusier 13 

Lee, MA 66, 69-70 

Lee, Robert E. 49 

Le Langage des Flctirs (Mme. Latour) 241 

Lewis, David 144 

Lexington Municipal Cemetery, Lexington, 

KY271 
Lichnov, Moravia 185-186, [176, 184] 
Lincoln, Abraham 49 
Lincoln, Deborah 47 
Lindahl, Carl 261 
Linnell, Oliver N. 122, 131, 158 
"Little Flower" (W.A. Ogden) 248-249 
Littner, Nathan 54 
Loomis, Amasa 97 
Loomis, Mary 155 
Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University 

of California, Berkeley, CA 2 

Macy, Peleg 154 

Manning, Josiah 97 

Mamluk needlework 21 

Manners and Social Usages (Mary Elizabeth 

Sherwood) 264 
Mantelmacher, Leo 52, 54 
"marble belt" 65 
Markers / 15 

Martha's Vineyard, MA 67 
Martinez, CA 70, 83-87 
Martinez [CA] Historical Society 86 
Martyn, Michael 46 
martyrdom of Hus and Hieronymus 209 



martyrdom of Rabbi Akiva 60 

Marvin, Ezra 155 

Maryland Institute of Art, Baltimore, MD 13 

Masik, Josef 192 

Massachusetts Business Directory 125 

Massachusetts Register 75, 125 

Massachusetts State Directory 74, 83, 125 

Mayhugh, Eleanor [250] 

Maxcy, John 157 

Maxcy, Levi 39 

McClung, J.A. 266 

McGeer, William 14 

McGrath, P. 75 

McGuffey's Eclectic Reader 255 

McKee, Aaron 216 

McKee, James 216 

McKee, Moses 215 

McKee, Samuel 216 

McLenegan, Carrie Cutler 84-86 

McLenegan, Samuel 86 

Medieval guilds 21 

Meiggs, Asa 79, 153 

Meiggs, Edmund 156 

Meiggs, Jabez 156 

Meiggs, Lurana Dimmick 156 

Meiggs, Mercy H. Fisher 156 

mermaids 27-32, [28, 29, 30, 31] 

Miklova, Anna [190] 

Miller, Symtha Ann [260] 

Monumental Bronze Company 254, 271 

Moore, Henry 13 

Moravia 174-211 

Mount Auburn Cemetery Cambridge, MA 

30 
mourning pictures 39-40, [40] 
Mucha, Julia [205] 

Mulberry Creek, Fayette County, TX 176 
Mulberry settlement, TX 197 
Murray, Henry 153 
Museum of American Folk Art, New York, 

NY 14 
Myrick, George 82 

Nantucket Inquirer [MA] 72, 82, 119-120 

Nantucket, MA 64, 66, 82-83 

Nazis 50-63 

Neal, Melicen [35] 

needlework samplers 18-49, [18, 25, 28, 40] 

Nelsonville,TX210 

Nepomuky, Bohemia 186 

New North Cemetery, Nantucket, MA 157 



323 



Newtown Cemetery, Nantvicket, MA 157 
New Ulm settlement, Austin County, TX 

191 
New England Mercantile Union Business 

Directory 74, 83, 125 
New England Primer 41 
New England Psalm Singer (William Billings) 

49 
Nickerson, Alvah 131, [130] 
Nickerson, Susanna 132, [135] 
Nickles, Margaret 47 
Nightengale, Joseph [34] 
Nortonville, CA 84 
North Bremen settlement, Austin County, 

TX191 
Norwalk Experiment [OH] 226 
Norwalk, OH 226, 229 
Nourse, Asa 151 
Nourse, Betsey Sturgis 151 
Novak, Josef 197 
Novak, Matej 176 
Nova Scotia, Canada 36 
Novy Jicin, Moravia 185 
Novy Tabor, TX 182, 195 
Noy Dov 58 
Noyes, John 31 
Noyes, Paul 37 
Nye, Charles 156 
Nye, Edwin B. 94 
Nye, Mary 107, [110] 

Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetown, D.C. 245, 

271 
Oconee Hills Cemetery, Athens, GA 271 
Ogden, W.A. 248 
Old Bayview Cemetery, Corpus Christi, TX 

244-245, 270 
Old Hebron Cemetery, Hebron, NY 214, 

217 
Old North Cemetery, Nantucket, MA 157 
"On the Death of an Infant" ( Josiah 

Conder) 49 
"Openwork Memorials of North Carolina" 

(Francis Y. Duval and Ivan B. Rigby) 15 
Orleans, MA 66 
Ostaus, Giovanni 23 
Oswiecim, Poland 54 
Otis, Hannah 37, 39 

