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MARRIAGE

AND THE

FAMILY

AMERICAN CULTURE

PRENTICE-HALL SOCIOLOGY SERIES
Herbert Blumer, Editor

MARRIAGE

AND THE

FAM I LY

AMERICAN CULTURE

ANDREW G. TRUXAL, Ph.D.

President, Hood College

FRANCIS E. MERRILL, Ph.D.

Professor of Sociology
Dartmouth College

«^^

PRENTICE-HALL, INC.

Englewood Cliffs, N. J.

PRENTICE-HALL, INC.

Englewood Cliffs
New Jersey

All rights reserved. No part of this book
may be reproduced in any form, by mim-
eograph or any other means, without
permission in writing from the publishers.

L. C. Cat. Card No.: 53-10245

First printing June, 1953

Second printing January, 1957

Third printing June, 1957

Fourth printing January, 1961

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

55897— C

PREFACE

This edition is, for all practical purposes, a new book. It has been
rethought, revised, and substantially rewritten. Two entirely new
sections have been added, consisting of four chapters each and deal-
ing with courtship and marital relationships, respectively. The other
sections have been pruned in some places, amplified in others, and
otherwise modified elsewhere. In terms of net content, therefore, this
is more than a revision.

The most important innovation is indicated by the change in
title. The Family in American Culture has been broadened to Mar-
riage and the Family in American Culture. The addition of "Marriage
and" symbolizes the new approach from the family as a social institu-
tion in a particular social setting, to courtship, marriage, and the
family in the same setting. This shift in emphasis reflects current
trends in instruction at the college and university level, whereby
courses dealing with the family are rapidly changing to courses in-
cluding courtship and marriage as well.

Pursuant to this change in orientation, as noted, two entire sec-
tions have been added. The section on "Courtship and Marriage" deals
with the preliminaries to marriage in contemporary American society.
The chapter headings indicate the subject matter of this new section:
"Courtship and Society," "Courtship and Romantic Love," Court-
ship and Dating," and "Courtship and Marital Choice." Three of
these chapters are almost entirely new; and the fourth, "Courtship
and Romantic Love," has been revised and placed in a more appro-
priate context.

The section on "The Relationships of Marriage" is the second major
addition. As sociologists, the authors are concerned with marriage
primarily as a social relationship or pattern of relationships of which
the general tone is established by the culture. The chapter headings

vi PREFACE

indicate the nature of the material in this section: "Social Roles and
Marital Interaction/' "Conjugal Roles and Marital Interaction," "The
Physiology of Marital Interaction," and "The Factors in Marital
Success." Here again, three of the chapters are almost entirely new;
and the fourth, "The Physiology of Marital Interaction," represents
earlier material that has been rethought and reoriented.

Within this general framework of change, however, certain im-
portant aspects of the first edition have remained. The authors have
retained and, indeed, reinforced a distinctive feature of the earlier
work: the emphasis upon the cultural setting of the family. Marriage
and the family, the authors maintain, can be completely understood
only in their appropriate social and cultural setting. Hence, this set-
ting has been retained, and the cultural point of view has been
stressed at all stages in the family cycle, from dating to divorce, and
from courtship to conjugal affection.

The years since the publication of the first edition (1947) have
seen rapid advances in the scientific study of personality. These ad-
vances have been made by sociologists, psychologists, psychiatrists,
anthropologists, and by persons representing different combinations
of these and related disciplines. Of all the fields included within the
orbit of the family, the study of personality has brought forth the
most spectacular and fruitful additions. The authors have accordingly
incorporated many of these emergent insights into the discussion of
personality as it unfolds within the family matrix.

The statistical material has been completely revised and brought
up to date. In this process, the authors have been aided by the ad-
mirable services of the United States government, notably those of
the Bureau of the Census and the Federal Security Agency. The
authors have, as far as possible, written this information into the
body of the text where it will presumably be read, rather than left it
in unadorned tables where it is often ignored. In a number of places,
the data have been enlivened by animated charts, although judicious
(rather than extensive) use has been made of this device. The authors
believe that there is nothing quite so effective in conveying ideas as
the written word.

We wish to extend our appreciation once more to Dr. Herbert
Blumer, editor of the Prentice-Hall Sociology series, for his sympa-
thetic editorial guidance. For their critical appraisals of chapter 12
and part V, the authors are grateful to Professor Jane D. McCar-

PREFACE vii

rell and Associate Professor Beulah Compton of the faculty of Hood
College. We also wish to thank Emily Archibald Merrill for her
assistance in typing the manuscript, reading the proof, and preparing
the indexes. We trust, finally, that the present volume will offer
some additional insight to those of our readers who will, in the proxi-
mate future, enter upon the great adventure of marriage and family
living.

Andrew G. Truxal
Francis E. Merrill

CONTENTS

Part I THE FAMILY IN AMERICAN CULTURE

1 The Nature of Marriage and the Family 3

2 The Family and American Culture 26
5 The Family and Religion 46
^ The Family and Individualism 69
5 The Family and Democracy 86

Part II COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE

6 Courtship and Society 111

7 Courtship and Romantic Love i2q

8 Courtship and Dating 149

9 Courtship and Marital Choice 168

Part III THE RELATIONSHIPS OF MARRIAGE

10 Social Roles and Marftal Interaction 189

11 Conjugal Roles and Marital Solidarity 206

12 The Physiology of Marital Interaction 224

13 Factors in Marital Success 249

CONTENTS

Part IV THE FAMILY AS A SOCIAL INSTITUTION

1^ The Family as an Institution 271

1^ The Composition of the Family 291

16 The Changing Functions of the Family 312

ly The Continuing Functions of the Family 338

Part V THE FAMILY AND PERSONALITY

18 The Social Nature of Personality 359

19 The Personality of the Child 384

20 The Personality of the Adolescent 408

21 The Personality of the Parent 427

Part VI THE DYNAMICS OF THE FAMILY

22 Personal Conflicts and Family Tensions 453

25 Social Conflicts and Family Tensions 476
24 The Broken Family: Death, Desertion, Divorce 498
2^ The Broken Family: The Divorce Process 520

26 The Reorganization of the Family 549
Name Index 575
Subject Index 579

s^^^'«^§^^

PART I

THE FAMILY IN AMERICAN CULTURE

J^ 1 l§^J

THE NATURE OF MARRIAGE
AND THE FAMILY

The family is the basic institution of society. We are all
members of one family, and the majority of us are members of two.
These units may be called the family oi orientation and the family oi
procreation. The family in which we are bom (orientation) cares for
us in helpless infancy, nurtures and instructs us in childhood, struggles
with us during adolescence, and finally sends us out into the world as
mature men and women. The family that we form by marriage (pro-
creation) provides the social setting within which we bear and rear
our own children, furnishes us affectionate companionship and emo-
tional security, and gives us a sense of belonging to a sympathetic
group in an impersonal world. ^ The most important years of our
lives are spent in one or the other of these family groups, with most
persons living independently of them during only a few years of early
adulthood, and many lonely ones spending their last years as widows
and widowers.

The Study of the Family

The influence of the family upon the individual far transcends the
mere enumeration of the years spent in the family of orientation or
of procreation. The influence of mother, father, and brothers and
sisters upon the infant and child is so all-embracing that the latter
can never completely understand the nature and extent of these in-
fluences, much less emancipate himself from them. The life of the
adult is also determined in many ways by the family that he forms
through marriage, although each grown member of this group enters
with his personality already substantially formed. As parents of the

1 George Peter Murdock, Social Structure (New York: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1949), p. 13.

4 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

next generation, the new father and mother pass on the social herit-
age to their children and mold their lives in turn.

The family is a unique form of human relationship, and this
uniqueness gives it a special significance. The general characteristics
that set it off from all other forms of human association may be
summarized as follows: ^

(a) Universah'ty. The family is found in some form in all societies
and even in a rudimentary form among animals.

(b) Emotional Basis. The family is based upon the most profound
primary emotional and organic impulses of our nature and is supple-
mented by many powerful secondary emotions and sentiments.

(c) Piiority. The family is first in point of time in its influence
upon the individual and thus modifies his behavior at its most plastic
stage.

(d) Size. Of all the social institutions, the family is the smallest,
particularly in modern society, and hence is the scene of the most
highly charged and concentrated emotional relationships.

(e) Central Position. The family forms the central nucleus for all
other institutions comprising the community, a situation only par-
tially modified by the recent decentralization of many of its tradi-
tional functions.

(f) Responsihiiity. The family inflicts the heaviest and most con-
tinuous responsibilities upon its members, whether upon the men
gainfully employed outside the home or the women constantly work-
ing within it.

(g) Social Contro]. The family is subject to the most rigid social
controls of any institution, both formal control through law and
informal control through custom and taboo.

The Interest in the Family

The majority of individuals have a very strong personal interest in
the study of the family. They have all, with certain rare exceptions,
experienced some family relationship during their early years and
bring to their adult lives many conscious memories, most of which
are invested with the pleasant nostalgia of the past. Most people
look back upon their early family experiences with pleasure and view
them in terms of the consciously remembered highlights of emotional

2 Adapted from Robert M. Maclver, Society (New York: Rinehart & Company,
1937), pp. 197-99.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 5

satisfaction. The unconscious impressions of these years may not have
the same uniformly pleasurable tone, but such memories do not
trouble the waking lives of the average person, who thinks of his
parents with love and of his brothers and sisters with affection.

With or without complete affection, however, the first experience
of the individual is so dominated by his immediate family that he
cannot truthfully say where his early family left off and the outside
world began. His first experiences with religion, property, sex, mo-
rality, patriotism, and similar social values — not to mention the rudi-
mentary matters of food, clothing, and shelter — are so inextricably
intermingled with his family that he could not separate them if he
tried. Most people do not want to try, because these family-trans-
mitted values have become an integral part of their personalities. To
question these values and the role of the family in their inculcation
would be to question one's own personality, integrity, and individual
status. Such a prospect would be unthinkable and would furthermore
entail the most demoralizing soul-searching on the part of the in-
dividual, plus a revolution in society. The individual is thus interested
in the family because it is literally a part of himself. He has been
born within its protecting confines, nurtured by its principal mem-
bers, and formed by its norms and values.

The student of society is also interested in the family, although
upon a considerably more advanced level than the solipsistic one of
the person who naively sees in the family a projection of his own
personality. The family is also a social institution, by which we mean
a relationship sanctioned by the larger society, and one whose forms
and customs are largely determined by the social heritage. Although
the role of the individual family in transmitting the inheritance of
the past is a central and indispensable one, the members do not con-
struct this function out of whole cloth. They are merely the uncon-
scious agents of society in transmitting the vast residue of the past to
future generations, represented in each individual case by the tiny and
helpless infant, who knows nothing but can learn much.

In addition to this central function of transmitting the heritage of
past generations, the family also serves as the center for many other
activities crucial to the continued operation of society. Although the
nature and extent of these activities have been considerably curtailed
by the changes in the larger society, the family still maintains its cen-
tral position in the social structure. In order to understand this struc-

6 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

ture, we must understand the part the family plays therein and the
reciprocal relationship between it and the larger society. This is the
second or social interest in the study of the family in American
culture.^

The study of the family involves both concrete and abstract con-
siderations. Most of us think in terms of concrete family situations,
usually our own, and unconsciously generalize from these individual
situations to those of other families in our own culture, and from
them to families in different cultures. In the sense of considerable
personal experience with family life, we are all "experts" in the field,
with pronounced ideas and preconceptions on these concrete rela-
tionships. On the abstract level, however, the average person has no
such background, since the abstract aspects of institutions do not ap-
pear without considerable immersion in the social and psychological
disciplines. For example, every person has been instructed by the inti-
mate members of his family in such matters as religion, sexual moral-
ity, and attitudes toward his parents. He is familiar with these matters
in terms of specific beliefs and prohibitions, which have become so
intimate a part of his personality that he is not conscious of their
origin. At the same time that he is aware of these specific forms of
behavior, however, he is usually unaware of their social origin and
their long history in the development of his group.

The individual is therefore conscious of his individual family, the
specific relationships within it, the concrete doctrines of right and
wrong he has learned from its associations, and the mutual affection
for his immediate kin. He is only vaguely conscious that his family
is a small group of persons united by marriage and blood, whose rela-
tionships are not determined by trial and error, but are part of a long
cultural inheritance in which the relative importance of any indi-
vidual or family has been negligible.*

The student thus needs considerable instruction in the abstract
rather than the concrete aspects of the family. His experiences with
his own family and those with which he has come in contact have
familiarized him in concrete terms with many of the common situ-
ations of family relationships, organization, and disorganization. At

^Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization (New York: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1909), p. 365.

^ Ifssic Bernard, American Family Behavior (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1942), chap. 1.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 7

the same time, he has probably never considered what these situa-
tions mean in terms of the society of which his own family is merely
a small part. The role of customs, laws, conventions, traditions, and
taboos in his own family experience may never have been made clear
through abstract analysis. He may also be unaware of the quantita-
tive aspects of the family in the American scene and the extent to
which his own family experience is or is not typical.

With these considerations in mind, we have consciously mini-
mized the importance of case studies in this treatment. Such concrete
material comes readily to the mind of the student, growing out of his
own experiences and those of his friends and acquaintances. The
abstract aspects are, however, not so apparent. The subsequent discus-
sion will therefore endeavor to answer certain basic questions.

(a) What kind of society is the American society whose marriage
and family are being studied; how did it come to be what it is, and
what are some of the characteristics that differentiate it from all
others?

(b) How is the cultural configuration of the American family in-
terrelated with pre-marital customs and marital interaction?

(c) Exactly what is the American family? This will involve a de-
tailed analysis of the structure, composition, and functions of the
family, stressing both its permanent and its changing characteristics.

(d) Why is the family so important in fashioning personality?
This will entail an examination of the family from within in order
to assess its influence on the various stages of the life history of the
individual. Upon the results of these four analyses, the answer to the
last query is dependent.

(e) What factors within the family and in the larger setting of
American society have resulted in family instability?

The Nature of Marriage

For practical purposes, marriage and the family can be discussed as
interwoven parts of a total process. Marriage is the socially defined
device by which two individuals, in our culture, initiate the process
that ordinarily culminates in the complete family. Marriage is thus
"a complex of customs centering upon the relationship between a
sexually associating pair of adults within the family. Marriage defines
the manner of establishing and terminating such a relationship, the

8 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

normative behavior and reciprocal obligations within it, and the locally
accepted restrictions upon its personnel." ^

Man shares with the animal the sex drive that leads to the union
of the sexes and the procreation of the species. But here the gap
widens immeasurably, for man marries, and animals merely mate. In
all human societies, the primordial mating urge has been brought
under control by the socially derived set of regulations that we know
as marriage. The rigidity with which these regulations are normally
enforced indicates the importance society places upon them and the
unconscious fear that their violation will be inimical to the welfare
of the group.

Marriage therefore cannot be explained solely in terms of the sex
urge. However powerful this urge may be, it is too transient and spas-
modic to explain such an enduring institution as marriage. Further-
more, in many societies, the satisfaction of the sex urge outside of
marriage is acceptable and does not meet the taboos we associate
therewith. Sumner and Keller comment upon this situation as fol-
lows: "Marriage is primarily a form of cooperation in self-mainte-
nance, and its bond is tighter or looser according to the advantages
of the partnership under the existing circumstances. . . . The union
of the sexes is primarily industrial. It has largely so remained through
history and is of that character now. ... In so far as it has become
conjugal, parental, poetical, emotional, or ethical, that is due to
advance of civilization and belongs to the higher grades of the cul-
tured." «

The forms that marriage has taken are primarily of interest to the
student of comparative cultures and need not detain us unduly.
There is evidence to indicate that all the possible combinations of
the sexes have found practical expression in one or more social set-
tings. Polygamy refers to the general practice of having more than
one spouse at the same time. Polygyny is that form of polygamy in
which one man has more than one wife, whereas polyandry is a rarer
relationship in which one wife has several husbands. If the latter are
brothers, the practice is called fraternal polyandry; otherwise, it is
known as nonfraternal polyandry. Still rarer is the so-called group-

5 Murdock, Social Structure, p. i.

8 William G. Sumner and A. G. Keller, The Science ot Society (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1927), III, 1505-8.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 9

maniage, in which a group of males (related or not) are considered
married to a group of females J

The most general form of marriage is that which appeals to the
reader as the "proper" form, namely, monogamy: one husband and
one wife, at least at the same time. In many societies where polygyny
is sanctioned, the usual practice is to have only one wife. In contrast
to the Islamic world where polygyny prevails. Western society has
had such a long and unbroken tradition of monogamy that it is re-
garded as the only correct relationship between the sexes. The norm
of lifelong monogamy remains the socially accepted condition of
marriage, even though the rising divorce rate has resulted, for a con-
siderable minority, in a kind of "successive" polygyny or polyandry.
Monogamous marriage is of fundamental importance to our society,
determining the channelization of the sex drive and hence defining
such violations of the mores as prostitution, fornication, adultery,
and illegitimacy.

Forms of the Family

The aforementioned difficulty of abstract thinking on the family
appears as soon as we encounter the fundamental question of defini-
tion. When we ask, "What is the family?" the average person will
answer readily that "the family is the universal group made up of
husband, wife, and children." But this is a most inadequate general
definition of the family and does not warrant the designation of "uni-
versal" so positively applied thereto. Indeed, for statistical purposes,
this definition does not even apply to the family in our own society,
as we shall shortly see. We may therefore profitably make a brief
comparative journey in time and space, with a view to indicating
that the family is a product of its society and varies from one society
to another.

1. Among the Nairs, for example, "the family, for all practical pur-
poses, consists of one's mother's mother and one's mother's mother's
brother who is the male economic representative of the household,
one's mother, mother's brothers, mother's sisters, mother's sisters'
children, and one's brothers and sisters. If any man were to be re-
garded as socially one's father, it would actually be the man who had
been married to and divorced from one's mother years before; for by

^ For a brief discussion of marriage and its forms, cf. Ralph Linton, The Study
of Man (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1936), chap. 11.

lo NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

Brahman law, a woman can enter into only one religious marriage.
Here, then, is a family in which one biological parent has been so-
cially eliminated." ^

2. Among the Andamanese, "children are adopted from horde to
horde; a child by the time he reaches puberty may have had three or
four sets of fathers and mothers, towards all of whom he owes the
obligations and claims the privileges of a son. The tenuousness of the
bond between children and a pair of parents, who may be cut off at
any moment by death, is strengthened by doubling and redoubling
this bond towards other adoptive parents; the child's social relation-
ships are widened; his power of calling upon elders for aid is in-
creased. . . ." ^

3. Among the Samoans, the family system works "not by increas-
ing the number of parents but by increasing the number of children
per responsible parent. Samoa is organized into a series of joint house-
holds of ten to twenty people. Over each of these households pre-
sides the most responsible male of the group. He stands in loco
parentis to the entire household of children and adults. The presence
of many other adults in the household tends to generalize the chil-
dren's relationship to the adult world. . . . His father is onlv one of
a group of males, and the headman's place is automatically filled by
a successor towards whom the child stands in the same relationship
of ward." i«

4. The primitive family has frequently been called the joint-family.
"The family-organization was once a larger as well as a looser struc-
ture than it later became. . . . Nothing can bring this primitive tvpe
home to the modern mind more forcefully than a reference to the
existence and wide extension of the joint-house, or long-house, a
structure large enough to hold many families or even a small tribe,
with relatively small compartments for married pairs, their children,
and their property. ... In New Guinea, a house is never occupied
solely by a man, with wife and children; 'aunts, uncles, and cousins
of many removes are included in the family circle.' " ^^

* Margaret Mead, "Contrasts and Comparisons from Primitive Society," An-
nals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, March 1932,
CLX, 23-24.

9 Ibid., p. 27.

1" Ibid.

11 Sumner and Keller, The Science of Society, pp. 1948-49.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY n

5. In prehistoric times, "the woman at the fireside, with the chil-
dren issued from her body, was the settled part of society and the
institutional growth began to form about her and her children— not
about the man, who was wandering, unstable, unregulated." ^-

6. For Briffault, the core of the early family also rested in the
mother-child relationship. Assuming that the earliest forms of human
association had their prototypes in animal assemblages, he finds that
the animal family is organized about the maternal instinct, and from
these animal groupings the human family evolved. Fundamental to
any understanding of the origins of the family for Briffault is the
maternal drive, which is the source of the tenderness and affection
of which the child is the direct object.^^

7. We are accustomed to thinking of families organized upon a
conjugal basis, that is, "consisting of a nucleus of spouses and their
offspring surrounded by a fringe of relatives." ^* Considerable mental
gymnastics are involved, therefore, in the notion that many families
are organized upon a consanguine basis, that is, "a nucleus of blood
relatives surrounded by a fringe of spouses." ^^

It may be objected that these examples are drawn from primitive
societies and have no validity for a study of the "civilized" family.
Even among culturally advanced groups, however, the definition of
the family as a group composed of husband, wife, and children is not
adequate. Our word family derives directly from the Latin famiJia,
but the composition of the group varies greatly. The patriarchal fam-
ily of ancient Rome consisted of "all those related by descent through
common male ancestors, all persons received into the family by the
ceremony of adoption, and even all slaves." ^^

The distinguishing mark of the traditional Chinese family has been
the large number of relatives of all degrees living under one roof and
sharing the same social and economic existence. As many as five
generations may be represented, in addition to servants, slaves, and
adopted children. Such a unit is, in turn, a member of a still larger

^2 Ibid., p. 1967.

13 Robert Briffault, The Mothers, 3 vols. (New York: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1927).

1* Linton, The Study oi Man, p. 159.

15 Jbfd.

1^ Willystine Goodsell, A History of Marriage and the Family, rev. ed. (New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), p. 6.

12 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

grouping of families, in which there may be hundreds or thousands of
members sharing a common name and a common ancestral temple.^'^
Some of these same characteristics are to be found in the Polish
peasant family. "In the primary and larger sense of the word," say
Thomas and Znaniecki, this family "is a social group including all
the blood- and law-relatives up to a certain variable limit— usually the
fourth degree. The family in the narrower sense, including only the
married pair with their children, may be termed the 'marriage-

-. > ?' 1 ft

group. ^"^

What these investigators call the "marriage-group," Murdock
would call the nuclear family. He considers this to be a "distinct and
strongly functional group in every known society." ^^ The larger fam-
ily units are, from this point of view, variations in the manner in
which the nuclear families are affiliated. "A polygamous family," he
suggests, "consists of two or more nuclear families afEhated by plural
marriages, i.e., by having one married parent in common. . , . An
extended iamily consists of two or more nuclear families affiliated
through an extension of the parent-child relationship rather than of
the husband-wife relationship, i.e., by joining the nuclear family of
a married adult to that of his parents." ^^

A definition of the family sufficiently broad to cover these exam-
ples from primitive, preliterate, historical, and contemporary so-
cieties is difficult to make. In his theoretical analysis of society, Mac-
Iver offers a definition which approaches universality. "The family,"
he says, "is a group defined by a sex relationship sufficiently precise
and enduring to provide for the procreation and upbringing of chil-
dren." ^^ Certain common characteristics, he continues, are observ-
able in the family throughout human society, even though some mav
take strange and (to us) bizarre forms. Five of these traits are par-
ticularly significant: "(i) a mating relationship, (2) a form of mar-
riage or other institutional relationship in accordance with which the
mating relation is established and maintained, (3) a system of

I'' Ching-Chao Wu, "The Chinese Family," in E. B. Renter and J. R. Runner,
The Family (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1931), pp- 166 ff.
Cf. also Olga Lang, Chinese Family and Society (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1946).

^^ William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe
and America, 2 vol. ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1927), I, 82.

1^ Murdock, Social Structure, pp. 2, 3.

20 Ibid., p. 2. (His italics).

21 Maclver, Society, p. 196.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 13

nomenclature, involving also a method of reckoning descent, (4)
some economic provision shared by the members of the group but
having especial reference to the economic needs associated with child-
bearing and child-rearing, and generally (5) a common habitation,
home, or household, which, however, may not be exclusive to the
family group." ^^ These related conceptions give considerable insight
into the universal human relationships of the family in different so-
cieties, -s

The Definition of the American Family \ \

Variability in family forms is not confined to different societies.
Within American society, the historical circumstances of an aborig-
inal population combined with waves of migrants from the Old
World and operating in a highly dynamic social situation have re-
sulted in amazing diversity. "Never before in human history," says
Ernest W. Burgess, "has any society been composed of so many
divergent types of families. Families differ by sections of the country,
by communities within the city, by ethnic and religious groups, by
economic and social classes, and by vocations. They are different ac-
cording to the life-cycle and by number and role of family members.
They vary by the locus of authority within the family and by widely
different styles of life. There are the families of the Hopi Indian
(primitive maternal), of the old Amish of Pennsylvania (patri-
archal), of the Ozark mountaineers (kinship control), of the Italian
immigrant (semipatriarchal), the rooming-house (emancipated), the
lower middle class (patricentric), the apartment house (equalitarian)
and the suburban (matricentric)." ^^

This wide differentiation in contemporary family forms leads Bur-
gess to the conclusion that the difference between the American
family and that of other cultures is a relative rather than an abso-
lute one, and that its distinguishing characteristics are to be found
in the realm of process rather than structure. Elements of process in
this respect are such things as modifiability and adaptability, urbani-
zation, secularization, instability, specialization, and trend to com-
panionship of the American family.

It is this variability in family types which may be at the root of the

22 Ibid., p. 197.

23 Ernest W. liurgess, "The Family in a Changing Society," American Journal
of Sociology, May 1948, LIII, 417.

14 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

difficulty encountered by the Bureau of the Census in defining pre-
cisely what a family is. Students of the family are dependent on this
national enumeration for such indispensable information as the num-
ber and structure of families; the extent to which the family is broken
by death or divorce; the composition of the family in terms of race^
ethnic origin, rural or urban residence, and occupation; the family
as a consumer unit; and many other such matters. The figures of the
Bureau of the Census will be used so frequently in the subsequent
discussion that it is important to understand the composition of the
group to which they refer.

It was estimated that there were 39,800,000 families in the United
States in April, 1951. As defined in this report, a family refers to "a
group of two or more persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption
and residing together; all such persons are considered as members of
one family." ^** In the 1940 reports, however, a family was defined as
"the head of the household and all other persons in the household
related to the head; heads of households living alone, as well as those
living with relatives, were counted as families." In other words, if a
comparison were to be made between this sampling estimate of
April, 1951 and the census reports for 1940, a revision would have
to be made in the latter figure by subtracting more than four million
one-person families that were included in the earlier total of approx-
imately 35 million families. Furthermore, the classification, as a
family, of blood relatives such as cousins and brothers or sisters living,
together makes the 1951 statistical definition something quite differ-
ent from the conventional picture of the family.

In juxtaposition to this quantitative view of the American family
may be placed an analytical definition. The latter will serve as the
context within which the remainder of the present discussion will
be placed. The analytical delineation will consider this institutional
relationship in functional terms by indicating the principal role of
the family in the social structure.^^ The contemporary American fam-
ily may therefore be defined as an enduring association oi parent (or
parents) and offspring whose primary functions are the sociah'zation
oi the child and the satistaction oi the members' desnes for recogni-

2^ Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Marital Status and
Household Characteristics: April 1951," Population Characteristics, Series P-20,
No. 38, April 29, 1952.

-^ The institutional characteristics of the family will be considered in chaps_
14-15. A detailed analysis of functions will be presented in chaps. 16-17.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 15

tion and response. This description implies that the structural norm
is two generations— parent and child— in enduring association com-
prising the nuclear family.

The objection may be raised that, in some rural areas, it is still
customary to build an addition to the home when a son marries, so
that he may bring his wife under the family roof. These and other
practices once connected with the traditional family are fast disap-
pearing in the transition from a rural to a predominantly urban-
oriented society. Another apparent exception to the above definition
is the extended family, which still survives in certain immigrant
groups. When the second-generation immigrant becomes thoroughly
Americanized, however, he tends to accept the two-generational pat-
tern. The varieties in family structure cited by Burgess are very real,
but many of them are outside the main stream of American life
(viz. the Hopi, the Amish, the Ozark). There is increasing pressure
exerted on such groups to conform to the socially accepted nuclear
form.

The Primary Functions of the American Family

The importance of the socialization function of the family re-
flects the contribution of Charles Horton Cooley to the understand-
ing of human nature. For him, human nature was not "something
existing separately in the individual, but a group-nature or primary
phase of society, a relatively simple and general condition of the so-
cial mind. ... It is the nature which is developed and expressed in
those simple, face-to-face groups that are somewhat alike in all so-
cieties; groups of the family, the playground, and the neighbor-
hood." ^^ These groups, furthermore, "are fundamental in forming
the social nature and ideals of the individual. The result of intimate
association ... is a certain fusion of individualities in a common
whole, so that one's very self, for many purposes at least, is the com-
mon life and purpose of the group." ^^ In this sense, the family is the
most important of all human groups.^^

The social personality of the child thus takes its initial shape in
the family. The biological organism, amoral and asocial, is raised to

2^ Cooley, Social Organization, pp. 29-30. (His italics.)

2^ Ihid., p. 23.

2* Cf. Carle C. Zimmerman, "The Family and Social Change," Annals oi the
American Academy oi Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII,
28.

i6 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

the plane of human nature and made moral and social. The prolonga-
tion of human infancy is of basic importance in this process of so-
cialization. During this period, the family provides the social setting
within which the ways of the group are handed down. The plasticity
of the infant and child is such that he will acquire whatever behavior
patterns are presented to him and will incorporate these patterns into
his personality. Other forces than the family could theoretically in-
fluence the child to as great an extent during the early years, since
it is the malleability that counts, rather than any inherent impor-
tance of the family. The members of the family are ordinarily the
only ones on the ground, so to speak, and the infant perforce adopts
the behavior patterns presented by them.

Another primary function of the family consists in providing satis-
faction for its members' desires for recognition and response. "Every
individual," says W. I. Thomas, "has a vast variety of wishes which
can be satisfied only by his incorporation in a society." -^ This con-
cept of "wishes" implies that the normal development of the person-
ality involves a constant interaction of the inherent and the social
factors. Among the general pattern of wishes regarded as significant
by Thomas are (a) the desire for new experience; (b) the desire for
security; (c) the desire for response; and (d) the desire for recogni-
tion.^^ These are apparently universal characteristics of human be-
ings, and the family environment is an important means for their
satisfaction.

In much of his ordinary adult activity, the individual expresses his
personality in a segmented fashion. One aspect finds expression in his
work or profession; another may be elicited from his social and recrea-
tional interests; still another may be called forth in his religious life.
In the intimacies of family association, on the other hand, the entire
personality is capable of integrated expression and receives responses
in terms of the whole rather than its parts. When Burgess and
Locke characterize the family as changing "from an institution to a
companionship," ^^ they stress its contemporary role in providing the
means for intimate response.

In terms of the husband and wife this means that conjugal affec-
ts Thomas and Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, p. 73.
3" William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Gid (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1923) pp. 4 ff.

31 Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York: American
Book Company, 1945), p. vii.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 17

tion, in its mature and best sense, is the sine qua non of a successful
union. But conjugal affection represents only a partial aspect of the
family relationship viewed in terms of response. The need of the
young child for the love and affection of his parents is basic to his
development as a normal human being. The importance of child-
hood affection in relation to adult adjustments has often been em-
phasized in seeking the factors making for successful adaptation to
married life.

The quest for recognition by one's fellows is a universal charac-
teristic of human beings in all societies. In such a highly competitive
society as America, individual success must be won by acting in a
way that will win the desired approval of those in a position to satisfy
this ambition. ^2 The young man strives to impress the boss in order
to gain advancement. The salesman is careful not to offend the cus-
tomer. The scientist in his laboratory has his weather eye out for the
acceptance of his experiment by his fellow scientists. The group that
will supply this recognition may be limited to a very small number,
whose approval he will value more than the adulation of millions.

Within the bonds of the family there is a kind of recognition that
transcends these forms. The husband may have been thwarted in
his quest for recognition from his employer and may have experi-
enced other frustrations in the outside world. But he knows that his
wife and children have confidence in his abilities. The wife may be
spurned in her ambition to be accepted by an outside group. She
may be conscious of certain inadequacies in carrying out her func-
tions as a homemaker. But she does not lack for social appreciation
from members of her own family. Although such recognition nor-
mally implies a harmonious rapport among members of a family,
even the existence of hostility does not fundamentally change this
essential characteristic.

What has been said with respect to husband and wife applies with
equal force to the relations of children with parents. Granting that
there has been too much sentimentalism surrounding the loyalty of
a mother to an erring child, nevertheless the situation wherein she
remains faithful to the wayward son is too frequent not to point to
a truth. In the eyes of society, the boy may have done nothing to
justify recognition. His record may have been one of consistent

^2 For a penetrating account of some of the implications of this situation, cf.
David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950).

i8 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

progression from minor to serious antisocial acts. Even his relations
with his mother may have been anything but considerate and loyal.
In spite of all this, the family offers him more than his due of social
appreciation.

The Related Functions of the American Family

To designate the initial socialization of the child and the satisfac-
tion of the desires for response and recognition as the primary serv-
ices of the family is not to deny that the family performs other and
related functions. The family is still very much of a going concern,
even though the functions it performs have changed appreciably in
recent decades. Discussion of this subject usually begins with the
family as it was a century ago, economically a production and con-
sumption unit, with a proliferation of such functions as the re-
ligious, recreational, protective, and educational. The treatment then
proceeds to show how, one by one, these functions have been lost
to other institutions. The fundamental assumption of such a discus-
sion seems to be that the family of a hundred years ago was the
"normal" family and was doing what a family ought to do. Actually,
such a family was an adjustment to a predominantly rural society
and fitted it admirably. Because of the changes in the social situation
the family has undergone many modifications, which do not neces-
sarily represent loss but rather change in mode of expression.

This confusion between loss and change may be illustrated by ref-
erence to the economic function. In a society predominantly agrarian,
the primary production of goods and their consumption naturally
occupies a prominent position. Economic cooperation takes the form
of a division of labor among the family members who carry on the
essential activities of a home and farm. When society becomes urban
and industrial, with its emphasis on the money-nexus, economic co-
operation changes from the production of goods to the earning of
money and the family becomes almost entirely a consumption unit.

The number of wives combining homework with working for
wages has thus shown a steady increase in recent decades, both in
absolute numbers and in the proportion of all female workers who
are married. In 1920, of the female gainful workers 14 years of age
and older, 23 per cent were married. In 1940, of the employed fe-
males 14 years old and older, 37 per cent were married, whereas by

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 19

1950 this figure had increased to 52 per cent.^^ This phenomenal
increase in the proportion of married women in the labor force points
to economic cooperation in the family in the matter of earning
money income. It also indicates that "the two-family income is be-
coming increasingly a necessity as the cost of living rises, and as peo-
ple learn the importance of better standards of nutrition, health, edu-
cation, and leisure activities." ^^

Another function of the family is that of reproduction. Strictly
speaking, this function is discharged only when the membership of
the family is completed, if we define the family in terms of parents
and offspring. Logically, a married pair is only a potential family. In
popular thought, however, marriage and the family are so inextric-
ably intertwined that to distinguish sharply between a potential and
a completed family is more confusing than clarifying. Hence it may
be said that society looks to the family for the biological perpetua-
tion of the group. Whatever the complexity of reasons may be,
modern Europe has witnessed a growth of state programs to stim-
ulate the birth rate by cash bonuses for children, marriage loans, taxes
on bachelors, family allowance schemes, preferential treatment for
parents, and other devices.

American society has not had recourse to any such programs. There
are, nevertheless, unconscious devices in all societies that place the
stamp of approval on parenthood. Art, literature, and public opinion
unite in praise of maternity. The "normal" woman is one who desires
and bears children.^^ There is a "pathos, or feeling aspect, to our
family mores which is expressed as a continuous support of parental
roles. We feel differently about people after they are married, and
our feelings change again after they become parents." ^^ On the re-
verse side, there is implicit condemnation of the increasing propor-
tion of childless married couples, particularly where this condition

3^ Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, Population,
Vol. Ill, The Labor Force, Part I, United States Summary, 1943, pp. 22 ff.
Bureau of the Census, "Marital and Family Characteristics of the Labor Force
in the United States: March, 1950," Current Population Reports, Labor Force,
Series P-50, No. 29, May 2, 1951.

3* American Council on Education, Women in the Defense Decade, ed. Ray-
mond F. Howes, Vol. XVI, No. 52, Series I, p. 32, April 1952.

^^ Leta S. Hollingsworth, "Social Devices for Impelling Women to Bear and
Rear Children," American Journal of Sociology, July 1916, XXII, 19-29.

seWillard Waller, The Family, rev. by Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), p. 387.

20 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

seems to be the result of an individualistic, hedonistic philosophy
of life. There is only sympathy when such childlessness is due to bio-
logical or other inadequacy. In any event, society is deeply concerned
about the adequacy with which its family members perform the func-
tion of reproduction.

Another service performed by the family is that of providing an
agency for the orderly transmission of property.^^ The Marxists have
made much of the association of the family with property. Friedrich
Engels thought he had found a causal relationship between the de-
velopment of private property and the origins of the family .^^ One
need have no intellectual kinship with this point of view to admit
that in social evolution the connections between property and the
family have been omnipresent. Bride price, dower, dowry, entail,
primogeniture, property concepts associated with virginit}' and adul-
tery— these are only a few of the property notions traditionally con-
nected with the family.

Many of these property connotations have today only historical or,
at most, symbolic significance. The family is still, however, the unit
for the transmission of property. All the states provide by law that
children shall share equally in inheritance, regardless of age or sex.
In all the United States except Louisiana, the parent may disinherit
the child. Equality among heirs is further protected by statutes which
provide that a child's share on the death of the parent shall be de-
creased by the amount he received as advancement during the lat-
ter's lifetime. The maze of laws covering the rights of husband and
wife, of widow and widower, of personal and communal property,
the provisions concerning dower, curtesy, and inheritance all wit-
ness the contemporary reality of the association between property
and the family.^^

Another subsidiary function of the contemporary family is that of
status-giving. Status-giving means simply the designation of the rela-
tionship the individual will have to other individuals within and with-
out the family group. The sociologist uses the term status in associa-
tion with the concept of wle. The former is concerned with the
position of the individual in society; the latter refers to the activities

^^ Sumner and Keller, The Science of Society, III, 1527.

3* Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family (Chicago: C. H. Kerr and
Company, 1902).

39 Chester G. Vernier, American Family Laws (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1935-36), Vol. Ill, especially sees. 188, 215, 227; also IV, 112 ff.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 21

of the individual in relation to the various groups of which he is a
member.**^

Nothing places this aspect of status-giving in sharper perspective
than to look at it from the negative point of view. The traditional
stigma attached to the child born out of wedlock was taken over by
American society from the English Common Law. "The 'Bastard/
the term applied to the illegitimate child in English law for many
centuries, is described as iilius nuJiius — nobody's child — and this
designation clearly describes his status. . . ." ^'^ The handicaps under
which the illegitimate child still labors are numerous and severe.
The embarrassment when securing a work certificate, the telltale
evidence of the birth record, and the difficulties in connection with
school adjustments are all ways in which the inferior status of such
a child may deleteriously affect his adult personality.

The status-giving function of the family is not restricted to the
child. James H. S. Bossard shows clearly how marriage itself is an
avenue for the achievement of status. "To marry is to gain status in
your family. . . . Who has not sensed the uncertainty and even
anxiety in many families when the children pass a given year and
remain unmarried?" ^- Bossard then points out how marriage aids in
achieving status with respect to the job or profession, as well as in the
community. In conclusion, he indicates that "A community is, from
one point of view, a confederation of families. . . . To be married is
to be admitted into this confederation. . . ." ^^

The Family and Social Class

The treatment in this book will be largely concerned with the
middle-class, white, native-born, urban family. This does not mean
that the Negro,*^ the foreign-born,'*^ and the rural family '^^ do not
bulk numerically large in the total picture. There are unique familial

^•'W. H. R. Rivers, Social Organization (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.,
1024), pp. 37-38.

*^ Willystine Goodsell, Problems oi the Family, rev. ed. (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1936), p. 358.

*2 James H. S. Bossard, "Marriage as a Status-Achieving Device," Sociology
and Social Research, September-October, 1944, XXIX, 6.

43 Ibid., p. 7.

4* E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States, rev. and abr.
ed. (New York: The Dryden Press, 1948).

*^ Thomas and Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America.

*^ Burgess and Locke, The Family, chap. 3, "The Rural Family."

22 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

characteristics of such segments of the population that merit the kind
of special treatment to be found elsewhere. On the other hand, the
forces making for cultural uniformity tend to impinge upon these
groups in such a way as to bring their ways into increasing agree-
ment with the predominant patterns of our society.

The growth of urbanization has decreased the former differentia-
tion between urban and rural types of thought and action. Most for-
eign-born families in recent decades have come from peasant cul-
tures, where the tradition of large families is strong. This tradition
was initially perpetuated by foreign-born parents in this country, but
later generations have assimilated the American pattern of small
families, with a resultant decline in the birth rate.*"

Traditionally, American society has had a middle-class ideology.
The early English settlers who placed the stamp of Anglo-Saxon cul-
ture upon the colonies were primarily middle-class in origin, despite
the grandiloquent claims of certain contemporary descendants to the
contrary. The men and women who settled the early colonies brought
with them the outlook of the rising middle class. Protestant in re-
ligion, individualistic in outlook, concerned with freedom of enter-
prise as much as freedom of religion, the colonists founded a middle-
class society in the wilderness. The conditions under which the na-
tion developed intensified and firmly riveted this middle-class point
of view upon American culture. Terms like the hereditan' aristocracy,
the proletariat, and the peasantry have never corresponded to social
reality in the New World.

A class has been defined, in subjective terms, as a group of persons
who think alike on certain broad common problems, no matter what
their economic situation, occupation, power, prestige, or social back-
ground may be. In this sense, there is something to be said for the
contention that the majority of Americans belong to the middle
class. A representative sample of Americans were asked in 1940, by
one of the national public opinion organizations, to what class they
belonged. When the choice was restricted to three groupings (upper,
middle, and lower), 79.2 per cent indicated that they regarded them-
selves as middle-class, 7.6 per cent as upper-class, 7.9 per cent as lower-
class, and 5.3 per cent said they didn't know. The individuals repre-
sented in the sample were then classified into categories representative

*^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Birth-Rates among Foreign-Bom
No Longer above Average," Statistical Bulletin, November 1944.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE .KND THE FAMILY 23

of their actual economic status. Of those *vho were actually poor, 70.3
per cent said they belonged to the middle class. Of those who were
actually prosperous, 23.6 per cent placed themselves in the upper
class, and 74.7 per cent regarded themselves as middle-class.'*^

At approximately the same time, the National Resources Board
found that 87 per cent of the families in the United States received
a total annual income of less than $2,500.*^ This money income of
$2,500 may provisionally be regarded, for that time, as an objective
criterion for middle-class membership. It then follows that only 13
per cent of families were able to purchase a "middle-class level" of
goods and services, in contrast to the 79.2 per cent who considered
themselves in this class.

This general conclusion has not gone unchallenged. On the basis
of subjective criteria (feeling of belongingness) Richard Centers ar-
rived at different conclusions by the use of a series of categories dif-
ferent from those of upper, middle, and lower classes.^^ In 1945, he
asked the following question of a representative section of white
males: "If you were asked to use one of these four names for your
social class, which would you say you belonged in: the middle class,
lower class, working class or upper class?" ^^ Fifty-one per cent indi-
cated membership in the working class, 43 per cent in the middle
class, 3 per cent in the upper class, and only 1 per cent in the lower
class.^^

One can only speculate as to the possible results of a similar poll
using the categories of W. Lloyd Warner and associates. These schol-
ars regard the class divisions of a modern community as made up of:
( 1 ) upper-upper class; ( 2 ) lower-upper class; ( 3 ) upper-middle class;
(4) lower-middle class; (5) upper-lower class; (6) lower-lower
class.^^ It is a reasonable assumption that a substantial majority

48 "The People of the U.S.A. — ^A Self-Portrait," Fortune, February 1940, pp.
14, 28 ff.

49 National Resources Committee, Consumer Incomes in the United States
(Washington, 1938), pp. 2-3.

5» Richard Centers, The Psychology of Social Classes (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1949).

51 Ihid., p. 76.

52 Ibid., p. 77.

53 W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Status System of a Modern Com-
munity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942), chap. 1, "The Status System
of Yankee City."

24 NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY

would place themselves in the two brackets of the middle class, rather
than in the other four subdivisions.

The American people consider themselves primarily middle class.
Their attitudes reflect the classless ideolog}' of the American ethos,
and they hope for upward mobility for themselves or their children.
There is no question of the existence of these expectations of ver-
tical mobility, although there is considerable question as to their
realization."'^ At the same time that a considerable majority of the
American people have attitudes of middle-class participation, how-
ever, their actual behavior tends to set them off from each other, in
certain rather definite respects,''^ into several large groups. These be-
havior differences comprise such elements as attitudes toward spend-
ing and saving, patterns of sexual behavior, eating and sleeping ar-
rangements, permissive treatment of children, forms of punishment,
feeding-practices, bowel- and bladder-training, roles of family mem-
bers, attitudes toward family limitation, and many other elements re-
lated to marriage and the family.^^^

We therefore have a system of social stratification in this country
that has implications on two levels. On the ideological level, the ma-
jority of persons associate themselves with the middle class, with its
attendant hopes and aspirations for social mobility. On the behavior
level, the population of the United States live in terms of different
patterns, which arise from the differences in their way of life. The
structure of the personalities of each social level reflects these dif-
ferences in their way of life, with the several status groups bringing
out certain internally consistent behavior patterns in the adult and
child. •^'

It is true, of course, that the pattern of American culture has a
dominant over-all impact upon the personality, so that the similar-
ities between the participants in this larger pattern are greater than
their differences. Nevertheless, the latter are significant aspects of
American culture, and an understanding of these subcultural patterns

s* Gideon Sjoberg, "Are Social Classes in America Becoming More Rigid?"
American SocioJogical Review, December 1951, XVI, 775-83.

55 Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child,"
American Socio/ogfcaJ Review, June 1941, VI, 345-54.

56 Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Glass Differences and Family Life Education
at the Secondary Level," Marriage and Family Living, Fall 1950, XII, 133-135.

S'' Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class and Personality Structure," SocioJogy
and Social Research, July-August 1952, XXXVI, 355-63.

NATURE OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 25

is necessary to a complete understanding of the American family. In
the discussion that follows, therefore, we shall consider both these
related themes, namely, the broad cultural similarities and the sub-
cultural differences in the American family.^^

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Briffault, Robert, The Mothers, 3 vols. New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1927. These volumes embody extensive research on the
origins of the human family, the significance of the mother-child
relationship, and the evolution of universal human sentiments.

CooLEY, Charles Horton, Social Organization. New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1920. Together with the same author's Human
Nature and the Social Order and Social Process, this book has
greatly influenced American sociological thought.

Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro Family in the United States, rev.
and abr. ed. New York: The Dryden Press, 1948. An excellent com-
prehensive treatment of the Negro family.

Goodsell, Willystine, A History oi Marriage and the Family, rev. ed.
New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934. This brief digest of a
voluminous amount of historical material provides a good back-
ground for contemporary marriage and the family.

Landis, Judson T. and Mary G. Landis, eds.. Readings in Marriage and
the Family. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1952. A good collection
of recent research studies in marriage and the family.

MuRDOCK, George P., Social Structure. New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1949. This anthropological treatise contains comparative
information on social structure derived from a cross-cultural survey
embracing 1 50 peoples.

Sumner, William Graham and Albert G. Keller, The Science of
Society, 4 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1927. For the
serious student of marriage and the family. Vol. Ill is a veritable en-
cyclopedia of valuable data.

Thomas, William I. and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America, 2 vol. ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.,
1927. This monumental social-psychological study contains excellent
inductive analyses of the interrelations of the individual and the
social process.

Warner, W. Lloyd, Marchia Meeker and Kenneth Eells, Social
Class in America. Chicago: Science Research Associates, 1949. Cri-
teria for the study of social class in American society.

Westermarck, Edward, The History of Human Marriage, 3 vols. New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1921. A standard reference guide
to the history of marriage and the family.

^^ Cf. lohn Sirjamaki, "Culture Configurations in the American Family,"
American Journal of Sociology, May 1948, LIII, 464-70.

«^ 2 §^&^

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

r ROM THE BEGINNINGS of cultuic/' says 3 notcd student of
the family, "there has been an intimate web of inter-relationships
between the family and other institutions because the persons who
make up the family are also participants in the economic, religious,
and other social activities of a community. Never," he continues,
"has the family lived alone. The family as an isolated institution is
as unrealistic as the individual economic man of the classical econ-
omists and the abstract ego of the Freudian man." ^ This book is
based upon such a conception of the family. The society in which
the family operates and the culture in terms of which its members
think and act are together fundamental to any understanding of this
central institution. The first section will therefore delineate some of
the broad aspects of the culture pattern of the United States, with-
out which the subsequent facts about the structure, functions, and
relationships of the American family would be considerably less
meaningful.

The Nature of Culture

We may first review briefly some of the pertinent aspects of cul-
ture and the cultural point of view, with special reference to mar-
riage and the family. Culture denotes the sum total of the "way
of life" of a people. According to E. B. Tylor's classic definition, cul-
ture is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art,
morals, law, custom and any other capabilities acquired by man as a
member of society." -

This is a somewhat static picture. The dynamic elements include

1 Bernhard J. Stern, "The Family and Cultural Change," American Sociolog-
ical Re\'iew, April 1939, IV, 199.

2 Edward B. Tylor, Primitive CuJture, 7th ed., (New York: Brentano's, 1924),
p. 1.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 27

the notion that culture is the total social heritage of a people, modi-
fied by those who are presently the bearers of that heritage. Every
child born into an American family becomes the heir of countless
generations of human beings who, in association, have worked out
adjustments to the universe. In the varied forms of material tools and
artifacts, scientific laws, and ideas and ideologies in philosophy and
religion, these adjustments are cumulative. Newton acknowledged
his obligation to his scientific predecessors when he said that if he saw
farther than other men it was because he stood on the shoulders of
giants. The human species is distinguished from all lower forms by
the fact that it stands at birth not only on the shoulders of giants,
but also at the apex of the gigantic pyramid of man's collective
achievements.

Contemporary American culture is the product of a social process
whose roots go down into a past so far removed that its precise
origins will never be delineated. It is a short-sighted view to regard
our scientific achievements as having a history of a few hundred
years, our religious forms a background of mere centuries, our tech-
nological successes a matter of decades. The taming of fire, the do-
mestication of plants and animals, the creation of norms of justice,
and the delineation of right and wrong are only a few of the indis-
pensable adjuncts of our culture, the origins of which are hidden
from one who would give them exact dating. Each generation makes
use of the social heritage and in so doing makes changes therein. An
invention of a new food, a new philosophy, a new scientific law, or a
new atomic bomb is a contemporary addition to culture, even though
it is nothing more than a new combination of previously known ele-
ments.

Culture is not a superorganic entity, with an independent exist-
ence. Culture never does anything; therefore, Haring suggests that
it is more accurate to speak of cultural behavior, for it is a fallacy to
make "culture" the subject of an active verb.^ Culture exists only in
and through individual minds. It can be understood only as individ-
uals agree on the meaning of its parts. It is changed by individuals.
There are indeed two sets of cultural realities— the "inner" and the
"outer" — so interwoven that to separate them and consider each in-
dependently is nothing but a pleasant intellectual exercise.

3 Douglas G. Haring, "Is 'Culture' Definable?" American Sociological Review,
February 1949, XIV, 29.

28 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

The "inner" series of cultural realities comprises the ideas, beliefs,
attitudes, and values that people share in their handling of the
"outer" series, which are the external embodiments in law, art, sci-
ence, material artifacts, and religious, educational, political, and eco-
nomic institutions. A photoelectric cell, an immanent deity, cubistic
art— these have one set of meanings (and uses) for a twentieth cen-
tury American. They would have an entirely different, and doubtless
very strange, set of meanings (and uses) for a Central Australian
tribesman.

Any given culture also presents a constellation or configuration of
parts, rather than a sum of separate beliefs, laws, material tools, and
institutions. A culture is a complex whole, characterized by integra-
tion and interdependence. The term of Sumner, "a. strain toward
consistency" "* in the mores, emphasizes this interrelationship of the
parts of the whole. The interdependence of the different aspects of
a cultural configuration is at the basis of Ogburn's study of social
change and his use of the abstraction, "cultural lag." ° A change in
one area of a given culture (for example, the introduction of the
automobile) gives rise to the necessity for adaptation in other areas
(laws, engineering, folkways). Of necessity there will be a time in-
terval, or lag, between the appearance of the new invention and the
cultural adaptations that must be made to it.

"A culture, like an individual," suggests Ruth Benedict, "is a more
or less consistent pattern of thought and action. Within each culture
there come into being characteristic purposes not necessarilv shared
by other types of society. In obedience to these purposes, each people
further and further consolidates its experience. . . . The form that
these acts take we can understand only by understanding first the
emotional and intellectual mainsprings of that society." ^ All of the
varied and miscellaneous activities comprising the processes of mak-
ing a living, raising a family, governing one another, worshiping the
deity, and other important aspects of life are fitted into the cultural
pattern that develops within the society. The simpler societies main-
tain the integrity of their pattern with greater ease than the more

^William Graham Sumner and Albert G. Keller, The Science of Society (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1929), I, 37.

^ William F. Ogbiirn, Social Change, rev. ed. (New York: The Viking Press,
1950).

^ Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (New York: Penguin Books, Inc., 1946),
p. 42.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 29

complex ones. The culture of the New England Puritans was a more
consistent pattern than that of contemporary Boston. Within the
larger framework, the culture pattern of Greater Boston has certain
basic presuppositions that determine much of the behavior of the
people therein — whether Back Bay Yankee, Irish, or Italian. The
common elements of this pattern are those held by the rest of the
inheritors of the American heritage.'^

Each culture selects certain traits that are emphasized above
others. Some cultures select ceremony as the primary consideration
and spend their days in endless elaborate exercises about which the
whole of group life is centered. Others emphasize religion to the
virtual exclusion of other values, and considerations of the after-
world therefore dominate the affairs of this world. Other cultures
glorify warfare. The warrior is the folk hero, and combat is the most
honorable activity possible to man. Still other cultures, like our own,
place an inordinate emphasis upon pecuniary acquisition and define
success or failure largely in these terms.

The individual attempts to adjust his behavior to the prevailing
norms of his culture and in so doing unconsciously molds his conduct
to conform with its patterns. Those temperamentally or otherwise
suited to conform to the patterns of behavior prescribed by their cul-
ture will tend to be successful, whereas those unable to conform will
by definition be failures. The fullest honors of a culture are offered
to those best able to exemplify the peculiar values stressed therein.
To conform is thus to succeed.^

The Nature of Sub-Culfures

Any given culture is integrated and tends toward uniformity, but
there are also segments within a culture whose thoughtways differ
from the predominant characteristics of the pattern. Winch defines
a sub-culture as "the cultural traits characteristic of a social class or
other reasonably homogeneous group or aggregate within a society." ^

^ One of the most stimulating analyses of the conflicts and contradictions of
American culture is given in Robert S. Lynd, KnowJedge for What? (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1939), chap. 3, "The Pattern of American Cul-
ture." See also Bernard Iddings Bell, Crowd Culture (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1952) .

* Benedict, Patterns of Culture, chap. 8.

9 Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and Co.,
1952), p. gfn.

30 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

The Ozark mountaineers and the Amish of Pennsylvania might be
considered rural sub-cultures, as the Chinatowns and the Little Italics
of our large metropolitan centers are urban sub-cultures. In an earlier
day, the regional differentials between colonial New England and the
South could be regarded as sub-cultures, although in our time such
variations are not so pronounced. From one point of view, the Negro
population might be looked upon as possessing a sub-culture, even
though this distinction was more true of the ante-bellum Negro than
of modern Negro society.

The notion of sub-cultures has, however, been largely confined to
the recent studies of social stratification in American society and the
term has therefore become roughly synonymous with class differen-
tials.^'' This relationship has been stated as follows: "The position
of different groups in the social structure also means that they will
develop certain group attitudes, behavior patterns, and ideologies. In
this sense, the society of the United States is a 'class-organized' so-
ciety, whether we are willing to admit it or not. . . . Each of these
classes . . . has its own sub-culture, with many elements distinguish-
ing the subcultures from each other and from the mass culture as a
whole." 11

The elite or upper class is composed, in the main, of those families
enjoying an annual income of $10,000 or more. Possessed of wealth,
they exercise great power in matters of economic and political pol-
icies, even though they do not participate directly in government
service. Traditions of "family" and family background still remain
strong, even though the nouveaux liches and late-comers to this coun-
try have found their way into this group in increasing numbers.

The chief emphasis of the middle class seems to be to climb the
ladder, both financially and socially. Formal education is highly
prized, since it is regarded as a means to these ends. Personal or in-
dividual achievement is regarded as not only possible but imperative.
Members of this group tend to be conservative in politics. This con-
servatism carries over into such things as training the child to con-

^^ W. Llovd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a Modern Com-
munity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1941). See also W. Lloyd Warner,
Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in America (Chicago: Science
Research Associates, 1949).

" Francis E. Merrill and H. Wentworth Eldredge, Culture and Society (New
York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1952), p. 280.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 31

form to the accepted conventional standards, even though this proc-
ess involves considerable repression.

As opposed to this general point of view, the mothers of the work-
ing class tend to let their children "just grow." If an annual income
of $2,500 (1949) be arbitrarily considered as the dividing line be-
tween the middle and working classes (that is, sub-cultures), then
more than one-third of the families in the nation belong in this
latter group. Attitudes may be said to derive from relative economic
insecurity, and hence they believe not so much in the possibilities of
individual achievement through individual initiative but rather the
improvement in group status through collective action. This does not
imply any revolutionary class-consciousness of the European variety,
since the American scene has presented many evidences of vertical
mobility, both past and present. Associated with the lack of economic
security of the working-class, there is often less value placed upon
thrift and planning than is the case with the middle class.^^

Subcultural differences are evident in a variety of relationships con-
nected directly or indirectly with the family. Hollingshead arrives
at certain tentative generalizations concerning the relationship be-
tween family stability and the status structure. The established fam-
ilies of the upper class tend to exert considerable control over the
marriage choices of their young men and women. This is only one
evidence of the powerful control such families, together with the kin
group, exert over the behavior of their members to have them con-
form to the social position of these economically secure units. The
new families of the upper class do not have the extended kin group
to insure stability. This factor, together with the pressure to move
into the circle of old families, leads to greater family instability.

In the middle classes, there is a relatively high degree of stability.
It might seem that, because of the vertical and horizontal mobility
characterizing these groups, unstable conditions would result. The
forces opposing these tendencies— the emphasis on success, the high
value placed upon college and university education, and the demands
for self-discipline believed essential to attain economic security— are
powerful enough to promote stable relationships. For the working
classes, it is probable that the condition of relative economic inse-
curity has a great bearing on the matter of instability, although
future studies may reveal that other factors are equally important.

12 Jbid., chap. 14.

32 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

For the lower classes, crowded and substandard housing, the impact
of economic crises, and the danger of unemployment are situations
leading to a greater amount of instability than is to be found in any
other class.^^

Perhaps the most striking result of the Kinsey study was the con-
firmation of the reality of class differences in American society on
the basis of the dissimilar sexual behavior patterns of "upper-level"
and "lower-level" groups. These levels were delineated on the basis
of the amount of formal schooling completed by the individual and
also by the occupation of the individual and his parents. Inasmuch
as such a small proportion of the population is usually classified as
upper class, Kinsey's "upper-level" group includes a large proportion
of the middle class. The "lower-level" category embraces many per-
sons classified by Warner as lower-middle class. Marked differences
are observed between these social levels in such matters as frequency
of premarital intercourse, attitudes towards virginity, definitions of
perversions, practices with respect to petting, and evaluations placed
on marital fidelity.^^

Culture and The Family

This brief discussion of variations in the behavior patterns and
value systems found in sub-cultures brings into sharper focus the
larger culture of which these variants are parts. A complete under-
standing of the family depends upon viewing it in relation to its
total cultural setting. The prior treatment of culture— its continuity
and cumulative nature, its composition of "inner" and "outer" real-
ities, and the interdependence of its parts— is an indispensable pre-
requisite for an understanding of the family. The basic human needs
that have given rise to the family in any society are universal. The
forms which the concrete expressions of these needs will take are
as variable as society itself. The relationship of culture to the study
of the family may be further illustrated by an example drawn from

1^ August B. Hollingshead, "Class Differences in Family Stability," Annals of
the AmeTican Academy ot Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 39-46. For an excellent discussion of the differences between social
classes in the matter of child-rearing, cf. Allison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst,
"Social Class and Color Differences in Child-Rearing," American SocioJogicaJ
Review, December 1946, XI, 698-710.

"Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy, and Clyde E. Martin, Sexual Be-
havior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., 1948).

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 33

each of the following: the functions, the forms, and the "problems"
of the family.

1. Culture and Family Functions. The family as an institution
serves the following general purposes: the socialization of the child,
the satisfaction of the individual's wishes for recognition and re-
sponse, economic cooperation, reproduction, the transmission of
property, and the inheritance of status. These are such basic needs
that every society has found in the family a means for satisfying
them. But the relative importance of each of these functions depends
on the total cultural configuration. In contemporary American so-
ciety, the primary functions of the family are the socialization of the
child and the satisfaction of the individual's wishes for recognition
and response. Economic cooperation occupies a secondary position.

In other societies, however, the economic aspects of the family
assume a primary position. As Sumner and Keller point out, "the
Australian needs a wife for a comfortable life, as a beast of burden,
a food producer. ... In Melanesia, the wife's usefulness in field-
labors and the like weighs much more heavily in the scale than her
personal attractiveness. ... In choosing a wife, the Greenlander pays
no heed to love or to beauty in the bride or even to what little prop-
erty she may bring; 'far more decisive in the suitor's choice is skill
in housekeeping.' " ^^

2. Culture and Family Forms. Just as the characteristics of the
culture are reflected in the functions assigned to the family, so are
they mirrored in the form which the family takes. The location of
family authority is a case in point. The theoretical possibilities for
the locus of this authority are: (a) in the mother, (b) in the father,
(c) in a division of authority between mother and father, and (d)
in the child (or children). Each of these abstract situations, with the
exception of the last named, calls to mind specific instances of cul-
tures in which it is the prevalent form. The work of Briffault has
established that the mother occupied a position of superior power
and authority in earliest societies, quite apart from the vexed ques-
tion of the existence of the "pure" matriarchate.

As a result of far-reaching social changes, among which may well
have been the evolution of differing forms of property, the center
of family authority shifted from the mother to the father. In the
classical world and throughout most of the history of the Western

15 Sumner and Keller, The Science of Society, III 1506-7.

34 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

world, supreme power was vested in the father. Recent democratic
changes in the social structure have brought about a new and equali-
tarian family in which there is a division of authority between father
and mother. In spite of the increasing concern with the child, it is
difficult to conceive even abstractly of the family operating success-
fully on the basis of authority vested in its immature members, just
as it is not possible to conceive of social changes that would effect
such a revolution in the status of the child.

3. Culture and Family Problems. The study of the family in its
cultural configuration serves likewise to place in new perspective
many of the "problems" of the family. There has been much discus-
sion in recent years of the rising number of divorces in American
society. Many of these discussions view divorce as an "evil" to be
attacked as though it were an isolated phenomenon. One group
would solve the problem by drafting more stringent divorce legis-
lation, unaware that, along with the liberalization of divorce codes,
there have developed restrictive tendencies as evidenced by the num-
ber of states now providing for the interlocutory decree.^^ Another
group advocates a Federal uniform^ divorce law. Others propose a re-
turn to the former ecclesiastical ban on all divorces. Still others real-
ize that divorce is merely a recognition by society that a given mar-
riage has failed, and they would initiate more adequate preventive
measures. These latter proposals would guard the entrance to mar-
riage by more uniform and stringent laws and by education for
marriage, so that this important venture might be undertaken with
more understanding.

However well-intentioned they may be, all of these groups have
a restricted view of divorce. In one way or another, they fail to
regard divorce in the total matrix of American society. They want
to remedy the "divorce evil" without considering the complex fac-
tors involved and all the possible consequences of their actions. Those
who would adopt measures aimed at preventing marital breakdown
come nearest to an understanding of the real reasons for divorce.
Only when divorce is viewed as an inevitable corollary of its total
social setting can a true understanding of the problem become pos-
sible and the way opened for its intelligent resolution.

1^ Mabel A. Elliott, "Divorce Legislation and Family Instability," AnnaJs oi
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 134-37.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 35

In a society in which rehgious values were preeminent and mar-
riage was defined as a sacramental and indissoluble relationship, there
would clearly be no divorce, quite apart from the relative degree of
marital happiness. When secular considerations replace religious
ones, the result is a rising threshold of tolerance for divorce. When
a society emphasizes the companionship goals of marriage as op-
posed to its institutional nature, there will be a franker recognition
of the failure of a given marriage to satisfy the needs for companion-
ship. When individual happiness becomes a primary cultural expec-
tation, the number of individuals who regard themselves as frustrated
in this quest will naturally increase. As we shall see in a subsequent
chapter, the extreme cult of romance in American society inevitably
leads to a growing proportion of disillusioned marriages. Thus it can
be seen that the more adequate the knowledge of so-called family
"problems" in terms of the total cultural milieu, the more possibil-
ity will there be for intelligent understanding and control.

Culture and the American Ethos

The central thesis of this book is that those elements which have
produced our culture have been those which molded the character-
istics of the family. A complete picture of all the factors creating
American culture would obviously include a social history of the past
300 years, plus a comprehensive survey of the cultural heritage of
those who came to the New World. To state the matter thus is to
renounce any claim to such omniscience. This discussion will attempt
merely to delineate the most striking aspects of American life that
have been derived from the past and have been so modified as to
constitute a unique pattern of culture.

The concept of ethos has found its way into general sociological
usage to signify those characteristics of a society that differentiate it
from all others. In the following analysis, the primary emphasis will
be placed on the "inner" series of realities, the collective values and
beliefs. These "inner" series find their material embodiment in
schools, churches, business institutions, and innumerable other
"outer" manifestations of culture. ^^

American society began as an outpost of Europe. Both the United
States and Europe have, therefore, a common social heritage extend-

1^ For a brilliant exposition of the history of these ideas, of. Crane Brinton,
Ideas and Men (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950).

36 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

ing back to the Mediterranean culture, which in turn was a synthesis
of preceding cultural achievements. The unprecedented advances in
the conquest of nature in the past four centuries have placed these
two areas in the most intimate contact, so that it is possible to speak
of Euro-American culture. It is an interesting commentary on the
power of modern nationalism that two World Wars within fifty years
have had their beginnings as struggles between segments of the West-
ern world having the same cultural foundations. In their zeal to em-
bark on a new order which would determine the destiny of the world
"for a thousand years," the Nazi ideologists proclaimed that they
would break, once and for all time, the chains that bound them to
the culture derived by the West from the Mediterranean heritage.
They defined these "chains" as: Judaic-Christian influences, Roman
law, and the foundations of political democracy.^^

The present world ideological struggle between the Soviet totali-
tarian regime and the democratic West is of a somewhat different na-
ture. Russia was so long outside the main stream of Western culture
that the divergent thoughtways make communicative understanding
exceedingly difficult. Words like democracy, compromise, and sim-
ilar terms mean different things to the two worlds. In the struggle
against both the Nazi and the Soviet totalitarianisms, however, the
complete subordination of the individual to the State is at the core
of the conflict. In our own world, the dignity of the individual has
ever been of paramount consideration. So important is this concept
of individualism that the student will find it as a persistent thread
running through both the warp and woof of the subsequent discus-
sion of American marital and family life.

The Judaic-Chrisfian Heritage and fhe American Ethos

American society has always been permeated with that complex
of attitudes, beliefs, and values derived from historical Christianity.
To say that this religious emphasis has been in evidence from the be-
ginning is not to succumb to the popular fallacy that all those who
came to the New World in the earliest days came seeking freedom
of religious worship and belief. Among other motives leading to the
determination to migrate were the desire for economic improvement,

i^Aurel Kolnai, The War against the West (New York: The Viking Press,
1938).

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 37

adventure, freedom from debtor's prison, and escape from political
intolerance.

The forms of the expression of Christian values have been modi-
fied over the centuries in terms of the changing patterns of society.
As Simkhovitch pointed out ^^ some years ago, to understand the
fundamental ethics of Jesus one must consider the simple agrarian
background of a small segment of the ancient world located at the
crossroads of ancient empires. It is not possible rigidly to apply the
ethical norms of such a simple, primary-group agrarian society to the
highly complex, impersonal, mechanized, and industrial society of
the present time.

This basic cultural truth may have led Troeltsch -^ to speak of the
nice adaptation which Christianity, through the organized Church,
made to the predominantly agrarian pattern of the medieval world.
The hierarchy of fixed estates, the personal relationships, the em-
phasis on fealty, loyalty, reverence, and mutual agreement, the con-
crete rather than the abstract approach to justice and right conduct—
these essentially Christian values thrive best in a familistic, agrarian
setting.

When a predominantly feudal and agrarian society gave way first
to a middle-class commercial and then to an industrial society, this
change was accompanied by a radical transformation in the outlook
of Christendom. This transformation was known as Protestantism.
Whether the new world view of Protestantism gave rise to a new
middle-class capitalistic mentality or whether it merely rationalized
these social and economic changes -^ makes little appreciable differ-
ence. The social changes and the religious revolution can be re-
garded as interrelated aspects of the total situation.

To say that this is a Christian nation is not to imply the ethno-
centric belief that the American people put into practice the high
ethical ideals embodied in Christianity to such an extent as to set
them apart from other peoples. Most human beings exhibit a wide
gap between their professed beliefs and their actual practices. The
high idealism of the Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes, the com-

13 Vladimir G. Simkhovitch, Toward the Understanding oi Jesus (New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1921).

20 Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, 2 vols.
(New York: The Macmillan Company, 1931), I, 249 ff.

21 Richard H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise oi Capitalism (London: Pelican
Books, 1938).

38 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

mandments of love to God and love to the brethren— these are still
collective beliefs of the American people, however far removed their
behavior may be from attaining such idealism.

This dedication to Christianity has emphasized the tenet that
places the individual at the apex of all social values. Other types of
secular thinking have also emphasized the importance of the indi-
vidual. Christianity, however, has stressed such a spiritual elevation
of the individual man that there is a reverence for the human per-
sonality found nowhere else. Traditional Protestantism also released
the individual from his previous submergence in the institutionalized
structure of the Church.

Nowhere is this opposition set forth more vividly than in Martin
Luther's great Reformation treatises. "A Christian man is a perfectly
free lord of all, subject to none. A Christian man is a perfectly dutiful
servant of all, subject to all." ^^ In the New World, untrammeled by
the traditions of the past, it was possible for the individual priesthood
of the believer to come to at least partial expression. The appearance
of more than two hundred separate denominations and sects on the
American religious stage bears testimony to the Protestant emphasis
on the right of the individual to interpret religious truth in his own
way.

Religion and religious values have thus played a dominant role in
the development of American society. The family has been greatly
affected by this religious emphasis. The influence will become more
apparent in the next chapter, when attention will be directed to the
religious source of our present beliefs on divorce, sex mores, marriage
as a civil contract, the status of woman, and the importance of the
child.

Government by Law and the American Ethos

The heritage of belief in government by laws, not by men, is also
a part of the American ethos. There is something almost naive in
our belief in the efficacy of a law. There appears to be unbounded
confidence that one's neighbors can be successfully legislated into the
Kingdom of Heaven. This belief persists in spite of repeated failures.
As indicated above, many people would curb the rising number of
divorces by making the legal grounds more stringent. To believe that

22 "A Treatise on Christian Liberty," Works of Martin Luthei (Philadelphia:
A. }. Holman and Company, 1915), II, 512.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 39

a law like that of New York State (which recognizes only adultery
as a legal ground for absolute divorce) will reduce the divorce rate
in that jurisdiction is to place too much confidence in legal power.
Such a law tends to drive individuals seeking absolute divorce either
to meccas like Reno or to the manufacture of evidence proving
adultery.

These illustrations point to a paradox. Alongside of this belief in
the omnipotence of law, there has developed in this country a corol-
lary tradition of reckless disregard of the law. This lawlessness was
also an outgrowth of American life-conditions.^^ Early colonial ex-
perience was such that the settlers felt that the government in Eng-
land had a complete lack of understanding of their real needs and
welfare. This condition was unavoidable, owing to the distances and
the relatively slow means of communication. The rationalization arose
that laws enacted by such an absentee government could be safely
ignored if they transgressed the alleged well-being of the ruled. Simi-
lar conditions were faced on the continually moving western frontier,
except that the offender in these instances was the distant govern-
ment in the nation's capital. Added to this situation was the rapid
economic growth during the nineteenth century, which gave rise to
the belief that anything promoting the material progress of the coun-
try was a moral as well as a patriotic virtue, regardless of any accom-
panying disregard of the law.

Examples of the impingement of the tradition of lawlessness upon
the family are numerous. Collusion and connivance are sufficient
grounds on which a judge may refuse to entertain a motion for di-
vorce. Nevertheless, sufficiently technical interpretations of these prin-
ciples have grown up so that the average judge can have an easy con-
science that he has maintained the letter of the law, even though its
spirit and intent have been successfully by-passed. Although the Fed-
eral laws, commonly called the Comstock laws, banning contraceptive
literature and devices from the mails, are still in full effect, they have
been so attenuated by public practice and court decisions that they
are violated with impunity. The state of Massachusetts through its
highest court has upheld a rigid anti-contraceptive law. He would be

2^ See James Truslow Adams, The Epic of America (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1931); also Vernon L. Parrington, Main Currents in American
Thought, 3 vols. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927-30).

40 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

a bold person, indeed, who would maintain that the residents of this
state abide faithfully by such a law.

In spite of this contradiction between lawlessness and the belief in
a government of laws, it still remains true that the American has an
ingrained respect for legal processes. However wide the gap between
principle and practice, the doctrine of equality before the law is ac-
cepted as an integral part of the American way. Even though the im-
partial scales of justice may actually be heavily weighted in favor of
power, position, money, or prestige, the average citizen is moved to
strong protests over the failure of an individual to get a fair trial be-
fore a jury of his peers. The first principle in social reform is thus
resort to law, as the organized, formal expression of the will of the
group.

Political Democracy and the American Ethos

Political democracy is another important constituent of the Ameri-
can ethos, within the framework of which we are considering the
American family. This is not to imply that, in the ancient world,
complete democracy was achieved either in theory or in practice. At
the height of Athenian glory, democratic government represented no
more than a fraction of the adult inhabitants of the Polis. Although
the few thousand citizens who gathered on the Acropolis may be said
to have put into practice the rule of the Demos, yet the Demos was
narrowly defined and excluded the metics, slaves, and women, who
together constituted the majority of the adult inhabitants of Attica.
What can be said, however, is that this ancient world laid the ground-
work for the developments in political democracy that have occurred
in the past two centuries in the Western world.-^

The outlook for democracy in colonial America was anything but
bright. A despised minority in England, arguing for tolerance and
the purification of the Church of England, became the ruling elite of
Massachusetts Bay and New England. The clergy and secular rulers
who formed that theocratic government would have nothing to do
with democracy. In the estimation of Governor Winthrop, it was
"the meanest and worst of all forms of government." With this state-
ment the Reverend John Cotton would have been in accord. The
hanging of the pestilent Quakers on Boston Common and voices in

s^Gustave Glotz, The Greek City and Its Institutions (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, Inc., 1930).

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 41

the wilderness like that of Roger Williams testify to the lack of belief
in either tolerance or democracy of the early American leadership.

"Man is born free, and is everywhere in chains" were the ringing
words with which Rousseau inaugurated his Contrat Social. The im-
portant implication of that sentence was not Rousseau's notion that
the artificialities of a highly sophisticated society constituted men's
chains. The idea that was so pregnant for the years ahead was his
belief that freedom is a Natural Right of man. This Liheite, together
with the Egalite and Frnteinite of the end of the eighteenth century,
spread hke a forest fire over Europe, only to be checked by the
barriers thrown up by the reactionary movements of the nineteenth
century.

The intervening ocean did not confine these new ideas to Europe.
It was one thing to take over the doctrine of the inalienable Rights
of Man and use this as an instrumentality with which to forge the
unity essential to winning our Revolutionary War. It was quite an-
other thing to employ these shibboleths as a basis upon which to
formulate articles of government. The great battles of the Constitu-
tional Convention were fought over this issue. If the spirit of the
Constitution differs from that of the Declaration of Independence, it
is because those who feared democracy were more articulate in fram-
ing the Constitution than those who would welcome the rule of the
Demos. The first ten amendments were essential additions to insure
the acceptance of the document by the states. This was a reflection
of the fact that the masses could envisage better than their leaders
the direction which the new experiment would take.

America was thus a radically new experiment. Here the ideologies
of the Age of Enlightenment found a new and fertile soil for their
propagation. A moving frontier, a dynamic people, fabulous resources,
opportunity for every man— here were conditions ready-made to test
the highest flights of fancy of the romantic philosophers of the Rights
of Man. Land was available on easy terms for the working. Society
was fluid so far as class and caste lines were concerned. The ladder of
opportunity was open even to the top rungs. Wealth often came un-
expectedly from the favors of a benign government interested in the
development of the country.

With the closing of the frontier, the pre-emption of the most-favored
resources, and the development of a corporate, industrial economy,
the twentieth century has witnessed a decline in economic opportu-

42 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

nity on the individualistic level. Assuming that this trend will con-
tinue, it seems reasonable to say that the broadening of the base of
political democracy will rest on the coincident development of eco-
nomic democracy.

The social changes that brought about the fruition of political de-
mocracy were reflected in the family. The legal right of the father to
kill a disobedient son was accepted by the Colonial statutes of Con-
necticut. It seems a far cry from such absolute authoritarian rule to
the present democratic spirit. Considerable attention will be devoted
later to the central position of the child and his welfare in a demo-
cratically organized society. The struggle of woman for equality in
the past 100 years will also be considered in this connection. Like-
wise, we shall note the various ways in which the democratic state
has been shifting the incidence of economic inequalities from the
individual family to the group as a whole.

Science and the American Ethos

No discussion of the main aspects of the American ethos would
be complete without reference to the dedication of the people to sci-
ence, especially in its applied forms. A technological culture could de-
velop only as a consequence of the growth of pure science. This
achievement is a relatively recent phenomenon. It began in the elev-
enth and twelfth centuries with the introduction into Europe of the
Arab culture, mediated through the schools of Toledo, Cordova, and
Seville, Building on this foundation, the shift in emphasis from the
supernatural other-world view to a concentration on this world led
to the epochal discoveries of Copernicus, Galileo, Tycho Brahe, Kep-
ler, and others. These in turn became the basis for the Cartesian
revolution in philosophical and mathematical thinking that created
the elements out of which a Newtonian physico-mathematical expla-
nation of the universe emerged at the end of the seventeenth century.

When Newtonianism had successfully cross-fertilized other fields
of knowledge, such as economics, religion, psychology, and govern-
ment, the stage was set for the remarkable paeans of praise to Science
that marked the end of the eighteenth centurv. In the mind of a
Condorcet, mankind was about to enter upon the last and greatest
phase of the progress of the human spirit; by implication, there would
be no myster}' in heaven or on earth which this new instrument
would not penetrate.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 43

With such unbridled optimism did the nineteenth century begin.
The idea of progress, of the unhmited perfectibihty of man and so-
ciety, had been born in a period when the notion of evolution had
been only adumbrated. This concept of progress was supplemented
by the greatest germinal idea of the nineteenth century, evolution,
and the combination represented further proof of the seemingly lim-
itless possibilities of science. Herbert Spencer's philosophical appli-
cation of evolution as a universal principle was but the logical corol-
lary of Darwin's theory applied to biology. For a time it seemed that
the progress of the physical and biological sciences would be matched
by that of the social sciences.

With the founding of their national existence, the American people
came into this social inheritance represented by the phenomenal dis-
coveries of the preceding centuries, plus the accompanying optimism.
But the victory of the new scientific thoughtways was still in the
future. The fruits of less than a century of whole-hearted dedication
to scientific pursuits are wonderful to behold. Not only have the natu-
ral riches of a continent been released, but also there have been cre-
ated an industrial potential and a standard of living that are the envy
of the rest of the world. Such complete absorption in this task may
account for the fact that the American has been practical, active, and
energetic rather than passive, speculative, and meditative. It may
also explain why the contributions of Americans to the universal her-
itage of art, music, poetry, and theology have been relatively meager.
In the pursuit of his goals, the American has often been led to inter-
pret happiness in terms of overemphasis on material values, or the
technological fruits of scientific advances.

The emergence of a scientifically dominated culture has had innu-
merable effects upon the family. The competition for higher material
standards of living and the fruits of the scientific conquest of nature
are the foundations of this development. Machines and technology
have transformed the household and the world in which the family
lives. The decline in the death rate of infants under one year of age
is a tribute to applied biological science, as is the accompanying in-
crease in the duration of average life-expectancy. Ordered knowledge
has made it possible, at least in theory, for every individual to have
as his intellectual birthright the understanding of the processes of
conception and reproduction. The hazards and pains of childbearing

44 THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE

have been mitigated. As this discussion proceeds, the impact of sci-
ence upon the family will be met on every hand.^°

The ideas which we have outlined are among those constituting
the core of the American ethos. These ideas affect the family at every
turn, and they will appear throughout our entire treatment. These
are not the only constituent elements of American culture. We have
omitted various other central aspects of this ethos as not precisely
germane to our central purpose in this book. Among these omitted
elements are a belief in education, an excessive materialism, a he-
donistic outlook on life, the striving for the "biggest and best" that
sometimes becomes a sort of group megalomania, a generosity and
sympathy with the underdog, the worship of success, the cult of the
average man, and other equally significant characteristics which an
anthropologist would observe in the contemporary American scene.^^
These are also very real elements of the American ethos. They do
not, however, bear so directly upon the family as those we have se-
lected. In terms of this broad cultural pattern, we present our analy-
sis of the American family.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adams, James Truslow, The Epic of America. Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1933. This treatise represents a prominent historian's
assay at discovering the uniqueness of American culture, which is
summed up in the American Dream.

Beard, Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civiliza-
tion, 1 vol. ed. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930. A
standard guide to American history, especially in terms of economic
factors.

Bell, Bernard I., Crowd Culture. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952.
One of America's leading clergymen analyzes contemporary Ameri-
can culture and finds it wanting in a great many respects. Many of
his remarks concerning the mass culture are especially astringent.

Benedict, Ruth, Patterns of Culture. New York: Penguin Books, 1946.
For purposes of this discussion, the specific materials on preliterate
peoples are not as important as the generalizations concerning the
ways in which a culture pattern is organized.

25 Cf. Meyer F. Nimkoff, "Technology, Biology, and the Changing Family,"
American Journal of Sociology, July 1951, LVII, 20-26.

26 Clyde Kluckhohn, Mirror for Man (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Com-
pany, Inc., 1949), chap. 9.

THE FAMILY AND AMERICAN CULTURE 45

Bennett, John W. and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Life: Structure and
Function. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1948. An original anal-
ysis of American culture, with particular emphasis upon the mass
manifestations thereof.

Brinton, Crane, Ideas and Men. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950.
A thought-provoking analysis of the intellectual heritage of the
Western world.

Kluckhohn, Clyde, Mirror for Man. New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1949. Here is a stimulating non-technical treatment
of the contributions of anthropology to the problems of the modern
world.

Merrill, Francis E. and H. Wentworth Eldredge, Culture and
Society. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1952. Part I, "Culture and
Society," deals with the nature of culture in general and the Ameri-
can culture pattern in particular.

Riesman, David, The Lonely Crowd. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1950. This brilliant book is one of the most provocative analyses of
American culture to appear in recent years. The author views the
American pattern in terms of the combined insights of the sociolo-
gist, the social psychologist, and the psychiatrist.

Williams, Robin M., American Society. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1951. In a stimulating analysis, the society and culture of con-
temporary America are analyzed in terms of the major institutional
patterns.

«^ 3 5^5

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

IHE AFFINITY OF RELIGION and the family is very close. With
the possible exception of Confucianism, few religions maintain as
intimate a connection between family values and religious teachings
as does Christianity. The close relationship has been maintained since
the days of the Old Testament, and the succeeding teachings of
Christianity have been closely incorporated into the mores of the
family. In the long development of the family in Western European
and American culture, the role of the Christian Church has been
prominent. Although the close reciprocal relationship between church
and family has been considerably modified by the secular changes
taking place in our society, the teachings and precepts of historical
Christianity are still fundamental to the family. Religion is the first
element of the American culture pattern that calls for extensive
analysis to provide the social setting for our consideration of the
family.

The Family and Chrisfianity

The family has a place of central importance in the development
of the altruistic sentiments.^ Although it is theoretically possible that
love, benevolence, and altruism might have a purely secular basis, it
is clear that religion has always enshrined these ethical and moral
values and hence reinforced the role of the family. Religion is a way
of life closely related to the family. The precepts, creeds, and symbols
of religion are sanctioned by man's highest conception of the good
and are themselves an outgrowth of conduct with its taproots in
man's early family experience. We shall briefly indicate the evolu-
tion of family sentiments throughout the history of the Christian
doctrines.

1 Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York: The Macmillan Company, 19:17),
I, 145-46.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 47

The founder of Christianity was the social heir of a lofty concep-
tion of the Deity reached by the prophets of Judaism. The Old Testa-
ment represents this intellectual quest, which began with the notion
that God was a deity of war and cruelty, progressed to the belief that
He was a judge over weak and sinful man, and ended with the con-
ception of a God who achieved His purposes through all-embracing
and self-sacrificial love. He was not to be approached through the
institutional forms of temple sacrifices but, according to prophets
like Amos or Micah, by the individual directly through the medium
of a high standard of ethical behavior. Out of Hosea's marital and
other experiences came his notion that God is One of infinite forgive-
ness and love.

Building on these concepts, Jesus' approach to the world was pri-
marily individual rather than social. Love of God and love for the
brethren form, with the individual, an interconnected triangle, but
always with the individual as the starting point. If a man truly loves
God, he will express that love in his relationships with his fellow
men. Hence the kingdom will come universally, not so much in find-
ing God in love for the brethren but rather through love for the
brethren as a consequence of love for God. This approach to the in-
dividual man, together with his eschatological ideas (the notions of
the speedy catastrophic ending of the world and the coming of the
new world) freed Jesus from the necessity of presenting any blue-
prints for the reordering of human society. One looks in vain in his
teachings for any detailed program for the government of men or
nations or for an economic plan leading to more effective production
and distribution of goods. His intense concern for the spiritual regen-
eration of the individual was his substitute for social planning.

In spite of Jesus' lack of concern for the reordering of what today
would be termed social institutions, he did give many specific injunc-
tions with respect to marriage and the family. He taught that marriage
was indissoluble (Mark 10:11; Luke 16:18), with the possible excep-
tion of a situation where adultery was involved (Matthew 5:32).
Sexual intercourse was to be limited to married people, a doctrine
applied to men as well as to women. Consistent with his emphasis
on the inner spirit and motive, he went beyond the physical act of
infidelity and taught that mere desire was hazardous (Matthew 5:28) .

At the same time, the Master stressed certain loyalties as even
more imperious than family ties. A man might well have to sacrifice

48 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

a sacred duty to his father if higher spiritual demands called for it
(Luke 9:59, 60). Furthermore, in the higher realms of the spiritual
kingdom that was to be, there would be no marriage or giving in
marriage (Matthew 22:30), and men might have to make themselves
"eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake" (Matthew 19:12).

Far more important than any specific teachings concerning the
details of the social ordering of family life, however, was the manner
in which family relationships and experiences colored Jesus' teach-
ings. The conception of God as a heavenly father was central. This
meant the elevation of a simple familial relationship to a position of
divine importance. In contrast to the Old Testament, where only
eleven times is God mentioned as a father, this is the usual method
of reference in the New Testament.

Although the enlarged patriarchal family of early Hebrew society
had undergone some changes by Jesus' time, there still was no devi-
ation from the cardinal belief that the head of the family was the
father. From a sociological point of view this is worth noting; how-
ever great may have been the Master's affection for his mother, there
was no transference of this reverence to a conception of God as a
divine mother. In the development of the ecclesiastical institution
of the Church in the early and late Middle Ages, however, the saint
who was universally venerated was the Virgin Mary, the mother of
God. Although theologically never raised to the position of the God-
head, she became the universal symbol of mercy, pity, love, and in-
tercession in behalf of humanity.

A corollary of the teaching of the fatherhood of God was that of
the brotherhood of all men. This notion that all men are brothers is
also a simple familial relationship elevated to the cosmic level. The
Greek philosopher, Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school, several
centuries earlier had worked out a conception of the fundamental
unity of all mankind deriving from the sharing of each in a kind of
divine reason. The common man in Jesus' day, as in all ages, was not
attracted by the subtleties of abstract philosophical thought, but he
could understand an interpretation of the universe that was an en-
largement of his everyday experience. Jesus took the lowest common
denominator of human experience — the relationships of a normal fam-
ily life— and raised them to the lofty plane of an explanation of the
spiritual ordering of the universe. As Professor Groves puts it: "In an
elemental, everyday way, it provided the tutelage that was necessary

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 49

for the understanding of the spirit of love, as it flowered from the
fatherhood of God and expressed itself in the brotherhood of man." ^
The revolutionary character of Jesus' teaching can be appreciated
only against the background of the Messianic conceptions of the
Hebrew culture in which he labored and of whose historic expres-
sions he was the heir. The Hebrew interpretation of the coming of
the Messiah was that of one who would institute a revolt to throw
off the imperial shackles of the Roman administration. Utilizing the
concept of the Kingdom of God, the Master had to give it a mean-
ing quite distinct from its connotation to the respectably religious
Hebrews, for whom it signified merely a political kingdom. By his
constant insistence on the inner motive and spirit, on the dignity
and worth of the individual person, and by his illustrations of these
truths drawn from domestic life, he changed the meaning of the
kingdom from a political to a spiritual one. Many of his parables,
which served as vehicles for his teachings, had a familial setting as
their starting point. The householder and his servants, the invitation
to the wedding feast, the prodigal son— these are examples of the
manner in which Jesus utilized family situations to express spiritual
truths.

The Family and the Church

In a study of marital adjustment, Burgess and Cottrell examined
the religious interests and affiliations of some 526 couples. Informa-
tion was obtained on church affiliation, attendance at church and
Sunday school services, place of marriage, and the officiant at the
wedding. Using a threefold classification of marital adjustment (good,
fair, and poor), they found that husbands and wives reporting no
church affiliation at marriage rated below the average in good adjust-
ment. Where husbands and wives reported no early attendance at
Sunday school or where they ceased such activities after ten years of
age, there was a much smaller proportion of successful marital ad-
justments than among those indicating attendance for 19 to 25 years
or longer.^

In the matter of early church attendance, those husbands who at-

2 Ernest R. Groves, Christianity and the Family (New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1942), pp. 10-n.

3 Ernest W. Burgess and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Predicting Success ox Fail-
ure in Marriage (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939), pp. 122 ff.

50 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

tended frequently prior to their marriage had a more favorable ad-
justment score than those who signified no or infrequent attendance.
Marriages performed in church or parsonage had a better chance of
success than those performed elsewhere. This does not mean that
there is anything magical about a wedding held under religious aus-
pices. Rather, it would seem to indicate that people with sufficiently
strong religious interests to lead them to marry under church auspices
have a better-than-average chance for successful adjustment. Mem-
bers of families where great store is set on religious sentiments are
apparently more likely to develop into the type of mature personali-
ties that can make a success of marital and family adjustments.'*

The couples in this study were predominantly urban, middle-class,
native-white, Protestant Americans with a high school education or
better. As such, they were representative of the middle-class family,
which is the central subject of our study. Although they were pri-
marily Protestant, this fact in itself apparently had but slight bearing
on the problem of adjustment. Sects or denominations are the ex-
ternal agencies for expressing the multiplicity of human interpreta-
tions of the important religious needs of man. In fashioning the per-
sonality in terms of potential marital adjustment, these fundamental
religious interests, rather than the particular form, are the important
factors. Religion may express certain more basic personality factors
and hence cannot be fully considered in isolation. As Burgess and
Cottrell are careful to point out, "Religious identification and activity
may be taken as an index of social and personal attitudes," ^ rather
than as constituting in themselves a fundamental adjustment factor.

The affinity between the Christian religion and the family has been
in evidence from the very beginning. During twenty centuries of
growth and change, however, so much emphasis has been placed on
the foTms of religious life that the basic content has been lost, or at
least adumbrated. This can be seen in terms of the relationships be-
tween the modern church and the family, as compared with the
American scene of only two centuries ago. In the colonial New Eng-
land town, the church represented the center of the intellectual,
social, and recreational life of the community, as well as the religious.
The clergyman was frequently the best educated man of the town
and as such was looked to for leadership in ci\'ic affairs. The church

*Ibid., pp. 125-26.
5 Ibid., p. 122.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 51

was the regular gathering place not only for religious services but for
social fellowship as well. The home took for granted that daily Bible
reading and family prayers were as essential as food and drink. The
church was the community welfare agency, the center for the care of
the poor, the sick, and the unfortunate.

The church still stands in the geographical center of the New Eng-
land town. But the clergyman is no longer the only educated man
in the town; he now shares this distinction with a host of others. A
secular society provides community centers for entertainment, fel-
lowship, and recreation. An industrialized economy does not lend
itself to family gatherings for Bible reading and prayers, and the de-
parture from certain formal aspects of such practices is a further
result of increasing secularization.^ The church now serves as an ad-
junct to public agencies charged with social welfare, rather than as
a leader in the dispensation of charity. Education is no longer under
the aegis of the religious fellowships, except in those communities
where specific church schools are separately supported and main-
tained.

In the face of these radical changes, the statement is frequently
made that the family no longer performs any religious functions and
the Church has lost its raison d'etre in relation to the family. This
contention, however, ignores certain obvious facts. The Christian
heritage has exercised a strong influence on the development of
American culture. Much of the stimulus for humanitarian, charitable,
and social welfare work has therefore derived from the Christian
ethic, however much such activities may now be carried on in the
name of state, community, or other political agents. Sunday schools
and parochial schools have taken over the functions of providing reli-
gious education formerly supplied by the more integrated family
group.

But the chief error in assuming that the church and the family are
no longer interdependent is the confusing of form with substance.
Just as the organized forms of religion have been modified in the
transition from the predominantly rural New England of the seven-
teenth century to the urban-industrial society of the twentieth cen-
tury, so the family and the home have been influenced by the same
group of social factors. In this process of social changes, the types of

^ Ernest W. Burgess, ed. The Adolescent in the Family (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1934), pp. 171-72.

52 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

interaction between these two institutions have undergone substan-
tial modification.

Far more important than the nature of the interrelationship is the
content of the teachings of Christianity. Although the chief business
of the Church is to foster religious living, the chief agency for the
promulgation of religious values is the family. Only insofar as the
family promotes true community of living can there be any real hope
for the advancement of the community of all men. Regina W. Wie-
man states that "The family pursues its purpose out of a biologically
conditioned interest in the bringing of the personality of its members
to the highest fulfillment. The church pursues its purpose out of a
religiously conditioned interest in the bringing of life to highest ful-
fillment throughout the wider reaches. . . . These two institutions
work with the same purpose and the same material. The purpose is
human fulfillment, the material is human life." ^ Groves expresses
the same point in a somewhat different manner when he contends
that genuine spiritual experience is not something added to ordinary
life activities, but rather a transfiguring of such experiences.^

This intimate relationship of religion and the family has been evi-
denced throughout the development of Western society. The organ-
ized Church has signalized every crisis in the life history of the indi-
vidual by appropriate rites. The fully developed sacramental system
of the Catholic church bears abundant testimony to this relationship.
Birth, adolescence, marriage, and death are among the most critical
stages in the career of the individual. Religion does not merely take
cognizance of these crises but makes them the occasions around
which the ministrations of the religious organization revolve. There
is good reason why the beginning of each life is marked by that ex-
ternal sign of God's grace, the sacrament of baptism, and why, at the
other extreme, divine unction is administered. The sacraments of
confirmation, ordination, Eucharist or the Mass, penance, and mar-
riage provide spiritual assistance through the other vicissitudes of life.
All of these religious ministrations have some bearing upon the fam-
ily. Those with the most direct implications are the sacraments of
baptism and marriage.

■^Regina W. Wieman. The Modern Family and the Chinch, (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1937), p. 143.

* Groves, Christianity and the Family, p. 2y.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 53

The Church and Marriage

In the Burgess-Cottrell study of marital adjustment, 467 out of 518
couples reporting were married by a religious official, as compared
with only 51 couples who were joined in wedlock by civil officials.
This proportion compares favorably with the analysis of more than
750,000 marriages in the collection area in 1940 (embracing 28 states),
in which the religious ceremony outnumbered the civil by four to
one.^ Only a small proportion of the Burgess-Cottrell couples re-
ported Catholic affiliations, whereas more than half of them were
Protestants. This sampling would seem to indicate that, even where
marriage under church auspices is not mandatory, the powerful tra-
dition of seeking the blessing of religion on marriage is still very effec-
tive. For the Catholics, marriage is a divine institution, not created or
restored by man but by God; God is, furthermore, the author of the
lasting stability of the marriage bond, its unity and its firmness. This
doctrine makes it imperative that the Church as the custodian of the
sacrament must lend its benediction to a valid marriage.

Marriage as a sacrament, however, did not reach its full fruition
until some centuries after the foundation of the Church. In the early
period, there was a general acceptance of the prevailing Roman forms
of betrothal and marriage, although as early as the first century it was
considered desirable to seek a priestly benediction of the marriage.
This benediction was not regarded as compulsory and marriages with-
out it were not thereby handicapped. The custom gradually devel-
oped by which the newly wedded couple, after the nuptials were con-
cluded, attended religious services. This led after a time to the intro-
duction of prayers that had a special bearing on the wedding. By the
eighth century, the bride-mass was present. This occurred after the
wedding and consisted of receiving the benediction of the Church.
In the tenth century, it had become the rule to observe, on the porch
of the church, the so-called temporal features of the marriage, such
as the consent of the parties and the assignment of the wife's dower.
These were followed immediately by entrance into the church and
the religious observances.

The completion of the control of marriage by the ecclesiastical
arm occurred when the clergy assumed the prerogative of joining the

^ U.S. Bureau of the Census, Vital Statistics — Special Reports, Preliminary
Marriage Statistics foi 28 States: 1940, March 21, 1942 Vol. 15, No. 19, p. 203.

54 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

two. They did so by assuming the right of the gUta, which had al-
ways been the privilege of the parent or guardian and consisted in
the bestowal of the bride on the groom. Here is the genesis of that
question which occurs to this day in some wedding ceremonies:
"Who giveth this woman to be wedded to this man?" When the
embarrassed father answers, he thereby consigns to the ecclesiastical
representative the exclusive privilege of uniting the couple in wed-
lock.

The revolt of the sixteenth century against the Catholic church
left the form of wedlock much as it had been. What Protestantism
did was to renounce the sacramental nature of marriage. This is still
the essential difference between the churches. For Luther, condi-
tioned as a good Catholic, there was a fundamental contradiction in
his thinking that served to arm both the opponents and the propo-
nents of the sacramental nature of marriage. The Wittenberg profes-
sor could not escape the conviction that marriage was "ordained and
founded by God," a "most spiritual status"; yet at the same time he
renounced its sacramental character and wanted to turn over all such
matters to the temporal powers.

It remained for the Cromwellian era in England, under the influ-
ence of the Puritans and more especially the Independents, to di-
vorce marriage completely from its religious connections. This was
done by the Civil-Marriage Act of 1653. This complete severance of
marriage from religion was revoked with the Restoration, when the
conditions that prevailed prior to the Commonwealth were restored.
Although denying the sacramental nature of marriage, the Anglican
church maintained its role in respect to the form of marriage; in the
Hardwicke Act of 1753, it made a religious ceremony obligatory with
minor exceptions.

This brief historical summary explains why, for the greater part of
the seventeenth century, Massachusetts and other New England
colonies denied to the Church any place in marriage and declared it
to be only a civil contract. The radical Separatists of Plvmouth, with
their Dutch background, and the less revolutionary Puritans were
here carrying to its logical culmination the denial of the holv charac-
ter of marriage. The following Massachusetts statute of 1646 sounds
strange today: "no person whatsoever in this jurisdiction, shall joyne
any persons together in Marriage, but the Magistrate, or such other
as the General Court, or Court of Assistants shall Authorize in such

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 55

place, where no Magistrate is near." Equally strange is the statute of
1692, authorizing all settled ministers to solemnize marriage. In
Rhode Island, it was not until 1733 that "the settled and ordained
ministers and elders of every society and denomination of Christians
were permitted to join persons in Marriage." ^^

From that time to the present day, it has been the practice in
American society to recognize the validity of marriage performed
either under the auspices of the church or the civil authorities. The
complete separation of church and state and the grant of tolerance to
all religious groups did not alter this arrangement. The natural con-
cern of the public authority over the change in status of its citizens
accompanying marriage has caused the state to insist that this change
be socially announced by securing a license to marry. The state has
also been concerned that every marriage be made a matter of public
record, not merely for the purpose of providing adequate vital statis-
tics but also to insure the proper legal rights of children and heirs.

This apparent overlapping of interest between civil and ecclesiasti-
cal authorities has not caused any particular difficulty. The Catholic
church, whose constituency must wed under the aegis of the religious
organization, has always recognized the contractual characteristic as
well as the sacramental nature of marriage. The first is served by the
temporal power, whereas the second can be satisfied only by the reli-
gious power. The Quakers, who dispense with any ofEciant, have
never found any difficulty in conforming to the demands of the state.

In the face of these secular trends, the question naturally arises,
"Why is it that the majority of people continue to regard marriage
as something that comes within the domain of religion rather than
simply a contract, comparable to other contractual phases of life?"
Some persons contend that the continuing desire for a religious mar-
riage is merely a survival of an earlier era. It is more likely, however,
that most people intuitively regard marriage as much more than a
contract, even in a social system where many relationships are on a
contractual level. Commitment to a lifelong relationship such as
marriage, fraught with the future responsibilities of intelligent par-
enthood, is no ordinary contract, even if the participants cannot ac-
cept the sacred derivation of the relationship. In any event, it is clear
that for many people the association of religion and marriage is still

* ^^ George E. Howard, A History oi Matrimonial Institutions, 3 vols. (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1904), Cf. I, 287 ff. and II, 133, 138.

56 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

very real. This reality is present, no matter what varying interpreta-
tions may be given to the words: "Into this holy estate, these two
persons come now to be joined"; and "Whom God hath joined to-
gether, let no man put asunder."

The Protestant Ethic and the Family

For the past four centuries the general movement in the Western
world has been from a religious to a secular, scientific attitude toward
the universe. In his study of social dynamics, Sorokin concludes that
the bonds that held society together in the medieval world were
essentially iamiUstic, as opposed to the compulsory and contractual
bonds that characterize the modern era.^^ When the Christian reli-
gion, as embodied in the universal church, was the central organizing
principle of the culture pattern, it was to be expected that social
relationships would be predominantly familistic in character.^^ Illus-
trations of the trend from the familistic to the contractual were the
recognition of marriage as a contract rather than a sacrament, the
rights of the individuals to make their own choice of marital partners,
the "contract" theories of government, the contractual bases of eco-
nomic and business relationships, and more recently the compulsory
nature of totalitarianism.

These major social changes arose during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. In the larger perspective, the Protestant revolt, with its em-
phasis on the priesthood of all believers, was the religious facet of a
total cultural shift that was marked by equally striking social, politi-
cal, and economic changes. This does not, necessarily, imply that the
Protestant ethic was the basic factor giving rise to an individualistic
capitalism, as Max Weber contends. ^^ Freedom was in the cultural
"air" of the age and the demand for religious freedom proved to be
only one of such elements. When Luther nailed his 95 theses on the
door of the Castle Church at Wittenberg in the year 1517, he was
indeed striking a powerful blow for religious freedom. That he him-
self was quite unaware of the total spirit of the age is evidenced by
the fact that, when the Peasants' revolts struck a comparable blow in

11 Pitirim A. Sorokin, SociaJ and Cultural Dynamics (New York: American
Book Company, 1937), III, chaps. 1-3. Cf. also Carle C. Zimmerman, Family
and CiviJjzah'on (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947).

1- Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, op. cit.

^3 Max Weber, The Pwtestant Ethic and the Spirit oi Capitahsm, trans. Tal-
cott Parsons (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1930).

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 57

another area of life, he was violent in his denunciation of their con-
duct.

Individual marital choice was encouraged by Luther's hearty af-
firmation of marriage itself as a fit state for man and woman. In strik-
ing contrast to the grudging acceptance of the marital state by the
early Church Fathers, he exclaimed rapturously: "O what a great rich
and magnificent blessing there is in the married state; what joy is
shown to man in matrimony by his descendants." ^^ The glories of
chastity and celibacy could not be accepted by this former Augustin-
ian monk. At the same time, Luther remained essentially medievalist
in his outlook. Although he renounced the Church in favor of the
individual priesthood of the believer, his movement ended in the
establishment of a state-church.

As applied to marriage and the family, the teachings of John Cal-
vin were more consistently radical than those of Luther. Calvin be-
lieved that all celibacy, including that of the clergy, was an unnatural
state and that men and women who had taken the veil should, like
Luther and the nun Katharine von Bora, renounce the vow of celi-
bacy and marry. Calvin sanctioned divorce under the stress of inca-
pacity for sexual intercourse, desertion, and "extreme religious in-
compatibility." He also maintained that marriage was not a sacrament
any more than "agriculture, architecture, and shoemaking," which
are worthy institutions, "legitimate ordinances of God," but no sac-
raments.^^ Freedoms such as these have become so integral a part of
our heritage that we take them for granted, unmindful of the long
and slow process by which they evolved from the absolutism of feu-
dalism.

Upon the crucial matter of individual choice for young people
wishing to marry, Calvin was apparently uncertain. He wavered be-
tween a strict parental determination of the marital contract and
considerable freedom to the prospective husband and wife to marry
whom they chose. On the side of strict parental choice, he stated
that "Since marriage forms a principal part of human life, it is right
that in contracting it, children should be subject to their parents and
should obey their counsel." ^^ Calvin feared that the "tender and

^* Quoted by Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family
(Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1917), I, 22.

^5 Georgia Harkness, John Calvin (New York: Henry Holt and Company,
1931), p. 138.

^^ Quoted from Calvin, Opera, by Harkness, p. 141.

58 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

slippery age" of adolescence might lead young people astray into un-
suitable marriages contracted in the heat of youthful concupiscence.

Other Calvinistic interpretations of the marital code were more
liberal. These allowed considerable freedom to the amorous couple,
provided they had reached the legal age for marriage ( twenty for men
and eighteen for the women) and hence were presumably qualified
to judge their own intentions. If the parents refused permission for
such a young couple to marry, the matter might be referred to the
Consistory, the ecclesiastical body whose special function was to rep-
resent the Church on matters of faith, morals, and kindred matters.
This body might then summon the recalcitrant parents and instruct
them to give their consent to the match. If the parents still refused
to sanction the marriage, the young couple could marry anyhow,
without the parental blessing. This was individual freedom with a
vengeance and represented a standard of self-determination in the
marital contract considerably higher than that of many Puritan the-
ologians who followed Calvin.^^

Here, then, were the beginnings of the modern emphasis on con-
tractual, as opposed to the familistic, bonds that formerly provided
the cement of the social structure. The simultaneous growth of Prot-
estantism, capitalism, and individualism offers a striking commentary
on the interdependence of culture. The areas of the New World in
which the spirit of economic gain most closely accompanied the in-
dividual search for religious salvation have also been those in which
individual choice, as an indispensable prerequisite for marriage, in-
sinuated itself into the mores of the middle and lower classes. All
phases of the culture pattern participated in these changes, including
the notion that government itself is at root a compact among indi-
viduals. The principal concomitant variation in all of these aspects is
that of individual freedom, the ability to make the basic choices in
life rather than have them made by custom, church, or parents.

The Nature of the Sex Mores

Many years ago, William Graham Sumner coined the term "folk-
ways" to describe those customary ways of behaving in society arising
from the interaction of individuals seeking to answer life's basic
needs. ^^ These customary modes of behavior assume added signifi-

17 Ibid.

1* William Graham Sumner, Folkways (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1906).

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 59

cance when the notion of group welfare is attached to them. When
the group beheves that the violation of the folkways will endanger
the well-being of the whole, the folkways have thereby imperceptibly
advanced to what Sumner called the "mores." Mores are those ac-
cepted forms of behavior whose violation must be prevented in order
that the group itself may not be endangered. ^^

The story does not end here. Though mores may have grown out
of social living, man has often attributed to supernatural powers the
original dictation of these codes of behavior. Tremendous power has
been lent to the mores by the fact that they have had behind them
the sanction of the spirit world or the Deity. "Honor the Sabbath
day and keep it holy" is a divine commandment, setting aside one day
in seven as being especially sacred. In a secular age, it may be con-
tended that the reason for the practice has been that individual and
group well-being is best promoted by the dedication of one day in
seven to rest, relaxation, and contemplation. This rational and social
explanation, however, does not explain the supernatural sanctions for
this practice afforded by divine agency.

One of the most significant intellectual revolutions of modern
times has followed the studies of sex behavior initiated by Sigmund
Freud, Havelock Ellis, and others. The revolution has consisted not
so much in any discovery of the relative importance of sex in human
life, for man had intuitively realized its significance for countless
generations. What these pioneers have done has been to free the sub-
ject from the repressive silence that has surrounded it and to make
initial forays in the direction of its scientific study. Perhaps the rea-
son these students have been so maligned is not their excessive en-
thusiasm or the ridiculous conclusions drawn by many of their over-
zealous followers, but rather the same kind of opposition that has
greeted every attempt to study scientifically phenomena regarded as
outside the domain of such study.

Considerable attention will be given later to contemporary efforts
to promote education for marriage and family living. Such programs,
whether in clinics, schools or study groups, devote a reasonable pro-
portion of time to the frank and open discussion of sex adjustments
in marriage, the psychosexual development of the individual from
infancy to maturity, and the bearing of the sex urge on personality.

19 Ibid., p. 30.

6o THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

The fact that churches and clergymen are becoming increasingly
active in promoting such education reveals a growing appreciation
of the simple dictum that knowledge is a better guide to successful
living than ignorance. It is also a frank recognition of the fact that
sex, in and of itself, is not sinful. When this movement has gained
momentum, violations of the sex code may begin to take their right-
ful place alongside other transgressions of the moral code, rather than
occupying the unique position of the greatest of all wrongs. For all
too many people, the word immoral primarily suggests a sexual
offense.

Society and social order at all times are dependent on the control
and direction of the drives of the biological man. The notion that
man's inherent urges and drives should be given free and untram-
meled expression is a completely unworkable figment of the imagi-
nation. With no social control and direction in the interests of the
group as a whole, there would be no social order. No society has ever
been found without some devices for controlling and canalizing the
sex drive. Belief that primitive societies allow the unregulated expres-
sion of sex will be thrice exploded upon examination of any textbook
in anthropology.^*^

A re-examination in the light of modern knowledge of the socially
inherited mechanisms of control as applied to the sex drive is taking
place at the present time.^^ The real problem is to discover more
rational methods of control supported by powerful social sanctions
to replace those devices adapted to a social milieu that took for
granted supernatural dictates. Since marriage is the focal point around
which the received sex codes have been oriented, the systems of social
control for keeping the sex impulse within bounds consist of such
devices as: (i) attitudes with respect to chastity and virginity; (2)
laws aimed at checking premarital and extramarital sex relations,
notably fornication, rape, and adultery; (3) the social ostracism and
lack of legal protection associated with the birth of children out of
wedlock; (4) laws to prevent the "unnatural" expression of the sex
drive.

2» Geoffrey May, Social Control oi Sex Expression (New York: William
Morrow and Co., 1931).

21 Sylvanus M. Duvall, Men, Women and Morals (New York: Association
Press, 1952), chaps. 1-3.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 6i

The Church and the Sex Mores

The first of these is of prime importance. How did it come about
that chastity was widely regarded as the highest form of sex purity?
The answer is to be found in the dominant role in the intellectual
formulation of the Christian ethic played by the early Church Fathers.
They were themselves the cultural heirs of the following ideas and
practices : ( i ) survivals of primitive taboos on sex in the life and
teaching of the Hebrews; (2) ascetic cults which practiced rigid de-
nial of the demands of the body; (3) the philosophical dualism of
Greek thought which drew a sharp distinction between soul and
body, making the former akin to the divine and the latter the source
of all evil. These three cultural streams — Primitive-Hebrew, Ascetic,
and Greek— came together in the minds of the earliest intellectual
creators of Christianity, living in a Roman milieu characterized by an
excessive and socially harmful sex license. The result was a series of
pronouncements on sex that have exerted a powerful and continuous
influence on Western ways of life down to the present.

The early Church Fathers stood on the cultural watershed from
which issued these dominant social attitudes. Whereas the utter-
ances of Jesus concerning marriage and sex were meager and ambigu-
ous, there was no lack of conviction in Paul's statements: "Never-
theless, to avoid fornication, let every man have his own wife and
every woman her own husband. . . ." "But I speak this by permission
and not by commandment ... for I would that all men were even
as I myself." (Paul was unmarried.) "I say therefore to the unmar-
ried and widows, it is good for them if they abide even as I. But if
they cannot contain, let them marry; for it is better to marry than to
burn." 22

In the beginning the Church Fathers seemed to have had a fairly
high regard for marriage. Clement of Alexandria spoke of marriage
as "a sacred image to be kept pure from those things which defile it."
Ignatius maintained the purity of the marriage state. From the third
century, however, an increasingly grudging acceptance of marriage
developed. Three degrees of sex purity came to be distinguished:
(1) the virgin state; (2) celibacy, or denial voluntarily adopted after
marriage or after the death of husband or wife; ( 3 ) marriage, or the
lowest form of sex purity.

22 1 Corinthians, vii: 1-9.

62 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

Tertullian echoed Paul's thought and carried it to its logical con-
clusion when he said: "The Lord Himself said— 'Whoever has seen
a woman with a view to concupiscence, has already violated her in
his heart.' But has he who has seen her with a view to marriage done
so less or more? . . . Accordingly the best thing for a man is not to
touch a woman, and accordingly the virgin's is the principal sanctity,
because it is free from affinity with fornication." ^^

Cyprian uttered the following paean of praise to virginity and
chastity: "Chastity is the dignity of the body, the ornament of moral-
ity, the sacredness of the sexes, the bond of modesty, the source of
purity, the peacefulness of home, the crown of concord. . . . What
else is virginity than the glorious preparation for the future life? . . .
Virginity is the continuance of infancy. Virginity is the triumph over
pleasures." ^* This kind of exaltation of the virgin state meant that
in theory the Church placed the welfare of the individual soul above
the necessity for the perpetuation of the race. But it would be a grave
error to think that these leaders did not perceive that, if everyone
followed this principle, man would speedily eliminate himself from
the earth. Their insight into human nature told them that the vast
majority of people would find these dictates too exacting to be will-
ing or able to follow them.

The Fathers therefore drew a distinction between the advice and
the requirements of the Gospel. For the few who were capable of
what they regarded as the highest courage and virtue, chastity would
be willingly accepted. For the many who lacked the requisite moral
bravery, marriage would continue to be the expression of their lives.
This gives the only possible explanation of what was otherwise a flat
contradiction; namely, that the Church was willing to elevate to the
sacramental position that state which represented the lowest form of
virtue— marriage.

The canons of judgment applicable to the twentieth century can-
not have the same validity when applied to the ideas and practices of
the fifth century, or vice versa. From the early Church Fathers to
Freud, however, there is more continuity than is immediately appar-
ent. Someone has epitomized the change from the fifth to the twen-

23 Tertullian, On Exhortation to Chastity, Ante-Nicene Library; Alexander
Roberts and James Donaldson, eds. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1869), XVIII,

2^ Cyprian, Oi the Discipline and Advantage of Chastity, ibid., XIII, 255-57.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 63

tieth century as a movement from "sex repression to sex obsession."
This is onJy partially true. The end product of the earlier preoccupa-
tion with sex was certainly repression; the end product of the modern
concern with sex is yet to appear, although a by-product of the cur-
rent emphasis has proved to be for some a cult of neoromantic self-
expression.

At both ends of the time interval, however, sex has been an obses-
sion. The Church Fathers worked out a religious scheme of control
which was one of complete denial or repression. The Freudians and
related schools, equally impressed with the all-pervading influence of
sex, have conducted exploratory scientific investigations with the ulti-
mate objective of social control through intelligent direction. The
early Church Fathers and the modern students of sex alike appre-
ciate that sex is an all-pervasive phenomenon and that the need
for its control is a social constant.

Contemporary religious organizations have responded to the modi-
fication in the principles of repression resulting from accumulated
knowledge. Religious teachings clearly recognize the twofold aspect
of sex functioning: namely, its purpose as applied to procreation and
its importance apart therefrom. The Catholic position is a clear ex-
pression of this changing emphasis. Although still adhering to the
principle that sex is primarily for purposes of procreation, it admits
the secondary significance of the normal expression of the sex drive.
"For in matrimony as well as in the use of matrimonial rights," says
Pius XI, "there are also secondary ends, such as mutual aid, the culti-
vating of mutual love, and the quieting of concupiscence which hus-
band and wife are not forbidden to intend so long as they are sub-
ordinated to the primary end and so long as the intrinsic nature of
the act is preserved." ^^

The Committee on Marriage and the Home of the former Federal
Council of the Churches of Christ in America speaks for a large pro-
portion of American Protestants. The Committee puts it this way:
"In conception we are in the presence of the wonder and mystery of
the beginnings of human life. . . . But in sex relations between hus-
band and wife we are also in the presence of another mystery. . . .
We have here the passing of shame and the realization of the mean-
ing of sex in divine economy, which makes the union of the two

25 Cash' Connubif — Christian Marriage, Encyclical of Pope Pius XI (New
York: The America Press, 1936), p. 18.

64 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

mates a supreme expression of their affection and comradeship. . . .
There is general agreement also that sex union between husbands
and wives as an expression of mutual affection, without relation to
procreation, is right. This is recognized by the Scriptures, by all
branches of the Christian church, by social and medical science, and
by the good sense and idealism of mankind." ^^

Chrisfianity and the Role of Woman

Nothing seems more natural today than that woman should be
taking her rightful place alongside man as an equal. In American
society, woman is at the end of a century of struggle which has yielded
her proximation to man in legal, political, educational, and social
rights. This movement for democratic equality will constitute the
subject of a separate discussion. At this point the relation of religion
to the position of woman is the sole concern. Her complete equality
with man seems to many of the Christian churches nothing more
than a logical carrying out of the fundamental dictum of Jesus that
every individual is a child of the Heavenly Father and therefore the
spiritual equal of every other individual.

The spiritual import of Jesus' teaching was one thing; its practical
application was quite another. Hebrew society was rigidly patriarchal
both in family organization and in the larger social pattern. The
Roman imperial world into which Paul carried the Palestinian Gos-
pel was likewise patriarchal. Certain modifications had been taking
place in Roman law and practice prior to Christianity in limiting the
extreme power of the Roman family patriarch, the patria potestas. In
spite of these changes, however, the Roman family was still patri-
archal. To this day, the society of the Eastern Mediterranean is pre-
dominantly a man's world.

As in the matter of the sex mores, it was not Jesus who set the
stage for the early Church attitude to woman, but rather the Apostle
Paul. The founder of Christianity, in precept and example, on the
whole accorded to woman a high degree of spiritual equality. Even
though he appears not to have questioned the patriarchal form of
social organization, Jesus associated with all kinds and classes of
women, treated them with respect and kindness, accepted their min-
istrations, and did not descend to the abuse of their sex.

26 Statement of the Committee on Marriage and the Home, Federal Council
of Churches of Christ in America, 1931.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 65

In Paul, however, a different keynote prevails. "Let women be sub-
ject to their husbands as to the Lord, because the husband is the
head of the wife, as Christ is the head of the Church. . . ." "Man
is the image and glory of God: but woman is the glory of the man."
Wives were to be obedient to their husbands, in recognition of their
inferior status, but at the same time husbands were to give "honor to
the wife as unto a weaker vessel." -^ It was not man but woman
(Eve) who succumbed to the primordial temptation in the Garden.
By this act she did not merely usher in "original sin" but involved
her own sex, as well as man, in its eternal consequences.

The condemnation of Tertullian is one of the most virulent expres-
sions of the inferiority and degradation of woman by the Church
Fathers: "And do you not know that you are (each) an Eve? The
sentence of God on this sex of yours lives in this age: the guilt must
of necessity live too. You are the devil's gateway: you are the un-
sealer of that (forbidden) tree: you are the first deserter of that
divine law: you are she who persuaded him whom the devil was not
valiant enough to attack." ^^ These harsh words were sufficiently typi-
cal of the prevalent attitude toward woman to lead Lecky to sum-
marize the opinion of the early Christian intellectuals as follows:
"Woman was represented as the door of hell, as the mother of all
human ills. She should be ashamed at the very thought that she is a
woman. She should live in continual penance, on account of the
curses she has brought upon the world." ^^

With such attitudes, it was natural that women should be denied
the privileges of religious teaching and any major role in the leader-
ship and administration of Church affairs. Even to this day, a large
and powerful segment of Christendom is unwilling to accord to
woman a position of complete equality with man. Spiritual equality
may, it is true, be involved in the Catholic teaching with respect to
"honorable, noble obedience," but not complete individual and social
equality. The relationships of subordination and superordination be-
tween the sexes are clearly indicated in the following statement by Leo
XIII. "The man is the ruler of the family and the head of the
woman, but because she is flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone,

2^^ See I Corinthians, xi: 7-9; I Timothy, ii:i4.

28 Quoted by Willystine Goodsell, A History of Marriage and the Family rev.
ed. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), p. 170.

2^ W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1870), II, 357-58.

66 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

let her be subject and obedient to the man not as a servant but as
a companion, so that nothing be lacking of honor or of dignity in
the obedience which she pays." ^"

The last two centuries have done much to raise the position of
women in European and American society. This movement is so im-
portant that we shall devote considerable attention to the various
political, economic, and social factors that have recently combined
to bring it about, both within and without the family. The age-old
belief in the inferiority of woman and her consequent subordination
to man is rapidly changing before her demonstrable ability to keep
pace with man in an ever-increasing number of activities. The ulti-
mate implications of this changing attitude upon the family and the
larger society are incalculable.

The Survival Value of Religion in the Family

The Christian religion has been an important part of the American
culture pattern, even though social change has modified the Christian
heritage both as to form and substance. Religion in its organized form
once endeavored to repress or sublimate the sex urge in the interest
of purity. The Church has changed its attitude towards the sex drive
and contraception in many respects. In its earlier history Christianity
assigned to woman an inferior status in the family and society, but
in our time there is a revival of the recognition of the dignity of every
human being, a characteristic of the teachings of Christ. To compare
the role of the Church in the community of colonial times with its
role today is to miss the fundamental relationship between religion
and the family. It is much more to the point to emphasize the Chris-
tian exaltation of familial sentiments and relationships to the level
of universal significance.

It is impossible, of course, to arrive at any quantitative measure-
ment of the relationships between the contemporary family and reli-
gion. In the realm of personality formation, values, and philosophy
of life, this kind of precision is difficult in the present state of knowl-
edge.^^ Statistics on church membership and attendance reveal little
concerning the part that religious beliefs play in the actual lives of

, ^^ Cash' Connubii — Christian Marriage, p. 9.

31 For an interesting attempt to assess the role of religion in the contemporary
Catholic family, see John L. Thomas, "Religious Training in the Roman Cath-
olic Family," American Journal oi Sociology, September 1951, LVII, 178-83.

THE FAMILY AND RELIGION 6^

people. When the Lynds were studying rehgious loyalties as ex-
pressed in church attendance, they asked themselves why the resi-
dents of Middletown continued to go to church. One answer they
gave to their own query was that many people still find in the church
certain abiding values in a world characterized by change and insta-
biHty.32

Human beings need this feeling of security to which religion has
ever ministered. In the promulgation of personal ideals, the Christian
religion will continue to have an important place. In the everyday
interaction of the members of a family, furthermore, there is con-
stant need for those sentiments of love, affection, loyalty, and altru-
ism which religion at its best has ever fostered. Individuals will con-
tinue to marry under religious auspices on the ground that marriage
is something more than a mere contract. Other crises in the life his-
tory of the individual will continue to emphasize the significance of
religious experience or its equivalent. "Man does not live by bread
alone." ^^

SELECTED BIBLIOCRAPHY

Bell, Bernard I., Crowd Culture, chap. 3. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1952. This devastating account of contemporary American
culture is written by one of the nation's leading clergymen. In the
chapter under discussion, his strictures on the state of religion in
modern society are especially pertinent.

DuvALL, Sylvanus M., Men, Women, and Morals. New York: Associa-
tion Press, 1952. Written in a popular style, this discussion is a
timely effort to utilize modern scientific knowledge and insight as
guides to sexual conduct and standards.

Groves, Ernest R., Christianity and the Family. New York: The Mac-
millan Company, 1942. The family as an ally of Christianity and
the Church as an ally of the family are the subjects for discussion
in this book.

Howard, George E., A History of Matrimonial Institutions, 3 vols.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1904. Although written half
a century ago, this study is still an indispensable reference guide to
the history of marriage and divorce in the Western world.

NiEBUHR, Reinhold, The Nature and Destiny of Man, 2 vols. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1941-43. A leading contemporary theolo-

32 Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown in Transition (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1937).

33 For a further analysis of the role of organized religion in contemporary
American culture, see Bernard Iddings Bell, Crowd Culture (New York: Harper
& Brothers, 1952), chap. 3, "The Church."

68 THE FAMILY AND RELIGION

gian assesses present answers to ultimate questions relative to God,
man, and the universe.

ScHMiEDELER, Edgar, An Introductory Study of the Family, rev. ed.
New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1947. A standard Catho-
lic exposition on marriage and the family in the modern world.

SoROKiN, PiTiRiM A., SociaJ and Cultural Dynamics, 4 vols. New York:
American Book Company, 1937-41. Volume III of this monumental
treatise contains many suggestive insights as to the predominant
familial relationships characteristic of the Medieval Religious Syn-
thesis.

Thomas, John L., "Religious Training in the Roman Catholic Family,"
American Journal of Sociology, September 1951, LVII, 178-83.
This is a study, conducted under Catholic auspices, of the role of
certain traditional religious dogmas and observances in the con-
temporary Catholic family.

Troeltsch, Ernest, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches,
2 vols. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1931. An excellent
analysis of the historical interrelations of the teachings of the
Church and various aspects of the culture of the Western world,
including the family.

Wieman, Regina W., The Modern Family and the Church. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1937- Points to the need for a new orientation
of both church and family in cooperative endeavors to aid in human
fulfillment.

'■^ 4 §^J

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

Individualism is a basic characteristic of American society.
The goals and aspirations at the heart of the American culture pat-
tern are those of individual freedom and individual attainment. The
family has naturally been affected by these pervasive cultural norms.
Each person is expected to choose his own mate, live in his own
home, decide upon his own career, make up his own mind as to the
number of children he wants, and, finally, to decide whether his mar-
riage will continue. At every stage in the marital process, from ini-
tial choice to possible dissolution, the concept of individualism is
central to the American family. In this chapter, we shall examine
some of the factors that have contributed to this insistence upon
the inalienable right of the individual to work out his own salvation
in marriage.

Individualism and the American Family

Individualistic conceptions of the family began in Europe, along
(vith many of the same forces that ultimately modified the social re-
lationships of feudalism and laid the foundation for economic and
political democracy. By virtue of a unique combination of geographi-
cal, cultural, and historical factors, these same forces in America pro-
duced a nation where individualistic democracy was to have the most
spectacular trial ever offered. Individual family choice has flourished
with democracy, as part and parcel of the social heritage of America.
The system of open classes, the absence of traditional economic and
social barriers, and the rough equality of the frontier combined to
make theoretically possible the marriage of any man to any woman.
The physical mobility of a nation whose frontier was moving con-
tinually westward throughout most of its development further tended
to dissolve many of the social ties that bound the American family

yo THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

to the family of the Old World. As a result of these and related
forces, democratic equality in both economic relations and marriage
flourished in the hospitable soil of America. With the admitted
faults of both systems, they cannot be separated. For better or worse,
democracy and family individualism are wedded for life.

The early democracy of the frontier was supplemented by the
atomistic individualism of the metropolis to dissolve further the tra-
ditional institutional controls holding the family together— controls
that had been progressively weakening since the rise of capitalism and
Protestantism. In a peasant society, the family is unified by ties of
landed property, social status, and similarity of interests. In a capi-
talistic society, landed property gives way to money, wages, salaries,
and the ownership of stocks and bonds. Social status yields to rela-
tions of contract, where the individual is increasingly motivated by
rationalistic and secular reasons for many of his activities, including
the choice of a mate. Similarity of interests, which arise in a stable
society from a similarity of social background, gives way to the highly
individualistic attractions of romantic love.

In our society, individual choice plays a basic role not only in the
original formation of the family but also in its continuance. Two per-
sons marry on the grounds of individual choice and often go to the
divorce courts on the same grounds. In the increasingly anonymous
and individualistic mobility of our society, the ties that formerly
bound the family together are for the most part conspicuously lack-
ing. When the family stands or falls on the grounds of individual
choice, much of its traditional stability is lost.

This high degree of individualism, born of the dissolution of the
traditional bonds of a feudal society and augmented by the way of
life of a frontier America, is perhaps the most important single factor
contributing to the disorganization of the contemporary family. For
individualistic marriage may lead to individualistic divorce. \Vhen
the husband and wife are convinced that happiness is the fundamen-
tal criterion of marriage, they are likely to come to the logical conclu-
sion that when the edge is worn off this first ecstatic feeling, some-
thing has happened to their marriage, and they must try again.

We shall consider some of the further implications of romantic
love below, both in connection with the original choice of a mate
and the continuance of the marriage when once initiated. We are

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 71

interested here in the elements of the romantic complex that derive
most directly from the individualism of our capitalistic ethic.

The individualism that is so integral a part of our cultural herit-
age is alternately extolled and condemned, depending upon the frame
of reference of the critic. Individualism in economic affairs is praised
as one of the most characteristically American aspects of the national
ethos. Individualism in marriage is also praised, at the same time that
its inevitable counterpart in divorce is heartily damned. The same
persons that are most firmly convinced of the wisdom of individual
choice as the best of all possible bases for marriage are equally vo-
ciferous in their denunciation of divorce— at least for reasons short
of acute alcoholism, adultery, or conviction for a felony. Something,
they insist, is wrong with our society when married couples flock to
the divorce courts at the rate of almost a half million per year, in
obvious abandon of the eternal principles of marital perpetuity. The
family is decaying, Godlessness is rampant, subversive influences are
at work undermining the sanctity of the American home. Many, al-
though by no means all, of these difficulties are merely individualistic
chickens coming home to roost. Having sowed the wind of individ-
ualism, we are reaping the whirlwind of family disorganization.^

Capitalism and Individual Freedom

America is a capitalistic country. The essential feature of the cap-
italistic point of view is a faith in individual action, whether in the
field of economic enterprise, religious salvation, or family relation-
ships. Events have long been moving in the direction of an increas-
ing central authority of the democratic state, whose influence upon
the life and functions of the family is evident on every side. Never-
theless, the ideology of individualism and capitalism is still a power-
ful element in the culture of America, where it has become en-
trenched through centuries of secular and religious example. Any ex-
amination of the cultural context within which the family in Amer-
ica has developed and now operates would be incomplete without a
consideration of the impact of this capitalistic way of life. The atti-
tudes inculcated in generations of Americans have been applied to
aspects of society which were unsuspected by the early businessmen
who first broke away from feudal relations. One of these unsuspected

1 Cf. Denis de Rougemont, Passion and Society (London: Faber and Faber,
Ltd., 1940).

72 THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

applications of the capitalistic ethic has been in the field of the
family.

Capitalism may be defined as a system of economic relations and
social attitudes "which rest on the expectation of profit by the util-
ization of opportunities for exchange, that is on (formally) peaceful
chances of profit." ^ The capitalistic way of life is thus "identical
with the pursuit of profit, and forever renewed profit, by means of
continuous, rational, capitalistic enterprise." ^ In his definitive essay
on the subject, Werner Sombart further characterized the capital-
istic ethic as follows: "The spirit or the economic outlook of cap-
italism is dominated by three ideas: acquisition, competition, and
rationality." * To round out the basic implications of the concept, the
elements of rational and competitive acquisition must be supple-
mented by that of freedom. Individual freedom has been a basic
characteristic of the capitalistic world outlook, from the early abor-
tive eflForts of the city traders to loosen the feudal fetters that limited
their activities to present-day pronouncements made in praise of the
complete economic freedom that allegedly existed in nineteenth-
century America.

The relationship between individual economic enterprise and the
modern American family appears, at first glance, extremely remote.
On closer examination, the connection becomes clearer. The world
outlook traditionally associated with capitalistic enterprise is cold,
rational, and unsentimental— superficially at the opposite end of the
emotional spectrum from the tender feelings embodied in the fam-
ily. Persons successful in capitalistic activities seem largely uninter-
ested in the gentler concerns of marriage and the family and are de-
picted in novels and motion pictures as so preoccupied with financial
considerations that they have no time for family life. In a wider sense,
however, the modern American is the child of capitalism in his fam-
ily affairs almost as completely as in his business activities. The
growth and expansion of capitalistic practice and ethics produced
an all-pervasive individualism and emancipation from traditional dic-
tates and familial domination that contributed directly to modern
conceptions of love, courtship, and the choice of a mate.

2 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London:
George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1930), p. 17.

3 Ibid.

* Werner Sombart, "Capitalism," Encyclopedia ot the Social Sciences (New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1930.)

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 73

This new freedom was not applied equally, at the same time, to all
persons. The old ways lingered for centuries in many areas of the
Old World, especially in those sections where religion and tradition
combined to keep popular education at a minimum and public en-
lightenment correspondingly retarded. The New World, with its
limitless natural resources, its high degree of social mobility, and its
insistence upon the rights of the individual, incorporated the prerog-
atives of free choice almost from the first. One of the contemporary
manifestations of this capitalistic individualism in the United States
is the highest divorce rate of any civilized country in the world.

The Secularization of the Family

The modification in the social structure that brought about this
emancipation in human relations was one of the most sweeping social
changes in history. The traditional forms of social control that deter-
mined the attitude and actions of the majority of persons during
the Middle Ages may be subsumed under the concept of social
status. The position in the feudal order into which the individual was
born— whether serfdom or nobility — had its own complex web of rights,
duties, and group expectations which each one acquired as a part of his
personality.

This elaborate pattern of folkways and mores bore an integral rela-
tionship to the patriarchal family that shared with the Church the
dominant power over the individual. As this joint power began to de-
cline with the increasing freedom that marked the rise of capitalistic
enterprise, a corresponding modification in the relationships clus-
tered about the family began to be evident. In his classic treatise on
the subject. Sir Henry Sumner Maine calls this movement a progres-
sion from status to contract.^

The decline in the authority of the family over its members so
evident in recent decades is thus not simply a development follow-
ing World War I. Neither is it an emancipation beginning with the
rise of the factory system in the eighteenth century, which first took
men, women, and children outside the home in large numbers.
Nor was it exclusively produced by the substitution of civil for re-
ligious authority, which came into being with the Reformation,
although we are now nearing the focal point of social change. This

5 Sir Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law, 10th ed. (London: John Murray,

1906).

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

contemporary loosening of the bonds of the family, to which persons
in all walks of life point with alarm, is rather the result of a social
development lasting more than a thousand years and accompanied
by fundamental changes in religious observances, economic activity,
political practice, and social custom.

As the traditional "reciprocity of rights and duties" that formerly
bound men together under a complete system of social status grad-
ually dissolved, its place as a cohesive influence in the social struc-
ture was taken by contract.^ If we take the concept of status as in-
cluding and derived from "the powers and privileges anciently re-
siding in the Family," the grand sweep of social evolution toward an
increasingly "progressive society" has thus been "a movement from
status to contract." '^

We are concerned with this progression in terms of its effect upon
the marriage relationship, with particular emphasis upon the element
of individual choice. A pertinent comment on the unsuspected forces
inherent in the mode of capitalistic production suggests that "By
changing all things into commodities, it dissolved all inherited and
traditional relations and replaced time-hallowed custom and his-
torical right by purchase and sale, by the 'free contract.' " ^ From
these utilitarian origins came the way of life that ultimately found
expression in the extreme individualism of contemporary marriage.

Capitalism and the Middle-Class Family

The role of the middle class in the determination of the new mores
was as important as it was extensive. The aristocracy and the patri-
archal family system were among the first institutions challenged by
the middle class. The absolutism of patriarchal attitudes was so seri-
ously shaken that it has never recovered its former prestige. The mid-
dle class was furthermore "in more than one land to destroy the
system of primogeniture. It was to displace the family as the eco-
nomic unit, landed property as the center of economic life. It was to
repudiate arranged marriage, establish love-choice, institute divorce,
refuse its moral sanctions to prostitution and polite adultery, and

6 Maine, Ancient Law, pp. 172-73.

7 Ibid.

8 Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and
Company, 1902), p. g6.

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 75

even undertake to secure paternal recognition and support for chil-
dren bom out of wedlock." ^

The significance of these changes was not immediately apparent
in all segments of middle-class society; many persons continued to
adapt their conduct to that of the feudal and patriarchal aristocracy,
even after the way of life that had produced these aristocratic mores
had long since disappeared. In the United States, the situation was
such as to foster a strong middle-class ideology that had its expres-
sion in the form and functions of the family.

The rising middle classes, experiencing the pleasant feeling of
power, first timidly and then with increasing self-confidence, gradu-
ally came to assert the right of the individual to choose his own
mate in marriage. As Calhoun points out, "The bourgeosie may well
claim the honor of being first to assert that romantic love is the ideal
basis of marriage; but the constraints of private wealth have also op-
erated to frustrate this ideal." ^^ In the United States, such con-
straints have on the whole been at a minimum, particularly with the
equal opportunity of the frontier.

The belief in America as a middle-class nation is thus an impor-
tant contemporary manifestation of this cultural heritage. The as-
sumption is that any man may marry any woman, no matter what
the cultural barriers may be, provided the element of individual
choice is mutually present. This attitude stresses the individual,
rather than the social background from which he or she has come.
Love and love alone is considered sufficient under these circum-
stances. The greater the social differences, the more romantic the
marriage. The ideology of a middle-class nation refuses to admit
either the existence or the importance of such social differences.

Individualism and the Frontier

The individualism implicit in the capitalistic and middle-class cul-
ture pattern is thus a basic element in the American social heritage.
The relative absence of class lines has been a feature of American
society almost from the beginning. The individual has been expected

® Floyd Dell, Love in the Machine Age (New York: Rinehart & Company,
Inc., ig^o), p. 22.

1" Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family (Cleveland:
Arthur H. Clark Company, 1917), I, 22.

76 THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

to marry outside of his own particular stratum of society, provided
only he could secure the consent of his intended bride. The indi-
vidual choice initiated by the breakdown of feudalism, the develop-
ment of Capitalism, the rise of the Protestant ethic, and the secular-
ization of the family was supplemented by the freedom of the fron-
tier. The result was a social climate for marriage that has remained
unique in its emphasis upon the right of the individual to choose
his own marriage partner.

Under the dynamic social conditions of the frontier, the patri-
archal family, already seriously undermined by the religious and eco-
nomic changes of the Reformation, became progressively weaker be-
cause of the purely physical fact that its members were often separated
at an early age from the parental roof by hundreds or thousands of
miles. In many cases, the young people never returned to the paternal
home or even saw their families again, after they had set out toward
the frontier on horseback or by wagon. The power of marital choice,
which under the settled conditions of European society tended to
rest with the father, suffered inevitable diminution when the young
people left home immediately after the wedding and struck out
along the Cumberland Road to the West. The economic individual-
ism generated in the Protestant countries was destined to flourish in
a country where free land and free opportunity were present to a
degree never experienced before or since. Individualism in the choice
of a marital partner accompanied this economic individualism and
even outdistanced it in the free and transitory society of early Amer-
ica.

These are some of the general characteristics of life on the fron-
tier that have a bearing, either immediate or peripheral, upon the
development of the individualistic patterns of marriage in America.
Some of these elements were present to a greater extent in one part
of the country than in another and were particularly evident on the
open frontier in contrast to the settled areas along the Atlantic sea-
board. But the frontier, sooner or later, came to include most of the
continental United States, as the center of population moved gradu-
ally westward. Frontier after frontier was reached, conquered, and
passed, until at last there were no more. The heritage of this peren-
nial frontier was the heritage of America. The behavior patterns of
the frontier— in business, law, politics, religion, recreation, and family

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 77

decision— came to be those of an overwhelming majority of the pop-
ulation, as America carved out her destiny between the two oceans. ^^

The Nature of Social Mobility

Social mobility refers to the tendency of human beings to move
about over the surface of the earth. Social mobility also involves the
tendency to move upward or downward in the social scale, from one
social class to another. Some of these human movements, like those
of the hobo or migratory worker, may cover considerable physical
distance but leave the wanderer in the same social position in which
he started. Other peregrinations may bring about considerable eleva-
tion of the individual in the social scale, such as those of the pioneers
who migrated to the West and became real estate magnates, discov-
ered gold mines, or struck oil. An individual or family may also rise
majestically in the social scale from the ghetto to Park Avenue with
a physical movement of only a few blocks.

From this welter of human movement, two distinct forms emerge
— those movements which are primarily physical and involve little
change in the social position of the individual, and those which sig-
nalize his elevation or depression in the social scale. Movement in
physical space is called horizontal mohility, and movement in social
space is called vertical mobility .^^

America is the land of social mobility. An unprecedented com-
bination of great natural resources and a sparse indigenous popula-
tion brought about in America some of the greatest series of mass
migrations the modern world has seen. During the course of these
migrations, the country from the Atlantic to the Pacific was settled
by a restless, volatile, foot-loose people, whose ancestors had come
from the East or directly from across the sea and had never taken
the time or the trouble to establish deep-seated home ties. The con-
tinual westward migration of the settler and the pioneer throughout
the course of our national history constitutes perhaps the most pro-
longed and extensive example of horizontal mobility in history.

At the same time, the establishment of a new society, with equal

^^ Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York:
Henry Holt and Company, 1921), chap. I. Cf. also Vernon L. Parrington, "In-
troduction," The Romantic Revolution in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, 1927).

12 Pitirim A. Sorokin, "Social Mobility, Its Forms and Fluctuations," Social
Mobility (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1927), chap. VII.

yS THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

economic opportunity for all men and no restrictions upon the acqui-
sition of wealth, presented a unique opportunity for the adventurous,
the talented, the ruthless, or the unscrupulous to raise themselves in
the social scale. Such vertical mobility was as characteristic of the
new society as was the continual and relentless movement across
the country that continued until the last frontier disappeared in a
maze of barbed wire fences.

These two phases of social mobility were the chief components of
the "American Dream," which has inspired every right-thinking
young man in this country for the past hundred and fifty years with
visions of wealth and romance. Without these elements of social
mobility, American democracy would have remained largely a pious
hope, fit only for bemused dreamers and builders of Utopias. The
conditions that fostered the twin phenomena of social mobility have
made this democracy, for large numbers of persons at least, a vivid
and delightful reality.

The concept of social mobility in both of its manifestations con-
stitutes a significant key to the development of family relations in the
United States; individualism would never have assumed such a prom-
inent part in these relations if our society had presented a more static
class structure. The principles of individual choice, individual court-
ship criteria, and individual familial establishments far from the
parental roof — all developed under the impetus of a highly mobile
social structure. In a society marked by rigid class stratification, young
people of different social backgrounds rarely come in social contact
with one another. In a society where the class lines are loosely formed
and in a constant state of flux, boys and girls of the most variegated
family backgrounds not only meet one another but marry. Indeed,
such disregard of diverse class backgrounds under the imperious bid-
ding of romantic love is part of the mores, required behavior under
the given circumstances. Both horizontal and vertical social mobility
on an all-inclusive scale thus led to that emphasis upon individualism
in marriage which plays such an important role in our social pattern
today.

Such a mobile society exacts certain penalties as measured in family
solidarity. The possibility of both vertical and horizontal mobility
means that the family tends to be relatively unstable, as compared to
a fixed and immobile social order. As Sorokin points out: ". . . in a
society where the family is unstable, the marriage is easily dissolved;.

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 79

intermarriages between different strata are common; the education
of the children after their early period goes on outside the family . . .
there cannot be ... a sacredness of the family, or family pride, or a
high social evaluation of the family institution." ^^

In those parts of the Old World where the traditional social struc-
ture exists relatively unchanged, the patriarchal family is the supreme
social unit, class lines are well defined, the new husband and wife
settle either on the parental farm or in close proximity to it, and the
ties that bind the family together are very strong. Family relation-
ships under such a social system would be extremely unsatisfactory to
the romantic lover, who could not bear the thought of having his
wife picked for him by someone else. Sach old-fashioned family soli-
darity and contemporary individual choice are largely incompatible.
Compromises and adjustments can, of course, be made. But the fact
remains that, in our mobile and individualistic society, we cannot
eat our cake of family solidarity and have the shining frosting of ro-
mantic love, too.

Out of this mobile society has come a great hunger for love, per-
sonal intimacy, and the complete fusion of personality that can come
only in marriage. The pioneer had an almost organic need for a wife
whom he had chosen from all others to share his hardships, comfort
him, be his constant companion, tend him when he was sick, bear
his children, and go hand in hand with him to the grave. In much
the same way, this craving for individual attention has manifested
itself in the large city where it has interacted upon the national pat-
tern already established by the frontier way of life. Millions of young
men and women in the cities are cut off from the intimacy of close
home ties; even if they still inhabit the family apartment or tene-
ment, they are only tiny human islands in a vast and anonymous sea
of strangers.

The desire for a soul mate, a dream girl, or a dream lover who shall
appear out of the crowd at a dance hall, a movie, at the next counter
in the store, or the next bench in the factory— such a desire is strong
in a people cut off by a restless and mobile society from much of
the intimate companionship possible in a rural and settled commun-
ity. To these millions of lonesome boys and girls, the prospect of a
romantic marriage is the one exciting possibility in their lives. They
eagerly devour every song, story, or movie that strengthens this con-

^^ Sorokin, Social Mobility, p. 185.

8o THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

ception and gives them hope that the great moment will some day
come to them.

The Frontier and the Patriarchal Family

In his celebrated essay on the "Significance of the Frontier in
American History/' Professor Turner made the following observation
on the relationship between social mobility and individualism in
early America: ". . . the most important effect of the frontier has
been in the promotion of democracy . . . the frontier is productive of
individualism. Complex society is precipitated by the wilderness into
a kind of primitive organization based on the family. The tendency
is anti-social. . . , The frontier individualism has from the beginning
promoted democracy." ^^

The atomization of society resulting from three centuries of social
movement was inevitably communicated to the family. The tradi-
tional structure of the European family depended for its survival
upon continuous settlement in one position, both physical and social.
For generation after generation, the family stayed in the same phys-
ical place and in the same relative position in the social structure.
Family solidarity based upon such continuity of occupation and func-
tion was out of the question in frontier America. The family clan of
relatives, deriving its central authority from the patriarch, was almost
destroyed by the movement toward the West. Such an organization
of society today survives, in an emasculated form, only in certain re-
mote areas of the Southern and Eastern back country, where colonial
folkways linger on.^^

The breakdown in the traditional familial structure was evident
at an early date in the development of America, as generation after
generation of young couples continued to move out from under the
parental wing. As a result of this extreme and continued horizontal
mobility, the family became a more equalitarian institution, based
upon the equal cooperation of all adult members and looking for
authority to a joint family council rather than to the father. Under
such circumstances, the choice of the new daughter-in-law or son-in-
law came to be made by those most directly interested— namely, the
son and daughter themselves. The children then received the parental

^* Turner, The Frontier in American History, p. 30.

15 Willystine Goodsell, A History of Marriage and the Family (New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1Q54), p. 4S9-

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 81

blessing, plus an axe and a team of oxen, and they started west. They
were going to spend the rest of their lives with the person of their
choice, and any undue family interference would have been neither
offered nor accepted.

The patriarchal system, as noted, evolved under European condi-
tions, where the same family cultivated the same property for gen-
erations, where horizontal mobility was rare and vertical mobility
almost nonexistent. The control exerted by the father arose in large
part from the fact that he was able substantially to control the eco-
nomic destiny of his children at every stage in their lives. In many
cases, the children lived in the parental home until the death of the
father, at which time the family dominance reverted to the "chil-
dren," who, by this time, were often grown men. In other cases, the
children lived in separate houses on the same property, where they
were equally under the domination of the father. In still other cases,
the children lived in the same small village, where the tightly-knit
organization of the family continued to define their behavior as long
as they lived. Under these conditions, the patriarchal family system
became so entrenched in the mores that it seemed the only possible
way of life.

Such an organization of society, in somewhat modified form, was
brought to this country from England and the Continent by the early
groups that settled the New England and Middle Atlantic States. In
certain areas of the eastern seaboard, where traditional customs still
obtain among the old families, remnants of this patriarchalism re-
main. Antiquated maiden aunts and doddering great-uncles maintain
the family genealogy and keep track of the births, deaths, and di-
vorces among the younger generation. This form of family organiza-
tion never formed the pattern of America as a whole and is today a
faded and somewhat pathetic anachronism.

The democratic and individualistic character of the early American
family was particularly striking to certain observant foreigners who
came from a society in which the patriarchal tradition maintained a
strong position. In his comments on the American family, de Tocque-
ville remarked: "In America, the family, in the Roman and aristo-
cratic signification of the word, does not exist. All that remains of it
are a few vestiges in the first years of childhood, when the father
exercises, without opposition, that absolute domestic authority which
the feebleness of his children renders necessary, and which their

82 THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

interest, as well as his own incontestable superiority, warrants. But as
soon as the young American approaches manhood, the ties of filial
obedience are relaxed day by day: master of his thoughts, he is soon
master of his conduct." ^^ As soon as a boy was strong enough to
swing an axe and acquire the lore of the farm or the forest from his
father or older brother, he was, for all practical purposes, a man. One
of the most delicious prerogatives of manhood in a democratic so-
ciety is the ability to choose your own wife. It is certain that this
prerogative was widely exercised in frontier America, where it became
an integral part of the mores of a democratic and equalitarian people.
Sentimentalists and emotional reactionaries may bemoan the pass-
ing of the large family, which clung so tenaciously to the soil of the
Old World for centuries and which still plavs a central part in the
life of such an essentially peasant country as France. Under the social
circumstances of a highly mobile and democratic America, however,
no other kind of family could possibly have evolved than the equali-
tarian and loosely knit organization which we know todav. Romantic
love, with its extreme emphasis upon the choice of the individual, is
an essential part of this social pattern. Such a way of life emphasizes
the personal relationships between husband and wife and their own
young children, rather than those between the father and his grown
sons and daughters. Romantic love is a democratic manifestation that
has grown out of a democratic way of life. The excesses of romanti-
cism are the excesses of democracy. We cannot have the one with-
out the other. Those who would do away with romantic love as the
basis of marriage would return to an authoritarian society, based upon
an authoritarian relationship between father and children. Such a
reactionary step is utterly out of the question in an America which
is on the road to more, rather than less, democracy.

The Frontier and the Status of Women

The mobility of the frontier thus combined with the capitalistic
and Protestant heritage of the English settlers to produce an individ-
ualism that communicated itself to all phases of American life, in-
cluding individual choice in marriage. The same general combination
of circumstances brought about the high status of women and their
relative parity in marital choice. The social position of the colonial
and frontier wife was a secure and impressive one, based upon the

1^ Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Cambridge, 1863), II, 233.

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 83

solid fact of her indispensability to the business of hving. She was
an equal in the family equation, even as she took an equal part in
the decision that originally formed the particular family. Her choice
of her husband was as important as his choice of her; gone was the
patriarchal system of marital choice in which mother and daughter
were merely quiescent pawns in a game played by the men.

It is true that the law, customarily laggard, maintained the legal
inferiority of women long after their practical equality had been
demonstrated in millions of frontier cabins. In the choice of a hus-
band, however, the women of early America played a role of equality
and thus acquired that virtual apotheosis as sweetheart, wife, and
mother which is such a striking contemporary characteristic of the
marital pattern.

In his comments upon the reciprocal relationship between democ-
racy and every other phase of American culture, de Tocqueville re-
marked that "The Americans . . . have found out that, in a democ-
racy, the independence of individuals cannot fail to be very great,
youth premature, tastes ill-restrained, customs fleeting, public opin-
ion often unsettled and powerless, paternal authority weak, and
marital authority contested." ^'^ After this succinct characterization
of the democratic process, with all its virtues and faults, the French-
man continued his description of the frontier woman : "As they could
not prevent her virtue from being exposed to frequent danger, they
determined that she should know how best to defend it; and more
reliance was placed on the free vigor of her will than on safeguards
which have been shaken or overthrown." ^^ Rather than weaken the
confidence of the young girl in her own strength of character, Amer-
icans have attempted in every way to enhance this self-confidence:
"Far from hiding the corruptions of the world from her," de Toc-
queville concludes, "they prefer that she should see them at once,
and train herself to shun them; and they hold it of more importance
to protect her conduct, than to be over-scrupulous of the innocence
of her thoughts." ^^

The mobility of the frontier further contributed to the position of
American women by introducing certain homely variations on the
mechanics of supply and demand. Many women went out with their

1^ de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, II, 242-43.
"^^ Ibid., p. 243.
19 Ibid.

84 THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM

menfolk to the frontier; the fortitude of the pioneer wife and mother
is one of the great epics of our westward expansion. All the pioneers,
however, did not have their wives with them; besides, the mortality
of pioneer women was notoriously high. Childbirth under the most
primitive conditions combined with sheer physical exhaustion to
render the life of the frontier wife a short one, filled with travail and
tribulation. The result was a constant shortage of women in the fron-
tier settlements, which was met by sporadic individual attempts to
transport spinsters from the East to areas where their faded charms
would be the object of earnest competition among the wife-hungry
males.

It would be grossly unfair to the daughter, wife, and mother of the
pioneer family, however, to imply that the only reason women were
esteemed was because they were few and far between. On the con-
trary, the heroic struggle of the pioneer wife who fought, lived, and
died beside her husband established and perpetuated the role of the
woman who was the equal of her man. Thus, "The elevation that
came in the status of woman was earned by devotion, labor, courage,
self-control, heroism. . . . Reciprocity in the marriage relation was the
logical consequence where women bore a man's share in the struggle
for existence." ^° This reciprocity was part of individual choice in
courtship. For generations, young men and women in America have
chosen each other.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Calhoun, Arthur W., A Social History of the American FamiJv, 3 vols.
Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1917. A standard histor\' of
the American family. Stresses the changes in the economic and
social pattern bringing about corresponding changes in the family.

Engels, Friedrich, The Origin of the Family. Chicago: Charles H.
Kerr & Company, 1902. Made by the friend and collaborator of Karl
Marx, this study of the origins of the family characteristically em-
phasizes the early economic relationships in human societ\% whereby
the tone of the patriarchal family was established upon the eco-
nomic subordination of woman.

Maine, Sir Henry Sumner, Ancient Law, 10th ed. London: John
Murray, 1906. A classic study of the processes of social change,
whereby one type of society slowly gives way to another and in so
doing undergoes change in all of its institutions, including the
family.
20 Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family, II, pp. 106-7.

THE FAMILY AND INDIVIDUALISM 85

Parrington, Vernon L., The Romantic Revolution in America. New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927. A study of the social
and economic factors which influenced American hterature in the
eariy days of the frontier, and the forms this hterature assumed.

SoMBART, Werner, "Capitahsm," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences.
New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930. A noted German
scholar analyzes the essential features of the capitalist world-outlook.

SoROKiN, Pitirim A., Social Mobility. New York: Harper & Brothers,
1927. The most thorough analysis of the theory of social mobility
that has yet appeared. The author distinguishes between verrical
and horizontal mobility, both of which have shown characteristic
manifestations in the American culture pattern.

Tawney, R. H., Religion and the Rise oi Capitalism. London: Penguin
Books Limited, 1938. A study of the reciprocal relationship between
the development of Puritanism and the economic pattern of its
time. The author suggests that the pioneer work of Max Weber on
the same subject stressed the influence of religion upon society and
did not sufficiently emphasize the influence of society upon religion.

Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, ed. Phillips Bradley,
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1945. A classic study of a developing
democracy in America, written over a century ago and recently
issued in this new edition. The French author calls attention again
and again to the new forms of family life, as well as political de-
mocracy, which were arising in the New World.

Turner, Frederick J., The Frontier in American History. New York:
Henry Holt and Company, 1921. This famous essay on the role of
the frontier in the development of American society ushered in a
new type of history and a new outlook on our social and political
institutions.

Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans.
Talcott Parsons. London: George Allen & Unwin. Ltd., 1930. Part
of a longer work on the sociology of religion, Weber's famous essay
developed the thesis that "western Christianity as a whole, and in
particular certain varieties of it, which acquired an independent life
as a result of the Reformation, had been more favorable to the
progress of Capitalism than some other great creeds." (Tawney.)

^ 5 ^

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

The American scene has offered a happy combination of
circumstances for the achievement of a high degree of pohtical de-
mocracy. In an expanding economy there was a nice correlation
between freedom of economic opportunities and the growth of po-
htical liberties. The opening of the twentieth century saw the end of
the frontier with its manifold implications for American life.^ The
nation was drawn into world affairs at the same time the continent
was settled, a process aided by scientific advances that tended to
make the world shrink in size. In addition, the competition for world
markets, the growth of great industrial combines, the transition to
finance capitalism, the divorce of management from ownership, the
depletion of natural resources, and the declining curve of population
growth have focussed public attention on the necessity of economic
democracy as an essential corollary of political democracy.

The Nature of the Democratic Ideal

The democratic credo has been an integral part of the American
ethos. In the development of this society, the changes in the larger
culture have been reflected in the microcosm of the family. The same
forces have appeared in the status and relationships of the family as
in the revolutionary gospel of liberty and equality on the larger stage.
The "rights" of the individual have gradually ceased to refer only to
the man, as woman has insisted on her recognition as a person. Sim-
ilarly, the growth of democratic ideology recognizes the child as an
individual, free from the capricious and arbitrary dictates of its bio-
logical progenitors, and potentially a free citizen of a free common-
wealth. These and other aspects of American democracy will be con-
sidered in terms of the family.

1 Frederick J. Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1921).

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 87

The democratic credo has had derivative effects on other aspects
of marriage and the family. The process of courtship, as noted in the
preceding chapter, is highly democratic, implying as it does that the
girl is an individual in her own right who must be constantly con-
sulted. The democratic courtship relationship is one in which two
persons with equal rights and personalities come together to work out
their common destiny without interference by state, church, or par-
ents. To an increasing extent, the girl has educational advantages
equal to those of her suitor and can make up her mind as well as he
can. The democratic ideal of free choice is an integral part of the
process by which the American family is founded.

The democratic foundation is further strengthened by the growing
economic independence of women, which constitutes one of the
most important single changes undergone by the family in the past
century. Today, marriage must offer more than mere "board and
keep" to the girl who has learned to make her own way in the world.
If the marriage proves unsuccessful, the knowledge that she can main-
tain herself economically makes the wife less willing to endure such
a relationship. The emancipation of women also makes the family a
more democratic relationship, based upon the mutual agreement of
two persons, each of whom can make an independent contribution to
economic life. In contrast to the time when there was no place for
women outside the family, modern society has brought a democratic
individuality to the marriage relationship.

The economic independence of women has had another effect
upon the stability of the family, which grows directly out of the
individualistic attitude toward marriage. Since she is no longer ob-
ligated to look toward marriage for economic security, the young
woman looks to it for other satisfactions, particularly those of per-
sonal happiness. She expects something very special in the way of
satisfaction of such needs, something which will so fill her life that
she will willingly submit to economic subordination when she de-
cides to work no longer. This subordination may be something new
in her life, since she has hitherto often been on an equal economic
footing with men of her own age. She has experienced the satisfactions
of virtual independence, particularly when she has cut herself off
from her own family. In an earlier day, she had no preliminary period
of freedom and hence accepted the dependence of marriage with

88 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

comparative equanimity. Today, there must be a considered compen-
sation before she will voluntarily and permanently abandon this
hard- won freedom.

The democratic, equalitarian, and individualistic family is the
product of a society that stresses these traits in all phases of life. In
a democracy, marriage is an individual matter, and the individual
bows to no external power in exercising his freedom of choice. In
view of the secure place of democratic marriage in the hearts of the
American people, it is doubtful whether they would sanction any
interference with their cherished traditions by church or state, even
if a technical increase in family solidarity resulted. We apparentlv
prefer democracy and individualism in our family relationships, even
though they imply a correspondingly high rate of family disorganiza-
tion. We may further explore some of the implications of democratic
individualism in the relationships of marriage and the family.

Legal Equality of Women

More than a century ago, the American woman issued her Decla-
ration of Independence. This momentous event occurred on July 19,
1848, when the first convention on behalf of Women's Rights was
held in Seneca Falls, New York. This meeting and those that suc-
ceeded it produced a program with three primary objectives: (1) to
free the persons and property of married women from the absolute
control of their husbands; (2) to open to all women opportunities
for a sound and liberal higher education; and (3) to secure for
women full political rights. The degree to which these objectives
have been achieved in so short a time is truly remarkable.

In the early days of our national life, woman's status continued to
reflect Old World backgrounds and traditions. Her place was in the
home, but even there her authority was definitely subordinated to
that of the husband and patriarch. Though it was not literally true
in all respects that "husband and wife were one person, and the per-
son was the husband," yet in many ways it was all too true. In 1845,
one writer stated that the power of the husband over the person of
his wife was such that "he may claim her society altogether . . . that
she cannot sue alone; that she cannot execute a deed or valid con-
veyance without the concurrence of her husband . . . [and that] the
personal property of the wife . . . vests at marriage, immediately and

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 89

absolutely, in the husband." ^ In Massachusetts before 1840, a woman
could not legally be treasurer of her own sewing society unless some
man were responsible for her. A husband could claim the wages of
the wife earned outside the home.^

At common law there was no question about the superior power
of the father over the control and custody of the children. During
his lifetime he could legally apprentice his children at an early age,
and the mother could say nothing; also, he could will them to the
care of another without the consent of the mother.^ Today, no state
allows the father to will his child to another without the mother's
valid consent.^ It is generally accepted today that the parents share
equally in the control and custody of their children. In some states,
there are certain modifications that give the father a theoretical, if
not always practical, preference. In proceedings leading to divorce,
present-day courts tend to regard parents on an equal plane in award-
ing the custody of the children. The welfare of the child is given
primary consideration in such awards.^

The gains of women in other respects have been tremendous. In
all of the states, the wife owns after marriage the clothes and other
personal property which she owned prior thereto. In most instances,
the wife is entitled to her own earnings outside the home, and such
earnings are not liable for her husband's debts. Her powers of con-
tracting independently are generally recognized, although this priv-
ilege is often hedged about with certain restrictions. In most states,
a wife can engage in her own business, employ her own funds, and
act on her own liability.''' It is the general practice now to grant
mother and father equal rights of inheritance from a deceased child.

In the "community-property" states, each spouse has a half in-
terest in all the property acquired after marriage, even though the
control of such property during the joint lives of the spouses may

2 Quoted by Willystine Goodsell, A History of Marriage and the Family ( New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), P- 4^5-

3 Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History oi the American Family (New York:
Barnes and Noble, Inc., 1945) II, 94-95-

4 Ibid.

5 United States Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, The Legal Status of
Women in the United States of America, as oi /anuary 1, 1948, Bulletin of the
Women's Bureau, No. 157. (Washington, 1951).

^ Carl A. Weinman, "lire Trial Judge Awards Custody," Law and Contem-
porary Problems, Summer 1944, X, 721-36.
''Women's Bureau^ Bulletin No. 157, p. 44.

90 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

reside in the husband. In the majority of states, the mother shares
equally in the child's earnings. In no state is the wife entitled to de-
termine the choice of the family home, except that in some cases
she is allowed to establish a separate domicile for voting and for
eligibility to public office.^ These advances are a far cry from the
climate of public opinion prevalent a century ago. At a Women's
Rights meeting in Philadelphia in 1854, an objector from the audi-
ence shouted: "Let women first prove they have souls: both the
Church and the State deny it." ^

The past decade has witnessed an acceleration of state legislation
eliminating survivals of the common law discriminations against
woman in her exercise of legal and property rights. Doubtless World
War II, with its demands on the woman-power of the mobilized
nation, had much to do with this development. So remarkable have
been the changes achieved in the present century that by 1948 the
Women's Bureau was able to say: "1. As a member of the political
society in its governing function, woman stands practically on an
equal footing with man; 2. As a member of a governed society of in-
dividuals, her position in many respects is comparable with that of
man, in a few respects it may be considered superior to man's, and
in a few respects it is inferior to that occupied by man." ^°

Unquestionably it is this last-named consideration that has led
the militant champions of women's rights to continue their struggle
(covering three decades) to get the United States Congress to pass
an Equal Rights amendment to the Constitution. On two occasions
in recent years, they have succeeded in getting it to the floor of the
Senate. The first was in 1946, when the vote was 38 in favor and 35
opposed. Because of the necessity for a two-thirds majority, the
amendment failed.^^ On January 25, 1950, an amendment providing
"That equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or
abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex,"
was again presented for a vote. At this time, an amendment to the
amendment was proposed by United States Senator Carl Hayden to
the effect that: "The provisions of this article shall not be construed
to impair any rights, benefits, or exemptions now or hereafter con-

* Ibid., p. 20.

^Quoted by Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family, II, 125.

1" Women's Bureau, Bulletin No. 157, p. 19.

^''■Congressional Record, July 19, 1946. Vol. 92, No. 142, p. 9535.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 91

ferred by law upon persons of the female sex." The Equal Rights
Amendment with the Hayden modification was then passed by a vote
of 63 to 19.^^

The discussions in connection with both these votes revealed a
serious division of opinion concerning the merits of such an amend-
ment. Many prominent women leaders and progressive senators,
sympathetic to women's rights, believe that full legal equality is not
desirable. This opposition reflects the fear that full legal equality may
lead to the abolition of those laws which have been enacted in the
past fifty years for the protection of women. This legislation has been
passed expressly to discriminate in favor of women by governing such
matters as minimum wages, minimum hours, night work, engaging in
certain hazardous occupations, maternity leaves, and related sub-
jects.^^ It was with the idea of safeguarding such favorable legislation
that the Hayden proposal was accepted.

Educational Equality of Women

The general attitude in colonial America toward the education of
women was that such instruction should be confined to household
duties. The variety of arguments employed by those who would re-
strict even elementary public instruction of females sounds strange
in the twentieth century. Genuinely sincere and honest people ques-
tioned whether girls had the innate ability to respond to any educa-
tion. Others advanced arguments such as: (a) to teach girls to write
would encourage them to forge their husbands' and fathers' signa-
tures; (b) to teach them geography would make them discontented
with their lot and they would desire to wander; (c) most of the sub-
jects they would be taught would unfit them for their primary re-
sponsibility of housewife and mother.^^

In spite of the tardy recognition of the right of girls to receive an
elementary education, the democratic fervor of the eighteenth cen-
tury brought with it the admission of girls to the elementary and in
some cases to the secondary schools. When the step had been taken,
it was logical that woman should also demand to be admitted on an
equal basis to institutions of higher education. In spite of misgivings
on the part of some people in influential positions, Oberhn College in

12 Congressional Record, January 25, 1950, Vol. 96, Part I, pp. 872-73.
^^ "Senate's Ladies' Day," Life, February 13, 1950, pp. 16 ff.
1* Goodsell, A Histoiy of Mainage and the Family, p. 467.

92 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

Ohio opened its doors to both boys and girls in 1833. At the same
time, Mary Lyon was carrying on a vigorous campaign in Massa-
chusetts for the estabhshment of a female school of higher learning,
which resulted in the opening of Mount Holyoke Seminary in 1837.
In 1855, when the regents of the state of New York gave to a
woman's college the right to grant degrees and offer courses similar to
those given men, the presidents of other institutions were horrified.
One college president wrote: "A few dreamers, I understand, are
trying to develop a college for women in the village of Elmira. The
idea of giving a woman a man's education is too ridiculous to appear
credible." ^^

This was not an isolated instance of opposition to the new move-
ment. Countless voices were raised against this degradation of
womanhood. Groves summarizes some of the reasons advanced:
"Feminine ambitions were the abandonment of divine decree regis-
tered in the physiological structure of the woman. They led toward
the hardening of female character, the loss of sex appeal, the throw-
ing away of the instinctive satisfaction of motherhood, the surrender
of domestic companionableness for the deceptions and disillusion-
men ts that followed the attempt to imitate men. The penalties of
such ambitions were race suicide, physical and nervous ill-health, loss
of marriage opportunity, and social disorganization." ^^ One critic
stated that: "For our part we are convinced that too much has been
done already in forcing girls through courses of hard studies, and
that any further steps in that direction will necessitate hospitals and
asylums alongside of Colleges for women." ^' No less a personage
than President Eliot of Harvard is reported to have "shrunk from
taking his part of the responsibility of introducing the education of
women in Harvard College." ^^

While the opponents raged, the struggle went forward with victory
after victory for the women. Vassar was chartered in 1861 and opened
in 1865. Wellesley was chartered as a seminar}' in 1870 and empow-
ered to grant degrees in 1877, Smith College in 1871, and Bryn
Mawr in 1880. The University of Michigan was opened to women

1^ Quoted bv Calhoun, A Socia? Histon' of the American Family, II, qo.

1^ Ernest R. Groves, The American Woman (New York: Emerson Books, Inc.,

1944)' P- 313-

1' Quoted by Groves, ibid., pp. 314-15.
^^ Groves, ibid., p. 319.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 93

in 1870. Even Harvard, President Eliot notwithstanding, had its Rad-
diflfe College in 1894.

Those who resented the thought of granting women a higher edu-
cation would be surprised to see the present figures for enrollment in
American colleges. Of approximately 2,600,000 students resident in
a recent year in colleges and universities, professional schools, junior
colleges, and teachers colleges, both publicly and privately controlled,
about 780,000 were women.^^ Full-time members of the faculties of
such schools totaled 196,000, of which number 53,000 belonged to
the sex that a few decades ago could allegedly undertake higher edu-
cation only at the risk of losing its "feminine graces." Although com-
plete democratic equality has not been accomplished, woman has
made a phenomenal advance.-"

Political Equality of Women

The Seneca Falls and other early Women's Rights meetings made
much of the familiar slogan, "taxation without representation." If
women were to be denied the right to vote and be represented in
their government, they should not be taxed to support it. On August
18, 1920, Tennessee became the 36th state to ratify the Nineteenth
Amendment to the Constitution. This aspect of woman's struggle
for democratic equality was concluded.

It is an interesting commentary on Frederick Jackson Turner's
thesis on the influence of the frontier in American life to observe
that western states took the lead in granting suffrage rights to
women. While they were still territories, Wyoming in 1869 and
Utah in 1870 granted equal voting rights to women. Colorado fol-
lowed in 1893 and Idaho in 1896. The agitation gathered such mo-
mentum that in the decade prior to the adoption of the federal
amendment a number of states by popular vote decided to give
women this right.

Of the fifteen states that had passed such legislation prior to 1918,
only New York and Michigan were located east of the Mississippi
river. Washington in 1910, California in 1911, Oregon, Kansas, and
Arizona in 1912, Nevada and Montana in 1914— this list substan-

1^ United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical
Abstract oi the United States, 1951, (Washington, 1951), p. 120.

-"See also Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment: October 1951," Cur-
rent Population Reports — Population ChaTacteiistics, Series P-20, No. 40, July
21, 1952.

94 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

tiates the contention that much progressive legislation has come from
the West, as a result of the leveling tendencies of the frontier. Where
women are scarce in numbers, where judgments are based on the dig-
nity and worth of the person irrespective of sex, and where status is
not assigned but achieved— under such conditions egalitarianism will
thrive.

The liberation of American women should not, however, be
ascribed entirely to the influence of the frontier. Other factors were
also operative in the process. One of the reasons for the subordinate
position of woman a century ago was the fact that the husband was
the breadwinner and the wife was economically dependent upon him.
As the economic opportunities for self-sufficiency have increased, a
corresponding development of equality has followed.

Economic Independence of Women

The introduction of the factory system into New England oc-
curred in the textile industry, which was well suited to women work-
ers because of their adeptness in acquiring the necessary skills. From
the point of view of the employer, there was an advantage to be
gained in offering incentives to women to enter the new mills be-
cause they would work for smaller wages than men for the same
kinds and amounts of work. "Women formed," remarks Calhoun,
"two-thirds to three-fourths, and in some places as much as nine-
tenths, of the total number of factory operatives in the first half of
the century. Many of the early mill-workers were country girls who
simply came in for a time in order to earn a little money, often for
their wedding outfits." ^^ Only a small proportion of the early fac-
tory workers were married women endeavoring to combine home-
making with working for wages. This does not alter the fundamental
fact that, once the tradition had become established that woman
could be economically independent, this was the beginning of the
end of her subordination to man.--

The past eighty years have witnessed a speeding-up of the process
which had its beginnings in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Decade by decade, the number of women wage workers has been in-
creasing at a rate faster than that for the population as a whole.
There are more than nine times as many women in the labor force

21 Calhoun, A Social Historv of the American Family, II, 175.

22 Groves, The American Woman, p. 12S.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 95

today as there were eighty years ago.^^ In this same period the pop-
ulation has increased approximately fourfold.^^

During World War II, eleven million men in their productive
years were removed temporarily from the labor force for military
service. Women were drawn in greater numbers than ever before
into the labor force. At the peak of war production in 1943, the num-
ber of employed women was slightly over 18,000,000, or one-third of
the total labor force.^^ Many of these women returned to their homes
at the conclusion of hostilities. Many others experienced for the first
time the satisfactions of economic self-suflSciency and remained in
the labor market. In April, 1952, 30.4 per cent of all employed per-
sons were women, a ratio that approximated the figure at the peak
of World War 11.^^ Woman has definitely advanced her status and
has demonstrated that she can be economically self-sufficient. This
gain in turn promotes an attitude of independence in other relations
between the sexes.

Man lost another traditional advantage as a result of the war ex-
perience. This was the age-old notion that however far woman might
go in invading many occupations previously reserved for men, there
were still certain activities for which she was unfitted by nature. The
stimulus of war demands resulted in throwing open to women one
after another of these occupations previously considered "for men
only." Personnel managers initially complained that the manpower
shortage forced them to employ women workers on jobs for which
they were not suited. Six months after the women had been em-
ployed, the same officials reluctantly admitted that the impossible
female workers were doing as well as, and in certain respects better
than, the men. This was true in the manufacturing and mechanical
industries, trade, transportation, and other fields in which women
had had little experience prior to the war. Only in the heaviest oc-
cupations and in the extractive industries did the previous attitudes
persist.2'^

23 United States Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1952 Handbook of
Facts on Women Workers (Washington, 1952), Bulletin No. 242, p. 1.

24 Ibid.

25 "Effects of War Casualties on Economic Responsibilities of Women,"
Monthly Labor Review, February 1946, LXH, 181-86.

26 Women's Bureau, 1952 Handbook oi Facts on Women Workers, op. cit.

2'^ Mary Robinson, "Woman Workers in Two Wars," Monthly Labor Re-
view, October 1943, LVII, 650-71.

96 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

In the century following the Seneca Falls Convention, the Amer-
ican experiment with democracy has thus been accompanied by the
liberation of the female sex from a long period of male dominance.
The original demand was for equality of legal personality and prop-
erty rights. This was soon extended to higher education, the fran-
chise, and economic rights. The American woman has not yet
achieved complete equality in social, political, legal, and economic re-
spects. But the trend is unmistakable and the achievements thus far
have been a striking practical demonstration of the democratic credo.

The Emancipation of Childhood -^

The form of the family brought to the New World was the
patriarchate which had reigned in the Old World. Minor modifica-
tions occurred over the centuries in the exercise of absolute paternal
authority. Yet just as the wife occupied an inferior position to the
husband, so the child was regarded as subordinate in every respect
to the elders. Not only did the settlers bring with them their estab-
lished family pattern but, especially in the North, they also imported
a Puritan-Calvinistic view of the universe. There was clearly present
the conception that society should be governed by divine decree,
specifically those decrees dictated by the Deity to the ancient He-
brews.

One such decree, "Honor thy father and mother," was not inter-
preted in those days merely as giving respect to parents. Obedience
of the strictest sort was expected of children. As Calhoun points out:
"Parents were addressed as 'esteemed parent' or ^honored sir and
madam.' A pert child was generally thought to be delirious or be-
witched. . . . Stern and arbitrary command compelled obedience, sub-
missive and generally complete." ^^ The legal right of the father to
exact even the death penalty from a disobedient or rebellious son was
a direct carry-over from the superordinate-subordinate roles of the
ancient patriarchal family. Although history does not record a single
instance of a colonial father exercising this legal right, this does not
change the fact that he enjoyed such a prerogative.^''

-^ For an extensive statement of this general subject, see James H. S. Bossard,
The Sociologv of Child De\'elopment (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948),
Part VII, '-'rhe Changing Status of Childhood."

'8 Calhoun, A Social History of tlie American Family, I, 111-12.

3" Ibid., p. 121.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 97

In a predominantly agrarian society, the household furnished the
child with vocational education. Early American society not only was
agrarian but also had other characteristics that required the economic
cooperation of the child at an early age. The practical exigencies of
a wilderness made work a necessity for all. To these concerns w;ere
added the Puritan ethic that idleness was conducive to sin and there-
fore displeasing to the Deity. Hence each new child was not only a
mouth to be fed but also a new pair of hands to work in a common
enterprise. So ingrained were these conceptions that even today some
opponents of child labor laws base their opposition on the idea that
idleness is the Devil's workshop and that unremitting toil is as impor-
tant as ever.

The early insistence of the colonial father that the child be taught
work habits did not imply any lack of appreciation of formal edu-
cation. Every child was expected to become literate, and the later
insistence on universal education at public expense was therefore an
extension of the ideas of the nation's founders. Although literacy was
highly regarded, the period of formal education was not an extended
one except for those entering the ministry or the law. This lack of
necessity for a prolonged formal education and the early work habits
of the child led to a shortening of the development of maturity.
Marriages occurred at an earlier age, more nearly coincident with bio-
logical maturity than at the present time. At sixteen a young man was
regarded as capable of performing the functions of husband, father,
and breadwinner. At that age he paid taxes and was eligible for mili-
tary service in the colonial forces.

As with the struggle of women, the first half of the nineteenth cen-
tury represented the transition between the old attitude of complete
subordination of the child and the present democratic position. Cal-
houn reports an English woman writing in 1848 that: "the indulgence
which parents in the United States permit to their children is not
seen in England; the child is too early his own master; as soon as he
can sit at table he chooses his own food, and as soon as he can speak
argues with his parents on the propriety or impropriety of their direc-
tions." ^1 This aspect of American life struck an observer from an-
other society. In our own society, Emerson is quoted to the effect that
"It was a misfortune to have been born in an age when children

31 Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family, II, 67.

98 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

were nothing and to have spent mature hfe in an age when children
were everything." ^^

The quotation from Emerson represents an exaggeration, to be sure.
Nevertheless, here was the beginning of that process which has led
the twentieth century to be characterized as the "Century of the
Child." The Midcentury White House Conference on Children and
Youth which met in Washington in December, 1950, represented the
fifth such decennial assembly to consider the problems of children in
a democratic social order. To these assemblies come representatives of
all organizations in the nation interested in the problems of children
and youth. The reports stress the recent achievements in the democ-
ratization of opportunity for each child and draw up a blueprint for
the further implementation of the democratic credo. The following
discussion will be concerned with a few of these areas: (a) the con-
temporary definitions of the legal rights of the child; (b) the equali-
zation of educational opportunities; (c) measures for safeguarding
the health and physical well-being of the child; (d) the prohibition
of child labor; and (e) the changing treatment of the child of the
unmarried mother.

Law and the Democratic Ideal

The past hundred years have witnessed striking changes in the legal
definitions of the rights and obligations of parents and the corre-
sponding rights and duties of the child. The emphasis was formerly
placed on the lights of the parents— especially the father— with a kind
of hands-off policy when it came to the obligations of the parents. At
the present time, the emphasis is placed on the welfare of the child,
which means that the state has increasingly placed itself in loco
parentis in insisting that the obligations of the parents shall be dis-
charged.

Various explanations for this development have been offered. In a
simpler society, the family could provide for the educational, protec-
tive, health, and other needs of the young. In an urban, industrial
society the larger community must provide such services because the
family cannot supply them. A second reason may be that, except for
the postwar upsurge in the birth rate, the relative proportion of young
children in the population has been declining. One of the conse-
quences of a declining birth rate is to make those children who are

32 Ibid.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 99

born a more precious asset because of their relative scarcity. Finally,
a corollary of the democratic ideology is that the child shall be treated
as a person in his own right. The very fact that the child is extremely
dependent means that a democratic social system has an obligation
to insure measures for his protection.

At common law, the parents (meaning the father) had virtually un-
limited rights to the control, custody, and services of the children.
Such rights would logically carry with them corresponding responsi-
bilities for protection and support. Yet the obligations for support
were primarily of a moral rather than a legal nature. It was observed
above that the absolute rights of the father have given way to a rela-
tive equality of control and custody between father and mother. At
the same time, decisions of courts of law and equity plus legislative
enactments have created the presumption that the welfare of the child
is central in questions involving such control and custody. There is
practical legislative uniformity in the states making the parents liable
for the support of their children, however widely the particulars of the
laws may vary.^^

Contemporary courts are constantly faced with problems involving
the custody of children. Where the problem arises by reason of pa-
rental neglect or because of the delinquency of the child, the juvenile
court has come to assume jurisdiction. The procedures in such courts
involve the awarding of the custody of the child in such a way that
the best interests of the child and the community will be served.
Mentally or physically disabled children, children of parents one or
both of whom have died, and children of divorced or separated par-
ents are additional instances of court concern for the awarding of
custody. Starting with the premise that a reasonably good parent-child
home environment is preferred to any other arrangement, the courts
determine whether the child shall be in the custody of the father, the
mother, or some other designated individual or agency.^^

English common law, building on the inheritance from feudal times,
gave the preference in inheritance to the oldest son. Further prefer-
ence was given to male as opposed to female heirs. At the time of
American colonization, the systems of entail and primogeniture were

23 Chester G. Vernier, American Family Laws (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1931-1938), IV, 4-5.

2* Helen I. Clarke, Social Legislation (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,
Inc., 1940), pp. 210 ff.

loo THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

well established in England, where they maintained the pen/ianence
of family estates, titles, and honors. The leveling tendencies of the
New World, plus the fact that land was plentiful and inhabitants
scarce, produced modifications in these systems. Today there is no
vestige left of the aristocratic traditions of entail and primogeniture.
Children in all states share equally in inheritance, regardless of age
or sex.^^

The right of the father at common law to punish the child was
recognized, with the implied qualification that excessive or immoder-
ate cruelty was prohibited. Today the mother shares with the father
in the privilege of correction and punishment. It is difficult to say
what the criminal liability of parents may be at the present time for
inflicting unreasonable punishments, unless permanent injury ensues.
Few cases actually come before the courts, since all the states grant
authority to certain courts to deprive the parents of custody of the
children under given circumstances. The wilfully abused child now
has recourse to the juvenile courts; society thus provides that the
ancient prerogatives of the parents shall not be exercised to the detri-
ment of the child.^^

The duty of the parents to provide education for the child is long
established. It is included in the common-law requisitions for parents
to supply the necessaries. This duty has been taken out of the hands
of parents and intrusted to the public school system, where attend-
ance is required of all children between certain ages designated by
statute. The laws also provide for penalties against parents who wil-
fully refuse to send their children to school. These laws represent
invasions of former parental rights, since they deprive the parents of
the services of their children during school hours, at the same time
forcing them to maintain the children while the larger society educates
them.^"

This movement to free the child from rigid patriarchal family con-
trols and to recognize that he is a concern of the entire society has
been accompanied by new definitions of the child's obligations to the
parents. The child formerly had no legal duty to support his parents
even though they might be incapable of supporting themselves. In
a majority of the states it is now required that children be liable for

35 Vernier, American Family Laws, IV, 1 1 2 ff .

2^ Clarke, Social Legislation, pp. 220 flf.

37 Vernier, Amencan Family Laws, IV, 63 ff.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY loi

the support of their parents. The statutes usually provide that the
parents must be poor, in need, or incapable of their own support,
and that the child must have adequate means to give the requisite
assistance.'^^

Education and ihe Democratic Ideal

The successful operation of a democratic system of government
implies a literate citizenry. The trend in American society has accord-
ingly been in the direction of extending this opportunity (and obliga-
tion) to all children, especially as far as elementary and secondary
school education is concerned. In 1870, 59.3 per cent of the popula-
tion in the age group 5 to 17 years was enrolled in public elementary
and secondary schools. By 1948 this percentage had increased to
slightly under 80 per cent.^^ Four out of five young people are attend-
ing school and for a greater number of days per year than ever before.
The democratic belief in universal access to formal education is be-
coming a reality.

Both the quality and quantity of educational opportunity, to be
sure, vary from region to region throughout the United States. The
state of Mississippi spends $71.44 annually to send each pupil to full-
time day school, as compared with New York State's expenditure of
$258.60 for similar purposes."*" The states with the highest proportion
of their population in the age group 5 to 17 years likewise tend to
be those with a small per capita income. "In 1945, the South had
27.0 per cent of its population in the ages 5 through 17, as contrasted
with a national average of 22.7 per cent and with 20.2 per cent in the
Northeast. In that year, the South had a birth rate of 24.7 per thou-
sand civilians while the nation averaged 21.5 and the Northeast had
only 19.0." ^1 The southern states are also lowest in terms of annual
individual income. This differential rate of responsibility and eco-
nomic ability has been at the basis of the arguments for federal aid
to states in elementary and secondary education.

Just as states differ in their economic ability to provide educational
opportunities for their citizens, so individual families differ widely in
the accessibility of their members to the facilities provided at public

2* Ibid., pp. 93 ff.

^^Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1951, p. 112.
'^Ubid., p. 116.

*i Higher Education for American Democracy, A Report of the President's
Commission on Higher Education (Washington, December 1947), I, 30-31.

102

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

expense. "It is a distressing fact," says the President's Commission on
Higher Education, "that in 1945, when the total national income was
far greater than in any previous period in our history, half of the
children under 18 were growing up in families which had a cash in-
come of $2,530 or less. The educational significance of these facts is
heightened by the relationship that exists between income and birth
rate. Fertility is highest in the families with lowest incomes." ^^ Mere

Most children are in low and moderate income families

OUT OF EVERY 100 CHILDREN!

ARE IN FAMILIES WITH INCOMES (1948):

Wi^

vyy//y^ $2,000 /Z^^z//
V////////////////////A

ill

111

/vyy/; $2,000 -2,999 ^^^^^^^^^^^^
V///// /////////////////

yyy/Z$ 3,000 -3,999 ^^;^vv/yx
//////////////////////A

^$5,000-5,999/^

///////////

//////

.$6,000-;

' 6,999
' / / ^ / /■ /

/$ 7,000-;

; 9,999 /
/ / / / ^ /

$10,000'
a OVER'

Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth,
CHILDREN AND YOUTH AT THE MIDCENTURY, Chart 22, Raleigh, North Caro-
lina: Health Publications Institute, Inc., 1951.

Fig. 1.

access to formal education is not enough when half the children live
in the largest families with the lowest per capita income. This situa-
tion is presented graphically in Figure i. Many such children will go
to work as soon as the school-attendance laws permit.

Compulsory school attendance laws and free education, however,
do operate to keep young people in school at least up to a certain age
or grade-level. Beyond this time, all children do not have an equal

42 Ibid., p. 28.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 103

opportunity to secure as much formal schooling as their potentialities
appear to warrant. The President's Commission took the results of
the Army General Classification Test given to 10 million inductees
during the war and equated these with the American Council on
Education tests given to students entering college. The Commission
concluded that 49 per cent of the population has the mental ability
to complete 14 years of schooling, and 32 per cent has the ability to
complete an advanced liberal or specialized professional training.*^
The Commission estimated that in 1952 the number capable of satis-
factorily pursuing higher education would be nearly 4 million.^'* This
figure is more than 50 per cent greater than the number actually en-
rolled in colleges in 1952. Although much progress has been made in
the democratization of educational opportunity, there is still a great
challenge to the American ideal in the field of higher education.

Child Health and the Democratic Ideal

A minimal requirement of the democratic credo would seem to be
that every child have an equal chance to pass through the first year
of his life. Phenomenal have been the advances made in the past forty
years in the reduction of the infant mortality rate. In the birth regis-
tration area of 1915, there were approximately 100 infant mortalities
during the first year for every 1,000 live births. By 1949 this figure had
been reduced to less than 32, a decline of more than two-thirds.^^
Doubtless one factor in this amazing record is the fact that in 1948
a total of 85.6 per cent of all births were attended by a physician in
a hospital, whereas thirteen years previously (1935), only 36.9 per cent
represented hospital deliveries.'*^ Despite tremendous improvement in
the country as a whole, however, the highest rates are still found in
the areas where economic conditions are poorest.

Of the infants who die during the first year of life, more than two-
thirds succumb within the first month. This points dramatically to
the importance of adequate care of expectant mothers during preg-
nancy and parturition, as well as better care for the newborn. The
loss of mothers in childbirth in the United States is considerably

i^Ibid., p. 41.

« Ibid., p. 43.

^5 Federal Security Agency, Public Health Service, National Office of Vital
Statistics, Vital Statistics oi the United States, 1949 (Washington, 1951), Part
II, p. 2.

^^Statistical Abstract oi the United States, p. 60.

104 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

higher than in many other advanced countries. For years this figure
had been running at the rate of between 6.0 and 7.0 deaths per 1,000
births. "As recently as 1938/' says the Metropohtan Life Insurance
Company, "the maternal mortality rate in the United States was 4.4
per 1,000 live births; by 1948 . . . the rate was only 1.2." ■^^

By making a frontal attack on this problem, the medical world has
demonstrated the tremendous possibilities inherent in modern scien-
tific knowledge. A combination of factors has made this progress pos-
sible: better obstetrical standards, more frequent hospitalization, use
of chemotherapy and the antibiotics in the control of puerperal infec-
tions, better nutrition, and state laws requiring premarital and pre-
natal examination for syphilis.

Credit for these achievements must also be ascribed to the Maternal
and Child Health features of the Social Security Act of 1935 and sub-
sequent amendments thereto. This program encourages state health
departments to improve maternal and child health services, especially
in rural areas and in those regions suffering from severe economic dis-
tress. Half of the federal funds available for this purpose ($16,500,000)
are given to the states on a matching basis, and the other half on the
basis of need. All of the states cooperate in this program, which in-
cludes prenatal clinics, home delivery service in rural areas, infant and
child health conferences, and services for physical health, mental
health, and dental health.'*^

Child Labor and the Democratic Ideal

The first four decades of this century saw a veritable revolution
in public opinion and law relative to child labor. The notion that
it is wholesome for children to work for excessively long hours in fac-
tories or fields has been discarded. Certain standards with respect
to child labor have been accepted. Among these standards are:
(a) no child under sixteen should be employed during school
hours; (b) no child under sixteen should engage in manufacturing,
mining, or other pursuits in which power-driven machinery is in-
volved; (c) children under eighteen should not be permitted to work
longer than eight hours a day and forty hours a week; and (d) chil-

^'' Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "How Much Safer Can Maternity
and Infancy Be?" Statistical Bulletin, December 1950.

48 Social Work Year Book, 1951, "Maternal and Child Health," (New York:
American Association of Social Workers), pp. 298-302.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 105

dren fourteen and fifteen years of age should be allowed to engage in
agriculture, domestic service, street trades, light industry, and similar
occupations in after-school hours and vacation periods.^^

The Federal Child Labor Amendment gives to Congress the power
to limit, regulate, and prohibit the labor of persons under eighteen
years of age. This Act was passed by Congress in 1924 but has failed
of ratification by the several states. This failure has been partially com-
pensated for by improvement of state laws and by specific federal
legislation. An example of the latter is the 1938 Fair Labor Standards
Act, which denies shipment in interstate or foreign commerce of goods
produced in establishments that employ children under sixteen years
of age.

The number of young workers 14 to 17 declined from nearly
2,500,000 in 1920 to approximately 1,000,000 in 1940. Wartime de-
mands reversed this trend, and in April, 1944, nearly 3,000,000 mem-
bers of this age group were at work. There was a consequent decline
of more than 1,000,000 students enrolled in high schools between
1940 and 1944.^° Teen-age workers contributed more than their share
to the labor supply during World War II, and the number exceeded
the peacetime total by 2,800,000. There was a general relaxation in
enforcing existing legislation with respect to types of employment,
hours and conditions of labor. Young workers who had left school
worked an average of 46 hours per week, which was approximately the
same as the older workers.^^

At the conclusion of the war, the wartime trend with respect to
child workers was continued. Hundreds of thousands of boys and girls
stayed at their jobs and out of school. The extended period of post-
war prosperity, with its inflationary accompaniments, was largely re-
sponsible for this continuation of teen-age employment. The decline
in the proportion of young people five to seventeen attending school
reflects this situation. In 1940, as noted, less than one million young
people fourteen to seventeen years of age were employed. In 1949 this
figure was almost two million. ^^ Proportionately, the situation was

*^ United States Department of Labor, Children's Bureau, Why Child Labor
Laws? Publication No. 313, (Washington, 1946).

5" "Trends of Child Labor, 1940-44," Monthly Labor Review, April 1945,
LX, 756-75.

51 "Teen-Age Youth in the Wartime Labor Force," ibid., January 1945, 6-17.

52 "Unemployment Among the Teen-Aged in 1947-49," ibid., December 1949,
LXIX, 646-48.

io6 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

even more aggravated than the one hundred per cent increase for 1949
would indicate. Fewer young people were in this age group than was
the case in 1940, owing to the low birth rate of the thirties. In the
fall of 1951, however, 85 per cent of the age group fourteen to seven-
teen were enrolled in school.^^ This figure suggests that the long-term
trend toward the decline of child labor has been resumed.

Illegitimacy and the Democratic Ideal

One other aspect of twentieth century American attitudes toward
the child remains to be considered. This has to do with children of
unmarried parents. The number of children born out of wedlock in
1947 was estimated at 131,900, approximately 54 per cent of which
were born to nonwhite parents and about 46 per cent to white par-
ents. This figure for 1947 represented an increase of 50 per cent over
the comparable figure for 1938, with most of the increase occurring
during the war and postwar years.^* The total estimated figure prob-
ably understates the actual situation, since the number of unregistered
illegitimate births is known to be great. Almost one in four of these
children was born to a mother seventeen years of age and younger,
and two out of five mothers were in their teens. Furthermore, a lower
proportion of the illegitimate births were delivered in hospitals or
institutions.

The manner in which society treats the child born out of wedlock
is an indication of the practical working of the democratic ideal. The
rigid teachings of the Church with respect to sex conduct have meant
that the unmarried mother has traditionally been treated with ex-
treme cruelty, and the child has been denied privileges accorded to
those born in a socially approved manner. Although the common law
regarded the child as "the child of no one," this attitude was miti-
gated in practice by the desire of the community to avoid any accept-
ance of responsibility. Hence the mother was considered as having a
moral right to claim the child and to make provision for his support,
even though she may have had no such legal right.^^

In law and in practice, the trend in the United States has been

53 Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment — October 1951/' Current Popula-
tion Reports, Population Characteristics, Series P-20, No. 37, February 18, 1952.

5^ Federal Security Agency, Public Health Ser\'ice, National Office of Vital
Statistics, "Illegitimate Births, 1938-47," Vital Statistics — Special Reports, Vol.
33, No. 5, February 15, 1950.

55 Clarke, Social Legislation, chapter 13.

THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY 107

toward the improvement of the status of the child of the unmarried
mother. The general legal principle now universally accepted by the
states is that the child is the son of the mother, that he takes her
domicile and name, that he is connected with her by ties of blood,
and that he has the right to inherit from her. In general, there are
three methods provided by which such a child may become legiti-
mate: (a) by the marriage of the parents after the birth of the child;
(b) by petition to a court for legitimation if the parents are not mar-
ried; and (c) by acknowledgment of paternity.

Some states have enacted legislation which, in effect, makes the
appropriate state agency responsible for acting as a kind of parent to
children born out of wedlock. In recent years, Arizona and North
Dakota have enacted laws placing the illegitimate child on an equal
legal footing with the legitimate child. Following the earlier examples
of California and Massachusetts, eleven additional states, by 1949, had
statutes which eliminated the question of legitimacy from the birth
certificate.^^ The objection to this procedure is that administrative,
medical, and social agencies have sound reasons for requiring this in-
formation. Consequently, a recent policy advocates the use of a birth
card which the individual may carry to establish date and place of
birth, but which is not a complete record indicating the circumstances
of birth. For administrative agencies who need such information, the
custodian of the records can supply confidential verification from the
complete report.^'''

The lot of the illegitimate child has been mitigated in still another
way. There is a growing conviction that public assistance should be
available to these children on the same basis as to legitimate children.
In some states much progress has been made in this respect. In those
states that have been willing to cooperate, federal contributions for
aid to dependent children are now permitted for the maintenance of
families that comprise only the unmarried mother and child. It is to
be expected that some abuses will occur in connection with this liber-
alization of policy. At the same time, the principle is consistent wdth
the democratic belief in equality of opportunity for the child, regard-
less of the unfortunate accident of his birth.

56 Federal Securiiy Agency, Vital Statistics of the United States, 1949, Part

I P- 33-

5'^ Federal Security Agency, Illegitimate Births, 1938-47, p. 81.

io8 THE FAMILY AND DEMOCRACY

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbott, Grace, The Child and the State, 2 vols. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1938. The author, former chief of the U. S. Chil-
dren's Bureau, belongs in the forefront of the leaders who have been
insisting that the twentieth century is the "Century of the Child."

American Council on Education, Women in the Defense Decade, ed.
Raymond F. Howes. Vol. XVI, Series 1, No. 52. Washington, April
1952. A summary report of the national conference held in Septem-
ber, 1951.

Beard, Mary R., Women as Force in History. New York: The Macmil-
lan Company, 1946. Woman has been a great influence in pre-
literate and literate ages.

Calhoun, Arthur W., A Social Histov}' of the American Family, 3 vols,
combined. New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1945. First published
in 1917, these three volumes remain the best source book for the
folkways and mores of the American family.

Clarke, Helen I., Social Legislation. New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1940. An excellent summary of laws and judicial deci-
sions dealing with certain phases of the family, emphasizing the
increasing legal regard for the members thereof as persons.

CoMMAGER, Henry Steele, Living Ideas in America. New York: Harper
& Brothers, 1951. An excellent selection of source materials on the
democratic credo and other aspects of the American heritage.

Das, Sonya Ruth, The American Woman in Modern Marriage. New
York: The Philosophical Library, Inc., 1948. This is a good brief
statement of the rise of a new individuality in the American woman.

Federal Security Agency, Children's Bureau, Washington. Only a
few of the excellent publications of this Bureau can be listed: Births,
Infant Mortality, and AlaternaJ Mortalitv, Graphic Presentation,
1943. Emma Lundberg, Our Concern — Every Child, Publication
No. 303, 1944. A HeaJthy Personality for Your Child, Publication
No. 337, 1952.

Groves, Ernest R., The American Woman, rev. ed. New York: Emer-
son Books, Inc., 1944. The author gives as a subtitle: "The Fem-
inine Side of a Masculine Ci\ilization."

Vernier, Chester G., American Family Laws, 5 vols, and supplement.
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1931-38. A complete compen-
dium of American marriage and family laws.

Women's Bureau, United States Department of Labor, The Legal
Status of Women, United States Summars^ Bulletin 157 — Revised
as of January 1, 1948. Washington, 1951. A summary of the politi-
cal and civil rights of women. Also The American Woman, Her
Changing Role, Women's Bureau Conference, 1948, Bulletin No.
224.

«^^^^'^§^J

PART II

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE

^ 6 §^^

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

During a certain period in his life, the average person in
our society falls in love and marries. This seems to be such a natural
process that many of our readers will doubtless wonder why we do
not leave it at that. Any further discussion seems superfluous to those
persons who do not question the folkways and mores and who there-
fore assume that courtship is a "natural" response to certain glandular
changes. These biological factors are unquestionably present in court-
ship behavior, but they do not tell the whole story. Courtship occurs
between two persons who have been indoctrinated in the expectations
of a particular society, as expressed in its culture. In the preceding
section, we have examined some of the general expectations of Amer-
ican society, with particular reference to the family. We shall continue
this analysis by indicating the role of culture and society in setting
the stage for courtship and marriage.

The Nature of Courtship

Courtship is ordinarily the product of late adolescence and early
adulthood, wherein the individual permanently transfers his affections
to a member of the opposite sex. In this period, the search for a love
object becomes progressively engrossing, until it temporarily over-
shadows all other considerations for the average young man or woman
in our society. Sooner or later, most persons find the man or woman
who appears (at the time, at least) to answer their specifications for
m ideal mate. In the United States, this search is conducted by the
individual largely on his own initiative, even though he is uncon-
sciously motivated by the cultural expectations of our society. This
combination of social conditioning and maturing physiological drives
makes courtship highly complicated. It also makes it infinitely ex-
citing to the immediate participants.

112 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

Courtship comprises that period in the hfe of the average individual
between his more or less casual social relationships with the opposite
sex and the definite and presumably permanent commitment of mar-
riage. Courtship is therefore the intermediate stage between dating
and marriage and as such is clearly a period of transition. The pre-
courtship stage of association involves the delightful game known as
"dating," whereby various social relationships are pursued for their
own sake and (ordinarily) without any ulterior motive on either side.
We shall consider dating in a subsequent chapter, as a characteristic
and virtually unique form of heterosexual behavior peculiar to Ameri-
can society. Courtship proper, however, is the growing emotional in-
volvement to the point where plans for marriage become prominent.
In short, courtship includes "all forms of behavior by which a man
seeks to win the consent of a woman for marriage." ^

Courtship is therefore a transitional interlude between the family
of orientation and the family of procreation. The individual is seeking
his final emancipation from his parental family by founding a family
of his own. In another sense, courtship is a process of role-changing,
wherein the adolescent boy and girl prepare to assume the role of hus-
band and wife and, eventually, of parents. This change of role is often
an abrupt and traumatic experience for the young person who has re-
cently been a footloose adolescent, with a minimum of responsibility
in his former status.

This change of status and role is facilitated in our society by the
intense personal attraction arising out of romantic love, whereby the
participants develop a strong compulsion to change one role for an-
other, more responsible one. In later life, the husband and wife may
look back with nostalgia to their erstwhile freedom before marriage.
But at the time when friendship is first ripening into love, they ask
nothing more than to spend the rest of their lives with the object of
their affection.

The change from unattached adolescent to thoroughly involved
parent comprises four successive stages. They are: (a) dating, (b)
courtship, (c) marriage, and (d) family relationships. We may an-
ticipate our discussion by briefly indicating the nature of these role
changes. Dating involves social activities that are enjoyed partly for
their own sake and partly for the sake of the prestige and emotional

^Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York: American
Book Company, 1945), p. 361.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 113

security deriving therefrom. Courtship also involves pleasurable activi-
ties, but these activities are now means to an end (marriage), rather
than ends in themselves, as in dating. In marriage, the emphasis is
upon the relationships between husband and wife, as they play the
cultural roles expected of them and also add their unique interpreta-
tions of these roles. In the majority of cases, marriage ultimately be-
comes the family, as the child is added to complete the relationship
of husband and wife. The relationships of marriage and the family, as
of life itself, never stand still.

Each of the above stages is carried on in the cultural context of
American society. As we have seen, this culture is marked by an em-
phasis upon individualism, as contrasted to the familism of other cul-
tures. Dating, courtship, marriage, and the family naturally reflect this
pervasive individualism, whereby the desires of the individual take
precedence over those of any larger social unit in the activities leading
to and embracing marriage. We shall be concerned henceforth with
many of the manifestations of this individualistic spirit, as manifested
in behavior as seemingly diverse as dating and divorce. We may here
indicate briefly the relationship between individualism and courtship,
with particular emphasis upon the function of courtship in an individ-
ualistic society.

The principal goal of marriage in our society is the happiness of the
individuals directly concerned. This hedonistic goal is at striking vari-
ance with the situation in other societies, where such factors as con-
tinuance of the family name, acquisition of additional property, in-
crease in family status, or similar tangible and mundane considerations
constitute the chief reasons for marriage. Under some such definition,
the great majority of the earth's peoples live, and under these condi-
tions the arrangement of marriage by the parents or other responsible
adults is an eminently reasonable procedure. Marriage is so important
to the family that it should not be intrusted solely to the youthful
members who are merely the principals in the contract. In their ardor
and inexperience, they might make mistakes which would reflect ad-
versely on the families that reared them and prepared them for this
important status.-

Happiness in marriage, however, is by definition the concern of the
two persons most directly affected. When this is the goal of marriage,

2 Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and Com-
pany, 1952), p. 442.

114 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

it is natural that each should be vitally interested in the person with
whom he will soon engage in a cooperative quest for happiness and,
(more or less incidentally) in the process, start a family of his
own. In our society, therefore, the question of individual choice in
marriage is paramount, and all other matters are subordinated to it.
Courtship takes on added importance, since it is the process by which
this choice is made and the participants rendered happy or unhappy
for the rest of their lives.

If courtship turns out well, the goal of individual happiness is pre-
sumably within reach of the happy couple. If it does not, many con-
sider it their inalienable right to try again with another partner. There
are those who question the morality of this general attitude toward
marriage, but no unbiased observer can deny its widespread existence
in American society. In these terms, courtship becomes of basic im-
portance in the life and happiness of the individual. He is, in effect,
weighing the desirability of various potential spouses for the subse-
quent search for happiness which they will jointly conduct. This is
the major function of courtship in American society.^

The Social Setting of Courtship

We have discussed the social and cultural setting of the family in
the United States. We shall next turn our attention to the process
of courtship, which also reflects the culture and society in which it
occurs. We may distinguish between these two concepts in terms of
their effect upon the family. American society refers to the large num-
ber of persons in reciprocal relationships who together constitute the
national entity of the United States. American culture refers to the
heritage of this society, to the material and nonmaterial products
of the relationships between its members. American culture implies
many persons living together in the complex web of social relation-
ships known as American society. Culture and society are thus recip-
rocal and interdependent, and one cannot exist without the other.
Nevertheless, these concepts are not synonymous and refer to differ-
ent aspects of the same complex whole. ^

The social setting of courtship has undergone widespread changes
in the past century. This means that courtship itself has changed, at

^ Ibid., p. 443.

* Cf. Francis E. Merrill and H. Wenhvorth Eldredge, Culture and Society
(New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1952), chaps. 2-3.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 115

least in many important respects. This change is especially apparent
in the behavior of courtship, as distinguished from the social values
that define it. The result of this differential rate of change between
behavior and its definition is a social problem, in which large num-
bers of persons are engaging in activities not sanctioned by the mores.^
The latter are, for the most part, the product of a simple, rural,
primary-group society, such as that which existed in large measure a
century ago.

The mores of courtship— as well as those of marriage and the
family — grew slowly out of this primary society and became the ex-
pected forms of behavior. Behavior, however, did not stand still but
continued to change at an increasing rate of speed. More and more
persons, in courtship, marriage, and the family, are acting in response
to the changing social situation and hence are engaging in behavior
not sanctioned by the mores. We may survey briefly some of the social
changes that have precipitated this cultural lag.^

1. Urbanization and Courtship. In 1870, some 74.3 per cent of the
population of the United States was listed as rural, that is, living in
communities of less than 2,500 persons or in the open country. By
the same definition, only 25.7 per cent was listed as urban. In 1950,
this urban ratio had changed to 63.0 per cent of the population, with
21.1 per cent as rural-nonfarm, and 15.8 per cent as rural-farm.'^ The
social setting in which the majority of the people live thus underwent a
tremendous change in less than a century. The various relationships
between the sexes, from dating to the family, underwent a correspond-
ing change. The practices of courtship were also basically affected.

In the rural community, courtship was largely conditioned by the
folkways and mores. Young people were known by name, or at least
by sight, to many other members of the community, old and young.
The expectations of the group concerning courtship were clearly de-
fined, and the young man knew what was expected of him after he
had called on a young lady more than half a dozen times.

In the modern metropolitan community, the average young person

5 Francis E. Merrill, "The Study of Social Problems," American SocioIogfcaJ
Review, June 1948, XIII, 251-59.

^William F. Ogburn, Social Change, rev. ed. (New York: The Viking Press,
1950).

^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: March,
1950," Current PopuJation Reports: Population Characteristics, Series P-20, No.
33, February 12, 1951.

ii6 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

is completely anonymous outside of his own immediate neighborhood.
There are few neighborhood groups, admiring or censorious, to com-
ment on courtship behavior and keep the young people in line. The
social contacts in late adolescence and early adulthood are more
casual, in the sense that traditional obligations do not rest so heavily
upon behavior. In the years before marriage, the young person may
go out with many different members of the opposite sex, either simul-
taneously or consecutively, and no one thinks anything of it. In short,
increasing urbanization has changed the primary setting to one in
which secondary relationships assume an increasing importance.^

2. Secularization and Courtship. The trend toward urbanization
has been accompanied by an increasing secularization of many social
relationships, including courtship. We have considered this trend
above, in terms of the individualism that characterizes the contempo-
rary family. A secular society is one in which change and innovation
are fostered, whereas a sacred society is one in which resistance to
change is encouraged by the mores.^ In general, the rural community
was the prevailing way of life throughout American societv a cen-
tury ago and still prevails (albeit in weakened form) in many isolated
communities. This isolation is fast breaking down before the commu-
nication devices that are disseminating the mass culture. The mass
circulation magazine, the radio, the motion picture, and television are
all bringing new and standardized ways of doing things— including
new patterns of dating and courtship behavior— into every community
in the country. The secular and convenient are fast replacing the
sacred and traditional.

This trend from the sacred to the secular in courtship behavior has
been summarized by Burgess and Locke in terms of four stages.

(a) The Colonial Stage. The earliest form of behavior in the Amer-
ican colonies, because of its emphasis upon arranged marriage, could
hardly qualify as courtship in the modern sense. Marriages were usu-
ally arranged by the parents, and the preliminaries were few and per-
functory.

(b) The Rural Stage. As the population moved from the eastern
seaboard to the farms and rural communities of the interior, courtship

* Cf. Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," American Journal of ScZj.
ohgy, July 1938, XLIV, 1-24.

^ Cf . Howard Becker, "Sacred and Secular Societies," Social Forces, May 1950,
XXVIII, 361-76.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 117

began to change from arrangement to individual choice. The latter
was largely determined by the mores, however, and the period of
courtship was often limited, as the young people became engaged
after comparatively short acquaintance.

(c) The Town Stage. The increasing urbanization of the country,
prior to World War I, produced a third historical stage in the process
from sacred to secular courtship. The "town" stage was marked by a
progressive relaxation of many of the earlier conventional standards,
and courtship became marked by greater freedom, both before and
after the engagement.

(d) The Metiopohtan Stage. In the contemporary metropolitan
area, the social expectations governing courtship are even more casual
than in earlier stages and determined by convenience, rather than ex-
clusively by the mores. This stage also coincides with the relaxation of
the standards of sexual behavior, which was generally believed to have
occurred in the period between the two world wars.^°

3. Individualism and Courtship. A third aspect of the changing
social setting of courtship is the increasing individualism of the urban
scene. Courtship in American society is, consciously or unconsciously,
directed at the goal of individual happiness, rather than toward the
advancement of the family, the procreation of children, or the acqui-
sition of property. Hence, it is natural that the expectations governing
courtship should reflect the growing emphasis on goals that are indi-
vidually rather than group oriented.

The person who seeks a wife is thus seeking an individual to whom
he can devote the rest of his life, who will provide romantic love,
conjugal affection, and emotional security in a world that is increas-
ingly casual and unsympathetic. This statement seems so natural to
the person reared in American society that he does not realize that
these are unusual goals for courtship. Most of the peoples of the
world desire in a prospective wife traits entirely different from per-
sonal attractiveness, vivacity, and romantic glamour.

This individualism is especially marked in the case of women. They
have undergone changes in status and role in recent decades that have
added greatly to their independence and powers of choice at all stages
of the family relationship, from dating to courtship and marriage.
Equality in education and employment has enhanced their position
and has given them powers of choice that approach those of the male.

^"Burgess and Locke, The Family, pp. 362-65.

n8 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

The majority of single women, for example, at one time or another
participate actively in the labor force and thus acquire a feeling of
economic independence. At any one time, approximately fifty per
cent of all single women over fourteen years of age are gainfully em-
ployed, and slightly more than twenty-five per cent of the married
women are also in the labor force. In both the single and married
statuses, the women of this country have a degree of economic inde-
pendence that has never before been seen on such a scale.^^

4. Mohility and Courtship. A final element in the changing social
setting for courtship is the increase in mobility. In this context, the
concept refers primarily to horizontal mobility, whereby persons move
from place to place, rather than to vertical mobility, whereby they
move upward or downward in the social scale. The people of the
United States have always been highly mobile, with a large number
always on the move westward toward the next frontier. In chapter 4,
we considered the impact upon the family of the restless ones. These
pioneers were, however, a minority of the population, and the major-
ity remained settled in rural communities or small towns for their
own lifetime and often for generations. Under these comparatively
settled conditions, the folkways of courtship had a chance to develop,
and the individual was constrained by these expectations when it
came to choosing a wife.

The immense social convulsions accompanying the depression of
the 1930's, the mobilization for World War II, and the subsequent
demobilization have contributed to the mobility of a population that
was already growing steadily greater for decades. In a representative
recent year, some 27^/2 million persons moved their places of residence
at least once. Of this number, 19V4 million moved from one house to
another within the same county, and 8V4 million moved from one
county to another. At any one time, approximately 20 per cent of the
population was in this mobile category, that is, had moved from one
residence to another within the year.^-

11 In April, 1951, some 49.6 per cent of all single women and 26.7 of all
married women were in the labor force. Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status
of Women in the Labor Force, April, 1951," Current Population Reports; Labor
Force, Series P-50, No. 37, December 26, 1951.

1" Bureau of the Census, "Internal Migration and Mobility in the United States:
March 1949 to March 1950," Current Population Reports: Population Charac-
teristics, Series P-20, No. 36, December 9, 1951.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 119

The mores of courtship were the products of generations of settled
Hving, wherein each generation knew approximately what was expected
of it in the way of behavior both before and after marriage. Social
control was vested primarily in the neighborhood and community
group, and the average young person had no choice but to follow the
conventional patterns of courtship and marriage. The informal pres-
sures of public opinion, as exerted by the primary group, insured a
high degree of conformity. When the majority of persons live under
conditions of increasing mobility, with one out of every five a new-
comer to the community (or at least to the neighborhood) within the
year, courtship becomes more casual. Many persons are not familiar
with the conventional expectations and would not follow them if they
were. Within limits, the mobile individual tends to make the rules
as he goes along.

The Cultural Patferns of Courtship

Culture and society are closely related but are not synonymous.
Society is the people, and culture is the pattern of behavior that binds
them together. We have indicated some of the changes that have
occurred in the society in which modern courtship occurs. It is rea-
sonable to assume that the related cultural patterns have changed
correspondingly. The dynamic society of the twentieth century has
perforce adapted its behavior to changes in the way of life. The cul-
tural patterns of courtship that have been handed down from a pri-
mary society are no longer adequate. In the course of responding to
new situations, the patterns themselves undergo modifications. In this
way, changes in culture follow changes in society.

There is some delay in the relative speed with which this process
takes place. Culture becomes patterned and is handed on to the next
generation in conventionalized form. The old way becomes the right
way, and value judgments arise about it. Each generation holds on to
the traditional culture patterns of courtship as expected forms of be-
havior, even after these patterns have ceased to fit the new courtship
situation. Furthermore, many of the traditional controls and expecta-
tions of the society concerning courtship have not changed as rapidly
or completely in some sections as they have in others. There is, for '
example, a differential rate of change in courtship behavior between
metropolitan areas and areas that are, or recently have been, predomi-

120 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

nantly rural. The old patterns linger on where the social changes have
not been so drastic.^^

In the primary community, the mores governing courtship were
comparatively fixed. Young people ordinarily met under appropriate
circumstances, with a formal introduction. The aggressive role was
assumed by the male, who asked permission to call on the girl. This
involved an initial visit in the parlor, with other members of the fam-
ily either present or sitting in the next room. By the time the boy had
called on the girl several times, the parents would inquire about his
intentions. If he indicated that they were serious, eventual marriage
was unofficially recognized, and parental chaperonage was somewhat
relaxed. All but the chastest manifestations of affection were presum-
ably postponed until the actual commitment to marriage, which was
marked by the engagement ring, followed by a formal announcement.
When this stage was reached, a hands-off policy was adopted by pos-
sible rival suitors, and the couple themselves accepted the fact that
their attentions henceforth belonged exclusively to each other. Mar-
riage was the logical and (ordinarily) the inevitable culmination of
this process.

This code still persists, but only in the books of etiquette. We shall
consider the actual process of courtship in more detail in subsequent
chapters. We are concerned here merely with indicating that the pat-
tern was once comparatively fixed. Today, no such certainty exists.
The same gesture may be interpreted in many different ways by per-
sons coming from different subcultures. One girl will laugh at a word
or proposal that will cause other girls embarrassment or offense. The
interpretation of the stimulus differs when the established patterns
have broken down. In modern courtship, neither the boy nor the girl
often knows what to expect. The former certainties, enforced by the
folkways and mores, have given way to the experimentation of a
changing culture. ^^

Chance meetings and informal occasions have largely replaced the
prearranged social gatherings at which so many courtships were for-
merly initiated. The former taboos against meeting under unconven-

^^ Marvin R. Koller, "Some Changes in Courtship Behavior in Three Gen-
erations of Ohio Women," American SocioJogicaJ Review, June 1951, XVI,
366-70.

^^ Margaret Mead, Male and FemaJe (New York: WilHam Morrow & Com-
pany, 1949), p. 252.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 121

tional circumstances are no longer effective. The nonexistent "parlor"
in an urban apartment has been replaced by the automobile, a change
that automatically rules out the chaperone. The kiss has lost its former
symbolic significance and has become an end in itself. The engage-
ment may or may not be formally announced, and the ring often
merely serves notice that the girl is somewhat less of a free agent than
formerly. In general, neither party completely cuts himself or herself
from social engagements with the opposite sex.

The culture patterns of courtship are thus in a state of confusion.
These patterns are adjustments to life situations and have been handed
down for generations. There is nothing necessarily sacred in many of
them. In the stable and primary environment that characterized west-
ern European and American society until a century ago, these patterns
evolved naturally from the way of life. Many of them are inadequate
today, in the face of the changed situation.

The difficulty of adjustment should not be attributed to any in-
herent mood of rebellion in young people, who refuse to follow the
established conventions. The underlying cause should rather be sought
in the social changes that are necessitating new types of adjustment,
which, in turn, will be the folkways and mores of tomorrow. Instead
of a rebellion of modern youth, dating and courtship reflect a groping,
confusion, and insecurity arising out of the inability to evolve ade-
quate patterns to meet the changing situation .^^

The patterns of courtship are marked by a number of inconsisten-
cies, a situation that is an inevitable result of the social and cultural
changes outlined above. There is, for example, a marked inconsistency
between the pattern of mate selection and the pattern of romance,
and the criteria for these two aspects of courtship are very different.
The traits that attract the romantic lover are not necessarily those
that make the best husband or wife. Likewise, there is a related in-
consistency between the patterns of dating and those of happy mar-
riage. Many of the standards that the individual seeks in a date are
not the same as those that make for a desirable spouse. Again, there
are general inconsistencies between the old and the new patterns of
courtship itself, wherein the formal pattern is simply not in accord
with the conditions of the present day. Contemporary courtship is

15 Cf. Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), chap. 6, "The Cultural Background of Courtship."

122 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

still developing, and its elements are still ''incomplete, unaccepted by
society, or in a state of transition." ^^

In common with many of the other elements of American culture,
courtship is directed toward the future, rather than toward the past.
In a static society, the individual attempts to follow the behavior of
his parents and their parents before them.^''' Under such conditions,
courtship takes place in accordance with established rituals that have
the sanction of long usage. In our own society, the individual is ex-
pected to leave behind the patterns of the past and look toward the
future. This element of improvisation has been an important charac-
teristic of American society since its origins; the situation has been a
new one and has continually called for new forms of behavior. This
factor of novelty has been intensified by the increasing urbanization,
secularization, mobility, and individualism of our society. Under such
conditions, boys and girls — whether they realize it or not — are always
breaking new ground in courtship.

A final factor in the determination of contemporary courtship is
mass communication.^^ The agencies of mass communication include
the motion picture, the radio, the mass circulation magazines, and
television. They disseminate the mass culture, which is the compara-
tively uniform pattern understood by persons in all sections of the
country, irrespective of regional differences. Adolescents learn many
of the folkways of courtship directly from the motion pictures or the
radio, instead of by word of mouth from their parents or other pri-
mary groups. The new means of acculturation are not necessarily
either "better" or "worse" than the old. The primary consideration is
that they represent different approaches to courtship. The old patterns
are thus mingled with the new, and the young person is honestly be-
wildered as to what course to follow.^^

The Basic Function of Courtship

We have considered the nature of courtship, the social setting in
which it occurs, and the changing cultural patterns which evolve

1^ Donald L. Taylor, "Courtship as a Social Institution in the United States,
1930 to 1945," Social Forces, October 1946, XXV, 69.

^'' Mead, Male and Female, p. 253.

1* Cf. Wilbur Schramm, ed., Mass Communications (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1949).

1^ For a stimulating discussion of these and other aspects of the mass culture,
see David Riesknan, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1950).

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 123

from this setting. We may next consider the functions of courtship,
that is, the activities it performs and the contributions it makes to
marriage and the family. The central function of courtship in any
society is to determine who marries whom. Courtship thus sets the
stage for both marital and familial institutions. There is a close func-
tional relationship between courtship and the goals of marriage and
family life. This relationship is readily apparent in closely-knit and
static societies, where the elements of culture are consistent and
where one part of the pattern makes sense in terms both of the other
parts and the pattern as a whole.

From the foregoing discussion, it should be clear that no such
internal consistency exists in the courtship pattern of the United
States. Some of the folkways and mores that have come down from
an earlier day have very little relevance to contemporary metropoli-
tan conditions. Other and emerging elements have not yet been ac-
cepted into the culture, even though their utility appears evident to
the enlightened observer.

Despite the inconsistencies and malfunctionings of the courtship
pattern, people still continue to meet, marry, and have children. This
fact suggests that courtship still operates, albeit often in chaotic and
blundering fashion, to carry out its most important function; namely,
that of determining, under the terms of the prevailing cultural norms,
what individuals will marry and whom they will marry. The cen-
tral goal of marriage in our society, as we have noted, is the hap-
piness of the individual participants, rather than such elements as
prestige, money, or procreation.

The machinery of courtship is largely a reflection of this central
goal and hence courtship assumes an over-all functionalism. The proc-
ess culminates in the mutual and reciprocal choice of two young per-
sons, with relatively little cooperation or hindrance from family,
church, or state, for the presumably permanent relationship of mar-
riage. Up to this point, therefore, the culture pattern of courtship is
highly functional. Americans are the most married people in the
Western wo rid. -°

But the story does not end here, as it does in the movies, with the
couple living happily ever after. The question inevitably arises, in
considering the functionalism of contemporary courtship, as to

2" Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Recent International Marriage
Trends," Statistical BuJJetin, June 1951.

124 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

whether it leads to the best possible selection of mates, even for the
particular purposes held out for marriage. Does the average young
man or woman, in other words, have the opportunity to choose a
mate who will satisfy the complex (and often contradictory) require-
ments for a husband or wife in our society?

The divorce statistics would suggest a negative, or at least a quali-
fied, answer to this question. Divorce reflects the failure of the mar-
riage to live up to the expectations of the participants. This situation
in turn suggests either: (a) that the romantic goals are impossible of
realization; or (b) that the courtship process does not adequately
prepare people to realize these goals. The explanation for the failure
of large numbers of marriages involves both of these factors. We shall
consider the romantic element in the following chapter. We merely
suggest here that, in general, the prevailing mode of courtship leaves
something to be desired in the choice of mates.^^

Courtship is an irrational process. There may not be any inherent
virtue in the exercise of pure reason in human affairs, especially those
involving the choice of a marriage partner. We are merely sug-
gesting that courtship in our society is conducted in an aura of con-
spicuous irrationality, even though the resulting state of matrimony
is an eminently serious and (at least partially) rational business. This
disregard of rational considerations is, in turn, in accord with the
central goal of individual happiness in marriage, which does not lend
itself to the employment of the rational faculties. In societies where
men marry for other and more prosaic reasons, the arrangement of
the marriage is ordinarily conducted by the families, who are pre-
sumably acting under rational premises and are not carried away by
passion or infatuation. In our own society, we scorn such sordid con-
siderations. We prefer to carry on courtship and marital choice in an
atmosphere of glorious irrationality.

Even if we did wish to conduct our courtship in a rational manner,
the choice would be confused by unconscious emotions. Men and
women who seek each other out in marriage are moved by motiva-
tions, the nature and even existence of which they are largely un-
aware. On the rational level, a group of undergraduate women may
list the qualifications for a husband in some such order as the fol-
lowing: "ambition, intelligence, education, relative age, disposition,
health, courage, relative height, sex appeal, family attitude toward,

21 Winch, The Modern Family, pp. 442-45.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 125

f'orcefulness, popularity with other girls, wealth, appearance, religious
affiliation, physical strength, nationality background, occupation, so-
cial position, . . . and place of birth." --

The actual motives for the choice of any particular man may be
very different from these expressions. We shall consider these sub-
conscious motivations in more detail in a subsequent chapter. We
wish merely to indicate in this context the general implications of
courtship and marital choice. As conducted in our society, courtship
is a process involving the entire personality, conscious and uncon-
scious, rational and nonrational.

The Secondary Functions of Courtship . . , , , ,r , ., -

The basic function of courtship in our society is, then, the en-
hancement of individual happiness through the choice of an attrac- ^^
tive and romantic mate, with whom one may embark upon a lifetime
^i marital felicity. In addition to this basic function, other secondary
functions have been suggested.-^

1. Marital Selection. In an obvious sense, courtship establishes
who shall marry and to whom. The genetic equipment of one gen- ^
eration is transmitted to the next through courtship and marriage.
The criteria for this process differ among societies. In some societies,

the wealthiest girls, those with the highest social status, or those with
the sturdiest physiques are the ones who inevitably get married. These
factors do not necessarily insure marriage in our society, where even
position and wealth may be insufficient to induce a man to marry a
particular girl. With us, the wife is more often chosen on the basis
of such irrelevant factors (in the sense of making a good wife and
mother, at least) as a pretty face and a slim ankle.

2. Reciprocal Accommodation. Prolonged relationships between
two people involve a never-ending series of accommodations. The
only alternative is the perpetual yielding of one person, a relationship
that is becoming increasingly unlikely in a democratic and equali-
tarian society. Each member must make concessions to the other,
even if they are in such petty matters as whether or not to go to the

22 Thomas C. McCormick and Boyd E. Macrory, "Group Values in Mate
Selection in a Sample of College Girls," Social Forces, March 1944, XXII, 315-
17, Table 2.

23 Niles Carpenter, "Courtship Practices and Contemporary Social Change in
America," Annals oi the American Academy oi Political and Social Science,
March 1932, CLX, 38-44.

126 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

movies and, if so, where. This accommodation is an important ele-
ment in a satisfactory marital relationship, as we shall see in chapter
11, where we discuss the nature of conjugal affection. The courtship
period is merely the beginning of such concessions, when the glamour
of the original dating is partially worn off and each finds that he can-
not be perpetually on his best behavior. Courtships marked by such
accommodative relationships represent an important initial step to-
ward a successful marriage.

3. Emotional Development. A third function of courtship is to
provide a social situation in which the individual develops emotion-
ally and begins to assume adult status. The frivolities of dating are
now presumably at an end and both partners realize that they are
standing on the threshold of a new stage in their lives. Our society
is at best strongly marked by "discontinuities" in status, whereby the
individual undergoes abrupt transitions from one status to another,
often without preliminary conditioning.^* The period of adolescence
is prolonged, during which the adolescent is expected to be free from
responsibility, submissive to his parents, and comparatively sexless.
Once entered upon the marriage status, however, he is supposed sud-
denly to become responsible, dominant, and sexually active. Court-
ship is a serious search and ultimate finding of a mate and this period
helps to provide an element of responsibility between adolescence
and adulthood.

Courtship in American society is an individual quest for a mate
who will make both parties happy in marriage. Courtship in any
society is conducted in a particular cultural milieu and in accordance
with its distinctive patterns. A certain consistency exists, therefore,
between courtship and the cultural pattern as a whole. Courtship
performs a central social function, which is more or less consistent
with the other elements in the culture pattern. Courtship should be
judged in terms of the prevailing aspirations of the society in which
it currently operates, not in terms of other societies.

In the United States, courtship is a trial-and-error search for hap-
piness. It is not primarily oriented toward the rational arrangement
of marriage on the basis of factors that make for stability. Marriage
in our society is a social relationship that stresses personal happiness.
As such, it is an admittedly frail reed upon which to base a social

-'• Ruth Benedict, "Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Conditioning,"
Psychiatry, May 1938, I, 161-67.

COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY 127

institution such as the family. Given the basic cultural norms, ho\?v
ever, courtship tends to lead toward a marriage of this kind and
should not be unduly criticized because it does not produce com-
pletely stable marriages.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bov^MAN, Henry A., Marriage for Moderns, 2nd ed. New York: Mc-
Graw-Hill Book Company, 1948. A leading text in preparation for
marriage at the college and university level. Chapter 8 is entitled
"Courtship and Engagement."

Burgess, Ernest W. and Harvey J. Locke, The Family. New York:
American Book Company, 1945. In chapter 12 of this standard
treatise on the family, the authors have given a thoughtful analysis
of the changing social setting of courtship and marital choice.

Carpenter, Niles, "Courtship Practices and Contemporary Social
Change in America," Annals of the American Academy of PoUtical
and Social Science, March 1932, CLX, 38-44. In this article, written
more than twenty years ago, many of the present trends in courtship
practices were seen in their earlier and less advanced stages.

CuBER, John, "Changing Courtship and Marriage Customs," Annals ot „
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, September
1943, CCXXIX, 30-38. The social context of American courtship is
examined as it appeared during the height of World War II. Tlie
article by Carpenter (above) surveyed courtship in the midst of the
great depression, whereas the article by Cuber surveys it as its rela-
tionships were modified by another type of social crisis.

Duvall, Evelyn M., and Reuben Hill, When You Marry. New York:
Association Press, 1945. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 of this introduction
to marriage are devoted especially to courtship in its various phases.

Mead, Margaret, Male and Female. New York: William Morrow &
Company, 1949. A stimulating work by a noted anthropologist. T
Contains many brilliant insights into the changing patterns of court-
ship in American culture.

Merrill, Francis E., Comtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. Part I deals with the general subject of courtship as a
social relationship.

Skidmore, Rex A. and Anthon S. Cannon, Building Your Marriage.
New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951. Many chapters deal with the
general subject of courtship. Chapter 5, "Courtship and the Growth
of Love," is especially directed thereto.

Taylor, Donald L., "Courtship as a Social Institution in the United
States, 1930 to 1945," Social Forces, October 1946, XXV, 65-69.
A social institution comprises a related pattern of social expectations

i28 COURTSHIP AND SOCIETY

directed toward some general goal. In this sense, courtship is a
social institution and is so treated in this article.
Waller, Willard, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The
Dryden Press, 1951. The brilliant analysis of courtship originally
developed by Willard Waller has been carried forward with equal
brilliance by Reuben Hill in a revision. Part Three, "Mate Finding:
Establishing Relationships," deals especially with courtship.