Paris, France 13 

Park family carvers 37 



Park, Solomon 47 

Peale, Raphaelle 48 

Peirce, Anna 47 

People's Cemetery, Chatham, MA 158 

Persephone 29 

Phillips, Charles E. 152 

Phimiey, Jabez 125 

Picasso, Pablo 13 

Pittom, Matthew 46 

Plimoth Plantation, MA 3, 11 

Plymouth, MA 66 

Potter, NY 226 

Power, Jane Rule 229 

Prague, Czech Republic 175 

Praha Cemetery Praha, TX 175, 178 

Praha, TX 174-176, 195 

Pratt Gallery Brooklyn, NY 13 

Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY 13 

Purser, Margaret 6 

Quentel, Peter 19-20, 23 

Radhost', TX 195 

"Reflections of a Collaboration, A Tribute to 

the Art of Francis Duval" (Ivan B. Rigby, 

with Katherine M. Noordsij) 16 
Religious Tract Society (England) 247 
Remu Cemetery, Cracow, Poland 50-63, [55] 
Remu Synagogue, Cracow, Poland 50-63 
Republic of Texas 174-21 1 
Revolutionary Cemetery, Salem, NY 218- 

219 
Rigby Ivan B. 12-17, [12, 16, 17] 
Riha, Martin and Rozalie [204] 
Ring, Betty 39 

Rippy Mary Melissa 258, 271, [257] 
Roberts, Warren 3 
Robertson, Alexander 48 
Robertson, Archibald 48 
Robinson, Charles H. 154 
Robinson, Seth 72 
Ross Prairie [TX] Brethren Congregation 

197 
Ross Prairie, TX 182, 210 
Rowena Reed Kostellow Award 13 
Rozek, Michal 57-58 
Roznov, TX 195 

Rule, Christian Stviart 215, 226, [227] 
Rule, Deborah Robinson 226 
Rule, Elizabeth 215 
Rule, Elvira Knapp 226 



324 



Rule, Georgina 226 

Rule, Henry 214-239 

Rule, Henry, Sr. 215, 226, [228] 

Rule, Henry Stuart 229 

Rule, James 215 

Rule, John 215 

Rule, Maria E. Blakely 229 

Rule, Mary 215 

Rule, Mary Canfield 215, 229 

Rule, Robert 215 

Rule, Selina 226 

Rutland, VT 229 

Ryder, Marshall and Lydia 119, 131, [129] 

Ryder, Reuben 139 

Saint Patrick 28 

Salem Pioneer Cemetery, Salem, OR 258 

Salem, NY 217 

Sandwich, MA 66 

Sandwich Mechanic and Family Visitor [MA] 

75 
Sandwich Observer [MA] 74-75 
San Filipe Trail, TX 210 
Santiam Central Cemetery, near Albany, OR 

260 
Say and Seal (Susan and Anna B. Warner) 

' 247-248 
Savage, Tliomas 46 
Savery, Lemuel 67 
Scholehoiise for the Needle (Richard 

Shorleyker) 23 
Schonsperger, Johannes 23 
Sears and Roebuck catalog. Tombstones and 

Monuments 243, 270 
Seifter, Jacob 57 
sedation 1 

Shabazi, Rabbi Shalom 60 
Shippen, Elizabeth 47 
Shimek, Jerry 194 
Shiner, TX 195 
Sibmacher, Johann 23 
Sikes, Elijah 97 
Siller, Frantiska 191 
Siller, Vincenc 191 
Sime...ek,Janl97 
Simpson, Ann 46 
Simpson, Jonathan 43 
Sloane, David Charles 242 
Small, Sally 131 
Smith, Cassandra 78, 82, 154 
Smith, Deborah 151 



Smith, Elisabeth [15] 

Smith, John 69 

Smith, Rhoda 97, [100] 

Smith, Richard 131 

Smith, Solomon 113, [115] 

Smith, Thomas 78, 84, 87, 154 

Smith, William M. 87 

Snook, TX 182 

Snow, Priscilla 132, [134] 

Snow, Timothy 155 

Social Etiquette or Manners and Customs of 

Polite Society (Maud C. Cooke) 251, 253- 

254 
Society for Historical Archaeology 3 
Songs of the Bible for the Sunday School (W.A. 

Ogden and A.J. Abbey) 248 
Sotheby's 39 
South Africa 2 
Sparrow, Isaac 73, 79, 122 
Sparrow, Josiah II 73, 79, 81, 122 
Sparrow, Josiah, Jr. 73 
Spiro, Irene W. 261, 271 
Springfield, NY 216 
Squibb, Jane 245-247 
St. James Episcopal Church Cemetery, 