«^ 7 ^

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

America," remarked a sympathetic foreign observer, "ap-
pears to be the only country in the world where love is a national
problem." ^ In no other country, he continues, do people devote so
much of their time and energy to an anxious consideration of love
and to the fear that their marital relationships will not result in per-
sonal happiness. Americans are not the first people in history faced
with the necessity of getting along with each other in marriage. But
Americans are unique in the excessive attention which they give to the
hedonistic satisfactions deriving from courtship and marriage. "The
great majority of Americans of both sexes," continues our foreign
observer, "seem to be in a state of chronic bewilderment in the face of
a problem . . . which— unlike other people— they still refuse to accept
as one of those gifts of the gods which one might just as well take as
it is: a mixed blessing at times, and at other times a curse or merely
a nuisance." ^

The Nature of Romantic Love

Romantic love is thus an integral part of the culture of a demo-
cratic America. Romance plays an important role in determining the
attitudes that young men and women hold toward marriage, attitudes
that go far toward determining the success or failure of their family
relationships. Romance is also an inescapable element in courtship,
and the search for a mate is conducted in an atmosphere heavily im-
pregnated with romantic expectations. The search for happiness,
which is the principal motive for courtship and marriage, is itself de-
fined in terms of criteria that are essentially romantic. Courtship that
is not based upon romance is considered undesirable and even faintly

^ Raoul de Roussy de Sales, "Love in America," The Athntic Monthly, May
1938, CLXI, 645-51.
2 Ihid.

129

130 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LO\^E

immoral, as if the prospective spouses were motivated by sordid con-
siderations. In view of these factors, any analysis of courtship in
American society would be incomplete without an extended discus-
sion of the nature and functions of romantic love.

Romantic love has been defined as "that complex of attitudes and
sentiments which regards the marriage relation as one exclusively of
response. This romantic attitude pictures the marriage relationship
in terms of love— sexual attraction in large part— and sets up a stand-
ard according to which marriage is measured by the satisfaction of a
highly idealized desire for response." ^ This belief in the supreme
importance of romance as a necessary prelude to marriage is rooted
deep in the expectation of our society. In Middletown, for example,
"Marriage, under the romantic tradition prevailing in our American
culture, nominally depends primarily upon the subtleties of personal
response described as 'falling in love.' " ^ Rich and poor, young and
old, boys and girls from all walks of life are exposed to this cluster
of beliefs from the time they are able to walk. They enter the de-
lightful period of courtship and the long and serious business of mar-
riage with their eyes covered by the rose-colored glasses of romance.

The group of expectations making up romantic love has been fur-
ther characterized in terms of the following beliefs: "(i) that in
marriage will be found the only true happiness, (2) that affinities
are ideal love relations, (3) that each may find an ideal mate, (4)
that there is only one, and (5) this one will be immediately recog-
nized when met. . . ." ^

Romantic love may be further defined in stark functional terms
Romantic love is what it does. It is recognized as the "only valid basis
for marriage." In Middletown, and everywhere else in the United
States, young people discover their partners in marriage by the infor-
mal process of "falling in love." "Middletown adults," remark the
Lynds, "appear to regard romance in marriage as something which,
like their religion, must be believed in to hold societ}^ together. Girls
are assured by their elders that 'love' is an unanalvzable mystery that
'just happens.' 'You'll know when the right one comes along,' they

3 Ernest R. Mowrer, Family Disorganization (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1927), p. 160.

* Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown in Transition (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1937), p. 147.

5 Mowrer, op. cit., pp. 160-61.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 131

are told with a knowing smile." ^ This acceptance of the inevitability
and necessity of falling in love before marriage is the essence of ro-
mantic love. The very fact that it is not questioned places romance
in the category of the mores. Men and women do not question the
eternal verities of their social order.

Marriage and romantic love are considered as inextricably inter-
mingled. The success or failure of a marriage is measured by the
presence and continuance of this form of attachment. The fallacy
that clings to this conception rests in the belief that the romantic
relationship of lover and sweetheart can continue unchanged after
marriage. As a noted psychiatrist remarks, "Romance lasting for many
years is only imaginable in Utopia. . . . No person can remain in the
grip of a strange fascination for a long time. , . . Romance is a nine-
day wonder." ''' The difficulty often arises from the failure to under-
stand and allow for the inevitability of this change and the accom-
panying belief that the cooling of romance signals the failure of
marriage.

Romantic love appears to be more characteristic of the subculture
of the middle- and upper-class groups in the United States than that
of the lower-class groups. This differential emphasis is indirectly indi-
cated by the researches of Kinsey, who demonstrates that there is a
wide difference between the "social levels" in terms of the incidence,
frequency, and forms of sexual release. In general, the lower-level
groups engage in more direct release in the form of sexual intercourse,
whereas the middle- and upper-level groups tend to stress such indi-
rect and vicarious sexual releases as petting, masturbation, and fantasy.
The middle-class emphasis upon premarital virginity enhances the
emotional idealization characteristic of the romantic complex. Lower-
level males, on the other hand, are more interested in sexual release
as an end in itself, rather than as a means to some more rarified end.
Romantic love, furthermore, stresses the individual and operates on
the premise that only one person can fulfill all the manifold charac-
teristics of the ideal sweetheart. The lower-level male is primarily
interested in sexual release as such and is not particularly concerned
with the personal traits of his sexual partner.^

^ Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 115.

'^ Theodor Reik, A Psychologist Looks at Love (New York: Rinehart & Com-
pany, Inc., 1944), p. 295.

* Alfred C. Kinsey et aJ., Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chap. 10.

132 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

Sex and Romance

To those persons innocent of the most rudimentary knowledge of
the cultural disciplines, the only possible explanation of human be-
havior is biological in character. According to this point of view,
people act as they do because they are born that way. Nature there-
fore serves as the great explanation as well as the great mother of all
human conduct. Men and women are thus thought to be romantic
because there is a mysterious something in their genie equipment
that predisposes them in this direction. Romantic love is considered
to be the normal reaction of two young people of the opposite sex
to the physical urges with which they are endowed by the Creator
for the preservation of the species and the improvement of the race.

The belief that the romantic pattern is natural and instinctive and
therefore in complete accordance with the otherwise inscrutable de-
signs of Providence is infinitely reassuring to millions of men and
women as they grope for some element of security in a complex soci-
ety. The majority of persons in our society therefore regard with ex-
pressions ranging from mild surprise to annoyed incredulity anyone
who dares suggest that sex and romantic love are not brothers and
sisters under the skin.

This relationship is denied by most modern psychologists. "Sex,"
suggests Theodor Reik, "is an instinct, a biological need, originating
in the organism, bound to the body. ... Its aim is the disappearance
of a physical tension." ^ Romantic love, on the other hand, is not in
the same biological category at all, since the majority of people in
the world never experience it even in the most attenuated form.
Many cultures have never known romance, a situation that would be
clearly impossible if there were any specific genie elements that in-
evitably produced the characteristic manifestations of romance. Sex
therefore "appears as a phenomenon of nature, common to men and
beasts. Love is the result of a cultural development and is not even
found among all men." ^" This does not mean that there is no rela-
tionship whatever between sex and romance. In many instances, they
are both directed toward the same object. In our culture, such an
identity is part of the romantic ideology. But this association does
not mean that the two emotions are one and the same.

8 Reik, A Psychologist Looks at Love, p. 1 8.
" Ibid., p. 19.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 135

Romantic love plays an important part in the process which Have-
lock Ellis has termed "the cycle of tumescence and detumescence." ^^
The former concept refers to the building up of sexual tensions and
the latter refers to their release. Courtship is the stage of the cycle
connected with tumescence, whereby the sexual tensions are in-
creased by a variety of secondary stimuli. Marriage represents the
stage of detumescence, where the sexual tensions are relieved under
socially approved circumstances. In our society, complete sexual
union is supposed to wait until marriage, but at the same time ro-
mantic love attracts the partners and sanctions various secondary sex-
ual relationships between them. The role of romantic love in the
sexual cycle is an ambivalent one, with an initial attraction followed
by culturally-defined repressions, which in turn are ultimately re-
leased in marriage. ^^

Romantic love thus appears to be the product of sexual repression,
at least in terms of the complete expression of this impulse. In soci-
eties that permit extensive sexual freedom before marriage, romantic
love seems to be absent. When young people in primitive societies
are permitted a strong measure of sexual experimentation before mar-
riage, the emotional intensity of their relationships is correspondingly
low. Under such conditions, tumescence does not arise over a long
period of intimacy, as it does in our society under the stimulus of
petting and other secondary manifestations. In such sexually permis-
sive societies as those of Samoa and the Trobriand Islands, love-mak-
ing is a game, not a devouring passion as in our society.^^

Romantic Love and the Sexual Object

Sex in its elementary form is not particularly fastidious as to choice
of object. Sexual tensions may be released by a wide variety of stimuli
and by persons with whom the individual may have no romantic re-
lationship whatever. Romance, on the other hand, is extremely par-
ticular. One and only one sweetheart is the desired object of affec-
tion. "The object of love," affirms Reik, "is always seen as a person
and a personality. ... It has to have certain psychical qualities which

11 Havelock Ellis, "Analysis of the Sexual Impulse." Studies in the Psychology
oi Sex (New York: Random House, 1942), Vol. I, Part II.

12 For a fuller analysis of this relatiouihip, see Francis E. Merrill, Courtship
and Marriage (New York: The Dryden Press, 1949), pp. 54-57-

13 Robert O. Blood, Jr., "Romance and Premarital Intercourse — Incompati-
bles?" Marriage and FamiJy Living, May 1952, XIV, 105-8.

134 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

are highly valued, the existence of which is not demanded from a
mere sexual object." ^^ In the development of the romantic attitude,
emphasis is placed upon individual characteristics and individual
choice. Sex may be relatively impersonal and the individual is often
undiscriminating in his sexual choice. Romantic love is the essence
of discrimination and the relationship cannot by its very nature take
place on an impersonal basis. The process of idealization in romantic
love is based upon the choice of one individual out of all the pos-
sible individuals in the world.

The sex drive is unquestionably one of the most imperious in the
hereditary equipment of the human being. As such, it serves as the
nucleus about which the cultural sentiments of romantic love are
based. "But what transforms sex into love," suggests Sapir, "is a
strange and compulsive identification of the loved one with every
kind of attachment that takes the ego out of itself. The intensity of
sex becomes an unconscious symbol for every other kind of psychic
intensity, and the intensity of love is measured by the intensities of
all non-egoistic identifications that have been transferred to it." ^^
Under the lash of these combined sexual and cultural stimuli, the
individual may be so carried away as to become temporarily imper-
vious to other influences. The preservation of the human species
squarely depends upon the sex urge. In the analysis of romantic be-
havior, this biological fact is taken for granted. It is grist for our
mill.16

But when we have admitted the presence of these biological fac-
tors, we have not answered the question of romantic love. Actually,
we have only begun it. We have not explained why John Smith and
Mary Jones fall in love at first sight and vow to marry and live hap-
pily ever after, why they believe there is no other possible mate for
them, why they save theater stubs and dance programs as symbols
of their courtship days, why they disregard the advice of their parents
and marry someone of another religion, nationality group, or social
class — why they do these and a hundred other things. The instinctive
explanation is completely insufficient to explain such behavior. Some
other explanation must be advanced, one based upon culture and hu-

^^ Reik, A Psychologist Looks at Love, p. 19.

^^ Edward Sapir, "Observations on the Sex Problem in America," The Amer-
ican Journal of Psvchiatrv, November 1928, III, 527.

16 Cf. Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, Vol. I, Part II.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 135

man nature. Romantic love is clearly not instinctive. The instinctive
basis of the sex urge has become so overlaid with cultural accumula-
tions by the time the individual has reached adolescence that the one
cannot be distinguished from the other.

The social relationships between the sexes that form the basis of
romantic love are the result of thousands of years of refinement, dur-
ing which many of the contemporary expectations slowly evolved.
Romantic lovers believe that men and women who are sexually at-
tracted to one another are "naturally" kind and solicitous, anxious
to devote their best efforts to their mutual welfare, and have no
other purpose than the safety and comfort of the children brought
into the world through their sexual collaboration. Sexual lovers are
thought to be selfless toward one another, uniting in their passion all
the generosity and affection which are accepted as the traditional
roles of husband and wife in our culture.

This assumption is scientifically unfounded. The "natural" mani-
festations of the sex drive in human beings, stripped to their most
elemental terms, are anything but tender, loving, and solicitous. Sex
is selfish. The individual who uses another purely as a sexual vehicle
is interested only in the release of his own tensions, rarely in the
happiness of the other. The personal feehngs of the mistress whose
appeal is primarily sexual are not considered as important as those
of a romantic sweetheart. The presence of the sexual object is wel-
come only at the time of desire, neither before nor after. Sexual
desire is as self-centered as hunger or thirst.

The wide gulf existing between the sex relations of man in his
biological and social states is suggested by Briffault: "The attraction
between the sexes is not primarily or generally associated with the
order of feelings which we denote as 'tender feelings,' affection, love.
These have developed comparatively late in the course of organic
evolution, and have arisen in relation to entirely different functions.
The primitive, and by far the most prevalent, association of the sex-
ual impulse is not with love, but with the opposite feelings of callous
cruelty and delight in the infliction and the spectacle of pain." ^'^
Among many animals, the spectacle of fierce fighting between male
and female during the entire course of the sexual relationship is com-
mon. In the course of evolution, homo sapiens has come a long way

17 Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York: The Macmillan Company.
1927), I, 118.

136 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

from the murderous sadism of the animal lover for his mate, but the
mere absence of such behavior is still a far cry from romantic love.
Cultural expectations, rather than biological drives, produce the sen-
timents we associate with romantic love.

Romance and Release

The average man or woman in America does not lead a particu-
larly exciting life. Neither does the average man or woman in any
other place. The daily routine of existence in any society, from the
mountain Arapesh of New Guinea to the upland villager in Brooklyn
Heights, has comparatively few high points. In an effort, deliberate or
not, to compensate for the boredom of daily life, different peoples
have evolved different means of relaxation and mass euphoria. The Aus-
tralian primitive has his corroboree, the Roman citizen had his Satur-
nalia, and the little man of the Third Reich had his party festivals.
We have romantic love. The escape from reality on the part of other
cultures has, for the most part, been an institutionalized affair, with
prescribed rituals and ceremonies that give the individual something
to look forward to, to relieve him temporarily of the routine of living.
These people, "primitive" or "civilized," go periodically crazy to-
gether, as it were, augmenting their individual excitement by contact
with other similarly excited persons under socially prescribed condi-
tions. Festivals, games, dances, orgies, carnivals, and the like provide
necessary release from the humdrum activities of daily living. ^^

In characteristic fashion, Americans leave this release largely up
to the individual. Aided and abetted though he is bv the motion pic-
ture and other mechanisms of mass release, the individual must seek
and find his salvation as an individual, rather than as a member of a
functioning group. Romance is a highly acceptable method of finding
this release, in contrast to other methods that are not sanctioned by
the mores. All of the conditions under which the individual falls in
love and marries are socially prescribed, although the application is
primarily individual. We seek our romance and establish our families
as individuals, a procedure with both the faults and the virtues of our
society.

In the normal peacetime routine, the possibility of a romantic love
affair, to be followed by an equally romantic marriage, is the most

1* William G. Sumner, Folkways (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1906), chap.
XVII, "Popular Sports, Exhibitions, and Drama."

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 137

exciting prospect on the proximate or ultimate horizon of the indi-
vidual. He may actually experience such a romantic courtship and
marriage, in which event he considers that life has treated him hand-
somely, as indeed it has. But if he does not actually have such an
experience, he can have it vicariously, not once but any number of
times. He can read a book or a magazine, hear a popular song on the
radio, or go to a movie. Each time he has any of these experiences,
he receives a certain romantic excitement, brought about by partially
identifying himself with the hero of the novel, story, song, or motion
picture. These substitute satisfactions may not be the real thing, but
they will do until the real thing comes along. For many people, these
surrogates are the nearest to the real thing they ever get. Such persons
may go through life lamenting that they have been deprived of the
greatest satisfaction life can give them— a romantic marriage. They
have been taught to hope for more than they can reasonably expect.

An observer of the American folkways made this statement con-
cerning our tendency to engage in romantic flights from reality: "A
cardinal characteristic of immaturity is dread of reality; the fear or
the inability to look facts in the face. It is this dread, on the one
hand, and a false romanticism, on the other, which has caused us to
surround marriage with a mawkish sentimentality." ^^ The belief that
happy marriages are made in heaven, that each boy and girl has a
preordained affinity, and that the discovery of this affinity will auto-
matically result in perfect marital happiness is unreal in the sense
that it ignores such prosaic factors as sheer physical propinquity in
romantic love, not to mention other equally fortuitous and prosaic
factors.

If John and Mary did not happen to go to the same high school,
work in the same store, office, or factory, or live on the same street,
they would probably never meet and marry. Romance would never
come to either of them, unless it is admitted that it could equally
well have come with another person. Such a realistic admission, how-
ever, denies a fundamental of the romantic faith— namely, that there
is only one ideal husband or wife for everyone and that if an indi-
vidual does not find such a person the first time, he is in romantic
duty bound to try again.

'The point is of course," continues our observer, "that compati-

13 David L. Cohn, Love in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1943),
p. 58.

138 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

bility is not the result of preordination, accident, or mysterious gift,
but of design; and this is to conclude that the romantic concept of
marriage is false and dangerous." ^^ It is false and dangerous, he be-
lieves, not in suggesting that an individual may be extremely happy
with the husband or wife of his choice but rather in thinking that,
if this happiness does not measure up to what we have been taught
to expect, something is wrong with the marriage. The quiet pleasures
of conjugal happiness are thus in a sense a denial of the romantic
faith, which tells us that for the rest of our lives we should continue
to burn with the same pure, gemlike flame that flared during the
early weeks of marriage. Taking the other for granted in tranquil
matrimony is, strictly speaking, against the romantic rules.

At this point, many lovers and/or sociologists may arise in right-
eous indignation and wave aloft the torch of romance. It is asserted,
for example, that romantic love has a definite function in softening
the conflict between adolescent sexual desires and the social conven-
tions that forbid their complete expression.^^ The adolescent who
can thus express his sexual urges by projecting them upon his love
object thereby relieves his guilt feelings and averts a depreciation of
the self. In this sense, romantic love serves as an emotional substitute
for the complete sexual relations forbidden by the mores.

The refusal of sexual gratification by the female, furthermore, is
both a basic element in the romantic complex and an indication that
the female has greater self-control and moral power. In short, "it
(romantic love) has not only done no harm as a prerequisite to mar-
riage, but it has mitigated the impact that a too-fast-moving and un-
organized conversion to our socio-economic constellations has had
upon our whole culture and it has saved monogamous marriage from
complete disorganization." -^

The first part of the above allegation is clearly true— namely, that
romantic love serves as an important therapeutic device during ado-
lescence, whereby the individual derives euphoria by finding a love-
object that can satisfy his emotional needs without violating the
mores. The conclusion that romantic love is therefore vital to the
continuance of the family and that it has, indeed, "saved monoga-

20 Jbid., p. 59.

21 Hugo G. Beigel, "Romantic Love," American SocioIogicaJ Review, June
1951, XVI, 326-34.

22 Ibid., p. 333.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 139

mous marriage from complete disorganization" would, however, ap-
pear to be still unproved. Like many other social values, romantic
love is a two-edged sword in the sense that it embodies some group
expectations that are clearly functional, as well as others that are
equally disfunctional. Romantic love may help the individual over
the difficult adjustments of adolescence. But it may also establish
unreal and impossible premises for a sound and permanent marriage.

The affectionate companionship of husband and wife should cer-
tainly increase as the years pass. As the couple live and share the joys
and sorrows of adult life, they will have more and more to go on.
As their interests become absorbed in their children, with mutual
hopes for the health, happiness, and success of the flesh of their flesh,
husband and wife will have still greater common interests. As the
web of habit binds them closer together in its pleasant and tenacious
tyranny, they will be increasingly dependent upon mutual compan-
ionship. When this degree of unity and conjugal affection is reached,
John and Mary can truthfully say that they cannot get along without
each other.

But this felicitous state is reached only after years of marriage. It
cannot possibly be discovered when the two have known each other
a few hours, weeks, or months. Such considerations of time and ad-
justment are largely ignored by the romanticist. Conjugal felicity is
not romantic at all— if we subsume the unfamiliarity, excitement,
emotional tension, passionate jealousy, and manic-depressive states
of feeling that characterize romantic love as popularly understood.
Conjugal happiness is real and permanent, romantic ecstasy unreal
and transitory as the only basis for marriage. As Sumner points out,
"Conjugal love ... is based on esteem, confidence and habit. . . .
Conjugal affection makes great demands on the good sense, spirit of
accommodation, and good nature of each." ^^ At this point, some
people have complained that marriage has become "monotonous."
But that is the way it should be. ^'^

Romance and the Need for Affection

Love is one of the basic needs of the individual in our society. The
emphasis upon love varies from one society to another, and our own

23 Sumner, Folkways, p. 363.

24 Elton Mayo, "Should Marriage Be Monotonous?" Harper's Magazine, Sep-
tember 1925, CLI, 420-27.

140 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

society places it in a central place in its hierarchy of values. This situ-
ation is especially pertinent for the boy or girl in the middle class,
where the child is actively conditioned to expect affection and to be
unhappy when he is deprived (or thinks he is deprived) thereof.-^
The need for affection is inculcated early in life, and the child ini-
tially satisfies this need with his parents. As he grows older, his love
objects change, but the need for affection persists.

The search for a marriage mate occupies him during late adoles-
cence, and hence courtship is of paramount importance. Falling in
love is psychologically a process of self-completion, whereby the per-
son seeks a mate who will love him, make him feel important, and
insure the stability of his ego. He tries to retain this emotional secur-
ity by finding and marrying someone who will measure up to his
conscious and unconscious ideal standards.^^

The family (especially the middle-class family) thus conditions the
individual both to seek love as a basic goal and to fear its withdrawal
as a devastating loss. At the same time, our society as a whole tends
to withhold love, or at least make it difficult to attain. In the imper-
sonal world of the metropolitan community, life is often so competi-
tive, mobile, and anonymous that the average person experiences an
acute lack of the emotional security which he has been conditioned
to expect.-^

This need for affection is especially characteristic of adolescence.
This is the period when the boy or girl vacillates between a desire
for emancipation from the family and a desire to return to the com-
forting security of childhood. The adolescent is often tormented by
feelings of uncertainty, first as to what his role should be and second
as to his success in playing it. He is, furthermore, anxious to demon-
strate his outstanding qualities in the eyes of his contemporaries of
both sexes. These qualities may range from athletic prowess to per-
sonal attractiveness, and the adolescent is often painfully aware of
his shortcomings. He may suffer from a sense of personal inadequacy
and reach out eagerly for any relationship that will dispel this feeling.-^

25 Arnold W. Green, "The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis," Amer-
ican Sociological Review, February 1Q46, XI, 31-41.

26 Cf. Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, Inc., 1952), chap. 12, "Psychic and Cultural Origins of Love."

27 James S. Plant, Persona/ity and the Cultural Pattern (New York: The
Commonwealth Fund, 1957), pp. 150 flF.

2*^ Winch, The Modern Family, pp. 367-70.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 141

In a study of adolescent girls in a lower-middle-class subculture,
this element of inadequacy and the consequent need for affection is
strongly indicated. The personality of the "typical" girl of this group
is described as follows: "She experiences high level or pervasive anxi-
ety which stems from her feelings of affectional deprivation, her per-
ception of the world as being hostile or unfriendly to her, the conflict
between her desire to express her inner needs and her social environ-
ment's requirement that she suppress them." -^

The craving for love is manifest throughout this study, along with
a strong feeling of anxiety because this affection is not forthcoming
to the extent the girl believes it should. Both her conscious and un-
conscious efforts are dedicated to the quest for love. At one stage in
her psychosexual development, the adolescent girl may derive this
generalized affection from members of her own sex. At a later stage,
she seeks it from members of the opposite sex, through dating and
romantic love. If she cannot gain the needed affection directly, she
may seek it vicariously, through fantasy or daydreaming.^*'

Romantic love is an important element in the search for affection.
The lover is aware of his unworthiness, and the thought that a mem-
ber of the opposite sex is romantically interested in him goes far to
relieve his sense of inadequacy. Many of the allegedly wonderful
traits of the romantic partner are not visible to other persons, which
fact suggests that the lover unconsciously idealizes his beloved and
thereby increases his own happiness at the miracle of being loved.
The greater the contrast between the adolescent's conception of him-
self and his conception of the love object, the greater the satisfaction
at being adored by this paragon.

The individual thus experiences a strong need for love, and this
need is met through the process of idealization. The need and the
emotion are more important than the particular person who happens
to be the love object. The melancholy of the adolescent is an expres-
sion of the conflict between his own feeling of unworthiness and the
need to be loved. "Love," says Benedek, ". . . is an emotion which
resolves the conflict." ^^

29 Esther Milner, "Effects of Sex Role and Social Status on the Early Adoles-
cent Personahty," Genetic Ps}'choJogy JVfonographs, November 1949, XL, 279.

^^ Ibid., chap. VII, "The Individual Personality as Composed of Interacting
Cultural and Individual Behavior Systems."

^1 Therese Benedek, Insight and Personality Adjustment (New York: The
Ronald Press, 1946), p. 23.

142 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

Romantic Love and Society

Romantic love is an individual sentiment socially acquired. The
elements of romantic love are inculcated in the form of socially trans-
mitted customs, attitudes, and beliefs that define the relationships
between the sexes both before and after marriage. Every society is
characterized by a variety of expectations which its members place
upon one another. These expectations are what you expect other per-
sons to do to you under certain circumstances and what you in turn
are expected to do to them.^^ The cluster of related beliefs known
as romantic love constitutes one such set of expectations. The fol-
lowing analysis will summarize some of its most important charac-
teristics.

Romantic love is found largely in those societies where individual
marital preference is highly developed and the status of women cor-
respondingly advanced. Romantic love emphasizes free individual
choice between men and women. It is further characterized by strong
emotional intensity in both the primary and secondary sexual rela-
tionships, and by an insistence upon the permanent and retroactive
sexual monopoly of the husband over the wife. The four general cul-
tural elements comprising romantic love are thus: individual prefer-
ence, high status of women, great emotional intensity, and male
sexual monopoly with accompanying erotic jealousy.

Other societies have exhibited some of these manifestations, with
numerous variations. Certain Western European countries, notably
England and the Scandinavian countries, show in modified form many
of the traits of romantic love, mingled with perceptible traces of the
older patriarchal culture. With its relative freedom from patriarchal
usages, its comparatively classless society, and its tradition of frontier
individualism, the United States, more consistently than any other
country, has exemplified the conception of romantic love as related
to marriage. We may examine the principal romantic criteria in more
detail.

1. Individual Preference. Romantic love is based upon the individ-
ual choice of emotionally free men and women. Romantic marriage
is a contract entered into by two people with the power of unrestricted
choice. Family dictation is at a minimum under the unwritten rules

^2 Sumner, Folkways, Chapter I, "Fundamental Notions of the Folkways and
of the Mores."

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 143

of romance, since the two persons are marrying for personal rather
than famihal, pecuniary, rehgious, or dynastic reasons. The patri-
archal family, with its insistence upon parental decisions in such
matters, is clearly incompatible with romantic love. The personal
qualities of the husband or wife are of the utmost importance in
romance, whereas under the patriarchal system they are either sub-
ordinated to other considerations or ignored altogether.

The element of individual marital preference involves a firm belief
in love at first sight. "Whoever lov'd," queries Phebe in As You Like
It, "that lov'd not at first sight?" Under the tradition of romantic
love, the individual has been told that some day he will find the right
person and that furthermore he will know instantly and indubitably
that this is the one. He is psychologically prepared to fall in love
deeply, instantly, and perpetually. He has been culturally prepared
as to the desirable physical, mental, and moral characteristics of his
potential beloved. ^^ This emotional receptivity has been brought
about by virtually every acculturative agency in our society, from the
verbal assurances of family and friends to motion pictures, popular
songs, and modern fiction.

2. High Status of Women. A patriarchal society is one in which
the position of women is by definition low. Romantic love evolved
as the patriarchal family declined and the status of daughter, wife,
mother, and widow was gradually raised. The individuality of choice
so necessary to romantic love is impossible where women are deprived
of all preference in those matters which concern them most directly.
The assumption that both love partners have distinct personalities is
explicitly denied under the patriarchal system, where women are con-
sidered innately deficient in many such elements.

In societies where woman was considered not quite human — as a
marginal creature between the beasts and the male human beings —
individuality of marital choice was largely restricted to the male. Sex-
ual equality in economic activity, religious practices, government,
literature, or the fine arts was not even considered under the patri-
archal system, except in isolated instances. The increasing economic
and social independence of women has enabled them to develop
more completely as individual personalities, able to play a responsi-

3^ Ira S. Wile, "Love at First Sight as Manifest in The Tempest," American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, April 1938, VIII, 341-56.

144

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

ble role in the choice of a mate as well as in the conduct of family
affairs.

3. Emotional Intensity. The above characteristics of romantic love
are largely social in origin, deriving from a particular culture pattern.
The other two characteristics— emotional intensity and emotional
monopoly— are at first glance more individual than social, since they
apparently refer to individual states of feeling, produced by reactions
to members of the opposite sex. In reality, however, these aspects of
romantic love are every bit as "social" as individual preference and
the high status of women. The emotional intensity accompanying
romantic love is partially the result of inhibitions placed upon the
direct release of the sex tension before marriage. This repression
tends to intensify the desirability of the loved one by arousing pas-
sionate anticipations that can be realized only after marriage.

In another sense, emotional intensity is also a social product. The
romantic conventions of "love at first sight," "a world well lost for
love," and "all the world loves a lover" are clearly social in origin,
even though they find expression as individual attitudes. These group
expectations have come down to us as an integral part of the cultural
heritage of Western Europe and contemporary America, which we
absorb almost with the air we breathe. The emotional intensity with
which courtship and marriage are invested results in judging the state
of matrimony largely in terms of romantic affection. Romance is an
integral part of our mores, whereas with other peoples it maintains
a shadowy existence on the periphery of the family.

This does not mean that sudden and violent emotional relatio-n-
ships between men and women are not universally found and recog-
nized. The group wisdom of the most primitive peoples takes these
aberrations into account. Even the Greeks had a word for it. As
Sumner points out, they "conceived of it [love] as a madness by
which a person was afflicted through the caprice or malevolence of
some god or goddess." ^^ The state of being romantically in love ex-
hibits many characteristics of certain pathological mental conditions
known as trance or dissociation phenomena. Such behavior in our
society is considered perfectly normal. In other societies, however,
romantic behavior is looked upon as an unfortunate visitation that
upsets the lives immediately concerned and, hence, as abnormal and

2^ Sumner, Folkways, p. 362.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 145

undesirable. The lovers are ignored, pitied, feared, incarcerated, or
shunned. Their conduct is a serious departure from the norm.

4. Emotional Monopoly. A natural outgrowth of the emotional
intensity with which romantic love is invested is an emotional mo-
nopoly of thoughts and feelings. Competition of outsiders for the
body, thoughts, emotions, and even the dreams of the beloved can-
not be tolerated. "When a love-relationship is at its height," remarks
Freud, "no room is left for any interest in the surrounding world;
the pair of lovers are suflBcient unto themselves." ^^ Nothing more
delightful could possibly occur to the lover than to be cast up on a
desert island with his lady and remain there for all eternity.

This element of emotional monopoly also implies a perfervdd jeal-
ousy of the person and thoughts of the loved one. The romantic
cannot reconcile himself to the thought that his sweetheart, fiancee,
or wife ever cast languishing glances at any other member of the
opposite sex. The pervasive influence of the double standard makes
such lapses on the part of the man considerably more palatable to
the romantic mind than similar excursions of the woman. Sexual jeal-
ousy of the woman is considered perfectly natural by persons in our
culture, although actually this monopolistic attitude is culturally con-
ditioned in the same way as any other aspect of romantic love. "The
demand that the girl shall bring with her into marriage with one
man," remarks Freud, "no memory of sexual relations with another
is . . . nothing but a logical consequence of the exclusive right of
possession over a woman which is the essence of monogamy — it is but
an extension of this monopoly on to the past." ^^

But if such attitudes were instinctive, rather than culturally condi-
tioned, then presumably all men would possess them in substantially
the same form. Among many primitive peoples, however, no vestige
of romantic jealousy exists. The wife is often considered an item of
negotiable property, to be disposed of in much the same manner as
any other valuable item. Under certain circumstances, the primitive
husband may offer his wife for the night to a visiting stranger and
will be insulted if the offer is refused.^'^ The same husband may be

25 Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents (New York: Jonathan
Cape and Harrison Smith, 1930), p. 80.

36 Freud, "The Taboo of Virginity," Collected Papers (London: The Hogarth
Press, 1925), IV, 217-35.

3^ Edward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1901), pp. 73-75.

146 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

highly incensed if the stranger makes advances to the wife without
first asking his permission. Such an encroachment violates the prop-
erty sense of the husband, rather than any solicitude for the person
of his wife.^^

We have examined some of the characteristics of romantic love
and its role in courtship and marriage. The expectations making up
romantic love do not constitute an omnipresent force acting upon
the premarital lives of every individual. For example, romantic love
appears to be more characteristic of courtship in the middle class
than in the "working class" or lower level groups described by Kin-
sey. Furthermore, each individual experiences the elements of the
culture pattern in a different way, depending upon such variables as
rural-urban residence, ethnic background, religious affiliation, educa-
tional attainment, and economic status. Hence, no two couples react
exactly the same in romantic courtship. The emotional needs of in-
dividuals also differ. One person may be more insecure than another
and thereby have a deeper need for the assurance of romantic love.
Every couple does not act in accordance with the romantic patterns
outlined above, nor does every individual feel a sense of romantic
deprivation in the day-to-day realities of marriage.^^

We have thus analyzed an element in the over-all pattern of Amer-
ican culture. All societies exhibit a certain internal consistency in
their culture patterns, although the degree of this consistency varies.
Our own culture is so complex and is changing so rapidly that many
inconsistencies and incongruities arise between its various elements.
Nevertheless, romantic love is still a fairly consistent constituent.
Among the elements common both to American culture and the
romantic complex is individual choice. In incorporating this element
into courtship and marriage, the culture is merely expressing in an-
other way a value that is already important in such seemingly remote
institutional patterns as economic behavior, religious independence,
and political democracy. Romantic love is another expression of a
democratic society.^**

38 Franz Carl Miiller-Lyer, The Evolution of Modern Marriage (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1930), pp. 28-29.

39 Winch, The Modern Family, pp. 373-76.

*" Cf. Wilham L. Kolb, "Family Sociology, Marriage Education, and the
Romantic Complex: a Critique," Social Forces, October 1950, XXIX, 65-72.

COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE 147

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Beigel, Hugo G., "Romantic Love," American Sociological Review,
June 1951, XVI, 326-34. The author analyzes romantic love and
makes a strong plea for its function in facilitating the emotional
adjustments of monogamous marriage.

Briffault, Robert, The Mothers, Vol. I. New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1927. In the first volume of his monumental study of
family origins, Briffault examines the origins of romantic love in
feudal Europe.

Burgess, Ernest W., "The Romantic Impulse and Family Disorganiza-
tion," Survey Graphic, December 1926, LVII, 290-94. This is one
of the earliest sociological studies of romantic love as a cultural
pattern, v^ith particular reference to its role in family disorganiza-
tion.

CoHN, David L., Love in America. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1943.
A popular study of the relationships between the sexes in American
society, with particular reference to the social conventions of roman-
tic love.

KoLB, William L., "Family Sociology, Marriage Education, and the
Romantic Complex: a Critique," Social Forces, October 1950,
XXIX, 65-72. A strong criticism of much of the literature on the
romantic complex, on the ground that this literature overemphasizes
the nonfunctional aspects of romantic love at the expense of its
functional aspects.

Merrill, Francis E., Courtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. An extensive analysis of romantic love, with particular
emphasis upon its role in courtship. Chapter II is entitled "Court-
ship and Romantic Love," and Chapter III is entitled "Romantic
Love and Sex."

MowRER, Ernest R., Family Disorganization, rev. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1939. An extensive analysis of the nature of
romantic love in our society and its role in the disorganization of
the family. Many of the conclusions are drawn from a long case
history, depicting the tribulations and finally the tragedy of frus-
trated romanticism.

Reik, Theodor, A Psychologist Looks at Love. New York: Rinehart &
Company, 1944. This analysis of romantic love by a noted psycho-
analyst amplifies the theories of Freud and applies them to an
essentially new phenomenon. Reik realizes the cultural implications
of love in contrast to Freud, who thought largely in terms of genie
drives.

Rougemont, Denis de, Passion and Society. London: Faber and Faber,
1940. A vitriolic attack upon romantic love and all its works, written
by a European who attributes much of the moral deterioration of
modern times to an excessive romanticism. The book finds the

148 COURTSHIP AND ROMANTIC LOVE

origins of romantic love in the epic relationship of Tristan and
Iseult.
Winch, Robert F., The Modern Family. New York: Henr}' Holt and
Company, 1952. Part IV of this study of the contemporary family
deals with courtship, love, and marriage. Winch's analvsis of love
is the most original in the sociological literature of the family and
as such constitutes a real contribution. Chapter 14 is entitled
"Romantic Love in American Life" and considers this culture com-
plex in the broader setting of love in general.

=^ 8 ^

COURTSHIP AND DATING

Courtship and marriage in our society cannot be fully un-
derstood without an understanding of the role of dating. In the
course of every week, millions of young people in the United States
have one or more dates, during which they go some place outside the
home, spend some money, and enjoy themselves in various ways.
The nature of these situations is subject to considerable variation.
Some dates represent the first, shy contacts of boys and girls in their
early teens, who escort each other (the phrase is used advisedly) to
a movie, a dance, or a school play. Others represent a more advanced
degree of social and sexual maturity, and involve college boys and
girls who are already seasoned veterans of the great competitive game
of dating. Other dates include young men and women in their late
teens or early twenties who have already (officially or unofficially)
chosen each other as prospective husbands and wives. With them,
the date has much of the emotional intimacy of marriage.

The Nature of Dating

The date thus involves a variety of situations in which the age,
status, motives, and seriousness are all subject to variations. Some
writers have stressed particular situations, whereas other observers
have emphasized other situations. Some students of courtship thus
state that dating is a purely competitive and exploitative relationship,
devoid of any but the most remote connection with marriage. Others
maintain that dating is an integral part of courtship, since persons
continue to have dates up to the time of marriage. The difficulties of
definition may be partially resolved by stating that dating is an evolv-
ing activity which has a number of forms and includes behavior at
different stages in the progression from early adolescence to marriage.
Such variety necessarily makes for a certain lack of precision in the

149

150 COURTSHIP AND DATING

definition of dating, but under the circumstances this cannot be
helped.

In its broadest terms, therefore, dating "is the process of paired
association between members of the opposite sex before marriage.
A first appointment between two teen-age children or the last pre-
arranged meeting of an engaged couple before marriage are both
dates." ^ The motives of the participants in these two representative
situations are obviously very different; in the first case, marriage is
ordinarily far from the thoughts of the couple, whereas in the second,
the two persons have already chosen each other, and the date is a
final prelude to a new status. In its earlier stages, dating implies a
high degree of freedom for both participants, with no implied as-
sumption by parents, members of the community, or themselves of
any obligation other than having a good time. In the later states of
dating, an engaged couple clearly has by definition an obligation to
each other, which may or may not be formally expressed in the an-
nounced engagement. Both situations, however, represent forms of
"paired association" and hence come under the general heading of
dates.

Dating is a characteristically American pattern, at least insofar as
its earlier and carefree stages are concerned. This does not mean, of
course, that other societies do not have recognized culture patterns
whereby young and unmarried people may enjoy each other's com-
pany with no definitive commitment to marriage. The degree and
intensity of this behavior, however, are probably unique with Amer-
ica, if only because no other society has the money, the technolog-
ical equipment in the form of automobiles and motion picture thea-
ters, and the freedom of marital choice of our own. The social ex-
pectations that govern dating are in the process of evolution in a
dynamic society. As a result of the rapid development of the practice
of dating, the folkways and mores related thereto are still in a chaotic
state, and the meanings attached to the elements of dating are not
clearly defined. Young people have no established definitions, and as
a result their behavior is often confused.

Dating is a characteristically American phenomenon in another
sense. It is an expression of that individual freedom in personal re-
lationships which marks our society from the junior high school to

^ Samuel H. Lowrie, "Dating Theories and Student Responses," American
SocioJogical Review, June 1951, p. 337.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 151

the altar and, in numerous cases, to the divorce courts. Dating gives
the adolescent a wide freedom to choose his companion for the
evening, without interference by parents or folkways. As he pro-
gresses toward serious courtship and marriage, the individual enjoys
very much the same freedom, at least in theory, and can pick the
mate with whom he falls romantically in love. In a sense, such con-
siderations as family status, economic attainment, religious affiliation,
and physical propinquity curtail the freedom of choice in dating, just
as they do in marriage. But the principal of freedom nevertheless re-
mains in theory and is important in any analysis of the pattern of
dating.

Dating has arisen out of a changing society, in which the estab-
lished folkways of a stable, primary group society have given way to
new responses and new situations. We have analyzed some of these
factors in chapter 6, where we considered urbanization, secularization,
mobility, and equality between the sexes in terms of their combined
impact upon courtship. These factors are partially responsible for
the evolution and popularity of dating. Dating is also an expression
of the American cult of happiness, which, as we have seen, is the
most important single factor in the search for a mate. Dating is
clearly oriented about the cult of pleasure, since it is undertaken
largely for hedonistic purpose, with a minimum of obligation to the
partner or society as a whole.

Dating is an act carried out for its own sake. In its initial stages
at least, dating is an end in itself, rather than a means to the end of
courtship and marriage. The motives of dating vary according to
such factors as the age of the participants, the social setting (for
example, whether rural or metropolitan), and the social status
(whether both persons come from the same social class). At differ-
ent times and under different conditions, therefore, dating may vary
widely. When we state that dating is a pleasurable and irresponsible
relationship, we are speaking of one phase of the process. When two
persons have reached the stage of engagement, however, their dates
carry more serious overtones.

The significance of dating also varies in terms of the regional
setting. In the rural south, for example, girls are ready for marriage
at an earlier age than their urban and northern sisters. Hence a high
school date south of the Mason-Dixon line may carry more porten-
tous implications than a similar affair in a northern, metropolitan

152 COURTSHIP AND DATING

community. Educational attainment, in general, is higher in the
urban north than in the rural south. In the latter setting, the girl
looks upon her companion at the movies as a potential husband long
before her northern counterpart regards her date as anything more
than a casual friend. As the social context differs, a dance or an eve-
ning at the movies may have very different implications.^

The Competitive Aspects of Dating

The culture pattern of the United States stresses competition as a
principal means of acquiring status. In chapter 4, we examined some
of these aspects of American culture in terms of their impact upon
the family, with particular reference to individual choice in marriage.
Competition is also evident in other parts of the culture pattern,
notably in connection with dating. This activity may be viewed as an
attempt by the adolescent to acquire status in the group by being
seen in public with an attractive member of the opposite sex. The
implication is that the ability to attract such companionship is a
status-conferring characteristic, and the person has thereby succeeded
in raising himself in the estimation of the group.^

In this sense, dating is part of the struggle for self-assurance. Tfie
ego of the adolescent is enhanced by his success in the game, the rules
and goals of which are tacitly defined by his peers. Adolescence is the
period when the ego is especially uncertain because of the disparity
between his ideals and his personality as he actually conceives it.
The adolescent feels that he is unworthy of love because of his
"evil"' sexual desires, his unattractive appearance, and his lack of
sophistication. The date is one way in which the ego is bolstered and
the security of the personality enhanced. In this process, the indi-
vidual receives love (as symbolized by the date) as a reward for his
ability to "succeed." The date is thus its own reward. It is both the
goal that is sought and the criterion by which success is defined.^

Dating has been described by Margaret Mead as a "situational" re-
lationship. That is, the person who seeks a date, complains because
he cannot get one, or denigrates the available dates is not especially

2 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Early Marriages Most Frequent in
the South," Statistical Bulletin, June 1945.

3 Cf. Geoffrey Gorer, The American People (New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 1948), chap. 4, "Love and Friendship."

4 Cf. Margaret Mead, AfaJe and Female (New York: William Morrow & Com-
pany, 1949), chap. 14, "Precourtship Behavior and Adult Sex Demands."

COURTSHIP AND DATING 153

concerned with individual boys and girls as such. Instead, he is think-
ing in terms of a "situation," in which the other partner will possess
the characteristics defined by the group as desirable for dating pur-
poses. These characteristics differ from one age group to another, as
the jolly tomboy is popular at one stage and not at another. The
qualities in demand for the dating situation are not necessarily the
most adequate for a spouse. A good "date" may or may not make
a good wife. The important point for the dater, however, is that he
shall be publicly seen "in a situation" that will reflect prestige upon
him. In many ways, the date is not a personal but an impersonal rela-
tionship. It is the situation that counts.^

The importance of the date varies with the situation. If the indi-
vidual is not known to the other persons who will see him with an
attractive girl, he will obviously derive less status than when he is
known. The date may therefore be more important in a primary
community than in a metropolitan center. The competitive game of
dating may thus have greater implications in small towns and cities,
where the daters can be seen by their peers. The game reaches its
peak on a coeducational campus, where the status-conscious world of
fraternities and sororities establishes the setting.^ Here individual
prestige is abetted by group efforts to enhance the status of the or-
ganization by dating only with the "best" fraternities and sororities.
Every effort is made to keep the individual from dating with a mem-
ber of a less satisfactory sorority or (heaven forbid) of no sorority
atall."^

Dating behavior on the coeducational campus has been cogently
described by Willard Waller as "the rating-and-dating complex." ^
This concept refers to the hierarchy of dating desirability tacitly
established in coeducational colleges and universities. As a result of
participation in athletics, campus activities, fraternity life, and other
extracurricular functions, boys easily tend to gravitate to certain posi-
tions on the scale of dating desirability. Since the initiative lies prin-

sjbid., pp. 286-87.

6 See Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 1952), Appendix, "Rating, Dating, and College Fraternities," pp.
489-93.

'^ For a discussion of courtship on the campus, see Clifford Kirkpatrick and
Theodore Caplow, "Courtship in a Group of Minnesota Students," American
Journal of Sociology, September 1945, LI, 114-25.

8 Willard Waller, "The Rating and Dating Complex," American Sociological
Review, October 1937, II, 727-34.

154 COURTSHIP AND DATING

cipally with the male, however, the rating of girls is even more crucial.
Good looks, attractive personal qualities, membership in elite soror-
ities, clothes, and dancing ability are some of the obvious qualifica-
tions for high ranking. Sexual attractiveness and the willingness to
engage in petting with comparative strangers are more ambiguous
assets, since the girl who practices indiscriminate petting may have
many dates but may fail to "rate" at the same time.^

The "rating-and-dating complex" tends to exaggerate the exploita-
tive attitudes associated with relationships between the sexes. The
exploitation is not necessarily a one-way street, with the girl offering
sexual favors in return for entertainment. The association of the
sexes, especially where the rating-and-dating complex is strongly en-
trenched, is marked by a strong tone of mutual self-interest.^'' Both
sexes are often equally shrewd in demanding and getting a quid pro
quo in the dating relationship. These generalizations do not apply
with equal cogency to all coeducational campuses, much less to the
behavior of all of the boys and girls thereon. Nevertheless, an under-
standing of the competitive character of dating would be incomplete
without a reference to this phenomenon.^^

Dating as a competitive situation is also accompanied by a "line,"
whereby each endeavors to captivate the other and convince him of
the attractive, sophisticated, and generally status-conferring qualities
of his (the partner's) personality. Some of the elements in the line
are the original expressions of the individuals concerned, whereas
other elements reflect the conversational gambits of the local group,
the quips of the radio comedians, and the cliches of the heroes and
heroines of the motion pictures. Neither party is expected literally
to believe the line, and the person who does so is considered naive
and loses several points in the dating game. At the same time, each
must give at least lip-service to the version of the line as purveyed
by his or her date. The person whose line is too patently false under-

^ Cf. Stuart D. Loomis and Arnold W. Green, "The Pattern of Mental Con-
flict in a Typical State University," Journal of Abnorma] and Social Psychology,
July iq47. XLII. 342-i;5.

i»Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), pp. 148-55.

11 See Manford H. Kuhn, "How Mates Are Sorted," Family, Marriage and
Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill (Boston: D. C. Heath and
Company, 1948), pp. 257-61.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 155

goes a depreciation of his ego, which in turn jeopardizes one of the
fundamental reasons for dating.^^

The "Aim-Inhibited" Aspects of Dating

Waller has suggested that dating is not "true" courtship, since it is
not supposed to end in marriage.^^ We do not propose to limit dating
to those relationships that do not have marriage as their goal, but
instead include all forms of "paired association" between the sexes.
Most dates are not intended to end in marriage, and the majority be-
gin and end in a casual fashion. Some dates, however, no matter what
the participants may initially intend, nevertheless do eventuate in
marriage. The concept of the date as used here subsumes all of these
eventualities. At the same time, however, the great majority of dates
involve no more mutual obligation than a good time. These affairs
have many of the characteristics of "true" courtship, as that process
was understood a few generations ago. But the resemblance is largely
coincidental.

An important distinction between most dating and "true" court-
ship is that dating is what Waller has happily termed an "aim-in-
hibited" relationship. By this phrase, he meant that the date is de-
signed to stop short of any emotional involvement that might ter-
minate in engagement and marriage.^"* Dating is conceived as an end
in itself, an activity that is fun for the participants. Much of this
enjoyment evolves from the very fact that dating does not ordinarily
imply any responsibility on either side, and the boy and the girl
are free to have as many dates as they want, with no strings attached.
In order to limit this involvement and inhibit the aim of dating,
however, the participants must know what they are doing and must
understand the unwritten rules. If they fail to do so, they may be
hurt.

In this sense, dating is an attempt to have one's cake and eat it
too. The date allows boys and girls to engage in many exciting and
unchaperoned relationships with members of the opposite sex before
marriage. In the course of these relationships, they may engage in

12 Geoffrey Gorer, The American People, pp. 116-17.

^3 Waller, "The Rating and Dating Complex," American Sociological Review,
p. 729.

^* Waller, The Family, pp. 148-49.

156 COURTSHIP AND DATING

various personal intimacies, ranging all the way from a good-night
kiss to complete sexual union. They may, in short, enjoy such per-
sonal intimacy as was not sanctioned by the recent mores, even for
couples who were formally engaged. These relationships carr}' with
them a minimum of responsibility to the families of the partici-
pants, to the community as a whole, or to the daters. A maximum
of hedonistic behavior is thus equated with a minimum of socially-
recognized responsibility. Dating is a part of the great pleasure cult
of contemporary America, in which each participant seeks the max-
imum of enjoyment with the minimum of obligation.

This pattern is based, however, on the concept of aim-inhibition,
and without this principle and its substantial observance, dating
could not continue. Aim-inhibition in dating operates on two levels:
(a) sexual, and (b) marital. On the first level, the sexual relation-
ships are supposed to be confined to secondary manifestations (that
is, petting) and to stop short of complete sexual intercourse. The
second level of aim-inhibition is based on the aforementioned assump-
tion that marriage is not the goal of dating and, hence, the partic-
ipants are absolved of responsibility in this direction. The daters
must therefore maintain an emotional aloofness, at least to the extent
of not falling "seriously" in love on every date.

These taboos are rendered more difficult by the changing social
setting. The prohibition against premarital sexual intercourse is at
least as old as the Christian ethic, which considered such behavior
to be among the most deadly of sins.^^ The greater freedom now ac-
corded the adolescent at a time when his sexual impulses are at their
height makes premarital chastity more difficult. The absence of
chaperonage, the privacy of the automobile, and the tacit sanction of
petting increase the preliminary stimulation for behavior not sanc-
tioned by the mores.

This combination of stimulation and restraint produces a new
type of situation, wherein the element of aim-inhibition is empha-
sized. The culture has evolved an intricate system of social patterns
by which the conduct of the boy and girl is first stimulated and then
controlled. The chief responsibility for maintaining the relationship
on the aim-inhibited level rests with the girl. She must interpret the

IS See W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1870), II, 357-58.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 157

rules in a series of dates that often involves her entire adolescence
and early adult years.^^

On the marital level, the maintenance of the culturally-approved
taboo in dating is considered especially important among the middle
and upper classes. This segment of the population is concerned with
upward mobility, both for boys and girls. Mobility is ordinarily hin-
dered, if not completely interrupted, if young people marry too
early, when they are both in high school. Under these circumstances,
the corresponding urge to quit school and go to work is very strong,
especially if children are born to the teen-age spouses.

The families are thus concerned, lest their children marry too early
and thereby deprive themselves (especially the boys) of the benefits
of higher education. This attitude is not so strong among the work-
ing classes, where the boys ordinarily expect to go to work during
or shortly after finishing high school. Furthermore, aim-inhibition
of sexual behavior is considerably weaker among the working classes
than in the middle and upper levels, a factor which tends to bring
about early marriages among the lower levels. ^'^ Like many other
aspects of dating and courtship, aim-inhibition tends to differ be-
tween social classes.

Dating and Petting

The problem of aim-inhibition is most immediate in the relation-
ships between dating and petting. The latter behavior has been
defined by Kinsey as "any sort of physical contact which does not
involve a union of genitalia but in which there is a deliberate at-
tempt to effect erotic arousal." ^^ In these terms, petting may range
from kissing to erotic activity which stops just short of complete sex-
ual intercourse.

Prior to the appearance of the Kinsey report, the scientific knowl-
edge on the extent and implications of petting was highly impres-
sionistic. Most commentators relied on informal observations con-
ducted in a few fraternity and sorority houses, taverns, and secluded
parking places. Many of the strictures against alleged increase in the
"immorality" of the younger generation were based upon the patent

1^ Mead, MaJe and Female, pp. 290-91.

1'^ Alfred C. Kinsey, et al.. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chap. 10, "Social Level and Sexual Outlet."
1^ Ibid., p. 531.

158 COURTSHIP AND DATING

increase in these manifestations to even the most superficial observer.
Casual petting, in the form of hand-holding and kissing, has unques-
tionably increased in public, as many of the former restraints have
been lifted. The corollary assumption on the part of these amateur
researchers is that premarital sexual intercourse has increased propor-
tionately with petting. This assumption appears to be false.^^

Petting seems, on the contrary, to be a substitute for premarital
sexual intercourse and not (ordinarily) a stimulus to such behavior.
Petting is prevalent among the middle and upper levels of the pop-
ulation, among adolescents who are either in college or who will
eventually go to college. Petting does not appear to be an important
form of sexual behavior among what Kinsey calls the "lower level"
of the population, whose members consider this behavior "unnat-
ural" or even vaguely perverted. Sexual intercourse, however, is con-
sidered a "natural" form of behavior among those groups which have
not finished grade school or high school. There is nothing magical
in the fact of attending an institution of higher learning, and college
attendance is merely a symbolic representation of other differences
between the social levels. One of these differences is in the field of
sexual behavior. Education is merely a convenient statistical measure
of these patterns.-*'

Differences in sexual behavior are striking illustrations of the ethos
of the subcultures. We have seen in chapter 4 that the culture of
American society is still strongly influenced by the expectations of
the middle class. One of these patterns involves the deliberate post-
ponement of present satisfactions for the sake of (presumably)
greater future satisfactions. The most obvious form of such behavior
is the saving of money, whereby the thrifty person resists the tempta-
tion of present satisfactions in order to increase his capital for future
satisfactions. Such inhibitions are not so strong among the lower
levels, who tend to enjoy the satisfactions of the moment by spend-
ing their money and even by mortgaging their future through in-
stallment payments.^^

The parallel between the social and the sexual behavior of the
middle and lower levels is clear and fairly consistent. The middle-
is Ibid., p. 541.
2" Ibid., chap. 10.

21 See Allison Davis, "Child Rearing in the Class Structure of American
Society," The Family in a Democratic Society (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1949), pp. 56-69.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 159

class virtue of saving has its counterpart in sexual continence,
whereby these groups postpone the satisfactions of sexual intercourse
from the premarital to the marital state. Petting is the means by
which this end is accomplished in the majority of cases. Preservation
of the virginity of the female is a symbolic accompaniment of this at-
tempt to reserve the highest sexual satisfaction until sanctioned by
the mores. The middle and upper levels are also afraid of venereal
disease and premarital pregnancy, but these fears have been largely
dispelled by the medical cures for venereal disease and the widespread
knowledge of contraception. Despite the partial removal of these
former impediments to sexual intercourse, however, some 33 per cent
of the college level males do not have complete sex relations before
marrige.^^ The virginity of both the male and female undoubtedly
has an important symbolic role in this continence.

The implications of this aim-inhibited behavior may extend far
beyond the adolescent years of dating and petting and color the
marital life of the middle-class couple. The adolescent patterns of
petting place the major responsibility for control upon the girl. She
is supposed to yield a little but not too much, and is expected to put
a stop to sexual relationships before they go too far. The cultural pat-
terns cause the boy to accept these controls by the girl and to value
those girls who exert them. Boys do not ordinarily seek an easy and
complete conquest, especially from girls of their own social level.

Hence the standards of control are tacitly accepted by both parties,
and the terms of the relationship are set by the girl. It has been sug-
gested that, after years of such self-control, it is difficult for the mid-
dle-class girl to change her behavior in marriage and accept the com-
plete sexual surrender that is defined as desirable in her subculture.
As Margaret Mead comments, "the complete total relaxation of
feminine surrender ... is hardly available to women who have had
to live through years of bridling their every impulse to yield and sur-
render." ^^

The relative importance of petting as a form of premarital be-
havior has increased in recent decades. One reason for this increase is
the rise in the proportion of the population currently attending col-
lege and planning to do so. As we have noted, petting is especially
characteristic of this segment of the population, which numbered

22 Kinsey, et ah. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, pp. 542-46.

23 Mead, Male and Female, p. 294.

i6o COURTSHIP AND DATING

only about 5 per cent of the total age group (17-22) a generation ago.
At the present time, approximately 15 per cent of this age group is
attending college, with a proportionate number in high school plan-
ning to attend college.-^ Hence the number of young persons cur-
rently engaging in petting as an accompaniment of dating is larger
than ever before. In addition, the middle-class folkways are being
widely disseminated throughout all the subcultures by the mass com-
munication agencies. Young people of all walks of life try to act
like middle- and upper-class adolescents.

Petting has been a characteristic of the college level for several
decades. During this period, our society has seen two world wars and
a depression, not to mention the social changes resulting from the
accelerating rate of technological development. With these massive
changes in the social setting, it would seem that the sexual mores
regarding premarital intercourse, petting, and other related mani-
festations would have undergone corresponding changes. This does
not seem to have been the case. Dating among the middle and upper
levels in the twenties was accompanied by considerable petting, but
the rate of sexual intercourse was comparatively low for the males.
Essentially similar patterns seem to have continued over the next
generation, as the youth of the twenties became the parents of con-
temporary adolescent boys and girls. The mores of sexual behavior
are very stable.^^

The Social Functions of Dating

The principal social function of courtship is to find a mate with
whom the individual may experience the happiness which he has
been taught to expect as the principal goal of marriage. There are
other and related functions of courtship in our society, but this is the
central one. Likewise, dating has one central function and several
ancillary ones. The central function is to enjoy oneself and, at the
same time, to receive the emotional assurance that is such an impor-
tant need of the adolescent ego. All behavior answers a need, which
the individual has either received in his biological equipment or has

2* Bureau of the Census, "Educational Attainment of the CiviHan Population:
April, 1947," Current Population Reports: PopuJation Characteristics, Series
P-20, No. 15, May 4, 1948.

25 Kinsey, et ah. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, chap. 11.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 161

absorbed from his cultural milieu. We may consider the social func-
tions of dating in terms of these central needs.^^

1. The Need to Be Loved. Dating is a form of heterosexual be-
havior that is especially characteristic of the adolescent years. Ado-
lescence is a period of extreme self-abasement and depreciation of
the ego. It is the time when the aspirations are highest and the per-
formance is lowest, at least in the eyes of the adolescent. The onset
of biological maturity has increased the sexual urges, which are de-
fined in the middle-class subculture as evil. The adolescent also has
grandiose dreams of future achievement in his chosen occupation, but
he is socially not able to realize these dreams. He is still defined by
society, his parents, and himself as a child (or at least not an adult),
and hence he experiences great frustration. The combination of these
biological and cultural factors causes the adolescent to be depressed
and to need the assurance that comes from being loved.^'^ Dating is
one form this assurance may take.

2. The Need to Be Admired. Closely related to the need to be
loved is the need to be admired. The same combination of factors
that leads to excessive self-deprecation and hence to a need for love
also leads to a need for admiration. Part of this admiration may come
from his own sex-group, as boys look up to their comrades who are
successful on the athletic field. No such ready means of admiration
are open to adolescent girls in our society, and the traditional vir-
tues of cooking, homemaking, and sewing a fine seam have largely
been displaced by the distinction arising from success in dating. The
mere fact that the adolescent boy or girl is able to get a date thus
tends to produce considerable psychic satisfaction. Dating is an in-
dication that one is successful in the great game of being loved.-^

3. The Need foi New Experience. In societies where the most im-
portant emotional needs are not based upon heterosexual relation-
ships, in or out of marriage, the individual is able to marry with little
or no experience in this field. This is especially true of the female

2^ In one sense, dating and courtship are directed toward the search of a mate
who will provide happiness; hence, the functions are identical. In the present
context, however, we shall consider dating as it occurs in the earlier years, before
the search is consciously directed toward a mate.

27 Esther Milner, "Effects of Sex Role and Social Status on the Early Adoles-
cent Personality," Genetic Psychology Monographs, November 1949, XL, 231-

325-

28 Gorer, The American People, pp. 106-10.

i62 COURTSHIP AND DATING

members of a patriarchal society, who are often betrothed by their
parents to men whom they have never seen. Under such conditions,
the male may have premarital experience with women other than
the one who will become his wife, but these women are often of a
lower social class. In our own society, it is considered important that
both boys and girls have considerable experience with members of
the opposite sex, so that they may be able to choose wisely in marriage.
Dating provides the means for bringing this situation about and thus
performs a definite social function. In the course of premarital experi-
ence, an attractive girl or boy may have more or less intimate experience
with scores of members of the opposite sex. It is not clear just how,
if at all, this experience increases the marital happiness of the indi-
viduals concerned. The important consideration is that people think
it does.

4. The Need for Emotional Maturity. In the course of gaining this
experience, the individual presumably acquires added emotional ma-
turity from dating. Maturity is conceived as an educational process,
whereby boys and girls learn to associate with the opposite sex and
develop good manners, social poise, and knowledge of the emotional
reactions of others. In a study of dating among a sample of high
school and college boys and girls, to "learn to adjust" and to "gain
poise or ease" were frequently given as reasons for dating, in addition
to such obvious purposes as seeking a mate, affection, or sexual inti-
macies.-^ Dating obviously gives the individual varied experience
with members of the opposite sex before he finally selects a mate.
This experience occurs, however, in the cultural context of romantic
love, and the individual is often so bemused by romantic expecta-
tions that the enhancement of emotional security is dubious.

Dating is thus widely regarded as an educational process which is
beneficial to the adolescent because it performs many desirable func-
tions. These functions have been stated to be: "broader experience,
enriched personality, greater poise and balance, more and more
varied opportunities to mix socially, increased ability to adjust to
others under diverse circumstances, reduced emotional excitement on
meeting or associating with those of the opposite sex, greater ability
to judge individuals of the opposite sex objectively and sensibly,
added prestige among those his own age, wider acquaintance, and a

29 Lowrie, "Dating Theories and Student Responses," Table 1.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 163

broader and thereby sounder choice of a mate." ^^ Dating is a sort
of pleasurable trial-and-error process, during which the individual
learns to match his own personality against members of the opposite
sex. In this matching process, considerable insight allegedly results
for both parties .^^

The Difficulties of Dating

Dating is carried on by human beings in their most sensitive years.
Many of the needs whose satisfaction is sought in dating cannot be
so easily assuaged. Frustrations as well as realizations accompany dat-
ing experience, whether conducted in the first callow blush of adoles-
cence or in the greater maturity of the college or university. Inse-
curity as well as security may arise from dating; emotional conflict as
well as satisfaction may accompany this process; and bereavement
may follow contentment when the relationship is abruptly broken.
When such extravagant expectations are based upon two young and
formative personalities, the possibilities for unhappiness are great.
We may explore some of the difficulties that may arise in dating.^^

1. Role Conflicts in Dating. The social patterns associated with
dating and courtship are in a state of rapid development. Dating is
so new that definitive social patterns have not yet grown up. As a
result, the participants are often uncertain of their roles and how
they shall play them. In a primary society, the folkways and mores of
courtship are clearly established, and the person is usually aware
of the expectations associated with his major roles. This assurance is
lacking in dating, and as a result there are many misunderstandings.
These difficulties are especially apparent with the boy or girl who has
little experience with dating in high school and then begins to
date in college. Such an inexperienced person is often at a disad-
vantage with those who are more conversant with the rules of the
game.

Dating is accompanied by a "line," which is often couched in the
language of love. The compliments that are given and received by
two experienced exponents of dating are very much the same as those
which two lovers would exchange before marriage. The verbal thrust

^^ Ibid., p. 337.

^1 Cf. Meyer F. Nimkoff and Arthur L. Wood, "Courtship and Personality,"
American Journal of Sociology, January 1948, LI II, 263-69.

32 Cf. Kirkpatrick and Caplovv, "Courtship in a Group of Minnesota Stu-
dents."

164 COURTSHIP AND DATING

and parry of the line are all very well for boys and girls who know
what the conventions are and understand their own role in the dat-
ing relationship. Those who take the language of love seriously, how-
ever, are at a disadvantage, for they may confuse the date with "true"
courtship. When their companion overwhelms them with expressions
of admiration and protestations of affection, they may believe him.
Although dating is an aim-inhibited relationship, this fact is often
obscured by the line.^^ The expectations that go with dating are con-
fused and not universally understood. In this respect, the roles re-
flect the changing social setting.

2. Emotional Conflicts in Dating. The persons engaged in the dat-
ing relationship are, furthermore, complicated human beings, each
with a unique history of emotional development. This development
may have been complicated by a partial failure to break the tie that,
in infancy and childhood, often holds the individual closely to the
parent of the opposite sex.-^^ The boy may still be so emotionally de-
pendent upon his mother that he seeks (unconsciously) to find a
mother-substitute in every girl he meets. The girl may be so devoted
to her father that she judges every boy adversely in terms of his fail-
ure to measure up to the father-image. Dating is one way in which
the individual achieves emotional emancipation from home and par-
ents. It has been suggested that such emancipation is harder to
achieve for boys than for girls and, furthermore, that emancipation
need not be as complete for girls as for boys. It has been suggested
that girls may merely "transfer their dependency from father to hus-
band" and thereby make a satisfactory emotional adjustment.^^

Other conflicts may arise in dating. Adolescence is a time of per-
sonal insecurity, as noted, when the gap between the ego-ideal and
the idea of the self is greater than at any other period. Boys and girls
are often shy and insecure when they are dating, and the self-de-
preciation accompanying the date may be greater than the self-en-
hancement deriving therefrom. Young people are often brutally
frank, and the adolescent who is found wanting in matters of dress,

33 Gorer, The American People, p. 111.

34 Robert F. Winch, "The Relation Between Courtship Behavior and Attitudes
Toward Parents Among College Men," American Socio/ogical Review, April
1943, VIII, 164-74.

35 Robert F. Winch, "Some Data Bearing on the Oedipus Hypothesis," Journal
of Abnorma/ and Social Psychology, July 1950, XLV, 481-89.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 165

personal attractiveness, or poise may experience a strong feeling of
depression. The group defines dating as of paramount importance,
and the individual who fails (or thinks he fails) thereby loses a great
deal of inner security at a time when he needs it most. This "trial-and-
error courtship" ^^ is an expression of the individualism of our so-
ciety, where the mate is sought with no assistance from other per-
sons. Rewards and penalties alike are high.

3. Dating Rejection. The most potentially traumatic situation is
that in which the individual fails to date at all. In one coeducational
institution, student informants were unanimous in stating that the
majorit}^ of boys and girls did not have dates on campus. The rea-
son for this situation apparently rested in the fact that the majority
of students of both sexes did not measure up to the dating standards
set by the leading men and women on the campus. Rather than ask
a girl who did not "rate," the average boy did not have any dates in
the campus community because he was afraid to lose prestige by ap-
pearing with an unsuitable girl. Many girls were equally unwilling to
be seen with a boy who did not measure up to campus standards of
male attractiveness. Hence in a large community composed exclu-
sively of coeducational students, the majority had no social life what-
ever.^^

This general situation does not apply to some of the men's colleges
on the eastern seaboard. In these institutions, campus prestige is de-
rived from athletic abihty, extracurricular success, and membership
in fraternities, clubs, and senior honor societies.^^ In many coeduca-
tional institutions, however, campus prestige for both men and
women is almost wholly a function of success in dating. Dating is a
manifestation of a competitive society, in which the individual com-
petes for attention. The boy or girl who is unwilling to date because
of fear of rejection undergoes a considerable diminution of the ego.
Many young people who are patients at the mental health clinics of
the educational institution are suffering from what is, in the last anal-
ysis, loss of prestige and a consequent lack of emotional security.

^^ Waller, The Family, p. 147.

37 Stuart D. Loomis and Arnold W. Green, "The Pattern of Mental Conflict
in a Typical State University," Jounial of AbnormaJ and Social Psychology,
XLII, p. 346.

3s E. Y. Hartshorne, "Undergraduate Society and the College Culture," Amer-
ican SocioJogicaJ Review, June 1943, VIII, 321-32.

i66 COURTSHIP AND DATING

"Truly," it is remarked, "the rating-dating complex is the stuff of
tragedy." ^o

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

GoRER, Geoffrey, The Ameiican People. New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 1948. An English anthropologist examines the
curious folkways of the American culture pattern, with particular
reference to the game of dating. Chapter 4 is devoted to this com-
petitive quest for status and self-assurance.

KiNSEY, Alfred C, et ah, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Phila-
delphia: W. B. Saunders Company, 1948. Petting is an important
accompaniment of dating in our society, especially in the subculture
of the middle and upper classes. Chapter 16 is entitled "Heterosex-
ual Petting," and Kinsey offers the most extensive data currently
available on the nature and extent of this practice.

KiRKPATRicK, Clifford and Theodore Caplow, "Courtship in a Group
of Minnesota Students," American Journal of Sociology, September
1941;, LI, 114-25. The patterns of dating on the campus of a great
coeducational university are examined.

LooMis, Stuart D. and Arnold W. Green, "The Pattern of Mental
Conflict in a Typical State University," Journal of Abnormal and
Social Psychology, July 1947, XLII, 342-55. The status-conscious
social world of the coeducational campus is again explored in this
article, which stresses some of the emotional insecurities arising from
the failure to "rate" (see below) in the dating hierarchy.

Lowrie, Samuel H., "Dating Theories and Student Responses," Ameri-
can Sociological Review, June 1951, XVI, 334-40. This study
examines the undergraduate conception of the functions of dating
on the college campus. On balance, the verdict seems to be favor-
able on the grounds that dating does more good than harm.

Mead, Margaret, Male and Female. New York: Wilham Morrow &
Company, 1949. In chapter 14, this well-known anthropologist
examines the role of dating in American culture and stresses the
fact that dating is basicallv an "impersonal" struggle for status.

MiLNER, Esther, "Effects of Sex Role and Social Status on the Early
Adolescent Personality," Genetic Psychology Monographs, Novem-
ber 1949, XL, 231-325. This monograph deals with the psychologi-
cal implications of status-depri\ation upon the personalitv of the
adolescent girl of marginal social level. Dating is one of the means
whereby emotional assurance is sought and sometimes found.

39 Looniis and Green, "The Pattern of Mental Conflict in a Typical State
University," p. 346. For a further study of these relationships, cf. Wilham M.
Smith, Jr., "Rating and Dating: a Re-Study," Marriage and FamiJy Living,
November 1952, XIV, 312-17.

COURTSHIP AND DATING 167

NiMKOFF, Meyer F. and Arthur L. Wood, "Courtship and Person-
ality," American Journal of Sociology, January 1948, LIII, 263-69.
Further exploration of the dating pattern of the campus world and
indication of some of the underlying social values upon which this
pattern is based.

Waller, Willard, "The Rating and Dating Complex," American So-
ciological Review, October 1937, II, 727-34. A pioneer analysis of
the coeducational university, in terms of the values and patterns of
dating. All subsequent analyses have taken this article as their start-
ing-point, whether or not the authors wholly agreed with Waller's
emphasis upon the competitive aspects of rating and dating.

Winch, Robert F., The Modern Family. New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 19152. The appendix, "Rating, Dating, and College
Fraternities," deals with the positive efforts made by fraternities on
a coeducational campus to enhance their prestige through judicious
dating by their members.

^ 9 ^:

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

The choice of a mate is the most important single decision
the individual is called upon to make in our society. The emphasis
upon happiness in marriage is so great that this choice overshadows
any other, and the individual spends his adolescent years meeting
scores of possible spouses. For one reason or another, he rejects (or
is rejected by) each of these potential mates, until finally he falls in
love with someone who falls in love with him. This is what both
have been waiting for. This is the indispensable prerequisite for mar-
riage. In previous chapters, we have considered some of the pre-
liminaries of this process. We turn now to its culmination in the
choice of a marriage partner.

The Nature of Marital Choice

The manner in which courtship takes place is, as we have indicated
in chapter 7, heavily determined by the romantic complex. Among
the romantic expectations is the convention that both parties will
fall "desperately" in love and their mutual adoration will then be
consummated in marriage. In this euphoric atmosphere, furthermore,
the physical, mental, and moral characteristics of both individuals
are expected to be so surcharged with emotion that each will assume
traits visible only to the other. The plain girl becomes a beauty and
the unattractive boy becomes a dashing figure during this period of
"divine madness." Such temporary emotional aberrations are re-
garded with fond amusement in our society, in contrast to other so-
cieties where they are viewed as dangerous departures from the norm.
We not only tolerate such behavior but expect it. Persons who do not
act romantically during courtship are regarded with suspicion.

Courtship is thus an irrational process, depending upon the feel-
ings of two persons who are expected to be temporarily above mere

168

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 169

logic and sanity. Romantic love is an answer to a socially-conditioned
need, whereby the individual reaches out for love in a compulsive
search for security. In societies where the romantic complex is un-
known, marriage is apparently not accompanied by a similar search
for affection. The need for love as a prelude to marriage, therefore,
is presumably a social product, reflecting the environment in which
the individual is reared. It is no less compulsive, however, because
it is an acquired need.^

The irrational elements in the choice of a mate are often com-
plicated by the rational statements of the individuals concerned.
Man is both a rational and an irrational animal, and his behavior is
a mixture of these elements. When young women are asked to de-
scribe the qualities they desire in a possible mate, they will dutifully
draw up a list of traits that show eminently reasonable judgment.^
These rationalizations will be in accord with the predominantly mid-
dle-class culture of the nation.

But the real reasons why each of these young persons will ulti-
mately marry a particular man are very different from any such ra-
tional enumeration. Among these hidden reasons are the desire to
be dominated, to be erotically aroused, to be admired, to be sym-
pathized with, to be protected, to be indulged, to be punished, and
to be blamed. These needs are often buried deep within the person-
ality, and in many cases the individual himself is not conscious of
their existence. We fall in love with those who fill (or give promise
of filling) some of these deep, psychic needs.^

This irrational process of marital choice is so completely a part
of the culture that the average person rarely, if ever, questions either
the premises that underlie it or the efficiency with which it operates.
It is widely assumed that this is the best of all possible ways of choos-
ing a mate and that any other way is unromantic, unsatisfactory, and
even slightly unethical. It is pertinent, however, at least to question
the ultimate efficiency of this process, even in terms of the individ-
ual happiness which is presumably its principal goal. The person
whom one dates may not be the person with whom one can be happy

1 Esther Milner, "EflFects of Sex Role and Social Status on the Early Adolescent
Personality," Genetic Psychology Monographs, November 1949, XL, 231-325.

2 Thomas C. McCormick and Boyd E. Macrory, "Group Values in Mate Selec-
tion in a Sample of College Girls," Social Forces, March 1944, XXII, 315-17.

3 Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and Company,
1952), pp. 408-9.

lyo COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

during the long and prosaic relationships of marriage. The charac-
teristics of a good date are not necessarily those of a good wife. The
present system of dating and courtship, conducted under the in-
fluence of romantic love and compulsive emotional needs, there-
fore may not be the most efficient method of marital choice.

We shall repeatedly return to this general problem throughout our
discussion, inasmuch as it constitutes a crucial aspect of courtship
and marriage in American society. The continuing high divorce rate
is the most obvious evidence that this form of marital choice leaves
something to be desired, both in happiness and marital permanency.
The value of individual choice is, however, so pervasive that it can-
not be denied, even if one had the inclination and the power. The
high incidence of marital impermanence is thus an inescapable cul-
tural hazard inherent in the social value of individual choice. With
all its irrationality, its compulsiveness, and its ultimate marital in-
security, individual choice is clearly a value that our society prizes
highly. A well-known anthropologist comments that "in a culture
built as ours is on ever expanding personal choice, an important goal
of which is the pursuit of happiness, the right to terminate an un-
happy marriage is the other side of the coin of which the fair side
is the right to choose one's spouse." ^

We may examine in more detail the nature of the "real" reasons
whereby the individual is moved to choose one particular mate out
of all the others. The following discussion of the ego-ideal and the
parent-image as factors in marital choice is suggestive, rather than
definitive, for these hypotheses have not as yet been demonstrated
by extensive empirical investigation. Nevertheless, these concepts add
to an understanding of marital choice by indicating the emotional
needs which the individual is unconsciously seeking to satisfy.

The Role of fbe Ego-Ideal

We have considered briefly the role of the ego-ideal in romantic
love and dating. The ego-ideal refers to the individual's conception
of himself as he would "like" to be, in contrast to the way he
"really" is.^ The individual loves himself in somewhat the same way

* Ruth Benedict, "The Family: Genus Americanum," The Family: Its Function
and Destiny, ed. Ruth N. Anshen (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1949), p. 163.

5 This discussion of the ego-ideal follows that of J. C. Fliigel, Man, Morals,
and Society (London: Duckworth, 1945), pp. 34-35-

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 171

that he loves objects outside himself, and thereby transfers to him-
self some of the emotional energy (libido) that he feels toward other
persons. In the course of his personality development, he comes to
realize that there is a discrepancy between his ideal self and the self
as it actually exists. This realization (which may be both conscious
and subconscious) causes him unhappiness. The resultant feeling of
inadequacy reaches its height at adolescence, when the contrast be-
tween the ego-ideal and the individual's conception of himself is
often great. Romantic love overcomes much of this feeling of in-
security, as the shy and pimply boy and the awkward and gangling
girl "fall in love" and thereby receive the assurance that someone
loves them, no matter how unattractive they are.

We are often not content with ourselves as objects worthy of our
own affection. We unconsciously try to make ourselves better and
hence more worthy of love in our own eyes. The persons with whom
we earliest identify ourselves are usually our parents, since they as-
sume the qualities of ideal personages in infancy and childhood. As
we grow older, we build other persons into our ego-ideal. These
models range in familiarity from our best friends (whom we know
well) to our favorite movie actors (whom we know only on the
screen ) . When we feel that we are living up to the demands of our
ego-ideal, we have a corresponding sense of well-being. When we
feel that we are failing to measure up to this ideal image, we suffer
from depression and diminution of our ego-feelings. When we fall
in love, however, our self-feeling is enhanced and we feel that we
may, after all, be worthy of our ego-ideal.

In marital choice, the process goes one step farther. When two
people fall in love, they may be said to "exchange ego-ideals," and,
in so doing, each bolsters the self-esteem of the other. As stated by
Theodor Reik, "loving means exchanging the ego-ideal for an ex-
ternal object, for a person in whom are joined all the qualities that
we once desired for ourselves." ® The traits in the girl that attract the
boy are those which seem to be lacking in himself— namely, good-
ness, purity, and compassion. The definition of sex as evil and un-
clean means that the adolescent views these desires in himself as un-
worthy of the ego-ideal which he has projected.

The girl who appears to embody these qualities of goodness and

^Theodor Reik, A Psychologist Looks at Love (New York: Rinehart & Com-
pany, 1944), p. 59.

172 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

purity appeals to the ego-ideal of the boy because these are precisely
the traits that he feels are lacking in himself. The boy, on the other
hand, may seem to represent the qualities of decision and vigor
which the girl believes she lacks in herself. Each person thus answers
(or seems to answer) a need in the other, a need that originally
grew out of the ideal the person had established for himself. As
Benedek puts it, "One became a better and a worthier person
through love— one came nearer and nearer to his own ego-ideal— thus
through love, fear and insecurity disappear." ^

The feeling of happiness that follows the choice of a marital part-
ner is an expression of satisfaction at being loved and thus being
worthy of the ego-ideal. The one who is loved feels that he is a better
person than he was before. He is grateful to the loved one for pro-
ducing this pleasant sensation and for raising him more closely to his
ego-ideal. There is considerable self-love in the process of loving an-
other person, although the self-love takes a subconscious form. The
exchange of ego-ideals causes each person to feel himself worthy of
self-respect (love) and each accordingly is thankful to the other for
reviving his (or her) own self-love.

The loved one is thus, in effect, a substitute for the ego-ideal of
the other. When two lovers exchange their ego-ideals in this fashion,
Reik suggests that the fact that "they love each other means that
they love the ideal of themselves in the other one." ^ People feel
the need of love because they cannot attain their ego-ideal and there-
fore realize the best in themselves without loving an object outside
themselves. This process has little to do with "selfishness" as it is
commonly understood. The individual instead directs his affection to
someone else and, in return, receives the extra dividend of enhanc-
ing his self-confidence.

The Role of the Parent-Image

A second factor in the choice of a marital partner is the parent-
image(s) inculcated in the individual during his early years in the
parental family. The influence of the parents upon the child is very
strong, coming as it does during the most impressionable period in
life. It would seem to follow, therefore, that the experiences of the

^ Therese Benedek, Insight and PersonaUty Adjustment (New York: The Ronald
Press, 1946), p. 25.

8 Reik, A Psychologist Looks at Love, p. 62.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 173

child with his parents would influence his subsequent emotional ad-
justment and, consequently, his courtship and marriage.^ The images
of the parents carry strong emotional overtones, which presumably
influence both marital choice and married life. The choice of a
spouse is, in part at least, an answer to emotional needs. The mother
and father have been instrumental in establishing (or at least color-
ing) these needs. It follows that the parent-image will have some
influence upon the crucial choice of a husband or wife.^*^

These influences are extremely complex. The emotional life of the
infant and child in the family of orientation is by no means as sim-
ple as was formerly supposed. The parents of both sexes have differ-
ent influences upon the child, especially with regard to his marital
choice. It is not merely a question of the boy wishing to marry some-
one just like the girl who married dear old Dad. Neither are these
parent-images based upon obvious physical resemblances, whereby
the boy is drawn to the girl who resembles his mother as he remem-
bers her when he was a child. The influences rather reflect the emo-
tional experiences of the child of either sex in the parental family.
The man may thus conceivably be drawn to a woman who will be
unlike his mother if he suffered from real or imagined neglect and
consciously or unconsciously hated her. The same situation may
apply to the girl who feared her father and who may consequently
be drawn to a man who is as different from her father as possible.

We cannot explore all of the complex emotional ramifications of
the parent-image upon the choice of a mate. We can only state that
resemblances exist between mates and parents that are greater than
would be expected on the basis of chance alone. These resemblances
seem to be largely temperamental, rather than physical, and suggest
that the parent-image is based more completely upon emotional im-
pressions than physical appearance. Among the temperamental traits
that appear to be significant in this connection are whether or not
the parent gets over anger easily, whether or not he is self-confident,
and the nature and extent of his sense of duty. In short, the research

^ The work of Robert F. Winch has been significant in this connection. See
Winch, "Further Data and Observations on the Oedipus Hypothesis: The Con-
sequence of an Inadequate Hypothesis," American Sociological Review, December
1951, XVI, 784-95.

^^ Cf. Ernest W. Burgess and Leonard S. Cottrell, Predicting Success or Failure
in Marriage (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939), pp. 344-45.

174 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

findings in these relationships definitely "tie in with the general
theory that parent-images influence one's marital choice." ^^

We may briefly explore these relationships further, using docu-
ments secured from women. A different pattern would prevail for
men. Some of the varied influences of the parent-image upon the
choice of a husband were as follows:

a. Choice of mate resembling father.

b. Choice of mate influenced by a combined parent-substitute and
mate-image.

c. Choice of mate influenced by ambivalent feelings toward mother
and friendly feelings toward father.

d. Choice of mate influenced by violent reaction against father and
friendly feelings toward mother.

e. Choice of mate influenced by satisfactory relationships with both
parents.

f. Choice of mate influenced by reaction against both parents.^^

This variety of parent-child relationships suggests that the situa-
tion is more complicated than the simple Oedipus and Electra
hypotheses of Freud would indicate. It is not sufficient to state that
the individual tends to be attracted to persons who resemble the
parent of the opposite sex and that his marital choice is determined
by this factor alone. Such influences are undoubtedly operative in a
number of cases, but others are also present, which qualify the sim-
ple Freudian hypothesis. The relationships of the individual with
both parents and the images he forms of them as a child are impor-
tant in the choice of a mate. In our society, furthermore, the mother
ordinarily exerts a stronger influence upon both the son and daugh-
ter than does the father. In the middle-class, urban family, the
mother is in a central position to gratify the wants of the infant and
the child. For that reason, boys and girls tend to look to their
mothers to a greater extent than to their fathers for gratification.^^

The Role of the Ideal Mate

A third factor in the choice of a mate is the image of the ideal
husband or wife. This is not the same as the ego-ideal, which refers

" Anselm Strauss, "The Influence of Parent-Images upon Marital Choice,"
Ameiican Sociological Review, October 1946, XI, 554-59.

12 Ibid., p. 558.

13 Winch, "Further Data and Observations on the Oedipus Hypothesis: The
Consequence of an Inadequate Hypothesis."

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 175

to the ideal picture the individual has of himself and embodies the
qualities he would like to have. The ideal-image is a picture of an
imaginary love-object, endowed with all the qualities which the in-
dividual would like to find in a mate. Some of the elements in the
ideal-image are consciously formulated and expressed, whereas others
remain in the subconscious. The ideal-image is a dynamic concept,
changing as the individual matures and experiences different needs.
Parental images are an important part of the ideal during the early
years and may be retained throughout maturity. In general, how-
ever, the early images of the parent are supplemented by other fac-
tors as the individual approaches the time of marital choice.^'*

The image of the ideal mate is both an individual and a cultural
product. It is an individual product in that it exists within the psyche
of the boy or girl and incorporates the experiences each has had from
earliest childhood. It is a cultural product in that many of its con-
stituents are present in the culture and are experienced in this form.
The patterns of ideal womanhood and manhood are important con-
stituents of the ideal-image. In a folk society, these elements are
handed on by word of mouth and by example, so that the adolescent
sees older members of the opposite sex who assume ideal qualities
for him. Still other aspects of this image are present in the folklore
and are verbally handed down from generation to generation in this
informal fashion.

These ideal elements are also present in the mass culture, which is
becoming increasingly characteristic of our society. The mass culture
has been defined as "a set of patterns of thought and action which
are common to the subcultures of a heterogeneous society." ^^ The
agencies of dissemination of the mass culture include such varied
devices as advertising, the radio, television, and the motion picture.
The latter constitutes perhaps the most important source of ideal-
images, inasmuch as the principal theme of the motion pictures is
romantic love.

The heroes and heroines of the screen are the ideals for millions
of impressionable adolescents, and their personalities become the
models which the adolescents take as their ideal-images. These char-

"Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), pp. 198-99.

^5 John W. Bennett and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Life: Structure and Func-
tion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1948), p. 609.

176 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

acterizations become stereotyped and one star may look and act very
much like another. It has been suggested, however, that this very
standardization assists in creating the ideal-image. The boy and girl
can, as it were, "fill in" the traits in terms of their own particular
needs. That is, the actual love-object may only superficially resemble
the screen star in appearance, much less in actual "personalit}\" The
lover can, however, project his needs into the other and thereby have
the illusion that his own particular beloved resembles his heroine of
the screen.^^

A study of the characteristics of the ideal, as compared with the
actual, mates of several hundred recently engaged and recently mar-
ried women indicates the importance of the ideal factors in marital
choice. Some 59.2 per cent of the girls indicated that the men to
whom they were recently married or engaged came very close to the
physical ideal which they (the girls) had previously established. In
the field of personality, an even larger proportion (73.7 per cent) of
the girls considered that their husbands or fiances were either close to
or identical with their ideal-image.^"

The same study reported considerable variation in the degree to
which the ideal-images were consciously formulated. Some girls in-
dicated that they knew exactly how the expected spouse was supposed
to look and act. Others indicated that their images were less con-
crete and were embodied in less definite "ideals" and "standards" of
what a husband should be. In some instances, the girls indicated that
they had consciously checked their potential mates against their ideal
standards. Others were content happily to fall in love with the man
whom they dimly divined as fulfilling some or all of the traits of their
ideal husband. The ideal qualities in this study largely existed on the
conscious and verbalized level. Other qualities exist on the subcon-
scious level and influence the ideal image. However formed and
formulated, the ideal-image seems to play an important role in the
choice of a mate.^^

Homogamy and Marital Choice
We have considered the general nature of marital choice and some
of the emotional factors that influence it. We may now consider

16 Winch, The Modern Family, pp. 424-32.

1^ Strauss, "The Ideal and the Chosen Mate," American Journal of Sociology,
November 1946, LII, 204-8.
18 Ibid.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 177

some of the factors that determine marital choice or, more strictly,
that set certain limits within which it tends to take place. In our
discussion of romantic love, we have perhaps overemphasized the fact
that the choice of a mate is theoretically free and that any boy can
presumably marry any girl he chooses— provided, of course, that she
also chooses him.

However free the choice of a mate may be in theory, there are
practical limitations that restrict this freedom and narrow the limits
within which the individual ordinarily marries. These limitations are
not deliberate and conscious, nor do they arise primarily from the
families of the young people, the elders of the village, or the formal
sanctions of the state. The limitations are rather the spontaneous
operation of certain forces which (with striking exceptions) do not
plan to limit the choice of a partner but which, in effect, still do so.

Marital choice, as it operates in contemporary American society,
involves the concept of homogamy. This term refers to the tendency
to marry persons with similar or like characteristics, such as family
background, religious affiliation, social attitudes, and social values. ^^
This factor tends to limit marital choice, although in our society
these limitations, as noted, are for the most part unpremeditated and
are not part of a deliberate social policy. Some of these factors are
in the mores, others are incorporated in the laws, and still others
are the result of pure chance.

The process of marital choice thus has three related aspects: (a)
the complete theoretical freedom to select a mate on the basis of ro-
mantic love; (b) the general limitations imposed by the culture,
which set the bounds within which marital choice takes place; (c)
the final act of choice which ordinarily occurs within these culturally
prescribed limits, but which is still free as far as the individual object
is concerned.^" A middle-class Catholic boy is thus controlled by his
culture to the extent that he tends to marry a Catholic girl from the
same social setting. He is still free, however, to choose which girl he
shall marry. We may consider these limitations on marital choice.

1. Race. For all practical purposes, one-tenth of the population of

1^ Ernest W. Burgess and Paul Wallin, "Homogamy in Social Characteristics,"
American Journal oi Sociology, September 1943, XLIX, iog-24.

Burgess and Wallin, "Homogamy in Personality Characteristics," Journal oi
Abnormal and Social Psychology, October 1944, XXXIX, 475-81.

20 August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American Sociological Review, October 1950, XV, 619-27.

lyS COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

the United States is effectively prevented from intermarriage w^ith the
remaining nine-tenths. More than thirty states have laws against
the marriage of Negroes and whites. In the remaining states, the prob-
lem hardly exists because the mores so frown upon the crossing of
racial lines in marriage that there is no need for legislation. A similar
legal restriction is imposed on the intermarriage of whites and Mon-
goloids in many areas where this minority group is predominantly
found.^^ Race, in short, "divides the community into two parts as far
as marriage is concerned." ^-

2. Religion. The barrier of religious differences is not formalized
in terms of law, but it exists nevertheless. Religion limits the range
of marital choice and furthers the process of homogamy. In the area
of doctrine, the battle for religious tolerance has long since been
won in this country, but in the area of interpersonal relations it still
exists. Members of the three great denominational groups— Protes-
tants, Catholics, and Jews — tend to marry within their own group,
and these differences clearly exercise a limiting influence upon the
choice of a marital partner.

"Next to race," says Hollingshead, "religion is the most decisive
factor in the segregation of males and females into categories that
are approved or disapproved with respect to nuptiality." ^^ In an ex-
tensive study of homogamy conducted in New Haven, Connecticut,
he found that 97.1 per cent of the Jews, 93.8 per cent of the Cath-
olics, and 74.4 per cent of the Protestants married within the same re-
ligious group. He also found that these percentages were almost the
same in the parental generation as in the present generation, thus
suggesting that, at least in this polyglot community, religious inter-
marriage is not increasing as it is said to be doing in other parts of
the country.

The difference in percentages of Jews, Catholics, and Protestants
marrying persons of the same faith may reflect the comparative
strength of the mores making for religious homogamy. The Jewish
culture thus presumably insists most strongly upon marriage within
the same faith; the Catholic culture is only slightly less insistent; and

2^ The California law against racial intermarriage was declared unconstitutional
by the State Supreme Court on October 1, 1948. Cf. Milton L. Barron, "Re-
search on Intermarriage: A Survey of Accomplishments and Prospects," Amer-
ican Journal oi Sociology, November 1951, LVII, 250.

22 Hollingshead, op. cit., p. 621.

23 Jbfd., p. 622.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 179

the Protestant culture maintains the weakest sanctions of the three
rehgious groups.^*

These general conclusions are, however, seriously questioned by a
study of mixed (Catholic-Protestant) marriages in the United States
as a whole. The rate of intermarriage in different sections of the
country is influenced by three general factors: (a) the percentage of
Catholics in the population; (b) the presence of strongly cohesive
ethnic subgroups; and (c) the social and economic status of the
Catholic population in the area.

With regard to a, the rate of intermarriage would obviously be low
in areas where the Catholic population comprises only a small
minority of the population. Where there are large and strong ethnic
subgroups, the rate of intermarriage is lower than in those areas
where there are no such groups. For example, in areas where there
are strong ethnic groups of Irish, Polish, Mexican, or other Catholic
subgroups, the individual tends to marry within his own ethnic group
to a larger extent than he would if there were no such enclaves.
Finally, the rate of intermarriage is also affected by the social status
of the Catholic population in the area. If the Catholic group is pre-
dominantly on one socio-economic level, the rate of intermarriage
will be high, whereas if the Catholic population is widely distributed
among all levels, the rate of intermarriage will be lower. Catholics of
all classes can thus find other Catholics within the same social level
and are not so motivated to go outside their own social level (and
religious faith) in search of a mate.^^

The above generalizations are based upon mixed marriages in-
volving Catholics in which Catholic nuptials are held. According to
the Canon Law, only those mixed marriages held according to Cath-
olic nuptials are valid and all others are invalid in the eyes of the
Church .2^ There are, therefore, no data available on the number of

2* Cf. also Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy, "Single or Triple Melting Pot? Inter-
marriage Trends in New Haven, 1870-1940," American Journal oi Sociology,
January 1944, XLIX, 331-39.

25 John L. Thomas, "The Factor of Religion in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American Sociological Review, August 1951, XVI, 487-91.

26 Mixed marriages held according to Catholic nuptials are allowed by the
Church only upon the signing of certain agreements by the non-Catholic con-
cerning the education of the children in the Catholic faith. See "Marriage-
Mixed," The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Encyclopedia Press, Inc.,
1910).

i8o COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

mixed marriages not sanctioned by Catholic nuptials. Based upon the
rate of sanctioned mixed marriages alone, intermarriage between
Catholics and non-Catholics seems to be increasing throughout the
United States, although there is a wide variation betsveen different
sections. On the basis of these admittedly incomplete data, it is esti-
mated that, in the past two decades, "the mixed marriage rate of
Catholics . . . has averaged thirty per cent of all Catholic marriages." ^'^
The role of organized religion in furthering homogamy thus may not
be as strong as hitherto believed.^^

3. Ethnic Background. A third factor promoting homogamy is eth-
nic background. It is natural that, other things being equal, boys and
girls of Irish-American, Italian-American, or Swedish-American stock
should intermarry, especially since religion is also operative here.
Ethnic background appears to be considerably less important than
religion, and many marriages cross ethnic lines but remain within
religious bounds. In New Haven, Connecticut, for example, "The
increasing intermarriage ... is not general and indiscriminate but is
channeled by religious barriers; and groups within the same religions
tend to intermarry. Thus, Irish, Italians, and Poles marry mostly among
themselves, and British-Americans, Germans and Scandinavians do
likewise, while Jews seldom marry Gentiles." -^ The Catholic popu-
lation of New Haven is becoming a mixture of the three large ethnic
groups that profess the Catholic faith, whereas ethnic lines among
Protestants are crossed even more frequently.^*'

In the nation as a whole, ethnic barriers appear to play a consider-
able, although declining, role in setting the limits of marital choice.
Two decades ago, a study of 70,000 marriages in New York State (ex-
clusive of New York City) disclosed that "one half, 48.7 per cent, of
all the marriages were intermarriages in that thev crossed either a
nativity or a nationality line, or both. . . ." ^^ A study made some-

27 Thomas, ibid., p. 491.

28 For a discussion of some of the consequences of mixed marriages, see Judson
T. Landis, "Marriages of Mixed and Non-Mixed Rehgious Faith," American
Sociological Review, June 1949, XIV, 401-7.

29 Kennedy, "Single or Triple Melting Pot? Intermarriage Trends in New
Haven, 1870-1940," p. 339.

3" HoUingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage Mates," pp.

623-25-

31 James H. S. Bossard, "Nationality and Nativity as Factors in Marriage, Amer-
ican SocioJogical Review, December 1939, IV, 792-98.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 181

what later indicated a considerable increase in intermarriage in New
York State, with two-thirds of all foreign-born brides marrying
grooms of native birth and three-fourths of foreign-born grooms
marrying native brides .^^ The virtual cessation of large-scale immigra-
tion in recent decades has drastically reduced the number of foreign-
born persons in the population, and ethnic differences between the
later generations are being rapidly obliterated. Ethnic factors as such,
therefore, will play a decreasing role in the limitation of marital
choice.

4. Social Class. A fourth factor in the promotion of homogamy is
the position of both parties in the socio-economic setting. The com-
bination of these factors closely approximates the concept of social
class, although that term is presumably alien to the egalitarian philos-
ophy of American culture. On common-sense grounds alone, however,
it would be assumed that men and women from the same social level
would have a greater chance of coming together and marrying than
those from different levels. This hypothesis has been indirectly con-
firmed by several investigations of marital choice in terms of "residen-
tial propinquity," in which persons living in close proximity to each
other (measured in terms of city blocks) married with greater fre-
quency than those who lived farther away.^^ Residential propinquity
is itself a reflection of other racial, ethnic, and religious similarities,
and homogamy in these respects is manifested in the various ecologi-
cal areas of the urban community.

The local community may do more than passively provide residences
within the limits of which persons tend to meet and marry. The resi-
dential area also plays an active role in this process, insofar as the per-
sonality of the individual is a function of the social relationships in
which he participates. It has been suggested that "locality may tend
not only to select, but also to produce persons who are similar in atti-
tudes, behavior patterns, and probably other characteristics. Hence . . .
propinquity may be considered a primary component in the process

3- Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Intermarriage Among National
Groups Increasing," Statistical Bulletin, May 1946.

23 James H. S. Bossard, "Residential Propinquity as a Factor in Marriage Selec-
tion," American Journal of Sociology, September 1932, XXXVIII, 219-24.

Ray H. Abrams, "Residential Propinquity as a Factor in Marriage Selection:
Fifty Year Trends in Philadelphia," American Socioiogica] Review, June 1943,
VIII, 288-94.

i82 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

of mate selection." ^* Social class is a combination of the above fac-
tors, plus such economic considerations as occupation, income, and
housing facilities.

A study was made of class factors in marital choice on a national
scale, in which a representative cross-section of the adult, married,
male population was queried as to their occupation and that of the
wife's father. The assumption was that the social class of the husband
could be roughly determined from his own occupation and the class of
the wife from the occupation of her father. In general, this study con-
firmed the hypothesis of class homogamy, in that the men tended to
marry women whose fathers occupied the same general occupational
level as themselves. The different occupational strata in the study
were "business executive, professional, small business, white-collar,
skilled manual, semiskilled, and unskilled." In the majority of in-
stances where the marriage crossed one occupational line, say from
small business to white-collar, the difference was limited to one level,
and hence the majority of husbands and wives in the sample were of
the same or very similar social background. The marriage of a wealthy
girl to her father's chauffeur may be an important symbol of the ro-
mantic folklore, but it appears to be rare in actual practice.^^

In New Haven, Hollingshead found that the class factor was also very
strong in homogamy. This factor operates within religious and ethnic
groups and further stratifies these larger divisions into still smaller
areas within which the individual seeks a mate. The criteria of class
membership in this study were residence and education, and each was
found to erect its own further barriers against intermarriage and
thereby increase the tendency of like to marry like. Within each reli-
gious group, for example, men tended to marry women with a com-
parable amount of formal education, a tendency that was most marked
in the Jewish group and least so in the Catholic group. These tenden-
cies operated over two generations, and the parents showed the same
class and educational similarities as the children, with the factor of
religion held constant. In other words, for two generations the Jewish
groups had married spouses with comparable educational attainment
to a greater extent than the Catholic groups. As measured by such

3* Alfred C. Clarke, "An Examination of the Operation of Residential Propin-
quity as a Factor in Mate Selection," Ameiican Sociological Review, February
1952, XVII, 17-22.

35 Richard Centers, "Marital Selection and Occupational Strata," American
Jouinal of Sociology, May 1949, LIV, 530-35.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 183

factors as residence and education, therefore, the class distinctions
hold from one generation to the next in marital choice.^^

5. Age. Age is another factor in homogamy. The majority of per-
sons marry within certain age limits, thereby further restricting the
field of marital choice. This is especially true when the individual
marries for the first time. The folkways of our society define the cor-
rect age relationship as one in which the husband is approximately
three years older than the wife. In practice, therefore, the marital
choice of males tends to be limited to females who are their own age
or a few years younger. Conversely, females marry men their own age
or a few years older.^^

These relationships have been established on a national scale by a
study conducted by the Bureau of the Census. In this study, approxi-
mately one-half of all men who were still married to their first wives
had married during the 6-year span from 22 to 28 years of age. For the
women, age at first marriage was even more narrowly restricted, with
one-half of those still in their first marriage having married in the
5-year span from 19 to 24 years. The median age at first marriage for
the men who were still married to their first wives was 24.2 years. The
median age for the women under corresponding circumstances was
20.9 years. Contrary to popular belief, the median age at first marriage
has been steadily declining since 1890, when the figure stood at 26.1
years for the male and 22.0 vears for the female.^^

Many of the readers of this book are students in co-educational
colleges and universities, where they are having dates with their fellow
students. The chances of marrying men from the same institution,
however, are less than 50-50 for the average coed. Furthermore, those
girls who do marry men from the same institution will probably marry
those from a class that graduated a few years before.^^ This age differ-
ential is understandable when we realize that the average girl who

3^ Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage Mates," Table
6.

Cf. also Julius Roth and Robert F. Peck, "Social Class and Social Mobility
Factors Related to Marital Adjustment," American Sociological Review, August
1951, XVI, 478-87.

2^ Hollingshead, "Age Relationships and Marriage," American Sociological Re-
view, August 1951, XVI, 492-99.

^* Paul C. Click and Emanuel Landau, "Age as a Factor in Marriage," Amer-
ican SocioJogfcaJ Review, August 1950, XV, 517-29.

23 Herbert D. Lamson, "Marriage of Coeds to Fellow Students," Marriage and
Family Living, May 1946, VIII, 27-28.

184 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

graduates from college is ready for marriage. The average man, on the
other hand, either has several years of postgraduate training or an
equal period to establish himself in business before he feels financially
able to marry. Hence college men tend to marry girls somewhat
younger than themselves and college girls tend to do the opposite.
Age and educational opportunity combine further to restrict free and
unlimited marital choice.

6. Socia] Attitudes. A final aspect of homogamy may be summarized
under the heading of "social attitudes." These elements emerged from
a study of 1,000 engaged couples living in the Chicago metropolitan
region and supplement the forms of homogamy discussed above.^*' In
addition to similarities between engaged couples in ethnic background,
religious affiliation, and social status of parents, similarities in social
attitudes were found regarding leisure-time activities, friendship with
members of the opposite sex, employment of the wife, and marriage
and divorce. These social attitudes may be summarized as follows.

a. Socia] Participation. This group of social attitudes includes fac-
tors such as: "(a) their friendships with persons of the same and op-
posite sex, (b) their participation in organizations, (c) their leisure-
time activities, and (d) their drinking and smoking habits." "*^ In some
of these characteristics (participation in organizations), homogamy is
only slightly greater than chance, whereas in others (drinking and
smoking habits) there is a strong correlation between the attitudes of
the engaged couple.

b. Courtship Behavior. There was also a strong degree of homogamy
in the attitudes of each party toward members of the opposite sex,
with persons of considerable experience attracting those with similar
backgrounds. Males with little or no previous experience in dating
and courtship attracted females with corresponding lack of experi-
ence. In the degree of social sophistication, as might be expected, like
tends to attract like in marital choice.

c. Attitudes toward Marriage. The third group of factors included
a variety of attitudes dealing with marriage itself. Included in this
group were attitudes toward love and romance; divorce and the cir-
cumstances when, if ever, it is justified; relationships between husband
and wife; the gainful employment of the wife after marriage; contra-

*" Burgess and Wallin, "Homogamy in Social Characteristics," American Jour-
nal oi Sociology, September 1943, XLIX, 117.
" Ibid.

COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE 185

ception and the spacing of births; and the number of children desired.
In summarizing these and other attitudes toward marriage, Burgess
and Walhn admit that the association leading to the engagement may
be partially related to the similarity between the engaged couple. In
terms of like initially attracting like, however, they state that "It is
also reasonable to assume that . . . those with similar conceptions tend
to meet and fall in love with each other." ^^

In this chapter, we have been concerned with courtship and marital
choice. We have indicated that marital choice is strongly conditioned
by the romantic complex and that it is an irrational and often com-
pulsive affair. The individual is often moved by emotional needs that
reflect the ego-ideal, the parent-image, and the image of the ideal
mate. These factors operate on both the conscious and the uncon-
scious levels, so that the person is not always aware of the emotional
needs which he attempts to meet in choosing a mate. After indicating
the nature of marital choice, we then outlined some of the broad
limits within which it may occur. Although the individual is in theory
free to choose anyone he wishes in marriage, in practice he is restricted
by factors that tend to bring about the marriage of like with like.
These factors include race, religion, ethnic origin, social class, age,
and social attitudes.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Benedek, Therese, Insight and Personality Adjustment. New York: The
Ronald Press Company, 1946. A noted psychoanalyst discusses,
among other things, the nature of the ego-ideal and the importance
of love in the psychic experience of the individual.

Benedict, Ruth, '('The Family: Genus Americanum," The Famih: Its
Function and Destiny, ed. Ruth N. Anshen, chap. 9. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1949. In this perceptive essay, the late Ruth
Benedict examines the related problems of courtship and marital
choice in the larger pattern of American culture.

Burgess, Ernest W., and Leonard S. Cottrell Jr., Predicting Success
or Failure in Marriage. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 19^9. This
pioneer study is primarily concerned with the prediction of marital
success or failure, but its implications for courtship and marital
choice are also pertinent.

, and Harvey J. Locke, The Family. New York: American Book

Company, 1945. The subject of marital choice is examined at length
in chap. 1 3 of this basic study of the family.
42 Ibid., p. 123.

i86 COURTSHIP AND MARITAL CHOICE

HoLLiNGSHEAD, AuGusT B., "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Mar-
riage Mates," American SocioJogical Review, October 1950, XV,
619-27. An outline of the general and specific cultural factors that
combine to limit the choice of a marital partner in a society theo-
retically based upon unlimited choice. The field of marital choice
is heavily circumscribed by a variety of cultural factors, although the
individual does have the power of ultimately choosing a certain
person.

KuHN, Manford H., "How Mates Are Sorted," Family, Marriage, and
Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill, chap. 8. Boston:
D. C. Heath and Company, 1948. This chapter contains an excel-
lent survey of the literature on marital choice and the encourage-
ments and limitations thereto.

McCoRMiCK, Thomas C, and Boyd E. Macrory, "Group Values in
Mate Selection in a Sample of College Girls," Social Forces, March
1944, XXII, 315-17. The verbalized conception of group values held
by a sample of college girls in the choice of a mate is the subject of
this study. The rationalizations given under these circumstances do
not, of course, cover all of the emotional needs of the respondents.

Strauss, Anselm, "The Influence of Parent-Images upon Marital
Choice," American Sociological Review, October 1946, XI, 554-59;
also "The Ideal and the Chosen Mate," American Journal of Soci-
ology, November 1946, LII, 204-8. These articles report on an in-
genious attempt to measure some of the less tangible but neverthe-
less important factors in marital choice.

Thomas, John L., "The Factor of Religion in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American Sociological Review, August 1951, XVI, 487-91.
A survey of the national trends in intermarriage between Catholics
and Protestants, with some of the factors making for or against this
practice.

Winch, Robert F., "Further Data and Observations on the Oedipus
Hypothesis: The Consequence of an Inadequate Hvpothesis,"
American SocfoIogicaJ Review, December 1951, XVI, 784-95. One
of a series of articles on the sociological implications of the Freudian
hypotheses concerning parent-child attachments. In these brilliant
analyses. Winch is especially concerned with the effect, if any, of
these attachments upon courtship and marital choice.

t^§^^«^§^J

PART III

THE RELATIONSHIPS OF MARRIAGE

«^ 10 §^^

SOCIAL ROLES
AND MARITAL INTERACTION

Marriage is a social relationship, conducted by two socialized
human beings in a setting of reciprocal social expectations. These ex-
pectations place certain obligations upon the husband and wife, which
each does his best to fulfill. These obligations vary from one society
to another and between social classes (or subcultures) within the same
society. The social expectations connected with marriage and the fam-
ily comprise an important segment of culture, and their similarities
assure a considerable degree of uniformity. Husbands and wives who
follow the expectations of American culture have a different pattern
of marital relationships from those who follow the expectations of
other cultures. We are concerned here primarily with marriage and
the family in American culture. The subsequent discussion of marital
and familial roles will be integrated with this cultural context.

The Nature of Social Roles

The part each member of the family plays in the family drama is
largely a reflection of the culture. The composite of these parts is
known as the social role of the husband, wife, father, mother, son,
daughter, and the rest of the members of the family.^ The social role
has been defined as "the organization of habits and attitudes of the
individual appropriate to a given position in a system of social rela-
tionships." ^ The system of social relationships is first marriage and
then the family, in the order of increasing complexity.

^ For a recent analysis of the concept of social role, see Lionel J. Neiman and
James W. Hughes, "The Problem of the Concept of Role — A Re-Survey of the
Literature," Social Forces, December 1951, XXX, 141-49.

2 Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., "Roles and Marital Adjustment," Publication oi the
American Sociological Society, 1933, XXVII, 107-15.

189

190 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

The social role is also a reciprocal pattern, involving the behavior of
a person occupying a given position (status) and the behavior which
he expects toward himself from others. The reciprocal quality of the
social role is indicated in its definition as "an internally consistent
series of conditioned responses by one member of a social situation
which represents the stimulus pattern for a similarly internally consist-
ent series of conditioned responses of the other(s) in that situation." ^

Marital roles thus refer to the expected relationships of each person
to the other members of the family group, plus the feelings of pride,
happiness, self-satisfaction, inadequacy, frustration, and any other re-
action or combination thereof which the individual derives from his
accompanying sense of success or failure. Marital roles carry strong
emotional connotations, and the individual learns during the sociali-
zation process to associate his or her ego with the role of husband or
wife as defined in our society. Every society has its conception of "the
good husband" and "the good wife," which comprises the pattern of
roles each is expected to play. These roles are established in the mores
and are inculcated into the emergent personality through this means.*

Social roles are an important element in personality. They are often
learned before the individual has developed any independent judg-
ment, and hence are accepted uncritically. The child learns the rudi-
ments of the marital role from his own family of orientation. His con-
ceptions of the good husband and the good wife are often partially
derived from observing his own parents. If these relationships are
pleasant, his conception of the adult role may be similar to those he
has observed. If his parental relationships are unpleasant, he may re-
volt against the role behavior which he has observed and may con-
sciously or unconsciously seek other roles in his own marriage. Whether
positively or negatively, the role behavior which the individual ob-
serves in the home forms an important part of his personality.

Social roles serve as a motivation for behavior in the sense that the
individual acts out his role patterns when confronted by the appropri-
ate situation. He enters marriage with certain strong preconceptions
as to what his behavior should be and what the behavior of his wife
should be toward him. He attempts to fulfill his conception of the

3 Cottrell, "The Adjustment of the Individual to his Age and Sex Roles,"
American SocfoJogfcaJ Review, October 1942, VII, 617.

4 Katharine Dupr6 Lumpkin, The Family: a Study oi Member Roles, page 3.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 193?-

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 191

role of a good husband and he Hkewise expects his wife to act in a
manner which he considers appropriate. Social roles are therefore far
from being bloodless abstractions or theoretical analyses. They are dy-
namic in the most literal sense, for they act as continuing stimuli to
actual behavior. They have strong powers of propulsion, in that they
lay claims upon the individual in a particular situation (marriage). He
in turn is compelled to act in accordance with the appropriate roles,
or at least his conception of them.^

When the couple is married, the members immediately begin to
function in their new cultural roles as husbands and wives. The
manner in which each individual functions in his new role reflects
such factors as "his own preformed role-concepts, his own expectations
regarding the reciprocal roles of his mate, his mate's expectations re-
garding him, and the degree of correspondence between the two sets
of role-concepts and expectations. ..."*' The success of the marital
relationship will depend upon the adequacy with which each plays
his role as expected both by himself and his spouse. The happiness of
the spouses will be a function of their enjoyment of their roles and
the adequacy with which they fulfill them. In this sense also, mar-
riage is a social (or shared) relationship.

(The interaction between husband and wife in marriage is determined
partially by the prevailing marital roles, plus their interpretation by
the individuals concerned' The spouses may think that marriage is
exclusively an individual adventure. In a sense it is, but it is a social
adventure as well, in which the participants attempt to act out certain
prescribed parts as best they can in a dynamic situation. Many of the
behavior patterns in marriage are embodied in the culture and the in-
dividuals attempt to apply these patterns to their own situations. Each
spouse has economic roles, conjugal roles, affectional roles, and other
clusters of expectations that motivate his conduct in the appropriate
situations. Individual variations are present in each marital drama, but
the general tone is set by the culturally approved roles.

These patterned forms of social behavior tend to simplify the rela-
tionship by providing an accepted web of responses to many of the
recurrent situations arising in marriage. The husband and wife do

5 Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden Press,
1951), pp. 85-87.

^ Leland H. Stott, "The Problem of Evaluating Family Success," Marriage
and Family Living, Fall 1951, XIII, 151.

192 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

not need to work out their own adjustments every time, for many of
the mutual responses are aheady estabHshed in their personahties.
There is, of course, an inevitable period of trial and error for the
newly-weds, and complete adjustment is often delayed for months or
years if, indeed, it is ever accomplished J

Nevertheless, the individual knows in general what to expect in
marriage, although even here the validity of these anticipations de-
pends upon the dynamic quality of the society. That is, societies where
change is at a minimum maintain the social roles fairly unchanged
from generation to generation, whereas in societies where change is
at a maximum behavior changes faster than the roles that define it.
Social roles, however, provide considerable unity and consistency to
any society, no matter how dynamic. Without these patterns, each
individual would have to improvise much of his behavior in marriage,
which would render this relationship even more complex than it actu-
ally is.

The Foundations of Marital Roles

The role of the individual as defined in childhood has unusual per-
sistence. The family of orientation is the first group that presents a
series of expectations to which the person is conditioned. As the child
matures, these early expectations are modified by participation in
other primary groups and later in many secondary groups. By the time
the individual is ready to assume full adult responsibilities, it is as-
sumed that he is a relatively mature and independent person. In these
terms, immaturity means simply that the individual has carried into
adult life an unduly large proportion of parental-family definitions,
expectations, and roles. Even with those who have achieved normal
maturity, however, childhood impressions still play an important part
in the personality. These infantile roles are ordinarily more important
on the subconscious than the conscious level, and the adult may not
be consciously aware of the extent to which his early roles still affect
his personality.

In many cases, the roles assumed in the parental family may persist
virtually without modification in the adult personality. In such in-
stances, the infantile roles may interfere with the proper performance
of the adult role in the family of procreation. The adult male may

^ Cf. Judson T. Landis, "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment in
Marriage," American Sociological Review, December 1946, XI, 666-77.

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 193

literally obey his father as long as the latter is still alive. After his
father is dead, the son may act, as nearly as possible, as he believes his
father would like him to act. He thereby remains, for all practical
purposes, a child in many respects because he is unable to make the
decisions expected of a person with adult status. Others carry their
childhood roles of spoiled children all through their lives. In so doing,
they present difficult problems for their wives, who assume that their
husbands are adults and have emancipated themselves from childish
things.^

Conceptions of marital roles are initially established in the family
of orientation. These conceptions are subsequently modified by other
cultural influences, but they are founded in the parental family. Per-
sons with different social backgrounds therefore differ in their role
conceptions. We shall consider this factor in some detail later, but it
is important to note here the existence of these status differences.^
Among the cultural differences that affect marital role conceptions
are those between occupational, racial, ethnic, and educational groups.
The expectations common to the parental family are incorporated natu-
rally into the personality of the child. These expectations may persist
without serious question for life, provided there is no interruption in
the expected role performance. Many such interruptions presumably
do not occur if the individual marries on the same social level. If the
spouses represent two different sets of role patterns, however, they
may have to re-examine their role conceptions.^**

One t)'pe of role pattern that is established in the family of orienta-
tion and transmitted to the family of procreation is that involving au-
thority. The American family has several patterns of authority, rather
than one predominant pattern such as is found in more homogeneous
societies. Some families are in effect controlled by the mother, others
by the father, and still others are jointly controlled, with decisions
based upon agreement between the spouses. The individual tends to
receive his definition of the authority role from his own experience in
the family. When he forms his own family and becomes in turn a
parent, he often incorporates the authority patterns of his parents. He
thereby acts out the parental role in somewhat the same way as he

* Waller, The Family, p. 87.

^Annabelle B. Motz, "Conceptions of Marital Roles by Status Groups," Mar-
riage and Famiiy Living, Fall 1950, XII, 136.

1" Carson McGuire, "Social Stratification and Mobility Patterns," American
Sociological Review, April 1950, XV, 195-204.

194 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

originally perceived it.^^ In other words, "The self-other patterns per-
taining to authority (the authority roles) which he incorporated from
response to an observation of family authority tend to persist, and to
be projected into his marriage relation." ^-

These acquired patterns influence the expectations of the husband
toward his wife and children. The wife likewise enters the marriage
with a set of authority patterns reflecting her own family of orienta-
tion. These expectations may be complementary, in which event mar-
ital adjustment is simplified. These expectations may be conflicting,
and the spouses must then work out accommodations if their marriage
is going to function smoothly. Many emotionally insecure persons are
unable to modify their authority patterns and may attempt to force
them on their spouses, even though this process may produce frustra-
tion and conflict. Persons who are emotionally secure are more inde-
pendent of their earlier patterns. They are capable of making adjust-
ments by altering their own roles to fit the new marital situation.
Emotional maturity reflects the degree to which the individual can
play the role of the other and modif)' his patterns of authority.^^

Homogamy (marriage of like with like) and heterogamy (the oppo-
site) are both observable in the case of the authorit}' patterns. Ho-
mogamous patterns are those in which: (a) both persons grew up in
mother-controlled families, (b) both persons grew up in father-
controlled families, and (c) both persons grew up in families in which
parental control was balanced. Such marriages tend to reproduce simi-
lar patterns in the family of procreation, and the husband and wife
play the appropriate roles.

Where both parties grew up in a mother-controlled familv, for ex-
ample, the daughter was initially prepared to play thf dominant wife-
and-mother role in her own family. The daughter then tends to expect
the same role behavior in her husband as she observed in her father.
A daughter reared in such a family environment thus unconsciously
seeks (and often finds) a husband who seeks (and likewise often finds)
a dominant woman for his wife. Under such conditions, the role ex-
pectations are complementary and marital adjustment is thereby facil-

11 Cottrell, "The Analysis of Situational Fields in Social Psychology," Amer-
ican SocioJogfcal Review, June 1942, VII, 370-82.

1- Hazel L. Ingersoll, "A Study of the Transmission of Authority' Patterns in
the Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948, XXXVIII, 225-302.

1^ Ibid., pp. 231-32.

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 195

itated. Both spouses are expecting the same relationships of authority
in marriage, and each plays the appropriate role therein. ^^

Families characterized by heterogamy were those in which the wife
has been reared in one form of family and the husband in another.
Under these conditions, some adjustment of role expectations is clearly
necessary, for the marriage would otherwise be characterized by con-
flict and frustration. We cannot consider all of the possible combina-
tions of role expectations and behavior, but may merely call attention
to a typical conflict situation, in which the husband grows up under
a strong and patriarchal father, and the wife is reared by a strong and
matriarchal mother. The husband presumably enters marriage expect-
ing to play the authoritarian role and expecting his wife to be submis-
sive. The wife brings her own conception of a strongly maternal role,
in which she is the dominant figure and expects appropriate behavior
from her husband. In the marital relationship, each must modify his
expectations, possibly toward a greater equalitarianism. Each spouse
thereby relinquishes some of the authority he has brought to the mar-
riage, and in so doing changes the role of the other. Without some
such compromise, marital conflict is a strong possibility.^^

Social Change and Marital Roles

Marital roles are primarily ascribed, rather than achieved, patterns
of behavior. This distinction between ascribed and achieved status and
role is familiar to students of culture and personality and refers to the
fact that some positions in society are granted (ascribed) by virtue of
age, sex, social position, marital status, and the like. Other positions
must be earned (achieved) by individual activity. In the latter cate-
gory are achievements in the fields of wealth, skill, learning, and other
forms of attainment.^® The status of husband or wife and the role
that goes with it are among the behavior patterns that are socially
ascribed, together with the rights and duties pertaining thereto. The
roles are present in the culture and the individual adjusts to them as
best he can.

The ascription of marital roles does not guarantee their consistency
and compatibility. In a stable and integrated society, the roles of hus-

1* Ibid., pp. 243-44.
15 Ibid., pp. 256-58.

1^ Ralph Linton, Tlie Cultural Background of Personality (New York: Apple-
ton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1945), pp. 76-77.

196 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

band and wife are consistent both with each other and with the larger
structure. This means that the expected behavior of the husband
complements that of the wife, and each spouse has his or her duties
and responsibilities clearly established. In a stable society, furthermore,
the husband and wife are not expected to do things which they can-
not possibly do, no matter how much they may want to. Under such
conditions, the behavior which the husband can actually perform is
approximately the same as he is expected to perform. In a stable soci-
ety, for example, most husbands can perform their central role as
breadwinner because the society insures the continuity of employment.

In a dynamic and unstable society, however, behavior loses its con-
sistency, and the individual finds himself doing things he is not sup-
posed to do according to his marital role. He also finds himself unable
to fulfill some of the expectations of his role, no matter how hard he
may try. Wives find it difficult to be satisfied as housekeepers when
they have nothing to keep but a small apartment. Families with lim-
ited means hesitate to have several children in a society where a child
is an economic liability. In these and many other respects, the indi-
vidual is unable to play his role as it has been traditionally conceived,
because many of the elements of the role are no longer consistent
with the society as it presently exists.

This disparity between marital behavior and its definition reflects
the process of social change. In a dynamic society, the various aspects
of culture tend to change at different rates of speed. The material cul-
ture ordinarily changes more rapidly than the nonmaterial, thereby
leaving the latter behind. Behavior is partially a reaction to various
elements in the environment, such as new ways of making a living,
new forms of transportation, and new conditions of living. In order to
adjust to these modifications in his social milieu, the individual must
change his behavior. At the same time, however, the definitions of
behavior change more slowly, and the result is a situation of "cultural
lag." ^^ In the present context, the marital roles fall in the category of
nonmaterial culture, are firmly imbedded in the personality, and hence
change more slowly than the actual forms of behavior. This disparity
in the rate of change between behavior and roles accounts for much
of the confusion in contemporary marriage.

Many husbands and wives are behaving in a fashion that is contrary

^^ The classic statement of this hypothesis is given in WilHam F. Ogburn,
Social Change, rev. ed. (New York: The Viking Press, 1950).

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 197

to their traditional roles. The roles were originally established in a
simpler and more static society, where behavior changed very slowly
from one generation to the next. The things people did and the things
they were supposed to do were very closely correlated, and the average
husband and wife were able to fulfill their roles with little difficulty.
Such a situation is very reassuring, for the individual has the pleasant
assurance that, no matter what his social status, he is at least accept-
ably performing his central marital role.

The physical demands upon the wife, for example, were much greater
in an earlier generation than they are in the contemporary urban,
middle-class family. Nevertheless, the woman of an earlier generation
had the satisfaction of knowing that, despite the physical hazards of
childbirth and the backbreaking work of the farm, she was perform-
ing her marital role according to specifications. Many wives have no
such assurance today. Their behavior has changed more rapidly than
the expectations connected with their role.^^

In a simple, agrarian society, the role of the wife is well defined.
The same cannot be said of an industrial, urban society. During the
early years of marriage and later in times of economic stress, the mod-
ern wife may contribute to the family income by gainful employment.
Depending upon the social level and the nature of her husband's
work, she may also have the important role of hostess at social func-
tions. She is also expected to be a companion to her husband at all
times, in which capacity she may run the gamut from sexual partner
to practical nurse. In addition to these other role patterns, the middle-
class urban wife not only bears the children but assumes the major
responsibility for their early care. Finally, she is the household man-
ager and general purchasing agent, which functions require their own
skills. This pattern of role expectations of the wife is the most com-
plex that any family system has ever seen. The possibilities of failure
are greatly enhanced by this complexity.

The problem of the husband is not nearly so acute. His role changes
have been neither as extensive nor intensive as those of the wife. His
role expectations remain strongly oriented toward earning an "ade-
quate" living, and his success in his marital role is largely judged in
these terms. The "good husband" is popularly considered as virtually
synonymous with the "good provider." In a recent nation-wide survey,

1* Ferdinand Lundberg and Marynia F. Farnham, Modern Woman; The Lost
Sex? (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947).

198 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

a representative sample of married women were queried as to the qual-
ity they considered most important in a husband. Almost half (42 per
cent) of this sample stated that being a "good provider" was the most
important single criterion of a husband, thereby indicating that this
role is still strong in the culture. ^^ Other male roles (that is, father)
are presumably not so important in our society, since it is tacitly rec-
ognized that the major part in the care and training of the child is
played by the wife and mother.

Social change has another differential effect upon the roles of the
husband and wife. Under conditions of an earlier society, the behav-
ior of both the husband and wife continued very much the same after
marriage, and both members carried on many of the same economic
functions they had performed in their family of orientation. The ar-
rival of children obviously changed many of these relationships, espe-
cially for the wife, but her major functions continued to be those of
homemaker. Such a continuity of role ^^ is still apparent in the farm
family, where both husband and wife carry on their activities in and
about the home both before and after marriage.

In the urban family, however, the differential effect of role change
is more apparent. The husband, it is true, is expected to continue in
very much the same fashion after marriage as before. The wife, how-
ever, has many adaptations to make. Marriage represents a far greater
change in role behavior for her than for her husband. Even where the
wife has been working for wages and continues to do so, she must
perforce make an abrupt transition to the roles of homemaker, cook,
companion, hostess, and prospective mother. Discontinuities in role
behavior after marriage are thus more sudden and complete for the
wife than for the husband.

Social Factors in Role Variation

We have heretofore considered marital roles in general terms, as
though they existed in similar form throughout the society as a whole.
We have, to be sure, suggested that variations exist between rural
and urban families, but these differences have also been stated in gen-
eral terms. We may now examine the role patterns in more detail,

^^ Mildred Strunk, ed., "The Quarter's Polls," Public Opinion Quarterly,
Summer 1948, XII, :557-58.

2° Ruth Benedict, "Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Conditioning,"
Psychiatry, May 1938, I, 161-67.

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 199

Avith special reference to the factors that bring about variations therein.
Within the pattern of American culture, there are many subcultures
with differing social expectations regarding marriage. We may explore
some of these social factors, with particular reference to the differ-
ences in marital roles.

1. Socfa] Class. The first of these subcultural factors is social class.
A social class is a large and relatively permanent group of people of
all ages and both sexes who occupy a common social status. This
status is, for the most part, ascribed, but it is possible to achieve a
status other than that received at birth. A class society may be defined
as "one in which the hierarchy of prestige and status is divisible into
groups each with its own social, economic, attitudinal and cultural
characteristics and each having differential degrees of power in com-
munity decisions." ^^ We are primarily concerned with the cultural
connotations of this definition and will accordingly view social classes
in terms of their cultural differences.

There is a strong tendency in American society to regard class dif-
ferences largely in financial terms. Other cultural differences, however,
distinguish one subculture from another and influence marital roles.
One such set of differences comprises the patterns of child training.
In matters such as feeding, weaning, bladder-training, father-child
roles, degree of responsibility, and relative strictness of discipline, the
average middle-class family differs sharply from the average working-
class family.

In the middle class, children are taught to be hungry on schedule,
whereas working-class children are fed when they are hungry. Middle-
class fathers spend more time with their children than do working-
class fathers. The paternal role also differs in the amount of time spent
on informal education of the child, with the middle-class father more
active in this respect. The middle-class child is ordinarily subject to
stricter discipline than his contemporary in the working-class family.^^
These and other patterns unquestionably influence the conceptions
of the marital role in the different subcultures.

One of the most spectacular class differences between marital roles
is apparent in the field of affection. As we have indicated in chapter 7,

21 Walter Goldschmidt, "Social Class in America — A Critical Review," Amer-
ican Anthropologist, October-December 1950, LII, 492.

22 Allison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class and Color Differences
in Child-Rearing," American SocioIogicaJ Review, December 1946, XI, 698-710.

200 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

romantic love is more characteristic of the middle and upper classes
than it is of the lower classes. Working-class males are primarily con-
cerned with complete libidinal satisfaction in the form of sexual in-
tercourse, whereas middle-class males sublimate their sexual impulses
with a combination of romantic love and petting.

The different social levels (to use Kinsey's term) thus tend to differ
widely in the sexual role of the male (and, by implication, the female)
before marriage. The social levels also show a considerable role differ-
ence in marriage itself. Lower-level males apparently continue their
premarital behavior for the first few years of marriage by engaging in
frequent extra-marital relationships. This behavior decreases as they
get older and become more strictly monogamous. In the middle and
upper levels, the situation appears to be reversed. Here the male is
sexually faithful during the early years of marriage, thereby also con-
tinuing the premarital pattern. As he grows older, the middle-class
husband increasingly seeks sexual satisfaction outside of marriage.^^

2. Occupation. A second cultural factor that brings about differ-
ences in marital roles is occupation. This factor, of course, is closely
related to social class, inasmuch as the father's occupation is one of
the most important features of class ascription. Commenting upon
the importance of the male occupational status. Parsons indicates that
"more than any other single factor, it determines the status of the
family in the social structure, directly because of the symbolic signifi-
cance of the ofEce or occupation as a symbol of prestige, indirectly
because as the principal source of family income it determines the
standard of living of the family." ^^

The roles of both husband and wife are different for the business
executive and the unskilled laborer, the corporation lawyer and the
farmer, the college professor and the factory worker. In each of these
occupational groups, the wife is expected to play a definite part in the
activities of the home and hence in the success of her husband. The
methods whereby she achieves this general goal, however, vary widely
between occupational groups. The role of the farmer's wife still centers
more completely in the traditional functions than does that of the
upper-middle-class urban wife. The latter is often more concerned with

23 Alfred C. Kinsey et ah. Sexual BehavioT in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chap. 10, "Social Level and Sexual Outlet."

2* Talcott Parsons, "Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States,"
American Sociological Review, October 1942, VII, 609.

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 201

the role of companion to her husband and hostess to his friends and
business associates than with the mechanics of keeping house. The
role of the upper-class urban wife is directed toward manipulating
people (entertaining) and symbols (conversation), whereas that of
the farm wife is more concerned with manipulating things by baking,
sewing, mending, cleaning, and the rest of the traditional functions.

3. Unemployment of the Husband. A third social factor that pro-
duces variations in marital roles is the employment status of the hus-
band. This is presumably a factor that, by its very nature, is more
transitory than any of the others. That is, most husbands are not per-
manently unemployed, in the same sense that they permanently oc-
cupy a given class, occupational group, or ethnic group. Nevertheless,
the eflFect of prolonged unemployment upon the principal marital
roles may be difficult and even catastrophic. During the great depres-
sion of the 1930's, millions of men were, for extended periods, unable
to perform the central role of breadwinner. Even under conditions
of virtually full employment, there are several million unemployed
persons, who suffer an impairment in the major marital role of the
husband.^^

Unemployment brings about a change in the role behavior of both
husband and wife. The wife may be forced to accept whatever em-
ployment she can find in order to support the family during the un-
employment of the husband. She may, in addition, be forced to in-
troduce domestic economies and accept a temporary decline in status.
In many respects, however, the wife carries on much as before. Her
behavior continues to correspond fairly closely to her major role, that
of wife and homemaker, which activities she must somehow continue
to perform whether the husband works or not.

For the husband, however, there is a complete change of behavior
and a corresponding departure from his marital role. He spends his
days in the home or in a fruitless search for work, and in neither case
is he able to augment the family income. His job is the center of his
life in a very real sense, and he suffers a drastic ego-impairment if he
cannot carry out this expected behavior. His failure to find work ap-
pears to be a sign of his incapacity as a man, although in the great
majority of cases the impersonal causes of unemployment are para-

25 Ruth Shonle Cavan and Katherine Howland Ranck, The Family and the
Depression (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938), chap. V, "Disorgan-
ization as a Result of the Depression."

202 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

mount. Millions of men are out of work through no conceivable fault
of their own. The role-failure, however, seems all too apparent.^^

4. Employment of the Wife. The employment of the wife is a
further factor producing variations in marital roles. Under these con-
ditions, a considerable modification in the traditional patriarchal roles
is almost inevitable. It is difficult for the husband to play the role of
lord, master, and sole provider when the wife is gainfully employed
and may be bringing in almost as much income as he. The scope of
this change in role is very wide. In i8go, only 4.6 per cent of all mar-
ried women were gainfully employed outside the home. In 1940, this
percentage had increased to 15.2.^^ World War II saw a still greater
percentage of wives gainfully employed, and this number continued
at a high rate during the subsequent years of full employment. In
April, 1951, an unprecedented 26.7 per cent of all married women
living with their husbands were in the labor force. In absolute num-
bers, this represented some 10,182,000 working wives. ^^

In chapter 5, where we discussed the growing equalitarianism of the
family, we considered some of the implications of the gainful employ-
ment of married women. We shall consider, in chapter 16, still other
implications of this shift in economic role in connection with the
changing economic functions of the family. We may merely note here
that this modification in the role of the wife has been received with
mixed emotions. Many wives are consciously gratified to play a more
independent economic role and take their places with their husbands
in making a living. Many others are not completely at ease in their
new role, especially on the subconscious level. The traditional role of
the wife as mother and homemaker still plays an important part in
the expectations of our society. Many women who violate these role
expectations, whatever their conscious motives for so doing, experi-
ence a certain measure of insecurity.^^

The role of the gainfully employed wife thus entails psychic, as well
as physical, complications. The wife who works a full day outside the

26 Ibid.

2^ Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940, Pop-
ulation, Vol. Ill, The Labor Force, Part I, Washington, 1943.

28 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status of Women in the Labor Force:
April, 1951," Current Population Reports: Labor Force, Series P-50, No. 37,
December 26, 1951.

29 Cf. Ehzabeth K. Nottingham, "Toward an Analysis of the Effects of Two
World Wars on the Role and Status of Middle-Class Women in the English-
Speaking World," American Sociological Review, December 1947, XII, 666-75.

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 203

home and attempts to act as homemaker at the same time is expend-
ing a great deal of nervous, as well as physical, energy. The working
wife is obviously unable to spend as much time in the home as the
nonworking wife, and the husband who expects the old-fashioned do-
mestic virtues is often disappointed. The affectional role may also be
complicated by the employment of the wife, as the latter may be un-
able to fill the emotional needs which the husband has been taught
to expect. The husband who thinks of his wife as a companion for
his leisure hours may find that she is too tired from her own exhaust-
ing day in the store or at the office to fulfill his expectations. In these
and many other ways, the employment status of the wife modifies
many of the traditional role expectations.^*'

5. Education of the Wife. Education is another factor in the per-
formance of marital roles, especially that of the wife. In marriages
where both husband and wife have been to college, it is difficult to
perpetuate the patriarchal roles. When men and women have sat side-
by-side in the college classroom, they bring a different set of "self-
other patterns" ^^ to their marriage than would have been the case
without this equalitarian experience. In other words, the educated wife
has a different set of expectations toward her own marital role, as
well as that of the husband toward herself, than has the uneducated
wife. The latter often accepts without question the traditional family
roles, whereas the educated wife is not satisfied to retain a subordi-
nate status.

Under the system of free public education in the United States, tire
proportion of boys and girls under eighteen enrolled in school is the
same, with 85 per cent of both sexes in this category. After the age
of eighteen, the males still in school predominate. Even at this level,
however, the ratio of males to females is only two to one. There are
approximately twice as many men as women enrolled in college,^^
which represents a tremendous recent change in social attitudes to-
ward the intellectual capacities of women. Many college women, how-
ever, never marry, which fact reduces somewhat the equalitarian trend

^^ See Hazel Kyrk, "Who Works and Why," Annals ot the American Academy
oi PoUtical and Social Science, May 1947, CCLI, 44-52.

^1 The phrase is Cottrell's. Cf. "The Analysis of Situational Fields in Social
Psychology," op. cit.

^-Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment: October, 1951," Current Pop-
ulation Reports: Population Characteristics, Series P-20, No. 37, February 18,
1952.

204 SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION

in marital roles.^^ The reason for this situation is probably two-fold:
(a) the higher standards of educated women who are consequently
unable to find adequate mates; (b) the male tendency to marry women
with less education than themselves, perhaps in a subconscious at-
tempt to maintain the myth of masculine superiority.^"*

Social roles are organized patterns of group expectations that chan-
nelize the behavior of husbands and wives and are handed down in
the culture. Insofar as marriage is based upon these role patterns, it
is a social relationship in the most complete sense. These roles are
first experienced in the parental family, and the individual incorpo-
rates them into his own personality. These parental roles govern his
own expectations of marriage, both in terms of his behavior toward
his wife and hers toward him. In the process of social change, behav-
ior in (and out of) marriage changes more rapidly than the definitions
incorporated in the social roles. Hence many persons are currently en-
gaging in behavior that is not in accord with the traditional roles. The
marital roles also differ between the segments of a heterogeneous so-
ciety. Such social factors as class position, occupational level, employ-
ment status, and education bring about variations in marital roles.
These variations render more difficult the task of marital adjustment.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

CoTTRELL, Leonard S., Jr., "The Adjustment of the Individual to his
Age and Sex Roles," American SocioJogicaJ Review, October 1942,
VII, 617-20. The concept of the social role is examined in this
article, which emphasizes the reciprocal quality of this pattern of
expectations.

Davis, Allison and Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class and Color
Differences in Child-Rearing," American Sociological Review, Df"-
cember 1946, XI, 698-710. The results of a series of studies on social
stratification, with particular emphasis upon role differences be-
tween the subcultural groups.

Ingersoll, Hazel L., "A Study of the Transmission of Authority Pat-
terns in the Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948,
XXXVIII, 225-302. As its title indicates, this monograph is an at-
tempt to isolate and measure patterns of authority in the parental
family and their transmission in the family of procreation.

33 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The American Wife," Statistica]
Bulletin, April 1951.

3* Cf. Paul Popenoe, "Mate Selection," American SocioJogica] Review, October

1937' I^ 735-43-

SOCIAL ROLES AND MARITAL INTERACTION 205

Linton, Ralph, The Cultural Background of Personality. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1945. A definitive statement of the
relationships between culture and personality, with particular em-
phasis upon the concepts of status and role.

Lumpkin, Katherine Dupre, The Family: A Study of Member Roles.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933. As the sub-
title indicates, this is a study of the family in terms of its constituent
role patterns.

Lundberg, Ferdinand and Marynia F. Farnham, Modern Woman:
The Lost Sex? New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947. The authors, a
journalist and a practicing psychiatrist, cast a jaundiced eye over the
changing role of the modern, middle-class woman.

Neiman, Lionel J. and James W. Hughes, "The Problem of the Con-
cept of Role — A Re-Survey of the Literature," Social Forces, De-
cember 1951, XXX, 141-49. A critical summary of the recent
literature on the concept of social role, especially valuable for its
bibliographical material.

Newcomb, Theodore M., Social Psychology. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1950. One of the most extensive statements of the concept
of social role in the literature of social psychology.

Parsons, Talcott, "Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United
States," American Sociological Review, October 1942, VII, 604-16.
A leading theorist on social structure explores some of the implica-
tions of age and sex roles in the United States.

Stott, Leland H., "The Problem of Evaluating Family Success," Mar-
riage and Family Living, Fall 1951, XIII, 149-53. Marriage is con-
sidered as a social relationship, and its success is judged in terms of
the efficiency with which the member roles are played.

!^ 11 5^5

CONJUGAL ROLES
AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

Marital roles take a variety of forms. Some involve the
economic behavior of the husband and wife. The traditional economic
roles assume the husband as the principal breadwinner and the wife
as devoting her attention to the children and the home. These roles
are in the process of modification, as millions of married women are
gainfully employed. Marital roles also involve biological behavior, as
the husband and wife respond to a complex group of social expecta-
tions concerning the number of children they will have and when
they will have them. Other marital roles have to do with the behavior
of the husband and wife as parents and their relationships to the chil-
dren at different stages in the family cycle. Still other roles are related
to the sexual relationships of marriage. These roles are a product of
the social attitudes which the individuals bring to the marriage. In
these and other fields, the husband and wife act out, as best they can,,
the various forms of behavior that have been tacitly defined as; appro-
priate to their status.

The Nature of Conjugal Roles

We have considered some of these roles in the preceding chapter^
We shall consider others in subsequent chapters, in connection with
the functions of the family. The roles of husband and wife are closely
related to the functions which the family is expected to perform in
any society. Economic roles reflect the economic system in which the
family operates— that is, whether the society is primarilj^ agricultural,
commercial, or industrial. Biological roles also reflect the way of life
and cannot be understood apart from it. The family tends to have
more children in an agricultural society, where children are an eco-

206

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 207

nomic asset, than in an urban, industrial society, where children are
an economic liability.

Many of the social roles that comprise the family repertoire thus are
better understood in connection with the institutional functions. We
shall, therefore, deal with these roles— notably, the economic, biologi-
cal, parental, and affectional— in their appropriate institutional con-
text, in Part IV. There is one role, however, that uniquely belongs in
a discussion of the social relationships of marriage. That is the con-
jugal role.

The conjugal role is based upon the assumption that the husband
and wife are the closest persons in the world to each otha: — closer
than romantic lovers, closer than friends of the same sex, and closer
(because of the adult quality of the relationship) even than parents
and children. The conjugal role is not new; for thousands of years
husbands and wives have loved, cherished, and respected each other.
What is new about the conjugal role is the complexity of expectations
that it involves in our society. In this context, the conjugal role means
that the spouses regard each other as romantic lovers, intellectual
companions, business associates, fellow parents, bosom friends, and
practical nurses. In other cultures, many of these roles are ascribed to
other persons, occupying other statuses such as that of mistress, male
friend, business partner, or intellectual colleague. But in our society
husband and wife are expected mutually to embody all of these rela-
tionships and more.

Sumner has given us a succinct description of coiijugal affection.
"It is based," he says, "on esteem, confidence, and habit. . . . It"3e-
pends on the way in which each pair arranges its affairs, develops its
sentiments, and forms its habits." ^ This reciprocal relationship is not
an easy one. "Conjugal affection," continues Sumner, "makes great
demands on the good sense, spirit of accommodation, and good na-
ture of each." ^ These qualities are not present in every person, nor
are they forthcoming in every marriage. Conjugal affection is, further-
more, a matter of time, for it cannot be hurried. Nor does conjugal
affection arise automatically. It must be achieved by patience, perse-
verance, and forbearance. Many couples are unwilling or unable to
make this achievement.

^William Graham Sumner, Folkways (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1906), p.

363-
2 Ihid.

2o8 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

Many erstwhile romantic lovers experience in marriage the waning
of the fires of romantic rapture that characterized their relationship
during courtship. Without realizing that there is something more
fundamental in marriage than romance, such saddened romantics may
conclude that their marriage is not a success. For many of these
couples, the divorce court seems the only solution.^ To be successful
over the years, marriage must be based upon something more substan-
tial than romantic love. That vital something is conjugal affection,
r Conjugal affection is, therefore, the name that covers a variety of
social attitudes that make for a permanently happy marriage. Conju-
gal attitudes by their very nature are reciprocal, since they evolve from
the close and continuous interaction of two person^ A husband
cannot have conjugal affection for his wife if she does irot reciprocate,
since much of his affection arises from his realization of a similar
sentiment in her. The reciprocal character of social roles is clearly
illustrated in conjugal affection, for reciprocity is their very life. Many
other roles are imposed (or learned) from without, in the sense that
the individual learns his role without knowing beforehand, except in
a general way, what the other person does in return. In the conjugal
role, however, the partners cannot be told in advance what they are
supposed to do or feel. Their behavior evolves under the repeated
contacts of daily life. In a literal sense, conjugal roles are social hahits.

Conjugal roles are also the product of a democratic society. They
cannot exist where the wife is expected to regard her husband as a
superior being and he in turn is expected to accept this veneration
as part of the nature of things. In the patriarchal family, the patterns
of authority are established so that the major powers of decision are
vested with the husband, who assumes this role as a part of his nor-
mal male heritage. The wife who seeks to influence family decisions
on matters not in her prescribed sphere must do so by subterfuge or
by the strength of her personality. In this case, she is violating the
role expectations of the patriarchal society. In a democratic society,
however, these powers are, in large measure, granted to the wife by
the mores, and she receives them as part of the respect accorded to
the individual personality in a democracy. Conjugal roles can exist
only in a society where each individual is treated as an end in himself,
not as a means to an end.

3 Cf. Mabel A. Elliott and Francis E. Merrill, Social Disorganization, 3rd
ed. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950), chap. 17, "The Romantic Fallacy."

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 209

, Conjugal roles are, finally, the product of communication, ^arital
interaction cannot take place without communication, any more
than society itself can. John Dewey has indicated that "Society not
only continues to exist hy transmission, hy communication, but it
may fairly be said to exist in transmission, in communication." * We
may very well substitute "marriage" for "society" in this context, for
the relationship is equally close. Communication in this sense, fur-
thermore, does not mean monosyllables over the morning paper, but
interpersonal communication on matters of deep concern in the ful-
fillment of the various marital roles. "Talking things over" is the
most important part of such a relationship.

/The concept of the family as "a unity of interacting personalities"
iiRplies such constant and intimate communication between its mem-
bers.^ Strictly speaking, the family includes the multiple relationships
between parents and children and between siblings, which we shall
consider below. We are concerned here primarily with marital roles
and mantal interaction, as they exist between husband and wife.
These interpersonal relationships are the basis of conjugal affection.
Communication is vital to this process.

The basis for any marriage— whether deepening with the passing
years or becoming increasingly tenuous under the corrosive force of
marital frustration — thus lies in thousands of individual contacts.
These contacts lay the foundation for the common values, the simi-
lar definitions, and the intricate network of habits that increasingly
unite the couple. The direction this effort takes, the kind of relation-
ship that eventuates from such personal interaction, is the work of
the two individuals most directly concerned. The ultimate success of
marriage in our society is largely individual, even though the roles
are partially determined by the society. In this adventure, all other
agencies— families, neighbors, the church, and the state— are warned
off. The effort stands or falls on an individual basis.

Participafion and Conjugal Roles

We have considered communicatioi^ in terms of the internal rela-
tionships between the married pair/Participation refers to the com-

^John Dewey, Democracy and Education (New York: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1916), p. 5. His Italics.

5 Ernest W. Burgess, "The Family as a Unity of Interacting Personalities," The
Family, March 1926, VII, 3-9.

210 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

munication of the married couple with the outside world The ro-
mantic lover may wish to live the rest of his life in th^ exclusive
company of his beloved, but he is obviously unable to do so. The
couple cannot live in a world of their own. They must participate
with others, and they ordinarily do so as a unit. Most conventional
social relationships are based upon joint participation. Husbands are
seldom invited to certain functions without their wives and vice
versa. Such participation has an important bearing on conjugal af-
fection.

The success of this conjugal participation depends upon the quali-
ties which the individuals bring to the marriage. If husband and wife
have essentially similar cultural backgrounds, possess similar intel-
lectual interests, and consider the same things important, their out-
side participation will render their conjugal roles more effective. In
their study of the chances of success or failure in marriage, Burgess
and Cottrell found that "likeness in the impress of cultural back-
grounds of the couple is associated with happiness, and marked dif-
ference with unhappiness in marriage." ^ If such likenesses do not
exist, the participation may be somewhat less than felicitous and the
degree of conjugal affection not as great as might be hoped. Given an
initial companionship plus a desire to grow together, each member
may develop interests considered valuable by the other, thereby in-
creasing the range of joint participation.

The hours spent outside the home may thus be productive of con-
jugal affection or its opposite. Many couples never evolve a satisfac-
tory pattern in this respect. In a study of marital adjustment, 13.6
per cent of the husbands and wives stated that they had never made
a satisfactory adjustment outside the home— that is, in their social
activities and leisure-time pursuits. The difficulty of such adjustment
was especially apparent among the wives. A larger proportion of the
wives failed to adjust to the husband's conception of their role in
social activities than reported a similar failure in sex relations and
financial expenditure.'^ Both husbands and wives may hold expecta-
tions of conjugal participation which they are unable to realize.

Participation in outside activities exerts an important influence

6 Ernest W. Burgess and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Predicting Success 01 Failure
in Marriage (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939), p. 88.

^ Judson T. Landis, "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment in
Marriage," American SocioJogical Review, December 1946, XI, 668-69.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 211

upon marital happiness and hence, by imphcation, upon conjugal
roles. In a study of happily-married as compared to divorced persons,
Locke found that the number of friends which the husband and
wife have in common has a close association with their marital hap-
piness. Those wives with few friends in common with their husbands
are apparently poorer marital risks than those who have many such
common relationships. The possession of mutual friends is also an
index to the "sociability" of the spouses, and couples with a high
degree of this characteristic (other things being equal) seem to have
a better chance of success than those who do not. The spouses who
enjoy participation are laying the foundation for conjugal affection
and a successful marriage.^

Habituation and Conjugal Roles

"Mere prolonged association with any decent person," it has been
suggested, "creates in most of us a tepid affection." ^ This statement
represents the least common denominator of conjugal affection, in that
two persons, no matter how divergent, can probably develop a mini-
mum of mutual affection merely through force of habit. Two people
cannot be totally out of sympathy with everything the other says or
does( The habitual pattern of shared experiences thus ordinarily pro-
duceS^t least a "tepid affection." The conjugal role involves far more
than this, however, as the many habitual relationships bind the couple
together in mutual dependence. As they know each other more inti-
mately and their behavior becomes increasingly routinized, husband
and wife become mutually indispensable. Each has his or her own
duties, responsibilities, and prerogatives, tacitly arranged through trial
and error. In this way, each comes to count on the other. J

Habit thus has a generally salubrious effect upon marriage, al-
though the romantic would be shocked at such a thought. Habit im-
plies monotony, which, contrary to the general opinion, is a good
thing. "The speedy achievement of a high level of monotony," says
Mayo, "is absolutely necessary to successful marriages. ... To the
young and ardent I have no doubt that middle-aged matrimony
seems unduly monotonous. To those who are middle-aged and happy
it seems to hold a serenity and a complexity of interests that com-

* Harvey J. Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951), pp. 229-36.

9 Katharine Fullerton Gerould, "Romantic Divorce," Scribner's Magazine,
November 1930, LXXXVIII, 490.

212 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

pares well with the passing fevers of youth," ^^ The romantic infatu-
ation of two young people is an exciting and ephemeral relationship
marked by high emotional tension. A happy marriage is a permanent
situation, made so by the cohesive force of habit clustered about the
daily business of life. This is doubtless what La Rochefoucauld meant
when that great aphorist said that "There are good marriages, but
there are no delicious ones."

Marital roles are themselves social habits. We have considered this
factor in the preceding chapter and need not repeat our analysis here.
It is sufficient to indicate that the development of conjugal roles im-
plies the formation of reciprocal habits under the impact of daily
living. Marital roles are more social than habits involving only one
person, for by definition they involve two persons and the mutual
expectations that have been established to meet recurrent situations.
In the conjugal role, the husband and wife are constantly reacting in
terms of their conception of their own behavior, as well as that of
the other. Many of these conceptions are conditioned responses to
everyday existence. Once established, these habits have great com-
pulsive power over the members of the wedding.

The social habits of marriage thus exert a strong influence in main-
taining the relationship itself. Husbands and wives become so accus-
tomed to each other that they do not wish to change the elements in
the conjugal role that have become second nature. These elements
range all the way from similarities concerning the time of going to
bed and getting up in the morning, to attitudes toward religion, the
training of children, or the spending of money. This does not mean
that two persons of entirely different temperaments, social values,
and cultural backgrounds can, by the magic of habit, become per-
fectly mated. The number of divorces granted to couples married for
five, ten, or even twenty years suggests that mere habit by itself can-
not bring about conjugal affection. Given the requisite temperamen-
tal, personal, and cultural factors to start with, however, habit adds
to the efficacy of the conjugal role.

Habit in conjugal affection may even change the personality of the
spouses. In the sociological sense, personality refers to "the sum and
organization of those traits which determine the role of the individ-

1" Elton Mayo, "Should Marriage Be Monotonous?" Harper's Magazine, Sep-
tember 1925, CLI, 420.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 213

ual in the group." ^^ In marriage, two persons are brought into con-
stant and intimate contact over a prolonged period, in which each is
playing a series of reciprocal roles. The expectations of one partner
tend to call out similar or complementary behavior in the other, and
role-playing thus modifies the personalities of the spouses. Such close
mutual association may cause each to become more like the other in
personal tastes, attitudes, and interests.^- The tiny threads of habit
gradually become ropes and then cables. Conjugal affection is solidly
supported by these ties.

Social interaction is based upon the ability of the individual to
take the role of the other person, to put himself in the position of
the other and react as he thinks the other would react.^^ This is a
basic element in the development of personality, which we shall con-
sider at length in chapter 18. We may indicate here that marriage is,
in this sense, a prolonged process of taking the role of the other and
attempting to act as one thinks the other would like to have him act.
In this process, as Waller and Hill cogently point out, we become
like the person whose role we are taking.^^

In our efforts to put ourselves in the position of our spouse, we
tend to view many things as he or she views them. We often grow
to like the same foods, enjoy the same forms of entertainment, and
consider the same values important as does the person whose role we
are constantly taking. The person looks on the world, as it were,
through the eyes of his spouse, because he has become so accustomed
to taking the role of the other in imagination. In a real sense, the
individual has thereby literally become a part of his husband or wife.
The role-taking process has brought the personalities of the spouses
together and made them more alike.

Consensus and Conjugal Roles

The stereotype has survived in popular mythology that, in the
patriarchal family, the husband makes all the important decisions.

'1 Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science oi
Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924), p. 70.

12 Mary Schooley, 'Tersonahty Resemblances among Married Couples," Jour-
nal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, October-December 1936, XXXI, 340-47.

13 George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1934).

i^Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), p. 86.

214 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

This canard is so palpably false that such a realistic people as the
French, who operate under a reasonable facsimile of the patriarchal
system, do not even bother to deny it. The husband unquestionably
makes many important decisions in those cultures where remnants
of the patriarchal system have lingered on. But a married couple
makes hundreds of decisions every week, ranging in importance from
what movie they will see, if any, to whether the husband should quit
his job and look for another.

Many of these decisions are made by the wife, and it is eminently
fitting that they should be. Many more are made by the husband,
since they come within his special competence. Others are made by
a process of intellectual synthesis, the nature of which is not always
perceptible, even to the participants. The degree of consensus in
these decisions is a function of the general character of the marriage.
If the other hallmarks of conjugal affection are present, consensus on
important questions will ordinarily follow as a matter of course.

One of the basic characteristics of conjugal roles is thus the inti-
mate consultation between husband and wife when arriving at agree-
ment on important matters. When each party treats the other as a
responsible adult whose opinion should be consulted, conjugal affec-
tion is generally found to be strongly developed. This democratic
method of resolving questions of authority is an effect rather than a
cause of conjugal affection. If the individuals have substantially the
same (or complementary) attitudes and values, if their temperaments
are reasonably compatible, the personal give-and-take of consensus
will then follow more or less automatically. Such a democratic atti-
tude toward authority is an important element in the conjugal role.

The degree of consensus is especially important in modern mar-
riage, where solutions are reached jointly, rather than unilaterally by
the husband. This means that many decisions which, in other soci-
eties, customarily fall to the husband now become the joint respon-
sibility of husband and wife. Matters fall within the purview of fam-
ily discussion that have hitherto been based upon the mores and ad-
mitted of no discussion. Under these conditions, the husband was
acting in the name of the family in making decisions that interpreted
the mores. This did not mean that his role was an arbitrary one, in
which he deliberately monopolized the family authority for his own
ends. Rather the husband was entrusted by the mores with most

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 215

policy decisions, and neither he nor the wife thought of questioning
this impersonal authority.^^

Family decisions are also more important in modern marriage than
in earlier societies because of the complexity of the society in which
the modern family operates. Many questions are essentially new to
the family and place great stress on the abilities of the spouses to
work out satisfactory agreements. The question as to whether or not
the wife should work outside the home is a comparatively new one,
for in an agricultural society the problem ordinarily never arose. In
the present-day family, however, 26.7 per cent of all married women
are in the labor force, a matter that involves many crucial family
adjustments.^^

In an earlier society, furthermore, the employment status of the
husband was largely fixed by custom, and the decision as to what job
to seek therefore did not arise. The complexity of family decisions
also reflects the increase in the number of consumer durable goods
(for example, refrigerators, automobiles, television sets) which are
currently available to the average family. With a growing variety of
demands on the consumer dollar, the difficulty of family decision is
correspondingly increased. In a democratic society, varied possibilities
of consumer expenditure are open to all families, rather than merely
to the wealthy few. This broadening of the material horizon for mil-
lions of families is one of the important characteristics of the demo-
cratic way of life. In terms of consensus, however, the difficulties of
family decision are unquestionably increased.

We may present a brief picture of the democratic family in the
matter of authority. Conjugal roles ideally tend to assume an equali-
tarian-democratic pattern in such a family. The wife takes pride in
her role as homemaker and mother, as well as that of partner to her
husband. The latter recognizes the contributions of his wife and re-
gards them as additions to the family welfare, rather than as possible
threats to his own ego. The husband may or may not be a great suc-
cess as provider, but he accepts his limitations in this respect because
of his wife's acceptance of him as he is. The partners have worked

^5 For an extensive discussion of the changing authority patterns of the family,
cf. Carle C. Zimmerman, Family and Civiiizatfon (New York: Harper & Brothers,

1947)-

^^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status of Women in the Labor Force: April
1951," Current Population Reports; Labor Force, Series P-50, No. 37, December
26, 1951.

2i6 CONJUGAL ROLES AND iMARITAL SOLIDARITY

out a system of authority based upon a common philosophy of the
family. Democratic decisions are made concerning the management
of money, the purchase of house furnishings, the selection of the
place and type of residence, family recreation, social participation
outside the home, and rearing the children. On these and other ques-
tions, authority patterns take the form of joint decisions, except in
certain spheres where one member is clearly more competent.^'''

It is significant that these (and other) patterns of parental author-
ity apparently perpetuate themselves from generation to generation.
Children reared in families where authority takes this equalitarian-
democratic form tend to adopt the same roles in their own families
of procreation. Such children early develop a sense of responsibility
and assume adult roles that look to similar behavior in their spouses.
In this way, they "learn how to cooperate, how to share in family
crises, how to contribute to family planning, and how to use . . .
democratic techniques in group living." ^^ The experience of observ-
ing democratic decisions in their own parental families has condi-
tioned them to act as responsible adults and also to look for spouses
who will do likewise. Persons with such an early background are
promising candidates for democratic relationships in their own
families.

Marriage is, therefore, "a decision-making association." ^^ If the
decisions are made by the husband or are present in the mores, no
very difficult problems arise. If the decisions are made by a demo-
cratic process, the relationship becomes more complex, especially
when persons profess to follow democratic methods but actually are
dictators. Democratic discussions that are carried to their logical
conclusions, with each party having his share in the ultimate deci-
sion, are characteristic of conjugal roles. Discussions broken off ab-
ruptly, with one party making a final decision before all the facts are
in, are not in the democratic tradition. If one person attempts to act
arbitrarily or tries to conceal his own motives, the resulting decision
will depart from strict consensus. The person who attempts to fool
his spouse by hiding his own motives may temporarily gain his ends.
But he does so at the sacrifice of any real consensus.-*'

^'^ Hazel L. Ingersoll, "A Studv of the Transmission of Authority Patterns in
the Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948, XXXVIII, 288-90.
1* Ibid., p. 290.

" Waller, The Family, p. 339.
20 Jbid., p. 340.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 217

Friendship and Conjugal Roles

A final element in conjugal affection is the simple fact of personal
friendship. Many couples apparently seldom experience this senti-
ment. "In general/' the authors of MiddJetown point out, "a high
degree of companionship is not regarded as essential for marriage.
There appears to be between Middletown husbands and wives of all
classes when gathered together in informal leisure-time groups rela-
tively little spontaneous community of interest." -^ This situation
often involves the gravitation of men and women into two distinct
groups in any social gathering. The same sort of physical and psycho-
logical withdrawal may also take place when husband and wife are
alone, and the simple, friendly interaction between comrades is con-
spicuously absent. Husbands and wives who do not sincerely enjoy
each other's company are missing one of the most satisfactory ex-
periences that life can offer.

The shared and mutual enjoyment of various activities is an ele-
ment in the personal friendship of the conjugal role. Some of these
activities occur inside the home and others outside of it, but the im-
portant consideration is the fact of sharing. A significantly higher
percentage of happily married persons (as compared to a group of
divorced persons) reported mutual enjoyment of the following ac-
tivities: going to church, reading, listening to the radio, attending
sports events, and hearing music. These activities can also be experi-
enced individually, but the fact of mutual participation enhances the
enjoyment. Two persons who are friends, as well as husband and wife,
both demonstrate and enhance their friendship by such activities .^^

fFriendship is further characterized by the element of humon Court-
ship and early marriage are often serious times, for the participants
are still in a self-conscious emotional state. They are concerned with
making a good impression and act so that the other person will ap-
preciate their virtues. Furthermore, the premarital repressions tend
to produce serious emotions in the individual, wherein he takes him-
self with undue gravity and is unable to laugh at himself. When two
persons are in this state, they are often unsure of themselves and view
their personalities and relationships in an overly serious vein. They

21 Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, MiddJetown (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1929), p. 118.

22 Locke, Predicting Ad;ustment m Marriage, pp. 255-57.

21 8 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

may overemphasize a slight quarrel or a thoughtless word because
they lack the perspective that comes from living together.

The conjugal role is marked by a greater degree of relaxation and
humor. Two people who have lived together for rnaiiyyeaTs^ have,
ordinarily, abandoned any attempt to impress the other with quali-
ties which they do not have. Consequently, much of the initial tense-
ness has gone out of the relationship, and the spouses can joke with
each other. Marriage has established countless common memories,
many of which may be humorous or may have humorous connota-
tions. The extent of this conjugal humor varies with the tempera-
ments of the spouses as well as with the culture patterns. The es-
sence of humor is the ability to take the role of the other and laugh
at oneself. Experience in role-taking is a basic characteristic of mar-
riage, as each person learns to put himself in the place of the other.
An enhanced lightness becomes characteristic of the conjugal role,
as each learns to look upon the other as a friend.

The importance of humor is demonstrated in Harvey J. Locke's
study of happily married and divorced persons. Adjustment in mar-
riage, he found, is closely associated with a sense of humor in both
spouses, whereas maladjustment is linked with little or no such sense.
Locke suggests that this trait may be related to marital adjustment
(conjugal affection) in at least three senses: (a) A sense of humor
may be an intrinsic element in personality that itself makes for mari-
tal adjustment; (b) A sense of humor may be both important in it-
self and indicative of other personality traits that are even more im\
portant; (c) A sense of humor may indirectly contribute to marital:
adjustment in the sense that many situations which might result in/
conflicts between maladjusted couples may be sources of amusementV
for those with a strongly developed sense of humor. In any event, '
those couples who can laugh at themselves seem to have a better
chance of marital success than those who cannot.-^ _ /

With the passing of the years, the husband and wife become the
best friends either has ever had. Life without the other becomes in-
creasingly difficult to conceive. As the two grow old together, they
confide their fears and their hopes and their interests become increas-
ingly similar. This calm acceptance is in striking contrast to the first
flush of romantic love, when two people cannot truly be friends be-
cause of the many unresolved tensions. Conjugal friendship is impos-
es Locke, ibid., pp. 221-24.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 219

sible to romantic lovers, who are still enthralled with the mystery of
the other person. When husband and wife have truly become friends,
however, they can rarely entertain serious thoughts of divorce. You
may divorce a lover with whom, for one reason or another, you fall
out of love. But you do not divorce your best friend.

The Results of Conjugal Affection

/Conjugal affection involves considerations other than participa-
tion, habituation, consensus, and friendship, although these intan-
gibles are the most important elements. More tangible benefits also
derive from conjugal roles. The husband and wife care for each other
in times of sickness, depression, and general uncertainty as to what
the next day will bringA These roles may take such prosaic but im-
portant forms as providing regular meals, regular hours of rest, and
general solicitude for the welfare of the spouse. "Obviously," com-
ments the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "marriage is a
stabilizing influence in the life and health of the individual." ^^

1. Moitality. The importance of marriage is indicated by the death
rates, which are significantly lower for married men at all age levels.
This differential shows the effects of such factors as greater regularity,
better care in case of illness, and (presumably) greater emotional
stability. It is true that the man who marries is sufficiently healthy to
work for a living and support his family, whereas the man who can-
not so qualify probably does not marry. In spite of this selective fac-
tor, the mortality figures for married men, as contrasted to the divorced
and single, bear eloquent testimony to the efficacy of the conjugal
role.25

The comparative mortality for the married woman is somewhat
more complicated, because of the risk of childbearing. Until recent
decades, the mortality rate for married women in the childbearing
age groups was greater than that for spinsters, widows, and divorcees.
The long-term decline in the birth rate has meant that married
women are less exposed to the physical hazards of bearing children.
This factor is responsible for some of the improvement in the mor-
tality of married women. Scientific medicine has been a second fac-

2* Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The Married Live Longer," Statis-
tical Bulletin, July 1943.

25 Metropolitan Lite Insurance Company, "Married Women Show Striking
Decline in Mortality," Statistical Bulletin, April 1950.

220 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

tor, whereby the health of the mother is safeguarded during every
stage of the childbearing process. As a result of these factors, the
mortality of married women in the childbearing years since 1940 has
been less than that of unmarried women. This fact further testifies
to the generally salubrious effect of marriage and conjugal affection.^^

2. Alcoholism. Conjugal affection protects its members from the
vicissitudes and frustrations of life in other and more subtle ways.
Many deep psychological needs are satisfied in marriage, and hence
the individual tends to be better adjusted within than without the
marital state. "It is hard to believe," says the Metropolitan Life In-
surance Company, "that the favorable mortality from tuberculosis,
accidents, suicide, and such social conditions as alcoholism and
syphilis for the married does not arise, directly or indirectly, as a
benefit accruing from a normal family life." -' This statement does
not imply that marriage and conjugal affection provide a panacea for
the ills of the flesh and the spirit or that marriage will automatically
solve all the varied needs of its participants. It does suggest, however,
that conjugal affection guards against many of the mental and physi-
cal tribulations of a complex society. For many persons, home is the
only haven in an atomic world.

Many forms of personal disorganization reflect the vicissitudes of
this world. Alcoholism is one such form. Many, although by no means
all, of those who become compulsively addicted to alcohol are a prey
to frustration, insecurity, and neurotic compulsion before they take
their first drink. Alcoholism for them is a symptom of a deep personal
maladjustment, of whose nature they are often unaware. Difficulties
of this kind are apparently more common among the single, the
widowed, and the divorced than among the married, judging from
the death rates from alcoholism. In New York State in a representa-
tive year, the death rate from alcoholism was more than twice as high
for the single as for the married men. Alcoholism is not among the
leading causes of death, but the difference in this respect between
the various marital statuses is nevertheless significant.-^

Many persons, admittedly, find marriage so intolerable that they
become compulsive drinkers for this reason. Alcoholism may reflect

26 Ibid.

2'^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Why Married People Live Longer,"
Statistical Bulletin, November 1941.
28 Ibid.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 221

some deep-seated maladjustment in the personality of the afflicted
spouse. The complex pattern of reciprocal expectations comprising
the conjugal role is often too difficult for the person whose neurotic
conflicts take the form of alcoholism. The potential alcoholic may
never marry at all, thereby further increasing the figures in favor of
the married. The potential alcoholic, indeed, has been characterized
in the following terms: "dreamers, immature, frightened of the op-
posite sex, aggressive, asocial, without close friends, suspicious, im-
possibly idealistic, generally introverted, escapist, emotionally child-
ish." 2^ These traits would tend to keep the individual from marrying
in the first place. Nevertheless, the differentials in death from alco-
holism between the married, the single, the widowed, and the di-
vorced still suggest that conjugal affection plays an important part in
personality adjustment.

3. Suicide. Suicide is the final end result of personal disorganiza-
tion.^** The individual who takes his own life has come to the end of
his powers. The cohesive forces holding him to existence have be-
come so weakened that they can no longer counterbalance the will to
die.^^ One of these cohesive forces is conjugal aflfection. Persons who
have never experienced conjugal affection or who have been deprived
of its consolations by death or divorce have their hold on life corre-
spondingly weakened. They tend to commit suicide more frequently
than those who are still living in the network of reciprocal expecta-
tions of marriage. The integrative force of marriage upon the life
organization is so important that the breaking of this relationship
may cause the individual to abandon life itself.

The importance of the conjugal role is clearly demonstrated by the
differentials in the suicide rate between married and single men. In
the age group from twenty to forty-four, suicide accounts for almost
twice as many deaths proportionately among single men as among
married men. The functional interrelationships that make up the
marital roles are not easily broken. It has been suggested that ''the
companionship and responsibilities of family life strengthen the will
to live when seemingly insurmountable problems present them-

29 Selden D. Bacon, "Excessive Drinking and the Institution of the Family,"
Alcohol, Science, and Society (New Haven: Quarterly Journal of Studies on
Alcohol, 1945), lecture 16, p. 228.

^^ Elliott and Merrill, Social Disorganization, 3rd ed., chap. 14, "The Suicide."
31 Cf. Karl A. Menninger, Man against Himself (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, 1938).

222 CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY

selves." ^^ The marriage relationship is not one of uninterrupted tran-
quility, no matter how strong the conjugal role may be. Nevertheless,
there is something about the relationship that causes the individual
to cling to life more strongly than the one who lacks these contacts.

In a complex and dynamic society, the individual stretches out his
hand eagerly for emotional security to bolster his ego against imper-
sonal forces which he cannot understand. Conjugal affection is one
of the most important elements making for this security. As a cele-
brated psychiatrist has said, "... if one feels fundamentally helpless to-
ward a world which is invariably menacing and hostile, then the
search for affection would appear to be the most logical and direct
way of reaching out for any kind of benevolence, help, or apprecia-
tion." ^^ In one way or another, most people in our society seek such
solace, whether or not they are conscious of the search.

In this chapter, we have pointed out that conjugal affection must
be achieved, not taken for granted. The conjugal roles are, further-
more, the most clearly reciprocal of all such relationships, since they
depend upon behavior by one of the spouses and the expectations of
appropriate behavior in return. Conjugal roles are expressions of mari-
tal interaction, and one person cannot play them unless the other
cooperates. These roles arise from the intimate communication of
marriage. Included in conjugal roles are such factors as: (a) commu-
nication within the marital relationship; (b) mutual participation
outside of it; (c) habituation from long association; (d) democratic
methods of reaching agreement; and (e) strong and devoted personal
friendship. Husbands and wives who have experienced conjugal affec-
tion are indeed fortunate. They are both happier and healthier.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Burgess, Ernest W., "The Family as a Unity of Interacting Personal-
ities," The Family, March 1926, VII, 3-9. This brief article has be-
come one of the classics in the literature, in view of its emphasis
upon the role patterns whose performance constitutes the life of the
family group.

Dewey, John, Democracy and Education. New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1916. The great pragmatic philosopher examines the

32 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Why Married People Live Longer."

33 Karen Horncy, The Neurotic Personahty oi Our Time (New York: W. W.
Norton & Company, Inc., 1937), pp. 105-6.

CONJUGAL ROLES AND MARITAL SOLIDARITY 223

nature of communication, without which process neither a family
nor society could continue to exist.

Keyserling, Count Hermann, ed.. The Book of Marriage. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1926. A number of articles, written
by European philosophers and psychologists, that throw considerable
light upon the nature of conjugal affection and the spiritual requi-
sites for its existence in a given marriage.

Landis, Judson T., "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment
in Marriage," American Sociological Review, December 1946, XI,
666-77. ■^ study of some of the time elements in the evolution of
the contemporary family as a fully-functioning conjugal unit.

Locke, Harvey J., Predicting Adjustment in Marriage. New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951. Although the major theme is the pre-
diction of marital adjustment, in the course of the discussion the
author has a great deal to say about the nature of marital adjust-
ment, which has many characteristics in common with conjugal af-
fection.

Mayo, Elton, "Should Marriage be Monotonous?" Harper's Magazine,
September 1925, CLI, 420-27. More than a quarter of a century ago.
Mayo raised a question that has not become any less crucial in the
intervening years. Conjugal affection inevitably involves "monot-
ony," but this condition is not necessarily a detriment to successful
marriage.

Merrill, Francis E., Courtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. Chapter 14, "Conjugal Roles," contains an analysis of
the nature and functions of these patterns.

MowRER, Harriet R., "Getting Along in Marriage," Family, Marriage,
and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill, chap. 11.
Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1948. Chapter 11 examines
marriage interaction in terms of the factors that make for adjust-
ment. Many of the mechanisms of marital unity are the same as
those subsumed under conjugal affection.

ScHOOLEY, Mary, "Personality Resemblances among Married Couples,"
Journal of Abnormal and SociaJ Psychology, October-December
1936, XXXI, 340-47. As two persons continue to live together and
take the role of the other, their personalities assume many elements
in common. Some of these similarities are investigated here.

Waller, Willard, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The Dry-
den Press, 1951. Chapter 16 of this perceptive analysis is entitled
"Bases for Marriage Solidarity." Many of the seminal ideas subse-
quently developed into the concept of conjugal affection were sug-
gested in this chapter in its first edition and have been amplified in
the present revision.

«^ 12 ^^»

THE PHYSIOLOGY
OF MARITAL INTERACTION

Marriage, as we have observed, is a social relationship. It is
carried on in an atmosphere of cultural expectations, which have been
imparted to the participants by their social environment. In previous
chapters, we have dealt with some of the essentially social aspects of
these relationships, insofar as they reflect the larger environment. In
the present chapter, we are still thinking in social terms, but the em-
phasis has shifted from the symbolic to the physical realm. We shall
therefore concern ourselves, in the present context, with some of the
physiological aspects of the marital relationship. Included in this cate-
gory are such matters as the physiology of conception, pregnancy,
fertility, sterility, menstruation, artificial insemination, and contra-
ception.

Physiological Aspects of Marifal Roles

In the following discussion, the emphasis therefore changes from
the elements of the marriage bond that are largely or exclusively
sociopsychological to those with clearly physiological implications.
The fundamental concern remains the same, however; namely, the
sociological rather than the biological or gynecological. The authors
of this book are not biological scientists, but sociologists, and as such
their primary interest and competence lie in the sociological rather
than the biological field. The biological treatment will therefore be
on an elementary level and will primarily stress the social relation-
ships, rather than the physiological complexities. We shall endeavor
to present such information concerning the physiology of conception
and reproduction as will assist the subsequent marital adjustment of
our readers, who are concerned with conception, pregnancy, sterility,

224

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 225

and contraception in the roles of prospective husbands and wives, not
as speciahsts.

In an earher time when biological science was in its rudimentary
stages, the average person could hardly be expected to understand the
mechanisms of reproduction. Under present conditions, it is often
assumed that young people approaching marriage will have at least
an elementary knowledge of this vital subject. This assumption is not
justified by the facts. There has been remarkable progress in scientific
knowledge relative to the biological relationships of marriage and the
family.^ In many cases, however, not even the rudiments of this
knowledge have percolated to the more highly educated segment of
the population, let alone to the large majority with no more than a
high school education. A combination of religious prohibitions, moral
taboos, and folk superstitions has been successful in preventing this
part of our scientific heritage from finding its legitimate place in the
mass culture.

The situation has been gradually changing, as the forces of enlight-
enment have slowly won the right to disseminate available knowledge
on these vital aspects of marital relationships. In an earlier generation,
for example, medical practitioners were given little, if any, instruction
in contraception. The statutes against obscenity were such that the
medical schools were loath to run afoul of these laws. In the present
day, the younger doctors are more emancipated. The favorable court
decisions of recent decades have exempted the medical profession
from many of the rigid penalties prescribed by the state statutes con-
cerning the dissemination of contraceptive information.^ In a related
field, the successful battle against venereal disease has been possible
only because the conspiracy of silence against these diseases in the
public prints has been overcome.^ At the present time, a determined
struggle is being waged to include in the curricula of the public
schools some of the simple facts of human physiology.

Knowledge of these and other facts is basic to the adequate per-

1 Cf. M. F. Nimkoff, "Technology, Biology, and the Changing Family,"
American Journal of Sociology, July 1951, LVII, 20-26. An extremely enlighten-
ing account of some of the recent discoveries in biological science, as they may be
related to the family.

2 Except in Connecticut and Massachusetts. Cf. "What Constitutes Obscene
Literature?" Human FerriJity, December 1945, X, 122 flF., also "Contraception
and the Post OfEce," Human Fertility, June 1946, XI, 61.

3 Cf . Thomas Parran, Shadow on the Land — Syphilis (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1937).

226 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

formance of the affectional role in marriage. The affectional is one of
the traditional functions of the family that is still performed, and its
relative importance has increased, rather than decreased, as some of
the other functions have declined. An important prerequisite to ad-
justment on the affectional level in marriage is an elementary knowl-
edge of the biological, anatomical, and psychological aspects of sexual
relationships. This knowledge by no means implies that the spouses
should stress unduly the physical aspects of their marital relation-
ships, but merely that they should have a rudimentary knowledge of
the physiology of conception, the male and female anatomy, and the
nature of the sexual impulse.

Premarital Physical Examination

The adequacy of the sexual apparatus for the normal relations of
marriage constitutes perhaps the most obvious factor in the phvsi-
ological performance of marital roles. Certain physical abnormalities
or immaturities may make sexual adjustment difficult and perhaps
impossible. Some of these impediments may be remedied by simple
medical or surgical treatment. The experience in premarital physical
examinations indicates that approximately fourteen per cent of all
couples preparing for marriage will subsequently be unable to have
children. This situation arises from multiple, rather than single, factors,
of which somewhat less than half are found in the man and some-
what more than half (on the average) are found in the woman.
Among these physical difficulties are ''injury, infection, surgical oper-
ation, queer anatomy, growth defects, glandular imbalance." Some
couples may have several of these difficulties at the same time. Ap-
proximately half of this fourteen per cent can be aided to some de-
gree of marital fertility. The other half will remain permanently child-
less.^ The practice of having such a premarital examination seems to
be increasing in frequency, especially among the college-trained seg-
ment of the population.^

This complete anatomical examination prior to marriage should
not be confused with the so-called pre-marital examination laws
passed by the several states. The state laws have unquestionably en-

* Lovett Devvees, "Premarital Physical Examination," Successful Marriage, eds.
Morris Fishbein and Ernest W. Burgess (New York: Doubleday & Company,

1947)' P- 55-

5 Robert A. Harper, Marriage (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,
1949), p. 112.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 227

couraged the private examination, but the two are not the same
thing. The state laws are primarily concerned with the discovery and
control of venereal disease, and accordingly require each applicant for
a marriage license to submit to a standard laboratory blood test show-
ing freedom from venereal disease (usually syphilis) in communica-
ble form. The first such legislation was enacted in Connecticut in
1935, and at the present time the majority of states have similar laws.
This rapid progress is itself indicative of the growing awareness of
the hitherto taboo problem of physiological adjustment in marriage.

Intelligent young people are thus realizing the advantages to be
derived from voluntary premarital medical check-ups. The best re-
sults are obtained when the woman goes to a gynecologist and the
man to a urologist. A complete health examination will reveal whether
or not the individual has any incipient or developed organic disease
that might seriously interfere with marital adjustment. Tests of rela-
tive fertility and sterility may eliminate the mutual recriminations
and maladjustments frequently resulting from infertile marriages. In-
stead of waiting until the first pregnancy to discover whether there
are any such pelvic difficulties as are involved in Caesarean sections,
the probabilities of normal childbearing may be determined prior to
marriage. In view of the relationship between the glands of internal
secretion and general health and temperament, it is also important
to know whether this endocrine system is functioning properly.

In addition to direct and specific knowledge of the physiological
functioning of the organism, valuable indirect benefits may be derived
from a thorough premarital physical examination. In connection with
the premarital examination, the doctor has an opportunity to clear
up many fundamental misconceptions and the irrational fears asso-
ciated therewith. Are diseases like epilepsy, cancer, alcoholism, dia-
betes, heart disorders, and manic-depressive psychoses inherited via
the germ plasm? The wise doctor can do much to dispel the real
fears young people often have growing out of an incomplete under-
standing of the mechanisms of inheritance.^ Likewise, if the young
people request it, the physician is the socially recognized person best
qualified to give them information and guidance in the techniques of
contraceptive practice. In this field, a reluctant parent, the corner
druggist, or a misinformed contemporary are poor substitutes for the

6 Ernest R. Groves, Marriage, rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt and Company,
1941), chap. VIII.

228 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

medical man. Another indirect benefit to be gained by the medicaK
examination is the opportunity for the doctor to discuss with the
prospective bride and groom the simple anatomy and the physiology
of the genital system 7

The Physiology of Conception ^

The gonads or sex glands of the male are called the testes. They
form in the embryonic stage in the body cavity. Prior to birth they
move downward through the inguinal rings, carrying with them the i
spermatic cords, nerves, and blood supply. They settle in the pouch
of skin known as the scrotum. Their location in the male outside
the body cavity, with a consequent lower temperature, may have
some bearing on the problem of fertility. At the age of puberty, these
glands are normally prepared to produce mature germ cells, known i
as spermatozoa. The seminiferous tubules or coiled arrangements in
the testes are found, on examination, to contain sperm cells in all
stages of development. From here they migrate to another coiled
structure, the epididymis, where further maturation doubtless takes
place in a favorable milky medium. From the epididymis, they pass
into the tube (vas deferens) which will convey them to the urethra. '
Prior to their exit through the urethra, two other organs come into 1
play, the seminal vesicles and the prostate gland, whose secretions
furnish the necessary medium for the sperm cells.

The spermatozoa are infinitely small, and their number may be |
300 million or more in a single emission. They form only a small part
of the emission by volume, and the major part of such emission is
composed of the various secretions. This mucilaginous mixture is
thrown into the ejaculatory duct from which it proceeds by way of
the urethra through the penis and leaves the body by way of the
meatus. The urethral glands of Cowper and those of Littre may play
a minor part in the process. Since the urethra is also the avenue for
the disposal of the waste products of the bladder, there must be a ,
nice adjustment between the operation of the ducts depositing the '
seminal emission and the muscles and nerves controlling urination.

A second major function of the testes is the production of the

7 Evelyn Millis Duvall and Reuben Hill, When You Marry (Boston: D. C.
Heath and Company, 1945), p. 139.

* For the succeeding discussion, the reader will find a helpful reference in
Robert L. Dickinson, Human Sex Anatomy, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: The Williams
and Wilkins Company, 1Q49).

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 229

male sex hormone, called testosterone. This is released directly into
the blood stream, and the cells from which it comes are activated by
the indirect stimulation of the gonadotropic hormone secreted by
the anterior lobe of the mastergland, the pituitary (hypophysis). The
general purpose of the testicular hormone is that of giving to the
individual sex tonicity and the development and continuance of sec-
ondary sex characteristics. In animals, it has been demonstrated that
surgical removal of the pituitary leads to the atrophy of sex func-
tions.^

The gonads of the female are known as ovaries. Anatomically, the
male and female have similar structures: testes — ovaries; vasa defer-
entfa — Fallopian tubes; penis— clitoris. The male testes perform two
functions: (a) the production of the male germ cells; and (b) the
secretion of male sex hormones. The female ovaries have similar func-
tions: (a) the production of the female germ cells, the ova; and (b)
the production and secretion of female hormones. Nature has been
exceedingly prodigal in the production of viable spermatozoa, so that
an infinitely large number are present in a single male emission. The
production of viable female ova, however, is on a correspondingly
meager scale. There are at birth thousands of potentially mature ova
present in the ovarian tissue. Beginning with puberty, or shortly
thereafter, the female generally produces one mature ovum in each
menstrual cycle. This means that, in the total reproductive span of
approximately thirty years, about five hundred mature and viable ova
will be released. This figure is based on the fact that the most com-
mon length of the menstrual cycle is approximately twenty-eight
days.

As a general rule, the ovum is released from the ovary about the
midpoint of the menstrual cycle. This process is called ovulation. In
the case of the twenty-eight-day cycle, this would be the fourteenth
day. This period will serve as a convenient device for dividing the
activity of the ovary into two phases: the first half of the cycle is
usually referred to as the follicular (preovulatory) phase; the latter
half as the luteal (postovulatory) phase. As the ovum develops within
the ovarian tissue during its maturation, it surrounds itself with a
follicle, known as the Graafian follicle. When the time comes for the
ovum to be released, the follicle inclosing the egg has moved to the

9 C. Donnell Turner, General Endocrinology (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders
Company, 1949), p- 311.

230 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

surface of the ovary, and the bursting of this folhcle effects the re-
lease of the ovum. The burst folhcle now becomes filled with a yel-
lowish mass, whence comes the name corpus luteum. The derivative
term used to characterize the second half of the cycle is, therefore,
the luteal phase.

The second function of the ovaries, as noted, is the production
and delivery into the blood stream of female hormones. This is simi-
lar to the activity of the male testes, but it is more complicated. The
starting point is again the anterior lobe of the pituitary, whose gona-
dotropic secretions serve to stimulate the ova-producing and hormone
activity of the ovaries. The hormones secreted by the ovaries affect
the inner lining of the uterus, which organ must be in a relatively
constant state of preparation for the possible reception of a fertilized
ovum. These glandular operations are not to be conceived of as a
one-way street, in which the output of the pituitary acts, through the
blood stream, on the ovaries which in turn act indirectly on the
uterus. Rather should the system be conceived of as an intercon-
nected, interdependent mechanism, involving constant action and
reaction, the adequate functioning of the whole being dependent on
the satisfactory activity of each of the parts.

In the first half of the menstrual cycle, one type of hormone called
the follicular hormone or estrogen is secreted by the ovaries. Asso-
ciated with the corpus luteum, there is a second type of hormone,
the luteal hormone, or progesterone. If the ovum has been fertilized,
then the activity of the corpus luteum with its associated hormone
will continue to be needed in connection with the uterus. The con-
tinual functioning of the luteal hormone during early pregnancy ap-
parently serves to inhibit the activity of the follicular hormone. If
the ovum has not been fertilized, the preparation of the uterine walls
will not be necessary, the corpus luteum will disappear, its associated
hormone will not function, and the "signal" will be transmitted for
the beginning of a new follicular phase.

The uterus or womb in the virgin state is a small, muscular, pear-
shaped organ about three inches long. The upper two-thirds is called
the body of the uterus and the lower third, the cervix. The cervix
extends into the upper portion of the vaginal cavity. Extending out
from either side of the upper part of the uterus is a small tube, about
four inches long and with an opening at the uterine end about the
size of the lead in an ordinary lead pencil. The opening at the oppo-

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 231

site end of the tube is somewhat larger and contains frilled projec-
tions. These are the Fallopian tubes. Unlike the male anatomy,
where the connection between the vasa deferentfa and the testes is
a direct one, there is no connection between the ends of the Fallopian
tubes and the ovaries. When the ovum is released from the ovary, it
normally finds its way into the associated tube.

In coitus, the male spermatozoa are deposited in the vaginal cavity,
whence they move into the uterus through the cervical canal. When
the sperm cells pass through the uterus into the tubes, conception
will take place if, in the upper portion of one of the Fallopian tubes,
an active, viable sperm cell meets with a mature, viable ovum. The
union of the cells is then completed. Whereas each of the germ cells
contained twenty-four chromosomes, now the fertilized egg has been
restored to the normal human cell complement of forty-eight chro-
mosomes. Cell division begins at once but apparently it is not ac-
companied by any increase in size.

The journey of the now-fertilized ovum down the tube to the
uterus takes from four to six days. After it has arrived at the uterus,
the fertilized egg appears "to search about" for a suitable home, for
it does not embed itself immediately. The processes of division and
growth proceed. Once firmly embedded, there begins the differen-
tiation of cells and the appearance of the embryonic membrane (the
chorion and amnion) and that saucer-shaped structure at the point
of implantation known as the placenta. The placenta is associated
not merely with the nourishment and elimination of waste of the
growing embryo-fetus, but it also has a hormonic function. It is
thought that the termination of pregnancy is signalized by the in-
creased secretion of estrogen by the placenta.

These are the rudimentary facts with respect to the physiology of
conception. In an unscientific era, it is easy to understand why the
processes of conception and reproduction should have been viewed
with such awe, dread, and mystery and why so many taboos should
have become associated therewith. Among primitive peoples, rigid
taboos surround woman at such times. Equally severe are the restric-
tions associated with the regular "flow of blood," the menses. This
recurrent phenomenon is often associated in the minds of people of
less advanced cultures with paroxysms of fear and horror. Various
hypotheses have been presented to account for the origin of these
fears and their consequent taboos, such as the male reactions of dis-

232 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

gust, the superstitious fear of blood, or the notion that an evil power
or spirit is present at this time.^^ The true explanation of such fears,
however, does not essentially matter. What does matter is that, in the
absence of knowledge, superstition fills the gap.

The twentieth century man is not so easily pardoned for his un-
scientific account of these biological phenomena. The popular notion
that menstruation represents the discharge of an unfertilized ovum
is almost as wide of the mark as the primitive's ridiculous fears. On
common sense grounds, the ejection of an ovum of microscopic size
could hardly be a sufficient explanation for a flow of blood lasting
four or five days. The failure of an ovum to be fertilized in the men-
strual cycle is, however, the beginning of a process that culminates
in the menses at the conclusion of the cycle.

At the beginning of the period, the hormones activating the uterus
were preparing the uterine walls for the possible reception of a fer-
tilized ovum. But no fertilized ovum appeared to take advantage of
the extensive preparation. Hence the inner lining of the uterus breaks
down and is discharged from that organ. This is the phenomenon
known as menstruation. For the better part of twenty-eight days the
uterus was thus preparing a possible home for a fertilized egg. When
the "expected guest" did not arrive, there was no need for the exten-
sive preparations; they could be eliminated and the process begun all
over again for a similar reception the following month. ^^

Infertility in Marriage

It is a natural assumption that two healthy people can normally
initiate the process of reproduction in marriage. This is what hap-
pens in the majority of marital unions. But it is also true that, in
perhaps one in ten marriages, there is inability to initiate the repro-
ductive process by normal conception. This is what is meant by steril-
ity or involuntary infertility in marriage. It is not to be confused with

1° Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1927),

II, 397ff-

To this day, varying folk-attitudes persist with respect to menstruation: cf.
Theodora Abel and Natalie F. Joffe, "Cultural Backgrounds of Female Puberty,"
American Journal oi Psychotherapy, January 1950, IV, 90-113.

" W. T. Pommerenke, "Determining the Time of Ovulation by Basal Tem-
perature and the role of the Cervix in Infertility," Transactions of the Third
American Congress on Obstetrics and Gynecology (Portland, Ore.: The Western
Journal of Surgery Publishing Company, 1948), pp. 49-53.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 233

the fact that individuals vary in degree of fertihty. One couple will
find it possible for conception to take place within a month, whereas
another couple may try for a year or two before success attends their
efforts. Furthermore, young couples can initiate conception more
quickly, in general, than can older couples.

Involuntary infertility also has nothing to do with contraception,
although the notion is still widely prevalent that the prolonged use
of contraceptives leads to sterility. There are, it is true, certain types
of contraceptive devices, usually frowned upon by the medical pro-
fession, which can and do contribute to sterility. ''The use of in-
trauterine and intracervical devices, irritant douches and supposi-
tories," says one authority, "causes pelvic infections and changes in
vaginal pH and flora, and severely affects the reproductive capacity,
even to the point of permanent sterility." ^^ On the other hand, the
same authority says: "The proper use of contraceptives and modern
mechanical devices, such as vaginal diaphragms and jellies and creams
in the female and sheaths and condoms for the male, has practically
no deleterious effect on the reproductive capacity of the couple." ^^

The percentage of married women (fifteen to seventeen per cent)
who come to the end of their reproductive period without bearing
children is not a reliable index of the extent of sterility in marriage.
Premature death of the husband may have been a factor. The deci-
sion at the time of marriage to remain childless throughout their
married life and the resultant use of contraceptive measures may
have been the reason. In this connection, however. Dr. S. R. Meaker
suggests that "it is most unusual ... for a couple to practice contra-
ception throughout their entire period of sexual activity. . . . The
philoprogenitive urge is powerful, and the number of those who
elect to remain voluntarily sterile from beginning to end is probably
so small as to be negligible from the social and economic view-
points." 14

Normal conception followed by repeated failure to carry the child
to full term also has a part in sterility, although in certain types of
sterility cases there is a relationship between factors making for rela-

^2 Samuel L. Siegler, "Taking the History of the Infertile Couple," Transac-
tions of the Third American Congress on Obstetrics and Gynecology, p. 37.

13 Ibid.

1* Samuel R. Meaker, Human Sterih'ty (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins
Company, 1934), p. 9.

2 34 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

tive infertility and such failures. Another factor influencing the pres-
ence of childlessness may be a normal conception followed by the
necessity, because of a serious health condition of the wife, of having
the pregnancy interrupted legally by the attendant physician. Doubt-
less more frequent than this situation is the childlessness attendant
on repeated abortions of the so-called criminal or illegal t}'pe. Due to
the circumstances under which such operations are performed, dam-
age is often done that leads to later sterility.

Only a generation ago, the prevalent attitude of married couples
who found themselves unable to initiate the reproductive process was
that of resignation to their fate. There was often a tendency for each
to blame the predicament on the other. Since imputations of the
lack of male "virility" are more serious in a society with a heritage
of male dominance, it was natural that the wife should bear the brunt
of the blame. Frustration leading to marital friction and discord was
the inevitable consequence.

A concentrated attack on the problem, together with increased
biological and medical knowledge, has changed the situation appre-
ciably in recent years. Favorable publicity has come from those mar-
ried couples who have submitted to the extensive procedures of clini-
cal examinations and have been rewarded by having children. Favor-
able results have been reported in from fifteen to fifty per cent of the
cases, depending on the clinic reporting. By favorable treatment is
meant the subsequent ability to conceive and bear a full-term child.
The lag between the amount of scientific information available, how-
ever, and the willingness of unfortunate couples to take advantage of
such knowledge is still great.^^ Desperation often leads married
couples to resort to doctors who prescribe unnecessary operations and
fruitless but expensive glandular treatments.

In the absence of contraceptives, if a couple does not succeed in
effecting conception within a year, the probabilities are that sterility
in some degree exists in either or both. The first principle in seeking
diagnosis and treatment is to recognize that hoth husband and wife
should be examined. In individual cases, the wife or the husband
may be solely at fault, but in many situations the infertility results
from a combination of factors in both partners. What makes infer-
tility such a complex problem is that the cause may not be a single

^5 Groves, Marriage, rev. ed., p. 462.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 235

difficulty in either member but a series of contributing causes in either
or both.i^

Some of the requisites of fertiht}' are: (1) the testes must produce
normal spermatozoa; (2) these sperm cells must have free passage
from the epididymis to the urethral meatus; ( 3 ) the vaginal and endo-
cervical secretions must be chemically and mechanically favorable;
(4) the uterus and the tubes must allow the free ascent of the sper-
matozoa; (5) the ovariotubal hiatuses must provide for the admission
of the ova and their descent; and (6) the ovaries must be capable
of producing and releasing normal ova.^' This statement traces the
progression of the sperm cell on its long and difEcult journey from
the testes to union with the ovum and is therefore a recapitulation of
the physiologv of conception. Conception is not a simple process to
inaugurate. In spite of the fact that most married couples experience
no difficulty, Raymond Pearl quotes with approval the following
statement of C. G. Hartman: "The marvel is not how fertile but how
sterile is humanity. Sterility, not contraception, is the biggest prob-
lem of the g}'necologist." ^^

If either or both testes and ovaries have failed to develop to full
maturity and hence are incapable of producing viable sperm or ova,
it is obvious that conception will be impossible. This underdevelop-
ment or infantilism may be due to pituitary deficiency or other organic
factors in the life history of the individual. If it is sufficientlv serious,
then absolute sterility is the result, for which there is no hope. Ab-
solute sterility resulting from failure of the gonads to develop prop-
erly is, however, extremely rare. More common is the malfunctioning
of these organs either from diseases that attack them directly or from
general constitutional conditions that act indirectly.

Techniques have been developed for testing the characteristics of
the sperm cells as to number, morphology, motility and endurance.
These tests include the direct semen analysis, the postcoital or Huh-
ner test, and microscopic studies of a bit of testicular tissue secured

^^ Siegler, "Taking the History of the Infertile Couple," op. cit., p. 29.

Cf. also Lewis Michelson, "Diagnosis and Treatment of Impaired Fertility in
the Male," pp. 42 ff. Transactions of The American Congress on Ohstetiics and
Gynecology, op. cit.

Irving F. Stein and Michael L. Leventhal, "Infertihty and Sterility," The
/ournaJ of the American Medical Association, February 20, 1932, XCVIII, 621-27.

^'^ Adapted from Meaker, Human Sterility, p. 15.

^3 Raymond Pearl, The Natural History oi Population (London: Oxford Uni-
versity Pkss. 1950), p. 67.

236 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

by biopsy.^^ In the hands of the trained observer, these examina-
tions will reveal sperm deficiencies. Such inadequacies may have
been caused by mumps, tumors, tuberculosis, accidents, syphilis or
a badly done hernia operation. Constitutional factors induced by dia-
betes, malaria, drugs, atomic radiation, infected tonsils, sinuses, teeth,
and defective diet may be contributing factors. In the case of the
ovaries, the most usual defects are cysts, inflammations, results of in-
juries, or faulty functioning in consequence of endocrine imbalance.

Efforts Toward Marital Fertility

In the treatment of defective functioning of the testes and the
ovaries, a restricted amount of surgery may be helpful. The general
health and well-being of the individual can be improved by diet, ex-
ercise, and freedom from worry, anxiety, and tension. On the other
hand, popular notions to the contrary notwithstanding, endocrine
therapy has been relatively unsuccessful. In this connection, one au-
thority states that this lack of success may be due, in the case of the
anterior pituitary gland, to the lack of a preparation of adequate po-
tency.-° The same situation prevails with respect to the correction of
malfunctioning of the ovaries. "Endocrine therapy in infertility," says
the same authority, "has little to offer at the present time. . . . Thy-
roid extract, properly administered, is still the sheet anchor of the
gynecologist." ^^

More success has attended the efforts to deal with another com-
mon cause of infertility, namely, the blocking of the tubes in both
male and female. The tubules of the epididymis and the vas de-
ferens may be blocked as a result of a former gonorrheal infection or
for other cause. Simple operative procedures have been devised for
remedying such defects.-- The Fallopian passages may likewise be
affected because of inflammation following gonorrhea or they may be
partially or wholly closed on account of adhesions, postabortal in-
fections, or tuberculosis.

1^ Lewis Michelson, "Diagnosis and Treatment of Impaired Fertility in the
Male," op. cit., pp. 44-4=;.

-" M. Edward Davis, "Rational Endocrine Therapy in Infertility'," Transactions
ot the International and Fourth American Congress on Obstetrics and Gynecology,
ed. George W. Kosmak (St. Louis: The C. V. Mosby Company, 1951), p. 732.

21 Jbid.

22 Lewis Michelson, op. cit., p. 47.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 237

Great progress has likewise been achieved in the perfection of tests
for tubal patency. The two most familiar diagnostic procedures are:
(a) insufflation, which involves the forcing of gas under pressure into
the tubes and then observing the activity of the walls of the Fallo-
pian structures by means of a graph; and (b) the injection of iodized
oil or other substance, followed by visual observation of patency.
These diagnostic techniques may also have therapeutic value if the
occlusion is of such a character that these injections could again open
the passages. In some instances, such defects will respond to the use
of diathermy, antibiotics, or estrogen therapy; in other cases, opera-
tive procedures are indicated.^^

The medium of the secretions of the prostate and the seminal
vesicles is, if normally healthy, a favorable environment for the sperm
cells. If these secretions are abnormal because of any defect in either
the prostate or the vesicles, they may be hostile to the motility and
viability of the sperm cells. The vaginal secretions are acid in content.
Such acidity is detrimental to the life of spermatozoa, but under
normal conditions a sufficiently large number survive to find their
way into the cervical canal. Any excess acidity of the vaginal cavity
can be easily and effectively treated. The endocervical mucus is alka-
line and hence favorable to the ingress of sperms. There may also be
an extreme mucal blockage at the entrance to the cervix, but this,
too, lends itself to easy treatment. Where the uterus itself is affected
by some disease or positional defect, this may be associated with the
fact that the sperm is not finding its way into the tubes. Uterine
abnormalities, however, are more likely to lead to spontaneous abor-
tions and hence to infertility in this fashion.-*

The matter is further complicated by the fact that emotional and
psychological factors apparently have a bearing on infertility. Cases
are reported of conceptions following clinical examinations of pa-
tients without any treatment having been instituted. A married cou-
ple may live together for five years or more, have a genuine desire
for children, not employ any contraceptive measures, and yet fail to

23 I. C. Rubin, "Tubal Obstruction as a Cause of Sterility and Its Non-oper-
ative Treatment," Transactions of the International and Fourth American Con-
gress on Obstetrics and Gynecology, op. cit., pp. 698-710.

2* Werner Steinberg, "Uterine Malformations in the Management of Sterility
and Infertility," Ameiican Journal oi Obstetncs and Gynecology, April 1952,
LXIII, 827-35.

238 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

bring about conception. They are extremely zealous to have a child
and decide to adopt one. Some time after the adoption of the new
member of the family, a normal pregnancy ensues, and the couple
may have no further difficulty in initiating the reproductive process.

This situation may be explained by several factors. One is the sim-
ple fact that, during the period when the couple vainly tried to have
a child, either husband or wife or both had some physiological or
organic difficulty. After they had adopted a child, this condition
cleared up, and a normal conception could then take place. On the
other hand, some subtle emotional factors may be involved in the
assumption of parenthood which acted favorably on whatever or-
ganic conditions were involved in the previous infertility. The part-
ners to a sterile marriage may also be divorced and, on remarriage,
each has children by the new union. This may mean nothing more
than that each of the individuals was of low relative fertility, whereas
the new marriages were contracted with persons of relatively high
fertility. Other hidden factors may also be involved.^^

Adoption of children is one solution to the desire for a family
when sterility of a primary nature is indicated. Another method ap-
plicable in certain types of cases is artificial insemination. In terms
of the number of children born normally, the number conceived by
artificial insemination is infinitesimally small. But in terms of the
total number so conceived over a period of years, the number is sur-
prisingly large. Of 30,000 doctors circularized some years ago, 7,462
reported that pregnancy had been successfully achieved in 9,489 cases
by artificial insemination. "Artificial insemination was employed so
successfully," it was reported, "that in 1,357 patients more than one
pregnancy was effected by this means. . . . The 4,049 physicians re-
porting the 9,489 pregnancies required inseminations varying in num-
ber from 1 to 72. Forty-five per cent of all pregnancies occurred in
cases in which 12 inseminations were employed." ~^ An improvement
in the techniques employed would seem to be evidenced from a more
recent report, which indicates that the average successful case re-

25 Earle Marsh and Albert M. Vollmer, "Possible Psychogenic Aspects of Infer-
tility," Fertility and Steiility, 1951, II, 70-79.

Also Boris B. Rubenstein, "An Emotional Factor in Infertility, A Psychosomatic
Approach," FeitiUty and Stenlity, 19151, II, 80-86.

26 Frances I. Seymour and Alfred Koerner, "Artificial Insemination," The /our-
naJ of the American MedicaJ Association, June 21, 1941, CXVI, 2747-49.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 239

quires only three to six treatments over a period of two to four
months.^'^

Approximately 97 per cent of all the pregnancies (9,489) resulting
from the above artificial inseminations terminated in living, normal
babies. This is a considerably superior achievement to that of normal
pregnancies. Of this total group, two-thirds were effected by the use
of the husband's semen, whereas one-third employed the semen of
donors. It may be that artificial insemination, employing the hus-
band's semen, will become increasingly common for cases of sterility
in which some difficulty makes it impossible for the sperm to come
into contact with the ovum.

The problem is much more complicated with the use of the
semen of donors. Even granting that the strictest secrecy is main-
tained and high qualifications of donor semen are insisted upon, the
psychological and emotional difficulties are obviously very great.
Furthermore, the legal questions involved are far from settled.^^ In
spite of these objections, however, the attitudes of the vast majority
of the physicians who are members of the American Society for the
Study of Sterility express unqualified approval.^^ The doctors them-
selves who are dealing with the frustrations of married couples by
reason of their inability to have children seem to be convinced that
the advantages to be gained from artificial insemination outweigh
the legal and personal difficulties encountered.

The Period of Most Likely Ferfility

In the diagnosis of sterility cases, it has become routine procedure
to inquire into the sex habits of the partners. Clinicians report that
they have often been able to cure what seemed to be sterility by a
mere change in the sex habits of the individuals concerned. Although
there is nothing comparable in the human to the periodicity of sex
desire in the higher animal world, there does seem to be a variation in
sex desire in the woman during the menstrual cycle. The periods of
maximum desire appear to be those immediately following menstrua-
tion and immediately preceding the next menstruation. The time of

2'^ Alan F. Guttmacher, John O. Haman, and John MacLeod, "The Use of
Donors for Artificial Insemination, a Survey of Current Practices," Fertility and
Sten'Jitv, 1950, I, 264-70.

28 "Medicolegal Aspects of Artificial Insemination," The Journal of the Ameri-
can Medical Association, September 15, 1951, CXLVII, 250-53.

29 Guttmacher, et aJ., op. cit.

240 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

least sex desire, on the other hand, seems to be the midpoint of the
cycle.

Not so many years ago, the belief was widespread that the times
in the cycle during which the wife was most likely to conceive coin-
cided with the presumed periods of maximum sex desire. Today this
belief has been completely reversed. It is now generally accepted that
the most likely time for conception to take place is the period about
the midpoint of the average (281+= days) menstrual cycle. Hence it can
readily be seen that, if a given couple has developed habits of avoid-
ance at that particular time of month, there alone may lie the reason
for their apparent sterility.^"

The belief that conception is likely to occur near the time of the
menstrual flow has persisted because the achievement of accurate
scientific knowledge in this field is relatively recent. From the days
of Soranus in the second century up to recent times, the idea of the
great physician has been accepted that "to prevent conception . . .
people should abstain from coitus at the times when we have indi-
cated as especially dangerous, that is, the time directly before and
after menstruation." ^^ The contemporary reversal of this tradition is
the result of the various researches on the time of ovulation in
women. Furthermore, it must be known how long after their release
both spermatozoa and ova are capable of fertilization under bodily
conditions. For the practical application of this knowledge in terms
of two individuals, the variations in the regularity of the menstrual
cycle of the woman over a period of months must be ascertained.

The stimulus to contemporary study of the time of ovulation in
women was provided by the works of Hermann Knaus, Kyusaku Ogino,
and Carl G. Hartman. Employing different techniques, these three
scientists arrived at essentially similar results. The method used by
Knaus was the observation of the behavior of the uterus in response
to pituitary stimulation during the two phases of the menstrual cycle.
He concluded that ovulation occurs on the fifteenth day (in an average
cycle of twenty-eight days) prior to the next menstruation and that
conception takes place within a five-day period surrounding the mid-
point or fifteenth day.

^^ Irving F. Stein, "Further Studies in Infertility and Sterility," Surgery, Gyne-
cology and Obstetrics, December 19^8, LXVII, 731-39.

31 Norman E. Himes, Medical Histor}' of Contraception (Baltimore: The
Williams and Wilkins Company, 1936), pp. 89-90. Our italics.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 241

Ogino observed ninety-three cases of surgical operations involving
the ovaries and concluded: (a) that no corpus lutemu appeared more
than sixteen days prior to the next menstruation; and (b) that no
unruptured follicle appeared later than twelve days before the next
menstruation. He postulated the life of the sperm cell as three days.
He then determined that ovulation took place between the limits of
sixteen and twelve days prior to the next menstruation. Hence the
fertile period in women was nineteen to twelve days prior to men-
struation, or nine to sixteen days following the preceding menstrua-
tion.32

In his extensive work on the female monkey (rhesus), Hartman
employed three methods: (a) palpation of the ovary; (b) limiting
coitus to a single day in the cycle and observing whether or not con-
ception and pregnancy followed therefrom; and (c) recovery of fer-
tilized eggs and embryos. Two hundred cases of ovulation were
studied by the method of palpation. Records were kept on 200 con-
ceptions taking place as a result of timed coitus. From these results,
Hartman concluded that in monkeys ovulation occurs not earlier
than day 8 and not later than day 20 following the preceding men-
struation.^^ If the behavior of the human female in this biological
respect is similar to the female monkey, these findings are in effect
corroborative of the Ogino-Knaus results.

Much additional research has been done to determine ovulation-
time, and only brief mention can be made of these various lines of
evidence. Basal body temperatures taken daily during the cycle re-
veal a pattern of low temperature during the follicular phase and
then an abrupt change to a higher level. Ovulation is presumed to
occur at the time of temperature shift from the low to the first high
point.^^ Many women report midmenstrual pain (the Mittelschmerz)
or shght bleeding, and this is regarded as associated with ovulation.
Experiments have been conducted by means of a specially designed

^2 Kyusaku Ogino, Conception Period in Women (Harrisburg, Pa.: Medical
Arts Publishing Company, 1934).

33 Carl G. Hartman, Time of Ovulation in Women (Baltimore: The Williams
and Wilkins Company, 1936).

3* "Basal Temperature Charts," Human Fertility, September, 1945, X, 87-91.

See also Pendleton Tompkins, "The Use of Basal Temperature Graphs in De-
termining the Date of Ovulation," The Journal oi the Ameiican Medical Associa-
tion, March 11, 1944, CXXIV, 698-700.

W. T. Pommerenke, "Determining the Time of Ovulation by Basal Tempera-
ture and the Role of the Cervix in Fertility," op. cit.

242 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

vacuum tube potentiometer for recording minute voltage changes.
When done on rabbits, it was found that there was always an exact
correlation between the number of electrical surges and the number
of follicles ovulated.^^

Other studies have been made on changes in the endometrial
lining of the uterus and on vaginal changes. Still others have been
concerned with the cervical mucus, on the hypothesis that at the
time of ovulation this mucus is increased in quantity, in fluidity,
and in the amount of carbohydrate.^^ Finally, mention can be made
of the rat ovarian hyperemia test, whereby observations are made on
the induction of hyperemia in the ovaries of immature white rats
following the injection of female urine taken on the presumed days
of normal ovulation.^'''

The converging lines of evidence thus point to the fact that most
women have a pattern of regularity of ovulation at or about the mid-
point of the menstrual cycle. There are, however, still many unsettled
questions. Reputable authorities are convinced that in individual
cases ovulation (and conception) has been known to take place on
every day of the cycle. This implies, if true, a wide limit of individual
variability. Others believe that it is possible for an individual woman
to experience more than one ovulation in a single cycle. Still others
hold that traumatic ovulation has been known to occur in the human
being. There seems to be evidence that "The average fertile woman
ovulates normally about 85 per cent of the time, or 7 out of 8
cycles." ^^

Once the ovum has been released, what is the time limit of its
fertilizability? How long will the sperm cells remain viable and capable
of fertilizing the ovum after being deposited in the vaginal tract?
Answers to these questions are exceedingly pertinent. Even if it be
granted that the ovum is released at the midpoint of the menstrual
cycle, the remaining two weeks would be a fertile period if the ovum
remained capable of fertilization during that entire time. Some au-

35 H. S. Burr, R. T. Hill and Edgar Allen, "Detection of Ovulation in the
Intact Rabbit," Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biology and Medicine,
October 1935, XXXIII, 109-11.

36 Pommerenke, op. cit., p. 52.

2'' Edmond J. Farris, "Temperature Compared with Rat Test for Prediction of
Human Ovulation," Journal of the American Medical Association, October 23,
1948, CXXXVIII, 560-63.

38 Edmond J. Farris, "A Formula for Selecting the Optimum Time for Con-
ception," American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Klay 1952, LXIII, 1145.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 243

thorities hold that the fertihzing power of male gametes is almost two
days, whereas others maintain that the sperm cells live less than a day
and that the unfertilized ovum lives only a few hours. The general
conclusion is that, although in isolated cases the human spermatozoa
may live for more than a week, the period of male and female fertiliza-
bility is not more than three days.^^

The summary of the research data supplied by Pearl is in essential
agreement. He tabulated the conclusions of fourteen authorities as
to the duration of the potentiality of fertilization of human germ
cells in uterus and tubes. With respect to spermatozoa, the esti-
mates ranged from two hours to seventy-two hours. In the case of the
ovum, they varied from several hours to forty-eight hours. "It was
formerly thought," he concludes, "that ova and spermatozoa kept
alive in a state of sound activity for long periods of time after they
had been shed from the gonads into the female genital tract. Recent
advances in knowledge have greatly altered this view." '^^

The Period of Least Likely Fertility

Women, as a general rule, ovulate about halfway between the
onset of the menses. Both spermatozoa and ova apparently have an
outside limit of fertilizability of three days. It follows that, shortly
after ovulation through the succeeding menstrual period to a time
several days in advance of the next ovulation, the probability of con-
ception passes through a minimum. This may be called the relatively
sterile period of the cycle or the period of least likely feitility. By
contrast, the days surrounding and including the time of ovulation
may be called the period of most likely feitility. For the practical ap-
plication of this theory, the crucial factor is the midpoint of the
menstrual cycle. The final consideration is therefore the length and
regularity of the menstrual cycle.

If accurate calendars were kept by 10,000 women, recording for a
series of months the date on which menstruation began, it would be
found that the average duration of the cycle would be some 28 days.
When the term "menstrual cycle" is used, therefore, the norm or
statistical average of 28 days thus comes to mind. There is, however,
considerable variation among the 10,000 women, ranging all the way

39 Irving F. Stein and Melvin R. Cohen, "An Evaluation of the Safe Period,"
The Jouinal of the American Medical Association, January 22, 1938, CX, 257-61.
*" Pearl, The Natural History of Population, pp. 66-67.

244 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

from some who have a reasonable reguarhty of 21 days to others with
a cycle of 33 days or even longer.

More important, however, is the conclusion of gynecologists that
the most significant aspect of the so-called regularity of the men-
strual cycle is its irregularity. The insistence of the patients that their
menses come with absolute regularity is soon demonstrated to be
fallacious when they keep a calendar for several months on which they
record the date of the onset of menstruation. Much to their sur-
prise, variations of several days will occur. Psychic and emotional dis-
turbances, traumas, fears of pregnancy, worries and anxieties, changes
of residence, occupation, or climate — these and countless other situa-
tions can effect a marked fluctuation in the incidence of menstrua-
tion.

So well established has knowledge of the normal irregularity be-
come that gynecologists generally ask for menstrual calendars to be
kept by their patients over a period of eight to twelve months. The
examination of such a calendar can establish the pattern of men-
struation for a given individual. On the assumption that this pattern
will continue to operate without serious fluctuations, the midpoint
of the cycle can be located. For example, if the physician is acting on
the assumption that ovulation occurs fourteen days before the next
bleeding, this would mean that the patient with the cycle of twenty-
eight days would ovulate on the fourteenth day following the pre-
ceding menstruation. On the other hand, the patient with the twenty-
one day cycle would ovulate on the seventh day, and one with a
thirty-five day cycle ovulates on the twenty-first day following the
preceding flow. Making whatever allowances are necessary on account
of irregularities revealed by the calendar, the physician can then in-
dicate the days during which the patient is most likely to conceive
and those during which conception probably will not occur.'*^

Many doctors are convinced of the validity of the period of least
likely fertility (popularly known as the rhythm method) as a con-
traceptive technique. Others are skeptical by reason of some of the
contradictory evidence surrounding the scientific conclusions on
which it is based. All agree, however, that it is indispensable to know
the individual menstrual pattern, with its relationship to the possible
time of ovulation, if the method is to succeed at all.

41 Victor C. Pedersen, Nature's Way (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1934).

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 245^

The Physiology of Contraception

Contraception has an obvious importance in determining and col-
oring the various forms of marital interaction. We have considered
marriage in terms of the social roles that set the general pattern for
this important relationship. The most basic of these roles affected
by the practice or nonpractice of contraception (in whatever form)
is the affectional role, which plays such a central part in contemporary
marriage. The biological role is intimately affected by the decision to
have children or to refrain from so doing, at least during the initial
years of marriage. The conjugal roles are likewise influenced by atti-
tudes and practices regarding contraception, inasmuch as the nature
of the marital relationship changes with the birth of children.

The economic roles, relating both to production and consumption
of family income, are also closely tied to the general problem of con-
traception. The family in which the wife continues to work, and the
couple practices contraception, makes one type of economic adjust-
ment. The couple with several children perforce makes another type
of adjustment. The size and general economic status of the family
tend to be closely related to the attitudes of the spouses concerning
the artificial limitation of conception. Finally, the health adjustments
of many couples are directly conditioned by their behavior in respect
to contraception. Some wives are chronically ill or disabled because
of continued childbirth when their income does not warrant it.
Others suffer permanent injury following illegal abortion. By elim-
inating or mitigating many of these dangers, contraception has in-
troduced important modifications in the health relationships of the
contemporary family.

Contraception is concerned with any measures to prevent the union
of sperm and ovum. The "rhythm method" is the only method which
the Catholic Church allows under the natural law. This method is
based upon the differential availability of the female ovum, as de-
scribed above. For centuries man has practiced coitus interruptus
(withdrawal) or coitus reservatus to prevent the deposition of the
male sperm cells in the vaginal cavity. Most modern contraceptives
represent: (a) a mechanical obstruction to the meeting of sperm and
ovum; (b) a chemical agent acting as a spermicide; (c) a combination
of both mechanical and chemical means.

Illustrative of the mechanical devices are the male condom or

246 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

sheath, the female sponge, tampon, vaginal diaphragm, cervical caps,
as v^ell as such intracervical and intrauterine contraptions as stems,
buttons, "wishbones," and rings.*^ The chemical spermicides may be
used in douche solutions or in commercially prepared jellies, creams,
suppositories, foams, and other media. Many clinics make use of a
combination of the vaginal diaphragm and a spermicidal jelly.

In a treatment such as this, it would be presumptuous to discuss
the merits of or to make specific recommendations relative to con-
temporary contraceptive methods. Two elementary principles, how-
ever, have been generally accepted and may be stated here: (1) Each
married couple should decide for themselves whether or not to use
contraceptives in any form. If the decision is in favor of such practice,
they should then consult the proper person concerning the measures
best adapted to their individual desires and temperaments. (2) The
public has come to accept the notion that the proper person to con-
sult is the physician. Too much is involved in health and safety for
people any longer to be content with the lurid literature on contracep-
tion or with attractive advertisements aimed at promoting "feminine
hygiene." The doctors have accepted their recent release from legal
restrictions with such intelligent restraint that married couples should
avail themselves of scientific information in this important field if
they so desire it.

The Menopause

It is appropriate to conclude the discussion of the physiological
aspects of marital interaction with a brief commentary on that period
which marks the end of female reproductive power. The initial
menstruation (menarche) is the external evidence of the completion
of the maturation of the female sex organs and hence the beginning
of the capacity to reproduce. By the same token, irregular menstrua-
tion, culminating in its complete cessation, is the outward sign that
the reproductive cycle has come to an end (the menopause). "About
one half of all women cease menstruating between 45 and 50," says
an authority in this field, "about one quarter stop before 45 and
another quarter continue to menstruate until past 50." ^^ Pregnancy

*2 Abraham Stone and Norman E. Himes, Planned Parenthood, a Practical
Guide to Birth Control Methods (New York: The Viking Press, 1951).

^3 Nicholson J. Eastman, WiiJiams Obstetrics, 10th ed. (New York: Appleton*
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1950), p. 101.

PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION 247

after the age of 47 is very rare and parturition after age 52 has not
been vahdated.*^

It should be occasion for no surprise that ovarian atrophy and asso-
ciated changes bring about a crisis in the hfe-cycle of the woman.
There is certain to be instabihty in the endocrine balance and the
autonomic nervous system. The so-called "hot flashes" are symptoms
of these inner changes; increased nervousness and irritability seem
to be natural accompaniments. It has frequently been noted, however,
that farmers' wives and other married women who have a strenuous
work-life or absorbing interests pass through "change of life" with
little difficulty, compared to wives who have the leisure to think
about their ills.

This is not to minimize the importance of the somatic changes,
for they are indeed great. It is rather to emphasize the importance
of psychosomatic factors in the situation. Much success in recent
years has been achieved in overcoming the difficulties of this period
by the use of a suitable estrogen. The function of this practice has
been stated as follows: "The hormone serves as a substitute for the
ovaries and temporarily alleviates the disturbances until the body be-
comes able to adapt itself to a new endocrine balance." ^^

It is still a moot question as to whether or not the male experi-
ences anything comparable to the female climacteric. While katabol-
ism will certainly win in the race with anabolism, and male bodily
vigor will inevitably decline, there is no complete atrophy of gon-
adal functioning such as the woman experiences. Some persons, how-
ever, while admitting that spermatogenesis continues, maintain that
physiological and endocrinological changes do occur in the male.
These changes represent a transitional stage in the life of the indi-
vidual, even though this transition is less dramatic and less difficult.

Psychosomatic factors are also important in the experience of the
male as he reaches the same approximate time as the female cli-
macteric. He may feel that his life has passed its peak, that his vitality
and interest in living are drawing to a close, and that, in some subtle
way, life has passed him by. These and other psychological reactions,
whether consciously expressed or buried deep in his unconscious, may

44 James W. Newell and John Rock, "Upper Age Limit of Parturition," Ameri-
can Journal ot Obstetrics and Gynecology, April 1952, LXIII, 875-76.

45 Turner, General EndocrinoJogy, p. 410.

248 PHYSIOLOGY OF MARITAL INTERACTION

contribute to various physical symptoms in the man.'*^ His role in
marital interaction may undergo a corresponding change.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Corner, George W., The Hoimones in Human Reproduction. Prince-
ton University Press, rev. ed., 1947. A very readable account of a
highly technical subject.

Dickinson, Robert Latou, Human Sex Anatomy. Baltimore: The Wil-
liams and Wilkins Company, 2nd ed., 1949. The wealth of carefully
prepared plates and illustrations makes this atlas an indispensable aid
both to the specialist and to the serious unspecialized student.

Engle, Earl T., ed.. The Problem ot FeitiUty. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1946. A collection of papers on research on the
processes of reproduction in domestic animals.

Good, Frederick L. and Otis F. Kelly, Marriage, MoraJs and Medical
Ethics. New York: P. J. Kennedy & Sons, 1951- A good statement,
from the Catholic point of view, of the physiological factors in mari-
tal interaction.

Hartman, Carl G., Time of Ovuhtion in Women. Baltimore: The
Williams and Wilkins Companv, 1936. Conclusions in substantial
agreement with the works of Ogino and Knaus concerning ovulation
are reached in this research report.

Himes, Norman E., Medical History of Contraception. Baltimore: The
Williams and Wilkins Company, 1936. An exhaustive study of
man's interest in the prevention of conception from preliterate and
ancient times to modern scientific discoveries.

Lane-Roberts, Cedric, Albert Sharman, Kenneth Walker, and B.
P. WiESNER, Sterih'ty and Impaired Fertih'ty. New York: Paul B.
Hoeber, Inc., 1939. An excellent summary of the work of the British
g\'necologists in the Eeld of the pathogenesis, diagnosis, and treat-
ment of sterility.

Rubin, I. C, "Thirty Years of Progress in Treating Infertility," FertiJit}'
and SteiiUty, 1950, I, 389-406. A periodical that contains many good
summaries of contemporary research in this field.

Stone, Abraham and Norman E. Himes, Planned Parenthood, a Prac-
tical Guide to Birth Control Methods, 2nd ed. New York: The Vik-
ing Press, 1951. In addition to the discussion of contraceptive
methods and devices, this work contains authoritative material on
abortion, sterilization, and infertility.

Stone, Hannah and Abraham Stone, A Marriage ManuaJ, rev. ed. New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1952. For many years, this has been the
standard popular treatment of the biological and psychological facts
concerned with the physiology of marital interaction.

^s August A. Werner, "Sex Behavior and Problems of the Climacteric,"
Successful Marriage, eds. Morris Fishbein and Ernest W. Burgess (New York:
Doubleday & Company, 1947), chap. 5, especially pp. 480-84.

13 ^a^

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

In this section, we have examined the marital relationship.
We have been concerned with both its physiological and its social
aspects. We have seen that marriage is a social relationship in two
senses: (a) it is conducted by two human beings who have been
socialized in a given culture pattern; (b) it is conducted under pat-
terned forms of social expectations, which are known as social roles.
These social expectations are an important part of the marriage proc-
ess. They set the standards to which the husband and wife ordinarily
conform, and they also embody the norms whereby the marriage is
defined. The roles of husband and wife contain certain implicit
standards of performance. If the marriage appears to be living up to
these standards, it is judged a success. If it appears to be violating
these standards, it is something less than a success.^

The Traditional Nature of Marital Success

Marital success is ordinarily defined in terms of the criteria that
have become incorporated in the conventional social roles. A marriage
is often considered a success (or at least not a failure) provided it is
not disrupted by desertion or divorce. This is the most conventional
of all definitions of marital success and reflects the religious concep-
tion of marriage and the family, which places permanence as the
fundamental characteristic. In a society that sets a high premium
upon romantic love and marital happiness, mere permanence leaves
something to be desired as a basic criterion of marital success. We
shall discuss this factor in more detail below. We merely indicate
here that permanence is the criterion that has the strongest weight of
convention, religious authority, and popular acceptance.

1 For an extremely stimulating discussion of marital success, see Willard Waller,
The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden Press, 1951), chap. 17,
"Marital Success."

249

250 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

Other elements comprise the conventional definition of marital
success. The presence or absence of children is widely viewed as next
in importance to permanence as the criterion of a successful mar-
riage. This conception reflects the ancient biblical admonition to be
fruitful and multiply, and it underscores the assumption that the
primary purpose of marriage is to have children. Another definition
of marital success reflects the values of middle-class society, namely,
upward mobility and material acquisition. The successful marriage
is thus the one in which the husband has gained economic advance-
ment, and the family has been able to rise in the socio-economic
scale.

Closely allied to this attitude is the one that regards the successful
marriage primarily in terms of consumer durable goods. In this sense,
the successful marriage is the one in which the husband is a good
provider who can produce automobiles, radios, television sets, wash-
ing machines, and all the rest of the tangible evidences of the good
life. In still other terms, successful marriage depends upon conformity
to the conventional standards of the community, wherein both the
husband and wife play the roles expected of them in the middle-
class culture.-

These are some of the criteria that come immediately to mind.
Success in marriage is a subjective matter, which depends upon the
definitions of the participants and the general public. The conception
of the self is based in large part upon the conception which others
have (or are believed to have) toward the self. Hence the very fact
that permanence, children, vertical mobility, material success, and
conventionality are widely viewed as fundamental to marital success
tends in part to make them so. In addition to these conventional fac-
tors, however, there are other criteria that reflect the contemporary
society, with its emerging values of freedom, happiness, and develop-
ment of the personality.

The Changing Criteria of Marital Success

One such criterion involves the adequacy of the marital role-play-
ing and the mutual enjoyment which the husband and wife derive
therefrom. The husband and wife function not so much as isolated
individuals as participants in a pattern of mutual expectations. The

2 Cf. Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York:
American Book Company, 1945), p. 435.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 251

measure of marital success might well reflect the progress the husband
and wife are making as a pair. Cooperation is an important criterion
of marital success and cooperation, by definition, requires more than
one person.

The husband who progresses in his role of husband, as distin-
guished from his other roles, might thus be the one who becomes
steadily more "domesticated." In this role, he would be less con-
cerned with his own gratification and more concerned with the social
activities he can perform with his wife. Conversely, the successful
wife would be increasingly content to stay home and function in her
role of confidant, provider of affection, and emotional refuge from
the tribulations of the world. The marriage relationship involves the
shared behavior of two persons. The degree to which each individual
functions in this unique relationship constitutes an important indi-
cation of the success of the marriage.^

Some of the newer criteria of marital success are directly opposed
to the conventional values that have come down more or less intact
from an earlier day. Others merely supplement the traditional expec-
tations. Both groups of elements should be considered when assessing
the complex question of marital success. The newer criteria of mar-
ital success are clearly more difficult to measure. It is, for example,
easy to measure whether or not a given marriage is still legally func-
tioning. The number of children is likewise a convenient device for
estimating the degree of success in the conventional sense. When we
come to such intangibles as happiness or the maximum possible de-
velopment of personality, however, we immediately encounter diffi-
culties of measurement and evaluation. Despite these complications,
however, any complete and realistic consideration of marital success
must include such elusive criteria.

The changing definitions introduce other complications into an
over-all evaluation of family success. Some of these considerations in-
volve insight into the nature of personality and hence do not readily
occur to many persons. The "successful" family, for example, in pop-
ular literature is pictured as containing little or no conflict, with both
members acting in accordance with middle-class standards, and with
many of the tangible manifestations of material success. But this is
only one side of the coin. The "successful" family is also pictured in

3 Leland H. Stott, "The Problem of Evaluating Family Success," Marriage
and Family Living, Fall 1951, XIII, 149-53.

2 52 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

the psychiatric hterature as the source of the frustrations, insecurities,
and emotional deprivations that bring about many of the neuroses of
the middle class."* In other words, the family that is successful by con-
ventional standards is the same family, it is alleged, that generates a
variety of tensions that stultify the personalities of its members. It
should be emphasized that this is not the maladjusted or disor-
ganized family, but rather the family that fulfills the conventional
middle-class standards.^

This critique of the stereotyped conception of marital success
clearly raises a number of questions that are vital to an understanding
of the family in our society. If the marriage that is adjusted in terms
of the expectations of the community is still productive of frustra-
tion and instability, then it appears that the whole problem might
well be re-examined. In terms of the democratic creed, marriage exists
for the personalities of its members and not vice versa. The family
also exists in the American culture pattern, with its emphasis upon
the struggle for status, regardless of the possible stultification of per-
sonality. These questions clearly cannot be answered here, for they
involve fundamental moral judgments concerning the role of the
family and the validity of the basic social values. The definition of
success in marriage involves a variety of criteria upon which there
may exist a legitimate difference of opinion.^

The difficulties inherent in the conventional definitions of marital
success are discussed by Reuben Hill in his revision of Willard Wall-
er's treatise on the contemporary family. In place of the traditional
conceptions. Hill offers a dynamic concept which he calls "develop-
mental adjustment" and which includes such criteria as integration,
companionship, adjustment, satisfaction, and personality develop-
ment. He regards these factors as consistent with the democratic
goals of our society, with its insistence upon the maximum develop-
ment of the individual personality. He views such traditional criteria
as permanence and conformity to middle-class expectations as some-
times stultifying to personality development. The concept of "ad-
justment" as advanced by Hill includes "an evaluation of behavior
on the basis of cultural standards ... a good working arrangement

■* Cf. Arnold W. Green, "The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis," Ameri-
can Socio/ogical Review, February 1946, XI, 31-41.