Arlington, VT 224-226, 229 
St. Mary's Catholic Church Cemetery, Praha, 

TX 197-198 
St. Mary's Church, Brading, Isle of Wight 

245 
St. Peter's Catholic Cemetery, Westemport, 

MD6 
Starnes, Mary W. 249, 270 
Stone, Abigail 131 
Stone, Agnes Rule 215, 229 
Stone, Ethan 215, 229 
Stone, Henry Rule 224 
Stone, John Jerome 224 
Stone, Nabby 131, [132] 
Sturges, Ezekiel 151 
Sturges, Kezia 151 
Stvirgis, Abigail 68 
Sturgis, Catherine 69 
Sturgis, Celia 69 
Sturgis, Charles 151 
Sturgis, Charlotte Hewitt 151 
Sturgis, Ebenezer 150 
Sturgis, Edwin 70 

Sturgis, Eliza Riddell Smith 79, 84, 86, [88] 
Sturgis, Elizabeth Smith 68 
Sturgis, Franklin 73, 81, 153 



325 



Sturgis, George 70 

Sturgis, George R. 151 

Sturgis, Hannah 69 

Sturgis, Hannah A. Kyle 151 

Sturgis, Henry 151 

Sturgis, John 66-173 

Sturgis, Jonathan 68 

ShJrgis, Josiah 66-173, [86, 88] 

Sturgis, Lucretia 69 

Sturgis, Lucretia Gifford 151 

Sturgis, Lydia B. Miner 151 

Sturgis, Lydia Hinckley 151 

Sturgis, Mary Hinckley 69 

Sturgis, Mary Loomis 150 

Sturgis, Nehemiah 68 

Sturgis, Octavia Rice 87 

Sturgis, Robert 69 

Sturgis, Russell 69 

Sturgis, Salome Dimmick 68, 73, 119 

Sturgis, Samuel 70, 73 

Sturgis, Samuel D. 150 

Sturgis, Thomas 68-173, [86] 

Sturgis, William 64-173, [77] 

Sturgis, William W. 68 

Sunderland, VT 21 5 

Sunset Cemetery, Shelby, NC 265 

Sussman, Bernard 56 

Swan, Sarah 36, [36] 

Symonds, Katharine 43 



"The Reaper and the Flowers" (Henry 

Wadsworth Longfellow) 255-256, 258, 

271, [256] 
The Theory of the Leisure Class (Thorstein 

Veblen) 264 
The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death 

in Plymouth Colony (James Deetz and 

Patricia Scott Deetz) 4-5 
"Tlie Virgin and Saint George" (Luis 

Borrassa) 21, [22] 
The Young Cottager (Leigh Richmond) 245- 

247, 270 
Thompson, Benj. [34] 
Thompson, James 72, 74, 94 
Thompson, George 113 
three-dimensional strategic terrain maps 

(World War II) 13 
Ticha, Moravia 186, 193 
Tidewater Virginia 2 
Toan, Betsey 224, [223] 
Toan, Lewis 219-220, 224, [222] 
Tobey, Benjamin 150 
Tobey, Ezra 156 
Tribble, Hiram 126 
Tribble, John 66 
Trojanovice, Moravia 186 
Tucker, Ralph 26 
Tufts, James 154 
Tuttle, Samuel 47 



Taylor, John 23 
Taylor, Martha 19 
Taylor, Nathaniel 125 
Taylor, Tabitha 131, [128] 

Telegraphs and Texas Register, Houston, TX 

191 
Temple, Richard 47 
Texas Cat Springs, TX 182 
Texas Czechs 174-211 
Texas Germans 174-211 
Thatcher, Marther 97, [98] 
The Bazan Book of Decorum (Robert Tomes) 

264-265 
The Dairyman's Daughter (Leigh Richmond) 

245 
The Language ofFloiuers: A History (Beverly 

Seaton) 241 
"The Needle's Excellency" (John Boler) 23 
The Plymouth Colony Archives Project 3 
The Psalms and Hymns of Isaac Watts 41 



Union Cemetery, Harwich, MA 158 
Union Hotel, Martinez, CA 83 
University of California at Santa Barbara, 

Santa Barbara, CA 2 
University of California at Berkeley, 

Berkeley, CA 2 
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 2 
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 13 

Valasske Klobiiky, Moravia 211 
Vavassore, Giovanni Andrea 23 
Velehrod, TX 195 
Venice Center, NY 219 
Venice, Italy 23 
Vermont Gazette 215 
Victorian cemeteries 240-271 
Vinecour, Earl 55-56 
Vlcovice, Moravia 186 
Vsetin, Moravia 185, 187 
Vsetin, TX 203 
Vychopen, Marie [202] 