5 William L. Kolb, "Sociologically Established Family Norms and Democratic
Values," Social Forces, May 1948, XXVI, 451-56.

6 Ibid.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 253

with reality, adulthood, and expectations of others." The concept "de-
velopmental" is viewed in terms of "a combination of growth forces
resident within the personality which seek expression" and which
change as the individual progresses through the successive phases of
the marriage cycle/

In his discussion of the implications of this concept, Hill suggests
certain criteria that, in his judgment, characterize a successful mar-
riage. In abbreviated form, these criteria are as follows:

1. The love sentiment is exclusively directed at the mate.

2. The relationship is marked by mutual accommodation.

3. The married pair conceive of their relationship as an entitv.

4. The relationship provides emotional security to both parties.

5. The marriage provides a desirable background for raising children.

6. The ego demands of husband and wife are satisfactorily met.

7. The economic basis of the marriage is adequate.

8. The marriage provides ample opportunity for individual develop-
ments which do not threaten the pair relationship.^

Marriage thus may mean many things to many men. To some it
means permanence, to others companionship, to others material suc-
cess, and to still others children. In addition to these traditional cri-
teria, marriage may mean happiness, the growth of personality, and
the enlargement of emotional experience. When there is no con-
sensus on the goals of marriage, agreement is difficult on the degree
to which these goals are or can be realized. Hence no discussion of
marital success can satisfy everyone. The following statement, there-
fore, makes no claim either to universality or omniscience. We merely
indicate some of the factors that bear some relationship to the prob-
lem. Among these elements are happiness, sexual adjustment, and
economic adequacy.^ We shall conclude with a brief discussion of
the prediction of marital success.

Happiness and Marital Success

The cult of happiness is an important element in the American
culture pattern. The search for happiness is a characteristic goal of
our society from childhood to old age. In the preliminaries to mar-
riage, happiness is a basic consideration. Dating is, ideally, a perfect

^Waller, The Family, pp. 361-70.

8 Ibid., pp. 368-69.

9 Cf. also Leland H. Stott, "The Problem of Evaluating Family Success," op.
cit.

2 54 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

manifestation of the cult of happiness, since dating is an end in itself
that is closely related to happiness. Furthermore, dating, in theory at
least, involves no responsibility on either side and the participants
are expected to have a sense of obligation to nobody.

Courtship carries the quest for happiness one step farther, for it is
a preliminary search for a companion in marriage who will insure the
permanent happiness of both parties. Marriage itself is, finally, dedi-
cated to the pursuit of happiness. If this emotion is not forthcoming
to the extent the spouses believe desirable, many persons assume that
the marriage should be dissolved and the search begun with another
partner. At all stages in life, happiness is an important measure of the
success or failure of marriage.

The belief in happiness in marriage is a comparatively recent cul-
tural development. It is in large part an American, or at least an
Anglo-Saxon, phenomenon. The idea that marriage exists primarily
for the happiness of the participants would seem strange to the ma-
jority of people throughout the world today. Yet this insistence upon
individual happiness is the most conventional doctrine to the mod-
ern American, young or old. It is something he takes for granted, one
of the mores that are so self-evident that they are not even discussed.
Such a philosophy was far from the thoughts of the Church Fathers
who held that marriage is a sacrament, indissoluble for life. Individ-
ual happiness was ephemeral, marriage was permanent, and they
made no bones about it. Under these conditions, husband and wife
did not expect to find happiness in marriage. When they got mutual
respect and companionship, they were satisfied. When they got less
than that, they suffered in silence. They did not go to the divorce
courts.

Many contemporary Americans, however, believe that the indi-
vidual has an inalienable right to happiness in marriage. Failing to
attain this happiness for reasons beyond their control, many persons
seek solace in the divorce courts and afterward try again for the per-
fect partner. These persons fail to realize that marriage is a pro-
longed and complicated relationship between two persons who have
grown up under different surroundings, with different family back-
grounds, different attitudes toward money, economic success, and all
the other possible divergences of a heterogeneous culture. One of the
few attitudes they probably share is the belief in happiness in mar-
riage. This belief is hardly capable of keeping the marriage going

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 255

when Other common elements are lacking. Happiness is a frail reed
upon which to rest an institutional relationship.

Happiness in marriage is an acquired need. It does not appear to
be present in other societies, where the goals of marriage reflect
other values. The fact that a given need is acquired rather than in-
nate, however, does not mean that individuals seek any less eagerly
to gratify it. The needs which two persons may seek, consciously
or unconsciously, to gratify in marriage may range all the way from
the need to be dominated to the need to receive sympathy.^^ Among
these varied factors, however, the need to be loved and hence to be
happy is basic in our society. The individual has been culturally
conditioned to experience this need, which in many ways is the ex-
pected outcome of romantic love. Happiness in marriage is pictured
partly in terms of romantic love, and the search for this assurance
may color the emotional life from adolescence to old age. The satis-
faction of this wish becomes of central importance to the psyche.

There have been several attempts to measure happiness in mar-
riage.^^ The general procedure of these studies has been to secure
data from married couples on their cultural backgrounds and per-
sonality traits. These data are then related to the degree of happiness
of the marriage, as judged both by the spouses themselves and by
outsiders who know them both well. The difficulties of such a pro-
cedure are obvious, whether conducted by the participants or out-
siders. First, the definition of happiness varies, and two spouses may
have widely divergent conceptions of marital happiness in general
and their own happiness in particular. Second, it is difhcult even for
close friends to know the exact emotional status of a marriage, for
the spouses often keep their doubts and frustrations to themselves
and outwardly play the conventional role of happily married persons.
Despite these and other admitted complications, the various studies
have contributed greatly to an understanding of marital happiness. ^^

^^ For an original and thoughtful analysis of marriage in these terms, see
Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and Company,
1952), chap, iq, "Companionship Love and Marriage: The Theory of Com-
plementary Needs."

^1 For a summary of many of these efforts, see Clifford Kirkpatrick, What
Science Savs about Happiness in Marriage (Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing
Company, 1947).

1- Lewis M. Terman and Winifred B. Johnson, "Methodology and Results of
Recent Studies in Marital Adjustment," American Sociological Review, June
1939, IV, 307-24.

556 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

We may briefly discuss some of the representative attempts to meas-
ure this elusive but important factor.

1. The Teiman Study. The first of these studies was conducted by
Lewis M. Terman and associates. ^^ They did not attempt to measure
happiness directly, but instead sought the background factors which
would contribute to marital adjustment. The background factors
which Terman regarded as most crucial to success were: (a) superior
happiness of parents; (b) childhood happiness; (c) lack of conflict
with mother; (d) home discipline that was firm, not harsh; (e)
strong attachment to mother; (f) strong attachment to father; (g)
lack of conflict with father; (h) parental frankness on matters of
sex; (i) infrequency and mildness of childhood punishment; (j) pre-
marital attitude toward sex that was free from disgust or aversion.^*

2. The BuTgess-Cottiell Study. This study was based upon the self-
rating of 526 couples of predominantly middle-class background.^^
The authors found that happiness in marriage appeared to be closely
related to such matters as lack of conflict with father and mother,
strong emotional attachment to both parents, and superior happiness
of the parental union. In addition, certain other items were found
to be important, such as the premarital employment records of hus-
band and wife, church attendance, membership in organizations, and
friends. There were significant differences in the findings of the two
studies, and some factors that seemed to have an important bearing
upon marital happiness in one did not have the same effect in the
other. The amount of agreement, however, is more significant than
the differences. Both studies strongly indicate that the environment
of the parental family is very important in fashioning the type of per-
sonality that will be capable of satisfactory adjustments (and thus,
by inference, of happiness) in marriage.^®

3. The Popenoe-Wicks Study. The importance of the parental en-
vironment in producing happiness in marital adjustment is further
borne out in a study of marital happiness in two generations.^" Po-

1^ Terman et aJ., PsychoJogfcal Factors in Marital Happiness (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938).

" Ibid., p. 372.

15 Ernest W. Burgess and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Predicting Success or
Failure in Marriage (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939).

i** Ibid., chaps. 17 and 18.

1^ Paul Popenoe and Donna Wicks, "Marital Happiness in Two Generations,"
MentaJ Hygiene, April 1937, XXI, 218-23.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 257

penoe and Wicks examined the records of 754 husbands and wives
who consulted the American Institute of Family Relations in Los
Angeles. They found that about 45 per cent of the individuals came
from unhappy family backgrounds. Since the very fact that they came
to the Institute indicated that they were having difficulties, it might
be expected that a large proportion would have family backgrounds
that were not conducive to later marital success. When this group
was compared with another control group, it was found that 67 per
cent of the marriages from happy homes turned out "happily" and
43 per cent of those from unhappy homes turned out "unhappily."
Marital success is dependent upon a variety of factors, of which the
family of orientation is only one. It appears, nevertheless, that this
factor is important.

4. The Locke Study. In this study, the author approached the
problem of happiness in marriage in terms of two groups.^^ The first
comprised marriages that were happy, as judged by relatives, friends,
and acquaintances, and the second comprised marriages that ended in
divorce. This study represents a significant departure from others,
since it involves couples that were already divorced and hence, by
definition, are adjudged unhappy. Most other studies have been based
upon a sample of married persons, divided into two groups of ad-
justed and maladjusted on the basis of marital-adjustment tests. Locke
concludes that "Marital adjustment ranges along a continuum from
very great to very little adjustment. Happiness in marriage, as judged
by an outsider, represents adjustment, and divorce represents malad-
justment." ^^

Sexual Adjustment and Marital Success

We turn from "happiness" as a criterion of success in marriage to
"sexual adjustment," which is also widely regarded as a measure of
this desired condition. The sex act has become the symbol of com-
plete marital union. In recent years, there has been a widespread
emancipation from the prudery that formerly characterized the treat-
ment of such matters. This emancipation has been accompanied by
considerable discussion of sexual adjustment, sexual compatibility,

1^ Harvey J. Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951).
19 Ibid., p. 358.

258 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

and sexual incompatibility in marriage.^" Many persons have gone
so far as to maintain that the sexual element is the most important
factor in marital success and that without an adequate (or even an
extremely happy) sexual adjustment the marriage is an unsatisfactory
relationship.

We wish to enter a demurrer to this statement. The position of
this book is that sexual gratification, in its restricted sense, is only one
of a number of factors in marital success. The statement of Terman
appears to summarize the matter very adequately. "The sexologist is
not wholly wrong," he says, "but it is pretty certain that his emphasis
has been overdone. There is more to marriage than the sexual em-
brace." ^^ Although sex relationships in marriage may indeed provide
great mutual satisfaction, this is not the essence of marital success.
Most of the hours spent together, especially during the middle and
later years, have no relationship whatever to sexual gratification, un-
less that term is so extended as to become meaningless. The mutual
pleasure symbolized by the sex act is an important element in marital
interaction. Other and more tranquil pleasures, however, are more
important in the long run.--

The information available on sex relationships in marriage was
extremely fragmentary prior to the appearance of the Kinsey re-
port.^^ This study provided considerable specific information, drawn
from different social classes. Kinsey reported that practically 100 per
cent of the males of all social levels engage in sex relations with their
wives, although the nature and frequency of these relations vary on
the basis of age, class, religion, education, rural and urban residence,
and other factors. The sexual relationship in marriage is a function
of the entire personality, which in turn is the product of a variety of
biological and cultural factors.

Kinsey also demonstrated that the social levels have widely differ-
ent attitudes and practices in such sexual matters as the amount and
variety of stimulation prior to coitus, the role of the wife in antic-
ipating and encouraging sexual relations, and the importance of sex

20 Cf. G. V. Hamilton and Kenneth Macgowan, What Is Wrong With Mar-
riage? (New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1929).

21 Terman, PsychoJogical Factors in Marital Happiness, p. 247.

22 Cf. Burgess and Cottrell, Predicting Success or Failure in Marriage, chap. 12,
"The Sexual Factor."

23 Alfred C. Kinsey, et a/., Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chap. 18, "Marital Intercourse."

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 259

as an end in itself, as distinguished from a means to the end of pro-
creation. The several social levels have divergent definitions of sex-
ual normality, decency, and hygiene, and behavior that is accepted
and even encouraged on one level may be virtually taboo on another.
Social class thus plays an important role in determining sex relations
in marriage.^*

Sexual relationships also involve social roles. The essence of the
marital role is its reciprocity, whereby behavior is conditioned not
only by the individual's conception of his own behavior but equally
by the behavior he has been conditioned to expect from the other.
Each individual must therefore adapt his behavior to the expectations
of the spouse. If this adaptation occurs with comparatively little fric-
tion, the marriage may be considered a success. If this adaptation
is marred by widely divergent expectations of the partners, the entire
relationship may be jeopardized. The definition of the sexual role is
an expression of the personality of the individual. Conflict on the
sexual level therefore symbolizes other personality differences. It is
this symbolic quality of the sexual relationship, rather than its im-
portance per se, that renders it important in marital success.^^

We are concerned in this chapter with adjustment in marriage
and hence with the factors making for success. In a later chapter, we
shall examine the other side of the equation — namely, those sexual
factors making for marital maladjustment, frustration, and disorgani-
zation. The success of the sexual role is largely determined by psycho-
logical, rather than physiological, factors. Comparatively few wives,
for example, are frigid solely because of physical reasons, whereas
many wives experience such difficulties, in varying degrees, because
of attitudfnai complications. Attitudes with respect to sexual rela-
tionships constitute part of the personality of the husband and the
wife. We may examine some of the attitudes that determine the suc-
cessful operation of the sexual role.

1. Agreement. A common attitude concerning the place of sex in
marriage is perhaps the most important single element in this ad-
justment. The traditional position of the Church has been that sex is
primarily important for procreation and that any other manifesta-
tions are secondary. This attitude is currently in the process of change,

24 Ibid., chap. 18.

25 Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord (New
York: American Book Company, 1935), p. 151.

26o FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

but wide differences still exist between religious groups and social
levels in this respect. When husband and wife agree as to the role of
sex in marriage, they have made the most important step toward ad-
justment on this level.

2. Desire. A second pattern of attitudes important to success in
this relationship involves the question of sexual desire. A discrepancy
is also apparent here between the traditional and the contemporary
attitudes. The former assumption was that sexual enjoyment was a
masculine monopoly and that desire and gratification were exper-
ienced only by women who were beyond the moral pale. The real-
ization that women as well as men derive pleasure from the sexual
embrace in marriage is comparatively new and is more common
among the educated than the uneducated classes. Consensus on this
level is likewise important to marital success.

3. Reciprocity.' A third and closely related cluster of attitudes com-
prises the mutual understanding of the emotions of the spouses. The
husband should understand the nature of the sexual response in the
wife and should respect the reactions of his spouse. When the sexual
act is conducted in these reciprocal terms, it is more satisfactory for
both parties. Social roles and sexual relationships alike are two-sided
in their operation. In a patriarchal and masculine-dominated world,
the husband has traditionally sought his own pleasure with little
consideration for the wife.

The various studies of marital adjustment have placed the sexual
aspects of marital success in perspective. Even broadly defining sex
as including the related aspects of the response pattern, Terman con-
cluded that all these factors combined did not comprise the most
important factor in marital happiness. In his study, a variety of be-
havior patterns closely associated with the sex factor were correlated
with marital happiness and were found to have only a minor rela-
tionship thereto. Among the factors having only a slight correlation
with marital happiness were "reported and preferred frequency of
intercourse, estimated duration of intercourse . . . methods of con-
traception used, distrust of contraceptives, fear of pregnancy . . .
wife's history of sex shock, rhythm in wife's sexual desire. . . ." ^^

Burgess and Cottrell discovered that conflicts apparently grounded
in sexual incompatibility are in reality products of attitudes and
values wholly or partially unrelated to sex as such. The life organiza-

26 Terman, et a/., Psychological Factors in Marital Happiness, p. 373.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 261

tion of each spouse, his early attitudes, his values regarding sex, and
his definition of its importance in his life— these elements are re-
lated to adjustment in marriage, since they determine the emotional
reactions with regard to sex. These reactions are clearly more compli-
cated than the mere physiological aspects of the sex act. Adjustment
or maladjustment in sex relationships, in short, reflects the early life
in the family of orientation, plus the later contact with other cul-
tural forces. ^'^

In the Locke study, certain factors were found to be positively
correlated with marital adjustment. These factors were likewise pri-
marily based on social attitudes, rather than the actual experience of
the physical relationship as such. Among the items associated with
adjustment (success) in marriage were the following: (a) a certain
degree ("but not very much") of shyness in sexual matters; (b)
approximately the same degree of interest in sex relations; (c) belief
that the spouse enjoyed sex relations; (d) agreement with spouse
on frequency of sex relations; (e) no desire for sex relations with per-
son other than the spouse; (f) belief that the spouse had no extra-
marital relations; (g) lack of jealousy if the spouse associated with
members of the opposite sex (but without sex relationships). These
data further suggest that common attitudes concerning sexual be-
havior are important in marital adjustment. Successful adjustment
arises from consensus, as the husband and wife agree on this central
element in the marital equation.^^

Economic Factors and Marital Success

In a recent study of marital adjustment, it was found that sex re-
lations took the longest time to work out satisfactorily. The second
most prolonged field of adjustment was spending money.^^ In our
economy, where the majority of families receive an income largely or
wholly in cash, the allocation of this income between the various
competing goods and services becomes of prime importance. Con-
sensus on these and other aspects of the consumption function is a
basic prerequisite of marital success.

Economic factors involve the roles of husband and wife. The
definitions of equality between the spouses, the gainful employment

2^ Burgess and Cottrell, Predicting Success or Failure in Marriage, chap. 12.

28 Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage, pp. 156-57.

29 Judson T. Landis, "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment in
Marriage," American Sociological Review, December 1946, XI, 666-77.

262 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

of the wife, and the values important to the family are all related to
the economic role. Like the sexual factor, however, economic con-
siderations do not appear in isolation in family adjustment or malad-
justment. If there is agreement in other relationships, economic prob-
lems will ordinarily lend themselves to accord. Consensus on this
level symbolizes consensus on other levels. In a democratic society,
economic decisions have been increasingly brought into the realm of
discussion and hence have become sources of agreement or disagree-
ment.

In the Terman study, the subjects were asked to check the griev-
ances they had experienced in marriage but which did not interfere
with their happiness. Considerable correspondence was found be-
tween both spouses regarding the ten grievances most frequently
complained of; seven of the first ten in the husbands' list were also
found in the first ten of the wives' list. Insufficient income was first
on both lists. In spite of this fact, however, the correlation between
marital happiness and actual income was approximately zero for both
husbands and wives. A possible explanation for this discrepancy be-
tween the complaint frequency and the lack of correlation between
income and happiness is that "insufficient" income (however de-
fined) is often a rationalization of other more basic difficulties. In-
come as such does not appear to be related to marital success. At the
same time, however, management and distribution of the family
income are important factors in marital success.^''

The Burgess and Cottrell study demonstrated that economic fac-
tors were closely related to other factors, such as psychogenic traits,
cultural similarities, and patterns of affection in marital happiness.
When these factors were held constant, the correlation between eco-
nomic items alone and marital happiness was negligible.^^ In the
Locke study, various economic items were positively associated with
marital adjustment. Among them were: (a) economic security, as
measured by insurance savings; (b) regularity of employment of hus-
band; (c) "adequate" housing, as measured by rent; (d) interest in
the home and its furnishings, as measured by the ownership of an
electric refrigerator, an electric washing machine, and a radio; (e) a
belief that the income was adequate to meet the family needs.^-

3" Terman, Psychohgical Factors in Marital Happiness, pp. 169 ff.

^^ Burgess and Cottrell, Predicting Success or Failure in Alarriage, pp. 136-58.

3- Harvey J. Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage, p. 297.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 263

These are matters of consensus on the distribution of the family
income, rather than the actual amount thereof. The definition of ade-
quacy is a matter of opinion. Locke found that many of the families
in his sample were living on a level far below that of the minimum
standard of health and decency in the United States .^^ These families
were happy, however, despite their extreme poverty. Other families
had incomes that would be considered fabulous by the same standards
but still believed that they did not have enough. Some of the vari-
ables entering into such a definition of income adequacy are: (a) the
type of community; (b) the region; (c) the social and economic class;
(d) the consumption patterns formed in the parental family; (e) the
occupation of the husband; (f ) the knowledge (or lack of it) of house-
hold management.

Only the most general observations can be made as to who shall
handle the money and what are the most successful methods for so
doing. Where both husband and wife are gainfully employed, the
distinction between "mine" and "thine" cannot be made without
jeopardizing an essentially joint enterprise. Where the husband is the
sole earner, the wife should know the precise facts concerning the
nature and amount of the income. Where the income is fixed, such
knowledge offers no great problem. Where the income is variable, as
in the case of some business and professional men, other difficulties
arise. Only by joint understanding can family adjustment be main-
tained. Complete ignorance of the income of the husband, leading to
the failure to curb extravagant desires, is often a contributing factor
in marital maladjustment.

In some socio-economic groups, it is common practice for the hus-
band to hand over his weekly pay envelope to the wife for her sole
management. The husband then receives a small allowance for per-
sonal needs. In other groups, the husband retains a partial control of
the purse strings by paying the fixed charges (rent, taxes, insurance,
and the like) and at the same time grants to the wife a certain pro-
portion of the income for food, clothing, household, and personal
needs. This practice may contribute to marital adjustment because of
the gratification of the ego arising from participation in a common
enterprise. Still other groups maintain a joint checking account, which
also enhances the sense of partnership in marriage. This practice pro-

33 Ibid., pp. 280-83.

364 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

motes an understanding of the economic position of the family that
is important in marital accord.

We shall consider family consumption in chapter 16, which deals
with the changing economic functions. We are concerned here with
the allocation of the family income as related to marital accord.
A large proportion (perhaps as much as 85 per cent) of the everyday
purchases of the household items are made by the wife. The con-
sumer goods industries realize this fact and direct the bulk of their
advertising at the wife. Many years ago, Wesley C. Mitchell called
attention to the "backward art of spending money" in connection
with this role of the wife.^^

An important factor in marital success is the aptitude, intelligence,
and information brought to bear on this aspect of home management.
It is clearly impossible for the wife to be a specialist in drugs, house-
hold appliances, diet and food values, and scientific marketing. It is
possible, however, to attain a relative degree of efficiency with a rea-
sonable amount of attention and study, aided by reports of govern-
ment agencies, study groups, and consumer research organizations.

The Prediction of Marital Success

We have considered some of the principal factors making for suc-
cess in marriage. Personal happiness, sexual adjustment, and economic
consensus are among the criteria of success in the complex personal
equation of marriage. Other factors appear to be important in this
connection, such as similarity of religious and ethnic backgrounds,
social class, and age level. These are among the elements constituting
homogamy in marriage, and we have dealt with them in this context
in chapter 9. Other factors have a positive correlation with marital
adjustment. These factors include similar temperamental traits, com-
plementary authority patterns, and conventional attitudes toward
marital behavior. Marriage involves two adult personalities, with all
their varied characteristics. We cannot examine all the possible fac-
tors that are related to marital success.

We shall conclude our discussion with a brief examination of the
prediction of marital success. This process raises many theoretical
questions of methodology, which we can only touch upon here. The
most important consideration, however, is the fact that scientific tech-

34 Wesley C. Mitchell, "The Backward Art of Spending Money," American
Economic Review, June 1912, II, 269-81.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 265

niques can be applied to this crucial sector of life, which has tradition-
ally been left to the astrologers and the readers of horoscopes. The
problem has by no means been solved, but a significant start has been
made. The principal weakness of the prediction studies arises from
the goals they are attempting to measure, which by their very nature
are intangible. In final analysis, the mathematical techniques of pre-
diction rest upon a subjective evaluation of the degree of "happiness."
"adjustment," or "success" of the marriage. It is no reflection upon
the calibre of the investigations to suggest that these basic data pre-
sent unsolved problems of definition.^^

The general purpose of marriage prediction tests is to discover what
factors, if any, in the personality and background of the participants
are associated with marital success. After these factors have been estab-
lished in general, the next step is to discover the degree to which they
are present in any given couple. The presence or absence of these
significant traits then serves as the basis for prediction of the possible
success or failure of marriage. The pioneer in the sociological approach
to marriage prediction is Dr. Ernest W. Burgess. We may follow his
outline in indicating the general steps in this process.^^

1. The first step is the selection of the criteria of success in marriage,
that is, the factors that are assumed to mean that the marriage is
successful.

2. The second step is to give each of these factors a numerical value,
and the total score for any couple represents the degree of success
of their marriage.

3. The third step is to discover what items in the personalities of each
of the spouses are predictive of marital success.

4. The fourth step is to find the relationship between the items as-
sumed to be predictive of marital success (in step 3) with the suc-
cess score of the marriage (in step 2).

5. The fifth step is to work out a total prediction score for each
couple, based upon the answers they give to the items that (in step
4) were found to be associated with marital success.^^

Several important reservations or explanations should be made con-
cerning this outline of the technique of marital prediction. Perhaps
the most important is that these methods of prediction are stated in

35 Cf. Marvin J. Taves, "A Direct vs. an Indirect Approach in Measuring
Marital Adjustment," American Sociological Review, October 1948, XIII, 538-41.

36 Burgess, "Predictive Methods and Family Stability," Annals ot the American
Academy oi Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 47-52.

3^ Ibid., pp. 48-49.

266 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

terms of probabilities of success for a group of cases rather than for
any individual case. A certain premarital prediction score can, there-
fore, indicate the chances of success of a group of persons with such
a score, but they cannot predict the possible outcome of any individ-
ual marriage. Each marriage is a case by itself, with unique personality
characteristics of its members and individual interpretations of their
roles. A favorable premarital prediction score for a given couple can
thus suggest that their chances of ultimate success are relatively good.
But the prediction is made in terms of probabilities and not of cer-
tainties in any one case. These data may be fruitfully used in counsel-
ing an individual couple, but they do not guarantee marital success.^^
The use of prediction tests may have other and more clearly salutary
effects upon the degree of adjustment in marriage. These effects may
be either direct or indirect. The following benefits have resulted from
participation in these tests by engaged couples: (a) The couples stated
that the act of filling out a schedule had an educational effect, for
it indicated some of the elements comprising a successful marriage;

(b) The marriage counselor is given considerable general information
about the couple, in addition to that secured from his own interviews;

(c) The marriage counselor is also given specific information that may
be more valid than his own intuitive insights; (d) The counselor is
able to find information from the predictive data on the schedule in-
dicating that the couple should have additional interviews or more
counseling work.^^

There are also deficiencies and limitations in the use of marriage
prediction tests, in addition to those we have already mentioned.
Among these are the following: (a) Mass statistical data should be
applied to individual cases only with great caution. The happiness of
the parents, for example, is closely associated statistically with the
happiness of the marriage of the children. In an indi\'idual case, how-
ever, unhappiness of the parents might stimulate the children to make
additional efforts for their marriage to succeed, (b) Statistical predic-
tions deal with an aggregate of individual factors in the personalities
and backgrounds of the participants. These factors mav lack meaning
unless they are seen in terms of the person acting as a dynamic entity.
Insight of this kind can come only from a personal interview, (c) A

^* Ibid., pp. 49-52.

^^ Ernest W. Burgess, "The Value and Limitations of Marriage Prediction
Tests," Marriage and Family Living, Spring 1950, XII, 54-55.

FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS 267

third limitation in the use of these tests is the tendency for the indi-
vidual to ask the counselor for specific guidance, in terms of things to
do or not to do. Burgess believes that the individual should be en-
couraged to work out his own marital salvation, rather than ask for
specific guidance.'*^

In this chapter, we have surveyed the problem of marital success
and have examined some of the factors that contribute to this elusive
condition. We first considered some of the general criteria of marital
success, ranging from absence of divorce to role adjustment. We then
discussed happiness as constituting perhaps the most important single
subjective criterion of marital success in our society. Out of the many
possible patterns of adjustment, we considered those having to do
with sexual relations and economic adequacy. Each of these patterns
symbolizes many other elements in the total marriage configuration.
Sex and economic status are not so important in themselves, but
rather stand as symbolic expressions of other and more underlying
tensions, of which the individuals may or may not be conscious.
We concluded our discussion with a brief examination of the nature,
techniques, advantages, and limitations of the prediction of marital
success.'*^

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Burgess, Ernest W., "Predictive Methods and Family Stability," An-
nals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No-
vember 1950, CCLXXII, 47-52. Perhaps the best brief discussion
of the nature and techniques of marriage prediction by the leading
figure in this field.

and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Predicting Success or Failure in

Marriage. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939. One of the pioneer
studies in marital prediction and, as such, should be carefully
studied by every student of the problem.

KiRKPATRiCK, Clifford, What Science Says about Happiness in Mar-
riage. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Company, 1947. A survey of

4" Burgess, "The Value and Limitations of Marriage Prediction Tests," op. cit.

See also Clifford R. Adams, 'Evaluating Marriage Prediction Tests," Marriage
and Family Living, Spring 1950, XII, 55-56.

*i For further discussion of marriage prediction tests, see Albert Ellis, "The
Value of Marriage Prediction Tests," American Socio/ogical Review, December
1948, XII, 710-18. A rejoinder to this article is given by Lewis M. Terman and
Paul Wallin, "The Validity of Marriage Prediction and Marital Adjustment
Tests," American Sociological Review, August 1949, XIV, 497-504.

268 FACTORS IN MARITAL SUCCESS

the scientific literature on marital success and the factors that con-
tribute thereto.

Locke, Harvey J., Predicting Adjustment in Marriage. New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951. "An analysis of factors associated with
marital adjustment and maladjustment." More specifically, it is "a
comparison of . . . divorced and married persons in a single county
in Indiana."

MowRER, Harriet R., PersonaJity Adjustment and Domestic Discord.
New York: American Book Company, 1935. Based in large part
upon the case records of a family life agency; as such, the generaliza-
tions are given added life and relevance.

Taves, Marvin J., "A Direct vs. an Indirect Approach in Measuring
Marital Adjustment," American Sociological Review, October 1948,
XIII, 538-41. Examination of some of the basic premises of the
measurement of family success with attention called to some of the
unsolved problems of definition.

Terman, Lewis M., et ah. Psychological Factors in Marital Happiness.
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938. An extensive
psychological study of marital happiness, a classic since its publica-
tion. Recent investigations in this area have stressed supplementary
approaches, such as those of depth psychology and social psychology'.

, and Paul Wallin, "The Validity of Marriage Prediction and

Marital Adjustment Tests," American SocioJogical Review, August
1949, XIV, 497-504. Surveys and evaluates the tests in the fields of
marriage prediction and adjustment.

Waller, Willard, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The
Dryden Press, 1951. In chap. 17, Reuben Hill has supplemented
the work of Waller with a brilliant and original analysis of marital
success. This chapter is one of the outstanding contributions of a
book that is replete with contributions to the literature of the familv.

Winch, Robert F., The Modern Family. New York: Henry Holt and
Company, Inc., 1952. Marital success is approached in chap. 1 5 in
terms of the theory of complementary needs. According to this fruit-
ful approach, a happy and successful marriage is one that contributes
best to the basic emotional needs of both parties.

^^^&^«^^^'

PART IV

THE FAMILY AS A SOCIAL INSTITUTION

«^ 14 ^

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

The student of sociology is familiar with the process whereby
recurrent human situations bring about formalized group responses.
These responses are known as folkways, mores, and laws, in approxi-
mate order of increasing formality. Social institutions are the most
complex forms which these routinized group responses assume, with
elaborate ceremonies, rituals, structures, and responses growing up
about certain central and recurrent needs. "Institutions," says Hughes,
"are the established forms or conditions of procedure according to
which group activity is carried on. But the institutions can arise only
by means of continued group behavior. In short," he concludes, "in
the study of institutions we focus our attention upon the formally
established aspects of collective or group behavior." ^

The Definition of Social Institutions

Definitions of the social institution have burgeoned with the years
and with the increasing interest of students of society in the patterns
man has erected to satisfy his perennial necessities. None of the re-
cent definitions has progressed far beyond the classic and epigram-
matical one of Sumner, who defined an institution as "a concept . . .
and a structure." By the concept of an institution, Sumner meant the
"idea, notion, doctrine, interest" at the root of the behavior which is
thereby channeled to provide the continuing drive of the institution.
The concept of the family is as simple and as complex as life itself,
since the family is the one institution most intimately related to the
origin and perpetuation of life. The concept of the family thus im-
plies a socially approved relationship for the procreation of children,

1 Everett C. Hughes, "Institutions," An Outh'ne of the Principles of Sociology,
ed. Robert E. Park (New York: Barnes and Noble, Inc., 1939), p. 285.

271

272 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

the perpetuation of the race, and the subsequent care and informal
early education of the new members of society.^

The stiuctuie of the institution is the social apparatus created for
the purpose of realizing the concept. In Sumner's words, it is "a
framework, or apparatus, or perhaps only a number of functionaries
set to cooperate in prescribed ways at a certain conjuncture." ^ Con-
cept and structure are reciprocal parts of a functioning whole, either
of which is logically impossible without the other. The institution has
a place for the dream and the dreamer as well as for the plan and the
planner. The visionary and the administrator may collaborate happily
in the founding and continuance of the institution, the visionary in
the early and the executive in the later stages. In our subsequent con-
sideration of the family as an institution, we shall be concerned with
its concept, structure, and functions. The last elements grow out of
the former, for without the concept of the family and its appropriate
structure the functions would be nonexistent.

The family is still the central institution in our society. For centuries
it was the primary institution around which all the others revolved.
For millenia before that, it was the single and all-inclusive institution
from which the others developed. Long before human history began,
the basic recurrent needs of human beings for reproduction, food,
clothing, shelter, protection, education, religion, and affection were
met through the social pattern of the family. This chapter is a discus-
sion of the family as a social institution. An understanding of the
family in this context should give the student additional insight into
the role which this institution plays in society.

The family has certain characteristics in common with all institu-
tions. Certain others are unique to it. This chapter will consider both
types of institutional characteristics, but only the most general aspects
of those which the family shares with other institutions. The unique
characteristics of the family, on the other hand, will occupy our atten-
tion throughout this entire section. In a sense, indeed, this book con-
stitutes an elaboration of those special characteristics of the family
that make it an institution of central importance in the social structure.
We may first examine the nature of social institutions as such,

2 William Graham Sumner, Folkways (Boston: Ginn & Company, 1906), pp.

53-54-

3 Ibid.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 273

The Nature of Social Institutions

The social institution uniquely combines the ideal and the practical
aspects of human relationships. Institutions arise through the spirit-
ual, as well as the biological and social, needs of human beings. They
provide social patterns for channelizing many forms of behavior, which,
if unregulated by some such sanctions, would mean chaos and the
disintegration of organized society. Social order would be impossible,
for example, without mechanisms to regulate the relations of individ-
ual to individual; hence some type of government is characteristic of
every society. Completely unregulated competition and conflict in the
struggle for self-maintenance would result in hopeless anarchy. In all
societies, the expression of sex behavior has been controlled, usually
by the mores (and laws) associated with marriage and the family.

Institutions are either voluntary or involuntary in character, depend-
ing upon whether the individual is free to participate in them or
refrain from so doing. The family is clearly an "involuntary" institu-
tion, since the individual must belong to the family as a general insti-
tution, as well as to a particular family. In later years he can, it is
true, formally sever his ties with the family of his birth, but to do so
involves a significant change in life. Furthermore, the teachings of his
family are an integral part of his personality for the rest of his life, no
matter what he may wish to do about it."* On the "voluntary" side, he
may join a particular church or no church at all, affiliate himself with
a given occupation or not, and may or may not choose to go to school
beyond a certain point. To be or not to be born in a family, however,
is a matter in which he has no choice whatever. Through the institu-
tion of the family, he finds himself an involuntary stranger in a strange
world. ^

Institutions also perform an important function in transmitting the
social heritage from one generation to the next. The accumulated folk-
ways, mores, laws, traditions, values, technicways, hopes, aspirations,
and practices of a given culture are handed down largely through the
various institutions. Institutions are thus in a unique position to pre-
serve and transmit to the ages yet unborn the heritage so laboriously
collected by man. In this way, social institutions function toward

*Cf. Robert F. Winch, "The Study of Personality in the Family Setting,"
Social Forces, March 1950, XXVIII, 310-16.
5 Hughes, "Institutions," op. cit., p. 320.

274 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

conservatism in society, since they often cherish the values of the past
merely because they are the past, rather than because of their applica-
bility to the present. The family, the church, the school, and the gov-
ernment, each in its own field, hand down distinctive segments of the
vast human heritage, without which each generation would be forced
to begin anew.

This weight of the past knowledge and authority means that the insti-
tution is extremely resistant to many aspects of social change, especially
those which threaten its position or vested interests. The power of
social institutions is based upon the world as it is. Any major change
in this world would threaten many of the privileges and powers which
the institution has established through the long process of trial and
error. There is a close relationship between the power of an institu-
tion and its resistance to social change. Many institutions have much
to lose and little to gain by any substantial modification in the social
structure. Institutional patterns form an integral part of the personali-
ties of the participants, who thus identify themselves with the institu-
tion. Any attack on the institution becomes a personal attack on its
members, and any change becomes a threat to their personal integrity.

Another characteristic of social institutions is their role in social
control. This concept refers to all the social influences— conscious and
unconscious, deliberate and spontaneous— that determine or direct
attitudes and conduct. At one end of the scale of social control are
the folkways and mores, many of them growing up about the basic
institutions and thus determining conduct. At the other end are the
formal and categorical imperatives of a dictatorial state, imposed by
the absolute power of a totalitarian regime. Between these two ex-
tremes the control of the average institution over its members and func-
tionaries operates, imposing definitions of conduct and prescribing
specific patterns of behavior. The individual is so subtly molded in
his attitudes and behavior by these definitions and patterns that he
is not even conscious of the process and believes himself to be a free
agent, the complete captain of his soul.

Membership in an institution involves a series of reciprocal roles or
parts which the individual performs and which govern his behavior
accordingly. Each of these roles carries with it both rights and duties,
obligations to every other member and to the organization itself. The
member learns these roles as he participates in the institutional proc-
ess. The roles carry with them restraints and prohibitions, precepts

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 275

and standards of morality, all of which influence conduct in the direc-
tion demanded by the traditional standards. Age and tradition invest
these standards, particularly those pertaining to the ancient and pow-
erful institutions. Society prescribes these roles — a good father, mother,
or son; a good teacher or pupil; a good church member, minister, or
priest; a good governor, president, or citizen. Each of these groups of
roles is closely related to one institution or group of institutions.
Taken together, they go a long way toward determining the conduct
of a society.

Social institutions form the foundation upon which all organized
societies are erected. The institutional patterns, the relative impor-
tance of one institution, the forms of control, the roles and the result-
ant personalities— all these differ from one society to another. These
differences constitute perhaps the most important single respect in
which societies do differ. We have already considered the general place
of the family in American culture. The picture of the family in the
American ethos, as given in Part I, was largely an institutional por-
trait. We may turn now to a study of the family in its more clearly
institutional aspects: its structure, its changing functions, and the func-
tions that remain to make it a continuing force in our society.

The Family as a Social Institution

Every society that we know anything about is based upon the family.
The form this institution takes varies with the basic culture patterns
of the several societies. In our own society, we are members of con/ugal
families, in which the central relationship is that of husband and wife
not related by "blood." In many other cultures, the family takes the
consanguine form, in which the basic relationship is that of "blood"
relatives and the outside spouse plays a relatively unimportant role.^
Either type of family works with reasonable efEciency within its ap-
propriate cultural milieu and would be impossible in another setting.
Whatever the cultural environment, in one form or another the family
is the basic institution.

In our society, virtually every man or woman is a member of at least
one family (the family of orientation) in which he or she is born.
The number of persons who are born outside of a family is statistically
not important, even though individual cases of illegitimacy may be

^ Ralph Linton, The Study of Man (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,
1936), p. 159.

276 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

extremely unhappy. In 1949, there were an estimated 133,200 illegiti-
mate births in the United States, as compared to a total of 3,722,000
live births. Approximately 37.4 out of every thousand live births are
out of wedlock,'^ but this does not mean that the children are reared
without any family relationship whatever. Many are incorporated into
a family by the subsequent marriage of the mother, either to the real
father or to another who is willing to assume the role. Others are
legally adopted by childless families and receive loving care through-
out their early years. Still others are permanently boarded in a foster
home which, although not ideal, nevertheless approximates a normal
family relationship. Only a relatively few of the 133,200 illegitimate
children are thus totally deprived of all family contact by early and
permanent residence in an institution.

In our society, furthermore, the vast majority of persons also func-
tion for a considerable period of their lives as members of another
family, which they enter through marriage (the family of procreation).
The chances that an average boy or girl will ultimately enter such an
additional family relationship are very high: for the young girl of 18,
the chances are 87 in 100 that she will eventually marry; for a young
man of 21, the chances are 83 in 100. Only 13 per cent of all girls who
reach marriageable age do not enter one or more additional families
at some time in their lives, and only 17 per cent of the boys attaining
marriageable age will remain bachelors.* The family is thus perhaps
the most universal institutional experience of the human being in our
society.

Like every other institution, the family has both its individual and
collective aspects. The family of John Smith is an individual relation-
ship involving Mr. Smith, Mrs. Smith, and one or more small Smiths,
living under a single roof and daily facing a variety of individual prob-
lems. The Smith family also acts in accordance with certain accepted
patterns of belief and behavior which they have learned from other
persons — from their own parents, their friends, the church, and the
neighbors. Each individual family thus participates in a common
matrix of folkways and mores that are transmitted in the cultural heri-

^ Federal Security Agency, Public Health Service, National Office of Vital
Statistics, Vital Statistics of the United States, 1949. Part I (Washington, 1951),
p. XXXIII.

8 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The Chances of Marriage," Statis-
tical Bulletin, May 1942.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 277

tage and make up the distinctive character of the family in America,
as contrasted with other cultural groups.

The "superorganic" nature of culture is evident in this view of the
family, which is clearly more than the sum of its individual parts. The
cultural heritage centered in and about the family institution goes on
irrespective of the fate of any individual unit. But without any of these
units, there would be no family institution, for these patterns do not
have their being in a vacuum. No conception that fails to take into
consideration both its individual and collective aspects would present
a rounded picture of the family or any other institution. Every indi-
vidual family exists in the social climate of custom and tradition
which links it to every other family within the society. The common
nature of these clusters of customary patterns constitutes the essential
institutional quality.

The family is the central agency for transmitting the culture of the
group during the formative years of the individual. This function gives
the family a predominant position in the matter of social control. The
roles assumed by the infant and child are perforce those of depend-
ency and reliance upon the older members to define his conduct under
a variety of circumstances. The culture of the larger group is filtered
through to the child by his immediate family, as they interpret the
meanings and symbols of society to him. For the time being, he has
no other source of information or standard of judgment. This is a
subtle as well as a most efficient form of social control, for it is ex-
erted without any realization by the individual of what is going on.^

Hughes has suggested that "Institutions may . . . profitably be classi-
fied according to the nature and limits of the claims of the participating
individuals upon each other." ^'^ The claims which the members of
the family place upon one another are numerous and strong. These
claims are seldom matters of rational question but are taken as matters
of course, so self-evident that they are not worthy of discussion. The
expectations implicit in these claims are the elements of social con-
trol, whereby the individual acts as a good father, a good son, or a
good brother as those roles are defined in his society. The claims upon
the members of the immediate family are so deeply inculcated in the
individual that he need not be formally admonished to honor his

^ Ernest R. Groves, The Family and Its Social Functions (Chicago: J. B.
Lippincott Company, 1940), chap. VII.
^"Hughes, "Institutions," op. cit., p. 291.

278 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

father and mother or to view their demands with especial attention.
Similarly, the parents sense a powerful claim upon their affections,
labor, and very lives through their children, a claim which is an in-
tegral part of the patterns associated with the family.^^

Other institutions do not have these deep and abiding claims upon
their members. Certain business institutions, political organizations,
and religious associations attempt by various means to inculcate such
attitudes into their members and functionaries. These attempts are
successful in varying degrees with individual members and institu-
tions, but in general the claims cannot be compared in intensity and
ubiquity to those emanating from the family. The average individual
feels a loyalty to his immediate family above all other claims, with the
possible exception of that of the national state in time of war. The
emotional foundations for these claims are laid in each generation, as
the parents lavish affection upon their children, who are ready to do
the same for their own children when the time comes. The claims
between grown children and their parents are not as strong as they
were in the patriarchal family. Nor are those upon the more remote
members of the family— cousins, uncles, aunts, grandparents, and
others outside the immediate small circle. The intimate family, how-
ever, still exerts a stronger claim upon its members than any other
institution; its ties bind the individual with "cords of silver."

The family is both the most venerable of all institutions and the
most transitory. As a general institution it has existed since long be-
fore recorded history and will continue to exist in some form for the
foreseeable future. The forms have varied with the social patterns, but
the institution itself has continued. The individual family, however,
is an extremely ephemeral institution and is becoming increasingly so.
In a settled environment, the individual family may maintain consider-
able continuity, particularly when a definite piece of land is identified
with it from generation to generation. Families of a royal or aristo-
cratic lineage manage to achieve continuity through wealth, preroga-
tive, or a combination thereof. Even in early America, the individual
family managed a considerable degree of continuity.

Contemporary factors, however, are tending to diminish much of
this individual continuitv. The proportion of childless couples has in-
creased rapidly, perhaps by almost one hundred per cent in the half

11 Cf. James H. S. Bossard, The Sociology of Child Development (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1948), chaps. 6, 7.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 279

century between 1870 and 1920. In the earlier year, less than one in
twelve married women came to the end of the reproductive period
without having borne any children, whereas for the more recent year
approximately one in seven was childless.^- If such figures prevail for
the individuals being married at the present time, fifteen per cent of
all families will die out in a single generation.

The recent vogue of small families of one and two children is further
evidence that individual families are not reproducing themselves. For
mere biological continuity, it is necessary that every woman now in
the reproductive period should bear one female child who will survive
to the reproductive age. Assuming the birth of about even numbers of
the sexes, it can be readily seen that more than two children must be
born to each married couple to insure continuity. With increased
childlessness and the growmg tendency to limit the size of families to
one or two children, the chances of continuity of many families be-
yond one or two generations is problematical.

The increasing rate of divorce further indicates that the chances of
a young husband and wife to continue in the same family relationship
are steadily decreasing. Based on the number of divorces per 1,000
married females fifteen years of age and over, the divorce rate had con-
siderably more than doubled between 1900 and 1940. In the decade
1940 to 1950, the postwar "inflation" in the number of divorces
reached its peak in 1946, with 610,000 divorces granted in that year.
This rate was more than four times greater than that of 1900. Since
1946 there has been a decline in the number of divorces granted annu-
ally, but the rate for 1951 was still considerably above that for 1940.^^

Divorce rates are considered in more detail below, in connection
with the vexing problem of family disorganization. The important
consideration here is that the permanence of the individual family is
declining. No other institution has so high a mortality among its indi-
vidual units and at the same time maintains its fundamental structure
relatively intact. In its individual manifestations, the family is increas-

^" Report of Inter-Agency Committee on Background Materials, National Con-
ference on Family Life, May 1948, The American Family: a Factual Background
(Washington 1948), p. 24.

13 Federal Security Agency, Public Health Service, National OfEce of Vital
Statistics, "Provisional Marriage and Divorce Statistics, United States, 1948."
Vital Statistics-Special Reports, November 4, 1949, Vol. 31, No. 16, p. 222.

Also Federal Security Agency, National OfEce of Vital Statistics, Press Release.
July 9, 1952.

28o THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

ingly impermanent. In its general manifestations, it is as solid as a
rock.

The Structure of the Family

The institutional character of the family may be further explored in
terms of its structure. In his analysis of cultural change, Chapin has
suggested a general frame of reference for social institutions in the
following terms: "We may say that the structure of a social institu-
tion consists in the combination of certain related type parts into a
configuration possessing the properties of relative rigidity and relative
persistence of form, and tending to function as a unit on a field of
contemporary culture." ^"^ The four "type parts" that combine to pro-
duce the configuration of any institutional structure are as follows:
(i) attitudes and behavior patterns, (2) symbolic culture traits, (3) utili-
tarian culture traits, and (4) oral or written specifications.^^ This gen-
eral structural analysis may be applied to the principal institutions of
our society. We are concerned here with its implications for the family.

1. Attitudes and Behavior Patterns. The first structural element in
the family is a cluster of "common reciprocating attitudes of individ-
uals and their conventionalized behavior patterns." These involve the
expectations implicit in such family sentiments and relationships as
"love, affection, devotion, loyalty, and parental respect." ^^ In a sense,
much of our previous analysis of the cultural matrix of the American
family has been concerned with these attitudes and behavior patterns.
We shall mention only briefly some of the principal elements implied
in them.

An outstanding characteristic of this family is its individualism. We
have referred to this factor many times before and will continue to do
so. In many respects, individualism offers the key to an understanding
of the contemporary family, as compared either with the traditional
patriarchal form in our own society or the different forms in other
societies. In contrast to many societies, the accepted way with us is to
give the individual almost complete freedom of choice of a marital
partner. To be sure, opportunities are limited by social and economic

"F. Stuart Chapin, Cultural Change (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,
Inc., 1928), p. 48.
^^ Ibid., p. 49 .
^8 Ibid. pp. 48-49.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 281

position or by such factors as residential or occupational propinquity.^'^
Many families also operate in subtle if not overt ways to exercise some
measure of control over the marital choices of their children. ^^ There
are doubtless unconscious forces at work to fix the limits of choice.^®

Nevertheless, under the romantic and democratic traditions each
individual is presumably endowed with the mature faculty of making
both an independent and a wise choice of a lifelong partner. Because
of this emphasis upon individual freedom, those characteristics of a
mate that are determinative in other cultures— economic skills and
abilities, physical fitness, and similar social status — are of secondary
significance in comparison with the criterion of being in love.

Law and public opinion in our society unite in support of the po-
sition that the marriage relationship is one of reciprocal rights and
duties. The tradition of male superiority dies hard, and many survivals
of such superior rights remain in our statutes. Nevertheless, the wife
is slowly winning the battle for emancipation. She is now in large
measure a legal personality, fully qualified to hold and administer
property, make contracts, execute wills, and exercise the franchise. No
longer may the husband, either in law or with social sanction, abuse,
maltreat, or beat his wife. She is also entitled to economic support,
affection and loyalty from her husband.

The husband's rights become the wife's obligations: to be a consci-
entious homemaker, a faithful companion "in sickness and in health,"
and a devoted mother to the children born of the union. The attitude
that the wife should also be an economic partner, contributing not
only homemaking services but at times working for wages outside the
home, is an increasingly accepted aspect of the partnership. Mutual
devotion of husband and wife is expected, and social approval is gen-
erally accorded the partner who is loyal to an unfaithful spouse.

Children as well as wives share in the new freedom. This is in sharp
contrast to the social attitudes prevalent in colonial America. At that
time, the child occupied a distinctly subordinate position in the fam-

1^ Ray H. Abrams, "Residential Propinquity as a Factor in Marriage Selection:
Fifty Year Trends in Philadelphia," American Sociological Review, June 1943,
VIII, 288-94.

Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy, "Premarital Residential Propinquity and Ethnic
Endogamy," American Journal of Sociology, March, 1943, XLVIII, 580-84.

^8 Alan Bates, "Parental Roles in Courtship," Social Forces, May 1942, XX,
483-86.

19 Ernest W. Burgess and Paul Wallin, "Homogamy in Social Characteristics,"
American Jouinal of Sociology, September 1943, XLIX, 109-24.

282 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

ily. Although parental affection was not lacking, parental authority
was in theory absolute, even though in practice it may not have fol-
lowed its theoretical rigidity. Parental respect, filial devotion, and obe-
dience may have been artificial when secured from the child under
compulsion. Such behavior is genuine only when it arises from mutual
understanding and sympathy between the two generations. Hence
there may be more genuine parental respect and devotion today than
in Colonial times.

Individualism, however, often leads to anarchy when carried to ex-
tremes. The revolt against the authoritarian regime of the patriarchal
family has led, in many cases, to the interpretation of freedom in
terms of license. The rapidity of social change in other aspects intensi-
fied the inevitable gap between generations. The modern emphasis
upon mutual understanding does not always successfully bridge it. In
their initial study of Middletown, the Lynds observed that perhaps
never before in history had social change produced such a wide rift
between parents and children .^^ Ten years later, their first conclusion
received further confirmation: "Adult-imposed restraints of obedience
to parents, school, and public opinion have weakened further as the
adult world has crumbled under the depression." ^^ This world seems
to have crumbled even more violently during and after World War II.

2. SymhoUc Culture Traits. "Objects charged wdth emotional
and sentimental meaning to which human behavior has been condi-
tioned" -^ constitute the second of the type-parts of the institutional
structure. These traits consist of such symbolic objects as marriage
rings, family crests, coats of arms, family heirlooms, and the like. The
rites and ceremonies associated with marriage and the family have
served a variety of purposes. The most important purpose served by
the betrothal and marriage ritual has been to make public that two
people are hereafter to be considered as having contracted, vowed, and
sealed an essentially social relationship. Inherent also in the ritual has
been the religious purpose of invoking the favorable attitudes of the
beneficent spirits and warding off the untoward behavior of the ma-
levolent powers. Whatever the origin of modern practices connected

20 Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1929), pp. 151-52.

-1 Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown in Transition (New York:
Ilareourt, Brace and Company, 1937), p. 168.

-- Chapin, Cultural CJiange, p. 49.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 283

with the marriage rituals, they still serve as a symbol of the public
union of two people.

These ceremonies have certain symbolic objects employed in con-
junction with them. The wedding ring is one symbol still in universal
use in our society. The giving of a betrothal ring and its corollary, a
wedding ring, has been interpreted as a substitution for the payment
of money or goods to the bride's family. It would appear that the
Christian Church took over the use of the ring from prevalent Roman
practice, although the ring also appears in other cultures. Even more
foreign to the modern mind is the curious medieval superstition that
the fourth finger of the woman's left hand was a "sinew or string from
the heart." Hence the putting-on of the ring signified "that the heart
of the wife ought to be united to her husband." -'^ The contemporary
practice of giving a ring to the bride at the wedding would prob-
ably be rationalized, if the couple thought about it at all, only as a
symbolic bond between them. Its history and original significance are
almost completely forgotten, but the ring remains a symbohc trait
associated with marriage.

Contemporary newlyweds would be equally perplexed to explain
certain other traits associated with the wedding ritual. What good
purpose, for example, is served by the throwing of rice after the cere-
mony? This practice stemmed from the ancient belief that grain sym-
bolized fertility, and hence well-wishers are attempting, in this symbolic
manner, to insure the marriage against childlessness. A cavalcade of
automobiles, following another automobile decorated with streamers,
rude signs, cowbells, and tin cans today serves notice that society has
placed its (decidedly public) stamp of approval on a new marital union.
The serenaders and the serenadees are probably alike unaware that
they are participating in a rite that may have originated in the desire
to drive out malevolent spirits.

Other symbolic survivals may be mentioned. The bridal veil and
wreath are preserved by the wife and frequently refashioned to provide
similar equipment for daughters and granddaughters. Gone are the
ancient notions of Roman times about veiling the betrothed maiden;
forgotten are the almost equally ancient Christian ceremonies of cov-
ering "with the heavenly veil" the bride-to-be. Long since lost is the
ceremony of crowning the bride with flowers, olive branches, silver,

23 George E. Howard, A History of Matiimonial Institutions (Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1904), I, 411.

284 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

gold, or myrtle, which was the procedure in the Eastern branch of the
early Church.-^ Briffault suggests that veiling originated in the desire
to "ward off the evil eye" and insure the property rights of the hus-
band.-^ Whatever the original significance, the modern practice repre-
sents another survival of a symbolic culture trait.

Many modern marriages are accompanied by a wedding feast. The
practice of eating in connection with the celebration of significant
events is very ancient. Where eating occurs in connection with the
modern wedding, there occurs the inevitable wedding cake. Among
some primitives, the sharing of a cake is the only public act connected
with marriage.^^ The eating of a sacred cake constituted an essential
part of the marriage ceremony of the Roman patriarchal family. Pres-
ents to and from the attendants and the exchange of gifts between
bride and groom may at some time have possessed great social import;
today they carry some practical utility, but are primarily emotional
and sentimental in content.

After the wedding comes the honeymoon. Objects, places, and sou-
venirs connected with this "flight" come to have symbolic meaning
for the individuals concerned. Similarly, objects, persons, and places
associated with crises in the life of the family come to have symbolic
content. The room where the first child was bom, the doctor who
attended the mother, and the clergyman who christened the child are
more than prosaic persons and places. Many families also possess heir-
looms that are handed down from generation to generation and come
to symbolize family continuity. A piece of furniture, a grandfather
clock, or a breech-loader are among the variegated forms such objects
take as emblems of the family connection with the past. For the gen-
eration now passing, the family Bible served as perhaps the most sym-
bolic culture trait of all in connection with its utilitarian purpose of
keeping records of births, deaths, and marriages.

3. Utilitarian Culture Traits. These are defined by Chapin as "cul-
tural objects possessing utilitarian value: that is, material objects that
satisfy creature wants." ^'^ The home and the rest of the functional
objects associated with it form the most obvious components of this

2* Howard, A History of Matrimonial Institutions, I, 295, notes 5, 6.

25 Robert Briffault, The Mothers (New York: The Macmillan Company,
1927), I, 558.

26 Willystine Goodsell, A History of Marriage and the Family (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1934), p. 123.

2^ Chapin, Cultural Change, p. 49.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 285

institutional type part. Every institution needs some concrete embodi-
ment in external material structure. The home fulfills this function
for the family. A universal characteristic for our culture is that when
two people from divergent parental families marry, they set up house-
keeping apart from either family, if this is at all possible. This action
in turn implies some physical structure wherein a reasonable amount
of privacy and independence is assured.

In the traditional pattern of American life, this function has been
fulfilled by a single home, owned and occupied by a single family. In
1950 there were approximately 42,500,000 dwelling units in the United
States. Of this number, 55 per cent were owner-occupied, in contrast
to 43.6 per cent 10 years previously.^^ This situation varies between
urban and rural areas,^^ but even in urban areas the percentage of
homes occupied by owners increased from 38 per cent in 1940 to
48 per cent in 1947. The corresponding increases in rural-nonfarm and
rural-farm homes were from 52 per cent to 66 per cent, and from
53 per cent to 66 per cent, respectively.^^ The relative prosperity of
the war and postwar years brought about a reversal in the longtime
trend toward renting in place of home ownership. When two-thirds of
rural-nonfarm and almost one-half of urban households are occupied
by home owners, it can be said that America is still predominantly
a nation of single homes.

Ownership and occupancy of the family home tend to add a certain
physical stability to the relationship which is lacking when the family
lives in rented quarters, particularly those of the multiple-dwelling
type. The family is more mobile when it rents. It has a smaller stake
in the community. As Burgess and Locke point out: "Stabilized rela-
tionships between husbands and wives are more prevalent among those
who own and live in their own homes. The objective of buying a home
is a unifying factor, especially where husband and wife and children
make sacrifices for its purchase. A home, even more than the common
ownership of other property, is a symbolic expression of family
solidarity." ^^

The house, apartment, or other dwelling unit forms the basic ma-

^^ Statistical Abstract ot the United States, 1951, 723.

28 Cf. Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York:
American Book Company, 1945), p. 490.

^^ United States Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Housing,
October 29, 1947, Series P-70, No. 1, Washington.

31 Burgess and Locke, The Family, p. 529.

286 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

terial structure through which the family operates; house equipment,
furnishings, and personal property of all kinds constitute a supple-
mentary group of utilitarian culture traits. Housekeeping implies not
merely owning or renting a house or apartment; it implies also that
the tools must be supplied with which to carry out the services associ-
ated with separate and individualistic family units. An invitation to
a wedding therefore embodies the suggestion that a contribution to
the new household will be welcome. Although the dowry of the bride
is no longer in our mores, her father is often expected to make a pres-
ent earmarked for a payment on a house or for the purchase of living
room or bedroom furniture. Among certain classes, kitchen "showers"
are customary, for what could be a more effective reminder of the
role change of the bride than to be "showered" with paring knives,
ladles, dishes, and pots and pans? The baby "shower" for the expect-
ant mother serves a like purpose of providing some of the operational
devices necessary for the completion of the family unit.

4. Oral or Written Specifications. The final type part of the insti-
tutional structure is the cluster of "oral or written language symbols
which preserve the descriptions and specifications of the patterns and
interrelationship among attitudes, symbolic cultural traits, and utili-
tarian culture traits." ^^ These specifications include such things as the
marriage license, the wedding certificate, and announcements in the
press; laws governing the entrance to marriage and those concerned
with marital relationships; public records that bear witness to the mar-
riage and the birth of children; deeds and other documents as evidence
of the ownership of property; and testaments and wills.

"It is vital to society," remark Sumner and Keller, "that the entrance
of its members into the status of wedlock shall be generally known, so
that they and their offspring can thereafter be 'placed' in their setting
as husbands, wives, children, families, with the result that their rights
and duties toward each other within the relation and toward others
outside of it can fall under the local system of composition and regu-
lation." ^^ Society has always regarded marriage as one of the "seven
ages of man" and as representing a marked change in the status of the
individuals involved. It has, therefore, been surrounded with ceremo-
nial and other practices deemed essential to give adequate publicity to

^- Chapin, CiiJfiiral Change, p. 49.

33 William G. Sumner and A. G. Keller, The Science of Society (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1927), III, 1696.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 287

the event. The individuals desiring to marry in our society generally
secure a marriage license from the agency or agencies designated by
the state. This permits the passing of a final judgment as to whether
the larger social interests are served by allowing the two to marry.

The legal code of any contemporary society as it relates to marriage
and the family would, by its impressive bulk, testify to the importance
of written specifications concerning this institution. In the United
States, such laws are particularly voluminous because these matters
have always been a state rather than a federal prerogative. In the midst
of great diversity, however, certain uniformities may be briefly men-
tioned. Most states provide that males of twenty-one years of age and
females of eighteen may marry of their own volition. At common law,
males of fourteen and females of twelve could make a valid contract of
marriage. Between this minimum age of consent and the later ages,
individuals are required to secure the permission of their parents or
guardians. There is reasonable uniformity in the laws prohibiting the
marriage of blood-kin, of those whose prior marriage has not been
legally dissolved (bigamy), and of those of unsound mind.^^

Thirty states have legislation to prevent the marriage of whites with
Negroes, orientals, or Indians. A majority of the states provide for a
waiting period of from one to five days from the date of application for
the marriage license until the ceremony may be legally solemnized.
Most of the jurisdictions have some form of medical certification as
a prerequisite to marriage. This is concerned chiefly with the so-called
blood-test laws, requiring all applicants for a marriage license to sub-
mit to a blood test showing freedom from venereal disease (chiefly
syphilis) in a communicable form.

These and other legal restrictions serve to safeguard entrance to
marriage in the interest of the group. They also inform the public that
two individuals are about to assume a new relationship that is signifi-
cant for themselves and for society. The medieval and early modern
correlative of this notification was the publication of the banns,
"usually on three successive Sundays preceding the nuptials, that any
objection on the ground of relationship or other disability might be
brought forward." ^^ The "banns" persist today in some areas as a sur-

^* Chester G. Vernier, American Family Laws (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1931-1938), 5 vols, and supplement.

See also Richard V. Mackay, Law oi Marriage and Divorce Simplified (New
York: Oceana Publications, 1948).

^^ Howard, A History of Matrimonial Institutions, I, 361.

288 THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

vival from a former era. The contemporary device is a waiting period,
whereby society pubhcizes the fact that a new primary group is about
to be initiated.

Society further insists that a pubhc record of the wedding be made.
All jurisdictions have legal provisions calling for the ofEciant to file
with the appropriate civil agency a statement that a wedding has taken
place. No matter how secretive the parties may be concerning their
marriage, witnesses must attest that two individuals have changed
their system of relationships. Curiously enough, the presentation of a
wedding certificate, booklet, or other tangible record to the partici-
pants themselves is often optional with the one who performs the
ceremony. Apparently it is not considered so important to the indi-
viduals that they shall have a record of the marriage as it is for society
to be notified.

The one exception to the above is the continued practice of
common-law marriage. This is "a marriage which does not depend for
its validity upon any religious or civil ceremony but is created by the
consent of the parties as any other contract." ^® Marriages in which
two people simply agree to live together without benefit of license or
ceremony are still recognized, either by court decisions or by statutory
law, in approximately half of American jurisdictions. Such marriages
are, relatively speaking, very few, and legal authorities as well as public
opinion frown upon them. These facts indicate that common-law mar-
riage is an anachronism in contemporary society. This kind of marriage
will doubtless be outlawed in time by specific state legislative enact-
ment. When this change occurs, it will be further evidence that soci-
ety expects the individual to conform to the social dictates concerning
this change in status.

It is equally necessary that announcements and records be made of
the birth of children. No longer is it sufficient to record the coming
of the child in the familv Bible. Laws require that a certificate of
birth be filed by the attendant doctor, midwife, or other person with
the proper authority. The relation of the child to the family and to
the larger group is a matter that cannot be left to chance. Vital sta-
tistics of this sort are extremelv significant. The obligations of parents
to children and the rights of children in inheritance require a perma-
nent record of the group position of the child. Official birth certifi-

^^ Otto E. Koegel, Common Law Marriage and Its Development in the United
States (Washington: John Byrne & Company, 1922), p. 7.

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION 2B9

cates are of further importance in such cases as: (a) determining the
exact age of the boy who wants to leave school and go to work;
(b) settling disputed questions relative to the age of an individual
applying for life insurance; and (c) fixing the age of citizens liable for
military service.

When parents decide to adopt a child, it is equally important that
the proper procedures be followed and adequate records be kept of
the new relationship into which the child is entering. All the states
have statutes making provision for adoption, for which court proceed-
ings are usually necessary. A number of states now require extensive
investigations concerning both the desirability of the child for adop-
tion and the suitability of the parents for their new social responsibil-
ity. Such laws indicate a growing concern for the well-being of the
child and also point to the necessity for publicly fixing the new status
of the individuals concerned.

This analysis of the family has presented the institution as a going
concern in terms of its concept and structure. The concept has been
briefly considered in terms of the inner realities of the family that
comprise its reason for being. This discussion of the concept will be
supplemented in subsequent chapters when we consider the functions
of the family. We have followed Chapin in his delineation of the four
structural type parts of social institutions in general, with particular
reference to the family. Taken all together, these elements of concept
and structure comprise the cultural configuration we call the family.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chapin, F. S., Cultural Change. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,
Inc., 1928. Primarily a study of cultural change, but a searching and
original analysis of social institutions is included, with particular
emphasis on the family.

DuRKHEiM, fiMiLE, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. George
Simpson. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1950. The fundamental
institutional patterns of society are rigorously analyzed in this trans-
lation of a sociological classic.

Groves, Ernest R., The Family and Its Social Functions. Philadelphia:
J. B. Lippincott Company, 1940. The family in its relations to other
social institutions is the major emphasis in this work.

Hughes, Everett C, 'Tnstitutions," An Outline ot the Principles oi
Sociology, ed. Robert E. Park. New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc.,
1939. The author offers many insights into the nature of institu-

290

THE FAMILY AS AN INSTITUTION

tional behavior in his penetrating analysis of the nature and func-
tions of social institutions.

Lynd, Robert S., and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown in Transition. New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1937. A study of the "typical"
American community. Taken with the initial investigation (Middle-
town. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1929), it consti-
tutes the classic sociological account of American institutions in the
process of change.

MacIver, Robert M., and Charles H. Page, Society: an Introductory
Analysis. New York: Rinehart & Company, Inc., 1949. This text-
book contains a closely-reasoned analysis of the nature and role of
social institutions in our society.

Merrill, Francis E., and H. Wentworth Eldredge, Culture and So-
ciety. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1952. Part Five presents a
summary of the abstract and concrete nature of social institutions.

Sumner, William Graham, Folkways. Boston: Ginn and Company,
1906. Many of the germinal ideas for subsequent analyses of social
institutions are contained in this sociological classic.

Williams, Robin M., American Society. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1951. The basic institutional patterns comprising the larger
pattern of American culture are extensively sur\'eyed and analyzed.

Zimmerman, Carle C, Family and CiviJization. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1947. An extensive and provocative historical study of the
institution of the family as it has passed through various stages in
Western civilization.

«^ 15 ^^»

THE COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

iHE American family as a social institution is an abstraction,
an ideal construct having no independent existence apart from the
millions of little groups in the United States. These groups comprise
the "real" family, and it is only through these units that the culture
patterns determining the conduct of the family have any viable reality.
These individual groups are the human agencies by which the con-
cept and structure of the family are transmitted from one generation
to the next. It is important, therefore, to establish our further investi-
gation into the institutional nature of the family upon firm quantita-
tive bases. Only then can the subsequent analyses have any solid
grounding in fact. The composition of the family will be here treated
in terms of such prosaic but fundamental facts as the number of
families in the United States; the number of persons living in family
relationships; the extent to which new families are formed; the rate at
which they are augmented by the birth of children; the rural-urban
composition; the age composition; the educational composition; and
the socio-economic composition of the family.

The Quantitative View of the Family

The primary emphasis in this treatment of marriage and the family
in American culture is on the middle-class, urban, white, native-born
family. In many parts of the world, the concept of the family con-
jures up a comparatively uniform picture, with many of the features
essentially similar from family to family. In the cosmopolitan and
heterogeneous United States, however, there is a wide variety of sub-
cultures that are reflected in the differential training given by the
family to its members. All the children in the country at any one
period are thus subjected to the same general cultural forces, but the
specific nature of these influences differs among regions, ethnic groups,

291

292 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

and socio-economic levels.^ The broader quantitative picture of the
family as an institution will place in sharper focus the particular seg-
ment of the American family with which this book is chiefly con-
cerned.

The Bureau of the Census defines the family as including "a group
of two or more persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption, and
residing together; all such persons are considered as members of the
same family." ^ This definition would thus consider as families two
brothers or cousins living together, a mother or a father and a child,
an aunt and niece, a husband and wife, and other combinations quite
different from the analytical definition of the family mentioned above.
In 1951 there were approximately 40 million such statistical families
in the United States. Of this number, 34,556,000 (or about 86 per
cent) were husband-wife families; that is, the husband and wife were
both present in the home.

Of the total of 40 million families, only 1 in 10 consisted of 6 or
more persons and about 1 in 5 comprised 5 or more persons.^ This
is a striking indication of the fact that the American family is a
small-family unit. The distribution of families by size is as follows:

Table 1

CHARACTERISTICS OF FAMILIES BY SIZE: 1951 «

Husband- Wife

AU Families Families

Size of Family 39,822,000 3^,556,000

( persons) Per Cent Distribution Per Cent Distribution

2 32.9 31.0

3 25.1 24.8

4 20.7 21.8

5 11-1 1^-7

6 5-4 5-6

7 or more 4.9 5.2

1 James H. S. Bossard, The Sociology of Child Development (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1948), chap. 13, "The Child and the Class Structure."

2 Bureau of the Census, "Changes in Number of Households and in Marital
Status: 1940 to 1949," Current Population Reports, Population Characteristics,
August 19, 1949, Series P-20, No. 25.

3 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April
1951," Current Population Reports, Population Characteristics, April 29, 1952,
Series P-20, No. 38.

* Bureau of the Census "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April,
1951," op. cit.. Table 13.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 293

The total quantitative aspects of family relationships may also be
examined in terms of the marital status of the entire population 14
years of age and over. In 1951, about 111 million Americans v^^ere
14 years of age and over. Of this number, 65 per cent were married
and living together; 22 per cent were single; 8 per cent were widowed;
3 per cent were married, but living apart from their husbands or
wives; and 2 per cent were divorced.^

Table 2

MARITAL STATUS OF CIVILIAN POPULATION 14 YEARS
OLD AND OVER: 1951

Marital Status Total Per Cent

Total over 14 110,800,000 100

Single 23,900,000 22

Married, living together 72,100,000 65

Married, living apart 3,500,000 3

Widowed 9,300,000 8

Divorced 2,100,000 2'

The number of families in the country increased by 25 per cent
between 1940 and 1950. The ties of the family seem to have been
drawn closer in this decade, despite the increase in divorce. The pro-
portion of widowed, divorced, or separated in comparison to the
number ever married declined among both men and women. The
number of widowed men among the total of ever-married men de-
creased from 6.3 per cent in 1940 to 5.1 per cent in 1950. The corre-
sponding reduction among widowed women was from 16.2 per cent
to 15.0 per cent.^ Furthermore, despite the increased rate and num-
ber of divorces during the decade 1940-1950, the increase in the per-
centage of divorced persons among the general population was very
small. For men 14 years of age and over, the increase in the percent-
age of the divorced was from 1.9 to 2.2 during the decade, whereas
among women it was from 2.3 to 2.7 per cent.

We shall consider below some of the factors contributing to the
over-all decrease in family disruption. Among the most important
considerations are: (a) the decline in the mortality rate; and (b) the
tendency for divorced persons to remarry. The most important factor
disrupting the physical stability of the family is not divorce but
death. In the year 1948, some 667,000 marriages were broken in this

5 Ibid. Adapted from Table 5.

6 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "American Family Ties Strengthened,"
Statistical Bulletin, March, 1951.

294 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

manner, as compared to 408,000 by divorce. Under the mortality con-
ditions prevailing in 1900, the number of families broken by death
would have been approximately one million. The decade 1940-1950
also saw more than 4,000,000 marriages broken by divorce, but the
percentage of those divorced and still unmarried increased only
slightly.'^ The great majority of the 8,000,000 divorced persons were
remarried. We may assume, therefore, that Americans as a whole be-
lieve strongly in marriage and the family, even though their initial
ventures may not be successful.

Marriage and Family Composition

The United States is the most completely married nation of the
Western world. The favorable economic conditions, the high standard
of living, and the pervading optimism make for both greater frequency
of marriage and marriage at an earlier age. These conditions have
been accentuated during the past decade. In 1940 the proportion of
married persons in the population 14 years of age and older was 60
per cent; by 1951 this proportion had increased to 68 per cent.*

This increase was greatest among young persons, as is shown by
decline in the age of first marriage. In 1940 the median age of men
at first marriage was 24.3 years; by 1951 this had dropped to 22.6
years. For women, the median age in 1940 was 21.5 years; in 1951 it
was 20.4 years.^ This general trend is indicated in Figure 2. If this
trend continues, it might well represent a significant change in mar-
riage and family life. Early marriages are particularly vulnerable to
future disruption. If the age at first marriage continues its downward
course, it may have tremendous consequences in terms of family dis-
organization.

The years since 1930 have seen extensive changes in the establish-
ment of new families in the United States. Depression, partial recov-
ery, war boom, total war, and postwar prosperity have provided a
wide variety of social settings for the family. At the depth of the de-
pression in 1932, both the absolute number and the rate of marriage
per 1,000 population declined appreciably. The number of marriages
contracted in that year was less than one million. The rate was 7.9

■^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Lower Mortality Promotes Family
Stability," Statistfca/ Bulletin, May, 1951.

^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April
1951," Series P-20, No. 38, p. 1.

9 Ibid., p. 2.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

Brides and grooms are younger

295

28^0 I9I0

930 1949

Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, cnrLDREN and yotjth
AT THE MIDCENTURY, Chart 8, Raleigh, North Carolina: Health Publications Institute, Inc.,
1951.

Fig. 2.

per 1,000 population, which was the lowest in 65 years. In 1942, at
the height of the war boom and with the impetus of war marriages,
the situation was reversed. In that year marriages numbered 1,772,132
and a rate of 13.2 per 1,000 population was reached, the highest rate
hitherto on record. The real peak was reached in 1946, when there
were 2,291,045 marriages, a rate of 16.4 per 1,000. Marriages for this
year were more than double the comparable figures for 1932, both in
absolute numbers and in ratios. Nothing even approaching such a
ratio had been seen in the United States since the beginning of the
collection of marriage data in 1867.

The marriage rate also varies with the business cycle. ^" A glance at
the accompanying table will confirm this relationship. Following the
low rate of the depression year 1932, there was a slow but compara-
tively steady increase during the late 1930's, culminating in a rapid
acceleration as the nation simultaneously entered the 1940's and the

1" Dorothy S. Thomas, Social Aspects of the Business Cycle (London: George
Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1925).

296

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

crisis of World War II. The early years of World War II saw a fur-
ther increase, as a consequence of the war boom and the rush of war
marriages. A slight decline occurred during the later years of the war,
from 1943-1945 inclusive. Finally, the correlation between prosperous
economic conditions and the marriage rate is clearly illustrated by the
continued high level of marriage during the years 1946-1951.

Since the peak year of 1946, there has been a gradual and consistent
decline in marriages, both in terms of absolute numbers and in rates.
The one exception was the year 1950, when the number of marriages
exceeded the figure of 1949. The first six months of 1950 revealed a
small percentage decline as compared with the similar period in 1949.

Table 3

. NUMBER OF MARRIAGES AND MARRIAGE RATES FOR THE
UNITED STATES: 1930-1951 "

Year
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936

1937
1938

1939
1940
1941
1942

1943
1944

1945
1946

1947
1948
1949
1950
1951

Rate per 1,000

Number oi Marriages

oi the Population

1,126,856

9.2

1,060,914

8.6

981,903

7-9

1,098,000

8.7

1,302,000

10.3

1,327,000

10.4

1,369,000

10.7

1,451,296

11.3

1,330,780

10.3

1,403,633

10.7

1-595-879

12.1

1,695,999

12.7

1,772-132

'5-0

1-577-050

11.8

1-452,394

11.0

1,612,992

12.2

2,291,045

16.4

1,991,878

13.9

1,811,155

12.4

1-579-798

10.6

1,667,231

11.1

1,594,900

10.4

Following the outbreak of war in Korea, however, marriages in-
creased and for the latter six months of 1950 they were slightly in ex-

11 Federal Security Agency, Public Health Service, National Office of Vital
Statistics, Summary of Marriage and Divorce Statistics: United States, 1950,
Vital Statistics-Special Reports, October 29, 1952, Vol. 37, No. 3, p. 57. The
1951 figures are from: National Office of Vital Statistics, FSA-E33, Release,
July 9, 1952.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 297

cess of the preceding year. The annual number of marriages may
continue to dechne throughout the decade of the 1950's, because there
will be fewer young candidates for marriage. The population profile for
1952 and succeeding years will reflect a smaller number of individuals in
the age groups 20 to 29 years of age, owing to the abnormally low birth
rate of the 1930's. Predictions in this field are extremely hazardous,
however, in view of such variable factors as economic conditions, the
possible increase in the percentage of persons who marry, and the
continued decline in the age of first marriage.

The Birth Rate and Family Structure

The population increase in the decade 1940-1950 was not only
phenomenal but totally unexpected. Most of the experts in demo-
graphic theory had predicted a continued low rate of fertility follow-
ing the decade of the 1930's and into the then proximate future. The
events of the period 1940-1950, however, proved the population the-
orists wrong. The increase in absolute numbers during this decade
was about 19,000,000 persons, the largest for any similar period in
the history of the country. The rate of increase was almost double
that of the previous (depression) decade. ^^ For five successive years
from 1947-1951 inclusive, the annual number of births exceeded
3,500,000, in spite of the appreciable decline in the marriage rate
from its 1946 peak.

In the years from 1947-1951, more than 18,000,000 babies were
born in the United States. The implications of this fact upon the
future of marriage and the family in this country are difficult to
assess. In 1950, some 10.8 per cent of the total population was in the
age group under 5 years, as compared to only 8.0 per cent in 1940
and 9.3 per cent in 1930. It is necessary to go back as far as 1920 to
find as large a percentage of the population in this age group. The
fluctuations in the number and rate of births are depicted in graphic
form in Figure 3.

The trend of the birth rate had been downward for fifty years prior
to 1940. The reversal of the past decade may represent a permanent
change or it may be a temporary phenomenon associated with a post-

^2 Joseph S. Davis, "Our Amazing Population Upsurge," from an address de-
livered before the American and Western Farm Economics Association, Laramie,
Wyo., August 20, 1949. (Mimeographed.)

Cf. also Davis, "Our Changed Population Outlook and Its Significance,"
American Economic Review, June 1952, XLII, 304-25.

298

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

The decade 1940-50 saw great increases in the birth rate
and in the number of births

These increases were counter to the long-run trend

ForKost

BIRTH RATE
(per 1.000 pop.)
r30

1910 1920 1930 1940 1930 I960

Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, op. cit.. Chart 1.

Fig. 3.

Table 4^3

NUMBER OF BIRTHS AND BIRTH RATE— UNITED STATES

(per i,ooo population)
1930-1951

Year Number of Biiths Biith Rate

1930 18.9

1931 18.0

1932 . 17-4

1933 2,081,232 16.6

1934 2,167,636 17.2

1935 2,155,105 16.9

1936 ^'i44'79o 16.7

1937 ^-=o3'337 17-1

1938 2,286,962 17.6

^3 Bureau of the Census, United States: Summan' of Vital Statistics 1943,
Vital Statistics — Special Reports, Februan,' 28, 1945, Vol. 22, No. 1. Figures for
1943-49 taken from Federal Security Agencv, National Office of Vital Statistics,
Vital Statistics of the United States, 1949, Part I, p. XXIV. Figures for 1950 and
1951, from Monthly Vital Statistics Bulletin, Februar}' 27, 1952, Vol. 14, No. 12.

See also, Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., "Changing Pattern of the American
Population," Statistical Bulletin, May 1952.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 299

NUMBER OF BIRTHS AND BIRTH RATE— UNITED STATES

— Continued

1939 2,265,588 17.3

1940 2,360,399 17.9

1941 2,51 3,427 18.9

1942 2,808,996 20.9

1943 3,127,000 , 21.5

1944 2,969,000 20.2

1945 2,894,000 19.5

1946 3,458,000 23.3

1947 3,876,000 25.8

1948 3,702,000 24.2

1949 3,722,000 24.0

1950 3,548,000 23.5 {est.)

1951 3,758,000 24.5 (est.)

war and defense prosperity. Continued high birth rates may signify
a basic change in the American pattern of thought from the small-
family norm to a larger family concept. These are some of the pos-
sible implications relative to the bearing of the birth rate on the fam-
ily which only the future can answer.

The increase in the birth rate in the 1940's was not spread evenly
throughout the nation. States having the smallest per capita incomes
have traditionally been those where fertility has been the highest.
Families having the largest share of the burden of child dependency
are thus in the economically poorer states. During the 1940's, how-
ever, the greatest relative increase in the birth rate occurred in those
sections which usually record the lowest birth rates. For example,
"the 'low fertility' states show an increase of 40 per cent between
1940 and 1949; those in the 'medium fertility' group experienced a
rise of 33 per cent; and the 'high' states, 26 per cent. Thus the excess
in the rate of the 'high fertility' states over the 'low' was reduced
from 42 per cent in 1940 to 28 per cent in 1949." ^* Prior to 1940
the urban birth rate had declined to such an extent that this segment
of the population was not even reproducing itself. In the past decade
the birth rate of the urban population increased by 42 per cent, as
compared with a rural increase of only 26 per cent. This situation rep-
resents a considerable change from the situation previously existing.^^

The increase in the birth rate and the number of young children in

^* Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Geographic Differences in Birth
Rate Diminish," Statistical Bulletin, November 1951.
15 Ibid.

300 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

families are shown by the number of children under 5 years old per
1,000 married women 15 to 49 years old. In 1940, there were 452 chil-
dren under 5 for every 1,000 such women. In 1947 this figure had
increased to 526 per 1,000 and by 1949 to 555, an increase of approxi-
mately 23 per cent in the decade. The percentage increase for urban
women was 36 per cent; that for rural-nonfarm women was 22 per
cent; and for rural-farm women it was only 2 per cent.^^ The tradi-
tionally greater fertility of farm as compared with urban women was
not substantiated in the decade of the 1940's. To be sure, in 1949 the
rural-farm women still had a greater number of children under 5
(631) than did their urban sisters (503).

Rural-Urban Composifion of the Family

One of the traditional dichotomies in American society has been
between the city and the open country, the "corrupt" metropolis and
the "virtuous" countryside, the industrial agglomeration of Alexander
Hamilton and the agricultural Utopia of Thomas Jefferson, and finally
the small, equalitarian metropolitan family and the large, patriarchal,
and traditional rural family. The family to which many persons still
look with nostalgia is the family of Colonial and Pioneer days, virtu-
ally self-sufficient economically, and functioning as a largely self-con-
tained entity in such diverse fields as religion, education, protection,
and recreation.

We shall see the extent to which this traditional family pattern has
been modified by other institutions— both corporate and governmen-
tal—in the past half century. These modifications have taken place
more rapidly and completely in the metropolitan area, which has
long been the center of cultural change. The old-fashioned family
living in the cultural backwater has maintained its pristine integrity
to a much greater extent than its counterpart in the metropolitan
area. The country has been the stronghold of faith and the enemy of
heresy against the pagan and changing world of the city. The rural
family has similarly resisted change in its traditional form and func-
tions.

The division between city and country has never been complete.
It is still less complete today, as transportation and communication

IS Adapted from Bureau of the Census, "Marital Fertility: April, 1949," Cur-
rent Population Reports; Population Characteristics, February 3, 1950, Series P-20,
No. 27, Tables 1 and 2.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 301

combine to break down the cultural isolation of the countryside. The
nation is becoming more metropolitan in its attitudes, as the city
places its stamp upon even the most isolated community through the
movies, newspapers, national magazines, and other means of cultural
diffusion. The family is not immune to these changes, and husbands,
wives, and children in rural and small town families are gradually as-
suming the roles characteristic of the metropolitan family. Increasing
physical urbanization, exemplified by the growing proportion of per-
sons living in the great metropolitan areas, has intensified the social
change begun by intellectual urbanization. These related processes
will continue until the pattern of family life becomes more urbanized
and emancipated than ever before.

The definitions employed by the Bureau of the Census in enu-
merating the rural-urban composition of the population are impor-
tant, "Urban population," says the Bureau, "is that residing in incor-
porated and unincorporated places of 2,500 or more inhabitants and
in the densely settled territory in the suburbs of cities of 50,000 or
more, which is called the 'urban fringe.' (This urban fringe territory
may include both incorporated and unincorporated territory .)" ^''^
Changes in the definition of the urban population between the 1940
and 1950 censuses added to the urban total some 5,000,000 persons,
who would otherwise have been counted as either rural-farm or rural-
nonfarm. "The rural population," continues the Bureau, "is subdi-
vided into the rural-farm population, which comprises all rural resi-
dents living on farms, and the rural-nonfarm population, which com-
prises the remaining rural population." ^^

For the population as a whole in 1950, approximately 63 per cent
were living in urban areas (as defined above), 21 per cent in rural-
nonfarm areas, and 16 per cent in rural-farm areas.^^ This distribution
represents a striking change over the past 150 years; in 1800, it has
been estimated that 95 per cent of the population was rural and only
5 per cent urban. Making due allowance for the change in definition
of urban areas in the 1950 enumeration, a substantial majority of the
present population of the nation is urban. The social trends that have
brought about this modification in rural-urban composition of the

1^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics:
March 1950," Current Population Reports, Population ChaTacteiistics, February
12, 1951, Series P-20, No. 33, p. 5.

18 Ibid.

^^ Ibid. Adapted from Table 3, p. 12.

302 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

family have profoundly altered its structure and functions. The rural
family is no longer the norm representative of American society,
either in numbers or in dominant pattern.

The decade of the 1940's, as noted, showed a greater percentage
increase in the birth rate for the urban than for the rural family. De-
spite this differential change, the urban family in 1950 was still some-
what smaller than either the rural-nonfarm or the rural-farm family.
The average (mean) size of the family in the nation as a whole was
3.5 persons. Urban families had an average of 3.4 persons, as com-
pared with 3.6 persons in rural-nonfarm and 4.0 persons in rural-farm
families.^^ Considerable difference still exists between families in
rural and urban areas, despite the diverse factors bringing them
closer together.

Age Composition of the Family

A further set of quantitative characteristics of the American family
involves its age composition— the average age of marriage, the age
levels of children in the family, the age groups of persons of mar-
riageable age in terms of percentages married, and the differences in
age between husband and wife. As suggested above, Americans on the
whole are marrying younger and founding families earlier than their
ancestors. A larger proportion of the population than ever before is
married at an early age. The war and postwar conditions accelerated
this trend toward early marriages and the establishment of families
at a comparatively precocious age.

With regard to the distribution of families in terms of young chil-
dren, the Bureau of the Census indicated that, in a recent year, al-
most one-half (48 per cent) of all married couples in the country had
no children under 18 living with them in the home. Slightlv more
than one-fifth of all families (22 per cent) had but one child, and
only 30 per cent had 2 or more children living with them. Families
in which both husband and wife were in the home represented 87
per cent of the total families listed in 1949, but these husband-wife
families constituted 95 per cent of all those with children under 12.^^
The burden of child dependency is thus concentrated in a relatively

-"Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April
1951," op. cit., Table 12, p. 15.

^1 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April
1949," Current Population Reports, Population Characteristics, January 27, 1950,
Series P-20, No. 26. p. 4.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

303

small proportion of the total number of families. This is shown pic-
torially in Figure 4. In a society dedicated to the proposition that all
persons should have substantial equality of opportunity, these dis-
crepancies are important.

The percentage of males and females married in different age
groups constitutes another facet of the age composition of the fam-
ily. These differentials are shown in Table 7.^^

Half the children are in families of three or more children

These families with 3 or more children care for 23 million children under 18

Millions of Families
15 12 9 6 3 0

H 1 1 \ 1

Families with

Millions of Children

No diildren

0 Q

Mm o ^

\it

l/SV'

4 or moie
Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, op. cit.. Chart 11.

Fig. 4.

In the 14 to 19 age group, i in 8 girls is married with spouse pres-
ent, whereas only i in 70 boys is married so early. This disparity be-
tween males and females continues up to age 35. For the next 20
years, the percentage of males married with spouse present is greater
than that for females. From 35 years onward, the figures constitute
a striking commentary on the lower life expectancy of the male. After

22 Ibid., Table 2.

304 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

Table 7

PER CENT MARRIED, BY AGE GROUPS: 1949

Spouse Present

Age Group Per Cent Males Per Cent Females

(years) Married Married

14 to 19 1.4 13.2

20 to 24 41.4 63.2

25 to 34 76.5 80.6

35 to 44 85.3 80.7

45 to 54 84.1 74.5

55 to 64 78.5 61.7

65 and over 63.7 34.8

Total — 14 years and over .... 66.1 63.1

65, the males who are married with wife present constitute almost
2 out of 3 of the age group. For the females, however, only about 1
in 3 still enjoys the companionship of her spouse.

The groom tends, on the average, to be about 3 years older than
the bride at first marriage. If either is marrying for the second time,
the average (median) difference is 4.7 years.-^ Four out of 5 husbands
are older than their wives. One out of 9 is 10 or more years older
than his wife, and approximately 1 in 3 is from 1 to 3 years older.
On the other side of the ledger, approximately 1 out of every 8 hus-
bands is younger than his wife, although generally not much younger.
Only 1 in 10 husbands is the same age as his wife. Table 8 points out
some of these differentials.

; • Table 821

MARRIED COUPLES BY DIFFERENCES BETWEEN AGE OF
HUSBAND AND AGE OF WIFE; APRIL, 1949

Number ot Years Husband Married Couples

is younger or older with wife Per

than wife ^S-74 years old Cent

All married couples 33,274,000 100.0

10 or more years younger 1 50,000 .5

6 to 9 years younger 393,000 1.2

4 to 5 years younger 617,000 1.9

1 to 3 years younger 3,230,000 9.7

Same age 3,170,000 9.5

1 to 3 years older 10,916,000 32.8

4 to 5 years older 5,345,000 16.1

6 to 9 years older 5,627,000 16.9

10 or more years older 3,827,000 11.5

23 Ibid., p. 5.

2^ Ibid. Adapted from Table 10, p. 18.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 305

Educational Composition of the Family

The concept of democracy implies the mass participation of the
citizens in the process of government. This participation is not ade-
quate unless the group has sufficient education to grasp the nature of
the problems. The complexity of our society and the problems of the
individual and the state presuppose a steadily rising level of mass
education, a situation that has not been achieved evenly among vari-
ous segments of the population. Our concern here is with the educa-
tional accomplishments of the members of the forty million families
in the United States.

The first interesting fact is that, particularly among young girls,
the chances for early marriage decrease with the length of their
schooling. The chances for marriage in their teens are considerably
greater for the girls who have had less, rather than more, schooling.
Girls in high school and college do not, for the most part, marry
while still attending school. Girls who have not continued their edu-
cation beyond grammar school or the first two years of high school
are bidders in the marriage market long before their more highly edu-
cated sisters.^" This popularity of less educated girls is thus largely
the result of sheer availability, since they are already potential wives
and mothers when the majority of their age group are still pursuing
their education. The masculine desire for superiority may also be
operative in this relationship, unconsciously causing men to marry
girls with less education than themselves. In any event, girls with
less education — and hence less formal preparation for family adjust-
ment in an atomic age— have more favorable opportunities for marry-
ing young than those with more adequate preparation.

In the older age groups, the advantage still appears to be with
those with less formal education, although the differences are not so
pronounced. Of the total female population 25 years old and older
in 1947, approximately 9 out of 10 had ever married, whereas 1 in
10 was single. Of those who had completed less than 7 years of grade
school, 94 out of every 100 had married; of those who had completed
1 to 3 years of high school, 92 out of every 100 had married; 89 out
of every 100 had married of those who completed 4 years of high
school; whereas only 81 out of every 100 of those who had completed

25 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Marriage and Educational Attain-
ment," Statistical BuJJetin, August 1945.

3o6

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

one or more years of college had married. The former notion that
college is a training ground for spinsterhood no longer has the valid-
ity it once had. Nevertheless, it is still true that college girls marry
in a ratio less than the average for the country as a whole.

What has been said with respect to the female population does
not apply to the male population. Of the total males in the nation
25 years old and older in 1947, 87 out of every 100 had ever married,
whereas 13 out of every 100 were single. There was very little dif-
ference in these ratios on the basis of the years of school completed.
Table 9 presents this picture for both males and females: -^

Table g

TOTAL EVER MARRIED OF PERSONS 25 YEARS OLD AND OLDER
by years of school completed and by sex — United States, April, 1947

MAI.E

FEMALE

Total

Ever
Married

Per

Cent

Total

Ever

Married

Per
Cent

Grade School — under 7

years
Grade School — 7 and 8

9,107,000

7,930,000

87.1

8,083,000

7,579,000

93.8

years
High School — I to 3
years

12,385,000

6,535,000
7.353,000
5,103,000

40,483,000

10,926,000

5,708,000
6,276,000
4,449,000

35,289,000

88.2

87.3
85-4
87.2

87.2

12,633,000

6,952,000
9,573,000
4,854.000

42,095,000

11,593,000

6,365,000
8,506,000
3,915,000

37,958,000

91.8
91.6

High School — 4 years. .

College — I year or more

Total, 25 years and

over

88.9
80.7

90.2

The girl with fewer years of school thus has a better chance of
founding a family than her more highly educated sister. Furthermore,
after the family has been founded, its fertility varies in inverse rela-
tionship to the educational attainment of the mother. In other words,
the more education the mother has, the fewer the number of chil-
dren. It has long been known that the largest families are born to
those parents with less education than the average. Not so generally
known is the close relationship of familv fertility to the educational
attainment of the mother, rather than the father. Families in which
the wife has only a grade school education but the husband has one
or more years of college thus have more children than those in which
the reverse is true.-'''

A disproportionate share of children are therefore born to the less

-^ Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics of Single, Married, Widowed and
Divorced Persons in 1947," Current Popuiation Reports, Population Characteris-
tics, February 6, 1948, Series P-20, No. lo, Table 8.

27 Cf. Clyde V. Kiser, Group Differences in Urban Fertility (Baltimore: Wil-
liams and Wilkins Company, 1942).

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

307

educated mothers. In the decade of the 1940's, however, a differential
change occurred in this respect. During the period 1940 to 1947,
mothers with the greatest amount of schooHng (4 years of college or
more) had the highest proportionate increase in the number of chil-
dren under 5 years of age. In these years, the number of children in
this age group per 1,000 women of reproductive age increased by ap-
proximately 30 per cent in the country as a whole. For the college
women, this increase was 77 per cent, as is shown in Figure 5. In all
probability, this increase was temporary and the traditional educa-
tional differential between married women in terms of fertility will
continue.

Mothers with most schooling show greatest increase
in fertility

Schooling completed by women

Increase in children under 5 per 1,000 women of childbcaring
age has been greatest for those with college education

Per cent change from 1940 to 1947 in number of children
under 5 years per 1,000 women of childbearing age (15-49).

Grade School

DDDD
DODO

ODD
DOO

DDOD
DDDO

High School

Less than
5 years

y//^^%y//y
v////y/////

1-3 years

//////////////

4 years

y////////////y

y///////////y

1-3 yeori

/////// ^'oxy//
v////y///////

College

Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, op. cit.. Chart 10.

Fig. 5.

Socio-Economic Composition of fhe Family

The socio-economic composition of the family is another contribu-
tory factor to the full understanding of the place of this institution

3o8 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

in the American scene. Although the United States has traditionally
enjoyed a middle-class ideology, class stratification is still evident,
with its accompanying subcultural manifestations. Occupational dif-
ferences clearly distinguish farmers, proprietors, skilled workers, un-
skilled workers, and professional persons. The family subcultures of
these occupational groups have definite differences. Graduations
based upon money income are also apparent in setting off one group
from another among the 40 million families in the nation. We have
already considered some of the ramifications of the class subcultures
of the family in this country. We shall merely indicate here some of
the occupational and financial differences that are apparent in the
contemporary family.

The influence of the economic way of life upon the composition
of the family is first shown by the wide variations in the proportions
of the functional groups ever married. The most-married occupational
group in the country comprises those classified as "proprietors, man-
agers, and officials, except farm." Of the total employed males 14
years old and older in the country in 1947, 79.2 per cent had ever
married. By contrast, 93.4 per cent of the occupational group of pro-
prietors, managers, and officials had ever married. This group is eco-
nomically solvent and able to provide the necessary cash to satisfy
the consumption needs of the family. Farmers and farm managers
represented the next highest group in terms of those ever married,
with 87.3 per cent. Farming is a way of life that requires a wife to
perform her share of the work as well as to provide companionship.
Next in order were the "craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers"
with 87.1 per cent ever married, followed by the professional and
semi-professional workers with 84.2 per cent.

Farm families are the most settled socio-economic group in the
country, since their business is also their home and the family is an
absolute necessity thereto. The other groups with high marriage rates
represent those with the maximum social and economic security, who
are thus presumably most directly attracted to marriage. By contrast,
the most insecure occupational groups are "laborers, except farm and
mine," "domestic service workers," and "farm laborers and foremen."
The proportions ever married in these categories are considerably
lower than for the nation as a whole. Among domestic service work-
ers, for example, only 62.7 per cent of the males had ever married,
whereas among farm laborers and foremen (the most insecure eco-

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 309

nomic group of all) only 37.8 per cent had ever married. These rela-
tionships are shown in Table 10.

Table 10 ^s

TOTAL EVER MARRIED (PER CENT) OF EMPLOYED MALE
PERSONS, 14 YEARS OLD AND OLDER

by Major Occupation Group, 1947

Total
Ever Married

Major Occupation Group Per Cent

Proprietors, managers, and officials 93.4

Farmers and farm managers 87.3

Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers 87.1

Professional and semiprofessional workers 84.2

Operatives and kindred workers 76.1

Service workers, except domestic 75-i

Salesmen 74.0

Clerical and kindred workers 73.7

Laborers, except farm and mine 69.4

Domestic service workers 62.7

Farm laborers and foremen 37.8

Tofel — 14 years and over — all groups 79.2

There are wide variations between the proportions of single and
married persons in the several occupational fields. Married men tend
to gravitate to occupations that yield high income, in preference to
related occupations that yield lower incomes. Among farmers and
farm managers, for example, married men outnumber single men by
6V2 to 1, whereas among farm laborers single men are twice as nu-
merous as married men. Craftsmen, foremen, and other skilled work-
ers have a ratio of 6Vi times as many married men as single men,
whereas among unskilled workers the ratio is only -^¥2 to 1. Married
men exceed single men by 14 to 1 among proprietors, managers, and
ofEcials.^^

With the exception of farmers and farm managers, the occupational
distribution of families by total money income follows roughly the
marital pattern of these occupation groups. The median total income
of all families in 1949 was $3,107, and that for proprietors, managers,
and officials was $4,189. Professional workers had a median income

-^ Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics of Single, Married, Widowed, and
Divorced Persons in 1947," Current Population Reports, Population Character-
istics, op. cit., adapted from Table 10.

29 Ibid., p. s-

310 COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY

per family of $4,938, whereas semiprofessional workers had only
$3,750. Laborers, except farm and mine, had a median family income
of $2,544, ^^ compared with $1,491 for farm laborers and foremen.
The median figure for farmers and farm managers was only $1,436,
but the money income of farmers is not an adequate reflection of the
economic security of farm families .^*^

In this chapter, we have examined the structure of the American
family in quantitative terms. We have considered the family in terms
of its size, its stability, its age composition, the educational achieve-
ments of its members, the rural-urban differences in its distribution,
its socio-economic features, and other aspects of this institutional
segment of the American culture pattern. We shall consider the
broken family in a later discussion. Emphasis has been placed here
upon what the family is, rather than what it does, its forms rather
than its functions. In the following chapters, we shall turn to an
analysis of this second aspect of the family and shall deal with both
the changing and continuing functions of this institution.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

BossARD, James H. S., The Sociology of Child Development. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1948. Although this book deals primarily with
the child, it also contains a mass of pertinent data on the structure,
composition, and functions of the institution of the family.

Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports: Series P-20, Popu-
Jation Characteiistics; Series P-50, Labor Force; Series P-60, Con-
sumer Income. Washington, variously dated. These and other in-
terim studies, based on scientific sampling, are of great value in
measuring changes in the characteristics of the family in intercensal
periods.

Dublin, Louis I., The Facts of Life from Birth to Death. New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1951. Simple, readable conclusions drawn
from a complicated mass of figures.

Federal Security Agency, Public Health Service, National Office
OF Vital Statistics, Vital Statistics — Special Reports — National
Summaries. Washington, \ariouslv dated. Indispensable for a current
quantitative view of the family. Also Illegitimate Births, 1938-47,
Vol. 53, No. 5, February 15, 1950. The Monthly Vital Statistics Bul-

3° Bureau of the Census, "Income of Families and Persons in the United States:
1949," Current Population Reports, Population Chaiacteiistics, February 18, 1951,
Series P-60, No. 7, Table 8.

COMPOSITION OF THE FAMILY 311

letin contains, on a monthly and cumulative basis, provisional data
on births, deaths, infant deaths, and marriage licenses.

Inter-Agency Committee on Background Materials, The American
Family, a Factual Background, National Conference on Family Life,
May 1948. Washington, 1948. Valuable data gathered by an inter-
departmental committee of Government agencies for the delibera-
tions of the conference.

Kiser, Clyde V., and P. K. Whelpton, "Social and Psychological Fac-
tors Affecting Fertility: XI — The Interrelation of Fertility, Fertility
Planning and Feeling of Economic Security," The Milbank Memo-
rial Fund Quarterly, 1951. The student will want to consult, in ad-
dition to this report, the other reports in this series on the social
and psychological factors affecting fertility.

Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, Statistical Bulletin, New
York (monthly). Many of the issues of this bulletin contain helpful
summaries and interpretations of census data relative to the family.

MiDCENTURY WhITE HoUSE CONFERENCE ON CHILDREN AND YoUTH,

ChUdien and Youth at the Midcentiny — a Chart Book. Raleigh,
N. C: Health Publications Institute, 1951. A very good series of
visual presentations of the contemporary factors affecting American
children.

s^ 16 5^^

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS
OF THE FAMILY

Ihe structure of an institution is but its bare bones. The
functions put some flesh on these bones, endow them with hfe, and
show them in action. We have considered social institutions in their
generalized aspects and the family as a characteristic example thereof.
We have also considered the composition of the American family
from a quantitative point of view. We turn now to the activities of
the contemporary family, indicating its principal functions, the ex-
tent to which some of these functions have been assumed by other
institutions, and finally the extent to which others remain as the core
of the continuing institution.

The Nature of Family Functions

The functions of an institution refer to the activities which it
characteristically performs. A noted anthropologist defines institu-
tional function as "the part it (the institution) plays in the total
system of social integration of which it is a part. . . . The function
of culture as a whole," he continues, "is to unite individual human
beings into more or less stable social structures . . . providing such
adaptation to the physical environment, and such internal adapta-
tion between the component individuals or groups as to make pos-
sible an ordered life." ^ These "more or less stable social structures"
are social institutions, and the functions refer to the parts played by
them in the social environment which give it stability. Without a
system of institutions, ordered society would be impossible.

1 A. R. Radclifife-Brown, "The Present Position of Anthropological Studies,"
British Association for the Advancement of Science, Centenary Meeting, London,
1951, quoted by Everett C. Hughes, "Social Institutions," An Outline of the
Principles of Sociology, ed. Robert E. Park (New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc.,
1939), pp. 290-91.

312

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 313

The functions of most institutions must be considered in the
plural. This is especially true of the family, whose functions were for-
merly so various that, in intimate cooperation with the Church, this
institution dominated the life of man from the cradle to the grave.
The historic family was a multifunctional institution, with affec-
tional, biological, economic, protective, educational, recreational, reli-
gious, and status-giving functions. Until comparatively recently, the
accident of birth in a particular family was probably the most impor-
tant single circumstance in the life of the individual. Even with
many of its functions assumed by other institutions, the functions
that the family still performs indicate that it will continue to play a
dominant role, both in the life of the individual and the institutional
structure of our society. The functions that remain to the family are
of such intrinsic importance that no other institution or combination
of institutions gives promise of replacing it.-

The family operates in close and reciprocal relationship with the
other social institutions. When these institutions change, the family
eventually follows. Beginning with the second half of the eighteenth
century, the Western world has witnessed several major industrial
and technological revolutions, whose broad social changes have had
inevitable repercussions on the family.^ The economic, educational,
recreational, religious, and protective functions have been especially
modified by this sweeping series of changes. The biological, affec-
tional, socialization, and status-giving functions have been less seri-
ously affected and, in modified form, continue to hold the family
together as the central social institution. The general process of
change has been uneven, with certain segments of the family showing
great changes and others less spectacular ones. The process has been
most striking with the metropolitan family, whose functions are most
fully divorced from those of the Colonial family. In the more isolated
rural areas, the family continues to operate in many respects very
much as it did 150 years ago.

Any major social crisis, such as World War II or postwar mobiliza-
tion, tends to accelerate the social changes already in operation.

2 Cf. William F. Ogburn and Clark Tibbitts, "The Family and Its Functions,"
Recent Social Trends (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1933), chap.
13. The reader will observe, in the discussion that follows, the authors' indebted-
ness to this classic treatment of family functions.

3 Lawrence K. Frank, "Social Change and the Family," Annals oi the Ameri-
can Academy oi Political and Social Science, March 1932, CLX, 94-102.

314 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

World War II did not originate the employment of women, the lack
of care of children, and the changing family roles resulting from the
greater freedom of married women; it did, however, speed up these
and other processes that had started long before. The demand for
labor brought millions of additional married women into the labor
force and thus increased the rapidity of change in economic func-
tions of the family. The biological functioning in the past decade has
confounded the population experts with the spectacular and differen-
tial fluctuations of the birth rate. The affectional function became
even more important during the war, when millions of families either
were deprived of these relationships or were threatened with their
imminent loss.*

The Changing Production Function

One of the consequences of a rapidly changing and highly dynamic
society is an inevitable lag between the mores and the changed life-
conditions. In the Old World, many of the essential forms of family
life were established in an agrarian economy, where the family was
largely a self-contained social unit with the father as the acknowl-
edged head. The early experience in America reinforced the rural and
agricultural mores of the family and established the rural family as
the norm of family life. "The prevailing ideas and attitudes," writes
one authority, "held by both men and women regarding the position
and sphere of women in society, and the proper organization and
activities of the family and the home are largely the product of the
economic and social arrangements that prevailed prior to the indus-
trial revolution, when society was organized primarily around the
home as the producing unit, and before standards of value had be-
come so definitely identified with a price-and-profit economy." ^

Much of the contemporary uncertainty is the result of the massive
changes that have transformed the family from a rural to an urban
relationship, changes that have seemed to be almost sacrilegious de-
partures from a universally accepted rural norm. The new family in-
evitably violates the mores in many respects, since these mores were
the accretions of a rural way of life. New mores have not yet been

* Francis E. Merrill, Social Problems on the Home Fwnt (New York: Harper
& Brothers, 1948).

^ Viva Boothe, "Gainfully Employed Women in the Family," Annals of the
American Academy ot PoUtical and Social Science, March, 1932, CLX, 75-85.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 315

evolved about the rapidly changing pattern of family relationships in
an urban culture.^

The economic functions of the family in a predominantly agrarian
society were twofold. First, the family served as a unit for the pro-
duction of goods and services primarily for home consumption and
only secondarily for the market. Second, the family served as a unit
for the consumption of goods and services, the majority of which
they provided for themselves, often with only incidental assistance
from outside sources. This economy and the family admirably suited
to it were characterized by virtual economic self-sufEciency and a pre-
ponderance of hand labor. There was a nice division of labor among
husband, wife, and children. Work became the supreme virtue, and
leisure was identified with potential degeneracy. The husband was
the dominant figure, at least nominally, but the economic role of the
wife was so vital that she often exercised a preponderant influence
in family councils.

A profound change has taken place in the demographic scene and
hence in the economic functions performed by the family. Each dec-
ade has witnessed a decreasing proportion of the population residing
on the land and carrying on the traditional economic functions of
the farm family. As noted in chapter 15, approximately 63 per cent
of the population is now urban, with only 16 per cent in the rural-
farm category.'^ Even those families that remain on the farm do not
operate as they did in a handicraft economy. Labor-saving devices
have been introduced, farm machinery has been improved, mechani-
zation has been applied to many processes formerly performed by
hand labor, and the unit production per worker has increased.

These technological changes in the mode of production have
brought with them modifications in the economic and social func-
tions of the farm family. As Frank points out, the traditional activity
of "making a living" has partially changed to one of "earning a liv-
ing," in which the farmer raises cash crops to sell in the open mar-
ket.^ The farm family is naturally not so dependent upon a cash

^ Cf. Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York: Ameri-
can Book Company, 1945), chap. 3, "The Rural Family" and chap. 4, "The
Urban Family."

■^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: March,
1950," Current Population Reports, Population Characteristics, February 12,
1951, Series P-20, No. 33, p. 5.

8 Frank, "Social Change and the Family," op. cit., p. 95.

3i6 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

income as the urban family. The farm family still performs its basic
productive activity on the ground and hence still serves as both a
production and a consumption unit. The farm family therefore con-
tinues to maintain many of the social patterns of an earlier day, even
though these elements are being broken down by the cultural diffu-
sion from urban centers.

The majority of families, however, no longer perform this central
productive function. The members of most families work for wages
or salaries outside the home and make their economic contribution
in wavs other than directly through the familv.^ The family has be-
come increasingly a unit of consumption, through which goods and
services are purchased for money and within which they are con-
sumed. Most of the baking, canning, preserving, washing, clothes-
making, and similar operations formerly performed by the family
have been assumed by specialized agencies outside the home. Even
the outside consumption of meals has increased in recent years, as
evidenced by the growing number of waiters and waitresses in pro-
portion to the population as a whole. Bakeries and delicatessens have
grown more rapidly than the population in recent decades. With the
advent of frozen fruits and vegetables, pre-cooked and processed
meats and foods, many of the simplest operations formerlv performed
in the family kitchen have been transferred to commercial agencies.
Manv of the traditional economic functions of the familv, even in
the field of consumption, have undergone considerable modification
during the first half of the twentieth century.^"

In spite of labor-saving devices and other means of simplifying
housework, however, the job of homemaker is still a full-time job,
especially where there are young children. Married women with small
children do not leave the home to join the labor force in anything
like the proportion of childless married women or older women. Al-
though there are fewer children, the standards of child care have
grown more exacting, and keeping up with the growing body of
knowledge in this respect is a major task. Even in apartment-living,
there is a certain amount of cleaning to be done, as well as taking
care of the clothing and house furnishings. However simple and con-
venient the modern kitchen may be, the food must be purchased,

^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Measuring Family Responsibility,"
StatisfiaiJ BuUetin, May 1946.

^^ Ogburn and Tibbitts, op. cit., pp. 664-72.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 317

processed, and served. In an inflationary situation and without an
unlimited food budget, the homemaker should have considerable
knowledge of quality and standards of food excellence, to say nothing
of the multiplicity of other items purchased for the home.

It is difficult to give a money-equivalent to the total services ren-
dered by the more than 40 million homemakers of the nation. One
authority estimated the total monetary contribution of the home-
maker at 34 billion dollars in 1945, or about $22 for every $100 of
national income.^^ In strict economic thought, no money-equivalent
is possible for services for which there is no market. The fact that
homemakers do perform services, however, which would be the equal
of 20 per cent of the national income shows that homemaking is the
Number One profesiaion in America. ,

The Changing Consumption Function

The family now buys many of the commodities which it formerly
grew, processed, or manufactured. Money has become the central
value for the majority of families, especially for the substantial pro-
portion that is constantly on the line between minimum subsistence
and downright poverty. Indeed, it might be said with equal validity
that money is a central value for all contemporary families, since they
live in a society permeated so completely by its concept. "Money,"
says Simmel, "is . . . more than a standard of value and a means of
exchange. It has a meaning and significance over and above its purely
economic function. Modern society is a monetary society not merely
because its economic transactions are based on money, or because its
manifold aspects are influenced by money, but because it is in money
that the modern spirit finds its most perfect expression." ^^ As Lynd
remarks in slightly different terms, "Never before has so much of a
'living' been bought." ^^ In order to buy this "living," money must
be had.

The family living on or below the poverty level must have money
to survive. The family living on the minimum subsistence level must
watch its income carefully to make both ends meet. The family on

11 Margaret Reid, "The Economic Contribution of Homemakers," Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Socia] Science, May 1947, CCLI, 61-69.

^2 Nicholas J. Spykman, The Social Theory of Georg Simmel (Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1925), p. 251.

1^ Robert S. Lynd, "Family Members as Consumers," Annals of the American
Academy of Pohtical and Social Science, March 1932, CLX, 86-93.

3i8 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

the health and decency level is interested in the money that will buy
some of the small luxuries. To the family on the comfort level,
money is a symbol of keeping up with the Joneses, a tangible and
visible sign of hard-won social success. To the wealthy family, money
has become a necessity to maintain the way of life to which it has
been accustomed and which it considers its eminent right. On every
income level, money has become a central value, upon which the cor-
porate existence of the family unit is based. This development is
more apparent in the urban community than in isolated rural areas;
but even in the latter, money has grown increasingly important.

The division of labor in a pecuniary society, furthermore, has made
the individual less dependent upon his intimate family but more de-
pendent upon a larger number of persons with whom he has only a
remote personal connection .^^ The urban husband is no longer de-
pendent upon the labor of his wife to maintain the family economy,
as is still the case in the farm family. Instead, he is dependent for his
wage or salary upon millions of persons whom he does not know and
of whose very existence he is only dimly aware.^^

Although it is customary to speak of the family as the "unit" of
consumption in a pecuniary economy, this concept must be qualified
in view of the many purchases made by members of families acting
as individuals rather than primarily as members of a closely knit con-
sumption unit.^^ Such an atomistic policy involves the family in un-
wise expenditures, the overextension of credit, and other difficulties
not present in a society where the father or mother tightly controlled
the purse strings in accordance with custom. Such items as refriger-
ators, radios, and homes are customarily purchased by the family as
a unit. Many other items in the "family" budget are, however, pur-
chased by one or more of the individuals comprising the unit.

Income and the Consumption Function

The total money income of a family, translated into the goods and
services it will purchase, is the basic measure of the economic well-
being of the family in a pecuniary society. In 1950, the median fam-
ily income was $3,300, or approximately 3 times the median family

^* Spykman, op. cit., p. 221.

^^ Ibid., pp. 221-22.

1^ Lynd, "Family Members as Consumers," op. cit., p. 86.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 319

income for 1935-1936.^'^ Even with the inflationary situation, the
average family of 1950 was probably enjoying more real income than
the family of 15 years before. More than 9 million families in the
United States received incomes of $5,000 or more in 1950, whereas
10 million had incomes under $2,000. The remaining group of about
21 million families were in the $2,000 to $5,000 bracket.^^ During the
brief period from 1944 to 1950, the median family income increased
from $2,500 to $3,300, or more than 30 per cent. In the same period,
the proportion of families with incomes of $5,000 and over increased
from 12 per cent to 23 per cent of the total. Table 11 shows the dis-
tribution of income by femilies in the United States in 1950:

Table 11 i9

NUMBER AND PER CENT OF FAMILIES

by Family Income

Family Income Number of Families Per Cent

Under $1,000 4,600,000 11.6

$1,000 to $1,999 5,200,000 13.1

$2,000 to $2,999 7,100,000 17.8

$3,000 to $3,999 8,200,000 20.6

$4,000 to $4,999 5,400,000 13.6

$5,000 to $5,999 3,600,000 9.0

$6,000 to $6,999 2,100,000 5.3 ' ^

$7,000 to $9,999 2,300,000 5.8 •

$10,000 and over 1,300,000 3.3

Total 39,800,000 100.0

Three out of 5 American families thus have a total money income
of $3,000 or over, and almost 1 in 4 has an income of $5,000 or over.
Even discounting the purchasing power of the 1950 dollar (see below),
these incomes are impressive. At the other end of the scale, approxi-
mately 1 family in 9 has a cash income of less than $1,000, a figure
that would hardly satisfy the needs of a family under modern price
conditions. The majority of these low-income families, however, are
rural, and the figures for family income do not include farm produce
consumed at home and other types of income "in kind." The median

1'^ National Resources Committee, Consumer Incomes in the United States,
Washington, 1938.

18 Bureau of the Census, "Income of Families and Persons in the United
States: 1950," Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, March 25, 1952,
Series P-60, No. 9.

19 Bureau of the Census, "Income of Families and Persons in the United States:
1950," Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, op. cit.

320 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

farm family income was $1,587, or about half that for all families in
the country. This means that almost half of all farm families had a
money income of less than $1,500. Some 34.2 per cent of all farm
families reported cash incomes of less than $1,000, whereas only 6.7
per cent of all urban families had incomes as small as this.-*'

The discrepancy between rural and urban families, however, is not
as great as these figures would suggest. In addition to the fact that
farm produce consumed at home is not included as income, it is prob-
able that many farm incomes are also under-reported. This situation
arises from the difficulty of measuring net income from the operation
of a farm. Hence the plight of many of the 50 per cent of all farm
families with reported incomes of less than $1,500 is undoubtedly
better than might be expected from the figures alone. The scale of
living of most of the 6 million farm families is unquestionably higher
than the median cash income of $1,587 would suggest.^^

Since families vary so greatly in size and number of dependents,
the median per capita income throws additional light upon economic
status. Family income as a whole increases with the size of the fam-
ily, from a median figure of $2,600 for families of 2 persons to $3,400
for families of 4, 5, or 6 persons. Income declines for larger families.
The average per capita income is largest in small families, with a
median figure of $1,300 in 2 person families and decreasing to $500
or less per person in families with 7 or more persons.-- As an indica-
tion of economic well-being, this figure is still further qualified by
the fact that living costs per member are lower in large families than
in small ones. Other variables, such as type and location of family,
also have a bearing on these comparisons.

It is customary in cost-of-living analyses to compare current price
levels of goods and services with those prevailing in 1935-1939. In
popular parlance, this comparison has been described in terms of a
53-cent dollar. This simply means that, as a consequence of inflation,
the 1950 dollar purchased in goods and services slightly more than
one-half of what it did in 1939. It required, therefore, almost twice
as many inflated dollars to maintain the same standards of consump-
tion as the average family needed in 1939.

2" Bureau of the Census, "Income of Families and Persons in the United States,
1949," Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, February 18, 1951, Series
P-60, No. 7, pp. 2, 20.

21 Ibid., Table 1.

22 Ibid., p. 3.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 321

In the period from 1939 to 1949, the money income of the average
employee more than doubled, increasing from about $800 to $2,000.
The median income for white males increased from $1,100 to $2,700,
and that for white females from $700 to $1,600. The wage workers
showing the greatest gains were in agriculture, mining, construction,
and manufacturing, and smallest gains were recorded in the "white-
collar" industries.-^ Families in general have thus improved their eco-
nomic position as consumption units during the past decade and real
income is greater than it was before World War II. Families of
"white-collar" workers ana those on fixed incomes from pensions,
annuities, and the like have felt the worst of the inflationary pinch.

The industrial organization of the United States depends upon
mass production and mass markets. Apart from the small proportion
of this productivity which goes into world trade, the continued de-
velopment of mass production depends on the ability of millions of
American families to buy and pay for the output of farm and factory.
The economic prosperity of the nation therefore depends on the
effectiveness of the family as a consumption unit to absorb the prod-
ucts of an industrial society. Total family money income is largely
the key to this effectiveness, and hence families as a whole have im-
proved their real income and economic wellbeing in recent years.
Many families still exist in which money income is far from adequate
for a satisfactory standard of living. The goal of equality of economic
opportunity is far from a reality. The important consideration, how-
ever, is the direction in which the society is moving. It cannot be
gainsaid that the economic wellbeing of the family has improved in
the past two decades.

The Employmenf of Married Women

In our discussion of the economic functions of the family, atten-
tion was called to the increasing number of women who are making
their contribution outside rather than inside the family. We may
now consider this trend in more detail, and see how the ofhce and
the factory, rather than the four walls of the home, have come to de-
termine the activities of a larger number of women, both married and
unmarried. In 1900, approximately 5,000,000 women were gainfully
employed outside the home; by 1930, this number had increased to
almost 11,000,000; and by 1952, the figure approached 19,000,000.

23 Ibid., p. 9.

322 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

The peak employment of women occurred in 1945 when more than
19,500,000 were in the civihan labor force, or in excess of 1 in every
3 workers.^* The effects of this general trend upon the family, its re-
lationships and roles, are literally incalculable.

Even more directly affecting the economic functioning of the fam-
ily is the number of married women in the labor force. In the period
from 1910 to 1951, this number increased from less than 2,000,000 to
more than 9,000,000, or almost 5 times. The number of women in
the population increased for the same period by less than two times.
In 1940, the proportion of employed married women to all married
women was less than 15 per cent; in 1950, about 24 per cent of all
married women were in the labor force. Before World War II, the
number of single women in the labor force exceeded the number of
married, but this situation was reversed by 1950.^° The proportion of
employed single women to all single women is about 50 per cent, or
double the proportion that prevails in the married group. The accom-
panying Figure 6 shows both the relative and absolute increases in
the employment of married women during the past four decades.

Prior to World War II, about 1 in 6 married women was in the
labor force; by 1950 the proportion had increased to almost 1 in 4.
In spite of this tremendous increase in the over-all employment of
married women, the labor force participation of married women in
their 20's and early 30's increased only slightly. The bulk of the in-
crease came from the middle and older age groups. Young children
in the home continue to act as strong deterrents to the employment
of married women. Mothers of children of preschool age are there-
fore less likely than other women to be gainfully employed. Mothers
of children of school age are less likely to join the labor force than
those with no children under 18. In 1950, only 11.9 per cent of the
mothers with preschool-age children were gainfully employed, as com-
pared with 28.3 per cent of the mothers with school-age children,
and 30.3 per cent of those with no children under 18.^^

Married women are popularly assumed to work because they prefer

-^ Women's Bureau, United States Department of Labor, 1952 Handbook of
Facts on Women Workers, Bulletin No. 242 (Washington, 1952), p. 1.

-^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital and Family Characteristics of the Labor
Force in the United States; March, 1950," Current PopuJation Reports, Labor
Force, May 2, 1951, Series P-50, No. 29.

28 Ibid., p. 2.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

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a career to the solid responsibilities of family life. The assumption
is not true, in view of the types of work performed by the majority
of married women. Less than i in 9 employed married women is in
the professional and semiprofessional group; 1 in 3 is in the group
of clerical, sales, and kindred workers; 1 in 5 in the group of opera-
tives and kindred workers; and 1 in 4 in the group of service work-
ers.^'''

The Women's Bureau of the United States Department of Labor
made an analysis of about 240 studies of women workers and their
dependents. The Bureau found that "most frequently half or well
over half of the women at work in all types of occupation consider
themselves in some degree responsible for dependents (in addition, of
course, to supporting themselves). . . . The proportion of women who
contribute to dependents ordinarily is largest among those widowed
or divorced, next among the married, and smallest among single
women. Nevertheless, in most of the studies reporting on marital
status at least a third, and in some cases over half, of the single
women were contributing to dependents." -^

Single employed women are more likely to be supporting adults,
such as mothers, fathers, sisters or brothers, whereas married women
are likely to be supporting children. Many married women, however,
also have adult dependents, such as parents and occasionally hus-
bands. From one-tenth to one-fourth of women workers reported in
the above studies were the only earners contributing to the support
of their families. Less than 1 woman in 10 gives none of her earnings
to her family. Conversely, from one-third to two-thirds of all women
workers give all of their earnings to family support.-^

From these lines of evidence, it is clear that married women work
from necessity rather than to express their personalities or enjoy a
glamorous professional career. Whereas about 1 married woman in
4, whose husband was present, was in the labor force in 1950, more
than 1 in 3 of those widowed, divorced, or living apart from their
husbands were gainfully employed. Almost 2 out of 3 in this latter
category were in the labor force if they had dependent children 6

27 Ibid. Adapted from Table 5, p. 8.

28 Mary-Elizabeth Pidgeon, Women Workers and Their Dependents, Wom-
en's Bureau, United States Department of Labor, Bulletin No. 239, (Washington,
1952), p. 3-

28 Ibid., pp. 4, 5.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 325

to 17 years of age. If they had children under six, only about 2 out
of 5 were working.^*'

Furthermore, in those families with husband present and wife
working, the contributions of the wives constituted no small part of
the family's total income. Where the husband's income was in the
lower brackets, the activity of the wife doubled the family income;
at higher income levels, the proportionate contribution of the wife's
earning naturally was less. About one-half of the families with working
wives had incomes of $4,000 or more, whereas only one-third of the
families in which the wife did not work had this much income.^^
Table 12 shows the relative importance of the wife's contribution to
the family at different income levels.

Table 12 ^^

INCOME OF HUSBAND BY LABOR FORCE STATUS OF WIFE

April, 1951

Per Cent of Wives
Income of Husband in Labor Force

Under $1,000 28

$1,000 to $2,000 29

$2,000 to $3,000 28 " - ,' '

$3,000 to $4,000 27 ; ' ■ ""

$4,000 to $5,000 21

$5,000 to $6,000 16

$6,000 to $10,000 11

$10,000 and over 12

Where children are involved, a considerable change in family role
accompanies this migration from the home to the ofEce, store, fac-
tory, or classroom. Working mothers are often unable to provide sat-
isfactory supervision for their children, since they cannot afford nurs-
ery schools or similar services. Many of the children "run wild" on
the streets, where they may come into contact with undesirable in-
fluences. They are deprived of the sympathetic understanding of a
mother when they need it most. There is little time for the children
even in the hours the working mother spends in the home, for this is

3" Bureau of the Census, "Marital and Family Characteristics of the Labor
Force in the United States: March, 1950," op. cit., Table 4, p. 8.

21 Bureau of the Census, "Income of Famihes and Persons in the United
States: 1950," Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, March 25, 1952,
Series P-60, No. 9, p. 4.

^^ Ibid., Table J, p. 11.

326 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

the only time she has for cooking, cleaning, and other activities. Many
of the functions ordinarily performed by the mother therefore are not
performed at all or, in some instances, are performed by children who
thereby overtax both their psychic and their physical energy.''^ When
the full-time job of homemaker with children is complicated by
working for wages, there is a profound modification of the maternal
role.

The Educational Function

The change from an agrarian to an urban industrial society has re-
sulted in a corresponding change in the family, from a production
and consumption unit to a consumption unit with chief emphasis
on the money income. The same basic social changes have affected
greatly the educational function of the family. In a simpler social
structure, children were taught in the family circle the skills with
which they were later to earn a living. Since the boy would probably
follow in his father's footsteps and become a farmer, the knowledge
essential to carry on this occupation could best be attained in the
school of practical experience. Similarly, since the major life-work of
the girl would be that of wife and homemaker, the home itself was
an adequate training ground for this career. A minimum of formal
schooling was essential in such a social system. Knowledge of the cul-
tural heritage was best supplied by the family, aided by the church.

A distinction should be made here between education in its broad-
est sense and the formal education associated with the schools. The
most significant influences shaping the personality occur during the
earliest years of life; in this sense, the educational function of the
family is supremely important. For this is the period in the life span
of the individual when his major social relationships are familial. In
a subsequent chapter, attention will be given to this continuing func-
tion of education, considered as socialization. At this point we are
concerned with the extent to which the schools have taken over cer-
tain educative services formerly performed by the family.

The extent of this trend is evidenced by: (a) the increased num-
ber of children attending school; (b) the median number of years
of completed schooling; (c) the increase in the number of days per
year children are in school; and (d) the changing conception of its

33 United States Department of Labor, Children's Bureau, Supervised Home-
maker Service, Bureau Publication No. 296 (Washington, 1943), pp. 3-4.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 327

task by the school. In 1951, there were 18 milhon children from 7
to 13 years of age in school, or about 99 per cent of this age group.
In the age group 14 to 17 years, 85 per cent were enrolled in school,
although after this age the percentage declines sharply. In the 18-19
year group, the percentage in school drops to 26.2, and in the age
group 20-24 the percentage shows the most drastic decline of all to
8.6.34

A signiScant educational increase in the high school age group (14-
17 years) occurred in the period from 1945-1951, when the propor-
tion enrolled in schools increased from 78.4 per cent to 85.2 per cent.
The enrollment of males in higher education (20-24 years) showed
violent fluctuations in the postwar years. This rate increased from
5.6 per cent of the total age group in 1945 to a high point of 17.0 per
cent in 1947, only to decline to 14.3 per cent in 1951. This fluctua-
tion reflected changes in the number eligible for the educational
benefits of the veterans of World War II under the so-called "GI
Bill of Rights." 35

Data on the other aspects of educational trends are somewhat less
recent than those for school enrollment. In 1947, the median num-
ber of school years completed by all persons then in the age group
25-34 ys^rs was approximately 12 years. For the age group 35-44, the
comparable figure was about 10 years, and for the age group 45-54
it was about 8 years.^^ This is a striking indication of the rapid in-
crease in the average amount of formal schooling during the life-
time of persons now living. Those in the younger group have had,
on the average, about 4 years of completed schooling more than the
older members of the population. An increasing amount of time is
also being spent in school every year. From 1900 to 1948, the average
number of days attended per enrolled pupil in the elementary and
secondary schools increased from 99 to 155 days.^'^

Child psychologists, nursery school teachers, and others profession-
ally competent in the field suggest that the child is ready for a group
experience at the age of two. In an earlier day when large families

3* Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment: October 1951," Current Popu-
lation Reports; Population Characteristics, July 21, 1952, Series P-20, No. 40.

35 Ibid.

36 Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics of Single, Married, Widowed, and
Divorced Persons in 1947," Current Population Reports: Population Character-
istics, February 5, 1948, Series P-20, No. 10, Table 8.

^''Statistical Abstract oi the United States, 1951 (Washington, 1952), p. 112.

328 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

were the rule, this experience was provided by the sibhngs in the
family. Small families, and especially one-child families, are unable
to provide this experience spontaneously. Hence they seek to give the
child a group experience in the nursery school, where good language
habits may be built up and adjustment with the peer group en-
couraged. The number of children engaged in this precocious group
experience is still statistically rather small. The Bureau of the Census
lists only children enrolled in kindergarten, with 574,000 five-year olds
in this category in 1951. This number represented 18.9 per cent of
the five-year old age group. ^^

A final aspect of the changing educational relationship of the fam-
ily and the school is the new and enlarged conception of its role held
by the latter institution. The traditional conception of public school
education was that of handing on the cultural heritage in the form of
tool-subjects and special skills. The latter were intended to enhance
the adjustment of the individual in the outside world, with special
emphasis upon earning a living. In recent years, this concept has
broadened appreciably to include education of the ''whole person"
in the emotional and psychological, as well as the strictly intellectual,
sense. Schools have established elaborate counseling sendees, which
deal with the emotional adjustments and maladjustments of the
pupils. Many advanced school systems have extensive adjustment
services, staffed with psychiatrists, psychologists, and social workers.
Visiting teachers investigate the home environment of the student
and attempt to relate his progress in school to his home situation. In
these and many other respects, the school supplements still more the
broad educational function formerly performed by the family.^^

The Religious Function

The Christian religion, with its accompanying value-system, has
long been a prominent part of the American culture pattern. The
family continues to play a strategic role in the transmission of these
values to the child. It is in the family, says the White House Con-
ference on Children in a Democracy, that the child "is first intro-
duced to the religious inheritance of his particular religious group

^^ Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment: October, 19151," Current Popu-
lation Reports; Population ChaTacteristics, op. cit., Table 2.

39 Federal Security Agency, Office of Education, Health Sendees in City
Schools, Bulletin No. 20 (Washington, 1952).

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 329

into which he is born, as he is introduced to his mother tongue and
to other aspects of his particular culture. Here the foundations are
laid for the moral standards that are to guide his conduct through
life." ^° In the orderly life of the family, the child acquires both a
realization of the orderliness of the universe and an understanding of
the integrity of the individual. It is frequently not so much a matter
of formal teaching as of participating in a group in which religious
values are of vital concern. That parent who possesses inner security
founded on the integration of his life around ethical or religious con-
cepts tends to pass on to his children the kind of trust that is essen-
tial to individual well-being.'*^

We have considered the role of religion in American culture, in so
far as it is related to the broad cultural patterns which the family
assimilates. It is therefore unnecessary to consider here the changing
religious functions of the family in any great detail, beyond indicating
that many of the same factors that have brought about the declining
role of the family in other fields have applied with equal force to the
religious function. These changes have not been uniform in the differ-
ent sections of the country or among various denominations. In gen-
eral, the declining importance of the family as a religious institution
has been an urban rather than a rural phenomenon and a Protestant
rather than a Catholic one (see below). As with many other gen-
eralizations on American society, regional, ethnic, class, and other
subcultural differences must be considered and the generalizations
amended accordingly.'*^

An investigation of the declining religious function of the Protes-
tant family was conducted some years ago under the auspices of an
earlier White House Conference. The degree of family participation
in 4 types of religious activity was studied: church attendance, grace
at meals, group Bible reading, and prayers and devotions. The aver-
age family participated in these activities roughly in the order named
—with church attendance first and devotional exercises last. The only

■*" White House Conference on Children in a Democracy, Children's Bureau
Publication No. 272 (Washington, 1942), pp. 185-86.

** Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, A Healthy
Personality foi Every Child, Fact Finding Report, a Digest (Raleigh, N. C:
Health Publications Institute, Inc., 1951), pp. 53 ff-

*2 Cf. Rex A. Skidmore and Anthon S. Cannon, Building Your Marriage (New
York: Harper & Brothers, 1951), chap. 7, "Religion and Marriage."

33© THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

activity participated in by more than half of the famihes (85 per cent
of the rural and 40 per cent of the urban) was church attendance.
Only 22 per cent of the rural and 10 per cent of the urban families
reported cooperative reading of the Bible; 38 per cent of the rural
and 30 per cent of the urban families engaged regularly in family
grace before meals. The day when the average Protestant family op-
erated as a formal religious unit has clearly passed.^^

A recent study of the Catholic family indicates that religious in-
struction provided by this institution likewise does not measure up
to "traditional expectations," either in terms of knowledge of prayers
or understanding of religious dogma. An attempt was made to dis-
tinguish the religious training provided by the family from that later
supplemented by the parochial school by studying the background of
the child at the time he entered the Catholic school. It was found,
for example, that only in the observance dealing with the Sign of the
Cross did more than one-half (52.9 per cent) of the children have
the expected home training. In terms of such traditional elements of
the Catholic theology as the Lord's Prayer, the "Hail Mary," and
Grace at Meals, one-third or less of the children showed the expected
amount of home training.^*

In the understanding of Catholic dogma, less than one-third (30.6
per cent) of the preschool children could explain the meaning of the
Crucifix, which is the most universal of Roman Catholic symbols.
On such matters as the story of Adam and Eve and the story of
Creation, only 13.1 and 24.9 per cent of the children respectively
demonstrated even the most rudimentary understanding. The author
of the study indicates that the results are open to possible criticism
on the ground that they stress formal knowledge at the expense of
"motivation and religious 'outlook.' " He counters this implied crit-
icism, however, by pointing out the formal and organized character
of the Roman Catholic faith and practice and suggests that "where
there is no formal knowledge there is little religious training." ^^ The
general conclusion of the author, a member of the Society of Jesus, is
that "The religious training of the preschool child at home as meas-

*^ Ernest W. Burgess, ed., The AdoJescent in the Family (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1934), pp. 171-72.

^^ John L. Thomas, S.J., "Rehgious Training in the Roman Catholic Family,"
American Journal oi Sociology, September 1951, LVII, 178-83.

«Jbid., p. 183.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 331

ured by the ten items employed in the present study falls far short of
traditional expectations." *®

The Recreational Funcfion

The broad social changes that have influenced the family are like-
wise apparent in the recreation function. In a simple agrarian society,
the family served as the central unit for the recreation of its members.
In rural sections, it is still possible to find families who can take the
fiddle, the hand organ, and the harmonica and literally make their
own fun for themselves and their neighbors. In the modern urban
family, however, the type of work done by members of the family
is so different that their interests are widely varied in satisfying their
respective needs for re-creation. This individual-centered rather than
family-centered need for recreation has combined with a rapid de-
crease in the hours of labor and the growth in labor-saving devices
to produce a great proliferation of commercial agencies catering to
such wants. In competition with commercial agencies, the family
runs a poor second in the satisfaction of its members' need for recrea-
tion.

In the aforementioned study of the adolescent in the family, an at-
tempt was made to discover the approximate extent of the decline in
the recreational function of the family. A representative sample of
rural and urban children was asked how much time each spent at
home with the family in the evening and what he did there. The
children reported that approximately two-thirds of the time at home
was spent either reading or studying (this was before the advent of
television).'*^ Such evenings are spent physically in the family circle,
but the family hardly acts as a recreational unit on these occasions.
The child therefore looks forward eagerly to evenings spent away
from home, for they are the occasions when something really exciting
happens. These latter and more stimulating activities are largely car-
ried on with members of the child's age group, rather than with his
parents.^^

Recreation is a universal human need, but only since the early
years of the present century has organized recreation been considered

46 Ibid., p. 182.

^"^ Burgess, The Adolescent in the Family, pp. 163-69.

** David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1950).

332 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

as a social and community responsibility. The growth in the imple-
mentation of the democratic credo made the offering of community
recreational facilities as logical as equal access to education. Urbani-
zation and industrialization have also been factors promoting this
trend, since the urban family cannot make adequate provision either
in space or in facilities for recreation in the home.^^

Public recreation has therefore become big business. In 1948, re-
ports from 1,673 communities showed a total of 32,314 separate
recreation centers, including playgrounds, recreation buildings, ath-
letic fields, bathing beaches, swimming pools, camps, golf courses,
picnic areas, and other facilities. The amount expended for public
recreational facilities and services in 1948 was approximately $100,-
000,000, or nearly double the comparable figure for 1946.^*^ Com-
mercial and public agencies have thus combined to take much of the
recreational function out of the bosom of the family.

The Protective Function

The historic family was the central institution by which the indi-
vidual was protected against the exigencies of life, so far as that was
humanly possible. In helpless infancy, in childhood and adolescence,
in old age, in sickness and unemployment — under all conditions
where the unaided resources of the individual were inadequate, the
family functioned as best it could. This protection took the varied
forms of physical care, shelter, food, and the spiritual solace which is
as necessary as the physical. As the nation grew more industrialized
and urbanized, it became impossible for the family to carry this man-
ifold burden. Many of its cares were taken over by three types of
protective agencies — the private insurance companies, the private so-
cial agencies, and the welfare and insurance programs operated by
local, state, and federal governments. The first two developments
have been under way for several decades. The third, in its federal
aspects at least, developed for the most part after 1935.

The change in family facilities for caring for the aged and infirm
represents a significant modification in the traditional protective
function. The sheer limitations of space present a problem. The small

*3 For a statement of the trends in public recreation, cf. Bradley Buell, ed.,
"Recreation for Everybody," Sun'ev, Special Section, February 1946, LXXXII,
41-56.

50 Charles K. Brightbill, "Recreation," SociaJ Work Year Book 1951 (New
York: American Association of Social Workers, 1951).

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 333

city apartment does not allow of a bedroom for the old folks. In a
predominantly consumption economy, there are no productive chores
whereby the old people can have a sense of participation in the family
economy. In a society in which family competition for higher stand-
ards of living is keen, families are either unwilling or unable to as-
sume, the financial burden of the aged. From such changes in the
family way of life, the old people are the most tragic sufferers.

The financial protection afforded by private insurance is satisfac-
tory for those who can aflford it, and endowment policies taken out
by men in the middle- and upper-income brackets provide ample pro-
tection for their old age. The majority of men and women are unable
to make such private provision for their old age, however, no matter
how thrifty they may be during their productive years. Before the
passage of the Social Security Act in 1935, it was estimated that 65
per cent of all persons over 65 years of age were dependent upon the
the state, private charity, or their friends and families. Only 35 per
cent were financially independent.

The American family has done its best to provide protection
through life insurance. At the present time, approximately 4 out of
5 families own some life insurance, which makes it the most popular
form of thrift and protection in the country.^^ At the end of 1950,
the total life insurance owned by American families amounted to 234
billions, which was double the figure for 1940.^^ In the period from
1900 to 1950, the number of policy-holders increased eightfold,
whereas the general population merely doubled during the same pe-
riod. Even in the face of this staggering increase both in the dis-
tribution and amount of insurance, the needs of the American family
for protection are still so great that private methods are not suffi-
cient.^^

This situation, as noted, is most acute with the aged. From 1900
to 1950, the number of persons in the population 65 years of age and
over increased from 3 to 12 million. This represented a fourfold in-
crease, whereas the population as a whole increased twofold. The
proportion of this age group increased from 4 to 8 per cent of the
population during the 50-year period under review. These changes
are shown in Figure 7. Furthermore, there has been a long-term trend

5^ Institute of Life Insurance, Life Insurance Fact Book, New York, 1951, p. 7.
52 Jbid., p. 5.
■''3 Ibid., p. 9.

334

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

toward decreasing the number and proportion of older persons con-
sidered employable in a high-speed, mechanized, and industrial so-
ciety. First depression and then inflation have still further threatened
the economic position of millions of old persons living on savings,
insurance, or the bounty of their families.

CHANGING PROPORTION OF AGE GROUPS
IN THE POPULATION, 1900-1950

POPULATION

65 YEARS

AND OVER
55-64 YEARS

45-54 YEARS

35-44- YEARS

100 PERCENT

20-34 YEARS

10-19 YEARS

0-9 YEARS

1900

1930 1940 1950

NET CHANGE

1900-1950

-0 +

3.4^;

Source: United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. Employment anb-
EcoNOMic Status of Older Men and Women, Bulletin No. 1092 (May, 1952).

Fig. 7.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 335

The problem of protection for the aged was first met on a federal
scale by the passage of the Social Security Act of 193$. Two situations
had to be faced at this time. The first was what to do about the then
dependent aged. The second was the increase in the number of the
aged,- both absolutely and relatively. These two problems were ap-
proached through: (a) joint federal-state programs for direct grants-
in-aid to present needy aged; (b) an old-age insurance program to
which both employer and employee would contribute.

The present assistance program is administered by the individual
states, aided by contributions from the federal government after the
latter has approved the state provisions for eligibility and adminis-
tration. The federal share is computed by an elaborate formula, the
maximum individual federal grant being $50 monthly, which was in-
creased by $5 by amendment of July 1952. For the past several years,
approximately 2,700,000 individuals 65 and over have been receiving
monthly old-age assistance checks. The average amount of such
checks is $43 for the country as a whole, and ranges from $76 in Col-
orado to $18 in Mississippi. The over-all federal share of old-age
assistance costs in 1950 was 54 per cent, but in individual states it
ranged from 75 per cent to 39 per cent.^* For the people 65 and over
in 1950, less than 1 in 3 had income from employment and 1 in 4
was the recipient of benefits from old-age and suvivors insurance.^^
This, briefly, is the short-range approach to the problem.

The long-range solution to the problem of an aging population is
provided by an old-age insurance program. This is one feature of the
social security program centralized in the federal government. It is
financed by means of a wage and payroll tax on all covered employ-
ment, divided equally between employers and employees. The orig-
inal intent was to insist that each industrial worker make provision
for his own old age. By the Amendments of 1939, Old Age Insurance
became Old Age and Survivors Insurance. This was a recognition that
society is interested not only in the dependency of the wage earner
but also in the possible widow, dependent children, or dependent
parents. It is the family, as well as the individual, that needs protec-

5* Wilbur }. Cohen, "Income Maintenance for the Aged," Annals of the
Ameiican Academy oi Political and Social Science, January 1952, CCLXXIX,
154-63.

55 U. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and
Economic Status oi Older Men and Women, May 1952, Bulletin No. 1092.

336 THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

tion. The worker on retirement is now eligible to a monthly benefit
based on his average monthly wages.

This is the largest insurance business in the country. As a result
of changes since the initial legislation, approximately 3 out of 4
workers of the nation are now covered. The chief groups not yet cov-
ered are farmers, seasonal and migratory farm workers, domestic work-
ers employed on a day basis, and persons covered under other gov-
ernment retirement systems. At the end of 1951, some 4.4 million
people were receiving old-age and survivors insurance benefits. More
than 3 million were aged persons, 800,000 were children, and 200,000
were widowed mothers of the children receiving benefits. ^^ The pay-
roll deduction rate effective in 1954, 2 per cent each for both em-
ployer and employee, will gradually increase to 3.25 per cent each
in 1970.

The Old Age and Survivors Insurance will do much to alleviate the
plight of the child left dependent by the premature death of the
family wage earner. Prior to 1935, many states had faced this problem
with the so-called "mother's pension" laws aimed at keeping mothers
and dependent children together as families. As in the case of the
aged, the federal legislation of 1935 attacked the immediate problem
of needy mothers with dependent children, as well as the long-range
situation. To meet the current need, states submitting approved laws
were to be granted federal matching funds. In June 1950, more than
1,600,000 dependent children in 650,000 families were receiving
monthly grants under this joint federal-state program.

In other ways the protective functions of the family have shifted
from the individual family to the larger society. The federal-state
programs for aid to the needy blind and for maternal and child health
illustrate this transfer. The rapid growth of institutions for the care
of the feeble-minded and the mentally ill has still further relieved the
family of a burden which it formerly carried. Until very recently, the
family was almost the only refuge for these and other unfortunates.
For the most part, these functions are taken from the family and
entrusted to the state and federal governments. The family is well
rid of them. Both the patients and the other members of the family
benefit from such a transfer of the protective function.

^•^ Cohen, "Income Maintenance for the Aged," op. cit., p. 159.
Cf. also Federal Security Agency, A Report on Old Age and Survivors Insur-
ance: after Fifteen Years; 1937-1951, April 1952, Washington.

THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 337

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Federal Security Agency, National Conference on Aging, Some Facts
About Out Aging Population, Washington, 1951. Also Programs
FoT An Aging Population, A Progress Report to the Federal Security
Administrator by the Working Committee on the Aging. The first
National Conference on Aging (August 1950) is an indication of
growing social concern for this pressing social problem.

MiDCENTURY WhITE HoUSE CONFERENCE ON CHILDREN AND YoUTH, A

HeaJthy Personality for Every Child, Fact Finding Report, a Digest.
Raleigh, N.C.: Health Publications Institute, Inc., 1951. This re-
port of the 1950 Conference should be read in conjunction with the
report of the comparable 1940 meeting: White House Conference
on Children in a Democracy, Final Report. U.S. Children's Bureau
Publication No. 272, Washington, 1942.

National Resources Committee, Consumer Income in the United
States. Washington, 1938. A detailed study of the family as a con-
sumption unit in the depression decade, showing a marked contrast
with the present situation as revealed in: Bureau of the Census,
Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, February 18, 1951,
Series P-60, No. 7 and March 25, 1952, Series P-60, No. 9.

NiMKOFF, M. F., "What Do Modern Inventions Do to Family Life?"
AnnaJs ot the American Academy oi Political and Social Science,
November 1950, CCLXXII, 53-58. An entire issue of the Annals
dedicated to the discussion of the subject, "Toward Family Sta-
bihty."

Ogburn, William F. and Clark Tibbitts, "The Family and Its Func-
tions," Recent Social Trends, chap. 13. New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, Inc., 1933. The hypothesis of the changing func-
tions of the family received its definitive statement in this study.

Pidgeon, Mary-Elizabeth, Women Workers and Their Dependents,
Bulletin No. 239. Washington: Women's Bureau, U. S. Depart-
ment of Labor, 1952. An analysis of the economic responsibilities of
women workers, together with a detailed bibliography.

Tibbitts, Clark, ed.. Living Through the Older Years. Ann Arbor: Uni-
versity of Michigan Press, 1949. Also Donahue, Wilma and Clark
Tibbitts, Planning the Older Years. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press, 1950. The contributions of different specialists are
here concerned with meeting the problems of the increased numbers
of the aged, "the new frontier in our American culture."

U. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employ-
ment and Economic Status of Older Men and Women, May 1952,
Bulletin No. 1092. Washington, 1952. Here are provided answers to
"questions arising from the effect of population, emplovment, and
economic trends on the older age groups in the population."

«^ 17 ij^s

THE CONTINUING FUNCTIONS
OF THE FAMILY

We have coNsroERED the changing functions of the family
as an economic, educational, recreational, religious, and protective in-
stitution, functions which it is gradually losing, at least in the sense
in which they were formerly performed. This loss is a highly relative
matter which varies from rural to urban areas and among various re-
ligious, ethnic, and cultural groups. Many native-born families in
isolated rural areas still carry on the traditional functions much as they
did a half century ago. Many foreign-born families in the metropol-
itan areas maintain the patriarchal mores of a peasant society in the
Old World, in which the ancient functions are still strong. But the
majority of families have experienced at least some diminution in
these traditional functions and will apparently continue to do so in
the future. How then is it possible to justify the existence of the fam-
ily in its present form?

The Survival Value of fhe Family

The answer lies in the continuance of the basic functions which
the family alone can adequately provide. These are the biological,
affectional, status-conferring, and socializing functions, which are
necessary to the perpetuation of the species and the transmission of
the cultural heritage from the old to the young. These activities com-
prise the pragmatic sanction of the family and make it biologically
and morally certain that no other institutional relationship in the
conceivable future will take its place. People who complain of the
alleged "decline" of the family are clearly thinking in terms of the
changes currently taking place in its traditional functions. To con-
clude, however, that the family is about to be superseded by some

338

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 339

other relationship is to misinterpret completely the nature of these
changes.

The family is here to stay. The rocks upon which it will rest today,
tomorrow, and for many tomorrows are those of procreation, affec-
tion, status, and socialization. Children will continue to be born—
not as numerously as formerly but still in adequate numbers to con-
tinue the species — in the relationship of the family. The sanctions of
society are not likely to be extended to any other framework of re-
production in the proximate future. The search for affection in an in-
creasingly difficult world will continue to find expression in marriage,
where, particularly in the middle and later years, the quiet compan-
ionship of husband and wife has no parallel.

The stress upon the affectional aspect of marriage will tend to
make many individual marriages unstable, especially when there are
no longer the strong institutional reasons for remaining with the in-
itial partner. But men and women show no sign of wishing to remain
permanently isolated from the blessed state of matrimony, even after
an initial rupture in their marital relationship — quite the contrary, in
fact. Membership in the primary group of the family will likewise
continue to place the individual in relation to other individuals and
groups. Finally, the socialization function performed by the family—
the informal education of the child in the basic culture and the per-
sonal interaction whereby the child becomes a human being — will
continue as a central activity of the family of the future. Despite the
jeremiads of the amateur prophets, the family is far from moribund.

The Biological Function

The central function of the family, both in terms of historical de-
velopment and contemporary importance, is that of providing a so-
cially sanctioned relationship for the procreation, birth, and postnatal
care of children. The family forms the social setting within which
children are born in sufficient numbers and with adequate regularity
to insure the continuance of humanity. This biological function is
the cornerstone of the family, as well as that for which we have the
most precise and extensive information. The trends in the birth rate
from year to year— through depression, boom, total war, and postwar
transition— are the most tangible expression of the biological function
of the family.

Although there is obviously nothing about the biological processes

340 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

of procreation, pregnancy, and parturition requiring the marriage cere-
mony as a prerequisite, the family maintains a virtual monopoly upon
this function. For all practical purposes, each generation is born and
reared under the protecting cloak of the family. This family monop-
oly on childbearing is enforced by many of the major patterns of
American society. The state bases its elaborate mechanism of in-
heritance upon the concept of legal marriage, and the Church is
even more insistent that the necessary ceremonies be observed be-
fore a child is brought into the world. The school also does its part in
inculcating the taboos against the performance of the biological
function without benefit of clergy or secular agency. Finally, the
whole force of public opinion is united in praising the child born in
the family and in complicating the life of the one born outside it.
The biological function is firmly rooted upon this unassailable foun-
dation of public opinion, and no probable revolution in the mores is
apt to dislodge it.^

Although the biological function is still vested in the family, it
is not performed as vigorously as in the early days of this country.
Reliable figures for the birth rate of the United States have been
available only for the past twenty years, but it is nevertheless pos-
sible to arrive at estimates of the rates prevailing at the time of the
founding fathers. According to Lotka, each fertile wife in the Revo-
lutionary era bore an average of eight children, which is approx-
imately double that of her descendant in 1940.^ The birth rate in the
Western world has been declining for many decades, and that of the
United States is no exception to this general trend. The reasons for
the change in this country are extremely complex. They range from
the urbanization of the family, through the added economic burden
of children, to the desire to maintain a higher scale of living at the
expense of a larger family. These factors are an integral part of the
social changes taking place during the past century and a half, which
have modified the traditional family functions. The biological func-
tion has not escaped.

The expression of the biological function has declined in terms of
the crude birth rate. Nevertheless, the net increment to the family is

1 Cf . Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 1952), chap. 5, "The Reproductive Function."

- A. J. Lotka, "The Size of American FamiHes in the Eighteenth Century,"
Journal of the American Statistical Association, June 1927, XXII, 167, quoted
by Winch, ibid., p. 117.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 341

greater than the secular trend in the birth rate would suggest. This
is to ,be explained by a corresponding decline in the death rate, of
which the most spectacular manifestation is in infant mortality. Col-
onial wives were worn out at an early age with incessant childbearing.
This excessive exercise of the biological function, however, did not
yield the expected population increase because of the correspondingly
high death rates. Thanks to advances in medicine, sanitation, and
child care, the modern family no longer needs to bring as many chil-
dren into the world as was formerly the case. More children survive
today than ever before. The effects of these advances upon the mem-
bers of the family have been tremendous. Millions of women have
been emancipated from the burden of continuous pregnancy and
childbearing and have taken their places as individuals in the family
and in the world.

These modifications of the biological function have not been uni-
form throughout the United States. Considerable differences exist
among the various regions and classes, with native-born families in
the rural areas consistently more fertile than those in the cities. This
relative difference between city and farm decreased during World
War II and the immediate postwar years, as the birth rates among
the urban middle classes underwent a substantial differential increase.^
As the techniques of contraception and the accompanying attitudes
of social acceptance become more widely disseminated, furthermore,
the birth rate of the rural areas may be expected to decrease. The dis-
parity between the rural and urban family in fertility may, however,
continue for some time. The rural family will be slow to modify its
traditional organization.

The net reproduction rate is a convenient measuring rod of the
performance of the biological function. This rate represents the
replacement potential of a given population. For a population to
reproduce itself exactly, it is necessary to have each present female of
reproductive age (15-49) replaced by a female child who in turn will
survive to reproductive age. Expressed another way, the net repro-
duction rate is found by calculating whether a sufficient number of
daughters are being born to produce a sufEcient number of survivors
to replace the women of childbearing age. If the number of daughters

3 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Fertility: April, 1949," Current Population
Reports: Population Chaiacteiistics, February 3, 1950, Series P-20, No. 27, Tables
1,3..

342 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

who survive to the age of their mothers (age at the time the daughter
was born) is exactly equal to the number of women in the present
generation, this ratio is i.*

A ratio of i.o is thus equivalent to exact replacement; a ratio of
1.10 represents a lo per cent increase in a generation; a ratio of .90
represents a population decline of 10 per cent. Table 13 represents
the performance of the biological function from 1935 to 1949; the
net reproduction figures are expressed not in units but in thousands.

Table 1 3 ^

NET REPRODUCTION RATE, UNITED STATES, 1935-1949

Net Reproduction Net Reproduction

Year Rate Year Rate

1935 975 1943 1233

1936 962 1944 1171

1937 980 ■ 1945 1144

1938 1011 1946 1359

1939 992 1947 1524

1940 1023 1948 1462

1941 1076 1949 1474

1942 1190

In the years when American society was recovering from the de-
pression of the early 1930's, the biological function of the family was
being performed at a rate not even sufficient for replacement. In
1940 and every year thereafter, this function has been discharged very
well. If the figure for 1947 (^5^4) were continued, this would repre-
sent an increase of 50 per cent in a single generation.

The fluctuations in the birth rate follow (approximately one year
later) the fluctuations in the marriage rate. The marriage rate of
16.4 per 1,000 population in 1946 was the highest of the century; it
was followed in 1947 by a birth rate of 25.8, the highest in 25 years.
The marriage rate has gone down regularly since 1946, with the ex-
ception of a slight reversal associated with the outbreak of hostilities
in Korea. In 1951 the marriage rate was estimated at 10.4, or a decline

* T. }. Woofter, "Larger or Smaller Families for America?" Family, Marriage,
and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill (Boston: D. C. Heath
and Company, 1948), chap. 25, p. 746.

5 Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, Vital Statistics
in the United States, 1949 (Washington), Part I, pp. XXXI and XXXII.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 543

of 37 per cent from the peak of 1946. The hiith rate showed no com-
parable dechne, and in 1951 was only 8 per cent lower than in the
peak year of 1947. In the first 9 months of 1952, marriage licenses
were issued at the rate of 10.0 per 1,000 population, or a decline of
more than 6 per cent from the first 9 months of 1951. For this same
9 months period, however, there was no change in the birth rate, the
figure being 24.6 for both years .*^

If this behavior were to continue, it might indicate that the small-
family norm of one or two children is changing to a norm of two or
three children. Indeed, many young married couples are having three
children in the same time their parents had one or two. Most pop-
ulation authorities, however, do not believe that any such funda-
mental change in family norm is under way. Instead, they attribute
the abnormally high birth rates of the immediate postwar years to a
combination of factors, including the lowering of the age at marriage,
the birth of children earlier in married life, and the acceptance of the
employment of the wife after marriage. In short, says one such au-
thority, "this is not to imply that a revival of the large family pattern
is imminent." ^

There have been considerable differences in the performance of
the biological function among different regions, occupational groups,
and between rural and urban families. In recent years, some of these
disparities have diminished. In the decade of the 1940's, as indicated
in chapter 15, the "high-fertility" states had a smaller percentage in-
crease in population than the "medium" or low-fertility" states. The
urban areas, furthermore, had a higher percentage increase than the
rural areas. In spite of these changes, the number of dependent chil-
dren in rural families and in "high-fertility" regions is still consider-
ably greater than in urban families and "low-fertility" regions.

The biological function also appears to be less adequately per-
formed among such occupational groups as professional and technical
workers, and proprietors, managers and officials, than among farmers,
service workers, and laborers. Within occupational groups, there
seems to be little difference by income level in the average number of

^ Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, "Provisional Vital
Statistics for September 1952," Monthly Vital Statistics Report, November 18,
1952, Vol. 1, No. 9.

■^ Calvin L. Beale, "Some Marriage Trends and Patterns Since 1940." Paper
read at Howard University, Washington, D. C, May 3, 1952.

344

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

children per family. This is not the case, however, with service work-
ers and laborers. Families in these occupations with incomes under
$2,000 had twice as many children as families with incomes over
$4,000. Families with low incomes tend to have a greater number of
children than wealthier families. Table 14 illustrates the number of
children in relation to occupational grouping and variation in income
level.

Table 14*

AVERAGE NUMBER OF CHILDREN (UNDER 18) PER FAMILY

by Occupation Group and Income

Average Number o{ Children
hy Family Income (1949)

Ma/or Occupation Group $2,000 $^,000

oi Employed Father to oi

in March, 1950 Under $,2000 $3,999 more

Professional and technical workers, and
proprietors, managers, and officials (ex-
cept farm) 1.2 • 1.3 1.1

Farmers and farm managers 1.7 1.6 1.8

Clerical, sales, and kindred workers. . . . 1.3 1.3 1.0

Craftsmen, foremen, operatives, and kin-
dred workers 1.4 1.6 1.2

Service workers and laborers 1.9 1.4 1.0

A further significant factor in the biological function is the eco-
nomic cost of having children. In an agricultural economy, large fam-
ilies are an economic asset and many stalwart hands about the farm
are to be desired. In an urban, industrial economy, the situation is
reversed and each new child is another mouth to feed. A few years
ago, it was calculated that the cost of raising one child to the age of
eighteen was equal to the total income of the family for three years.
This means that a family with a yearly income of $2,500 spends some
$7,763 in bringing up a child to the age of eighteen. The items in-
cluded in this accounting were: cost of birth, food, clothing, shelter,
education, medical care, transportation and recreation, and sundry

* Bureau of the Census, "American Children: Economic Characteristics of
Their Families," Current Population Reports, Consumer Income, May 23, 1951,
Series P-60, No. 8, Table 4. (Figures are for husband-and-wife families in which
the husband was 25 to 64 years of age.)

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 345

other expenses. This figure did not include the cost of public educa-
tion or the value of the personal services of the mother.^

Culture and the Biological Function

The biological function, like all others, operates within the frame-
work of a particular culture. Each culture has its own norms, which
combine to make up the peculiar ethos of the group. We have re-
peatedly stressed the intimate and reciprocal relationship between the
American family and the society within which it operates. The forces
in this society make for a small family, the limited operation of the
biological function, and a limitation of births. We may bring to-
gether briefly the diverse elements that make for this general result
and influence a large number of families toward a small number of
children.

For perhaps the first time in history, the decision as to whether to
have children — and if so how many — has rested with the individual
family. The very fact that such a decision is made represents an im-
portant departure from a day when children came without any pre-
liminary decision, and the family left such matters to forces more
powerful than themselves. A complete enumeration of the new fac-
tors would involve a history of American society: the urbanization
and industrialization of the family, the resultant change in housing
resources, the increasing importance of material success, the insistence
upon a high standard of living, the emphasis upon happiness as the
criterion of marital success, the stress placed upon competitive acqui-
sition, the decline of the religious conception of the family, and the
employment of married women outside the home are among the fac-
tors contributing to this situation. All these factors combined with
the knowledge of contraception have caused this change in the bio-
logical function of the family. Children are weighed against a variety
of values that are increasingly important to the individual members
of the family. Children often come out a poor second in this com-
petition.

The family which we are pleased to consider as "normal" is actually
that which existed a century ago and has been in process of modifi-

9 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The Cost of Bringing up a Child,"
Statistical Bulletin, November 1943; also Metropolitan Life Insurance Com-
pany, "The Cost of Raising a Child in Higher Income Families," Statistical
Bulletin, January 1944.

346 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

cation ever since. The interest of the individual in this former society
turned to\\ard the family rather than toward himself or his own pleas-
ure. The trend from a "family-centered" to an "individual-centered"
culture has brought with it the decline of the ideal of the large fam-
ily and has substituted the ideal of the small family. The days when
a large family had considerable economic and social utility produced
the corresponding social norm. Now that much of this utility is no
longer present, the social norm has slowly begun to change. Once a
mark of great respect, the large family has not only lost much of this
status but has become the object of considerable group disfavor. The
social setting has changed, and its ideological justification has begun
to change with it.

The individualism in American culture — considered in terms of
the Protestant heritage, the high mobility, and the insistence upon
material success — has likewise changed the biological function of the
family toward the reduction of the birth rate. The cultural compul-
sions that impel the individual and the family to seek economic
success at all costs also operate as a deterrent to the exercise of the
biological function with its former fertility. In the early days of the
nation, individual success was the especial prerogative of the male
and was not inconsistent with the procreation of a large family. Ur-
banization has led to the employment of both married and single
women, and the individualism of an acquisitive society has been par-
tially assumed by them. Although formerly willing to remain in the
home and maintain large families, women are now increasingly inter-
ested in working after marriage, an ambition which is impossible to
reconcile with a large family.

The affectional function of the family has become more important
in bringing two people together in marriage and keeping them to-
gether afterward. Affection stresses romance, companionship, and
personal intimacy, instead of the prosaic bonds that formerly main-
tained family solidarity. These elements of affection are most ecstatic
during courtship and early marriage, before there are any children
to divert affection from the exclusive preoccupation with husband
or wife. The social values expressed in the romantic complex are
reconciled with a small family of one, two, or three children at the
most. Larger families interrupt this romantic felicity and make it im-
possible for sheer lack of time and psychic energy. Husband and wife
cannot maintain the flush of romantic rapture when there are half a

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 347

dozen additional demands upon their time and affection. Further-
more, excessive childbearing normally has a disastrous effect upon the
figure and general attractiveness of the wife, a consideration that
looms very large in the romantic equation.

These cultural compulsives have generated the ideal of the small
family. We have considered the differential increases in the birth
rate following World War II and have concluded that this norm
was temporarily, rather than permanently, modified. The individual
does not invent these norms and definitions out of his own personal
experience, but acquires them from other persons. The ideal of the
small family is "in the air," as it were, just as the ideal of a large fam-
ily was in the same figurative position a century ago. This force of
public opinion, operating through the medium of the cultural pat-
terns and group expectations, is intangible and cannot be readily
measured. Its power over behavior in the family, however, cannot be
denied.^**

The Affectional Function

The relative importance of the affectional function of the Amer-
ican family has clearly increased in recent decades. The progressive
decline in the importance of the other functions has combined with
the increasing premium upon the emotional satisfactions in marriage
and family living to bring about this change in emphasis. One con-
sequence of this changed emphasis has been to focus attention upon
the services that the family is uniquely qualified to perform.^^ We
have considered the indispensable role of the family in terms of the
biological function. The affectional function is likewise a basic
human concern.

In its broadest sense, the affectional function covers a number of
relationships that are necessary to men, women, and children if they
are to develop and continue to act as well-adjusted human beings in

^^ For an exhaustive study of the various factors affecting fertility, see the
series of reports on a study conducted by the Committee on Social and Psycho-
logical Factors Affecting Fertility and published in The MUhank Memorial Fund
Quarterly.

11 Cf. Andrew G. Truxal, 'The Present Status of the American Family,"
Journal of Home Economics, September 1932, XXIV, 773-81.

Cf. also Lawrence K. Frank, "Yes, Families Are Changing," reprint from
Survey, December 1949 (New York: Survey Associates, Inc.).

348 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

our society. Affection includes sex relationships within marriage as
perhaps its most obvious manifestation, but it involves infinitely more
than that. Sympathy is an indispensable element. The attitudes mak-
ing up conjugal affection are also included. The reciprocal affection
of husband, wife, and children provides the principal sanctuary for
most people in the competitive anonymity of the modern world.

The need for psychic security grows in direct proportion to the
increase in those cultural forces that make for psychic insecurity. A
complex technological social system operating in a world of intense
nationalism gives rise to the major insecurities of our time, namely,
the threat of unemployment, the crisis of total war, and the sub-
mergence of the individual in the mass. In the face of these major
imponderables, the individual feels inadequate to cope with life. The
twentieth century man needs the intimacy of primary-group under-
standing as much as did his primitive forebear, whose insecurities
were based on an entirely different set of life-conditions.

The affectional function is based upon what William I. Thomas
has called "the wish for response." ^- Harriet R. Mowrer suggests that
response "involves the demonstration of affection, the sharing of
interests, aspirations, and ideals, by husband and wife." ^^ These
attentions may range from sexual intercourse to the many small
intimacies between two persons who have lived for years in an atmos-
phere of conjugal affection. Increasing knowledge of child develop-
ment has also revealed the importance of affection between parent
and young child in terms of the psychic security of the infant. From
the complete dependence of infancy to the independence of adult
life, the affectional element is omnipresent in one form or another.

The wish for response between husband and wife is frequently con-
fused with the simple desire for sex relations. The elements of re-
sponse included in the affectional function are more involved and
subtle than the mere urge for complete sex intimacy. In its most
intense manifestations, sex attraction may exist quite apart from con-
jugal affection. The most violent affinity may exist between two per-
sons who have not the slightest affection for each other. Many mar-

12 William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Gid (Boston: Little, Brown & Com-
pany, 1923), p. 17.

13 Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord (New
York: American Book Company, 1935), p. 150.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 349

riages remain unbroken largely because the sex attraction is still
strong, although affection has long since departed. ^^

The aflfectional function also includes more than romantic love.
One reason for the current instability of marriage is the confusion
between affection and romance. Couples who come to the parting of
the ways for reasons of incompatibility are often disillusioned roman-
tics whose marital experience has failed to measure up to their expec-
tations. Erotic ties, viewed in the narrow sense, are a tenuous founda-
tion upon which to build the superstructure of the family. These ties
are inevitably less stable than those forged about making a living,
building a home, educating the young, or worshiping God.

Even when the affectional function is considered in its proper per-
spective as an all-inclusive person-to-person relationship, it still does
not have the cohesive force of the more prosaic economic, religious,
and other elements. ^^ The family of an earlier time reflected the sta-
bility of the society in which it operated. This stability became the
norm for family behavior in future societies— including our own-
since it was the only situation with which anyone was familiar. In a
highly dynamic, unstable society such as the present, this general in-
stability is naturally mirrored in family living. A new norm of family
behavior seems to be emerging, based upon a higher degree of in-
stability. At the same time, however, the individual will continue to
seek within the family the psychic security denied him in the larger
society.

The Status Function

The status function refers to the place in society conferred upon
the individual by his identification with a particular family. Every
society has such devices for locating the individual in relation to
other individuals and groups. The family has played the most im-
portant part in the determination of status in all previous societies.
Throughout most of the history of our society, the role of the family
in this respect has been no less important. When a new individual is
born, he immediately occupies the place (status) of son (or daugh-
ter) of two adults who comprise a family group. He is given a name

^* Willard Waller, The Family, a Dynamic Interpretation, rev. Reuben Hill
(New York: The Dryden Press, 1951), p. 334.

1^ Leonie Ungern-Sternberg, "The Marriage of the Future," The Book of
JVfarriage, ed. Count Hermann Keyserling (New York: Harcourt, Brace and
Company, 1926), p. 266.

350 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

that identifies him individually as John or Mary, but his primary
initial identification rests with his family. This identification con-
tinues to be of fundamental importance throughout his life.^^

The status thus conferred may not be an exalted one, for the con-
cept does not apply only to the leading families of a community.
Each family has a status, whether it be that of the local handyman
or the leading professional man. Students who have spent their early
years in a small town will remember when they were referred to as
"the little Smith boy" or "the little Jones girl," an indication that
they were judged largely in terms of their identification with a par-
ticular family. In many stable communities, the majority of individ-
uals still live out their lives in the same town, the same house, and
the same status. Before he is called upon to prove himself as a person,
the individual is first of all a member of a family. In Elmtown, says
Hollingshead, "The family sets the stage upon which the adolescent
is expected, if not compelled by subtle processes and techniques,
to play out his roles in the development tasks he faces in the transi-
tion from child to adult." ^'^

Statuses are of two kinds— ascribed and achieved. "Ascribed sta-
tuses," says Linton, "are those which are assigned to individuals with-
out reference to their innate differences or abilities. They can be
predicted and trained for from the moment of birth. The achieved
statuses . . . are those requiring special qualities, although they are
not necessarily limited to these. They are not assigned to individuals
from birth but are left open to be filled through competition and in-
dividual effort." ^^ In those "sacred" societies, where resistance to
change is high, ascribed statuses (for example, age, sex, occupation)
play a major part in the life of the individual. In those "secular"
societies, where receptiveness to change prevails, achieved statuses
become more important. In the transition from the "sacred" to the
"secular" society, the family tends to lose some (but by no means
all) of its status function.^^

1^ Winch, The Modern Family, chap. 4, "The Status-Conferring Function of
the Family."

^''August B. HolHngshead, EJmtown's Youth (New York: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc.. 1949), p. 159.

1* Ralph Linton, The Study of Man (New York: Appleton-Centur)'-Crofts, Inc.,
1936), p. 115.

^^ Howard Becker, "Interpreting Family Life in Context," FamiJy, Marriage,
and Parenthood, cds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill (Boston: D. C. Heath and
Company, 1948), chap. 1.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 351

Nothing places the status function of the family in sharper per-
spective than the traditional treatment of the child born out of wed-
lock. At common law, such a child was denied any status in the fam-
ily or society, as evidenced by the name of filius nullius (nobody's
son) that was applied to him. In practice, this rigorous attitude was
modified, since it was equivalent to saying that illegitimate children
were not human (that is, social) beings. A person with no status
whatever is unthinkable. These children were, in effect, children of
their mother, although they had no legal right to inherit from either
parent.^*^

The implementation of the democratic creed in America has led to
the improvement of the status of children born out of wedlock. Ap-
proximately 130,000 illegitimate children are born annually in the
United States. As indicated in chapter 5, these children enjoy a
status superior to that of a former day when the common law was
more rigorously applied. Furthermore, an estimated 75,000 babies are
legally adopted every year, of which an indeterminate, although
doubtless large, number are born out of wedlock.^! YYie status of
these adopted children is for the most part better than those living
with unmarried mothers. The latter children still have a dubious so-
cial status.

The family confers status upon the child because of the place in the
class structure which the individual family occupies. "Position in the
class structure," says Winch, "generally determines the particular
modes of adjustment in which it (the family) instructs its young; the
family's position also tends to determine the type of experience, insti-
tutional and otherwise, to which the child will be exposed." ^^ The
status function of the family is thus intimately related to the class
structure of the larger society. The boys and girls with whom the
child plays, the schools he attends, the neighborhood influences to
which he is exposed, the occupational goals to which he aspires, and
his chances of attaining these goals are all related to the position of
his family in the class structure. Hence we may explore briefly the
class structure of the contemporary United States for a more com-
plete understanding of the status function of the family.

20 Cf. Kingsley Davis, "Illegitimacy and the Social Structure/' American Jour-
nal oi Sociology, September 1939, XLV, 215-33.

21 Julia Ann Bishop, "Adoption," Social Work Year Book 1951 (National
Association of Social Workers, 1951).

22 Winch, The Modern Family, p. 96.

352 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

We are immediately faced with a paradox. The ideal of American
democracy is that of unlimited equality of opportunity for every
individual to rise above the status of his family of orientation. At the
same time, the realization of this ideal is not possible in many cases
because of the inferior status of this self-same family. Families differ
widely in the potentialities which they offer their members to im-
prove their status. Vertical mobility is often blocked in the modern
factory, for example, by the educational limitations of the workers,
as well as by the introduction of many trained employees whose fam-
ily origins are largely middle- and upper-class.^^

In the field of education, there is also a striking difference between
the ideal and the actuality. Education currently offers the best avenue
to vertical mobility, and educational opportunities have been corre-
spondingly democratized. At the same time, class differences (and
ultimately status differences among families) continue to limit the
access to higher education that is so necessary to advancement in the
social hierarchy. Whereas a large proportion of upper-class and upper-
middle-class children continue their education to the college and uni-
versity level, only five per cent of the lower-class children reach that
level. The obvious difficulty is in the economic sphere, with the
working-class family needing the income from the labor of the boys
who have stopped school.

Other and less tangible factors, however, are also operative. Within
the school itself, both student-teacher and student-student relation-
ships may produce tensions and frustrations for the child from a
working-class home. Teachers are largely middle-class and reflect
middle-class values in treating the children of the less favored
classes.^* Students also express the attitudes of their families toward
children below them in the social scale.^^

At the same time, however, the American Dream of vertical mobil-
ity has widespread validity. Vertical mobility is still possible in our
society, probably to a greater extent than in any other similar so-
ciety .^^ Data on the extent of vertical mobility are comparatively rare

23 W. Lloyd Warner and J. O. Low, The Social System of the Modem Factory
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1947), chap. 9.

24 W. Lloyd Warner, Robert J. Havighurst, and Martin B. Loeb, Who Shall
Be Educated? (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944)-

25 Cf. Hollingshead, Elmtowns Youth, p. 441.

26 W. Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in
America (Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949), p. 4.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 353

and inconclusive. One such study concludes that "a fraction some-
where between two-thirds and three-quarters of the workers . . . came
from the level of the father or from the adjacent levels, perhaps with-
out altering their essential status." -^ Vertical mobility from strictly
occupational factors is apparently declining, although it is by no
means at an end. It is still possible for the son of an immigrant to
become a great surgeon, a justice of the Supreme Court, or a captain
of industry. The American Dream is far from dead.

The limitations placed upon achieved status mean that the family
of orientation places a strong stamp upon the individual. Children
thus acquire the status of their parents, as the younger generation in-
corporate into their personalities the definitions and values of the
older. Members of the same status level tend to form their friend-
ships among persons of a similar level. They also marry within the
same or adjacent levels and thereby perpetuate the status system.^^

Some men may move up in the status hierarchy by getting better
jobs and making more money, whereas many women make the step
by marrying someone of a higher status. Once risen to a new position,
the individual must gain recognition and acceptance from the other
members of the new social segment, for otherwise the newly mobile
person will be unable to consolidate his gains. In terms of family
status and social class, therefore, the members of any community are
ranked, whether they are aware of it or not, in inferior or superior
levels. It is possible to rise (or fall) from one level to another, but
the influence of the status initially conferred by the family is still
very strong.^^

The concept of family status traditionally implied the subordina-
tion of the individual to the family. This relationship was especially
applicable to the woman. The wife was not considered as possessing
any aim in life beyond the welfare of the family. The growing inde-
pendence of women implies a continuous revision of this subordina-
tion to the monolithic interests of the family. As they continue to be-
come individuals in their own right, women will weaken the patri-
archal solidarity of the family, based upon the subordination of the
female to the male. This unity was one of the principal bases for the

2^ Percy E. Davidson and H. Dewey Anderson, Occupational Mobility in an
American Community (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1937), pp. 164-65.

28 Warner, et ah, Democracy in Jonesville (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1949), pp. 27-28.

29 Ibid.

354 CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY

status which the family conferred upon its members. As family
structure is modified, the status function will follow.

The Socialization Function

The final function maintained by the family with much of its
former significance is that of socializing the individual. This is the
process whereby the biological individual becomes a person by taking
on the social expectations of his group. As Park and Burgess have
pointed out, "The person is an individual who has status. We come
into the world as individuals. We acquire status and become persons.
Status means position in society." ^^ Some of the implications of ac-
quiring status have been discussed. The family relationship involves
this process and much more. The influence of the family upon the
early life of the individual is incalculable. No man can know or meas-
ure accurately the manifold influences upon his personality of his
early and formative years spent in the family. During this relation-
ship, he literally becomes a human being.

The transmission of the basic elements of the cultural heritage is
a central function of the family. So important is this general function
— and the impact upon personality resulting therefrom— that we
are devoting an entire section to its discussion. We shall therefore be
content with the mere mention of the socializing function in this
context. All through the seven ages of man, the family exerts a varied
influence upon the individual— whether as son, daughter, mother,
father, husband, wife, or any of the other and less strictly defined
roles which the family exacts. These roles are defined by society, but
they are interpreted through the intimate family group. As the indi-
vidual acquires these roles during his early experience in the family,
his personality gradually takes shape. The family plays a central part
in this development.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Frank, Lawrence K., "What Families Do for the Nation," American
Journal of Sociology, May 1948, LIII, 471-73. A leading student of
the family briefly sums up the continued reasons for existence of
this central institution.

so Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of So-
ciology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924), p. 55.

CONTINUING FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY 355

HoLLiNGSHEAD, AuGusT B., Elmtown's Youth. New York: John Wiley
& Sons, Inc., 1949. A community study emphasizing the impact
of social class differentiations upon the young.

HoRNEY, BvAREN, The NeuTotic Peisonality of Our Time. New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1937. One of the reasons for modern
neuroses is the deprivation, or fear of deprivation, of affection.

Landis, Paul H., Popuiah'on Pwhlems. New York: American Book Com-
pany, 1943. Emphasizes the cultural factors in reproductive behavior
and points out their importance in the biological function of the
family.

MowRER, Harriet R., Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord.
New York: American Book Company, 1935. Many of the cases here
discussed illustrate the importance of the human need for response.

Warner, W. Lloyd, Robert J. Havighurst and Martin B. Loeb, Who
ShaJ] Be Educated? New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944.

and J. O. Low, The Social System of the Modern Factory. New

Haven: Yale University Press, 1947.

and Associates, Democracy in Jonesville. New York: Harper &

Brothers, 1949.
-, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in Amer-

ica. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949. Dealing with
different themes, each of these four volumes throws light on the re-
lationship between social class and the status-giving function of the
family.

Westermarck, Edward, The Future of Marriage in Western Civih'za-
tion. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1937. An authority on
marriage digests a vast mass of data on early societies, together with
modern theories on the prospects for marriage in the future.

Winch, Robert F., The Modern Family. New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 1952. Part Two, "The Family and Its Functions," is an
outstanding presentation of the institution of the family in terms of
its principal functions.

^§^^«^^

PART V

THE FAMILY AND PERSONALITY

^ 18 ^

THE SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

When two young people pledge their troth in hfelong
monogamy, the occasion is a joyous one. For the student of social
behavior, however, this occasion represents the embarkation on a dif-
ficult venture in social relationships. Two different personalities, fash-
ioned by disparate social and cultural environments, are entering upon
an experiment in intimate, cooperative, lifelong association. For some
twenty years, these two persons have been subject to the differing
subcultures of two families, plus the influences of other primary and
secondary groups. The continuous interaction of two unique biologi-
cal beings with different social environments has produced two indi-
viduals who could not, under any conceivable circumstances, have
exactly the same tastes, standards, interests, values, attitudes, and
characteristics. In a highly dynamic society, the remarkable fact is
not that marriage fails, but rather that it so often succeeds.

The Nature of Personalify

In this section, we shall consider some of the elements and rela-
tionships within the family group that have contributed to the diver-
gent personalities of the two young people who stand so bravely
before the marriage officiant. Personahty and its formation constitute
a complex and difficult subject and one on which scientific informa-
tion is often insufficient or contradictory. This fact does not, how-
ever, relieve us of the responsibility of attempting to delineate the
main features of personahty and of examining the role of the family
in its formation. We shall therefore consider first the nature of per-
sonality itself, with especial reference to its social and cultural com-
position. We shall next examine the development of personality in
the friendly matrix of the family, indicating the impact of this cen-

359

360 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

tral relationship upon the infant and child, then upon the adolescent,
and finally upon the parents themselves.

Personality may be defined as "the totality of those aspects of be-
havior which give meaning to an individual in society and differen-
tiate him from other members in the community, each of whom em-
bodies countless cultural patterns in a unique configuration." ^ Cer-
tain investigators, notably some of the psychiatrists, attempt to limit
personality to "the reactive system exhibited by the precultural child,
a total configuration of reactive tendencies determined by heredity,
and by prenatal and postnatal conditioning up to the point where
cultural patterns are constantly modifying the child's behavior." ^

Such a limitation places too great importance upon biological in-
heritance and very early conditioning, at the expense of the manifold
social and cultural influences of childhood, adolescence, and maturity.
Many of the important "aspects of behavior" which "give meaning
to an individual in society" are clearly integrated into the developing
personality long after cultural patterns first begin to modify the be-
havior of the child. Personality is a continuous process that is never
completely fixed in time.

This social orientation of personalit}' has been given its due amount
of recognition by some psychiatrists. Dr. Karen Horney maintains
that frequently neuroses can be attributed to an inner conflict in atti-
tudes of "moving toward," "moving against," and "moving away"
from people.^ The relation of personality to the total social environ-
ment is likewise at the core of the approach of Dr. James S. Plant.
The student of personality, he suggests, discovers that the object of
his study leads beyond the limits of the present into the past and
that "To understand the personality, it is not enough to be a psychi-
atrist; one must be historian and sociologist as well." ^

Dr. Plant recognizes that there are certain inborn characteristics
that account for the way in which essentially similar environments
stimulate individuals to a variety of reactions. These inborn traits
(alertness, complexity, pliability, temperament, and cadence) are,

1 Edward Sapir, "Personalit)'," EncycJopedia of the Social Sciences. (New York:
The Macmillan Companv, 1934), XII, 85.

2 Jbid., p. 86.

3 Karen Horney, Our Inner Conflicts (New York: W. W. Norton & Company,
194O. P- 18.

* James S. Plant, Persona/it}' and the Cultural Pattern (New York: The Com-
monwealth Fund, 1937), p. 23.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 361

according to Plant, the unchanging aspects of the individual. To these
relatively fixed characteristics are added the demands and opportuni-
ties of the culture that impinge on the child early in life and lead to
the fixation of certain mental attitudes (security, reality, authority).
The total "rest of the personality" is made up of all the life experi-
ences that have been built into the relatively permanent features of
the individual.^

While recognizing that personality represents a continuous process,
the psychiatrist Franz Alexander contends "that cultural constella-
tions can reinforce and bring into the foreground certain emotional
mechanisms but cannot introduce any fundamental dynamic prin-
ciples into human nature." ^ The child's ego must adjust to continuous
and rapid biological changes during the first years of life. These
changes in maturation may, according to Alexander, be affected by
external (that is, social and cultural) conditions, but for the most
part the biological changes are essentially similar for all human beings.
As the child develops into an independent individual, he learns to
control both his body and his intelligence in order to adjust more
adequately to the changing environment. Cultural factors, concludes
Alexander, undoubtedly influence the readiness of the child to accept
the maturation process. The important consideration, however, is the
biological process of maturation, not the factors that merely influence
but do not essentially change this process.^

A slightly different approach to personality is offered by Murray
and Kluckhohn. "Personality," they suggest, "is the continuity of
•functional forces and forms manifested through sequences of organ-
ized regnant processes in the brain from birth to death." ^ One of
these functions is the reduction of tension, by which latter term they
mean need or drive. Tension compels uneasiness or disequilibrium
(hunger, pain, fear) which in turn pushes the individual toward a goal
that will restore his equilibrium and hence reduce the tension. The
goal is not a completely tensionless state, however, but rather the
process of reducing the tension. The degree of satisfaction of the

^ Ibid., chap. 4.

^ Franz Alexander, "Educative Influence of Personality Factors in the En-
vironment," Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture, eds. Clyde Kluckhohn
and Henry A. Murray (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), ch. 23, p. 332.

T Ibid., pp. 332-33.

8 Murray and Kluckhohn, "Outline of a Conception of Personality," ibid.,
chap. 1, p. 32.

362 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

organism is therefore roughly proportional to the amount of tension
reduced per unit of time. Other essential functional forces, according
to Murray and Kluckhohn, involve the designation of programs to
attain distant goals, the reduction of conflicts between needs, and the
mitigation of disparities between personal desires and social sanc-
tions.^

These approaches to personality all have in common the conception
that personality is a process beginning at birth and ending with the
grave. They differ in the relative emphasis placed on the inherent
mechanisms and the social and cultural factors. The old discussion
of heredity versus environment has ceased to have any meaning. Man
becomes a human being through the adaptation of his biological or-
ganism to social and cultural conditions, and it is impossible to say
where one set of factors ends and the other begins.

These components of personality are so irretrievably and so inex-
tricably intertwined that any analysis merely reveals the "universe of
discourse" in which the analyst happens to live and work. The au-
thors happen to be sociologists. Consequently, it is understandable
if they tend to regard personality and its social-cultural environment
as two aspects of the same thing. This position is summed up in the
epigrammatic statement of Paris that "Culture is the collective side
of personality; personality, the subjective aspect of culture." ^" This
occupational bias should not be interpreted, however, as a denial
of the basic importance of the biological heritage. In the scientific
division of labor, we are merely dealing with the things we know best.

The Determinants of Personality

''Every man," aver Murray and Kluckhohn, "is in certain respects
(a)vlike all other men, (b) like some other men, (c) like no other
man." ^A We may explore briefly some of the implications of this
pithy stqftement. In the first place, every man is like all other men
because there are certain universals in human experience. All men
are born as helpless infants, grow to maturity, and eventually decline
and die. All men have tensions such as hunger and sex and must find
ways to release them. All members of the human species have erect

9 Ibid.

1" Ellsworth Paris, The Nature of Human Nature (New York: The McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc., 1937), p. -78.

11 Kluckhohn and Murray, "Personality Formation: The Determinants," Per-
sonaJity in Nature, Society, and Culture, chap. 2, p. 35.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 363

posture, hands that grasp, and a highly elaborate brain and central
nervous system. All men, finally, live in some sort of society and
possess a culture. Many higher animals may live in a rudimentary
social system, but they do not possess a culture. Culture sets the lim-
its within which the behavior of every human being is defined.

In the second place, every man is like some other men. A group of
Americans will look and act differently from a group of Chinese.
Members of the same national state, social class, or occupational
group will have certain traits in common with every other member
of the same social unit. By the same token, they will be set off from
members of other social units. A society whose livelihood is based
upon hunting will differ in many important characteristics from one
primarily devoted to fishing or industry, and the members of each
society will have corresponding similarities and differences. Persons
reared under an authoritarian family system will have certain quali-
ties in common with others who have been similarly reared and will
differ from those reared in an equalitarian pattern.^^

In the third place, every man is like no other man. Each personality
has certain unique qualities, both in genie inheritance and interper-
sonal experience. Except in the case of identical twins, no two indi-
viduals bring exactly the same genetic constitution into the world.
The possible combinations and permutations of genes are infinite,
and every individual is genetically unique. Even with identical twins,
the different interaction of the maturing individual with his various
environments means that each twin will have a unique personality.
Nor is the family environment of brothers and sisters similar, as
many people assume. Each child has his own place in the family con-
stellation and is subject to a different set of influences from every
other child. In terms of both his biological heritage and his social
experience, no person is therefore exactly like any other person.

We may examine the elements that in combination comprise the
personality. These elements are considered under the headings of: (1 )
Constitutional Determinants; (2) Group Membership Determinants;
(3) Role Determinants; (4) Situational Determinants.^^

1. The Constitutional Determinants of PeisonaJity. The idea that

12 Bertram H. Schaffner, Fatherland: a Study oi Authoritarianism in the Ger-
man Family (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949)-

13 In the following discussion, we have followed closely the analysis of Kluck-
hohn and Murray, "Personality Formation: The Determinants," op. cit., chap. 2.

364 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

all men are created equal was a product of the romantic idealism of
the Age of Enlightenment. In the sense of equal genetic equipment,
this statement is not taken literally today, if indeed it ever was. The
modern conception of universal equality instead takes the form of
equality of opportunity, which has reached a height in the United
States that was hitherto unknown. Equality of education is particu-
larly pertinent to the cult of democratic equality. But every school
teacher knows that the children before her in the classroom did not
start life with equal genetic equipment, whatever may have been their
family status.^^ Some children will be constitutionally unable to
achieve more than a fourth-grade level of intellectual progress, no
matter how hard they may try. Others will demonstrate such genetic
deficiencies as deafness or epilepsy, whose implications for person-
ality development are great.

Apart from these obvious deficiencies and defects, there are wide
ranges of differences among so-called normal individuals that appear
to be constitutional in origin. Among the elements that are unequally
distributed among individuals are "potentialities for learning, for re-
action time, for energy level, for frustration tolerance," as well as "dif-
ferent biological rhythms: of growth, of menstrual cycle, of activity,
of depression and exaltation." Finally, personality is also shaped in
accordance with such constitutionally determined factors as "stature,
pigmentation, strength, conformity of features to the culturally fash-
ionable type. . . ," ^^ In these and many other ways, certain charac-
teristics that will affect the future development of the adult person-
ality are fixed, or at least strongly predetermined, at the moment of
conception.

2. Group Membership Determinants. The biologist makes the most
important (although by no means the only) contribution to the un-
derstanding of constitutional determinants in personality. The soci-
ologist, the anthropologist, and the other social scientists make their
contributions on the level of the group, role, and situational deter-
minants. Personality structure is in considerable measure a reflection
of the large and small groups of which the person is a member and
of the nature of his participation therein. The culture patterns of a

^* The impact upon the adolescent of gradations in family status is indicated in
August B. Hollingshead, Elmtowii's Youth (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.,

1949)-

^5 Kluckhohn and Murray, op. cit., p. 39.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 365

society are transmitted to the next generation by individuals operat-
ing in a specific social setting.^^

Personality is thus determined by a variety of social and cultural
groupings. These range in size from national states possessing the
same general traditions at one extreme to the small family group at
the other. Personality may reflect participation in: (a) western Euro-
pean culture, (b) the culture of a national state, (c) the ethnic and
racial subdivisions within the national state, (d) the class structure
of the state, and (e) the version of the larger culture transmitted by
the parents to the child.

The role of group membership determinants in personality has
been investigated in many different contexts by the sociologist and
anthropologist. The individual living on the Gold Coast of Chicago
shares in the same general culture as the one living in the slum, but
the culture is mediated to each in different ways and through differ-
ent agents. The United States possesses certain commonly accepted
sex mores, but the Kinsey report has shown that membership in dif-
ferent social classes determines to a great extent the undivided con-
formity to or deviation from the general codes. ^^ Even within the
same social class, the life experiences of the parents will color the
interpretations of the culture which they hand on to the child. Per-
sonality may indeed be the subjective aspect of culture. It is impor-
tant to bear in mind, however, that the process of acculturation takes
place in different social settings and through the agency of persons
with divergent social heritages.^®

3. Role Determinants. The word personahty is derived from the
Latin persona, which means "mask." The dramatis personae were
the masks that actors wore in a play to depict various characters.
From an etymological point of view, then, personality may be con-
sidered literally as the parts played by the individual in relation to
others. Park and Burgess, indeed, define personality as "the sum and
organization of those traits which determine the role of the individ-

is Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class and Personality Structure," Sociology and
Social Research, July-August 1952, XXXVI, 355-63.

1^ Alfred C. Kinsey, et aJ., SexuaJ Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chaps. 10-11.

18 Cf. Gregory Bateson, "Cultural Determinants of Personality," Personahty
and the Behavior Disorders, ed. J. McV. Hunt (New York: The Ronald Press,
1944), Vol. II, chap. 23.

366 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

ual in the group." ^^ Any large group is composed of individuals vary-
ing in age, sex, family status, occupation and other characteristics;
each individual will have as many roles as he has membership in dif-
ferent groups. Each society defines the roles that its members are
expected to play; hence roles are culturally defined social expecta-
tions.^'^

In the family the husband plays one role in relation to his wife,
another in relation to his children, and still another if he is the son
of an aged mother. In his daily work he may be a respected physician,
in the evening a grand master of his lodge, and on a Sunday a deacon
in his church. By acceptably performing the behavior expected of an
individual in each of these positions, his conduct is regarded as repre-
sentative of his total personality. In many respects the personality is
indeed the sum total of all the "masks" an individual may assume,
as defined by his culture.

At the same time, however, roles do not portray the whole person.
Underneath the "mask" of a loving daughter, there may smolder
hatred and resentment against a demanding father who has forced
her to give up matrimony. Furthermore, consistency in behavior is
not necessarily to be expected as an individual moves from one role
to another. A man may be an obsequious servant at the office and
thereby acceptably fill the social expectations of his environment. Yet
when he is at home the same man may be a tyrant. The manifesta-
tions of behavior may vary so greatly among all the roles that an in-
dividual plays that it may be difficult to say exactly what kind of per-
son he is. In spite of these qualifications, however, culturally defined
roles are important determinants of personality.-^

4. Situational Determinants. In addition to constitutional, social,
and cultural determinants of personality, there are certain individual
experiences of such a dramatic nature that they set in motion a whole
chain of events that uniquely affect the personality. We have no way
of knowing the exact nature of these experiences, but it is clear that
Saul's vision on the road to Damascus or Augustine's reading in the
Garden did bring about profound changes in the personalities of

^^ Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of
Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924), p. 70.

2" Ralph Linton, The Cultuial Background of Personality (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1945), pp. 76-77.

21 Theodore M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (New York: The Dryden Press,
1950), pp. 280-83.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 367

these persons. To this day, sudden rehgious conversions are puzzhng
to the psychologists, since they represent a drastic change in neural
pathways. A traumatic birth experience may effect basic changes in
personality; a subsequent accident or an injury may produce similar
results. Whatever answer science may give to such events as we now
call "chance," "luck," or "happenstance," these things occur and
often have a way of changing the main stream of personality devel-
opment.

Situational determinants are not necessarily things that happen
only once. They may happen many times so long as they are not
standard for the group. For example, in April, 1951, there were ap-
proximately 40,000,000 families in the United States. Of this number
more than 2,600,000 were parent-child groups, that is, made up of a
parent and one or more children under eighteen years of age.^^ The
majority of dependent children at any one time are found in a "nor-
mal" family situation, for example, with husband, wife, and children
living together in a home. In these parent-child families where the
head is widowed, divorced, separated, or the spouse absent for other
reasons, the situation is not "normal." This is a situational determi-
nant that will inevitably affect the personalities of the children. Any
social worker, juvenile court judge, or school administrator can testify
that such situational determinants have a bearing on personality for-
mation.

The Complexify of Personality

The final word has not yet been written on the constituent ele-
ments of personality and the precise manner in which these are in-
tegrated into a functioning whole. It does not appear that the proxi-
mate future will see such a word. Knowledge of these elements is
continually accumulating from the researches of the biologist, the
biochemist, the psychologist, the psychiatrist, and the neurologist,
together with those of the sociologist and ethnologist. The synthesis
will have to await still further knowledge. If and when that time
comes, the philosopher and the religionist will also have their contri-
butions to make to the understanding of the complex whole of per-
sonality.

22 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April
1951," Current Population Repoits: Population Characteristics, April 29, 1952,
Series P-. 20, No. 38, Table 11, p. 6.

368 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

We may speak of personality in culture, rather than personality
and culture. Personality and the socio-cultural environment are, in a
sense, two aspects of the same thing, and it is scientifically unsound
to set one off from the other. At the same time, we must recognize
that culture limits the forms of behavior, whereas the basic poten-
tialities are provided by the characteristics of the biological species,
homo sapiens. Individuals are born male and female and this simple
fact speaks volumes concerning the possibilities for functioning of
the sexes. At the same time, the forms of behavior socially expected
of these differing biological groupings (for example, the roles) vary
widely among different social systems. The student of personality
ignores the universal biological dichotomy of male and female, how-
ever, at his own peril. ^^

The biologist and the geneticist obviously have much to contribute
to the understanding of personality. The genetic constitution of the
individual is determined at the time of union of the ovum and the
sperm cell. This is, however, by no means the sole key to the adult
personality. The increasing knowledge of the chemistry of the human
body in the form of the secretions of the endocrine glands has re-
vealed an entirely new universe of information relative to personality
functioning. The maintenance of the delicate functional balance of
the various parts of the organism (homeostasis) is the result of the
secretions of the ductless or endocrine glands.

These secretions (hormones) are deposited directly into the blood
stream from the parathyroid, the thyroid, the pancreatic islands of
Langerhans, the adrenal cortex, the posterior pituitary, the adrenal
medulla, the gonads, and the anterior pituitary. The latter is fre-
quently referred to as the "master gland" because of its role in pro-
ducing various secretions necessary for maintaining the operation of
the thyroid, adrenal, and sex glands.^^ Spectacular effects have been
achieved from hormone therapy in correcting various bodily disequi-
libria and in remedying personality defects. Some specialists attribute
all of the basic elements of personality to the activity of the endo-

23 Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament in Three Piimitive Societies (New
York: William Morrow & Company, 1935). Cf. also Margaret Mead, Male and
Female (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1949).

-* Edward W. Dempsey, "Homeostasis," Handbook of Expeiimental Psy-
chology, ed. S. S. Stevens (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1951), chap. 6,
p. 211.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 369

crine glands alone. Such a position is as incomplete as to attribute all
of the elements of personality to social and cultural factors.

Equally significant discoveries in psychoanalysis, psychiatry and
neurology have led others to think of personality primarily in terms
of neural and psychological mechanism, either functioning "normally"
or "abnormally." Terms like the unconscious, preconscious, and con-
scious; the id, ego, and superego; and compensation, identification, and
regression have had wide scientific and popular currency as complete
interpretations of personality, both adjusted and maladjusted. In the
field of neurology, startling results have been achieved in altering the
emotional behavior patterns of psychotic ("insane") patients who
have undergone operations to the prefrontal lobes of the brain (pre-
frontal lobotomy). In many cases, these operations have drastically
changed the "personality" of the patient, producing such novel symp-
toms as "euphoria, accentuated flow of speech and ideas, restlessness,
and lack of social inhibitions." ^°

As research in these and other fields continues, more light will be
thrown upon the part of each set of factors in the functioning whole
we call personality. In the present discussion, as noted, the emphasis
is placed upon the social aspects of personality, with the clear under-
standing that this represents only a partial picture. At the same time,
however, the psychologist must understand the role of cultural norms
and expectations in setting the framework for personality before he
can isolate the "authentic" individual.^^ Similarly, the biologist must
understand the place of social and cultural factors before he can be
sure of that played by purely inherited factors. The complete under-
standing of personality awaits a master synthesis.

The inherited mechanisms of the human animal at birth can best
be described as potentialities. These potentialities may or may not be
realized, depending upon the social environment in which the indi-
vidual is reared. A striking confirmation of this general fact is pro-
vided by the literature on the so-called feral man, the individual who
has lacked normal social contacts from birth or shortly thereafter.
Many of these cases have been demonstrated as fantastic, imaginative,
or at best pseudoscientific. Professor Gesell has, however, vouched
for the essential authenticity of one of the recent accounts, which
deals with two female babies in India who were removed at a very

25 Donald B. Lindsley, "Emotion," op. cit., 495.

26 Linton, The Cultural Background of Personality, p. 26.

370 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

early age from all human contacts.^''' One of the two died soon after
her recovery, following a period of approximately eight years when
both had apparently been deprived of all human contacts. The other
was removed to an orphanage in India, where she lived for the next
nine years. During this latter period, she made slow, albeit painful,
progress toward becoming a human being.

Here was a confirmation, derived from a highly abnormal situation,
of many of the conclusions that Gesell had reached concerning the
relationship of the social to the inherited factors in the normal child.
In the feral child, the adjustment of the eyes to night vision, the un-
usual development of the olfactory sense, the failure to develop up-
right posture and the consequent lack of use of the hands, the com-
plete absence of language, the hostile reactions to human beings—
these were some of the consequences of development apart from
human contacts. The very slow refashioning of the girl into a human
being appeared to demonstrate anew that the plasticity of the organ-
ism is greatest in the early years of life. Furthermore, her gradual evo-
lution into something like a normal person after patient and sympa-
thetic care showed that she lacked none of the genetic qualifications
for becoming a human being. In the absence of a normal social en-
vironment, these genetic potentialities had remained at best sub-
human.

Another indication that the human being at birth is a bundle of
biological potentialities is derived from the theory of maturation. At
birth the child has certain completed patterns of behavior such as
crying, coughing, swallowing, and sucking. It also has countless other
potential patterns that apparently must await postnatal development
for the full establishment of the essential physiological connections.
Numerous studies of postnatal changes in animals have demonstrated
that a maturing of structure is the essential precursor to adequate
functioning. In the human child, patterns such as focusing the eyes,
grasping, talking, and walking appear in a developed form only after
birth and then only after the completion of the appropriate neural
connections. Physiological maturation cannot be sharply separated
from learning, for the two processes normally occur together. When
the organism is prepared to function in a given manner, the social
environment is present to stimulate the socially approved manner of

27 Arnold L. Gesell, WoU Child and Human Child (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1941).

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 371

expressing the function. Practice and learning go hand in hand with
the maturation process.-^

Plasticity, Growth, and Personality

Personahty is a process that begins at birth and ends at the grave,
but the process is not continuously even. Changes in personality
occur throughout the life span, but these are dependent on the rela-
tive plasticity of the human organism. Plasticity is greatest during
the earliest years of life. This fact confirms the folk wisdom that the
first three to five years of life are the most important in determining
personality development. The physiological growth of the individual
is not uniform. There are periods of relatively rapid growth, followed
by years of relatively slow growth. Studies have plotted the growth
curves on the average, and the individual deviations therefrom, for
such characteristics as height, weight, basal metabolic rate, mental
growth, and others .^^

The various organs appear to have their own laws of development,
those in the upper part of the body developing prior to those in the
lower part. The average baby will grow in height about eight inches
the first year, four inches the second year, and three inches annually
thereafter until he is six, at which time his height is approximately
double that of birth. Similarly, his weight will be treble the birth
weight at the end of the first year, and by the end of the sixth year
it will be approximately five times the weight at birth.^*^

Even more critical than plasticity is the growth of the central nerv-
ous system. The biological basis for man's superiority over all other
animals lies in the enhanced complexity of his brain. The develop-
ment of the upright posture and the prehensile thumb contributed
to man's unique role as the tool-making animal. But the extent to
which these and similar characteristics have been employed, the
coordination involved in their use, and the ability to transmit the
resultant techniques to others depend upon the qualities of the cen-
tral nervous system. Similarly, the ability to speak is the result of a

28 Myrtle B. McGraw, "Maturation of Behavior," in Manual of Child Psychol-
ogy, ed. Leonard Carmichael (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1946), chap.
7, pp. 363-64.

29 Nathan W. Shock, "Growth Curves," Handbook oi Experimental Psychol-
ogy, ed. Stevens, chap. 10.

3" Elizabeth B. Hurlock, Child Development, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc., 1950), pp. 138 ff.

372 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

complicated coordination of lips, tongue, throat, muscles, larynx, and
lungs. Such coordination is achieved on the subhuman level in the
form of sounds, calls, and songs. Human speech, however, is vastly
different from these phenomena. Language is an extremely complex
symbolic form of communication, which could arise only as a conse-
quence of the development of the cortical centers.

The superiority of the human brain and nervous system over that
of any other animal constitutes man's biological uniqueness and tran-
scendence. Here is the basis for the distinctly social and cultural char-
acteristics of the human species and hence for the development of
personality. The abilit}' to utilize past experience for the solution of
present problems and the power to project both past and present into
the future are the ultimate keys to man's social life and cultural accu-
mulations. Without this biological foundation, the superstructure of
social conditioning and cultural assimilation could not be erected,
and human personality would be impossible.

The human being has his full complement of nerve cells in the pre-
natal stage.^^ This does not imply that growth is ended. Further
growth does not, however, result from multiplication or subdivision
of the nerve cells as is true of other bodv cells. Growth results from
the coming to maturity of cells that were immature at birth and from
their extensive proliferation or branching together with an infinite
number of interconnections. When the human is compared with the
higher mammals, the differences are not in terms of the number of
nerve cells but rather in the complcxitv of the associational structure
of the human brain cells. The convolutions of the human brain make
a great part of the difference.^-

In terms of weight, the brain at birth is larger in proportion to the
rest of the body than at any future time. On the average, it consti-
tutes at birth about one-fourth of the weight of an adult brain. At
the end of the second year, the brain will be three-fourths of its adult
weight, and at the end of the fourth year it will be four-fifths as heavy
as it will ever become. Even though the brain does not reach its
mature size until about the sixteenth year, its rate of physical growth

31 Arnold Gesell and Frances L. Ilg, Infant and Child in the Culture oi Today
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943), p. 18.

Cf. also Davenport Hooker, "The Development of Behavior in the Human
Fetus," Readings in Child Psychology, ed. Wayne Dennis (New York: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1951), pp. 1-14.

3- McGraw, "Maturation of Behavior," pp. 353 ff.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 373

is thus very slow after the fifth year. The development of intercerebral
association tracts, however, is not correlated with growth in weight.^^
The key to the understanding of personality, therefore, does not lie
in the size or weight of the brain or in the number of nerve cells. It
is true that the curve of cerebral functioning experiences a rapid rise
soon after birth and continues its ascent until the decade of the
twenties. On the other hand, it is also true that men in their fifties
and sixties can continue to gain new knowledge, make new judg-
ments on the basis of their experiences, and gain in general appreci-
ation and understanding through the years.^^ Old dogs can, in short,
learn new tricks. They may not learn as quickly, and the learning
may be of different order, but they still learn. Personality is a con-
tinuous process.

Personality and the Prolongation of Infancy

Approximately seventy years ago, John Fiske wrote a brilliant essay
in which he propounded the thesis that the secret of the evolutionary
development which eventuated in man is to be found in the length-
ening of the period of human infancy. In the sequence from lower
to higher forms of life, the stage of immaturity gradually lengthens
until in man it is of greatest duration,^^ The divine and theological
interpretation which Fiske placed upon his observation may today
be outmoded, but the basic core of his idea remains sound. Indeed, a
greatly increased store of knowledge has merely elaborated on it. The
period of helplessness decreases as one descends the scale from the
higher to the lower forms of animal life. The rabbit crawls when one
day old and by the tenth or twelfth day is hopping about. The dog
likewise crawls at one day and by the fifth week is running. The baby
chimpanzee can stand erect by the twenty-seventh week, two weeks
after his ability to climb and four weeks after his capacity to run.^^

A baby chimpanzee was taken into the home of a scientist at the
age of seven and one-half months and observed for nine months in

^^ Hurlock, Child Development, 2nd ed. p. 150.

3* Carl V. Weller, "Biologic Aspects of the Aging Process/' Living through the
Older Years, ed. Clark Tibbitts (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1949),
chap. II, p. 34.

2^ John Fiske, The Meaning ot Infancy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1883), p. 11.

2^ Ruth M. Cruikshank, "Animal Infancy," Manual oi Child Psychology, ed.
Leonard Carmichael, chap. 3, pp. 172-73.

374 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

comparison with the man's ten-months-old son. The animal revealed
ability to learn which was quite favorable when compared with the
child. Indeed, the chimpanzee developed abilities in advance of the
child in such matters as creeping, age at first walking, opening of
doors, learning to eat with a spoon, drinking from a glass, and supe-
rior understanding of and responsiveness to human commands. In
the crucial matter of vocal communication, however, the child was
clearly superior.^^

The human infant alone requires the most constant and solicitous
care for many years after birth. The prolonged period of human help-
lessness is the time when the child acquires the fundamentals of
personality and undergoes the most intensive acculturation. The
principal initial agency of these processes is the family. The animal
offspring must learn the basic rudiments of subsistence and survival,
for which it is amply prepared by its hereditary mechanism.

The human offspring must acquire not only the bases for physical
survival but also the mechanisms for social living. He is endowed with
a biological inheritance which, compared to the rigidity of the ani-
mal organization, is infinitely modifiable. The child is born into a
cultural environment that is the end product of millennia of cultural
growth, and it is therefore important that the biological base be suf-
ficiently plastic to admit of successful adaptation to the social milieu.
For the animal, the problem is one of survival with a minimum of
social adaptation. For the human, survival is a function of social and
cultural adjustment.

The prolongation of human infancy and the associated plasticity
of the organism does not mean that the mind of the newborn infant
is a tabula rasa, on which the environment neatly prints its impres-
sion. The infant is not clay in the hands of a potter who. Watson-
like, can turn the finished vessel into "doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-
chief and yes, even beggarman and thief." ^^ The original excesses of
behaviorism have been corrected by increased knowledge and under-
standing. A modern child psychologist puts it this way: "The pre-
eminence of human infancy lies in the scope, the depth, and the dura-

37 W. N. and L. A. Kellogg, The Ape and the Child (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc., 1935).

3* John B. Watson, Behavioiism (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.,
1924), p. 82.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 375

Hon of plasticity. . . . This increased modifiability is extremely sensi-
tive to social milieu." ^^

However distinctive the human personality may be in terms of its
cultural conditioning, it must never be forgotten that man is an ani-
mal. Gesell puts this most succinctly when he says: "The individual
comes into his racial (and ancestral) inheritance through the proc-
esses of maturation. He comes into his social inheritance through
processes of acculturation. These two processes operate and interact
in close conjunction." ^°

For many centuries the Western world was agitated by the ques-
tion of the true nature of the child at birth. During most of this
period, the field was left to the theologians, who asserted that the
child at birth was totally depraved, the heir of Adam's first sin, and
hence in need of salvation. From this pessimistic view of human na-
ture, many of the eighteenth century philosophers went to the other
extreme. They maintained that human nature is essentially good
when unspoiled by the artificialities and restraints of social existence.
If the biological equipment of the human infant were only allowed
free and untrammeled expression, they said, the end result would be
the maximum of individual happiness and social welfare.^^

Recent knowledge in biology, psychology, anthropology, and allied
fields has led to substantial modification in these versions of original
nature. It is now clearly perceived that the individual at birth is nei-
ther "good" nor "bad," neither social nor antisocial. He is an amoral,
asocial being. The long period of human helplessness is a primary
condition for this complex process of becoming a social and moral
human being.

Personality and the Social Self

Central to the conception of personality is the idea that its very
core— the individual's conception of himself— is a product of his group
contacts. Without these contacts, he would presumably never de-
velop a social self and would remain permanently in a sub-human
state. Charles Horton Cooley was a pioneer in the socio-psychological

39 Gesell, "The Ontogenesis of Infant Behavior," Manual oi Child Psychology,
ed. Leonard Carmichael, chap. 6, p. 297.

40 Ibid., p. 316.

41 See the excellent analysis, written from the point of view of a contemporary
theologian, in Reinhold Niebuhr, The Nature and Destiny oi Man, 2 vols. (New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1941-43).

376 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

analysis of the self. "Social consciousness . . . ," he suggests, "is insepa-
rable from self-consciousness, because we can hardly think of our-
selves excepting with reference to a social group of some sort, or of
the group except with reference to ourselves .... Self and society," he
continues, "are twin-born, we know one as immediately as we know
the other, and the notion of a separate and independent ego is an
illusion." '*^

In the developmental history of the child, the use of the personal
pronoun comes late in the process of acquiring a vocabulary. The
words "I," "we," and "you" appear long after the child has learned
the word symbols corresponding to other objects in the environment.
The ability to think in terms of one's self seemingly requires a more
extended period of socialization than the ability to identify ordinary
objects and the relationships between them. The "I-consciousness"
appears about age two, in conjunction with the growing awareness
of the child's relationships to other people and their attitudes toward
him. Cooley does not deny that each individual is in many respects
unique, with a world of his own and a stream of consciousness into
which no one can completely penetrate. He concludes, however, that
despite this uniqueness each individual is a member of the whole,
not only in scientific investigation but in his own eyes as well.^^ As
the poet John Donne put it, "No man is an island. . . ."

In the developing consciousness of the child, the environment of
persons and objects comes to be defined in terms of their behavior
toward himself. The family is the most powerful (and almost the
only) segment of this social environment during the early years and
hence has an inordinate influence upon the child's consciousness of
self. The child responds to the actions of his immediate family in
terms of their actions toward him. By their attitudes, expressions, and
gestures they delineate a pattern of interpersonal stimulus and re-
sponse. On the basis of their reactions toward him, the child forms a
self-picture in terms of the image of himself held by others and mani-
fested in their behavior. He responds to love, hatred, abuse, or neglect
in such a way that his conception of himself is colored by these forms
of behavior.

To this image of self as reflected in the behavior of others, he grad-

^" Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization (New York: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1909), p. 5.
*3 Ibid., pp. 9-10.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 377

ually ascribes favorable or unfavorable attitudes to these individuals,
based in turn upon their image of him. The notion of the self arises
when the child passes judgment on himself, based upon the behavior
of others toward him. He first sees an imaginary picture of himself
in the behavior of others; he then attributes to others a judgment
founded on that image; in response to this judgment, he compares
himself to the mirrored image; and finally he pictures his self as he
becomes aware of it through this social stimulation and response.^'*

This is the famous conception of the looking-glass self advanced by
Cooley. In his own words, the reflected or looking-glass self "seems
to have three principal elements: the imagination of our appearance
to the other person; the imagination of his judgment of that appear-
ance; and some sort of self- feeling, such as pride or mortification. . . .
The thing that moves us to pride or shame is not the mere mechani-
cal reflection of ourselves, but an imputed sentiment, the imagined
effect of this reflection upon another's mind." ^^ Paris has amplified
this conception by pointing out that the individual's conception of
himself arises in a social situation, wherein he takes the role of the
other toward himself. This means that the individual mentally puts
himself in the place of the other person (or persons) and responds
to the images which he imputes to the other.^^ The abihty to take
the role of the other arises only after considerable socialization, a
process that first occurs in the family of orientation.

This process of the socialization of the self is further delineated in
the closely reasoned analysis of George Herbert Mead. The self, he
maintains, is not the same as the physiological organism and should
be separated therefrom for purposes of clarity. The self is a dynamic
conception not present at birth but arising in the process of social
stimulation between the individual and other persons during his early
years. For Mead, the unique characteristic of the human being lies in
the fact that the self is an object to itseli. "Man's behavior is such in
his social group that he is able to become an object to himself, a fact
which constitutes him a more advanced product of evolutionary de-
velopment than are the lower animals. Fundamentally it is this social
fact— and not his alleged possession of a soul or mind with which he,

** Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order (New York: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1902), pp. 152-53.
*^Ihid., p. 152.
*6 Paris, The Nature of Human Nature, p. 7.

378 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

as an individual, has been mysteriously and supernaturally endowed,
and with which the lower animals have not been endowed— that dif-
ferentiates him from them." "^^

The human being is able, unlike other animals, to stand aside from
himself, as it were, and look at himself with the eyes of other persons.
When the individual acts toward other persons in a certain way, he is
clearly responding to their behavior toward him. He is also respond-
ing to his anticipation of the other's behavior, which is derived from
putting himself in the other's place. When two small boys confront
each other in an argument, each responds to a hostile gesture of the
other. He also responds to his conception of the other's reaction and
future behavior and in this process of role-taking stimulates himself.

Two potentially hostile dogs, on the other hand, respond directly
to a menacing growl but apparently do not take the role of the other
and react to the resulting impression. The child first responds to the
other members of the family and then to his anticipation of what
they will do. This process of role-taking is evident very early in the
child's development, as he learns to make cries and gestures that will
bring his mother running to his side. These cries are at first involun-
tary, but the child soon learns that certain ones will bring out a de-
sired response in the mother. He is thus putting himself in his moth-
er's place and acting so as to stimulate her favorably toward himself.

In the development of the self, the individual first takes the role
of the members of the group to which he belongs, which is initially
the family. He becomes a self not by becoming a subject of his own
thoughts but rather by becoming their object. In Mead's words, "He
enters his own experience as a self or individual, not directly or im-
mediately, not by becoming a subject to himself, but only in so far
as he first becomes an object to himself just as other individuals are
objects to him or in his experience; and he becomes an object to him-
self only by taking the attitudes of other individuals toward himself
within a social environment or context of experience and behavior in
which both he and they are involved." *^

If the self as object to itself arises out of experience, the central
importance of some means of communication between the child and
the other members of the group can readily be seen. Language is the

''^ George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1Q54), footnote, p. 137.
48 Ibid., D. J i.fi

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 379

principal means of this communication, although gestures and other
signs are important. For the student of child behavior, language has
increasingly become a "form of behavior through which the individ-
ual adjusts himself to a social environment," rather than an abstract
means of expressing ideas .^^ Through the medium of language, the
individual learns to take the role of the other toward himself and
thus view himself as object. As Mead says: "It is where one does
respond to that which he addresses to another and where that re-
sponse of his own becomes a part of his conduct, where he not only
hears himself but responds to himself, talks and replies to himself as
truly as the other person replies to him, that we have behavior in
which the individuals become objects to themselves." ^° Human be-
ings are presumably the only creatures able to carry on conversations
with themselves, taking the role of another and thereby viewing them-
selves as objects.

The social evolution of the self is further illustrated in the play
activity of the child. The child gives names to her dolls and takes a
name herself for the role she plays. A doll is often given the name of
the girl, whereas the girl takes the role of the mother and acts toward
the doll (herself) in the same way she has previously observed her
mother acting toward her in "real life." In thus assuming the role of
the other (in this case the mother) she objectifies herself in the per-
son of the doll bearing her own name and scolds, corrects, or praises
it just as if the situation were real and not imaginary.

The child thus acquires a pattern of stimuli that elicits the re-
sponse in herself that it has demonstrably elicited in others. In play-
ing, the child calls upon these stimuli, many of which are directed
toward himself as the object. In other words, he plays house with
himself and plays all the roles; he plays store and offers himself some-
thing which he then buys; he gives himself a letter and accepts it; he
takes the role of a policeman and arrests himself. In Mead's words,
"He has a set of stimuli which call out in himself the sort of responses
they call out in others. He takes this group of responses and organizes
them into a certain whole. Such is the simplest form of being an-
other to one's self." ^^

*3 Dorothea McCarthy, "Language Development in Children," Manual of
Child Psychology, ed. Leonard Carmichael, chap. 10, p. 567.
5" George Herbert Mead, Mind, Seli, and Society, p. 139.
51 Ibid., p. 151.

380 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

The Social Self and the Generalized Other

The process of social development does not end here. Talcing the
role of the other and viewing the self as an object is the first step in
the development of self-consciousness. The second step means taking
the role of the generah'zed other. This is a more complicated perform-
ance than merely playing the role of mother, father, or playmate to-
ward himself and thus partially objectifying himself. The new process
means that the individual develops his sense of self by responding to
the definitions and expectations of the larger social group and look-
ing at himself as an object in these terms. The simplest example of
this process may be found in an organized game. Here the child must
mentally play the role of (that is, take the part of) all the others in
the game and must in addition be conscious of the rules in terms of
which he himself (as well as all the others) is expected to act. When
the boy throws the ball to first base, he knows what the runner, the
first baseman, and the other members of the team will do. This
knowledge of the assumed functions of the others causes him to look
upon himself as an object in terms of these general expectations. In-
stead of being confined to a single "other" person, the "generalized"
other is composed of the individual's expectation of the behavior
of a number of different persons, all acting in terms of the socially
established rules of the game.

The more complicated the game, the more complicated is the pat-
tern of expectations to which the individual must respond and to
which he must adjust his conduct. The progress from the simple
games of childhood to the more elaborate ones of adolescence and
finally to the complex "rules of the game" of adult life represents
the development of the social self. As he grows older, the individual
is faced by an increasingly complicated set of social rules and expecta-
tions to which he must respond in a more or less intelligent fashion.
The "generalized other" thus ranges in complexity from a childhood
game of tag to the manifold responsibilities of an adult citizen of an
industrial democracy in an atomic age.

When the totality of persons making up a given society is thus
substituted for the individuals participating in a single organized
game, the implications of this position become more fully perceived.
The "generalized other" is roughly synonymous with the society
within which the individual is developing his personality. He must

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 381

therefore become accustomed to taking not only the role of the other
persons toward himself but must take on also many of their general
attitudes toward the common activity.^- Each member of the group
learns certain common responses toward many things in the environ-
ment. "Such responses," concludes Mead, "give him what we term
his principles, the acknowledged attitudes of all members of the com-
munity toward what are the values of that community. He is putting
himself in the place of the generalized other, which represents the
organized responses of all the members of the group." ^^

The voice of the generalized other is closely related to the con^
science. When the individual is deterred by his conscience from pep
forming some act, he is responding to the generalized other. The
Freudian concept of the super-ego is also similar to the generalized
other, for each represents a pattern of value judgments instilled in the
individual during the development of his social self. The person is
forever putting himself in the place of (taking the role of) the gen-
eralized other and viewing himself in terms of the standards of the
group. The extent of this identification varies among individuals, de-
pending upon the manner in which these judgments were initially
presented to them. The conscience that "does make cowards of us
all" is thus the generalized other which is first mediated to the indi-
vidual through the family.

The mechanisms of role-taking are by their very nature similar for
all individuals, but the product is far from uniform. No two person-
alities are exactly alike in terms of role-taking ability. Although the
norms of a given society have certain general uniformities, they are
transmitted by persons whose interpretations vary within broad limits.
In addition, there are the differences between personalities on the
genie level, growing out of variations in genetic, biological, endocri-
nological, and psychological factors. The social differences compound
the genie differences, so that adult personalities exhibit wide varia-
tions. Differences in the substructure of the personality (the genie)
will be reflected in the superstructure (the social). The family plays
a central part on both of these levels.

We have indicated in this chapter that personality is a process be-
ginning at birth (or even in the prenatal stage) and continuing
throughout life. Furthermore, any personality at any given moment

52Jb/d., pp. 162 fF.
S3 Ibid., p. 162.

382 SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY

is an intricately woven pattern composed of genie and social factors.
In the state of present knowledge, to give precise weights to these
constituent elements would be nothing more than a pleasant se-
mantic exercise. In the field of personality formation, we are con-
fronted with a variety of hypotheses, few of which have been finally
established by research.^"* As sociologists, the present authors tend to
emphasize the social nature of personality. We may turn next to a
discussion of the ways in which the family acts upon the personality
of the individual in his various roles.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Faris, Ellsworth, The Nature of Human Nature. New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Co., Inc., 1937. A collection of essays organized about
the theme of the social nature of personality.

Freud, Sigmund, A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis. New York:
Boni and Liveright, 1920; also Collected Papers, 4 vols. New York
and London: International Psychoanalytical Press, 1924-1925. The
classic contributions of Freud to the understanding of some of the
dynamic aspects of personality development have been long estab-
lished.

HoRNEY, Karen, Our Inner ConEicts. New York: W. W. Norton and
Company, 1945. Human relationships have a distinct bearing on the
development of neuroses.

Kluckhohn, Clyde and Henry A. Murray, Personality in Nature, So-
ciety, and Culture. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949. An excellent
selection of articles by specialists in a variety of fields having a bear-
ing on the complete understanding of personality.

Linton, Ralph, The Cultural Background of Personality. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1945. The emergence of a true un-
derstanding of personality rests on a thorough knowledge of the in-
dividual, the society, the culture, and the complex interrelationships
of all three.

Mead, George H., Mind, Self, and Society. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1934. The mind, the self and the social setting are
placed in reciprocal relationship in this keen social behavioristic
analysis.

Mead. Margaret, Male and Female. New York: William Morrow &
Company, 1949. In all societies, the social expectations (roles) asso-
ciated with the sexes have a determining influence on the resultant
personalities.

Plant, James S., Personality and the Cultural Pattern. New York: The

5* Robert F. Winch, "The Study of Personahty in the Family Setting," Social
Forces, March 1950, XXVIII, 310-16.

SOCIAL NATURE OF PERSONALITY 383

Commonwealth Fund, 1937- Out of his practical psychiatric experi-
ence. Dr. Plant reveals penetrating insights into the understanding
of personality as integrated with the cultural pattern.

Stevens, S. S., Handbook of ExperimentaJ Psychology. New York: John
Wiley & Sons, 1951. A good collection of reports on recent re-
searches in the field.

Turner, C. Donnell, General Endocrinology. Philadelphia: W. B.
Saunders Company, 1949. A text on the chemical organization of
the human body, with excellent bibliographical materials.

Young, Kimball, Personality and Piohlenis of Adjustment, rev. New
York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1952. A study of the various
aspects of personality in action.

'■^ 19 5^5

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

iHE TRANSITION froiTi 3 prenatal to a neonatal universe is a
tremendous experience. Some scientists maintain that the trauma of
birth is the most important single experience in the life history of
the person. The individual passes from the safety and security of the
intrauterine stage to the world outside the body of the mother. Many
years ago, William James coined a classic expression to characterize
this situation. "The baby . . ." he said, "feels it all as one great bloom-
ing, buzzing, confusion." ^ An eminent child psychologist has since
questioned this choice of phrase, although he does not deny the
essential formlessness of the infants' world. Gesell suggests rather
that the baby initially experiences the visible world in "fugitive and
fluctuating blotches against a neutral background." He maintains
further that the infant hears sounds "as shreds of wavering distinct-
ness against a neutral background of silence or of continuous under-
tone." The infant, continues Gesell, doubtless enjoys moving his
arms and legs, feels refreshed and repleted after a meal, and is dis-
tressed when cold, hungry, or thirsty. In other words, even the child
in its first hours and days in the world has some coherence of sensa-
tion and experience.^

The World of the Infant

Even with these reservations, however, the original insight of James
still has much to commend it. The world of the newborn infant is
fundamentally amorphous, and only through human experience can
form be introduced, personality acquired, and the child begin to take
the role of the other. The generalized other comes much later, when

1 William James, The Principles of Ps)'chology (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, i8go), I, 488.

2 Arnold Gesell and Frances L. Ilg, Infant and Child in the Culture oi Today
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943), P- 22.

384

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 385

the world has taken on infinite complexity as compared to the orig-
inal sensations. It requires a long process for the individual to become
a person.

The first experience comes through the mouth, the ears, the eyes,
and the hands. The sucking reflex is complex but ready to function at
birth. Muscular tension appears to be the response to loud sounds.
It takes some weeks before the eyes can focus adequately and select
certain aspects of the environment on which to fasten. Random
movements characterize the actions of arms and legs, whereas the
hand is ready, at birth, to grasp reflexly. Time and space are mean-
ingless to the newborn. The simplest of relationships— such as here
and there, on, under, behind, before— must be acquired after an in-
finite number of muscular experiences. Poking and prying, manipulat-
ing objects, creeping, and walking come later. To these simple space
relationships are added abstract notions of space. The understanding
of time and duration are acquired with equal difficulty. Yesterday,
today, tomorrow, now, soon, later — these are distinctions that de-
mand a sophistication acquired by the child only in slow stages.

These illustrations suggest the type of adjustment the child must
make to the world into which he has willy-nilly been projected. De-
velopment—whether motor, mental, or social— tends to follow a pat-
tern which is peculiar to each type. Control of the body, for example,
follows a definite sequence from the head to the regions farthest
from the head. The baby can thus lift his head before he can lift his
chest, can control the muscles of the trunk before those of the limbs,
and can manipulate his arms and legs before his feet and hands.^
Furthermore, development proceeds from general to specific re-
sponses. The baby moves his whole body before he can move one
part of it; he can see large objects before he can see small ones. The
same general sequence is apparent in other respects. In the matter
of speech, the baby makes amorphous babbling noises before he can
say words. General words precede specific words, and general fear
precedes specific fears. As the infant matures, he experiences more
specific fears and his behavior adjusts thereto.^

It is difficult to chart accurately the initial social reactions of the
infant, A rudimentary form of social activity apparently takes place

3 Elizabeth B. Hurlock, Child Development, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1950), pp. 41-42.
* Jbit^v pp. 43-44-

386 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

at five months, when the child spontaneously seeks to make contact
with other persons by babbling and grasping. By six or seven months,
the infant begins to include in his play anyone who happens to be
present.^ When two children of this age are together, however, one
may try to seize a toy with no apparent consciousness of the other.
At this stage, the child clearly has not yet begun to take the role of
the other, much less that of the generalized other, with its careful
protection of private property and individual rights.