326 



Wadsworth, Hannah 46 

Wadsworth, Jonathan 97, [96] 

War of 1812 151, 226 

Warner, Anna B. 247-248 

Warner, Susan 247-248 

Washington, George 39 

Weiss, Moshe 56 

Wells, Willie F. 245, 270, [244] 

Wesley, Charles 41 

Wesley [TX] Moravian Brethren 

Congregation 197 
Wesley, TX 182, 192 
West Genoa Cemetery, King Ferry, NY 219- 

224, [220] 
Weston, Daniel 94 
Weston, VT 75 
Wheeler, Sarah 47 
Whelden, Eben 139, [141] 
Whittaker, David 47 
Williams, Amie 14 
Williams, John 125 
Willsher, Betty 36 
Winfield, NY 216 
Wing, Ebenezer 150 
Winslow, C.F. 154 

Winslow, Ebenezer D. 66-67, 118, 122 
Woodside Cemetery, Yarmouth, MA 127, 

145 
Woodward, Samuel 79, 156 
Work (Louisa May Alcott) 253 
Worshiphal Company of Broderers 21 

Yarmouth, MA 66, 125-126, [126] 

Zurick, Mr. & Mrs. J.H. [240] 



327 



NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO 

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE ASSOCIATION 

FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

Scope 

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non- 
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for 
New England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual 
scholarly journal. Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes 
of AGS are broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its 
subject matter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and 
encompassing all historical periods and geographical regions, with an 
emphasis upon North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean 
above-ground artifacts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in 
most instances excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, 
however, be made to this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are 
urged to consult the editor if they have any questions concerning this 
matter). Articles on death and dying in general or on other aspects of 
death-related material culture would not normally fall within the journal's 
purview unless clearly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular 
cemeteries may form the basis of study if a major focus of the article is 
on the markers contained therein and if the purpose of the article is more 
than simply a non-analytical history or description of the cemeteries 
themselves. Finally, articles submitted for publication in Markers should 
be scholarly, analytical and interpretive, not merely descriptive and 
entertaining. Within these general parameters, the journal seeks variety 
both in subject matter and disciplinary orientation. For illustration of 
these general principles, the prospective author is encouraged to consult 
recent issues of Markers. 

Submissions 

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard 
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581- 
5344 / E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in 
triplicate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals 
of any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, 
articles in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 
typescripted, double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any 
appended material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of 
exceptional merit and if space permits. 



328 



Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the 
text of the manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard 
copy and computer diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing 
programs are compatible with the journal's disk translation software, 
which is used for typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on 
this matter should be directed to the editor. 

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in 
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial 
submission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in 
a given volume of the journal are generally determined by the 
chronological order of their acceptance and submission in final form. 

Style/Notes 

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and 
principles enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual 
of Style, [a notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal 
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style 
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded 
as the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period]. 

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as endnotes 
(i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary nature 
should conform in format to the models found in the chapter entitled 
"Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they should 
be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the article and 
before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not desired, 
though bibliographical material may, of course, be included within one 
or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a separate 
paragraph at the beginning of the note section. 

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly 
labeled as such (e.g.. Appendix 1, Appendix II, etc.). 

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues 
of Markers for examples of these principles in context. 

Illustrations 

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally 
lending itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal 
encourages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, 
plus any number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding 
that these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's 



329 



value through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. 
Photos should be 5 X 7 or 8 X 10 black and white glossy prints of medium- 
high contrast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Although 
black and white is without question the preferred format, color prints, if 
they are of exceptionally high quality, may be submitted. Neither color 
transparencies (i.e., slides) nor pre-scanned photographic images 
submitted on computer disk are acceptable. Maps, charts, diagrams or 
other line art should be rendered as carefully as possible so as to enhance 
presentation. A separate sheet should be provided listing captions for 
each illustration. It is especially important that each illustration be 
numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference at the 
appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7). 

Review 

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the 
journal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort 
is made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When 
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be 
notified of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions 
for revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized 
manuscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for 
style and format before publication. 

Copyright 

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing 
copyright and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written 
permissions for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously 
copyrighted material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written 
permission from the person holding the copyright must be secured and 
submitted to the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained 
from persons who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit 
to the photographer should be provided in captions or acknowledgment 
statement. 

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given 
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission 
to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles 
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a 
complimentary copy of the volume. 