By the end of the first year, the achievement of any desired end
may elicit what seems to be evidence of triumph, thus suggesting that
patterns of dominance, aggressiveness, and submission appear early
in life. At three, the child spends a considerable portion of his time
attempting to establish social contact, although this contact is still
largely postulated in terms of his own needs, desires, and interests.
The child of three interprets the actions of others in terms of his own
motivations, which suggests that he still has not learned completely
to take another's role and look upon himself as an object.^

Dependency and Personality

The human infant comes into the world unequipped to fend for
himself, even on a very low level of survival. His social environment
fortunately is so organized as to minister to his needs and expect
nothing in return. Because of this state of affairs, Freud called this
the period of "infantile omnipotence." The newborn has de facto
control over his universe, which consists of his mother, father, broth-
ers, and sisters. All he has to do to summon them is to cry. It is
assumed that the cry is the inherited mechanism by which the or-
ganism serves notice that some physiological tension exists requiring
restoration or reduction. When the "universe" reacts by giving the
baby the breast or the bottle, by covering him with a blanket, by
adjusting his diaper, or by fondling and caressing him, the cry ceases.
The assumption is that the original tension has been reduced or
temporarily eliminated."

The infant is actually not learning during this period to be omnipo-
tent, but rather to be dependent. Dependency needs are presumably

5 Charlotte Biihler, From Birth to Maturity (London: Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trubncr & Company, Ltd., 1935), p. 53.

^ Jbid., pp. 715-76.

^ Robert F. Winch, The Modem Family (New York: Henry Holt and Company,
1952), pp. 209-13.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 387

acquired in the same way as other needs, and the child soon learns
to depend upon his mother for various ministrations.^ These depend-
ency needs are built around not only the physiological needs of the
infant, but about his emotional needs as well. Physical contact—
whether in the form of being held, caressed, or fondled— seems essen-
tial to the emotional wellbeing of the child. The mere presence of
the mother in the room gradually becomes a source of tension reduc-
tion. Attention and mothering appear to be essential prerequisites to
the infant's emotional development, especially during the early
months.

The changing climate of opinion in recent decades concerning
infant dependency and personality formation suggests the lack of
scientifically validated conclusions in this field. Under the influence
of Freud and some of his overenthusiastic followers, parents in the
1920's were warned of the awful consequences of tenderness and af-
fection in their relations with the infant. Even a reasonable amount
of love, caressing, and attention would allegedly bring about com-
plexes, fixations, and other horrible and permanent distortions of the
personality which would continue throughout life. A popular cliche
at the time was to the effect that parents were practically the worst
possible people to rear children. John B. Watson, the founder of
Behaviorism, was one of the leaders in the denunciation of parental
coddling, petting, and mothering as fraught with ineluctable conse-
quences for the adult personality. To treat children as though they
were young adults was the epitome of Watson's advice to parents of
the 1920's.^

During the past decade. Dr. Margaret A. Ribble has become the
exponent of a point of view at the opposite end of the spectrum. For
her, "the infant who is treated impersonally, however well nourished
and clean he may be, is actually thwarted in his mental develop-
ment and may suffer more cruelly than an adult locked up in solitary
confinement." ^° The handling and fondling of the baby, far from
being hazardous to his personality development, are as necessary as
food and drink to his normal growth progression. Mothering is the

8 Celia Burns Stendler, "Critical Periods in Socialization and Overdepend-
ency," Child Development, March 1952, XXIII, 3-12.

9 John B. Watson, Psvchohgical Care of Infant and Child (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1928).

10 Margaret A. Ribble, The Rights oi Infants (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1943), p. 3.

388 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

surest way to start the infant on the right track in hfe, and hence it
should be maximized and not minimized. From this point of view,
mothering is a kind of prolongation of the uterine situation into the
first few months of external existence. A sense of security is provided
by physical contact with the mother, who holds and carries the baby
about. By mothering, Dr. Ribble thus not only refers to such obvious
details of physical care as feeding, bathing, and holding the child, but
also includes a whole group of tender actions, such as "fondling,
caressing, rocking, and singing or speaking to" the baby. These
actions, she believes, are very important for his proper psychic de-
velopment."

Based on her study of 600 babies, Dr. Ribble came to further con-
clusions. Physiologically, she found (a) that there is an unstable
and inadequate distribution of the blood stream in the child until
about the third month; and (b) that in the same period an inade-
quate supply of oxygen makes for precarious breathing. Crying might
therefore be a form of jjanic reaction induced by partial suffocation.
Furthermore, the infant at birth is a precerebrate organism requir-
ing some time for the development of the forebrain. With these and
other deficiencies, the baby needs a great deal of mothering. Failure
to receive such mothering may result in one of two types of reactions:
( 1 ) negativism, showing itself in the refusal to suck, loss of appetite,
rigidity of the muscles, and other symptoms; ( 2 ) a form of depressive
and regressive quiescence which in acute form is similar to, or ident-
ical with, a chronic disease known as marasmus (wasting away).
Under the name of infantile atrophy, this disease formerly accounted
for a large proportion of infant deaths. ^-

This thesis has not gone unquestioned. The case of Dr. Ribble
rests upon the physiological and psychological inadequacies and in-
stabilities with which the child faces the world. Conversely, Pinneau
cites the results of various experimental studies and observations of
these conditions and concludes that the evidence "points to a direct
refutation of the thesis itself." ^^ The present authors do not profess
to judge the implications of this controversy, beyond suggesting that
the truth may well lie between the extremes of Watson on the one

" Ibid., p. 9.

12 Ribble, The Rights of Infants, p. 93.

13 Samuel R. Pinneau, "A Critique on the Articles by Margaret Ribble,"
ChiJd Development, December 1950, XXI, 222.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 389

hand and Ribble on the other. The human infant is clearly born
helpless. His dependency embraces not merely the need for food
and physical care, but also the need for emotional security. It follows
that normal early development will depend upon both adequacy of
physical attention and a reasonable amount of love and affection.

In recent years, the emotional development of the infant has been
surveyed by the sociologist, as well as by the psychologist and psy-
choanalyst.^^ Some of the claims of the Freudians concerning the ex-
clusive importance of certain infantile experiences have been em-
pirically investigated.^^ Such aspects of early training were studied
as weaning, bowel and bladder training, feeding, and disciplinary
action for the disobedience of these and other normative practices.
The general conclusion of this study was that "the personality adjust-
ment and traits of children who have undergone varying infant-
training experiences do not differ significantly from each other." ''-^

This conclusion does not necessarily mean, as the author is at pains
to indicate, that infancy is unimportant in the development of per-
sonality, or even that such practices as toilet-training and feeding-
schedules do not have a bearing upon personality adjustment. He
merely suggests that the entire adjustment of the personality does
not depend upon these and other factors in infantile experience. The
experience following infancy is also important.^'^

Developmental Sequences and Personality

Science is organized knowledge whose ultimate objective is predic-
tion and control. As a consequence of a vast amount of research on
child development, the parent can now know just how the child will
develop — socially, physically, and emotionally — from infancy onward.
From his infant and child guide books, the parent can discover what
changes, on the average, may be expected in height and weight dur-

" Cf. Harold Orlansky, "Infant Care and Personality," Psychological Bulletin,
January 1949, XLVI, 1-48.

15 William H. Sewell, "Infant Training and the Personality of the Child,"
American Journal of Sociology, September 1952, LVIII, 150-59.

1^ Jbid., p. 157.

1^ Cf. Erich Fromm, "Psychoanalytic Characterology and Its Application to
the Understanding of Culture," Culture and Personality, eds. S. S. Sargent and
M. W. Smith (New York: The Viking Fund, 1949).

Also R. R. Sears, Suive)' oi Objective Studies oi Psychoanalytic Concepts
(New York: Social Science Research Council, 1943).

390 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

ing the early months and years. From the "book" the parent knows
when to expect the weaning process to be completed, when the first
tooth will appear, when the child will stand erect and take the first
uncertain steps. The informed parent can also follow the progress of
control of elimination, the first complete words and sentences spoken,
and countless other events in the developing personality of the child.

We may indicate some of the developmental sequences in growth
and social relationships which are closely connected with personality
formation. IS (i) Increasing manipulative skiU: includes such things
as the ability to feed and dress oneself and to combine blocks or other
objects into building operations. The eye-hand-arm-mouth-swallowing
coordination involved in self-feeding is an exceedingly complicated
skill that requires a long time to master successfully.^^ (2) Locomotoi
or iarge-muscle skills: involved in learning to walk and in running,
jumping, and climbing. (3) Language: of such preeminent impor-
tance in socialization and acculturation that we shall consider it in
detail below.

(4) Fantasy: involves the ability to create an imaginary world peo-
pled with fairies, elfs, Santa Clauses, as well as actual persons and
objects growing out of life experiences. In play-fantasy the child be-
comes an object to himself by taking the role of the other. ( 5 ) Con-
cepts oi space, time, ohject-iehtionships, and human relationships:
the observations of Piaget on the developing concepts of causality re-
veal the increasing understanding by the child of the world in which
he lives.^*' "There comes a time," says Gesell, "when the child asks
many questions— where, what, why, who, and how questions— and,
incidentally, he asks them in this genetic order." ^^ The child thus
asks first "Who made me?" and only later "How are babies born?"
(6) Complex sequences: the stage in which the child participates in
complex social relationships and the baby learns to take the role of
the generalized other. The manner in which the child comes to un-

1* The following is adapted from Lois Barclay Murphy. "Childhood Experi-
ence in Relation to Personality Development," Personality and the Behavior
Disorders, ed. J. McV. Hunt {New York: The Ronald Press, 1944), chap. 21.

19 Arnold L. Gesell, The Fiist Five Years oi Lite (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1940), p. 242.

20 Cf. Jean Piaget, The Child's Conception oi Physical Causality (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 19^0).

21 Gesell and Ilg, Infant and ChiJd in the Culture oi Today, p. 26.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 391

derstand such a thing as money, its value and meaning, is an example
of this process. ^^

Concomitant with these developmental sequences in growth occurs
a change in social experiences. The child's first love object is the
mother or mother-substitute, and he soon becomes dependent upon
her. Just as dependence has to be learned, so does independence. In
child training for socialization, dependence must gradually decrease
in favor of the slower progress of independence. Patterns of parental
authority are at first absolute, but they are gradually modified and
shifted. By adolescence, the peer-group exercises more authority in
certain respects than do the parents.^^ The ordinal position of the
child in the family and his sibling relationships are important social
situations influencing personality formation. The behavior in such
relationships may run the gamut from companionship and affection
to jealousy, rivalry, and competition.

The general picture of child development emerges from this brief
analysis of growth sequences. These uniformities in progression do
not, however, produce absolute uniformities in the personality. Each
personality owes its uniqueness to the fact that neither the constitu-
tional heritage nor the social environment of any two persons is ex-
actly the same. However constant may be the general growth curve,
therefore, the finished personality ultimately reflects the interaction
of a unique organism with a unique configuration of social and cul-
tural forces. The final understanding of behavior in a given situation
lies in the total gestalt (that is, setting) in which the behavior oc-
curs. To understand the personality of the child, one must see him
in his total situation.

Personality development is thus in one sense uniform. In another
sense, it is unique with each individual, depending upon the con-
stellation of forces within which it occurs. The dependency needs of
the child will be gratified in one way if he is born to a mother who
has long and ardently desired a child. They will be met in another
way if he is born to a mother who unconsciously rebels against
motherhood. These needs will be met in still another way if the child

22Anselm L. Strauss, "The Development and Transformation of Monetary
Meanings in the Child," American Sociological Revien', June 1952, XVII,
275-86.

23 For a discussion of the role of the peer group, see James H. S. Bossard, The
SocioJogy of Child Development (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948), chap. 21,
"The Role of the Peer Group."

392 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

is born to an unmarried mother who deposits him in a foster home
at the earhest possible opportunity. When the child reaches the
stage of muscular development when it is normal for him to run,
jump, or climb, it will likewise be a matter of considerable impor-
tance in his personality development whether he lives in a city apart-
ment, in the suburbs, or on a farm.

Variations in individual patterns of growth may also combine with
constitutional tendencies to determine the manner in which a new
situation will affect the child. Children differ in their sensitivity to
pain, noise, and other sensory stimuli. They also differ in their reac-
tions to authority. One child may be extremely upset by a disci-
plinary action to which another will respond in an indifferent man-
ner. These differential reactions appear to reflect temperamental dif-
ferences and not merely prior reactions to authority.-"*

In a sense, children "select" the elements of their environment to
which they react, and in this way they determine the nature of a
given experience. Selectivity of this kind may arise either from previ-
ous life-experience, from constitutional differences, or both. It is
difficult to determine the extent to which constitutional differences
are involved. In any event, it has been demonstrated that one child
will be aggressive when frustrated, another when gripped by fear,
and a third for no apparent reason other than to bolster his ego.

Family Authority and Personality

The stage of infantile omnipotence does not last long. Around the
helpless infant, the entire social environment is continually mobilized
to anticipate his desires and meet his needs. His early omnipotence
will never be repeated nor will his power be continued. There comes
a time when the social world says "No." Without knowing the why
or the wherefore, the child bumps into the universe. He becomes pain-
fully aware that his urges, desires, whims, and fancies cannot be im-
mediately gratified by an indulgent society. Here is the beginning of
the process of building into the structure of his personality the in-
hibitions, the repressions, and the redirections of energies essential
for living in society. Here is also the beginning of maturity.

When this stage is reached, it would be revealing to have dicta-
phonic reports of parental reactions to the child's behavior. Such

2* Murphy, "Childhood Experiences in Relation to Personality Development,"
op. cit., p. 662.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 393

records would be the kind of evidence, which no abstract discussion
can possibly equal, of the way in which the elders transmit the ways
of the group. In the world of the child, his wants, urges, and drives
are imperious and complete. In the world of the adult, satisfactory
social adjustments are possible only when the individual's wants are
restrained, checked, and balanced by the wishes of others. Ethical
and moral standards have their genesis in group life. Out of social
experience, trial and error, and folkways evolving into mores, norma-
tive principles have emerged. Ordered social life would be impossible
without accepted standards regulating the relations of man to man.

An adult can understand why the expression of the biological urges
must be controlled if there is to be an ordered society. A parent of a
two-year-old child would have difficulty in explaining that the reason
for restraint lies in a concept of societal welfare. Lacking such a ra-
tional contact with the self-centered infant, the parent unconsciously
utilizes authority as the only basis for transmitting the right ways of
the group. However reluctant the kind father might be to admit it,
out of the long experience of the group he has become the designated
authoritarian for inculcating group ways in the young. The age-old
injunction of honoring the father and mother is only one of the ways
in which the group has designated the parents as its proper repre-
sentatives. Very early in the life of the new individual there are pre-
sented to him patterns of authority and submission, of superordina-
tion and subordination. If the process of socialization is to be success-
ful, these patterns must be followed.

During recent decades there has been much discussion concerning
the relative merits of the permissive as opposed to the restrictive ap-
proach to the care and rearing of children. Thirty years ago, pedia-
tricians were advocating restrictive practices; for example, regular,
fixed schedules for feeding, and the beginning of toilet-training after
the first month. More recently the pendulum has swung to the op-
posite extreme. Parents are now told that infants need "mothering,"
and hence they should feed the infant on demand or when he is
hungry. Furthermore they should not be too rigid or too early with
toilet-training, and in other ways should adopt a developmental or
permissive attitude.

These shifts in opinion have prompted one student to summarize
the trends in child care as follows:

394 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

Whether it be the influence of Freudianism and psychoanalysis; the
educational theories of Dewey; the "stimulated interest" concept of
Froebel; Montessori's idea of "spontaneity in education"; the sweep of
"behaviorism" in the twenties and thirties; or in the emphasis on
"mothering" in the late forties; it is painfully clear that the writers in
the field of infant care and child-rearing disciplines have been slow to
construct a body of data that withstands empirical scrutiny. Instead, they
have often reflected changing patterns of thought in middle-class society
and reflected changing theories of education and personality formation.^^

This is perhaps too harsh a criticism. Granted that the science of
child care is far from definitive, a body of empirical data is never-
theless being constructed that will eventually lead to more positive
results. The crux of the problem is not the necessity of inhibitions
and repressions, but rather their right timing so that wholesome per-
sonality development may ensue. As noted, Gesell indicates that
there is a developmental sequence in the physiological growth of the
child and that training must follow such a sequence. Parents may
wish for the child to walk at two months, but he is not going to, no
matter what efforts are put forth to train him.

The same principle of the proper timing of social restraints may
be applicable to all phases of child training, including the social and
the emotional. Small children appear to derive a pleasurable reaction
from self-stimulation of the erogenous zones of the body. This gen-
eralized pleasure sensation is a part of the so-called libido, although
it is not to be confused with the sex pattern of the mature individ-
ual. The reaction of parents to this behavior is often one of disap-
proval. Narcissism of any kind is admittedly a handicap in later life,
but this does not mean that extreme forms of repression at this early
stage are necessarily wholesome. To punish the innocent child by
various extreme forms of condemnation does not remove the urge,
but merely drives it underground, later to find expression in substi-
tute forms.-^

A small child shows no sense of shame at exposing its body to the
gaze of others. In the w'orld of adults, such exposure constitutes a
crime. It is difficult to say at what point in the child's development

25 Clark E. Vincent, "Trends in Infant Care Ideas," Child Dev'eJopment,
September 1951, XXII, 205.

-^ For a discussion of sex education in the family, of. George E. Gardner, "A
Factor in the Sex Education of Children," Mental Hygiene, January 1944,
XXVIII, 55-63.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 395

this difference in attitude must be instilled. Bad timing in such teach-
ing has often led to prudery and neurosis. The three-year-old day-
dreamer ^'^ can live in a world in which he is Prince Charming, and
the environment will approve of his creation. If he carries this fantasy
into adult life, he will inevitably become a candidate for a mental
hospital. The problem is therefore not one of permissive as opposed
to restrictive child rearing; it is rather one of restriction applied at
the light time to produce the best results in personality formation.

In the years before he is five or six, the child may be said to re-
spond to two major drives: (1) the desire for satisfaction of his or-
ganic needs; and (2) the desire for self-direction and freedom of
action to do what he wants to do. The opposition and negativism of
the young child to parental interference with these drives is a com-
mon part of the family experience. By the age of five or six, however,
the child is well on his way to socialization. By that time, he has
begun to seek the approval of his parents and increasingly accepts
their demands in order to please them. This desire for the approval
of the other persons in his widening environment (first his parents,
then his siblings, then his playmates, and finally his teachers) is an
increasingly important element in his behavior. The maturing child
wishes to avoid punishment and at the same time to win the ap-
proval of those who can reward him for his behavior.^^

Language and Social Adjustment

The infant comes into the world lacking equipment for any form
of communication except crying. Crying is his way of expressing
disequilibrium, but crying is nonsymbolic behavior in that it has no
social content. Symbolic behavior has been defined as "all those
actions of a human being which are effective and significant only be-
cause they have a socially designated meaning. . . ." ^^ Whereas the
infant's cry is nonsymbolic, the mother responds with behavior that
is symbohc. In the universe of the mother, all behavior of the child
has social meaning. Consequently, the mother acts toward the baby

27 Esther Walcott, "Daydreamers: a Study of Their Adjustment in Adoles-
cence," Smith College Studies in Social Work, June 1932, II, 283-335.

28Anison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst, Father of the Man (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1947), pp. 36 ff.

23 Richard T. LaPiere and Paul R. Farnsworth, Social Psychology (New
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1936), p. 77.

396 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

as if he were endeavoring to communicate in precisely the same way
she is— that is, by symbols.

As a result of this interaction, the child comes to associate his
own actions with the responses of the mother and thus learns to ex-
press his wants through socially significant meanings. The fond
mother is on sound scientific ground when she avers that after the
first month she is able to distinguish whether the cry arises from hun-
ger, pain, discomfort, or other reasons. These cries actually do differ
in "intensity, tonal quality, and rhythm," after the first month and
are no longer a monotone. Cries of pain are "shrill, loud, and inter-
rupted by whimpering and groaning, or short, sharp, and piercing."
From the second month the "cry of discomfort is low and whimper-
ing, while that of hunger is loud and interrupted by sucking move-
ments." ^^

As a result of interaction with a social milieu, the undifferentiated
cries of the baby become differentiated, and the cry becomes an ele-
mental form of communication. If bodily distress can be thus com-
municated, it is to be expected that bodily euphoria can be similarly
communicated. The identification of the facial expression of a two-
months-old baby as a smile, however, may represent reading an adult
point of view into the child's response. Smiling as social behavior
comes later than crying and is doubtless a learned response arising
from both the non-symbolic and symbolic actions of the parents in
relation to the child. The tickling of the infant and the playfulness
of the parents, accompanied by smiling, doubtless elicit similar re-
sponses by the child. When the child does smile, the answer of his
environment is so ecstatic that smiling soon becomes a valued ele-
ment in his growing repertoire of socially determined behavior.

Smiling thus becomes a symbolic gesture, and the child learns to
use other gestures to express himself and communicate with others.
Squirming and wiggling to indicate opposition to restriction, holding
out the arms to be picked up, reaching for objects, turning the head
away to indicate the satisfaction of hunger— these are illustrative of
the childish uses of bodily activity as means of communication. Many
of these activities are accompanied by meaningless vocalizations,
which may be the beginning of true words and language. The child
appears to learn with alacrity the gestures of those in the environ-
s'Hurlock, Child Development, 2nd ed., pp. 210-11.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 397

ment about him, together with the tone of voice associated with vari-
ous gestures, long before the words have any meaning for him.^^

Another important foundation for the later acquisition of speech
is the so-called babbling stage. By movements of the head, arms, and
legs, the child is learning control over his body in general. At the
same time, he is constantly experimenting with his vocal mechanisms.
At the early age of four months, the infant appears to have learned
to coordinate these mechanisms adequately. At this age, infants
"blow bubbles, coo, chuckle, gurgle, laugh, constantly experimenting
with the use of tongue, larynx, and breath control. . . . The founda-
tion sounds for the native language are mastered by eight months
and by nine months the speech rhythms of the language begin to be
apparent." ^^

Enthusiastic parents to the contrary notwithstanding, however,
these earliest sounds are not true speech. There are four major as-
pects to the process of learning to speak. The child must master all
four, since they are interrelated and success in one cannot be gained
without success in all the others. He must (a) comprehend the
speech of others; (b) acquire a vocabulary of his own; (c) combine
the words of his vocabulary into sentences; and (d) pronounce these
and other additions to his vocabulary.^^ The individuals in the en-
vironment of the infant accompany their behavior toward him with
appropriate words (symbols). Hence the child comes to comprehend
words and their significance long before he himself makes use of
them.

By the age of one year, the child will be using several words, such
as dada and mama. By eighteen months this number will be ten to
twenty-two, after which development is very rapid. Between ages
two and six, the vocabulary will increase by 500 to 600 words an-
nually.^* It is not too great a leap from the "babbling" sound to the
completed word. It is not strictly accurate, however, to say that the
first symbols used by the child designate objects, persons, or things
in his environment. Rather, the lack of other words means that his

31 Dorothea McCarthy, "Language Development in Children," Manual of
Child Psychology, ed. Leonard Carmichael (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.,
1946), chap. 10, pp. 480 fF.

32 Marian E. Breckenridge and E. Lee Vincent, Child Development, 2nd ed,
(Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Company, 1949), p- 395-

33 Hurlock, op. cit., p. 217.

34 Breckenridge and Vincent, op. cit., p. 396.

398 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

single word must do duty for both noun and verb. FmiiiCTmore,
since the child is egocentric it is reasonable to conclude that the nam-
ing of an object by a noun does not imply any objectivity on the part
of the speaker but rather some felt need, wish, or desire fn relation
to the named object. The first words are nouns, followed by verbs,,
especially those having to do with action. Adjectives and adverbs then
appear, with prepositions and pronouns acquired later.^

Language is the sine qua non of the socialization and accaltaration
of the human being. Language is the social depository of man's cul-
tural heritage, and is therefore the means by which the individual
adjusts to the social milieu. Without language, personality cannot
develop normally. The impetus to language acquisition is usually
given first by the mother and next by other members of the family.
The central role of the family— and particularly the mother— in the
development of the child's use of language is thus apparent. Hence
the expression "mother tongue" takes on a literal as well as a sym-
bolic meaning. The plasticity of the child is reflected in the fact that
he learns incorrect pronunciation as readily as correct forms. He also
changes his methods of pronunciation, even his native tongue, if
moved early to another social, family, or national environment.

The Family and the Social Sifuation

The newborn child is not merely exposed to the culture of his
society, but rather to that version of the culture mediated to him by
his family. Mother, father, brothers, and sisters constitute the com-
plete world for the child when he is meeting society for the first time.
The smaller the unit of the family, the more circumscribed is the
arena for the family drama and the greater will be the influence
upon the child of the persons composing it. The impact of the adult
members upon the young will be of a different character in an ex-
tended family as compared with our nuclear structure.^** In either
case, however, the family is the principal agent in defining the situa-
tion for the child. As W. L Thomas puts this general relationship,
"The child is always born into a group of people among whom all
the general types of situation which may arise have already been de-
fined and corresponding rules of conduct developed, and where he

3^ McCarthy, op. cit., pp. 503 ff.

36 Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa (New York: William Morrow
& Company, 1928).

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 399

has not the shghtest chance of making his definitions and following
his wishes without interference." ^'^

These family definitions take a variety of forms and range from the
simplest activities to the most profound moral precepts. Even before
the child is capable of independent locomotion, his conduct is de-
fined by the words and gestures of his parents. He is told to be quiet
when he cries, to eat when he may or not be hungry, and to adjust
his elimination to the toilet-training of his elders. In our culture, for
example, in their zeal to promote the cultural imperative of cleanli-
ness, parents may attempt to toilet-train the young at too early an
age. Early and excessive concern over establishing such patterns may,
in individual instances, be at the basis of later emotional or be-
havioral disorders. This is not to blame the parents, however, for de-
fining the situation in the only way they know. They are merely
expressing our cultural emphasis on the importance of cleanliness.

The family also defines the situation on more complex ideological
levels. The earliest conceptions of religion, morality, government,
marriage, and the family arise through this process of familial defini-
tion, and the personality of the growing child becomes an intricate
mosaic of these cultural definitions. The preference for the monog-
amous family, the acceptance of the democratic form of government,
the belief in the Christian religion, and the respect for private prop-
erty become an integral part of his personality, built upon a series
of definitions which take place so gradually that the child is hardly
aware of the process. The family is therefore in a sense a "conserva-
tive" influence upon the child, since it is inevitably weighted on the
side of the status quo. The parents are themselves the products of
personality formation that began in their own childhood relation-
ships with their parents. Hence it is only natural that they should
regard the definitions woven into their personalities as the right and
proper ones.

The early fashioning of the child's attitudes is another function of
the family environment. Attitudes are defined in behavioristic terms
as "a form of anticipatory behavior, a beginning of action which is
not necessarily completed. . . . They bespeak one's actual trends to
overt conduct." ^^ If attitudes are "habitual reaction tendencies,"

37 William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Gid (Boston: Little, Brown and Com-
pany, 1923), p. 42.

38 Kimball Young, Social Psychology (New York- F. S. Crofts & Company,
1944), p. 121.

400 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

then values are the "objects toward which we direct our desires and
attitudes." ^^ Observations of young children reveal that a bright
object, such as a toy, constitutes a stimulus to which the child reacts
directly by reaching for it. The fact that the toy may be held by an-
other child appears to make little difference, since the latter does not
yet enter into the reaction-pattern. The parent enters the picture to
make the child aware of the other and to introduce such ideas as
sharing, finding a suitable substitute, or some other device emphasiz-
ing the social nature of the situation.

In her observations of nursery school children aged two to five,
Katherine M. B. Bridges discovered that the child at first seems inter-
ested only in itself. As it becomes aware of other children, little
friendly actions emerge, such as helping another child out of the
snow, unbuttoning its coat, and similar acts. Likewise, at a cry of dis-
tress from a child, the other children at first only stare or cry in imi-
tation. Later this self-centered attitude gives way to such actions as
putting an arm about the distressed one, or asking in gentle tones if
it hurts.""

The youngest children do not give evidence of social cooperation
and genuine sympathy, but those who are somewhat older do show
such social traits. This can be explained in one of two ways: either
there is a postnatal maturation of an inherent biological drive toward
sympathy and cooperation, or else the child's environment directs
him to social attitudes in this direction. Even if it be granted that
maturation may be related to this and other problems, it still remains
true that the parents and others encourage the expression of attitudes
essential to socialization.

The receptivity and sensitivity of the child to his milieu are suffi-
cient to explain how he acquires the foundations of racial, religious,
or class prejudices. It is highly doubtful, for example, if there is any
biological foundation for racial antipathy. Too many societies are
free from these prejudices to account for them on such a basis. The
more likely explanation is that prejudice is socially produced and so-
cially transmitted. Refusing to allow their children to play with chil-
dren of another race, making disparaging remarks about people of an

^^ Ihid., p. 123.

^^ Katherine M. B. Bridges. The Social and Emotional DeveJopment oi the
Pie-School Child (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd., 1931),
pp. 48-49.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 401

"inferior" race, and behaving toward such people in an unnatural or
stilted manner are some of the ways in which parents unwittingly
foster these attitudes.^^

Other forms of prejudice have an even more dubious physiological
basis. A Jewish student reports that of all the memories of his child-
hood none is more vivid than hearing Gentile parents reprimanding
their children for playing with him. The same situational factors give
the child his basic attitudes toward the members of other social
classes. In ways which parents think are subtle but which are prob-
ably transparent to the child, Johnny's attentions are diverted from
playing with the truckdriver's daughter next door to the banker's little
girl who lives a mile away. Slighting comments about the cleanliness,
clothing, manners, and language of the former are caught up by the
sensitive child mind, as are joking comments about "marrying" into
the family of the latter.

Subcultural Aspects of Personality

The adults who constitute the environment of the child do not
consciously transmit their attitudes and values to him. They are
merely behaving in terms of the major culture and subcultures of
which they themselves are a product. The primary emphasis in this
book is on the middle-class American family. We may compare the
attitudes and behavior patterns of this segment of the population
with the patterns of the other social classes.

Perhaps the most significant single finding of the Kinsey study, for
example, was the sharp difference in sex behavior between social
classes, using educational attainment as the principal criterion of
class. Whereas almost 100 per cent of the males with a grade school
education reported premarital sexual intercourse, only about two-
thirds of those with a college education had such experience. Mas-
turbatory practices were more common among the upper than the
lower-class groups, whereas the former had a higher degree of stim-
ulation by erotic imagery than the latter.^^

These subcultural differences are not surprising in view of the ex-
perience of the two classes. For the upper-level males, the continu-

*^ For a discussion of the mechanisms of this process, cf. Allison Davis,
"American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child," American Soci-
ological Review, June 1941, VI, 345-54.

^2 Alfred C. Kinsey, et aJ., Sexual Behavior in the Human MaJe (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), pp. 331 ff.

402 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

ance of education and the consequent postponement of marriage
means that sex relations are on what Waller has called an "aim-in-
hibited" basis. This means that adolescent boys and girls in the upper
levels spend much time in each other's company, have dates, and
engage in a variety of heterosexual relationships known generically as
"petting" or "necking." At the same time, however, these young peo-
ple consider themselves too young to marry, and consequently they
attempt to avoid both marriage and complete physical intimacy. In
these two senses, their relationships are "aim-inhibited." The sexual
patterns of the upper level thus differ widely from those of the lower
level, whose members have no such inhibitions.^^

This emphasis upon premarital chastity has characterized middle-
class American society from the very beginning. It has usually been
accompanied by a conspiracy of silence with regard to parental edu-
cation of children in sex matters. Until very recently, the attitudes
of middle-class parents were marked by secrecy where sex was con-
cerned. Either children were assumed to be blissfully innocent in
such matters, or sex was something to be concealed as nasty and
brutish. The lower classes may be just as deficient in the sex educa-
tion of their children, but the life circumstances of these groups are
frequently such as to give the children a more casual attitude with
respect to sex. Children reared in crowded housing accommodations
will be exposed to the sex behavior of their parents in a different
manner than those brought up in homes where complete privacy is
possible.

Another middle-class traditional virtue that has been deeply in-
grained in American society is success. The striving for success became
such a powerful social urge in this country because it was associated
with conditions favorable thereto. Just as postponement of complete
heterosexual experience was necessary because of the preparation for
a career, so the denial of other present gratifications for the sake of
future goals became a social desideratum. Thrift, frugality, and self-
denial were accepted attitudes for all parents to pass along to their
children for the sake of future success."*^

A large number of lower-class families unquestionably have these

43Wi]lard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951 ), p. 148.

^* The product of these ideals was the "inner-directed" personality type sug-
gested by Riesman. Cf. David Riesman, The LoneJy Crowd (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1950).

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 403

middle-class ideals, even though they are unable to realize them. For
many such families, however, the incentives to rise in the social scale
are not so strong, and resultant attitudes of resignation are trans-
mitted to the children. When the family is constantly threatened by
unemployment, the concept of thrift in order to acquire a business of
one's own loses much of its force. Furthermore, the family must
establish "need" in order to qualify for relief, a situation that further
weakens the incentive to save. Installment buying also characterizes
the behavior of many lower-class families, whereby they gain at least
temporary possession of such luxuries as television sets, electric dish
washers, and automobiles. In many other respects, the lower-class
family tends to ignore thrift for the sake of future goals and adopts
instead an attitude of living for today and letting tomorrow take care
of itself.*^

The subcultures of the different classes also var)' in their attitudes
toward aggression. The middle and upper classes maintain some of
the codes that have come down from chivalry, in which the boy is
not supposed to start a fight, pick on a smaller boy, or physically
abuse a girl. At the same time, the upper-level child is told that he
must defend himself when someone else is the aggressor. If he does
not rise to this occasion, he is considered a coward, and both his
own ego and the egos of his parents presumably suffer accordingly.

Furthermore, aggression in other forms is expected of the upper-
level child, even though he may not overtly exhibit this trait. In the
sublimated form of competition, aggression is enthusiastically en-
couraged by the parents. Many of the physical impulses toward ag-
gression are taken out in competitive athletics, in which the cultur-
ally-induced incentive to win is strong. Finally, the child is expected
to compete for grades in school, although undue success in this re-
spect is often considered slightly unworthy of a thoroughly masculine
boy.4<5

In the lower classes, physical aggression is encouraged and compe-
tition in the classroom is discouraged, especially for boys. The latter
are expected to be aggressive in order to defend themselves in the
predatory social jungle of the slum. Parents in the lower classes are

*5 For a discussion of the lower-class family in these and other respects, see
Allison Davis, "Child Rearing in the Class Structure of American Society,"
The FamiJy in a Democratic Society (New York: Columbia University Press,
1949)>PP- 56-69.

46 Winch, The Modern FamiJy, p. 238.

404 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

also more accustomed to use methods of corporal punishment upon
their children than are middle- and upper-class parents. Hence the
lower-class children come to accept the principle of violence in their
relations with others. Personal aggression is therefore at a premium
in many lower-class environments, whereas the same behavior is
looked upon as reprehensible in a middle-class neighborhood. In
each case, the family expresses the dominant attitudes and values of
the subculture and transmits them to the child.*^

Family Roles and Personality

In the ' psychodrama" of family life,'*^ each member learns to play
a series of roles. We may consider some of the roles played by parents
and children, with particular reference to the impact of these roles
upon the expanding personality. In earliest infancy, dependency con-
ditions the nature of the initial role. Each successive stage of de-
velopment means that one series of roles is first modified, then dis-
carded, and finally a new series assumed. When the individual fails
to adopt his role to his changing years, he becomes socially retarded
and unable to emancipate himself from childhood. He retains, in
short, many of the emotional characteristics of the baby, a role which
he played to perfection and which he is unable, for one reason or an-
other, to abandon.

A role is a pattern of behavior established to meet the expectations
of other persons. When the child plays his particular role, he is
thereby responding to the expectations of the members of his fam-
ily. Each role is merely a part the child plays, first in the drama of
family life and later in the larger drama of the adult world. The early
role is important because the child has no choice and must live up
to the expectations his parents place upon him. The role he learns
to play in these plastic years determines much of his later emotional
experience.

Freud perceived the extreme importance of these first roles, and
erected an entire psychological theory about them. It is not neces-
sary to place such exclusive emphasis upon the emotional ties asso-
ciated with these roles to appreciate their central importance in the

^^ Breckenridge and Vincent, Child Deve/opment, 2nd ed. p. 225.
** Bruno Solby, "The Psychodramatic Approach to Marriage Problems," Ameri-
can Sociological Review, August 1941, VI, 523-30.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 405

development of personality.^^ The responses called out in the child
and the members of the family by these early roles do much to con-
dition the personality. We may note some of these representative
roles in childhood that may warp and distort the adult personality.

1. The Only Child. The only child early becomes the center of
family attention and retains that status. Other things being equal,
this situation may be fraught with greater possibilities for mis-direc-
tion than is the case in families containing more than one child. The
role of the only child may involve so great an association with adults
that he develops an intellectual maturity beyond his years. This pre-
cocity may be gratifying to parents until they realize that the child
is not developing similar social aptitudes with his own friends. In
these and other ways, the role of the only child may involve social
handicaps as well as intellectual rewards .^^

2. The Sickly Child. Another type of role taken early in family
life is that of the sickly child. The child who has a history of chronic
illness may soon learn how to dominate his social environment. The
universal sympathy for distress is a kind of cultural imperative, and
illness, whether real or feigned, often calls forth such sentiments.
The child of three who has learned to utilize illness to get his own
way may become the man of forty who is still using his "heart trou-
ble" to impose his will on his family.

3. The Overprotected Child. A variety of factors may lay the
groundwork for overprotective attitudes on the part of parents, espe-
cially the mother. A serious illness is one. Other factors productive
of this same result are: a long period of anticipation and frustration
in the desire for a child; sexual incompatibility with the husband;
isolation from the husband because of lack of common interests;
emotional impoverishment in early life; and thwarted ambitions of
the mother. This smothering kind of affection may retard the devel-
opment of the child and give him a role characterized by excessive
demands or by stormy, spoiled behavior.^^

4. The Rejected Child. The cultural norms of our society dictate
that the child shall be wanted and shall be treated with love and

« Cf. William H. Sewell, "Infant Training and the Personality of the Child,"
op. cit.

50 Anne Ward, "The Only Child," Smith College Studies in Social Work,
September 1930, I, 41-65.

51 Cf. E. A. Strecker, Their Mother's Sons (Philadelphia: }. B. Lippincott
Company, 1946).

4o6 THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD

affectionate care. A rejecting mother is "one whose behavior toward
her child is such that she consciously or unconsciously has a desire
to be free from the child and considers it a burden." ^^ This ma-
ternal rejection may manifest itself either in oversolicitation because
of feelings of guilt or by outright dislike and neglect of the child. In
any case, it is not surprising if a child in such a role develops an
atypical personality.

The foregoing illustrate the wide variety of possible roles of the
child. Other family environments lead to other types of roles. Some
children may be the object of all the ambitions of a mother or father,
frustrated in the outside world or disappointed in the family experi-
ence. Others may become the center of a complicated parental con-
flict, in which the affection of the child is a pawn in the struggle.
Others may become neurotic because of too much or too little love.
Still others may be unable to face the threatened withdrawal of
parental love and may unconsciously suffer personal frustration.'^^
Some unhappy ones may experience the difEculties and uncertainties
of minority group status and early assume a role of permanent sub-
ordination.^^ Whatever ultimate form the personality takes, early
familial roles have an important influence. The child is indeed father
of the man.^^

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

BossARD, James H. S., The Sociology of Child Development. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1948. The most extensive sociological study of
the child in the literature. The child is studied in its various social
situations.

Davis, Allison and Robert J. Havighurst, Father oi the Man. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1947. Contains many valuable insights
into child-rearing and family relationships and is enriched by case
material drawn from 202 families of differing class and color.

Dennis, Wayne, ed., Readings in Child Psychology. Prentice-Hall, Inc.,

52 Margaret Figge, "Some Factors in the Etiology of Maternal Rejection,"
Smith College Studies in Social Work, September 1931, 11, -37-

53 Cf. Arnold W. Green, "The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis,"
American SocioJogicaJ Review, Febriiar)' 1946, XI, 31-41.

^'i Cf. Genevieve Teague Stradford, "Behavior Problems of Bright and Dull
Negro Children," Smith College Studies in Social Work, September 1944, XV,
51-65.

55 Davis and Havighurst, Father of the Man, p. 41.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE CHILD 407

1951. A good collection of research reports and theoretical ap-
proaches by accepted authorities.

Flugel, J. C, The Psycho-Analytic Study of the Family. London: The
Hogarth Press, 1926. The psychodrama of the family is here inter-
preted in terms of the psychological mechanisms familiar to the
analyst.

Gesell, Arnold, The Fiist Five Years of Life. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1940; Gesell, Arnold and Frances I. Ilg, Infant and
Child in the Culture of Today. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1942;
Gesell, Arnold, Infant Development. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1952. These books are representative of the epoch-making
contributions of the Gesell studies in developmental sequences.

HuRLOCK, Elizabeth B., Child Development, 2nd ed. New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1950. A well-organized summary
of research in the physiological, psychological, and social changes of
childhood.

Levy, David M., Maternal Overpro taction. New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 1943. Illness in early childhood is one of the factors
in fostering habits of excessive parental protection, which in turn
handicaps the development of a mature personality.

Mead. Margaret, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928); Growing Up m
New Guinea (1930); Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive So-
cieties (1935). New York: William Morrow and Company. The
three publications present pictures of child development in varying
cultural contexts and thereby place in proper perspective comparable
problems of our own society.

RiBBLE, Margaret A., The Rights of Infants. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1943. This little book presents a strong case for
"mothering" as essential for the satisfaction of the psychological
needs of infants.

Vincent, Clark E., "Trends in Infant Care Ideas," Child Development,
September 1951, XXII, 199-209. This article contains a brief survey
of the principal intellectual trends dealing with child care. In recent
decades, these trends have run the gamut from a measured coldness
to a fervent "mothering" of the child.

t^ 20 §^5

THE PERSONALITY
OF THE ADOLESCENT

Adolescence is a critical period in the life history of the
individual. All societies take cognizance of this transition from child-
hood to adulthood, however variant the forms of recognition. In
many primitive societies this is the time when the young are put
through an elaborate system of initiation ceremonies designed to test
their ability to assume the full rights and responsibilities of adult
status. The nature of the tests depends on the configuration of values
regarded as most desirable. They may comprise tests of physical en-
durance, the ability to withstand pain without wincing, or the dep-
rivation of food and drink in order to induce hallucinations. In the
latter state of mind, the individual is presumably receptive to sug-
gestions and instruction in the ways of the group. This period may
also be marked by segregation of the sexes, the bovs living in male
quarters and the girls in the women's house. In some cultures, the
maturing sex drive is granted relatively free expression in spontaneous
sex play, whereas in others such relationships can be carried on only
in a clandestine manner.^

The Nature of Adolescence

In primitive societies, there is comparatively little need for formal
education. At an early age, the child learns by informal contacts and
associations the habits of animals, the best means to success in the
hunt, the flora and fauna of the region, the ability to build and nav-
igate a canoe, and similar attributes essential for survival. The folk-
lore, traditions, mores, and norms of the group are orally transmitted
to the young by the elders, together with the ceremonies and rituals

1 Cf. William I. Thomas, Primitive Behavior (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, Inc., 1937), chap. 12.

408

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 409

that symbolize the group adjustments to the physical, social, and
supernatural environments. Where education consists largely of these
unorganized and informal practices, puberty ceremonies are regarded
very seriously. The change in status from childhood to adulthood is
considered sufficiently important to warrant its social recognition.
Puberty ceremonies are the devices employed by society to signalize
that the individual is now competent to become a responsible adult.

Contemporary society does not dramatize this transition by elab-
orate ritual and ceremonies.^ Nevertheless, the parent does not need
to be told that adolescence is a critical stage in the developmicnt of
his children. Religious and educational institutions realize the im-
portance of this period and direct m.any of their ministrations thereto.
The fact that adolescence is a period of crisis does not, however, deny
its continuity with the past and future life of the individual. At any
stage, as Murray points out, personality contains elements that are
variable and those that are relatively stable.^ Adolescence represents
both the intensification of the previous system of habit patterns and
the emergence of certain basic changes in the structure of the per-
sonality.

Personality development is not an even progression by weeks and
months, but instead occurs in a series of jumps or spurts, interspersed
with periods of relatively little change. The spurt in the early adoles-
cent period is comparable in importance with the earliest period of
infancy and childhood. No series of generalizations characterizing the
early adolescent years will fit into each experience. The family milieu,
the other social relationships, and the individual's own nervous and
temperamental make-up determine the nature of his experiences.
This variation may extend throughout the entire continuum, from
the person who passes through the period with relatively little tur-
moil to the one whose teen experiences are in reality a time of
"Sturm und Drang." As in the case of other characteristics, most per-
sons are somewhere about the mid-point. Certain aspects of the
adolescent "jump" affect them seriously; other phases leave them
relatively untouched.

Adolescence is also marked by an exaggerated concern for the role

2 Cf. James H. S. Bossard and Eleanor Boll, "Rite of Passage — a Contempo-
rary Study," Social Forces, March 1948, XXVL 247-55-

3 Henry A. Murray, as quoted in Allison Davis and Robert }. Havighurst,
Father oi the Man (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1947), p. 118.

410 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

of the individual in the peer group. This is a manifestation of the so-
cial self, whereby the individual's conception of himself is based upon
the judgments he imputes to others. The adolescent is often plagued
by feelings of inadequacy and the fear of losing favor with the peer
group.^ As we have noted above, this is the time of romantic love,
when the adolescent deeply needs the assurance ^of being loved by
a member of the opposite sex.^

The adolescent is also unduly sensitive about his physical appear-
ance. As we shall see, there is considerable variation among individ-
uals in rate of growth. One boy of fifteen may have attained adult
height, with his voice completely changed and his muscles well de-
veloped. Another boy of the same age may be late in developing and
may possess none of these desirable qualities. The latter will clearly
be at a disadvantage with his age group, whose attitudes of approval
are so necessary to the felicitous development of the social self. Fears
of social disapproval may similarly plague the girl who is abnorm-
ally tall, or the one who is too fat to satisfy the cultural norm set by
the movies. The girl who is last in her group to develop feminine
curves or begin menstruation may be under the same psychological
strain as the slowly maturing boy.

Physiological Changes in Adolescence

The full period of adolescence in our society extends all the way
from ages 12-14 ^° ^§^^ 2---4> when complete maturity is achieved.
For purposes of this discussion, the major interest is in the earliest
years and hence may strictly be called early adolescence. The achieve-
ment of complete heterosexuality and the search for a mate in the
courtship period is the stage of late adolescence. When parents speak
of the problems of their adolescent children, they are using the term
in the sense here employed, namely, the ages 13-17.

Roughly speaking, the line of demarcation that sets off adolescence
from childhood is, in the girl, the beginning of menstruation, or the
menarche. In the boy, it is the appearance of the first pigmented
pubic hair.^ To be sure, the girl experiences the beginning of rapid

^Marynia F. Farnham, The Adohscent (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1951), pp. 46-47.

5Cf. Geoffrey Gorer, The American People (New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 1948), chap. 4, "Love and Friendship."

*» Wayne Dennis, "The Adolescent," Manual oi Child Psvchohgv, ed. Leonard
Carmichael (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1946), chap. 12, pp. 637 ff.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 411

growth in height and weight, the enlargement of the breasts, and the
pelvic breadth prior to the onset of menstruation. Chemical analysis
of the urine and X-rays of bone development may prove more ac-
curate measures of the onset of puberty than menstruation. For our
purposes, however, any sharp differentiation between prepubescence,
pubescence, and postpubescence is scarcely necessary.''' On the aver-
age, menarche occurs between ages 13 and 14. If the appearance of
the first pigmented pubic hair in the boy is a phenomenon compar-
able to menarche, it might be said that boys mature at approximately
the same time as girls. Because girls attain adult standards of height
and weight earlier than boys, however, it is popularly accepted that
boys mature about a year later than girls in our society.^

Early adolescence is a time of rapid growth and change in all bod-
ily characteristics — bones, muscles, brain structure, and internal organs,
including the glands. In general, this growth spurt occurs from age
10 to about age 14, which latter age marks the attainment of sexual
maturity and the secondary sex characteristics. After this, there is a
marked slowing down of the curve of growth.^ While proportionately
not as great as the prenatal rate of growth, the prepubertal years nev-
ertheless show a phenomenal increase in height, weight, and other
bodily changes. The fond parent who measures Johnny's height with
a pencil mark on the door jamb never ceases to marvel at the rate the
inches are added. He does not always realize that the legs must in-
crease 5 times to reach adult proportions, whereas the trunk will only
treble in size. The "hollow leg" into which the adolescent seems to
be pouring the tremendous quantities of food is thus more than a
symbolic expression. Muscles are also developing rapidly. At age 16
the body's weight is 44 per cent muscle, compared with 32 per cent
at age 15 and only 27 per cent at age 8.^*^

The actual size of the head does not change appreciably after the
sixth year, although there is a marked change in the proportions of
the face from childhood to adulthood. In adolescence, the low fore-
head of childhood becomes higher and wider; the snub nose gives
way to a longer and wider nose. The flat lips of the child become
fuller and the mouth widens. The jaw is last in attaining adult size.

^Elizabeth B. Hurlock, Adolescent Development (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, Inc., 1949), pp. 28-31.

^ Dennis, "The Adolescent," op. cit., pp. 641 ff.

9 Hurlock, Adolescent Development, chart, p. 68.

10 Ibid., p. 82.

412 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

In this process the face becomes longer and oval-shaped.^^ In the
brain, there is a speeding up of the maturation of additional nerve
cells and the elaboration of the intercommunicating network.^- This
maturation serves as the necessary neuro-physiological basis for the
increased activities and interests observable at this time.

The acceleration in growth and the relatively sudden changes in
bodily proportions give rise to the familiar awkward characteristics of
the adolescent. At the same time, there is an increase in coordination
as represented in strength and manual dexterity. The "awkwardness"
of the adolescent may actually be a function of two variables. It may
be occasioned, on the one hand, by the physiological changes that
are occurring at a very rapid pace. It may also be associated with the
variety of new social situations which the adolescent has to face. His
experience up to this time has not prepared him for many of these
situations.^^

Prior to and associated with the menarche in the girl is the chang-
ing character of the pelvic bones, which gives rise to the widening of
the hips. The development of the breasts comes next, followed by
the appearance of pubic hair. After the beginning of menarche, hair
under the arms (axillary hair) begins to develop and also a slight
down on the upper lip. In the case of the boy, the growth in height
and weight is associated with the enlarging of the genitals, followed
by the maturation of the testes and allied glands. The discharge of
seminal fluid (nocturnal emission) is the external symptom of such
sexual maturation. The growth of pubic hair and the beginnings of
facial hair also appear at this time. Changes in the length of the vocal
chords and the larynx bring about a lowering of the voice. While this
is occurring, the voice has a tendency to '"crack," producing squeal-
ing sounds, interspersed with loud noises. With the girl, the changes
in the voice are not so striking, although the vocal quality becomes
richer and more pleasing.

Based on extensive animal experimentation, the presumption is
that these changes in sex characteristics are stimulated by the hor-
monal secretions of the endocrine glands. Apparently the master

^^ Luella Cole, Psvchologv oi Adolescence, rev. ed. (New York: Rinehart
& Company, Inc., 1942), pp. 36-39.

1- Lawrence A. Averill, Adolescence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1936),
p. 63.

13 Paul H. Landis, Adolescence and Youth (New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1945), p. 42.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 413

gland, the anterior lobe of the pituitary, initiates the process by in-
creasing secretions of the gonadotropic hormones. The latter, acting
through the blood stream, speed up the secretions of hormones by
the gonads (ovaries and testes). The hormones produced by the
gonads presumably influence the development of the secondary sex
manifestations. The hormones are also related to the production of
sperm and ovum and affect the uterus. Another fraction of the an-
terior pituitary gland is the growth hormone, which has been iso-
lated.^^ This hormone is especially active during the phenomenal
growth sequences of the prepubescent period. With the full func-
tioning of the hormones secreted by the gonads, the latter retard the
functioning of the growth hormone.^-^

It is easy to understand why a girl who has not been warned con-
cerning menstruation and its meaning should be greatly disturbed by
the sudden appearance of bleeding. The lack of comprehension of
the process may be so intensified by other physiological and emo-
tional tensions that the experience becomes traumatic. In general,
the normal girl does not suffer an appreciable amount of pain at the
menstrual period. But the heightened suggestibility of the adolescent,
added to defective education by the parent, can lead even the normal
girl to associate illness and disability with menstruation and to carry
this pattern through life. Associated with these physical and emo-
tional states may be ideas of uncleanness or revulsion against sex.
There is also the lack of participation in the usual activities of the
group, for which no explanations are forthcoming because of the
embarrassment which verbalization would cause.

As menstruation may produce fear and doubt in the girl, so the
first nocturnal emission may seriously disturb the boy. Advance in-
formation may serve only to mitigate the sense of shame and the fear
of loss of vitality. This is also the time when bodily urges to auto-
eroticism or masturbation are very powerful. Adolescent boys in a
larger proportion than adolescent girls apparently engage in mastur-
batory practices. A partial explanation for this may be that the sex
organs of the male are chiefly external to the body, whereas the oppo-
site is true of the female. Furthermore, the sex drive is more localized
in the male and more diffused in the female. Whatever the reason, it

1* Edward W. Dempsey, "Homeostasis," Handbook of Experimental Psychol-
ogy, ed. S. S. Stevens (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1951), p- 221.
15 Dennis, The Adolescent, op. cit., p. 641.

414 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

is probable that few boys go through the period of adolescence with-
out engaging in such practices, however mild and infrequent in indi-
vidual cases. The same can probably be said for a majority of girls.

Psychologists and medical men agree that such practices are not
physiologically harmful but are instead the normal accompaniments
of growing up. Excessive indulgence may breed habits which will
make later sex adjustments difhcult and in some instances impossible.
But these are the exceptional and not the usual situations. As Squier
says: "The practice is very common, occurring at one time or another
in fully 85 per cent of all people. . . . Auto-eroticism in moderation
is quite compatible with good health; and it yields easily and natu-
rally., in almost all instances, to replacement by heterosexual success
in marriage." ^^

Although no physical harm results, the beliefs, attitudes, and emo-
tional accompaniments of masturbation can nevertheless be extremely
harmful. "The folklore of masturbation has probably bred more emo-
tional conflicts," says Gallagher, "than any other single aspect of sex
misinformation. . . . Masturbation will not make the adolescent in-
sane, stunt his growth, affect his acne, make him ill, or hurt him
physically." ^" Even with the wisest counsel, however, the atmosphere
of adolescence is so emotionally charged as to produce fear, guilt
feelings, shame, and a sense of inferiority in the healthy boy or girl.
When these normal reactions are intensified by misguided instruction
that masturbation is a "menace," the adjustment problems of the
adolescent are compounded.

Social Factors in Adolescence

All societies recognize the physiological transition from childhood
to adulthood as a critical phase in the life-cycle. Adolescence is like-
wise culturally defined. Different societies celebrate the passage at
various ages, which indicates that they are recognizing social rather
than biological maturity. "In order to understand puberty institu-
tions/' says Ruth Benedict, "we do not most need analyses of the
necessary nature of rites de passage; we need rather to know what is

18 Raymond Squier. "The Medical Basis of Intelligent Sex Practice," Plan foi
Marriage, ed. Joseph Kirk Folsom (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1938),
chap. 6, p. 137.

1'^ J. Roswell Gallagher, Understanding Your Son's AdoJescence (Boston:
Little, Brown and Company, 1951), PP- 97-99-

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 415

identified in different cultures with the beginning of adulthood and
their methods of admitting to the new status." ^^

In some societies, adulthood means participation in warfare, in
others admission to ceremonial pursuits, in others knowledge of cer-
tain group magical activities, and in still others privileges associated
with membership in male cults. In our society, adulthood means the
achievement of psychological and economic independence and the
consequent ability to marry and become the head of a family. Such
a condition comes long after biological maturity. Much of our adoles-
cent storm and stress accordingly occurs during the years between the
attainment of physiological adulthood and its social counterpart.

In simpler societies, the child may reach intellectual, emotional,
economic, and social maturity at the age of fourteen. In contempo-
rary society, such maturity is not possible until much later. State laws
define an individual as capable of making an independent decision
to marry at age eighteen, and the individual is considered capable of
bearing arms in defense of the nation at the same age. On the other
hand, political maturity as evidenced by the privilege of voting does
not begin until twenty-one. These ages reflect historical tradition and
other factors, and perhaps none of them accurately represents the age
at which the person arrives at complete self-direction in twentieth-
century America. An objective study of the problem would doubtless
show that modern youth does not arrive at full maturity, on the aver-
age, until well beyond the magical twenty-first birthday.

The consequences of this wide gap between the attainment of
physiological and social maturity are clear. The combination of a
powerful sexual urge and the rigid taboo against premarital sex rela-
tionships is certain to lead to tensions. By comparing primitive cul-
tures allowing a large measure of premarital sex freedom with others
that have strong prohibitions against such conduct, Margaret Mead
concluded that adolescence in the former was associated with less in-
stability than in the latter.^^ Repression of the powerful sex drive
complicates the problem of growing up in our society.

1* Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (New York: Penguin Books, Inc., 1946),
p. 23.

19 Margaret Mead, "Adolescence in Primitive and Modern Society," The New
Generation: a Symposium, ed. V. F. Calverton and S. D. Schmalhausen (New
York: Macaulay, 1930).

Cf. also Margaret Mead, Growing Up in New Guinea (New York: William
Morrow & Company, 1930).

4i6 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

Another result of the gap between physical and social maturity is
the continuation of dependence on the parents. This takes the form
of emotional, as well as economic, dependence. We shall consider
the problem of adolescent dependence in more detail below. We may
suggest here that the majority of American parents, especially those
of the middle class, appear to overprotect, rather than underprotect,
their children. ^*^ In a sense this behavior is culturally dictated and is
abetted by the fact that the family unit is small and the emotional
attachments intense.

In his demands for independence, the adolescent fails to realize
that his parents could not grant this independence, no matter how
much they might desire to do so. The more complex the social sys-
tem, the greater is the necessity for long periods of formal education
and preparation for full adult participation. Consequently, the de-
pendence of the young will continue to be prolonged. The more dy-
namic the society, furthermore, the greater will be the cultural gap
between the generations and the more truth there will be in the ado-
lescent criticism that parents are "old-fashioned." A dynamic society
necessitating prolonged immaturity thus provides the cultural setting
for acute parent-child conflict.-^

In our society, furthermore, the adolescent is living in three social
worlds. These worlds overlap, it is true, but they have different rules
and expectations. In the first place, there is the world of the family,
which the adolescent is reluctant to leave and the parent is reluctant
to have him leave. The second social world is that of the peer group,
whose demands are extremely strong and often at variance with those
of the parental family. In the third place, the adolescent is entering
the larger adult world, in which he will soon have to make his way
as best he can, without benefit of parental affection. The shadow of
this third world is often merely on the adolescent horizon, but its
presence is nevertheless felt. Growing up in a modern, secular society
is a difficult experience.--

Within our own society, there are various subcultural differences in
the adjustments of adolescence. There appears, for example, to be a

20 Arnold W. Green, 'The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis," American
SocioJogicai Review, February 1946, XI, 31-41.

21 Kingsley Davis, "The Sociology of Parent-Youth Conflict," American So-
ciological Review, August 1940, V, 523-35.

22 James H. S. Bossard, The Sociology of Child DeveJopment (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1948), pp. 425-27.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 417

difference between social levels regarding the degree of adolescent-
parent adjustment. In general, adolescents in families with a compar-
atively high socio-economic level seem to adjust better to their parents
than do adolescents in lower-level families. This is not, of course, the
only factor explaining adolescent-parent adjustment, for such factors
as residence, size of the family, broken home, and the employment
status of the mother are also significant.-^ The ecological position of
the family in the community is associated with socio-economic level,
and this general factor also doubtless accounts for some of the dif-
ference. Furthermore, education is associated roughly with socio-
economic level, which has a further bearing upon the situation.
Whatever the reason or combination of reasons, it is clear that ado-
lescent-parent conflict is not uniform in all segments of the social
structure.

From Dependence to Independence

In adolescence, the child is moving rapidly from the dependence
of childhood to the relative independence of adult status. We have
used the expression "relative" in the second instance, inasmuch as
there is no such thing as an absolutely independent adult. Human
beings cannot exist in isolation from their fellows, and hence society
must always be an interdependent organism. The individual never
completely lives unto himself, however often he may so claim.
Whether we like it or not, the bell tolls for each of us.

The movement from dependence to independence does not occur
only at adolescence. Rather is it a process that begins as early as the
second or third year and continues slowly and haltingly for the suc-
ceeding fifteen years. The various resistances to parental authority dur-
ing these years are symptoms of growing personal independence. The
acceptance of responsibility for cleanliness, the insistence on the right
to select his own playmates, the assertion of his rights in the play
group — in these and countless other ways the child is growing up.
Parents often fail to understand what is going on and to make full
utilization of these initial steps in the development of independence.

The great spurt in physical growth comes at adolescence, and the
great leap forward to independence likewise comes at this period. This
is the time when the individual makes great strides in moving out

23 Ivaii Nve, "Adolescent-Parent Adjustment — Socio-Economic Level as a
Variable," Aiiierican Sociological Review, June 1951, XVI, 341-49.

41 8 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

from under the family roof, both hterally and figuratively. The con-
flicts and tensions going on in parents and adolescents alike have
been incisively expressed by Drs. Levy and Munroe.^^ Educated par-
ents know intellectually that at age 13 or 14 every child comes to the
point where he desires to be independent. With this knowledge at
their disposal, the parents understand theoretically what is happen-
ing. But their logic often does not prove adequate to meet the life-
situation.

Intellectually, therefore, the parents are aware of the importance
of their child's independence if he is to achieve full maturity. At the
same time, they have been behaving for so many years as loving par-
ents of a relatively dependent child that they have extreme difficulty
in freeing themselves from these emotional chains. To "let go the
hand" of a child who has been dependent on the parent for many
years may be as difficult and painful as was the initial birth. The
parent knows the child must achieve independence; at the same time,
his entire habit system wants to keep the child dependent.

On the side of the adolescent, the conflict is equally severe and
baffling. In some respects, the tensions are doubtless greater, for the
adolescent cannot have the understanding that the parents have. The
boy or girl is in rebellion against parental restraints in what seems
like a complete and final declaration of independence. But it is far
from final. The adolescent wants freedom, but he does not want it
too quickly. He is extremely vocal in his demands that he be treated
as a full-grown man, while at the same time unconsciously feeling his
need for the security of the family. Unwilling to admit his feelings
of insecurity that make him want to remain dependent, he projects
on to his parents his aggressive attitudes and asserts (to himself)
that they are denying him the rights of rebellion.

Because of these inner conflicts, the adolescent vacillates. One day
he is openly defiant and the next day he is the "lovely, reasonable
child" (in the estimation of his parents) that he has always been.^°
Some adolescents come to such a pass that they are sure their parents
"simply do not understand them" and therefore feel that they musv
leave an intolerable home environment. When and if they do depart
from the household, they may get a long way from home physically,

24 John Levy and Ruth Munroc, The Happy Family (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1938), pp. 9 ff.

25 Farnhani, TJie Adolescent, chap. V.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 419

but they do not go far emotionally. The wise parent who occasion-
ally gives the adolescent all the rope he wants finds that the latter
does not want quite as much as has been proffered.

The concrete ways in which this revolt manifests itself are so well
known as to require only passing comment. This is the time when
the child expresses surprised indignation that his parents know so
little about everything. Argument for the sake of argument, often
taking the form of extreme negativism, characterizes the relationships
between children and parents. Various devices are utilized by the
rebels to demonstrate that the old canons of superordination and sub-
ordination are no longer docilely accepted. These forms of insubor-
dination include threats to run away, conscious and deliberate dis-
obedience, shutting oneself up in one's room and sulking, hysterical
weeping, inviting punishment in order to become a hero-martyr, and
countless other techniques.

Early adolescence is the age when most young people have their
first jobs and earn their first wages. Hence the earning and spending
of money have considerable significance in terms of developing ma-
turity. Where the boy or girl is dependent on a weekly allowance,
the conflict over money between parents and children is frequently
an overt expression of other tensions. These conflicts are not neces-
sarily minimized where the adolescent works and has his own wages,
for here too the parents often feel they should exercise control over
the manner in which the money is spent. In a society where pecuniary
values are so important, it is natural that the maturing child desires
the feeling of power derived from plenty of spending money.

This method of asserting one's growing independence is one of the
factors leading to juvenile stealing and other forms of delinquency.
The growing commercialization of recreation likewise means that
money is increasingly important for the adolescent. Where recreation
has left the home, young people find it impossible to compete with
others of their age group without the expenditure of money. Since
this is the age of first love affairs, money is even more important be-
cause of the feeling of maturity that attaches to taking the sweetheart
to the movieS;. the drugstore, or a dance.

As a consequence of wartime experience and the postwar boom,
adolescents ha\e had more money to spend during the past decade
than has been their normal lot. The long-range consequences of this
increased wage-earning experience will be difficult to assess. The time

420 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

of maturity has doubtless been significantly advanced during this
period, in view of the part which money and its use play in making
young people feel they are grown up. Between 1940 and 1949, there
was an increase of approximately one million persons aged fourteen
through seventeen in the labor force in the United States.^^ Adoles-
cents in great numbers are thus experiencing the heady medicine of
high wages and are enjoying the feeling of economic independence
associated therewith.

In his search for independence from the family, the adolescent
often merely substitutes one dependence for another. He wishes to
escape the authority of the family, but he willingly accepts the au-
thority of the peer-group. His basic insecurity causes him to sub-
merge himself in the peer-group and to give a loyalty thereto tran-
scending that given to his family. As Margaret Mead says in this gen-
eral connection, "... all the immediate models for the content of
behavior, the clothes one wears, the games one plays, the books one
reads, the radio programs one listens to" ^'' are set by the group.

This group conformit}' may take a variety of forms. At one stage,
the adolescent will abandon his conformity in favor of self-assertive-
ness and bizarre behavior. He will try to attract attention to himself
by excessive boasting, unconventional dress, and other forms of con-
spicuous behavior. Although professing to scorn the judgments of the
peer-group, however, he is merely var)'ing the process of gaining status
and has not basically modified his desire for group approval. At this
stage, furthermore, he begins to lose interest in such inclusive groups
as the boy scouts and turns to groups based upon social discrimina-
tion. Such organizations as fraternities, sororities, and clubs are based
upon the exclusion of social "inferiors," whether in terms of race,
religion, or class differences. These groups tend to reinforce preju-
dices implanted earlier in the child by the family.-*

Adolescence and Psychosexual Development

Adolescence has also been characterized as the time when the boy
begins to fall out of love with his parents and begins to fall in love

26 Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment of Workers in the United States:
October, 1949," Current Population Reports: Labor Force, May 3, 1950, Series
P-50, No. 23.

-^ Margaret Mead, "Problems of a Wartime Society — The Cultural Picture,"
American Journal oi Orthopsychjatr\-, October 1943, XIII, 597.

28 Hurlock, Adolescent Development, chap. 5.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 421

with a girl. This is the period when boys and girls are learning to play
their appropriate sex roles. Some of the elements in these roles, as we
have indicated, arise directly from physiological changes. Other ele-
ments reflect the expectations of the society. These expectations are
complex and many of them are contradictory, so that the adolescent
is often confused as to what his behavior should be. He acquires some
of these cultural expectations from his parents, others from the ado-
lescent peer-group, and still others from such media as the movies,
television, and the mass circulation magazines. Adolescence is, in
short, the time when girls are learning to be girls (and ultimately
women) and boys are learning to be boys (and ultimately men), as
those roles are defined in our society.-^

The general hypotheses of Freud concerning the typical stages in
psychosexual development are still widely followed, although they
have been amplified and modified by subsequent research .^"^ Three
general stages in psychosexual progression were postulated by Freud
— the diffused sexuality of infancy, the latency period, and finally ado-
lescence.^^ In the first stage, the infant appears to derive pleasure
from a variety of so-called erogenous zones, such as the oral, anal, and
genital zones. These pleasure-reactions become localized in the geni-
tal regions by the age of four or five. The earliest emotional attach-
ment is with the mother, since she is usually the parent who is pres-
ent to provide affection and physical services. This period is the
foundation for the Oedipus complex, by which Freud designated the
deep emotional attachment of the male child for the mother. This
attachment may continue into adult life and interfere with the nor-
mal psychosexual development of the boy. Where the attachment
is rooted in the father-daughter relationship, the situation is desig-
nated as the Electra complex.^-

These complexes have been subjected to extensive analysis in re-
cent years. In studies of the courtship behavior of adolescents and
postadolescents, Robert F. Winch has concluded that the attachment

2^ For a perceptive statement of this process, see Margaret Mead, Male and
Female (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1949).

^" Certain of the Freudian hypotheses have been subjected to rigorous analysis
by William H. Sewell, "Infant Training and the PersonaUty of the Child,"
American Journal of Sociology, September 1952, LVIII, 150-59.

31 See Freud, The Basic Writings of Sigmund Fieud (New York: Modern Li-
brary, 1938).

32 See John C. Fliigel, The Psychoanalytic Study oi the Family (London:
The Hogarth Press, 1926).

422 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

of mother-son is more binding than that of father-daughter in our
society, because the role of the mother is so important during the
early years.^^ In adolescence, the emancipation of the son from par-
ental influence is apparently both more important and more difficult
than that of the daughter. The middle-class family, indeed, seems to
encourage the emancipation of the boy and discourage that of the
girl.34

The society thus defines the emotional independence of the boy as
more important than that of the girl, whereas the latter may merely
transfer her affection from the father to the husband. In other words,
"To achieve their sex-roles, males must achieve independence which
means loosening their Oedipal attachments to their mothers; females,
on the other hand, need . . . only to transfer their dependence from
father to husband." ^^ In the latter case, the girl will look to her hus-
band for many of the same traits she respected in her father. She will
therefore be ready to submit to the authority patterns established at
an early age with her male parent.

At the age of five or six, the Oedipal stage normally gives way to
the so-called latency period, which continues up to the age of puberty.
During this period, the child normally severs his previous attachment
for the parent of the opposite sex and begins to identify himself with
the parent of the same sex. In this way, he begins to learn the sex roles
that will follow him through life. The boy identifies himself with his
father and the girl with her mother in this early polarization along
masculine and feminine lines.^^ This identification with the parent
of the same sex is accompanied by association with members of the
same sex group. Boys play with boys and girls with girls and each
demonstrates a comparative lack of interest in the other.

Latency is also the gang age, when the boy normally refuses to have
anything to do with girls in general and any one girl in particular.
There is some evidence that the latency period, which Freud consid-

33 Winch, "Further Data and Observations on the Oedipus Hypothesis: the
Consequence of an Inadequate Hypothesis," American Sociological Review, De-
cember 1951, XVI, 784-95.

34 Mirra Komarovsky, "Functional Analysis of Sex Roles," American Sociolog-
ical Review, August 1950, XV, 508-16.

35 Robert F. Winch, "Some Data Bearing on the Oedipus Hypothesis,"
Journal oi Abnormal and SocfaJ Psychology, July 1950, XLV, 481-89, p. 488.

36 Phyllis Blanchard, "Adolescent Experience in Relation to Personality and
Behavior," PersonaJitv and the Behavior Disorders, ed. James McV. Hunt (New
York: The Ronald Press Company, 1944), II, 697.

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 423

ered to be exclusively conditioned by physiological changes, is also
determined, in part at least, by socio-cultural factors. In primitive
societies where the mores do not forbid sexual experimentation in
prepubertal children, the latter apparently have an active sex life
from the age of five or six until adolescence and thereafter. In our
society, these activities may be sublimated or repressed by the mores,
and the child forced to assume the role of sexual latency. The re-
searches of Kinsey and associates thus state that orgasm has been ob-
served in males "of every age from 5 months to adolescence." ^'^ What-
ever the social, cultural, or physiological factors, however, the years
immediately prior to puberty are marked in both boys and girls by a
calculated indifference to the opposite sex.

The latency period is followed by early adolescence, with an abrupt
change in the attitude toward members of the opposite sex. The first
love affair may be of amused interest to the elders, but it is of cosmic
importance to the early teen-ager. All of the elements of romantic
love are present, at least in a rudimentary state. There is the mutual
idealization, the making of grandiose plans for the future, the fan-
tasies and daydreaming, the soul-searching, the sharing of intimate
experiences, and the quest for emotional security that is characteristic
of romantic love in its more developed stages. As we have noted in
chapter 7, adolescence is typically a time when the ego is uncertain
and the individual consequently seeks the emotional assurance that
he is loved.^^

Adolescence is further marked by the suppression of sexual drives
that have now become fully developed. The norms of a complex so-
cial system forbid the complete expression of the sexual impulse,
although the evidence gathered by Kinsey strongly suggests that wide
class differentials exist in the obedience of these norms. Upper-level
males, measured in terms of educational attainment and occupational
status, have a far lower rate of premarital sexual intercourse than do
lower-level males. Upper-level males are thus obliged to repress or sub-
limate their sexual impulses to a greater extent than lower-level males.
The social norms internalized in the superego can suppress these
urges, but cannot eliminate them. As a result, the tensions in upper-

3^ Alfred C. Kinsey, et al., Sexual Behavioi in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), p. 177.

38 Hugo G. Beigel, "Romantic Love," American Sociological Review, June
1951, XVI, 326-34.

424 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

level males are resolved by a variety of substitute outlets. Among these
outlets are fantasy thinking, day dreaming, nocturnal emissions, mas-
turbation, and petting. Some of these means are consciously employed
to relieve the sexual tensions, whereas others do not involve any con-
scious direction.^^

The failure to achieve normal heterosexuality during adolescence
may lead to a variety of unsuccessful adjustments in later life. If mas-
turbation becomes a fixed habit carried over into adulthood, this re-
gression to infantile auto-eroticism may incapacitate the individual
for adequate marital relationships. Established patterns of homosexu-
ality present even more serious obstacles to adult heterosexual be-
havior in marriage. For our purposes, the causal factors in these pat-
terns are not important. In the present context, we are primarily
interested in the fact that the bases for these and other sexual malad-
justments are laid during the adolescent period.^*^

The Adolescent and Religion

In the light of the dramatic physiological, social, and emotional
changes occurring at this time of life, it is not surprising that the
early adolescent has been proverbially interested in religion. Adoles-
cence is the period when the child is declaring his independence of
the parents and preparing for the assumption of full adult responsi-
bilities. What then happens to the habits of submission and obedi-
ence to authority arising from the early years of experience in the
family milieu? The patterns of subordination built into the child over
such a long period cannot be completely discarded as a result of the
adolescent declaration of independence.

Hence there may be merit in the contention that the habits of
reverence, submission, and obedience are transferred from the early
father as parent to the Universal Father. The rebellion from parental
authority may thus involve the search for a point on which to fix the
established reactions of subordination. Inasmuch as complete indi-
vidual independence is inconsistent with social order, this transfer of
allegiance from the narrow circle of the family to the wider arena of
the universe carries with it no derogatory implications.'*^

This widening of the universe of the adolescent, when added to

38 Kinsey, et aJ., Sexual Behavior in the Human MaJe, chap. 10.
^^ Cf . Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, 2 vols. (New York:
Random House, 1936).

*i John C. Fliigcl, Man, Morals and Society (London: Duckworth, 1945)-

PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT 425

the fact that the age is one of great dreams and ideahsm, helps to
explain the developing interest in social reform and reconstruction.
The youngster at this time has a keen desire, abetted by the belief
that all things are possible, to right the inequities of the social and
economic system. He is particularly responsive to appeals for such
concrete expressions of altruism as aid to the poor and underprivi-
leged in his home community and in foreign lands as well. Social
service work exercises an unusual fascination for him. The number of
adolescents who resolve to dedicate themselves to righting wrong and
to serving their fellow men has no observable correlation with the
number who, at a maturer level, actually carry out their resolves.

The mental and emotional conflicts resulting from the profound
changes of early adolescence cannot go unresolved. If religion is pri-
marily an appeal to the emotions, then it would be strange if that
age which is uniquely marked by emotional turmoil should not also
be the age when religion exercises a tremendous appeal. The day-
dreaming that makes Utopias fits in nicely with the high idealism
that religion emphasizes. The adolescent feelings of guilt can be ban-
ished by the catharsis of religious participation. The insecurities and
inadequacies of the individual have their resolution in the atmos-
phere of emotional security which has ever been a primary service of
religion.

Intellectually, this period is also marked by serious doubts about
the teachings of religion, teachings that have heretofore been ac-
cepted without question. The young child lives in a world peopled
by creatures of his imagination. In such a world, the folklore and
moral tales growing out of formal religious instruction have a defi-
nite place. The adolescent likes to think he has outgrown this world,
and in some respects he has. He wants to face the realities of life,
however far he comes from following his good intentions. In addi-
tion, this is the time when the adolescent first asks himself seriously
the meaning and purpose of life. In asking these questions, he is faced
with the necessity of working out a philosophy of life, involving his
relations to God, to the world, and to his fellow men.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Beck, Lester F., Human Growth. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Com-
pany, 1949. This book is a supplement to the film, "Human

426 PERSONALITY OF THE ADOLESCENT

Growth," and is an excellent example of the modern educational
materials concerned with birth and bodily growth.

Blos, Peter, The Adolescent Personality. New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1941. This book grew out of a detailed study of some
six hundred case histories of adolescents.

Ellis, Havelock, Studies in the Psychology oi Sex, 2 vols. New York:
Random House, 1936. The works of this noted pioneer remain as
classics in the field.

Farnham, Marynia F., The Adolescent. New York: Harper & Brothers,
1951. The basic needs of adolescents growing up in a highly dy-
namic society and the role of parents in the transition are the
author's concern here.

Flugel, John C, Man, Morals and Society. London: Duckworth, 1945.
The relationship of the family to the moral code is an especially
valuable part of this treatment, making allowance for the emphasis
on the psychoanalvtic conclusions.

Frank, Lawrence K., This Is the Adolescent. New York: The National
Committee for Mental Hvgiene, Inc., Reprint from Understanding
the Child, June 1949, XVIII, 65-69. An unusually good statement,
in brief compass, of the difficulties of the adolescent.

Gallagher, J. Roswell, Understanding Your Son's Adolescence. Bos-
ton: Little, Brown and Company, 1951. The adolescent needs guid-
ance, understanding and patience from his elders in order to make
the successful transition to adulthood.

Hunt, J. McV., ed.. Personality and the Behavior Disorders, 2 vols. New
York: The Ronald Press Company, 1944. This study of the dy-
namics of personality development represents the collaboration of
experts in a ^'arietv of fields.

Hurlock, Elizabeth B., Adolescent Development. New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc., 1949. Covers all phases of the adolescent
period.

Landis, Paul H., Adolescence and Youth. New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, Inc., 1945. The emphasis in this discussion is on
adolescence as a dynamic process of development in relation to a
total social situation.

Stagner, Ross, Ps}'choJogy oi Personality, rev. ed. New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc., 1948. A well-integrated discussion of
personality, with due regard for the importance of social expectations.

s^ 21 ij^s

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

Personality development is a process, beginning at birth
and continuing through the seven ages of man. In this section, we
have examined the family as "a unity of interacting personahties,"
with emphasis upon the role of the family in infancy, childhood, and
adolescence. These are the stages in the life sequence when the most
rapid changes are taking place. The dynamic approach to personality
also implies, however, that nothing in the life-span of the individual
is unimportant to him. We shall therefore pass on to another phase
in personality development, the achievement of parenthood. This
completes the cycle that begins with the infant in the family of ori-
entation and ends with the parent in his own family of procreation.

The Cultural Basis of Parenthood

As with other group standards, the norms with respect to reproduc-
tion and parenthood are culturally determined. In the ancient He-
brew society, the bearing and rearing of children was regarded as
absolutely essential. It was considered a great misfortune not to have
a male child to carry on the patriarchal functions. The intense desire
for children is the only possible explanation for the curious (to us)
custom known as the levirate. If a Hebrew had the ill fortune to die
childless, it was incumbent upon his brother to marry the widow, so
that a male child might be born to carry on the name and estates of
the deceased. The first-born child of the new union was considered
the son and heir of the one who died without issue. ^

In societies with predominantly religious norms, the social defini-
tion of the duty to procreate takes the form of divine injunction. The
modern words of Pope Pius XI echo sentiments that have come
down almost without change through the centuries. "Thus amongst

1 Deuteronomy 25:5-10.

427

428 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

the blessings of marriage, the child holds the first place, and indeed
the Creator of the human race Himself . . . taught this when, insti-
tuting marriage in Paradise, He said to our first parents, and through
them to all future spouses, 'Increase and multiply, and fill the
earth.' " ^ In colonial New England, with its Calvinistic background,
the people obeyed literally the Biblical injunction with respect to the
joys of parenthood. Large families were the rule, and many women
bore more than a dozen children. In a new country, a new child rep-
resented another pair of hands to help in the incessant labor of a pio-
neer existence.^

In furtherance of these traditional factors, the contemporary social
norms are still based upon the expectation that parenthood will be
the normal culmination of marriage.* As a child, the girl is encouraged
to play mother to her dolls, and the pattern of her future status is
thus fashioned early in life. Society has long utilized a variety of
other devices to exalt the concept of motherhood and to define as
"normal" that behavior which leads to parental responsibilities.^ The
universal sympathy for a married couple who have tried unsuccess-
fully to have children is another indication of the widespread appro-
bation of parenthood.

The inflexible social disapproval of abortion is another indication
of the social attitudes toward parenthood. Abortion is legally defined
as "the expulsion of the fetus from the uterus (womb) at any time
before its term of gestation is complete." ^ Abortion is divided into
three categories: spontaneous, therapeutic, and criminal. We are con-
cerned here primarily with criminal abortion, which is the deliberate
interruption of pregnancy by the mother or by another person. Re-
cent estimates point to approximately one million abortions annually
in the United States, of which possibly one-third are of the criminal
variety.'^ The great majorit}' of these deliberate interruptions of preg-

2 Encyclical of Pope Pius XI, Casti Connuhii, Christian Marriage (New York:
The America Press, 1936), pp. 4-5.

3 Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family, 1 vol. (New
York: Barnes and Noble, Inc., 194^)7 !» 87-

4 Dorothy W. Baruch, Parents Can Be People (New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1944).

^ Leta S. Hollingsworth, "Social Devices for Impelling Women to Bear and
Rear Children," American Jouinal of Sociology, July 1916, XXII, 19-29.

^ Russell S. Fisher, "Criminal Abortion," Journal oi Criminal Law, Criminol-
ogy, and Police Science, July-August 1951, XLII, 242.

7 Ibid.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

429

nancy are undergone by married women, who thereby resort to crimi-
nal measures to interfere with the reproductive process.^

Despite strong social disapproval, hundreds of thousands of mar-
ried women every year still take dangerous and unlawful steps to in-
terrupt the process of becoming a parent. This statement should be
qualified somewhat, however, by the fact that most criminal abor-
tions seemingly involve multiple pregnancies, rather than an initial
pregnancy. In other words, it is estimated that only three per cent of
first pregnancies are interrupted in this fashion, whereas the incidence
is five times as great with the fourth pregnancy.^ Married women
still welcome the coming of children, but they have a strong desire
to limit this process after their families have reached a comparatively
small size. The rebellion is not against parenthood as such but rather
against too frequent exercise of the reproductive function.

Cultural Norms and Individual Performance

In our society, the individual thus responds to cultural expectations
with respect to parenthood, but in terms of small rather than large
families. The cultural norms have changed, as we have indicated
above, and the various pressures combine to bring about a new norm
of the small family. When young people of marriageable age are
asked whether they expect to have children, only a small minority
reply in the negative. At the same time, they indicate clearly that
their norm is the small family. A study of Maryland youth 16 to 24
years of age revealed that the median number of children desired was
2.7. When the responses were broken down in terms of farm, village,
town, and city, there was comparatively little variation in the number
of children desired. The small family ideal is apparently an increas-
ingly rural, as well as an urban, phenomenon. ^*^

An intensive study of 6,551 native-white Indianapolis couples of
virtually completed fertility (wife aged 40 to 44) showed an increase
over a 31-year period (igio-1941) in the preference for the small
family. When these couples were classified in 1941 according to the

8 The classic study of abortion is that of Frederick J. Taussig, Abortion, Spon-
taneous and Induced, MedicaJ and SociaJ Aspects (St. Louis: C. V. Mosby Com-
pany, 1936).

9 Marie E. Kopp, Birth Control in Practice (New York: Robert M. McBride
& Company, 1934), pp. 125-26.

10 Paul H. Landis, Population Piohlems (New York: American Book Com-
pany, 1943), p. 77.

430 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

total number of live births, 18.8 per cent were found to be childless,
46.8 per cent had 1 or 2 children, 1 5 per cent 3 children, and 20 per
cent 4 children or more. When the results of this sampling were com-
pared with data drawn from 1910 census records for Indianapolis, the
proportion of small families showed an increase between 1910 and
1941. In the former year (1910), slightly over one-half of the families
had none to 2 children; this category represented approximately two-
thirds of the 1941 totals. In the 31 -year interval, the proportion of
childless couples likewise increased from 13.8 per cent to 18.8 per
cent.^^

The social expectation is that marriage will eventuate in parent-
hood. Individual motivations are also significant. When 400 alumni
of Princeton representing classes from 1900 to 1921 were questioned
on the reason for wanting children, the answer most frequently given
was that of desiring the companionship of the young. ^^ Other answers
were: the perpetuation of the family, the creation and development
of new life, and the desire for a real embodiment of the ideal rela-
tionship between parents. Less frequently indicated were: the desire
for companionship in old age, the fulfillment of a social obligation,
or the acceptance of a social convention.

The interrogated found it difficult to classify their own motivations
in any simple answer or combination of answers. Furthermore, such
questions must of necessity be put in terms of existent cultural defi-
nitions. Hence there is no way of telling to what extent the answers
are rationalizations rather than the real revelations of underlying mo-
tivation. It is suggestive, however, that social obligation is not recog-
nized as so important as the desire for companionship or that of cre-
ating new life.

Of the men in this group whose families were completed, only 29
per cent indicated that they had attained the ideal number of chil-
dren. The group as a whole said they would like to have had an av-
erage of 3.9 children, which was 1.5 more than they actually had. The
answers most frequently given as to why the actual number fell short
of the desired ideal were: limited financial means, physical hazards

11 Clyde V. Kiser and P. K. Whclpton, "Social and Psychological Factors Af-
fecting Fertility, Part II," The MiJbanJc Memonal Fund Quaitedy, January 1944,
XXII, 72-105.

12 Charles Pugh Dennison, 'Tarenthood Attitudes of College Men," Journal
oi Heredity, December 1940, XXXI, 527-31.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 431

of childbearing, the trials and restrictions of parenthood, and physical
inability to have more. These answers are revealing. In view of the
middle-class goal of success, the zeal for upward mobility limits addi-
tional children. Furthermore, this group was honest in admitting that
the responsibilities of parenthood also carry with them many frustra-
tions.^^

Of the Princeton men, 5 per cent indicated no particular liking for
children. Dr. Paul Popenoe secured information from college stu-
dents on the basis of their intimate knowledge of 862 couples who
had not had any children and were not likely to have them. The
reason given for 8 per cent of the cases was dislike for children. In
31 per cent, the explanation involved such things as spoiling the
looks of the woman, disturbing the life of the couple, and coming
between husband and wife. In only 16 per cent of the instances was
economic pressure considered the primary motivating influence.^*

Approximately one in seven married women now comes to the end
of the childbearing period without having had at least one child. A
large proportion doubtless comprises those who have been involun-
tarily childless. There are no indications that the increasing demo-
cratization of contraceptive information and the complexities of an
urban, technological society are leading to any wholesale renuncia-
tion of parenthood. Indeed, the continued high number and rate of
births indicate that the desire to have children is in no danger of ex-
tinction. In the year 1951, the number of births reached an all-time
peak of 3,758,000, as compared to the previous high record of 3,699,-
940 in 1947. The rate for 1951 was 25.0 per 1,000 population, which
was the highest in recent years, with the sole exception of the figure
of 26.6 reached in 1947.^-'' The biological urge to reproduce one's
kind combined with the powerful cultural expectations approving
parenthood therefore seem to guarantee the relative stability of that
status. At the same time, present life-conditions will doubtless con-
tinue to limit parenthood to a restricted number of children.

13 Cf. also Clarence J. Gamble, "The College Birthrate," Journal of Heredity,
December 1947, XXXVIII, 355-62.

i*Paul Popenoe, "Motivation of Childless Marriages," Journal of Heredity,
December 1936, XXVII, 469-72.

15 Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, "Annual Sum-
mary for 1951: United States, by State," Monthly Vital Statistics Bulletin, Sep-
tember 17, 1952, Vol. 14, No. 13.

432 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

Culture and Voluntary Parenthood

For the first time in history, human beings have the knowledge
that enables them to decide whether or not they will be parents, and
when. Until relatively recent times, parenthood followed marriage as
inevitably as morning succeeds night. Modern developments in the
field of contraception and the increasing availability of such knowl-
edge make it possible for a couple to determine when they desire to
have children, how many they will have, and how they will be spaced.
To be sure, such choices are not infallible. No contraceptive measure
is one hundred per cent effective, and there will always be wide vari-
ations in the effectiveness with which the devices are employed. Nev-
ertheless, it is roughly accurate to say that a couple may postpone
the assumption of parenthood by the employment of contraceptive
measures most suited to their individual temperaments and wishes.
Even if they decide to use no contraceptives and to accept the possi-
bility of pregnancy at once, the time of conception may vary from
one month to more than a year.^^

The advantages claimed for the postponement of parenthood in-
volve the following considerations. In terms of the lifelong associ-
ation of marriage, the initial stages of adjustment are crucial. Every
marriage is a new and undefined situation, and the manner in which
the interlocking patterns will develop depends a great deal on the
adjustments made during the initial year. An immediate pregnancy
runs the risk of complicating the picture. Even if the pregnancy is
entirely normal, the physiological and psychological adjustments of
the wife are difficult. The husband also has real problems of adapta-
tion to the new experience. If the pregnancy is complicated by some
health or other factor, it may seriously interfere with the inaugura-
tion of successful husband-wife relationships.

Another reason frequently given for the desire to postpone the
first child is economic. The desire to be able to provide for the needs
of the potential mother and child in the best manner available, char-
acteristic of American middle-class parental attitudes, means that
many young people do not want to undertake parenthood before the
necessary financial resources are in sight. The husband is ordinarily
just commencing his business or professional career, and his income

18 Raymond Pearl, The Natural History of Populahon (London: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1939), p. 206.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 433

may not be considered sufficient to justify the beginning of a family.
It may even have been insufficient to undertake marriage, but the
wife may have decided to get a job or to continue one aheady under-
taken. The employment of the wife and the necessity to continue
working may be another reason for the postponement of parenthood.

There is evidence that parenthood may be permanently renounced
if economic insecurity becomes chronic. In their analysis of the data
on 1,444 "relatively fecund" couples in Indianapolis, Kiser and
Whelpton came to the following conclusion: "The size of 'planned'
families and particularly the size of 'number and spacing planned'
families is directly associated with economic security regardless of
differences in socio-economic status. There is a particularly strong
tendency for childlessness to be associated with economic insecurity
among 'number and spacing planned' families. This accounts for
much of the direct relation of fertility to economic security among
these families." ^'

The index of economic security used by these investigators was
such as to contain evidence of real, as opposed to imagined, insecu-
rity. For the average young couple, there is a real hazard in postpon-
ing the first child for economic reasons, unless they have decided in
advance that they will have a child after a given time. Anyone familiar
with household economy, family budgets, and competitive standards
of living knows that, for the majority of American families, the de-
sire for goods and services keeps well in advance of the money in-
come. Except for a fortunate minority, the time may never come
when a married couple think they are in an economic position to
have a family. Postponing the coming of children until economic
resources are considered adequate may lead to a time when it is no
longer advisable to have them.

Another risk arises from postponing the coming of children. The
practice has been commended on the ground that the way should be
clear for the formation of satisfactory conjugal habit patterns in the
early marital period. Such interaction patterns can become so fixed
over a period of years, however, that a third member may not be wel-
come. The entrance of the child into the family psychodrama means

1^ Clyde V. Kiser and P. K. Whelpton, "Social and Psychological Factors Af-
fecting Fertility. XI, The Interrelation of Fertility, Fertility Planning, and Feel-
ing of Economic Security," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, January 1951,
XXIX, 112. ^

434 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

that there can no longer be the exclusive and reciprocal focusing of
the interests and attentions of the marital partners on each other.
The child must be fitted into the constellation of the family; time,
energies, and affections must be transferred from the conjugal to the
parent-child relationship. Postponement of the arrival of the child
can so establish the marital habit-patterns that accepting a new unit
into the family configuration may be met with great emotional diffi-
culties.

The maximum exercise of the reproductive function in the con-
temporar)' family occurs in the age group 20-29 for the wife. Approxi-
mately 60 per cent of all children in any one year are born to moth-
ers in this age group. ^^ The median age of the wife at the time of the
birth of the first child is 22.6 years and the median age at the birth of
the last child is 27.2 years. This is further evidence that the bulk of
the child-bearing occurs to women in their twenties, with surprisingly
little variation in recent decades. The median age in 1890 for the wife
at the birth of her first child was 23.0 years, as compared to the afore-
mentioned 22.6 years in 1940.^^

This does not necessarily mean that the twenties are the optimum
(that is, the best) age for a married woman to have her first child.
Customs and practices with respect to age at marriage and definitions
of social maturity have a bearing on the age at which most women
give birth to first children. The age of biological puberty in the
female is about 13.5 years. The average girl is, it is true, apparently
not ready for biological reproduction at this age. There seems to be
a period of adolescent sterility between the onset of puberty and the
time of nubility, or the completion of the maturation of the ovula-
tory process upon which reproduction is dependent.-*' But even if age
fifteen were regarded as the average time at which girls were physi-
ologically ready for reproduction, this might only indicate that from
this year forward was an optimum bioJogicaJ period for reproducion.
By generally accepted social definitions of maturity, girls of fifteen are
not ready to assume the responsibilities of parenthood.

At the other end of the scale, for both bioloeical and social reasons

"to*

18 Bureau of the Census, Vital Statistics of the United States, 19-^5, Part 11,
p. 6g (Washington, 1Q45).

" Paul F. Ghck, "The Family Cycle," American SocioJogical Re\'iew, April
ig47, XII, 164-74, Table 1.

20 M. F. Ashley-Montagu, "Adolescent Sterility in the Human Female," Human
FertfJity, June 1946, XI, 33-41.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 435

it is advisable that the first pregnancy not be postponed much be-
yond the thirtieth year. This is not to subscribe to the popular fallacy
that it is dangerous for a woman past thirty to undertake her first
pregnancy. Modern medical knowledge and advances in obstetrics
make groundless the former fears relative to first pregnancies in the
later reproductive years. Other reasons for not postponing parenthood
are more cogent. Biological fecundity apparently undergoes a slow but
gradual decline from a peak in the first half of the twenties.-^ Some
decline in general health and vigor undoubtedly takes place from the
mid-twenties to the mid-thirties. Furthermore, the longer the preg-
nancy is postponed, the wider will become the age gap between the
generations. In a concrete family situation, this is reflected in the
inadequacies of parents to meet the problems of adolescence when
the mother is experiencing menopause and the father is approaching
the first stages of senescence.

Pregnancy and Prenatal Roles

The prenatal role introduces a new element into the personalities
of husband and wife. The social relationships during pregnancy are
important in setting the tone for the subsequent parental status. By
their very nature, prenatal roles are transitory, for they comprise a
comparatively short period in the total marital life. Furthermore, pre-
natal roles are no longer as common as they formerly were, when
wives experienced many more pregnancies. Under earlier conditions,
the prenatal role was more or less chronic in many families, whereas
this role is comparatively rare in the contemporary middle-class fam-
ily. When the modern young couple confirm their first suspicions of
pregnancy, they are entering a new status with new roles. We may
explore some of the implications of these new roles.--

The overt symptoms of a probable pregnancy are well known. The
most obvious and significant is missing the menstrual flow. The wide
variety of causes which can affect menstruation and the fact that it is
not as regular as is popularly supposed mean that this is not an infal-
lible sign. The skipping of a normal period may be also marked by
slight tingling of the breasts. Though it is not universally present,
most women will experience some nausea, varying in degree from

21 Raymond Pearl, The Natural History of Population, pp. 1565.

22 For a further analysis of this new situation, of. Francis E. Merrill, Comtship
and Marriage (New York: The Dryden Press, 1949), chap. 11, "Prenatal Roles,"

436 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

slight discomfort to vomiting. This is known as "morning sickness,"
even though it is not always in evidence at that time of day. A fourth
symptom is a tendency to pass urine more frequently than is consid-
ered normal for the individual.-^

When these signs appear, it is advisable for the woman to visit a
physician. Before he prescribes a regimen for the prenatal period, he
wants to be certain of the fact of pregnancy, and therefore he will
suggest that the patient return after a lapse of several weeks. By that
time, the physician will be able to evaluate the symptoms and will be
further aided by a manual examination. In order to be absolutely
sure, however, he will recommend a test. The technical details of
these tests need not detain us here. Sufl&ce it to indicate that the fun-
damental principle underlying all of the tests is the observation of
the effects on an animal of the injection of the woman's urine, con-
taining gonadotropic hormone.-*

The activity of various public and private agencies has publicized
the importance of prenatal care so that it is now widely understood
and accepted. The benefits in terms of health and well-being have
been so dramatic that there is no hesitation in accepting high stand-
ards for prenatal care. "All pregnant women," says the United States
Children's Bureau, "should be under medical care during their entire
pregnancy, at the time of delivery, and during the puerperium. It is
only by thorough prenatal care that diseases which may cause death
or disability of either the mother or child may be avoided, arrested,
or cured, and that the woman may maintain a physical condition
that will enable her to withstand the unavoidable strain associated
with labor and delivery." -"^

One of the diseases to be detected and cured is syphilis. A woman
with syphilis can infect the child in utero to bring about what is
known as congenital (as contrasted with hereditary) syphilis. This
infection does not occur before the fourth month of pregnancy. The
mother can be treated without harm to her or to the child. Hence

23 United States Children's Bureau, Prenatal Care, Publication No. 4 (Wash-
ington, 1949).

2* The tests having widest currency have been the Ascheim-Zondek (imma-
ture mice), Friedman (rabbits), Hogben (South African clawed toad), the male
frog (Rana pipiens), and the rat tests.

Cf. Nicholson J. Eastman, WilJiams Obstetrics, 10th ed. (New York: Apple-
ton-CenturyCrofts, Inc., 1950), pp. 243-45.

25 United States Children's Bureau, Standards oi Prenatal Care, an Outh'ne for
the Use of Physicians, Pubhcation No. 153 (Washington, 1940).

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 437

it becomes possible to prevent entirely the transmission of this dis-
ease which, only a short time ago, caused the death of 25,000 babies
annually."*^ A standard serological test for syphilis is now given in con-
nection with the initial examination of the pregnant woman. Where
infection is discovered and vigorous treatment undertaken prior to
the fifth month of pregnancy, the percentage of syphilitic children
born of infected mothers can be reduced from an estimated seventy
per cent to seven per cent.-^

Another disease yielding to the advances of modern medicine is
that of hemolytic disease of the fetus or newborn child. Until only a
few years ago, doctors were puzzled by the fact that approximately
one-half of one per cent of all pregnancies resulted in stillbirths or
in deaths of newborn infants attributed to jaundice, anemia, etc.
Furthermore, it was established that, once the pattern of such a dis-
ease of the fetus or newborn had been created for a given woman, it
was repeated in subsequent pregnancies. Now it is known that this
disease has an immunological basis arising from the blood-group dif-
ferences between the fetus and the mother, or what is popularly
known as the Rh-factor.

The trouble arises from the marriage of an Rh-negative woman to
an Rh-positive man, a situation that occurs in about one in eight mar-
riages. Consequently it has become standard procedure in prenatal
care for the physician to determine the Rh-type of his patient as well
as her previous historv of blood transfusions. Likewise, he will want
to know about the Rh-type of the husband since, if this were to be
negative, there will be no problem. Frequent serological examinations
of the patient, especially if it is not her first pregnancy, will deter-
mine the management of prenatal conditions, delivery, and neonatal
care.^^

In addition to these considerations, the physician will also want a
complete health history of his patient. He will want to know about
previous illnesses, especially those which may serve as possible dan-
gers to pregnancy, such as tuberculosis, rheumatic fever, serious in-
fections, heart diseases, accidents involving the abdomen and pelvis,

26 Thomas Parran and R. A. Vonderlehr, Plain Words about Venereal Disease
(New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, Inc., 1941).

27 Bureau of Social Hygiene, Department of Health, New York City, Syphilis
in Pregnancy (pamphlet). Undated.

28 Milton's. Sacks, "Hemolytic Disease of the Fetus and Newborn," Williams
Obstetrics, Eastman, pp. 1001 ff.

438 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

as well as the circumstances attending previous pregnancies and child-
bearing. Such knowledge will not only aid him in formulating the
correct regimen for the period of pregnancy, but also will point, in
extreme instances, to the probable necessity of interrupting the preg-
nancy prior to term. A thorough physical examination will either con-
firm or remove any suspicion that such previous illnesses may have
left their permanent effects. Such an examination will also include a
thorough study of the abdomen and pelvis, in order to determine
whether or not any difficulties are likely to interfere with normal
delivery.

In the initial contacts with the doctor, the latter will indicate the
probable date of delivery. This will be approximately 280 days from
the beginning of the last monthly period. It may also be computed
by counting back three calendar months from the day on which the
last monthly period began and then adding seven days. This will en-
able the doctor and the patient to plan for the various stages of the
pregnancy, including the time when the expectant mother will begin
to feel life. Movement in the uterus first occurs at about four and
one-half months.

The final services of the physician in connection with these earliest
visits will be concerned with recommendations on what is usually
called the hygiene of pregnancy. This involves such things as diet and
exercise, clothing, care of the teeth, regulation of bowel movement,
weight, and mental hygiene. The doctor will also indicate certain
overt symptoms that should be reported immediately. He is especially
interested in such symptoms as excessive vomiting, shortness of breath,
severe pain in the lower abdomen, the appearance of any vaginal
bleeding, dizziness, or acute illness of any kind. He will want to see
the patient at frequent intervals, perhaps once monthly for the first
six months and more often thereafter, at which times he will examine
blood pressure, measure the increase in weight, and make the usual
urine analysis. If it is the first pregnancy, the doctor may also want
to interview the husband. The doctor knows how important it is for
the husband to demonstrate true sympathy for his wife at a time
when a certain amount of irritabilit}', nervousness, fear, and uncer-
tainty are normal accompaniments.

The husband will himself experience anxieties during this period.
Where true conjugal affection exists, however, he will be able to steer
a course between that variety of "sympathy" which thinks to over-

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 439

come the complaints of his wife by ignoring them and that excessive
sympathy which may lead her to a kind of pseudo-invalidism. The
physician will be asked about sex relations during pregnancy, and his
answer will be based on his estimate of the situation. In general, he
will suggest to the husband that more consideration than usual is
called for at this time. There is no reason why intercourse should not
be continued until the last two months or six weeks of the pregnancy.
The most hazardous time will usually be associated with the days
during which the monthly period would otherwise have been taking
place, especially if the woman has any tendency to abort. Sexual in-
tercourse should be avoided entirely during the last month because
of the danger of puerperal infection as a consequence of intercourse
prior to the onset of labor.

Role Changes and Pregnancy

The husband and wife must both make adjustments to pregnancy.
We may consider these adjustments in order of their seriousness.
The husband may entertain various vague and irrational fears that
the child will not be born normal and healthy, but these fears do not
persist. He will experience interruptions in his usual business or social
activities that can occasion some feelings of frustration. He may un-
consciously sense that the elaborate preparations being made for the
coming child may signal a gradual withdrawal of his wife's affections
from him and their transference to the new member of the family.
If his life-experiences have been unfortunate, he may not want to
accept the coming responsibilities of parenthood.^^

These negative aspects of approaching parenthood are usually more
than offset by the feeling of euphoria that accompanies the hopes and
expectations for a child. Fatherhood carries with it such a psycho-
logical and cultural aura that the coming event represents the cul-
mination of deepseated wishes. However much of fantasy may be
mvolved, great satisfactions are derived from speculating as to the sex
of the child, the discussions about a name, and the imaginative plan-
ning of the entire career of the individual as yet unborn. These and
countless other aspects of the pregnancy process are valuable assets
in promoting the belief that the coming child will be a further link
in a strong marital relationship.

29 Baruch, Parents Can Be People, p. 21.

440 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

For the wife, the situation is infinitely more compHcated. It would
be surprising indeed if the profound physiological changes occurring
in her body did not have serious repercussions in her attitudes. For
the first pregnancy, the adjustments of the initial months are the
most difficult. The traditions of Western society have been so con-
tradictory that various conflicts are inevitably mirrored in the mind of
the prospective mother. The glorification of virginity has led to an
exaltation of sexual innocence that is still reflected in an overzealous
parental regard for rearing the girl in a kind of hothouse environ-
ment. This attitude precludes a frank acceptance of the simple bio-
logical facts about physiological reproduction. Pari passu with this
ingrained attitude, there has also been a cultural glorification of the
role of the mother. Hence the first conflict that must be resolved by
the pregnant woman involves the willing acceptance of the elemen-
tary realities of biological reproduction.

Closely allied to this conflict is the realization that, as the preg-
nancy advances, there will occur a change in bodilv weight and pro-
portions. Fortunately, the traditional attitudes that the woman
should remain in seclusion in the later weeks of pregnancv have been
superseded by more intelligent practices. The old feelings of shame
and apology not only have been given up by the women themselves,
but there has also developed a public acceptance of the idea that the
pregnant woman should carry on her usual activities as long as pos-
sible. Concern over her present looks, plus possible discomfort in the
later stages of pregnancy, apparently do not greatly annoy the ex-
pectant mother. It is rather the concern that she may never again
regain the youthful figure she once possessed. So strong are the cul-
tural dictates about attractiveness of form and figure that the thought
of losing them may engender an unconscious rejection of pregnancy.

Although a complete understanding of the role changes accom-
panying pregnancy must await further research, suggestive insights
have been provided by psychoanalytic interpretations. There is, for
example, a turning inward of the psychic energies so that pregnant
women are often strongly introverted. Their interest is centered on
that portion of the ego that is materialized in the developing embryo.
There is complete identification of the mother and child— the I and
the You— the ego and the non-ego. The successful psychological con-
clusion of pregnancy thus involves "making the child more and more

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 441

an object, so that delivery does not have the effect of a painful sep-
aration from a part of the ego and a destructive psychic loss." ^*'

This general hypothesis has been of great value in the analvsis and
treatment of mothers in child guidance clinics. Starting with the ob-
vious identification of the mother and child during pregnancy, it is
difficult for the mother to accept the objectivity of the child after
birth. The psychic unity between mother and child gradually dis-
appears as the child asserts its independence. As Dr. Silberpfennig
puts it: "Unconciously they (the mothers) do not accept the fact
that the child is no more a part of their own bodies, and utilize this
strong attachment to solve their own problems, which they project
onto the child. Forced into this close relationship, the child does not
want to give it up." ^^

Physically and psychically, the pregnant woman experiences an-
tithetic attitudes. The physical creation of new life opens up tremen-
dous vistas of enlargement, which fact partially explains the satisfac-
tions derived from the fact of pregnancy. At the same time there is
a physical and psychical shrinking of the self. Physically, this is due
to the dedication of the woman's body to something that is not
herself. Psychically, this shrinking of the self arises from the fact that
the mother gives but does not receive anything. This giving without
receiving will continue after the child is born.^-

Parturition and Personality ~ '

Pregnancy normally terminates in the delivery of the child. This
process is naturally of consuming interest to the married couple, espe-
cially to the wife. In recent years, there has been considerable dis-
cussion of this subject, in such terms as "Natural Childbirth,"
"Physiologic Childbirth," or "Childbirth without Fear." There is
good reason for the current popular interest in this matter. If this
should become the generally accepted way of approaching the birth
experience, it will not only promote health and safety but it may
have effects on the personality of mother and child that will be noth-
ing short of revolutionary.

Labor and childbearing involve pain. The dread of childbirth has

30 Helena Deutsch, The Psychology of Women, 2 vols. (New York: Grune
and Stratton, 1945), H, 153-54.

31 Judith Silberpfennig, "Mother Types Encountered in Child Guidance Clin-
ics," The American Journal ot Orthopsychiatn', July 1941, XI, 473-84.

32 Deutsch, The Psychology oi Women, II, 159.

442 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

been passed on from woman to woman for countless generations.
The demand of modern woman for the alleviation of the pain of
labor and childbirth has led to the development of many analgesics
and anesthetics that have proved beneficial. At the same time, "no
completely safe and satisfactory method of pain relief in obstretrics
has been developed." ^^ The problem is exceedingly complex owing
to (a) the duration of labor; (b) the need for safety; (c) the im-
portance of seeing that the drugs used have little effect on uterine
contractions, and (d) the prevention of any placental transmission
of damage to the fetus.

Safety and timing are the keys, therefore, to the intelligent use of
pain-relieving agents. In addition, there are basic psychological con-
siderations. As one authority puts it: "The proper psychological man-
agement of the patient throughout prenatal care and labor is an
indispensable basic sedative. A woman who is carefree, unafraid, and
possessed of complete confidence in her obstetrician and nurses,
usually enjoys a relatively comfortable first stage or requires a min-
imum of medication." ^^

The most widely used pain-relieving drugs employed in obstetrical
practice are a combination of scopolamine, to effect narcotic amnesia
of everything happening in labor, and a sedative agent such as one
of the barbiturates or morphine. This combination is popularly recog-
nized as "twilight sleep." Of the anesthetics, nitrous oxide is exten-
sively used for intermittent pain relief during labor, whereas ether is
perhaps safest at the time of delivery. For certain purposes, intra-
venous anesthetics (for example, sodium pentothal) have their ad-
vantages. Of the regional anesthetics, the one most widely heralded
in recent years has been the continuous caudal technique. By keeping
the caudal space (the lowest extent of the bony spinal canal) con-
tinually supplied with anesthetic solution, "the patient experiences
no pain in labor whatsoever and is conscious neither of uterine con-
tractions nor of perineal distention. The continuous caudal technic
provides both analgesia in the first and second stages and anesthesia
for delivery." ^^

The English obstetrician Grantly Dick Read has been the pioneer

33 Eastman, Williams Obstetrics, p. 422.

34 Ibid. Cf. also John Parks, "Emotional Reactions to Pregnancy," American
Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, August 1951, LXII, 339-45.

35 Eastman, WiJham Obstetiics, p. 436.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 443

in the development and advocacy of the "natural childbirth" method.
Reduced to its simplest terms, his basic principle is that much of the
pain associated with childbearing is a consequence of fear. Fear
creates tension which has an inhibiting effect on the functioning of
the organism. By the elimination of fear, childbirth can become a
natural and exhilarating experienced^ This method depends in final
analysis upon the degree to which the woman can control the emo-
tional factors accompanying the childbearing experience.

During the prenatal period, the patient is familiarized with the
physiological processes involved, and the doctor endeavors to win
her complete confidence. Exercises in relaxation are given, as well as
those aimed at controlling abdominal muscles and breathing. It is
important that the nurse or the doctor be present throughout labor
and delivery to reassure the patient concerning her cooperative ef-
forts. Furthermore, the doctor assures the patient that analgesics or
anesthetics will be administered if and when they become necessary.
There is a popular misconception that no anesthetics whatever are
used in connection with this method. Some women do go through
the entire process without such aids, but with many women small
quantities of anesthetics are used. The very fact that their use is re-
duced both in quantity and duration is of great benefit to the mother
and to the child.^^

Perhaps the first experiment with a panel discussion of anesthesia
in childbirth aimed at college undergraduates was that held at Hood
College in Frederick, Maryland in the spring of 1950. Dr. Robert
A. Hingson and Dr. Louis Hellman of the Department of Obste-
trics of The Johns Hopkins University led the discussion. The other
members of the panel were three young mothers, each of whom had
recently had a child, one by the twilight sleep method, one by the
continuous caudal technic, and the third by the natural method. The
doctors initiated the discussion by presenting material on the de-
velopment of anesthetics and their use in contemporary obstetrical
practice. Each mother then gave a personal account of the experi-
ences associated with labor and delivery. The 500 students and mem-

36 Grantly Dick Read, Childbhth without Fear (New York: Harper & Brothers,

1944)' ?• 73-

^'' H. Lloyd Miller, Francis E. Flannery, and Dorothy Bell, "Education for

Childbirth in Private Practice," American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology,

April 1952, LXIII, 792-99.

444 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

bers of the faculty in attendance were convinced that it was a valuable
educational experienced^

Personality and Parental Roles

Parents give hostages to fortune when they assume their new roles.
The expectations clustered about parenthood are among the most
powerful obligations in any society. These expectations differ from
one pattern of culture to another and between subcultures within the
larger pattern. Members of the middle and upper class expect differ-
ent behavior of parents and children than do members of the lower
class. These expectations reflect different ways of life and are re-
flected in the personalities of parents and children. We have con-
cerned ourselves heretofore largely with the impact of the parent
upon the malleable personality of the child. We may now consider
the impact of the child upon the personality of the parent. Inasmuch
as personality is a dynamic conception, the experiences of adult life
continue to influence the personalities of the parents.^^

The parental roles carry a high content of social approval. The
concepts of motherhood and fatherhood call to mind groups of as-
sociations involving strong social approbation. Waller has aptly
termed this cluster of emotions "the pathos of parenthood." In the
sympathetic smile of the outside world for a father with his children,
for example, there are "implicit the pathos of the mores, pity and
love for the dependence of the child, and a sigh for one's lost youth,
approval of the father, a touch of envy for one who has the privilege
of being a parent." ^"^ The father and mother have assumed roles that
are satisfying to their deepest biological and culturally-induced drives.
This social approval has a strong effect upon the personality.

In human beings, the physiological bases for activity are potential-
ities that come to full fruition only in terms of a particular social and
cultural setting. The close association of infant and mother is thus
the essential condition for the mobilization of the sentiment of
mother love. "It is relatively easy," says Plant, "to 'love' those who
need us, who depend upon us."^^ The need and dependence of the

38 Cf. "Hood Girls Hear of Childbirth Anesthesia," New York Herald Tribune,
April 2, 1950.

39 Cf. Merrill, Courtship and Marriage, chap. 12, "Parents and Children."
^oWillard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden

Press, 1951), pp. 387-88.

^1 James S. Plant, Personality and the Cultural Pattern (New York: The
Commonwealth Fund, 1937), p. 175.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 445

newborn child are so absolute that it can be readily understood why
parents come quickly to love it. This element of dependence com-
bines with the realization of biological immortality to produce a
unique devotion in the parents. The development of this devotion
in our society tends to occur more rapidly in the mother than in the
father. Both in terms of prenatal and early natal experience, the
mother is in much closer physical contact with the child than the
father is. The child of both sexes is thus ordinarily closer emotionally
to the mother than to the father.'*-

The average week-old infant is anything but an object of beauty
when viewed by objective canons. In the eyes of the parents, however,
he possesses a kind of beauty that is not of this world. The nonpar-
ticipants in this strange form of behavior look on with a kind of
amused tolerance. Since the great majority of them have also, in
their time, participated in similar behavior, they tend to define the
parental conduct in terms of sympathetic appreciation. The individ-
ual needs the approval of other persons. One of the surest methods
to gain this approval is to become the father or mother of a child.
In the eyes of other persons as well as that of the "generalized other"
of the culture, parenthood enhances the image of the self.

The role of parent carries with it other rewards and satisfactions.
Children are not merely passive members of the parent-child rela-
tionship. Their very presence introduces complications into the
hitherto adult pattern of husband and wife. The interests of the
spouses expand as children open up new vistas and raise new prob-
lems. Parents become concerned with such matters as schools, play-
rooms, insurance, community influences, recreational facilities, and
similar matters which up to this time have not seemed especially im-
portant. Many young couples who have enjoyed the freedom and con-
venience of life in the metropolitan center begm to think of moving
to a suburb, where the schools are (presumably) better, where the
child can have more room to play, and where the neighborhood en-
vironment is more suitable to the maturing infant.^-^

The parent may also derive emotional satisfaction from association

^2 Robert F. Winch, "Further Data and Observations on the Oedipus Hypoth-
esis: the Consequence of an Inadequate Hypothesis," American SocioJogicaJ
Review, December 1951, XVI, 784-95.