AGS JOURNALS 



MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of 15 
articles on topics such as recording & care of grave- 
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual markers, 
& carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & the CT 
Hook-and-Eye Man. [182 pp; 100 illus.] 

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & At- 
lantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in Scotland 
& New England; early symbols in religious & social 
perspective; MA carvers Joseph Barbur, Jr., Stephen & 
Charles Hartshorn, & "JN"; Portage County, Wl carv- 
ers, 1850-1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo, 
TX. [226 pp.; 168 illus.] 

MARKERS III Gravestone styles in frontier towns of 
western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan mark- 
ers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County, MA.; 
& NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah Coolidge 
Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther Hubbard. [154 pp.; 
80 illus.) 

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural 
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions; 
camposantos of NM; & death Italo-American style. [180 
pp.; 138 illus.] 

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum de- 
signs of Louis Henri SuUivan; Thomas Gold & 7 Bos- 
ton carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with initials; 
& markers/graveyards in Ontario & Kings County, 
Nova Scotia. [240 pp.; 158 illus.] 

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, MA.; 
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to G A; 
sociological study of Chicago-area monuments; more 
on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in southwestern 
Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a review 
essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying Grou7ids 
of Eastern Connecticut. [245 pp.; 90 illus.] 

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot en- 
closures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds Initiative; 
unusual monuments in colonial tidewater VA; tree stones 
in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; hfe & work of VA carver 
Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of Monroe County, IN; 
Celtic crosses; & monuments of the Tsimshian Indians of 
western Canada. [281 pp.; 158 illus.] 

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering stud- 
ies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their work: 
15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited by Pe- 
ter Benes. [342 pp.; 206 illus.] 

MARKERS IX The art of Francis Duval; the MuUicken 
Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the Green Man on 
Scottish markers; Center Church Crypt, New Haven, 
CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin & his shop; the 
Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, MA; Thomas 
Crawford's monument for Amos Binney; Salt Lake City 
Temple symbols on Mormon tombstones; language 
codes in TX German cemeteries; & the disappearing 
Shaker cemetery. [281 pp.; 176 illus.] 



MARKERS X Markers carved by Calvin Barber of 
Simsbury, CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern 
American cemetery; carving of Charles Lloyd Neale 
of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of Louisville, KY; 
4 generations of the Lamson family carvers of 
Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the Protestant Cem- 
etery in Florence, Italy. [254 pp.; 122 illus.] 

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemarkers; 
regional & denominational identity in LA cemeteries; 
carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester County, 
NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the Dead'; 
slave markers in colonial MA; the Leighton & Worster 
families of carvers; a KY stonecutter's career; & pio- 
neer markers in OR. [237 pp.; 132 illus.] 

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta markers; Adam & Eve 
markers in Scotland; a sociological examination of 
cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead 
diary; contemporary markers of youths; San Francisco's 
Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's Work in 
Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies. [238 pp.; Ill illus.] 

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of Plainfield, 

CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of gravestone 
carving in Coastal NH; language community in a TX 
cemetery; carver John Huntington of Lebanon, CT; & 
"The Year's Work." [248 pp.; 172 illus.] 

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols; 
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern 
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt fam- 
ily stonecutters; African-American cemeteries in north 
FL; & "The Year's Work." [232 pp.; 107 illus.] 

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries; Herman 
Melville's grave; carving traditions of Plymouth & 
Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscriptions; Aboriginal 
Australian markers; Kansas cemeteries & The New 
Deal; Chinese markers in Hong Kong; & "The Year's 
Work." [350 pp.; 166 illus.] 

MARKERS XVI Daniel Farber obituary; 
Narragansett carvers John & James New; celebration 
in American memorials; "Joshua Sawyer" (poem); 
Harriet Ruggles Loomis' gravestone; Scotch-Irish 
markers of John Wight; murder in MA; & "The Year's 
Work." [281 pp.; 142 illus.] 

MARKERS XVir Warren Roberts obituary; Italian- 
American memorial practices; carver William Coye of 
Plymouth, MA; "The Quaker Graveyard" (poem); de- 
veloping technologies & cemetery studies; carver John 
Solomon Teetzle & Anglo-German markers in NJ; carv- 
ers & lettering styles; & "The Year's Work." [253 pp; 
150 illus.] 

MARKERS XVIII William Quantrill gravesites; 
Egyptian Revival at Brooklyn's Green- Wood; "A Cem- 
etery" (poem); Kingston, MA carvers; Czech-Moravian 
gravestones in TX; WWI battlefield cemeteries; & "The 
Year's Work" [301pp; 160 illus.]