*^ These paragraphs are adapted from the penetrating analysis of James H. S.
Bossard, The Sociology oi Child Development (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1948), chap. 7, "What the Child Gives the Parents."

446 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

with his children and, eventually, with his children's children. The
individual who has not received the satisfactions from life which he
expected may transfer his ambitions to his children. He may identify
himself with their success and this ego-involvement ^^ may increase
his own satisfactions. In this sense, the child may give the parent an
opportunity to relive his own life. If the child is successful, the par-
ent may salvage some of the frustrated hopes of his own career. The
intelligent but uneducated father may thus project his own hopes for
a professional career upon his son.

The parental role also provides a sense of power arising from the
control of human life. This feeling is not always conscious, but the
sense of parental omnipotence in the early years of the child's life
may be strongly flattering to the ego. This feeling does not neces-
sarily mean domination, but often reflects the assistance of a stronger
to a weaker person who is, furthermore, both physically and socially
made in the image of the parent. This parental power is not always
used rightly or sympathetically, but there is no question of its exist-
ence. For better or worse, its effects are felt in the personality of the
parent as well as that of the child. The latter may carry this pattern
of authority from his family of orientation over into his familv of
procreation.'*^ The possibilities for the use or abuse of this position
are tremendous. The parent is dealing with the plastic stuff of human
personality. Out of these relationships of subordination and superor
dination, the personality of the parent does not go unchanged.'**'

The parental role gives the individual a sense of the meaning of
life as no other single role can do. The parents are able to observe
at first hand the development of human life, from the moment of
conception, through birth, infancy, childhood, adolescence, and often
into adulthood and parenthood in turn. No amount of theoretical
knowledge can possibly equal this understanding. The parent gains
a concrete realization of the continuity of life. "It is at such mo-
ments," remarks Bossard, "when a parent has given his all to the
insatiable demands of his child, that there comes the true meaning

^* Muzafer Sherif and Hadley Cantril, The Psychology of Ego-Involvements
(New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1947).

^5 Hazel Ingersoll, "A Study of the Transmission of Authority Patterns in the
Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948, XXXVIII, 225-303.

*^ Cf . D. D. Mueller, "Paternal Domination: Its Influences on Child Guidance
Results," Smith College Studies in Social Work, 1945, XV, 184-215.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 447

of one's relation to life: that each generation is but a trustee of life,
for all its values and all its possessions." ^^

Parenthood also brings a number of frustrations. Frustration has
been defined as "an interference with the occurrence of an instigated
goal-response at its proper time in the behavior sequence." ^^ Many
phases of the personality process tend to bring about frustration in
this sense. Parenthood is no exception. The coming of the child, for
example, is certain to bring about a reorientation in the affectional
roles of the couple. These roles, as we have repeatedly noted, are
important in contemporary marriage. Role changes after the birth
of the child can deepen the emotional bonds between husband and
wife. These changes can also widen the gap if the previous rela-
tionships have been unsatisfactory. One parent may withdraw affec-
tion from the spouse and concentrate it upon the child, whose de-
pendence makes it an ideal love object.^^

Parenthood also brings changes in habit. Freedom of movement
will be restricted, for the demands of the helpless infant require con-
stant attention. The baby's schedule of routinized activities has a way
of making the wishes of the parents seem of secondary importance.
Excessive feelings of responsibility may lead to abnormal parental
anxieties as to whether or not they are doing the right thing by the
helpless infant. When authorities on child care and development dis-
agree, it is small wonder that parents are bewildered.^**

The identification of the parent with the child may lead to other
forms of frustration. The child may not measure up to the expecta-
tions so fondly held by the parent. The parent may react to this
blasting of his own hopes by conscious or unconscious aggression
against the child. The parent may fail to understand that the failure
of the child may result from the impossible nature of the goals set by
the mother or father. The parent who is mature will meet this situa-
tion philosophically, whereas the immature parent will project his
own frustrations upon the child. Fathers who wish their sons to fol-
low in their professions, regardless of the interests or abilities of the

*'' Bossard, The Sociology oi Child Development, p. 1 56.

*^ John Dollard, et ah. Frustration and Aggression (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1939), p. 7.

49 David M. Levy, JVlaternal Overprotection (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1943).

5° Cf. Celia Stendler, "Sixty Years of Child Training Practices," Journal oi
Pediatrics, July 1950, XXXVI, 122-34.

448 THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT

sons, are examples of this type of behavior. The extreme ego-involve-
ment of the father in the career of his son may render the former
even more intolerant of the failure of his child to measure up to ex-
pectations.^^

This parent-child identification may lead to still other difficulties.
The parent may, consciously or unconsciously, use the child to fill
some deep emotional need. The wife who is frustrated in her own
marital relationship may subconsciously attempt to bind her son to
her with cords of silver. These cords, as Strecker points out, are ex-
tremely strong and may take a variety of forms. The mother may ap-
pear to be gentle and undemanding but in reality may rule the fam-
ily (and especially her son) with a rule of iron. The mother who has
allegedly sacrificed her health to her family may wish to keep one
or more of her children with her forever. Parental dominance may
take a variety of forms, when the emotional needs of the parent are
too closely incorporated in the child.^-

These are some of the ways in which parenthood affects the per-
sonalities of the parents and, reciprocally, the personalities of the chil-
dren.^^ If parents continue to influence their children in terms of
what they (the parents) are as persons, we would appear to be in a
vicious circle. Parents thus presumably condition children, who in
turn will become parents and pass on to their own children the mal-
adjustments which they have experienced. The circle must be broken
somewhere.

One answer seems to lie in education leading to an understand-
ing of the dynamics of personality. If parents can be made to see the
ways in which their own personalities affect the child, such knowl-
edge can presumably reinforce the desirable influences and mini-
mize the undesirable ones. Mature parenthood must always imply
that the child is an end in himself and not a means to the end of the
parent. What Dr. Deutsch says about motherhood can with equal
force be applied to parenthood in general. "A mother must not strive
to achieve any other goals through her child but those of his exist-
ence, otherwise she runs the risk of failing in her purpose and of

51 Bossard, The Sociology oi Child Development, chap. 1 5, 'Tarents with
Problem Attitudes."

52 Edward A. Strecker, 'Tsychiatry Speaks to Democracy," Mental Hygiene,
October 1945, XXIX, 591-605, quoted by James H. S. Bossard, op. cit., p. 347.

53 Cf. M. E. Bonney, "Parents as the Makers of Social Deviates," Social Forces,
October 1941, XX, 77-87.

THE PERSONALITY OF THE PARENT 449

being cheated of the experience of motherhood." °^ As a statement
of the ideal of parenthood, this is highly suggestive. True mother-
hood and fatherhood come only to those who recognize that the
child's developing personality is the only acceptable goal of parent-
hood.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baruch, Dorothy W., Parents Can Be People. New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1944. An authoritative but simple account of
the strengths and weaknesses of parents.

Deutsch, Helene, The Psychology oi Women, 2 vols. New York:
Grune and Stratton, 1945. The second volume on "Motherhood"
contains suggestive insights on the inter-dependence of the physio-
logical and psychological processes centered about pregnancy and
childbirth.

Dickinson, Robert Latou and Abram Belskie, Birth Atlas. New York:
Maternity Center Association, 1944. Twenty-four excellent plates
made from life-size sculptures of the stages of reproduction.

Eastman, Nicholson J., WiJIiams Ohstetiics, 10th ed. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1950. For the serious student, this
is a standard, authoritative textbook.

Goodrich, Frederick W., Jr., Natural Childhhth. New York: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1950. A readable exposition dealing with the psychology
and physiology of pregnancy, together with the exercises leading to
childbirth with little or no anesthesia.

Novak, Emil, The Woman Asks the Doctor, 2nd ed. Baltimore: The
Williams and Wilkins Company, 1944- Here are answered the ques-
tions the average woman asks the gynecologist.

Read, Grantly Dick, ChUdhhth without Fear. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1944. ^^ early as 1933, Dr. Read was contending that the
emotion of fear had much to do with the pain of childbirth.

Senn, Milton J. E., ed., Pwhlems oi Infancy and Childhood, Transac-
tions of the Fourth Conference sponsored by the Josiah Macy, Jr.
Foundation. New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation, 19151. This
conference was held to provide answers to questions raised by the
Fact-Finding Committee of the Midcentury White House Confer-
ence.

Van Blarcom, Carolyn Conant. Getting Readv to Be a Mother, rev.
Hazel Corbin, 4th ed. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1940.
There is an abundance of good illustrative material in this popular
presentation.

s* Deutsch, The Psychology of Women, II, 326.

^j^«^^

PART VI

THE DYNAMICS OF THE FAMILY

'-^ 22 ^^J

PERSONAL CONFLICTS
AND FAMILY TENSIONS

Tamily conflict is not something new under the sun. Hu-
man nature is such that two persons cannot remain in close relation-
ship without a certain amount of conflict. In the historical family,
the clashing temperaments of husbands and wives, the age-old prob-
lem of the in-laws, and the inevitable personality differences between
two people have all contributed to the uneasiness of family life. After
a glance at the divorce statistics, many persons may lapse into a nos-
talgic reverie in which they attribute ideal characteristics to the fam-
ily of the early igoo's, of the years after the Civil War, the pioneer
family in the Western states, or the Colonial family— in fact, to the
American family of every day but our own. Any such idyllic picture
of a supremely adjusted and amicable family does considerable vio-
lence both to the facts of human nature and to the former state of
the family. Human nature in one sense is in constant flux and has
changed considerably in recent decades. But human nature also ex-
hibits certain constants which endure generation after generation.
Human nature in the preindustrial age was not all sweetness and
light. Husbands, wives, children, grandparents, and in-laws have dis-
agreed for as long as we have written records. Family conflict has
been the result of these squabbles.

The Nature of Family Conflict

Why has the problem of family conflict recently become so acute?
Why has the public suddenly become conscious of conflicts which
threaten (and often accomplish) the disorganization of hundreds of
thousands of individual families so that the divorce court seems the
only way out? A partial answer to this complex problem arises from

453

454 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

the nature of the conflicts themselves and the attitude of the family
toward them. In the comparatively stable world of the early family,
conflict largely revolved around differences in personality, tempera-
ment, and personal behavior patterns. Husbands were brutal and
overbearing, wives were shrewish and nagging, children were un-
grateful and insubordinate— these and other difficulties were an ac-
companiment of family life in general, even though many individ-
ual families lived in tranquillity and suffered few of the slings and
arrows of such outrageous fortune.

Furthermore, the organization of the traditional family was such
that considerable conflict could be taken in its collective stride. Defi-
nite social mechanisms were evolved in folk wisdom to deal with a
violent husband, a difficult wife, and recalcitrant children. In short,
family conflicts were largely individual in character and took place in
an environment heavily controlled by custom. Adjustment on a min-
imum level was expected, and the disruption of the family, except
by death, was rare.^

Not so the contemporary family. Here the differences are cultural
and social as well as individual in character. The parties are still indi-
vidual men and women, but the differences of character and tem-
perament have been augmented by disparities in cultural background
and social standards. The latter operate through the personalities of
husband and wife, but the differences are more complicated to adjust.
Because of this enhanced complexity, the devices utilized in a former
day to resolve family conflicts are no longer adequate.

Many of these traditional patterns still operate in the rural areas
where life is simpler, the family retains many institutional functions,
and differences in background are ordinarily not so great. The factors
that break down the institutional structure of the family also tend
to increase the range of conflict within it and weaken the mechan-
isms that formerly resolved the conflict. The growing social hetero-
geneity and the decreasing institutional power of the family have
increased internal conflict from an annoyance to a threat to the fam-
ily's integrity.^

Family conflict is usually considered in terms of differences be-
tween husband and wife which so weaken the ties that the couple

1 Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York: American
Book Company, 1945), pp. 559-60.

2 Ibid., pp. 559-60.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 455

may seek dissolution in divorce. Conflict takes place also between
parents and children, but the results are not so spectacular. Hus-
bands and wives locked in irreconcilable conflict often take their
troubles to the courts. Conflict between parents and children may be
just as bitter, but it seldom has such a tangible outcome. Parents do
not divorce their children (although they may occasionally disown
them), and children do not ordinarily air their parental difficulties in
court. The social machinery is such that conflict on the husband-wife
level is a matter of public knowledge through the divorce statistics.
We shall therefore deal largely with marital conflicts, not because
others do not exist but because we have no direct ways of measuring
them.

Family conflict may be considered in two general senses, both of
which have been anticipated in our discussion. Personal conflicts arise
primarily out of the personality differences of husband and wife.
Social conflicts arise beyond the inner relationship and impinge upon
the family group from without. Because of the social nature of per-
sonality, these two forms are not mutually exclusive. Many of the
conflicting elements in the personal behavior patterns of husband
and wife are clearly the result of social and cultural influences. The
values that provoke many phases of conflict are produced by the
action of social forces outside the individual. At the same time, the
unemployment of the husband or the employment of the wife must
be interpreted through the temperament and personality of the in-
dividuals. The distinction is largely one of exposition, although the
ideal types may be distinguished. The family is a relationship com-
prising two or more persons with different personalities, exposed to a
variety of influences from the larger group. We must bear in mind
the essential unity of the individual, family, and society.

The Nature of Personal Conflict

"Every individual," says Harriet R. Mowrer, "enters marriage with
certain potentialities and impediments to adjustment. These 'assets'
and 'liabilities' consist in general of the ideas of the person as to what
constitutes marriage, of habit complexes, and of dominant trends in
personality." ^ When these conceptions, habits, and personahty traits
differ too widely, serious conflict may be expected. Marriages are not

3 Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord (New
York: American Book Company, 1935), p- 35-

456 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

made in heaven, and some difference inevitably exists between any
two persons. Hence a minimum of conflict is the accompaniment of
even the happiest family relationships. In this chapter, we shall con-
sider some of the principal differences in personality which spell con-
flict in marriage. In the next chapter we shall consider the elements
of conflict which clearly impinge from without.

The formation of personality in the family has been considered
above. The prospective husband and wife enter marriage as compar-
atively mature individuals, with their personalities already largely
formed. For better or worse, the bride and groom at marriage are
essentially the same persons they will remain the rest of their lives.
This situation does not bar education, growth, tolerance, affection,
and understanding in one or both of the partners as life goes on and
experience takes its toll. But the basic foundation of the personality
— the genie and psychogenic traits plus their early conditioning
within the parental family — has already been laid. The girl who
marries a man in the fond hope of reforming him is usually doomed
to disappointment. Temperamental traits, habits of long standing,
roles developed in the early family relationship, and the psychological
impact of the parental family cannot be substantially modified ex-
cept by a rigorous reconditioning.

"It is apparent," continues Harriet R. Mowrer, ". . . that the genesis
of domestic discord is to be found in those experiences of the indi-
vidual which have resulted in the fixity of habits and attitudes and
in the development of personality trends which halt or impede ac-
commodation. Thus an understanding of the development of per-
sonality is essential to the explanation of domestic discord." ^ Men
and women act after marriage in very much the same way as prior
thereto. Girls who evaded responsibility in childhood and adolescence
will usually evade the added responsibilities of the family. Men who
have had their own way all their lives will not suddenly become para-
gons of sweet reasonableness after exchanging marriage vows. People
who have solved their difficulties since childhood bv flving into rages
or retiring into fretful sulks \A"ill not overnight accept the give-and-
take of marriage. Girls with chronic neurotic illness, or men who
have "solved" their problems bv getting drunk will not completely
modify their personalities in the intimacy of marriage. All this does
not imply that adjustment does not take place after marriage. Some

^Ibid., p. 36.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 457

degree of adaptation is indispensable to any family relationship, and
the majority of husbands and wives learn it. But the range of this
adjustment is limited by the facts of earlier personal development.^
Every marriage is composed of two individuals with different life
organizations. Every marriage since the world began has similarly in-
volved two different personalities. The important factor for us is the
degree of difference between persons in the heterogeneous society of
present-day America. The traditional family, in a stable and sacred
society, produced men and women who were different in many re-
spects, but the extent of those differences was probably considerably
less than in our own day. The more complex, mobile, and hetero-
geneous the society, the greater the diversity of personality patterns
to be found therein. Other things being equal, these divergent per-
sonalities will have greater difficulty adjusting to marriage than will
those with similar backgrounds.

Individual Choice and Personal Conflict

In traditional societies, individualism in marital choice is mini-
mized and romance as a prerequisite to marriage is not in the mores.
When the parental family chooses a husband or wife, its members
are acting primarily on the basis of similarity of background, in-
terest, values, and status. The new member is not chosen primarily
because of his or her individual traits but because of their conformity
to a previously determined pattern. The new addition to the family
is an acceptable example of a type, rather than one whose desira-
bility is based largely upon a unique set of personal characteristics.
In a comparatively stable society, the son and daughter-in-law often
live in close proximity to the parents. The latter are concerned that
the new daughter conform to certain general conditions such as fer-
tility, skill in housekeeping, and a similarity of social background.
These traits are all highly desirable in themselves, but they charac-
terize a class rather than an individual.

In our society, individualism in marital choice is stressed to the
increasing exclusion of other elements. Romantic love assumes indi-
vidual choice of the marriage partner, based upon certain allegedly
unique characteristics rather than those of a group or class. Personal

5 For a further discussion of this situation, see Harriet R. Mowrer, "Discords in
Marriage," Family, Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben
Hill (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1948), chap. 12.

458 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

factors and personal differences are stressed in a society whose hetero-
geneity is aheady greater than any other. Boys and girls learn that
there is one preordained mate for them, with a unique combination
of traits that will make them supremely happy. Marriage is founded
and continues largely upon a concordance of personal characteristics
between husband and wife, a tenuous basis for a permanent relation-
ship. With many of the institutional aspects of the family modified
or abandoned, the personal relationships become proportionately
more important and personal conflict takes on greater significance.
The contemporary family has lost many of the functions that main-
tained its integrity. The family operates in a society tending to max-
imize the importance of personal conflicts. This dual process tends
to weaken the family.

The various forces making for individualism in our society com-
bine to make the person, in or out of marriage, extremely conscious
of his ego. The ego has both conscious and unconscious elements,
and the spouse may not be consciously aware of the existence or in-
tensity of his ego-feelings. Our culture strongly emphasizes the de-
velopment of the ego, whereby the person regards himself as a
complete entity, with certain inalienable rights and privileges, and
responsible to no one. This attitude makes marital adjustment more
difficult. By its very nature, marriage calls for compromise, which is
difficult for persons with strongly developed egos. Manv spouses are
continually clashing on a variety of matters, some of them very
trivial. The ego becomes involved in these inconsequential matters,
however, and the spouses continue to hold their positions because of
a sense of "honor" (that is, ego-involvement).^

The ego-gratification of both parties is thus important in marital
adjustment. When this gratification is withheld or interrupted, the
resulting frustration may erupt in the form of aggression directed
toward the spouse. In the traditional family pattern, the possibility of
conflicting ego-feelings was minimized by the nature of the patri-
archal expectations. The husband was the only member of the family
who was expected to have a strong ego, and the role of the wife was
to minister thereto. In the present social context, however, the ego-
development of both sexes is expected to be equally strong, a situa-
tion that makes for greater possibilities of conflict in marriage. In

* See Muzafer Sherif and Hadley Cantril, The Psychology oi Ego-Involvements
(New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1947).

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 459

many instances, the spouses compete for the same goals, and the
areas of ego-conflict are correspondingly increased. The ego is then
a potentially divisive force in the marital relationship J

Symbolic Aspects of Family Conflict

The family is the focal point for many of the fears, frustrations,
and resentments of a complex and frustrating society. The members
of the family reflect in their personalities many of these tensions and
conflicts. "Many of the minor tensions in family life," remarks Ernest
R. Mowrer, "grow out of the fact that the members of the family be-
come the conventional scapegoats for the hatreds and animosities
generated in the communal life of the individual, which, in the
interest of maintaining his prestige, his job, and the accomplish-
ments of his goal, he has had to hold in check. The family circle,"
he concludes, "becomes the convenient locale within which these
emotions can with some safety find expression, even at the expense
of producing tensions in family relations." * By serving as the reposi-
tory for the tensions of the frustrated husband and wife, the family
thereby weakens its own solidarity. The marital tie can resist many
corrosive expressions of ill-temper, but their cumulative effect may
eventually mean disaster to the individual family.

The related concepts of "tension" and "conflict" have both been
used to explain family difficulties. Strictly speaking, the distinction
between the two is based upon whether the difference comes into
the open and whether it is there solved. Burgess and Locke speak of
family conflict as "a fight of any sort, ranging from a slight difference
of opinion to uncompromising warfare," whereas family tension is
"an unsolved conflict . . . either openly expressed, or repressed thereby
accumulating added emotional force. Tensions," they continue, "are
the result of conflict situations in which certain basic frustrations are
not resolved." ^

There is no question of the validity of this distinction. In the pres-
ent context, however, the two words will be used interchangeably to
denote friction, disagreement, or dissimilarity of definition within the

^Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), pp. 278-81.

8 Ernest R. Mowrer, "War and Family Solidarity and Stability," AnnaJs of the
American Academy oi Political and Social Science, September 1943, CCXXIX,
104.

^ Burgess and Locke, The Family, p. 560.

460 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

family. Whether open or covert, resolved or unresolved, the under-
lying forces threatening the stability of the family are essentially sim-
ilar. Some grow out of the personalities of the marital partners; others
reflect more directly the conflicts of the outside world.

Family conflicts, whether personal or social, often contain more
than meets the eye. As Harriet R. Mowrer points out, many conflicts
are symbolic of other family differences which remain below the
surface. These difficulties may be consciously hidden or unconsciously
repressed because they violate the mores. Tensions generated by dif-
ferent conceptions of sex may be expressed in conflicts over monev.
Jealousy of the wife may be the overt expression of the husband's
sense of inadequacy because of his indifferent business success. Sus-
tained wifely hostility toward a well-meaning and unsuspecting hus-
band may reflect an unconscious adoration of her father, wherebv she
compares her husband unfavorably with her image of her father.
Drunkenness and neurotic illness are often expressions of hidden
conflicts whose exact nature is as obscure to the sufferers as to their
unhappy spouses. Many such conflicts rise from the murkv depths
of the unconscious to plague the family in which one or both of the
parties may be suffering from difhculties of whose existence they
are not aware. ^^

Temperament and Family Conflict

Temperament is almost as difl&cult to define as to explain, but for
present purposes it may be considered as the combination of per-
sonal characteristics that determines individual reaction to an emo-
tional situation. Temperamental patterns seem to be largely inborn
and establish both the rapidity with which the individual will react
emotionally to different situations and the general direction this reac-
tion will take. People respond differently to the same situation, some
being easily angered over trifles and others slow to anger. Some peo-
ple are "naturally" shy and others are jolly and gregarious.

The general emotional patterns were traditionally known by their
classical titles as sanguine, choleric, melancholy, and phlegmatic. Re-
cent nomenclature speaks of people as intro\ert and extrovert, de-
noting whether their emotions drive them inward upon themsehes or
outward toward other persons. Although each individual may fluctu-

1" Harriet R. Mowrer, PeisonaUty Adjustment and Domestic Discoid, pp. 219-
20.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 461

ate from expansiveness to depression, joy to gloom, the tempera-
mental equipment insures a fairly constant mean of behavior. People
who are temperamentally shy and melancholy react with some con-
sistency to a varied set of situations, whereas those temperamentally
different react accordingly.

Temperamental differences, however defined, play an obvious part
in marital conflict. Gregarious husbands who enjoy a constant round
of parties may have difficulty in adjusting to wives who prefer a quiet
evening at home with a good book. Wives who are slow to anger can-
not understand why their husbands fly into a rage at trifling matters.
In Locke's study of marital adjustment, he found that the choleric
person (other things being equal) tended to make an unsatisfactory
adjustment in marriage. The speed with which a person gets over
anger was found to be correlated with marital adjustment and malad-
justment. "Not only may anger itself create marital difficulties," con-
cludes Locke, "but in so far as anger is associated with any marital
difficulty, slowness in getting over it constitutes an obstacle in bring-
ing about the solution of the problem, or in achieving reconcilia-
tion." ^^

Such family difficulties are conflicts on the most personal level,
since they are derived most directly from differences in personality.
Temperamental differences produce incompatibility on personal
grounds, comparatively uncorrupted by social conditioning by the
larger group. Individual temperaments are apparently relatively im-
pervious to cultural modifications. Temperamental conflicts have
been part of the ancient problem of the family, which for thousands
of years has been the secret battlefield of individual armies clashing
by night.

Temperamental differences in marital conflict are psychological
as well as sociological problems. Professor Lewis M. Terman has
suggested that such differences are fundamental to happiness or con-
flict in marriage. Couples patently unhappy have such temperamental
qualities as "to be touchy and grouchy; to lose their tempers easily;
to fight to get their own way; to be critical of others; to be careless of
others' feelings; to chafe under discipline or to rebel against orders;
to show any dislike that they may happen to feel; to be easily affected
by praise or blame; to lack self-confidence ... to be often in a state

11 Harvey J. Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951), p. 204.

462 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

of excitement; and to alternate between happiness and sadness with-
out apparent cause." ^- These and similar temperamental traits in
one of the marital partners make for conflict, unless the other is un-
usually patient.

This does not mean that persons of the same temperament neces-
sarily make an ideal adjustment and that their family life is devoid
of conflict. Quite the contrary, in many cases. Husbands and wives
who are both temperamentally aggressive may quarrel steadily over
any of the small matters of potential disagreement that constantly
arise. Their family life is a series of emotional crises, no one of which
is serious, but whose cumulative effect may disorganize the family.
Husbands and wives who are both extremely sanguine and opti-
mistic about the state of the world and their own position therein
may find themselves in the position of a Mr. Micawber, continually
undone by his own optimism. Couples predisposed to any form of
excessive emotional behavior may stimulate each other as unfortu-
nately as those with different temperamental backgrounds.

The ideal marital relationship is one in which two different tem-
peraments complement each other. Each partner brings certain qual-
ities which the other lacks and which together make the couple
stronger before the world. Such fortunate combinations exemplify
the axiom that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Hus-
bands inclined to be temperamentally introverted may be fortunate
in wives who like people and direct the emotional drives of the fam-
ily from exclusive preoccupation with individual concerns. Similarly,
a modicum of apprehension may be a useful antidote to a mate in-
clined to be uncritically sanguine. The very nature of marriage repre-
sents unity in diversity, whereby two persons of the opposite sex
unite for the ultimate mysterious purposes of life itself.

This tendency toward unity in diversity is illustrated by a study of
231 couples, based upon the psychology typology of C. G. Jung.^^
The scheme advanced by Jung embraces three general types, each
consisting of two opposites, making six types in all. (a) The first pair
comprises the familiar introverted and extroverted set of opposites,
in terms of which the individual is emotionally drawn inward upon

12 Lewis M. Terman, et a/., Psvchological Factors in Marital Happiness (New
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938), p. 369.

13 C. G. Jung, PsychoJogicaJ Types (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Com-
pany, Inc., 1928).

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 463

himself or outward toward other persons, (b) The second pair of op-
posites refers to the general mode of perception; that is, whether the
individual perceives primarily through the faculties of sensation or
those of intuition, (c) The third pair of opposites refers to the
method of forming judgments and distinguishes between the rational
process of thinking and the essentially non-rational process of valu-
ing (feeling-function).^'*

In the study in question, the evidence pointed strongly to the fact
that persons are attracted by complementary temperamental qual-
ities, rather than by qualities similar to their own. The individual
enters marriage with certain unconscious needs which he is attempt-
ing to fulfill. These needs are many and varied. Some of them are
innate and fall clearly within the category of the temperamental.
Others are acquired and reflect the social conditioning of the indi-
vidual.^^ In terms of Jung's personality types, the husband who is
moderately introverted seems to be attracted to the wife who is
moderately extroverted; the wife who perceives primarily through
sensation appears to be attracted to a spouse who is more strongly
intuitive. In these and other respects the happily-mated couples seem
to be those whose temperamental qualities complement, rather than
parallel, each other. By the same token, those marriages in which the
temperamental qualities of the spouses fail to complement each other
may carry the seeds of possible marital conflict.

Behavior Patterns and Family Confl/cf

Whereas temperament is apparently largely genie in character, be-
havior patterns are acquired after birth. Conflicts arising from diver-
gent behavior patterns are extremely personal, but they are one step
removed from the biological inheritance. The husband may have
learned the irritating habits during the years of maturation in his
own family. He may have acquired them from his playmates, his
friends, or his business acquaintances. Wherever and however ac-
quired, these habits are part of his personality by the time he is mar-
ried. These patterns can be modified by persistent and conscious ef-
fort, but generally they cling tenaciously to him through life. The

" Horace Gray, "Psychological Types in Married People," Journal of Social
Psychology, May 1949, XXIX, 189-200.

15 Cf. Robert F. Winch, The Modern Family (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 1952), pp. 403 ff.

464 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

temperamental inheritance of the individual appears to be essentially
fixed. His behavior patterns are more malleable, but even they cannot
lightly be discarded.

Behavior patterns comprise a wide range of responses learned bv
the individual during his development to maturity. Thev varv from
such irritating but harmless idiosyncrasies as awkward table manners
and an ignorance of the minor social graces to behavior that mav be
of more importance to family adjustment. The wife whose husband
has learned to drink his coffee from the saucer may be embarrassed in
the company of those to whom such behavior is not de rigueur. She
will not, however, normally file suit for divorce on this ground. WHien
the behavior patterns involve matters of elementary politeness, dis-
cipline of the children, or habitual over-indulgence in alcohol, the
resulting situation may be the basis for more deep-seated conflicts.

Behavior patterns involving family authoritv are among those that
give rise to personal conflicts. We have considered these patterns
in chapter 10 and need not recapitulate our discussion here. Authority
patterns originate in the family of orientation, wherein the child ob-
serves the configuration between his own parents and unconsciously
incorporates the appropriate role expectations into his own person-
ality. The bov who grows up in a mother-dominated familv mav thus
acquire a set of expectations whereby he is ready to plav the role of
submissive husband, as his father did before him. The possibilities
for conflict are great in marriages to which the spouses bring con-
flicting roles, such as those of authoritarian husband and dominant
wife. Many persons are able to modif}^ these potentiallv conflicting
authority patterns and work out a satisfactory marital adjustment.
Other persons, however, are unable to make such an adjustment in
the marital relationship and continue to act out the mutually in-
compatible roles which they acquired in the parental family. Funda-
mental and long-continued marital conflict may result. ^^

Divergent behavior patterns also reflect the heterogeneity of our
society. During much of the history of the family, individuals could
not expect complete conformity of behavior patterns from their
spouses, but they could expect certain basic cultural uniformities.
In a comparatively sacred societv, members of the same class could
expect many similarities in behavior. This situation is rare in our own

1^ Hazel L. Ingersoll, "A Study of the Transmission of Authority Patterns in
the Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948, XXXVIII, 256-58.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 465

society, which combines ethnic, rehgious, and cultural heterogeneity
with a high degree of vertical and horizontal mobility. As a result of
these social dynamics, the girl or boy stands a greater chance of en-
countering differing behavior patterns in a mate than ever before.
Husbands and wives brought up with different behavior patterns in
many of the fundamental concerns of life will have difficulty adjust-
ing their behavior. Consistent failure to do so may result in conflict.

Conflicts on this level may also symbolize those of a more deep-
seated character. Wives may be lashed into bitter anger by the table
manners of their husbands when the tension actuallv arises from in-
compatibility of temperament, conflict on the sexual level, or an in-
fantile role in the husband's own family background. As Harriet R.
Mowrer points out, the relationships between the open and hidden
bases of family conflict are so various that it is often difficult to dis-
cover their true genesis. Overt actions are often the only indications
of the nature of the conflict, and they are not always reliable. Many
comparativelv superficial indications are popularly considered the
basic reasons for marital conflict. The lack of insight into the under-
lying elements may exacerbate the conflict.^'^

Frustrated Roles and Family Conflict

Social roles are an important factor in marital adjustment. They
are an equally important factor in marital conflict. Marital roles are
patterns of expectations which the individual brings to marriage.
These roles may be frustrated when he is unable to realize his self-
other pattern of expectations.^^ The individual may find that he is
unable to play his own role in marriage as he has conceived it. He
may also find that he does not receive the attention from his wife
which he has been taught to expect in his own parental family.

Some of these expectations may be impossible of attainment by
their very nature, as in the case of romantic love. They may also be
difficult to reach because they conflict with the reciprocal expecta-
tions of the wife, who has learned an entirely different set of marital
patterns. The individual whose role expectations have been frus-
trated in marriage often vents his aggression upon the most con-

17 Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discoid, pp.
219-20.

1^ Cf. Robert S. Ort, "A Study of Role Conflicts as Related to Happiness in
Marriage," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, October 1950, XLV,
691-99.

466 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

venient object in his environment, which is usually his spouse.^^ He
may also divert his emotions into other channels, such as daydream-
ing, fantasy, or going to the movies. Many broken marriages are the
direct or indirect result of the continued frustration of marital roles.

Marital roles are social products and are part of the culture pattern.
They are nonmaterial elements and tend to change more slowly than
the more tangible aspects of behavior. These group expectations as-
sume a sacred or ideal character, wherein the relationship takes on a
rigid and immutable quality. The actual behavior, however, is car-
ried on by very human persons, whose conduct is often anything but
integrated, ideal, and consistent. This disparity between the ideal
and the actuality accounts for much of the frustration in marriage, as
the spouses are unable to conduct themselves in the roles of "good"
husbands and "good" wives, as those concepts are ideally present
in the culture.^*'

A further cause of the frustration of marital roles is the confusion
in their social definition. In many cases, the spouses are never com-
pletely sure whether they are performing their roles as they are ex-
pected to by society in general and their spouses in particular. This
lack of clarity in role definition is obviously not the fault of the par-
ticipants, but it nevertheless may confuse and frustrate their marital
relationships. In this connection, Cottrell suggests that "The degree
of adjustment to roles which a society assigns to its age-sex cate-
gories varies directly with the clarity with which such roles are de-
fined." ^^ Many of the situations in modern marriage have no clear
definitions in the mores, and the husband and wife are forced to im-
provise. Other situations were defined in an earlier day under differ-
ent circumstances, and hence are irrelevant to the new situation.
Roles that evolved when the family was largely an agrarian institution
may not fit the exigencies of an urban, industrial society.

The chances of frustration in marital behavior seem to be greater
for the wife than for the husband. The role behavior of the husband
has changed less than that of the wife, and the functions he is ex-

1^ See John Dollard, et aJ., Frustration and Aggression (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1939).

2" The frustration in marital roles is treated at length in Francis E. Merrill,
Courtship and Marriage (New York: The Drj'den Press, 1949), chap. XV,
"Frustrated Roles."

21 Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., "The Adjustment of the Individual to his Age
and Sex Roles," American Socio/ogical Review, October 1942, VII, 6i8.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 467

pected to perform are still centered about the role of provider. The
wife, however, has many possible choices, and she is often uncertain
of which role she is expected to play or, indeed, which role she wants
to play. She is often in doubt as to whether she is expected to play:
(a) the wife-and-mother role as traditionally defined; (b) the com-
panion-role, in which she is a decorative and romantic companion
for the leisure hours of her husband; or (c) the partner-role, in which
she is gainfully employed outside the home and takes her place be-
side her husband as an equal partner.^^

These roles are not clearly defined, either in the general culture
or in individual expectations, and hence there is considerable con-
fusion. In addition, the wife may feel that she is forced to choose be-
tween conflicting roles. The choice itself may be more difficult than
all the hard physical toil of the pioneer wife. "There is reason to
think," says Kirkpatrick apropos of this situation, "that human beings
can stand almost any situation which is inevitable, unambiguous,
and clearly defined." ^^ The roles of the modern wife are marked by
none of these characteristics.-^

Frustration may also arise when the wife is dissatisfied with the
traditional roles which she is expected to play. This reaction is espe-
cially apparent with the educated woman who has spent many years
in preparation for a career, for which she is well suited both in
terms of temperament and natural ability. When she is barely started
on this career, she marries and is promptly relegated to the role of
unskilled drudge and unpaid domestic. The majority of wives, what-
ever their training or inclination, are apparently consciously satis-
fied with this role, although they may have reservations on the sub-
conscious level. For some wives, however, any such reconciliation is
impossible. As Kirkpatrick points out, "Many a capable woman . . .
has gone neurotic living her years as a housekeeper in envy of the
woman who is a marriage partner." ^^

Each person thus brings a different pattern of roles to marriage.
The interaction of these roles and the reciprocal expectations that go
with them make marriage a complex social relationship. In this vari-

22 Clifford Kirkpatrick, "The Measurement of Ethical Inconsistency in Mar-
riage," InternationaJ Journal of Ethics, July 1936, XLVI, 444-60.

23 Ibid., p. 44'7.

24 Cf. also Arnold M. Rose, "The Adequacy of Women's Expectations for
Adult Roles," Social Forces, October 1951, XXX, 69-77.

25 Clifford Kirkpatrick, op. cit., p. 447.

468 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

ety of expectations, the man will be "attempting to fulfill his con-
ception of the role of male, of husband, of father, and also the roles
that his wife holds up for his emulation, while she in turn will be
engaged in attempting to play all the roles that she cherishes and
those that her husband is trying to impose upon her." -^ These roles
are not matters for rational discussion. They are part and parcel of
the personalities of the spouses, inculcated early in life and assuming
strong normative qualities thereafter. Many of the conflicts in mar-
riage reflect differing conceptions of these marital roles. When each
spouse is certain that he is right on these matters, tolerance becomes
increasingly difficult.-'^

Personal Values and Family Conflict

The life organization of every person is based upon certain values,
standards of behavior, or modes of conduct which he considers very
important and tries to maintain. These values involve such matters
as religious faith, sexual ethics, the importance of children, economic
and political justice, feelings toward one's life work, and the like.
They are important to the success of a marriage, for hvo persons
whose values conflict will find adjustment in marriage difficult. Two
people with similar configurations of personal values can surmount
many difficulties that would otherwise tear the marriage relationship
asunder. Husbands and wives with reconcilable values may make a
viable marriage even though they differ in temperament, behavior
patterns, and conception of their marital roles. Many families with
conflicting values may stay together because of religious, financial, or
prudential factors. The essential harmony of the family unit is lack-
ing in such instances.

Family values do not exist in disembodied form. Abstract ideals do
not cause family conflicts, any more than behavior patterns, family
roles, or other abstractions established for the purpose of analysis.
Values are retained by flesh-and-blood people, and it is this personal
form that conflicts take. At the same time, the social character of the
value must not be overlooked. Values are held by individual persons
and play an important role in their life organizations. These values

26 Lawrence K. Frank, "Opportunities in a Program of Education for Marriage
and Family Life," Mental H\giene, October 1940, XXIV, 590-91.

-' Alver H. Jacobson, "Conflict of Attitudes Toward the Roles of the Husband
and Wife in Marriage," American SocioJogicaJ Review, April 195:, X\'II, 146-50.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 469

are not created out of whole cloth by the individual. All the social
values— in religion, property, family, government, occupation, and the
rest— are the products of society. Each person acquires the values of
the particular groups that influence him during his formative years.
Social values take different expressions from individual to individual,
since no two persons are exposed to them in exactly the same form.
Values are social in genesis but take on life through the person,^^

Personal values grow out of the definition of the situation.-^ Be-
fore it can have any meaning to the participants, a situation must
first be defined by them. A given act must be judged delinquent or
criminal before it actually becomes so. The definition of the situation,
rather than the situation itself, determines whether or not it will be-
come the basis of family conflict. Social values are first the product
of group definitions and later the product of the definitions of indi-
vidual husbands and wives; when definitions differ between husband
and wife, conflict may be imminent.

Families m which one member considers religion fundamentally
important and the other does not may find that marital harmony is
difficult. Others m which one member defines extramarital sex rela-
tions casuallv and the other considers them as flagitious may thereby
have a fertile field for conflict. Marriage in which one partner defines
the acquisition of wealth as the primary consideration and the other
views money as a means to an end will find difficulty in making a
satisfactory adjustment in our pecuniary society. When the defini-
tions of the majority of situations facing a couple are essentially dis-
similiar, the relationship will not be harmonious.

The importance of values m marital adjustment is indicated in
Harvey J. Locke's study of happily married and divorced persons.^"
The data on social values are based upon the rating by each spouse of
his or her own traits, plus a similar estimate of the traits of the other.
In general, the happy couples showed a basic similarity of values,
whereas the divorced couples showed a wide divergence. The values
in the study ranged over a variety of matters, such as income, church
attendance, modern conveniences, saving money, gainful employment

^8 Cf. William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1927), Vol. I, "Me-
thodological Note."

29 William I. I'homas, The Unadjusted Giil (Boston: Little, Brown & Com-
pany, 1923), pp. 42-43.

3" Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage.

470 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

of women, recreational activities, and conventional behavior. The
latter factor, in turn, involved such matters as "where the marriage
took place, age at which attendance at Sunday school was terminated,
afEliation with a church, regularity of church attendance, and the
like. . . ." ^^ The precise nature of the questions was apparently not
as important as the similarity of the value judgments, whatever they
were.

Affection and Family Conflict

The trend from the institutional family to the personal relation-
ship has been accompanied by an increasing emphasis upon the affec-
tional function. The intimate relationships of marriage have become
more important in the process. Men and women seek these relation-
ships as a refuge in a time of storm and stress. When the relation-
ships are satisfactory, they can ignore many other elements of po-
tential conflict. When affection does not provide the emotional satis-
faction they have come to expect, conflicts may be magnified thereby.
The high expectations with which romantic lovers enter marriage
often cause them to invest its affectional aspects with undue impor-
tance. Difficulties in the physical performance of the affectional rela-
tionships may symbolize other conflicts or cause a conflict based
upon personal incompatibility. In a number of ways, the failure of
the affectional function to measure up to expectations may intensify
marital conflict.

Affection means more than sex relationships, explicitly defined.
Sexual factors in marriage are overemphasized in much contemporary
thinking, in which they are considered as the basic cause of family
conflict. Such a conception fails to consider the many secondary
manifestations of affection which are remote from sex as commonly
understood but are important in marital harmony. These demonstra-
tions of affection are fundamental for a complete emotional life in
marriage and continue long after the youthful fires of sex desire have
subsided. The many tender contacts between husband and wife that
distinguish a supremely happy marriage from a moderately happy or
definitely unhappy one have little to do with sex in the narrow sense.
Sexual factors cannot, of course, be completely divorced from such
relationships, since they take place between two persons of opposite
sex. The tenderness, affection, kindness, and consideration of a happy

2^ Ibid., p. 243.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 471

marriage cannot be considered apart from the sexual differences upon
which it is based. But such factors are far more than a simple and
direct expression of the sex impulse.

Affection is thus another area in which the marital partners may
be unable to carry through their acquired self-other patterns (roles)
in the manner they have expected. As a result of this failure, frus-
tration occurs on the affectional level, a situation that has widespread
implications for family conflict. The current emphasis upon mar-
riage as an affectional relationship, often to the virtual exclusion
of other considerations, means that the chances of frustration in
this respect are high. The greater the expectations of affection, the
greater the possibility of frustration. The standards have perhaps
never been so high as they are in middle-class marriage today. The
penalties for failure are correspondingly high.

The importance of affectional frustration is illustrated in a recent
study of the length of time necessary to bring about satisfactory ad-
justments in marriage. Adjustments in sex relations were reported to
have taken the longest time and hence (by implication) to have in-
volved the greatest effort. Only half of the husbands and wives in
the sample reported that they had made satisfactory sexual adjust-
ments from the beginning of their marriage, and 12 per cent re-
ported that they had never been able to do so, even after the mar-
riage had lasted a score or more years.^^ Sexual adjustments are com-
plicated social as well as physical relationships, and they are not lim-
ited to a technical knowledge of sexual practices. Conflicts on this
level likewise involve the entire personality.

In her study of domestic-discord patterns, Harriet R. Mowrer con-
siders some of the typical situations assumed by conflict on the sexual
level. The most representative situations may be summarized as
follows: ^^

1. Attitudes toward Sex. These attitudes grow out of the way of
life and become deeply rooted in the personal values. They may in-
volve a difference between husband and wife concerning the central
role of sex— whether sex relationships should be carried on merely
for the sake of propagation or engaged in for their own sake. Such

32 Judson T. Landis, "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment in
Marriage," American SocfoJogfca] Review, December 1946, XI, 666-77.

33 Adapted from Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discoid, chap.
9, "The Sex-Conflict Pattern."

472 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

differences often arise in the contemporary world, with its hedonistic
definitions of marriage. Persons raised in subcultures where the tra-
ditional conception of the family is still deeply ingrained tend to look
upon sex relations for their own sake as immoral. As the trend toward
emancipation in these matters continues, such conflicts may be grad-
ually eliminated and the hedonistic definition of marriage may be-
come the norm.

2. Antagonism toward Sex. An attitude of antagonism and repul-
sion toward sex on the part of the wife has traditionally been a com-
mon factor in family conflicts. It has often resulted from the position
that the wife must submit to the gross animal excesses of the husband
in an act which is essentially bestial and unclean. Wives who are un-
prepared for sex relationships have exhibited such revulsion that their
subsequent marital life was completely warped. Frigidity or semi-
frigidity has been a common result of these initial traumatic experi-
ences. Such an emotional state is apparently largely psychosomatic in
character, with the psychological revulsion conditioning the emo-
tional reaction toward sex relations. The early experience of marital
relationships thus may be a factor which so negatively conditions the
wife that the entire marriage is in jeopardy.

3. Lack of Satisfaction in Sex. Closely related to antagonism
toward sex as a source of conflict is the situation arising when the
wife fails to derive any physical or emotional satisfaction from the
relationship. The lack of elementary knowledge of sex hygiene may
bring acute frustration and bitterness that becomes chronic after
years of married life. The underlying psychological and physiological
tensions may be directed against the husband as the most available
object. Conflicts are often engendered from this tension, of which
neither party may be completely aware. The conflict often takes
symbolic form about some other factor with slight apparent relation-
ship to the real cause.

^. Fear of Pregnancy. Many conflicts on the sexual level are based
upon the fear of pregnancy. This fear is particularly evident when
the wife already has had a number of pregnancies resulting either
in more children than the family can afford or in self-induced or
spontaneous abortion. In families where knowledge of contraception
is a commonplace, such fear is not so apparent, but in those where
religious or economic factors preclude the use of artificial methods
it may become a nightmare. Unsatisfactory methods of attaining sex-

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 473

ual satisfaction without risking conception are often attempted, re-
sulting in emotional tensions and latent conflicts for both husband
and wife.

5. Denial of Sex Relations. In extreme cases, a complete denial of
sex relationships may take place. This is usually the result of other
conflicts, terminating in the symbolic act of the wife refusing to have
relations with the husband. When conditions have reached this pass,
the family is clearly in immediate danger of complete disorganization,
even though the basis of the conflict may be entirely nonsexual. In
a few states, such a refusal constitutes ground for divorce. In others,
it is sometimes defined as cruelty, deprivation, or abandonment and
hence constitutes grounds on the more euphemistic terms .^^

Marital conflict arising from sexual factors is clearly a psycholog-
ical, rather than a physiological, phenomenon. Social attitudes are the
most important considerations in marital relationships, and the
strictly physical aspects of the sexual act do not constitute the basic
reasons for adjustment or conflict. The husband and wife bring cer-
tain definitions of sex behavior to their marriage, which definitions
go far to determine the nature of the adjustment. These attitudes
toward sex are partially formed many years before the persons actu-
ally experience sex behavior itself. As a basic component of person-
ality, these attitudes tend to condition the reactions of the spouses.
In the social interaction of marriage, these attitudes are subject to
change and development. The important fact for our purpose, how-
ever, is the central role played by social attitudes, rather than strictly
physical factors.

In concluding her remarks on the role of sex in marital conflict,
Harriet R. Mowrer sums up its relative importance in the complex
group of personality factors that comprise the conflict pattern. "Sex
cannot," she points out, "... be considered the basic factor any more
than any other of the factors which make up the conflict pattern." ^^
There is a world of difference between recognizing that sexual diffi-
culties underlie many marital conflicts and maintaining that sex is
the only or major cause thereof. The conflict is usually so complex
that it involves every phase of the marital relationship. Marital ad-
justment is an affair of two total personalities in constant interaction

2* See also Locke, Piedicting Adjustment in Marriage, pp. 146-48.
35 Mowrer, op. cit., p. 151.

474 PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

on many levels. Marital conflict is equally complicated. No unilateral
explanation can tell the whole story of either phenomenon.

In this chapter, we have considered the nature of family conflict
in general and those conflicts in particular that reflect the personal-
ities of the adult members. We are well aware of the arbitrary nature
of the distinction between "personal" and "social" factors in this
context, inasmuch as all such conflicts, whatever their origin, are
ultimately expressed through the personalities of the husband and
wife. Nevertheless, we have presented in this chapter such highly
personal elements as the temperamental patterns and needs of the
individuals; the behavior patterns acquired by the spouses in the
parental family and elsewhere; the marital roles assumed by the hus-
band and wife that define both the conception of their own behavior
and that expected of the other; the values that form a basis for the
life organization of the marital partners; and, finally, the attitudes of
the members toward the part which affection is expected to play.
The relationship between two persons in modern marriage is one of
the most complex of which we have any knowledge. The person-
alities of the participants incorporate many expectations that are as
subtle as they are difflcult to attain.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ingersoll, Hazel L. "A Study of the Transmission of Authority Pat-
terns in the Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948,
XXXVIII, 225-302. Conflicting authority patterns acquired in the
family of orientation may generate conflicts in the family of pro-
creation.

Jacobson, Alver H., "Conflict of Attitudes Toward the Roles of the
Husband and Wife in Marriage," American SocioJogical Review,
April 1952, XVII, 146-50. Afiirmative exploration of the hypothesis
that "Divorced couples exhibit a greater disparity in their attitudes
toward the roles of husband and wife in marriage than do married
couples."

KiRKPATRicK, Clifford, "The Measurement of Ethical Inconsistency
in Marriage," International JomnaJ of Ethics, July 1956, XLVI, 444-
60. An investigation of the frustrations and conflicts arising from
the failure of integration of role expectations in marriage.

Landis, Judson T., "Length of Time Required to Achieve Adjustment
in Marriage," American SocioJogicaJ Review, December 1946, XI,
666-77. Some of the elements (e.g., sex and money) giving rise to
personal conflicts in marriage are examined in terms of the length
of time these factors continue to generate the conflicts.

PERSONAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 475

Locke, Harvey J., Predicting Adjustment in Marriage. New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951. Locke examines the elements that make
for adjustment and maladjustment in marriage.

Merrill, Francis E., Courtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. The frustration of role expectations in marriage is dis-
cussed in chapter 15.

Mowrer, Harriet R., Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord.
New York: American Book Company, 1935. The principal patterns
of domestic discord are considered in this study, which contains
many insights into both personal and social conflicts in the family.

, "Discords in Marriage," Family, Marriage, and Parenthood, eds.

Howard Becker and Reuben Hill. Boston: D. C. Heath and Com-
pany, 1948. Chapter 12 presents a further (and later) analysis of
the marriage conflict, rather than the individual factors that are
often considered in isolation.

Terman, Lewis M., et al.. Psychological Factors in Marital Happiness.
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938. On the basis
of their researches into the personalities of married persons, Terman
and his associates compile a list of complaints from husbands and
wives. Many of these complaints do not directly represent family
conflicts, but are instead symbolic of more fundamental difficulties.

Waller, Willard, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The Dry-
den Press, 1951. Chapters 14 and 15 of this book are entitled "Bases
of Marriage Conflict" and "Processes of Conflict" respectively. Both
contain perceptive analyses of family tensions and conflicts.

'-^ 23 §^^

SOCIAL CONFLICTS
AND FAMILY TENSIONS

In the preceding chapter, we considered the factors that
grow out of the personahties of the spouses and bring about marital
conflict. Many other factors impinge upon the family from without
and have no direct connection with the personalities of the partic-
ipants, except as all conflicts ultimately find expression through this
medium. It is largely an arbitrary matter whether a given tension is
said to originate in the individual or the society, since the ultimate
expression occurs in the family orbit. We shall be concerned in this
chapter with some of the elements from the general society that de-
termine the behavior of the family members and generate conflict
situations in this group.

The Nature of Social Conflict

Among the social conflicts are those engendered or intensified by
religious or ethnic differences, occupation, employment of the wife,
unemployment of the husband, and class status. These factors are
all related to the position in the social structure occupied by the fam-
ily. This does not necessarily mean "social position" as usually inter-
preted, which involves the presence or absence of high social status.
We refer rather to the position of the family in the class structure of
the larger society and the ecological base which the family occupies
in the community. These influences may make either for harmonious
adjustment or for conflict.

"The social reality of individuals," says Allison Davis, "differs in
the most fundamental respects according to their status and culture.
The individuals of different class cultures are reacting to different

476

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 477

situations." ^ The individual has httle choice in determining his in-
itial position relative to certain social situations or in subsequently
modifying this position once he has become involved therein. Like
the character in one of A. E. Housman's poems, he is "a stranger and
afraid" in a world he never made. He may, for example, do his best
to adjust happily with his wife in terms of emotional needs, conjugal
affection, and temperamental compatibility. In this field, his personal
responsibility is great and his ability to adjust is correspondingly high.
But he cannot do very much about the economic necessity of his
wife's working, the business cycle that periodically sweeps him out
of employment, or the religious differences which he and his wife
have acquired in their own families of orientation.

Social and cultural conflict are closely related. The first derives
from the position of the family in the social structure. The second
derives from the culture which they have acquired as a result of
their social position. Much of the conflict subsequently considered
in this chapter is thus in the category of cultural conflict, which re-
flects the different subcultures that have been incorporated into the
personalities of the spouses during their formative years. These cul-
tural conflicts may in turn be considered in two different senses, fol-
lowing the analysis of Harriet R. Mowrer. The first or general type
results "from the marriage of persons coming from areas in which the
cultures are different." The second or specific type does not reflect
differences in the general cultural background of the spouses "but
rather . . . differing interpretations of culture superimposed on the
general background by the specific family and nonfamily groups to
which they belong." ^

Cultural conflict on the general level involves such elements as re-
ligious beliefs, ethnic peculiarities, traditional roles of husband and
wife, educational differentials, social level, and the many manner-
isms that accompany these different ways of life. Cultural conflict on
the speciEc level involves the personal behavior patterns which the
individual has acquired from his family of orientation, each of which
has its own interpretation of the larger culture. Attitudes toward fam-

1 Allison Davis, "Child Rearing in the Class Structure of American Society,"
chap, in The Family in a Demociatic Society (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1949), p. 69.

- Harriet R. Mowrer, Familv, Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker
and Reuben Hill (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1948), chap. 12, "Dis-
cords in Marriage," p. 381.

478 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

ily authority constitute a striking example of such specific cultural
elements. The husband and wife acquire a set of attitudes toward au-
thority in their family of orientation and bring this pattern to their
family of procreation.^

A successful marriage implies the growing identification of hus-
band and wife in a common enterprise, based upon common values
and definitions of the situation. Social groups embody different cul-
tural values, which become a part of the individual life organization
and may motivate marital conflicts after the initial romantic attrac-
tion has faded. In addition to their place in the personality patterns
of the spouses, cultural differences may also produce marital conflicts
because they symbolize contrasting ways of life. Religious differences,
for example, may not cause marital dissension on theological grounds,
but rather because they symbolize divergent ways of life and attitudes
toward such matters as education, recreation, and sex relations.^

Religious Factors in Marital Conflict
Differences in religion thus constitute one of the most important
phases of cultural conflict. In a heterogeneous society such as our
own, the possibilities that persons of different religious backgrounds
will meet and marry are great. In chapter 9, we considered some of
the trends in such mixed marriages, and found that the principle
of homogamy (like marrying like) seems to be ignored to an increas-
ing degree in the matter of religion. Mixed marriages involving Cath-
olics and Protestants appear to be on the increase. One authority,
using official Catholic figures, estimates that approximately 30 per
cent of all Catholic marriages (those sanctioned by the Church and
conducted under its auspices) have been of the mixed variety during
the past two decades.^ In terms of marital adjustment, this trend has
two implications: (a) The population is becoming more homo-
geneous, insofar as religious barriers to intermarriage are apparently
breaking down; (b) The possibility of marital conflict on religious
grounds is increasing proportionately, insofar as more persons of di-
vergent faiths are marrying.^

3 Hazel Ingersoll, "A Study of the Transmission of Authority Patterns in the
Family," Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1948, XXXVIII, 225-302.

^ Harriet R. Mowrer, op. eft., p. 381.

5 John L. Thomas, "The Factor of Religion in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American Sociological Review, August 1951, XVI, 491.

8 Cf. August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American Sociological Review, October 1950, XV, 619-27.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 479

We may examine this situation more closely, especially with regard
to those mixed marriages involving Catholics and Protestants, inas-
much as these are by far the most important numerically. The Cath-
olic Church has made certain institutional provisions for mixed mar-
riages. The Protestant must, before marriage, sign an Ante-Nuptial
agreement, wherein he agrees: (a) that the marriage contract shall
be broken only by death; (b) that the children shall be baptized and
educated in the Catholic faith; (c) that the couple shall abide by the
principles of the Catholic Church on matters of contraception.
Under these conditions. Church functionaries will officiate at the
marriage, which is defined as occurring under Canon (that is,
Church) law and hence is considered valid by the Church. All
mixed marriages not held under the auspices of the Church are con-
sidered invalid.'^

There are various possibilities for conflict in such mixed marriages,
even where the Protestant spouse has signed the Ante-Nuptial agree-
ment. The most important source of potential conflict involves the
religious training of the children. Matters of dogma are apparently
no longer important as a source of marital dissension. It often hap-
pens, however, that the spouse who signs the Ante-Nuptial agree-
ment in good faith in the weeks or months before marriage is unable
to project himself into the future when he will be a parent. Hence
there is often an unwillingness to follow through with the agreement
after the birth of children, especially if the Protestant spouse is
strong in his or her own religious beliefs.^

These difHculties are especially strong when the mother is the
Protestant. There is a strong tendency for the children in our so-
ciety to take the faith of the mother, whatever that faith may be.
Hence a Protestant mother will often find difficulty in rearing her
children in a religious faith which she herself does not accept. Un-
der these conditions, the Ante-Nuptial agreement may be openly or
tacitly voided, a factor in itself that may be productive of marital
tensions. The families of both parties often exacerbate the conflict by
their solicitude that the children shall be reared in the faith which
they (the grandparents) profess. The latter may openly interfere in

■^ See "Marriage — Mixed," The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Encyclo-
pedia Press, Inc., 1910).

8 Judson T. Landis, "Marriages of Mixed and Non-Mixed Religious Faith,"
American Sociological Review, June 1949, XIV, 401-7.

480 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

the marriage and, in their efforts to maintain their own rehgious faith
through the youngest generation, may make the conflict worse.^

The importance of rehgious conflict as a possible source of marital
tensions is suggested by the data on divorce in mixed marriages, as
reported by three studies. ^"^ The results of these combined studies are
summarized as follows: "Approximately 5 per cent of the Catholic and
Jewish marriages had ended in divorce . . . , 8 per cent of the Protes-
ant marriages, 15 per cent of mixed Catholic-Protestant, and 18 per
cent of the marriages in which there was no religious faith." ^^
Further analysis indicates that the religion of the female is also an
important consideration in the mixed marriages ending in divorce.
The divorce rate is highest in marriages where the man is a Catholic
and the wife a Protestant. Twenty-one per cent of these marriages
ended in divorce, whereas only 7 per cent of the marriages where the
man was a Protestant and the wife a Catholic had been so termi-
nated.^- The divorce rate is, of course, not a completely adequate
index to the incidence of marital conflict, inasmuch as many mar-
riages are plagued by conflict, but, for religious or other reasons, no
divorce action is ever initiated.

Conflict arising from the intermarriage of Jews and Gentiles has
also been the subject of study. One such investigation makes the sug-
gestion that persons of either religious faith who tend to intermarrv
are already somewhat emancipated and unconventional, so that their
marriage might be expected to be unstable on these grounds alone.^^
Men and women who take their religious faith seriously tend to
marry conventionally— that is, in the same religious faith. The ele-
ment of conventionality in general appears to be important in mar-
ital adjustment, and couples who follow the conventional norms of
their subculture tend to be better marital prospects than those who
are more emancipated.^* Hence the higher degree of instability char-

^ Ibid., p. 406.

^•^ In addition to the Landis study, the other two are II. Ashley Weeks, "Dif-
ferential Divorce Rates by Occupation," Social Forces, March 1943, XXI, 334-37.
Howard M. Bell, Youth TeJJ Their Story (Washington: American Council on
Education, 1938), p. 21.

^^ Judson T. Landis, op. cit., p. 403.

12 Ibid.

^^ J. S. Slotkin, "Jewish-Gentile Intermarriage in Chicago," American SocioJog-
ical Review, February 1942, VII, 34-39.

1^ Harvey J. Locke, Piedictiug Ad;ustment in Marriage (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951), "Conventionality," pp. 236-43.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 481

acteristic ot Jewish-Gentile marriages may reflect the general uncon-
ventional personality structure of the participants, rather than re-
ligious factors as such.^^

Marital conflict is closely related to differences in culture that are
emotionally defined. Membership in religious, ethnic, or racial mi-
nority groups carries emotional implications, for these groups are fre-
quently the objects of prejudice. Prejudice against Jews and Cath-
olics exists in certain subcultures, and these prejudices become part
of the personality pattern of the individual. As these persons mature
intellectually, they may sincerely believe themselves emancipated
from their early prejudices. They may even marry a person of a dif-
ferent religious faith, serene in the belief that such prejudices are a
relic of the Dark Ages and have no relevance to their own marriages.
In the stress of personal tensions, however, these prejudices may
unexpectedly revive, and the individual may react in a hostile fashion
to his or her spouse. Religious differences thus become a symbol of
conflict in many families that were sincerely founded on a tacit prin-
ciple of religious tolerance.^*"

Ethnic Factors in Marital Conflict

Marital conflict based upon ethnic differences is so common in our
heterogeneous society that only brief mention is necessary in this
context. Ethnic differences are those reflecting the various cultural
heritages of the groups that have settled in the United States. With
millions of immigrants pouring into this country for several decades
prior to World War I, it was inevitable (and highly desirable) that
many of these new citizens and their children should fall in love
and marry outside their ethnic group. Assimilation was hastened in
this way, as individuals with differing cultures met and mingled their
traditions and genie heritages. This process entails certain obvious
difficulties in marital adjustment, which are not so apparent in the
more homogeneous cultures of the Old World. Intermarriage is nat-
urally greater in the industrial centers of our eastern and middle-
western states, where persons of all nationality groups come in con-
is Cf. also Slotkin, "Adjustment in Jewish-Gentile Intermarriages," Social
Forces, December 1942, XXI, 226-30.

1^ For a further discussion of some of these problems, see Milton L. Barron,
"Research on Intermarriage: a Survey of Accomplishments and Prospects,"
American Journal of Sociology, November 1951, LVII, 249-55.

482 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

tact." Many families in which the cultural divergences are too great
have been, in a sense, casualties of the melting pot.

The intermarriage of such ethnically diverse groups as the Irish,
Italians, and Poles may make for conflict on cultural grounds, even
though religious conflict is minimized by the tendency of Catholics,
Protestants, and Jews to marry within their own faiths. ^^ Ethnic dif-
ferences may offer a real or symbolic basis for marital conflict in a
society that encourages marriage based on romantic love. In a study
of poorly adjusted families in Providence, Rhode Island, the author
concluded that "there is some evidence of a degree of maladjustment
due to cultural conflicts between the European background and the
American milieu and to conflicts of this sort within the family
itself."^^ The combination of cultural heterogeneity and romantic in-
dividualism provides a ready-made basis for such conflicts. The demo-
cratization of marriage and the assimilation of different ethnic groups
into a new and complex culture pattern exact a price in the instabil-
ity of many families.

"Intermarriage," says Merton, "is the marriage of persons deriving
from those different in-groups and out-groups other than the family
which are culturally conceived as relevant to the choice of a
spouse." -^ Intermarriage is comparatively unimportant in a homo-
geneous society, whereas it becomes increasingly important in a
heterogeneous society, where the opportunities are greater. We are
concerned here with intermarriage as a source of divergent behavior
patterns in marital partners that give rise to tensions and conflicts. In-
termarriage between members of different races or subraces is
important in some societies, but the strong prejudice in our society
against such unions makes them comparatively rare. Religious and
ethnic factors, however, are more common and constitute grounds
for conflict.

The forces making for intermarriage of diverse ethnic groups have
been summarized as follows: "Premarital studies . . . indicate that

^^ James H. S. Bossard, "Nationality and Nativity as Factors in Marriage,"
American Sociological Review, December 1939, IV, 792-98.

18 Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy, "Single or Triple Melting Pot? Intermarriage
Trends in New Haven, 1870-1940," American Journal ot Sociology, January
1944, XLIX, 331-39.

19 Raymond R. Willoughby, "A Study of Some Poorly Adjusted Families,"
American Sociological Review, February 1942, VII, 55.

20 Robert K. Merton, "Intermarriage and the Social Structure," Psychiatry,
August 1941, IV, 562.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 483

young people of diverse groups are led into marital ties through eco-
nomic propinquity and similarity, both occupational and spatial; by
close association and common experiences in the amount, type, and
locale of education; and by recreational contacts." -^ Strong vested
interests in the various religious and ethnic institutions attempt to
maintain endogamy by preventing the young people from leaving the
traditional groups and thereby abandoning their cultural heritage.
There is thus a strong ambivalence in American society on the sub-
ject of intermarriage. Many persons deplore the rate at which the
cultural heritages are diluted in this way, but at the same time they
encourage the democratic forces that give rise to intermarriage.--

The long-range implications of cultural conflict, both in and out
of marriage, become less serious when viewed in the light of the de-
creasing proportion of the foreign-born. In 1920, the foreign-born
numbered 14.5 per cent of the population; by 1930, this percentage
had dechned to 12.7; in 1940, it had shrunk to 9.7; and in 1950, the
foreign-born comprised only 6.7 per cent of the total population.-^
The virtual cessation of immigration for more than two decades has
diminished this source of new population, especially in the marriage-
able age groups. The foreign-born population is, furthermore, an
aging group whose members are rapidly becoming grandparents and
watching their grandchildren become assimilated into American cul-
ture. These general observations are by no means calculated to min-
imize the cultural contribution of the various foreign-born groups
but merely to indicate that many of the same traits that enrich the
pattern of American culture also contribute to family conflict.

In a study of 325 mixed marriages, involving differences in race,
religion, and ethnic group, Baber concluded that homogamy (sim-
ilarity) is important in marital adjustment. He said that "comparing
all three groups— inter-faith, inter-nationality, inter-racial— the degree
of happiness varied inversely with the degree of difference in culture
or color." ^^ The intimacy of marriage is so great that many of the
conflicts latent in cultural and religious differences find sharp expres-

21 Milton L. Barron, "Research on Intermarriage: a Survey of Accomplishments
and Prospects," op. cit., p. 250.

22 Ibid., p. 255.

23 See Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Annual
Reports, for a statement of the current trends in immigration.

24 Ray E. Baber, "A Study of 325 Mixed Marriages," American Sociological
Review, October 1937, 11, 705-16. His itahcs.

484 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

sion in the family. Cultural factors play a basic role in forming the
personality. Other things being equal, the greater the degree of per-
sonal differences, the greater the potential for conflict in the fam-
ily.25

Occupational Factors in Marital Conflict

In the intricate division of labor of the modern world, personality
assumes many facets that are reflected in the marital relationship. Be-
havior patterns acquired in certain occupational roles may complicate
the marriage relationship. The more complex the division of labor,
the greater the segmentalization of these roles. The manner in which
men and women earn their living exerts a considerable over-all in-
fluence upon their family relationships. On his daily excursions out-
side the home, the wage earner comes in contact with many differen-
tial social influences that affect his family behavior. The economic
world of the farmer, for example, is virtually synonymous with his
family world, a situation that does not exist for wage earners or sal-
aried employees, whose labor is carried on far from the home.

Agreement exists up to this point concerning the general influence
of occupation upon the statuses and roles of the family members.
Much less agreement exists as to the implications of these occupa-
tional factors for marital conflict. Some students maintain that oc-
cupation has an important bearing upon marital conflict. The logical
difficulty here is to isolate the occupational factor from the entire
constellation of factors that may produce conflict. Other persons are
equally certain that occupation plays a negligible role in family ad-
justment and maladjustment. We may review some of the representa-
tive findings on both sides of this complex question.

A study of the backgrounds of 6,475 children in the secondary
schools of Spokane, Washington, throws some preliminary light
upon the question of occupation and marital conflict. Irrespective of
religious affiliation, the study shows that "the divorce rates increase
progressively from the professional group through the proprietary,
clerical, skilled, and semi-skilled groups. The unskilled group re-
verses the trend and shows a lower rate than any group except the
professional . . . this group [the unskilled] shows the highest separa-

-5 Cf. also John Biesanz and Luke M. Smith, "Adjustment of Interethnic
Marriages on tlie Isthmus of Panama," American SocioJogical Review, December
1Q51, XVI, 819-22.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 485

tion rate of any of the occupational classifications." ^^ The author
attributes some of these differences to economic factors, pointing out
that "the rates are lowest for the high social-economic classes and
highest for the low social-economic classes (except the unskilled
group)." ^'^

In an analysis of data from sample surveys, the Bureau of the
Census lists the major occupational groups in terms of their "prone-
ness to divorce." The national "ranking" of the various occupational
categories in terms of an elaborate "index" is as follows: -^

Professional, semi-professional 67.7

Proprietors, managers, ofScials 68.6

Clerical, sales 71.8

Craftsmen, foremen 86.6

Operatives (semi-skilled) 94.5

Laborers (except farm and mine) 180.3

Service workers -54-7

These general relationships are confirmed by William }. Goode in
a study of divorce in the metropolitan area of Detroit. He found that
family disorganization ending in divorce was less prevalent among the
professional and proprietary groups and most prevalent among the
semi-skilled and unskilled operatives. On the basis of this and similar
evidence,-^ Goode concluded that "there is a rough inverse correla-
tion between economic status and rate of divorce." ^° This conclusion
is at variance with the commonsense conception of a high degree of
conflict and divorce among the proprietary, professional, and higher-
income groups generally, as contrasted with the quiet domestic hap-
piness of the working class. Like many other judgments in the folk
culture, this latter idea seems to be incorrect. Economic assurance
and all that goes with it in the way of adequacy of income and high
professional status seem to be conducive to family stability, whereas
poverty and low occupational status seem to produce the opposite
effect.

26 H. Ashley Weeks, "Differential Divorce Rates by Occupations," Social
Forces, March 1943, XXI, 334-37.
2'' Jbid., p. 336.

28 Bureau of the Census, "Population Characteristics," Current Population Re-
ports, December 23, 1948 and April 19, 1950, Series P-50. Quoted by William
J. Goode, "Economic Factors and Marital Stability," American SocfoJogfcaJ Re-
view, December 1951, XVI, 805.

29 Cf. Ernest W. Burgess and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., Piedkting Success or
FaiJure in Marriage (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939), p. 138.

30 Wilham J. Goode, op. cit., p. 803. His italics.

486 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

The relationship between occupational status, economic position,
and family stability is not simple and direct. Many variables are pres-
ent in addition to the amount of income as such. The symbolic char-
acter of the income (that is, its social meaning) is an important
consideration, involving questions such as the definition of the role
of the husband as a breadwinner in the different social strata. Further-
more, economic strain is greater in the lower-income groups, and
these tensions are often communicated to other phases of the family
relationship. The effect of occupation upon marital conflict is thus
extremely complex and embraces such social (as distinguished from
strictly economic) considerations as the earning roles of husband and
wife, the stability of the income, and the control of the family
finances. These factors are all subject to social definition and mean-
ingful interpretation by the family and the subculture in which it
operates. ^^

These general conclusions are seriously questioned in Harvey J.
Locke's study of a group of divorced and happily married persons.
In analyzing marital adjustment, he finds that there are no signifi-
cant differences between the occupations held at the time of marriage
by the happily married and by the divorced men. The same situation
applies to the occupations held by the men during marriage. In con-
clusion, Locke states that "the occupations of the happily married
and divorced men and women were similar to those of the general
population of the area in which the study was made, and with minor
exceptions the happily-married and divorced were not significantly
different." ^^ The type of occupation of the husband did not appear
to be important in this study. Hence we must conclude our discus-
sion of occupational factors in marital conflict with the statement
that the verdict is not yet in.

Employment Factors in Marital Conflict

Employment as such, rather than the specific nature of the occupa-
tion, is a further consideration in marital conflict. Tensions may be
generated by two general factors: (i) the employment of the wife,
and (2) the unemployment of the husband.

1. Employment of the Wife. The gainful employment of married

31 Ibid., pp. 807 ff.

32 Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage, pp. 273-74.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 487

women outside the home is an occupational factor that is presumably
productive of marital and family conflict. Traditional conceptions of
the roles of husband and wife are still firmly imbedded in the mores
and constitute psychological roadblocks on both the conscious and
unconscious levels to the employment of women. The husband
whose wife is forced to work to supplement the family income may
experience feelings of inferiority because he considers himself a fail-
ure in the most fundamental masculine occupational role. Unable
to earn enough to maintain his family on a minimum level of health
and decency, he may develop aggressive tendencies to compensate
for his thwarted ability to play his traditional role.^^

Families in the higher socio-economic groups may present other
problems of marital adjustment. Most married women work because
they have to, not for any self-idealization in the role of a career
woman. The career wife is thus not numerous, as compared to the
millions of wives who work for stark utilitarian reasons. Nevertheless,
the career wife plays an important role among certain groups. The
latter are found, broadly speaking, among the social levels in which
the traditional institutional functions of the family have already been
greatly modified by other factors.

The gainful employment of married women has been increasing in
recent years. Participation of married women in the labor force has
grown, rather than declined, in the postwar years. In April, 1951,
there were approximately 10,200,000 married women in the labor
force, as compared to 5,400,000 single women. The relative partici-
pation of single women, however, is nearly twice as great as that
of married women, with 49.6 per cent of all single women gainfully
employed, as compared to 26.7 per cent of all married women.^^ The
latter figure is extremely significant in this connection, however, for
it marks the highest participation in gainful employment ever reached
by the married women of this country. Widowed and divorced
women show an even higher participation in the labor force, with

33 This general position is also questioned by Locke, who states that the data
in his study indicate that "employment of the wife is not associated with her
marital adjustment or with her husband's marital adjustment." Locke, Predict-
ing Adjustment in Marriage, p. 294.

3* Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status of Women in the Labor Force: April,
1951," Current Population Reports; Labor Force, December 26, 1951, Series
P-50, No. 37.

488 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

36.1 per cent of this group listed as gainfully employed.^^ Relation-
ships within the family have undergone a significant change as a re-
sult of the increased employment ratio of married women.

The increasing economic independence of the wife may lead to
family conflict. The possibility of self-support may make many wives
more willing to risk the dissolution of marital ties when romantic
and other satisfactions are not forthcoming. Especially among the
middle classes, the wife has been conditioned to expect great affec-
tional satisfactions, which will so fill her life that she is willing to
forgo economic independence to attain them. In an earlier day, the
wife had no preliminary period of economic freedom prior to mar-
riage and no possibility of economic independence thereafter. Hence
she was willing to accept the economic dependence of marriage with
comparative equanimity, especially when she had not been condi-
tioned to expect the excessive emotional gratifications of romantic
love. Today there must be a considerable quid pro quo of affection
before she will permanently abandon her freedom.

2. Unemployment oi the Husband. Unemployment as a source of
family conflict is largely the product of a recent developmental
stage of the industrial arts. Unemployment is not a widespread fam-
ily problem in a predominantly agricultural society. The loss of a
means of livelihood and the corrosive impact of this experience upon
family relationships is primarily characteristic of an industrial order.
When the chief breadwinner is unemployed, society impinges upon
the family group with a vengeance. Under the vast impersonality of
modern society, there is a negligible relationship between the abil-
ities of the breadwinner and the regularity of his employment. Un-
employment falls like the rain upon the lazy and the industrious
alike. The stability of the family suffers accordingly.

In recent years, unemployment in the United States has been at
a minimum. The decade of the 1940's saw virtually full employment
because of war and postwar economic conditions. In 1949, unemploy-
ment averaged 3,400,000 persons throughout the year. This figure
was reduced to an average annual total of 3,100,000 persons in 19150
and declined still further to an average annual figure of 1,900,000 in

2^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital and Family Characteristics of the Labor
Force in the United States: April, 1951," Current Population Reports: Labor
Force, May 28, 1952, Series P-50, No. 39.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 489

1951.^^ This is a far cry from the estimated 12 to 15 milhon unem-
ployed during the great depression of the 1930's, but the postwar fig-
ure is still considerable in terms of family conflict. Whatever the total
number, unemployment falls hard upon the individual family, v^ith
the loss of income, stability, and symbolic status. A secure economic
base is necessary for the efficient functioning of the family group.

No set behavior pattern characterizes the reactions of all families
to unemplo^"ment. Families that faced reality squarely before this
crisis tend to do the same in the midst of it, whereas those that
evaded reality before they were unemployed may continue to do so
afterward. Unemiployment rarelv brings about an entirely new reac-
tion pattern in the individual; personality is more closely integrated
than is often suspected. Rather does this crisis situation bring about
an exaggeration of personality patterns and roles that have been previ-
ously observed. Husbands who drink occasionally before they are
unemployed often begin to drink to excess after they lose their jobs.
Harmonious families may be drawn closer together and disunited
families may grow farther apart. Tensions that already exist become
exacerbated by the massive crisis of unemployment.^'^

One of the situations most productive of conflict involves the per-
formance of marital roles. The husband in our society has tradition-
ally been the breadwinner, and failure to measure up to this role
causes an acute sense of frustration and inferiority. The social ex-
pectations are so intimate a part of the personality that the unem-
ployed man often cannot rid himself of a sense of futility, even
though the reasons for his unemployment are beyond his control. So
pervasive are these expectations that the wife also tends to blame
the husband, no matter how much affection she may have for him.
These feelings of inferiority and resentment are often unconscious.
They may underlie many familv conflicts that are superficially attrib-
uted to other causes. The symbolic importance of the job is very
great and a failure to play this role brings about difficult family ad-
justments.^^

3^ Bureau of the Census, "Annual Report on the Labor Force: 1951," Current
Population Reports: Labor Force, May 19, 1952, Series P-50, No. 40.

3^ Ruth S. Cavan and Katherine H. Ranck, The Family and the Depression
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938), pp. 8-9.

3* William J. Goode, "Economic Factors and Marital Stability," op. cit., pp.
807-08.

490 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

Social Class and Marital Conflict

"By defining the people with whom an individual may have in-
timate social relationships/' says Allison Davis, "our social class sys-
tem narrows his learning and training environment." ^^ The goals of
the individual, his definitions, symbols, and values reflect the sub-
culture of the class in which he lives and with whose members he
can freely associate. We have considered the implications of social
class upon the family in different contexts throughout this book.
We have also examined some of the conflicts that grow out of the
position of the family in the social structure. Religious conflicts,
ethnic differences, occupational backgrounds, the stability of em-
ployment of the husband, the prevalence and type of employment of
the wife— these and other considerations are related, directly or in-
directly, to the class status of the family. In this final section, we
may examine some of the other ways in which family tensions are
related to social class.

The role of social class involves both the family of orientation and
the family of procreation. The definitions and personality patterns
which the individual learns as a child determine in large part the
nature of his marital relationships and his adjustments thereto.'*''
Persons reared in working-class families have different marital expec-
tations from persons reared in upper-middle-class families. Each person
brings with him to marriage the expectations which he has acquired
from his class background. In the family of procreation, family dif-
ferences also appear, depending upon the class orientation. The work-
ing-class family, for example, is constantly faced with the threat of
economic insecurity, whereas the upper-middle-class familv is more
concerned with symbolic deprivations, such as the loss of affection .^^

In a significant essay on the implications of social class for family
stability, August B. Hollingshead suggests some of the differential
factors that (at least potentially) make for marital conflict. The
family and the class system constitute two closely related and re-
ciprocal centers of orientation, which together go far toward de-

^^ Davis, "Child Rearing in the Class Structure of American Society," op. cit.,
p. 58.

^^ Cf. August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," op. cit., pp. 625-27.

^1 Cf. Earl L. Koos, "Class Differences in Family Reactions to Crisis," Mar-
riage and Family Living, Summer 1950, XII, 77-78.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 491

termining the general pattern of reaction, both before and after mar-
riage.**^ Ascribed status is a function of the family of orientation,
whereas achieved status is reflected in the family of procreation. Dur-
ing his lifetime, the individual may thus occupy two different status
systems, although it appears that only about one out of every four or
five persons actually moves appreciably upward in the status system
during his lifetime. The change is ordinarily more important for the
man than for the wom^, inasmuch as the status of the family is
usually based upon the status of the husband, rather than that of the
wife.^^

The nature and extent of marital conflict are thus in part reflec-
tions of the status position of the family. We may discuss briefly
some of the factors that are related to this position. Many of these
differentials are inferred rather than precisely derived from the per-
tinent data, inasmuch as there has been comparatively little research
on this exact relationship. In our discussion, we shall follow Hollings-
head, who deals with the four major groups of upper, middle, work-
ing, and lower classes. He divides the upper class into two cate-
gories with respect to family instability, and speaks of the "estab-
lished" and the "new" upper classes in this connection. He divides
the middle class into the more familiar "upper-middle" and "lower-
middle" categories, and the working class and the lower class are
treated separately .^^ This conception of the class structure, it may be
noted, differs somewhat from that advanced by W. Lloyd Warner
and his associates in their Yankee City studies.^^

Upper-Class Factors in Marital Conflict

The families in the established upper class (that is, the "upper-
upper" category of Warner) are characterized by a strong emphasis

*2 HoUingshead, "Class Differences in Family Stability," AnnaJs of the Amer-
ican Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 39-46.

*3 Carson McGuire, "Family Backgrounds and Community Patterns," Mar-
riage and FamiJy Living, Fall 1951, XIII, 162.

Cf. also Carson McGuire, "Social Stratification and Mobility Patterns," Amer-
ican Sociological Review, April 1950, XV, 195-204.

44 Hollingshead, "Class Differences in Family Stability," op. cit. Unless other-
wise noted, the following data are taken from this perceptive article.

45 The Warner pattern is sLxfold and consists of the following classes: Upper-
upper; lower-uppSr; upper-middle; lower-middle; upper-lower; lower-lower. Cf.
W. Lloyd Warner and P. S. Lunt, The Social Lite of a Modern Community
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1941).

492 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

upon family background, extending from generation to generation.
These families have great pride in their lineage and attempt to main-
tain endogamy by having their children marry within the compar-
atively narrow confines of this class. Control over the marital choice
of the children is greater than that found in any other segment of
American society, where freedom of choice is the democratic ideal.
The parents of established families are anxious that their children
shall marry "well," by which they mean #ithin the orbit of their
own class. This group is favored by economic security, continued
over the generations and often enhanced by family trusts. In this
way, each generation can use the interest on the family fortune, but
the principal is continued intact.

The established upper-class family thus has certain definite char-
acteristics that militate against its instability. This does not, of
course, mean that there is no conflict in such families, but merely
that the conflicts do not often bring about the dissolution of the
family unit. These families have a high degree of homogamy be-
cause of the strong element of parental choice in marriage. Hence
the possibility for many social conflicts is not as great as it would be
where the choice is more highly individualized. In short, as Hollings-
head points out, this family is "stable, extended, tends to pull to-
gether when its position is threatened — in this instance by an out-
marriage— exerts powerful controls on its members to ensure that
their behavior conforms to family and class codes, and provides for
its members economically by trust funds and appropriate posi-
tions." 46

The "new" upper-class family is not so stable. This family is the
result of rapid vertical mobility, whereby it is catapulted into the
upper economic brackets in a single generation. This fact in itself
makes for a variety of conflicts and for a resultant instabilit}^ The
new family has all the physical symbols of great wealth, in the form
of a large house (or houses), fine automobiles, several servants, and
elaborate clothes. But it lacks the assurance of hereditary status and
the stability that goes with it. Furthermore, the familv that reaches
the pinnacle of great wealth in a single generation usually has a
male head who is a driving individualist. This personality pattern
often takes the form of open or concealed aggression toward all the

*^ Hollingshead, "Class Differences in Family Stability," op. cit., p. 42.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 493

persons in his environment, including the members of his immediate
family.

The new upper-class family thus has only one factor that makes
for stability — namely, economic security. Even this element, however,
lacks the continuity found in the established family. In addition, the
new upper-class family is often characterized by spending on a con-
spicuous level, fast living, emotional insecurity, alienation among its
members, and instability in general. Alcoholism, acute boredom, di-
vorce, broken homes, and many other forms of social maladjustment
often mark the family in which wealth has been newly acquired.
When the family head initially left his humble class background, re-
solved to make his mark in the world by amassing a large fortune,
happiness seemed concomitant with financial success. When eco-
nomic success has been gained, however, family happiness does not
automatically follow.

Middle-Class Factors in Marital Conflict

The middle-class family appears, in general, to be a stable unit, at
least in terms of conflicts that impinge upon it from without. This
does not, of course, mean that the middle-class family is immune
from tensions and conflicts of a personal nature, arising from tem-
peramental and emotional factors. Indeed, the middle-class family
appears to experience its conflicts primarily in the field of inter-
personal relations. These conflicts center both in the relationships
between parents and children and those between the spouses. The
conflicts between parents and children seem to be more prevalent
than those between the parents themselves, although the latter con-
flicts constitute more serious threats to the physical integrity of the
family.^''' In terms of the factors that cause conflict and instability
of the family unit from without, however, the middle-class family is
comparatively stable, in comparison with either the newly established
upper-class family or the family of the working and lower classes.

The self-discipline and strict moral standards of the middle-class
family tend to keep this group together, in the sense that there is
little actual dissolution. The very aspirations of this family, however,
make it more sensitive to the frustrations inherent in modern so-
ciety. The middle-class family has extremely high ideals, both for its

^'^ Earl L. Koos, "Class Differences in Family Reactions to Crisis," op. cit.,
P- 77-

494 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

parental members and even more for its children. The pressure to
maintain these ideals is very great. The resulting psychic tensions
upon the members of the middle-class family thus tend to be greater
than those experienced either by the established upper-class family
or the working-class family. "Since middle-class families have . . .
higher levels of aspiration/' says Koos, "and since they are under
greater pressure to maintain these levels, it may well follow that the
middle-class family is more sensitive to the frustrations of modern
living than its lower-class counterpart." ^^

The difficulties of the middle-class family, as noted, tend to center
more strongly about the relationships of parents and children than
about the relationships of the spouses toward each other. The con-
flicts impinging upon this family from without thus seem to be re-
lated to its class status, especially that of the children. Members of
the middle class have a strong urge toward upward mobility for them-
selves and their children. This goal can be gained only through edu-
cation, and the parents set great store by this process. In so doing,
however, they often create other conflicts by educating the children
toward values and goals that are alien to those of the parents. The
children may therefore develop class values that are different from
(although not necessarily "better" than) those held by their parents.
Many middle-class families are in this sense casualties of the Amer-
ican process of vertical mobility.

Working-Class Factors in Marital Conflict

The degree of family instability becomes progressively greater as
we descend the economic scale from the middle class to the working
class and lower class.'*^ This is especially apparent in terms of the
family cycle. The family cycle refers to the development of the family
of procreation, from the time of marriage, through the birth and
rearing of children, and finally into the old age of the marital pair.^*'
Hollingshead has indicated that the family cycle is broken "prema-
turely" almost twice as frequently among working-class families as
among middle-class families. Desertion, divorce, and death combine
to disrupt from one-fourth to one-third of all families in the working

"8 Ibid., p. 78.

*^ William J. Goode, "Economic Factors and Marital Stability," op. cit., p.
80:!.

5" Paul C. Click, "The Family Cycle," American Sociological Review, April
1947, XII, 164-74.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 495

class.^^ Family instability is not precisely equated with marital con-
flict, but the two are certainly related. Hence we may presume that
working-class families have more than their share of social conflicts.

The working class is, by definition, largely dependent upon wages
earned by the hour, the day, or the week. This class is therefore ex-
tremely vulnerable to swings in the business cycle, whereby large
numbers of family heads are unemployed for prolonged periods. We
have considered the effects of unemployment upon the role expec-
tations of the husband and wife, and hence we need not repeat our
analysis here. The working-class family is also faced with the employ-
ment of the wife outside the home, which factor may have other
complications for the conflict pattern. The strong obligation upon
many working-class families to care for relatives during times of
stress may also contribute to the conflicts implicit in their way of
life.

The dividing line between classes is an arbitrary and hazy one.
The line between the working class and the lower class is no excep-
tion. Indeed, the class structure may be considered as a continuum,
with the established and highly stable upper-class families at one end
of the scale and the casual "companionate" or common-law family
of the lower class at the other. The "typical" lower-class family is
recognizable, however, as one whose members are at the bottom of
the economic scale, with poorly-paid jobs, at unpleasant and often
dirty work, periodically unemployed, and living under hand-to-
mouth conditions in general. Families at this social level are the most
unstable of all, with an estimated 50 to 60 per cent prematurely
broken by such factors as divorce, desertion, separation, unemploy-
ment, imprisonment, and death.^-

The culture of the lower-class family has been described by Allison
Davis in his essay on slum children. The families living in these areas
tend to have certain characteristics peculiar to their social status,
which, as often as not, contribute to group instability. Slum families
are economically insecure; full of anxieties concerning their future
food and shelter; extravagant in the sense of spending lavishly on
"nonessentials" when they have the money; aggressive toward each
other and toward outsiders; and permissive in the rearing of their
children. The relationships within the slum family are often marked

^1 Hollingshead, "Class Differences in Family Stability," op. cit., p. 44.
52 Ibid., p. 45.

496 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS

by physical violence. The child is taught to be aggressive toward his
brothers and sisters, as well as toward the members of his age group.
He may have a direct example in the home, where violence between
husband and wife is not uncommon. The social setting of the lower-
class family is therefore conducive to many forms of tensions and
conflicts that are found only rarely, if at all, in the other social levels.
Behavior in the family, like all behavior, is a response to the social
situation.^^

In this chapter, we have considered some of the conflict situations
that affect the family from without. All conflict ultimately involves
two or more personalities, and hence the distinction between per-
sonal and social conflict may be theoretical rather than real. We have
distinguished between these two groups of factors largely for peda-
gogical purposes, although in some instances a distinct line may be
drawn between such "personal" factors as temperamental differences
and such "social" factors as unemployment and class status. The
present chapter has dealt with the nature of social conflicts in gen-
eral and such specific factors as religious differences, ethnic dispar-
ities, occupational influences, the unemployment of the husband,
the employment of the wife, and, finally, those diffuse but pertinent
elements subsumed under the general heading of social class.^* The
society of contemporary America and the culture by which it lives
both present difficulties for the family.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barron, Milton L., "Research on Intermarriage: a Survey of Accom-
plishments and Prospects," American Journal oi Sociologv, Novem-
ber 1951, LVII, 249-51;. A survey of the current sociological knowl-
edge on the nature and extent of intermarriage.

Cavan, Ruth S. and Katherine H. Ranck, The Family and the Depres-
sion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938. Economic un-
certainty and unemployment bring about or accentuate conflicts in
the family. The severity of the crisis and its effect upon the indi-
vidual family both reflect patterns built up before the onset of the
crisis.

^^ Davis, "Child Rearing in the Class Structure of American Society," op. cit.

54 For an additional statement of class and family differences, cf. Robert J.
Havighurst, "Social Class Differences and Family Life Education at the Second-
ary Level," Marriage and Family Living, Fall 1950, XII, 133-35.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND FAMILY TENSIONS 497

GooDE, William ]., "Economic Factors and Marital Stability," Ameri-
can Sociological Review, December 1951, XVI, 802-12. An examina-
tion of the role of economic factors in family tensions and conflicts.
The author advances some penetrating hypotheses that question
certain traditional theories of economic maladjustment.

Hill, Reuben, Families under Stress. New York: Harper & Brothers,
1949. Although primarily devoted to the adjustments (and malad-
justments) of the family under the shocks and deprivations of war-
time, this book has some pertinent conclusions as to the role of
other crises in family tensions.

Hollingshead, August B., "Class Differences in Family Stability," An-
nals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No-
vember 1950, CCLXXII, 39-46. The position of a family in the
status hierarchy may affect, to some extent, its degree of adjustment
or maladjustment. This article analyzes the major social classes and
discusses some of the conflicts peculiar thereto.

Koos, Earl L., "Class Differences in Family Reactions to Crisis," Mar-
riage and Family Living, Summer 1950, XII, 77-78. The author con-
tinues his investigations into the crises that beset the modern family.
Significant differences emerge, for example, between the reactions
to crises by the typical middle-class family, as distinguished from the
typical lower-class family.

Landis, Judson T., "Marriages of Mixed and Non-Mixed Religious
Faith," American Sociological Review, June 1949, XIV, 401-7. In-
dicating some of the typical family conflicts arising from differences
in religion, a studv of mixed marriages is reported in this article.

Locke, Harvey J., Predicting Adjustment in Marriage. New York:
Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1951. A careful study of the factors
that contribute to both sides of the equation of the modern family
— namely, those factors that tend to make for adjustment and for
maladjustment.

Slotkin, J. S., "Jewish-Gentile Intermarriage in Chicago," American
Sociological Review, February 1942, VII, 34-39. A study of religious
intermarriage and some typical marital patterns arising therefrom.

Thomas, John L., "The Factor of Religion in the Selection of Marriage
Mates," American SocioJogical Review, August 1951, XVI, 487-gi.
The trends in mixed marriages between Catholics and non-Catholics
are examined with indication that these marriages appear to be in-
creasing.

«^ 24 ^

THE BROKEN FAMILY:
DEATH, DESERTION, DIVORCE

We have been concerned up to this point with the family
in its "normal" or "natural" state, as that state is defined in our so-
ciety. The "normal" family is composed of husband and wife living
together in the home, with or without children. In a recent survey
of the civilian population of marriageable age (14 years of age and
older), 22 per cent were single; 65 per cent were married persons liv-
ing together; 3 per cent were married persons living apart from their
husbands or wives; 8 per cent were widowed; and 2 per cent were di-
vorced.^ Hence the broken family is important in statistical as well as
human terms, and constitutes an appreciable segment of the popula-
tion. The "normal" family comprises the majority of persons, but the
family broken by death, desertion, and divorce is more than a small
disorganized fringe. Millions of men, women, and children live in
some form of broken family.

The Nature of the Broken Family

The above enumeration, furthermore, describes the situation only
at a single moment of time. Many persons living in the families de-
scribed as "normal" have reached that status through remarriage fol-
lowing death or divorce, and hence represent the amalgamation of
fragments of previously broken families. Such persons have been faced
one or more times in their adult lives with the death, desertion, or
divorce of a spouse. The problem therefore assumes a cumulative
proportion that is not suggested by any single enumeration. The his-

^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Houscliold Characteristics: April,
1951," Current PopuJation Reports: Population Characteristics, April 29, 1952,
Series P-20, No. 38.

498

THE BROKEN FAMILY 499

tory of many normal families would thus reveal that the grim spectre
of disruption had been faced by a large number of them. A recent
survey disclosed that one out of every eight M^ives in this country has
been previously married, whereas in more than one out of every
six families either the husband or wife has been previously married.^

The broken family is therefore of more than academic interest,
even to the families that, at the moment, are still unbroken. The
prospect of eventual family disruption through death is extremely
high. The prospect of separation or divorce is by no means negli-
gible. In a stable society where desertion and divorce are unthink-
able, the disruption of the family through death is the only threat to
its physical integrity. Our society lacks such essential stability. The
family as an institution therefore exists in a state of dynamic equilib-
rium, with large numbers of individual families annually succumbing
to the centrifugal forces existing therein. The study of the broken
family is therefore central to that of the normal family.

The different ways in which the family is broken evoke different
social definitions, depending upon the real or putative threat to group
values arising from the action. Death is a termination that evokes
sympathetic understanding. Death is almost universally defined as an
"Act of God" and hence has no implication of moral turpitude.
Desertion and separation violate the mores, but the attendant se-
crecy involves less condemnation than an open break in the symbolic
pattern. Religious prohibitions against divorce obscure the public at-
titude toward desertion and separation, since the latter are often
tacitly condoned as preferable to divorce. Divorce is a public avowal
that the marital relationship has ceased to exist, and hence receives
the full force of public disapproval that is lacking in death and ob-
scured in desertion and separation. Divorce is still widely viewed as
a deliberate violation of the sacred unity of the family, which is one
of the basic symbols of our society. Those who most heartily con-
demn divorce can accept weakness but not heresy.

In view of the above statements, it is widely assumed that the dis-
organization of the family has been steadily increasing for several
decades. The divorce rate, it is true, has shown an increase from
decade to decade since before the turn of the century. Furthermore.

2 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The American Wife," Statmica'i
Bulletin, April 1951.

500 THE BROKEN FAMILY

the rate of increase is greater than that of the population as a whole.
Hence it is almost universally believed that the rate of marital dis-
solution as a whoJe has shown a similar increase.

This is not true. The rate of broken families has actually decreased
considerably in recent decades. This apparent discrepancy between
the increase in the divorce rate and the over-all decrease in the rate
of family dissolution as a whole arises from the rapid decrease in the
death rate. The divorce rate has increased from approximately 3 per
1,000 married couples in the early 1890's to 12 per 1,000 in the late
1940's. During the same period, however, the annual rate of marital
disruption by death has decreased from 30 per 1,000 married couples
to approximately 19 per 1,000. "In other words," says the Metropol-
itan Life Insurance Company, "the combined rate of marital dis-
solutions resulting from divorce and from death is somewhat lower
now than it was 60 years ago." ^

The vulnerability of the family to these two forms of dissolution
(death and divorce) varies with the duration of the marriage. Di-
vorce is the greater hazard during the early \ears, with the divorce
rate approximately 3^/2 times the mortality rate in the third year of
marriage. Divorce is not exceeded bv death as a cause of familv dis-
ruption until the 15th year of marriage. Bevond this point, the death
rate shows a steady increase with the duration of the marriage,
whereas the divorce rate declines. In terms of differential rates per
1,000 marriages, the divorce rate rises abruptlv to a peak in the third
year, when the rate is 40 per 1,000 marriages. At the same period, the
death rate is less than 10 per 1,000 marriages. The divorce rate then
declines sharplv to 26 per 1,000 marriages in the ninth year, after
which it continues at approximately the same rate until the 20th vear.
The rate of dissolution for death alone shows a slow but steady climb
after the loth year, and after the 30th year the rates for death and
divorce virtually parallel each other. Not until the 32nd }ear of mar-
riage, however, does the dissolution rate from both causes exceed
that from divorce alone registered in the third year.'*

2 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Have Broken Families Inereased?"
St.itisticnJ Bulletin. November 1949.

See also Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Lower Mortality Promotes
Familv Stabilitv," Statistical Bulletin, May iq^i-

* ^ietropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Have Broken Families Increased?"
op. cit.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 501

Death and the Broken Family

Death dissolves more families than all the other factors combined.
Death comes to all men and women, whereas desertion and divorce
are far from universal experiences. In the "normal" course of events,
more than 600,000 marriages are annually broken by death, with 667,-
000 constituting the figure in a representative year. If the mortality
conditions of 1900 still obtained, however, the annual toll would be
close to 1,000,000 from this cause alone. The estimated death total of
667,000 families comprised 449,000 husbands and 218,000 wives, with
371,000 children under eighteen orphaned by the death of one par-
ent.^ These figures indicate the magnitude of this form of family dis-
ruption in a single year. Under these circumstances, the wonder is
that the family broken by death is not universally defined as a major
social problem.

The reason for this comparative neglect of death and bereave-
ment lies in the delicacy of the subject and the accompanying pro-
hibitions. The mores are against investigating this most universal of
all situations.*^ Death is not a social problem in the strict sense, since
it is the eventual end of all men and of all families. Furthermore,
nothing can be done about it in final analysis, although efforts can be
made to decrease premature death. Desertion and divorce, on the
other hand, are subject, in theory at least, to amelioration by appro-
priate social action. These forms of family disorganization are defined
as undesirable, since they threaten the social value of the indissolu-
bility of the family. Death is thus an "Act of God," whereas deser-
tion and divorce are clearly acts of men.'^

The widow with dependent children faces an immediate economic
problem. In a recent year, as noted, the 449,000 deceased husbands
were survived by their wives and by 239,000 children. Most widows
do not have complete financial protection and must provide for them-
selves, at least in part. They can usually expect some help from the
savings or life insurance of their husbands. Approximately four-fifths

5 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Lower Mortality Promotes Family
Stability," op. eft.

^ Cf . Thomas D. Eliot, "Handling Family Strains and Shocks," chap. 21,
Family, Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill (Boston:
D. C. Heath and Company, 1948).

■^ Francis E. Merrill. "The Study of Social Problems," American Sociological
Review, June 1948, XIII, 251-59.

502 THE BROKEN FAMILY

of all families are insured, with an average of $6,000 insurance per
family. In addition, the widow can expect some financial aid under
the Social Security Act. But many widows with dependent children
must go to work, at the very time they are needed most in the
home. Almost half of the widows with preschool children are in the
labor force, as compared to less than a third of the widows without
young children. Approximately 2,000,000 widows are in the labor
force at any one time.^

The most satisfactory adjustment to widowhood is remarriage. The
number of widows who remarry annually is not known exactly, nor
is the total number who have remarried at any time following the
death of their spouse. The chances of remarriage depend upon sev-
eral considerations: (a) Duration of Widowhood. Women recently
bereaved have better chances for remarriage than those whose be-
reavement is of longer duration. The second year of widowhood is
the most popular time for remarriage, (b) Number of Children.
There seems to be some correlation between the number of children
and the chance for remarriage, with the chances decreasing with the
number of children, (c) Widow's Pensions. In case the widow re-
ceives a pension that terminates upon remarriage, she may be unwill-
ing to forfeit this benefit and therefore examines such offers with
care. For the most part, however, widows do not voluntarily remain
permanently in this state, especially those widowed in their early
years. ^

The position of the widower differs in many respects from that
of the widow. In a recent year, some 218,000 men became widowers.
The most immediate problem of the widow is usually economic,
since the income of the breadwinner is cut off. The widower under-
goes no such loss, since he is normally the chief provider. He is, how-
ever, often forced to pay for a housekeeper or other person to care
for the motherless children. The number of children under eighteen
left in the care of the 218,000 widowers was 132,000.^*^ Such an obli-
gation may indirectly reduce his net income, since he previously re-

8 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Widows and \\^idowhood/' Statis-
tical Bulletin, September 1949.

9 Mortimer Spiegelman, "The Broken Famih — Widowhood and Orphan-
hood," Annals of the American Academy of PoJiticaJ and Social Science, No-
vember 1936, CLXXXVIII, 117-50.

1" Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Lower Mortality Promotes Family
Stability," op. cit.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 503

ceived these services without charge. The economic value of the farm
wife is immediately apparent, and the farmer must have some sub-
stitute if he is to function without serious economic impairment. The
farm wife is indispensable to the total enterprise. The wife of the
urban white-collar worker, professional man, or businessman has no
such direct economic function. The role of the wife in such groups
is primarily confined to consumption.

Marriage is a social, as well as an economic, relationship. When
these habitual relationships are broken by death, the participants
have great difficulty in adjusting to their new status.^^ The resulting
frustration is severe and may take interpersonal, emotional, and sex-
ual, in addition to economic, forms. The marital roles exist in recipro-
cal contacts with the spouse. When the other is suddenly gone, the
habit patterns of the bereaved spouse continue, even though the hus-
band or wife is no longer there. The bereaved undergoes a strong
emotional shock because his or her personality is still enmeshed in
the network of social expectations that comprise the marital roles.
The intellectual realization that death is both inevitable and universal
cannot dull the shock of the initial loss. The bereaved spouse goes
on living with a part of his personality gone beyond recall.^-

Mourning is the institutionalized process by which the spouse
makes the initial adjustment to the new role. The patterns of be-
havior for the bereaved husband or wife are prescribed by the mores,
and the person adopts the appropriate role as defined by his culture.
There are, of course, wide variations in the intensity of the grief ex-
perienced by different individuals, as well as in the manner in which
the grief is shown. Temperamental differences, the importance of re-
ligion, and other considerations determine the individual reaction,
but even these factors are tempered by cultural definitions. The
rituals of the funeral, mourning, and the sympathetic ministrations
of neighbors furnish symbolic roles prescribed by the culture that
assist in the individual adjustment. Even with these socially-deter-
mined aids, the role of the bereaved is a difficult and taxing one.^^

11 Cf. Francis E. Merrill, Courtship and Marriage (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949), chap. 16, "Broken Roles: Death and Desertion."

12 The most extensive available discussion of bereavement is that given by
Thomas D. Eliot, "Bereavement: Inevitable but not Insurmountable," Family,
Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Becker and Hill, chap. 22.

13 Cf. also Willard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The
Dryden Press), chap. 22, "Bereavement: a Crisis of Family Dismemberment."

504 THE BROKEN FAMILY

Desertion and the Broken Family

Desertion is a second form in which the family is disrupted. De-
sertion is the most informal method of disruption and lacks the
finality of death or divorce. Comparatively little is known of the ex-
tent of desertion, whereas the basic data on death and divorce are
known with considerable accuracy. Desertion is sometimes called
"the poor man's divorce/' and this description suggests its clandestine
nature. When the tensions and conflicts have become acute, some
couples start divorce action. Other couples will never consider divorce
for religious, moral, or economic reasons. The latter may "solve" their
family problems by informally drifting apart, with the husband ordi-
narily taking the initiative. This informal rupture of the family,
wherein one person leaves the bed and/or board of the other, is
known as desertion.

The point of overt break varies from one family to another. Some
families have greater cohesion than others, which means that they
will stay together in the face of conflicts that will disrupt others.
Neither desertion nor divorce thus actually "causes" the broken fam-
ily. These actions are merely the informal and formal recognition of
conflicts existing long before the break occurs. The tensions and con-
flicts that precede desertion and divorce are the real "causes" of these
types of family dismemberment. Divorce is the legal recognition that
a given marriage has ceased to exist. The formal grounds for divorce,
as we shall see, ordinarily bear little relationship to the real causes.
Similarly, in the case of desertion the family consensus has been
broken by personal and social conflicts long before the deserting
spouse takes matters into his own hands.

Desertion is a legal ground for divorce in most states, but most
desertions do not end in divorce. There seems to be a trend in recent
years toward more desertions ending in divorce,^^ although the ma-
jority still do not. Whether for reasons of religion, ignorance of the
law, lack of money, or fear of public disapproval, most deserted
wives never sue for divorce. Instead, they may continue for the rest
of their lives in a state of technical marriage but without any of its
financial, social, or affectionate accompaniments. Desertion as a legal
prelude to divorce is one phase of the problem of divorce. Desertion

1^ Calvin L. Beale, "Increased Divorce Rates among Separated Persons as a
Factor in Divorce since 1940," Social Forces, October 1950, XXIX, 72-74.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 505

as a more or less permanent status is another and more important
problem. In the widespread criticism of divorce, desertion is often
forgotten, even though both represent common forms of family
breakdown. ^^

The extent of informal separation, of which desertion is the most
important form, has recently been disclosed by a sample survey of the
Bureau of the Census. This survey was conducted in April, 1951, and
was the first of its kind ever made. The category of "separated" was
used to define the marital status of "those with legal separations,
those living apart with intentions of obtaining a divorce, and other
persons permanently or temporarily estranged from their spouse be-
cause of marital discord." ^^ At the time of the survey, 1,700,000 per-
sons were in this category, comprising 600,000 men and 1,100,000
women. The discrepancy between the sexes reflects in part the large
number of separated men who were in the armed forces and living
in barracks, either in the United States or abroad, and hence were
not enumerated in the survey. The figures probably also reflect
certain differences in reporting their marital status by men and
women.^''' r; - ^. ..••■:.'■./: /

In a previous study, William F. Ogburn commented upon the
nature of separation and its implications for the family. In this con-
nection, he pointed out that the term "separation . . . truly implies
a broken home, irrespective of whether or not a permanent separa-
tion was intended at the time it occurred. It is a broken home and
may be even more socially significant than a home broken by divorce
or widowhood." ^^ The significance of this situation, he continues,
results from the loss of mutual association by both partners and the
resultant impact upon their happiness and well-being. The children
of such families lack the affectionate guidance of the father or
mother and may grow up emotionally thwarted. Finally, "a divorced
or widowed spouse may remarry, which is not the case with the sep-
arated couples. A home broken because of a 'spouse absent' is a sig-

15 Kingsley Davis, "Statistical Perspective on Marriage and Divorce," Annaly
ot the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 20.

16 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April,
1951," Current Population Reports; Population Chaiacteristics, op. cit., p. 7.

17 Ibid.

18 William F. Ogburn, "Marital Separations," American Journal of Sociology,
January 1944, XLIX, 316-23.

5o6 THE BROKEN FAMILY

nificant social concept, whatever may be the reason for the ab-
sence." ^^

The characteristics of separated couples are, furthermore, such that
Ogburn infers that separation is similar to divorce in point of incom-
patibility and permanence, if not in terms of legal recognition. "The
characteristics of the separated couples," remarks Ogburn, "in regard
to the employment of wives, the scarcity of children, the nativity of
the couples, urban-rural residence, and occupations are somewhat like
the characteristics of divorced couples." ^^ Furthermore, marital sep-
arations are relatively higher among nonwhites, in cities, among
childless couples, in rapidly growing areas, in the service occupations,
and among the low-income groups. In these and other respects, sep-
arated and deserted couples are like the divorced. It can therefore be
assumed that separation as well as divorce represents a permanent
condition of family disruption.

Factors in Desertion

The mobility of our society is an important factor in the wide-
spread practice of desertion. In the period of a single year, from April
1950 to April 1951, some 31 million of the 148 million persons in
the country over one year of age had moved at least from one house
to another. Of this number, 21 million had moved within a single
county and 10 million had migrated from one county to another.
This figure of 31 million mobile persons represents approximately 21
per cent of the population, or slightly more than one person in five.
Marital status seems to be closely related to mobility. In the year
under discussion, 41 per cent of the married men not living with
their wives had moved, whereas only 21 per cent of those who were
living with their wives had done so. Commenting upon this situa-
tion, the Bureau of the Census remarks that "The high mobility of
men who were 'married, wife absent' seems ... to reflect the fact
that this particular marital situation is often a by-product of mo-
bility." 21

Husbands find jobs in distant parts of the country and leave their
families "temporarily" behind. Most of these initial movements are

^^ Ibid., pp. 316-17.

2" Ibid., p. 323.

21 Bureau of the Census, "Mobility of the Population for the United States:
April 1950 to April 1951," Current PopuJation Reports: Population Characteris-
tics, July 14, 1952, Series P-20, No. 39.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 507

probably taken in good faith, and the husband intends eventually to
send for his wife and children. Many postpone this action for one
reason or another, until the husband and wife gradually lose touch
with each other. Other deserting husbands leave home with the
avowed intention never to return and strike out across the broad
expanse of the country in search of employment. Whatever the orig-
inal motives, the economic opportunities and the traditional accept-
ance of mobility combine to encourage desertion.

Religious factors also indirectly determine the extent of desertion.
In the Catholic faith, the central value is the formal preservation of
the family, no matter what the conflicts and tensions may be. The
Catholic Church takes a categorical stand against divorce, which
makes it impossible for the devout practitioner to dissolve his family
ties in this fashion. Many take the informal method of desertion to
relieve themselves of bonds that have become burdensome. In the
absence of statistical evidence for the country as a whole, the extent
of this practice is suggested by the high rates of desertion in the
"paternal family areas" of the large cities, in which are concentrated
large numbers of Catholic families from southern and eastern Eu-
rope. The culture which they brought with them from the Old
World is strongly opposed to divorce. When combined with ig-
norance of the law and the lack of money, the religious factor con-
stitutes a formidable preventive against divorce. A high rate of de-
sertion is one answer.^-

The culture patterns of minority racial groups are further factors
in desertion. These patterns reflect the way of life of the minority
group. Among Negroes, for example, the rate of desertion is very
high, and desertion is the fate of many Negro wives in the urban
centers of the North. The percentage of the nonwhite population
(composed largely of Negroes) that is married but not living with
their spouses is much larger than the percentage of the white pop-
ulation in a similar marital status. The over-all percentage for the
nonwhite population in April, 1951, was 9 per cent, whereas only 3
per cent of the white population were married but not living with
their spouses. Furthermore, some 70 per cent of the nonwhites in
this category were reported as "separated," whereas only 41 per cent
of the whites not living with their husbands or wives were in this

22 Ernest R. Mowrer, "The Trend and Ecology of Family Disintegration in
Chicago," American Sociological Review, June 1938, III, 344-53.

5o8 THE BROKEN FAMILY

category.^^ The majority of the nonwhites hsted as "separated" prob-
ably represented cases of desertion.

The cultural patterns of Negro desertion arise in somewhat the
following fashion. Negro males are forced by discrimination into oc-
cupations that are comparatively marginal and unstable. Many Negro
families then perforce become matriarchies. The mother ordinarily
works at domestic service, which is considerably more stable and
represents a greater degree of occupational security than is possible
for the husband. This uncertainty forces the husband into greater
mobility, either within the same urban community or from one
community to another in search of work.

Many such husbands eventually return to their families. Many
others never return, and the mother supports the children as best
she can. The disparity between the white and the nonwhite female
population in this respect is striking. Among the civilian population
as a whole, only 1.8 per cent of all married females over 14 years of
age reported themselves as "separated" from their husbands. For the
Negro population, 7.5 per cent were listed in this category.-^ De-
sertion is thus approximately 4 times as prevalent among the non-
white female population as among the white. In the anonymous
world of metropolitan New York, Chicago, Cleveland, and Detroit,
many Negro husbands disappear forever from their families.^^

In a pioneer study of desertion made many years ago, Eubank
suggested five general types of deserters on the basis of the conscious
and unconscious motives that prompt their action, (a) The Spurious
Deserter, who attempts to relieve himself of formal responsibility by
leaving the care of his family to charitable and relief agencies; (b)
The Gradual Deserter, who is largely a product of industrial mobility.
This type leaves his family to search for work and then gradually
loses contact with them; (c) The Intermittent Husband, who acts in
that capacity only sporadically and often times his desertions to coin-
cide with such family crises as childbirth, unemployment, or acute
conflict; (d) The lU-Advised Marriage Type, who married in haste or
under conditions not of his own choosing and takes the first oppor-
tunity to divest himself of his unwanted ties; (e) The Last-Resort

23 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics: April,
1951," Current PopuJation Reports: Population Charactenstics, op. cit.

24 Ibid., Tables 5, 7.

25 A vivid depiction of desertion in the urban Negro family is given in Rich-
ard Wright's novel, Native Son (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1940).

THE BROKEN FAMILY 509

Type, who leaves his family only after a succession of conflict situa-
tions has convinced him that the marriage can never be successful.^^
A final type of deserter, added by Mowrer, is (f) The Symbolic De-
serter, whose action symbolizes his emotional conflicts about the
marriage situation and who leaves or threatens to leave his family
largely as a gesture of self-assertion and a bid for status.^'''

The Social Effects of Desertion

The most important characteristic of desertion is the uncertainty
it leaves. The deserted wife may lose all contact with her husband
for many years, only to have him suddenly appear and claim his
marital rights. The deserting husband may assume that his wife has,
after several years, grown tired of waiting and has either initiated
divorce proceedings or remarried on the assumption of his death.
Both parties to a permanent desertion remain uncertain of their
marital status and, hence, cannot remarry with any assurance that
they are not committing bigamy. Deserting husbands and deserted
wives are left hanging in mid-air, never sure whether they are di-
vorced, widowed, or permanently separated. The family continues in
technical legal solidarity, but the emotional and social security is
lacking.

The majority of the 600,000 men and 1,100,000 women reported
as separated because of marital discord are doubtless operating in this
anomalous position. As noted by the Bureau of the Census, some of
these persons are in the process of obtaining a divorce or are legally
separated with no intention of reuniting the marriage bond. But the
majority of these 1,700,000 persons are married but are extremely un-
certain as to whether they will ever live with their husbands or wives
again.^^ This status is irregular in terms of social relationships, even
though it may be regular in the eyes of the law and the Church.
Actually, the wife is married, but she has no husband. The children
are members of a family, but they have no father (or mother). The
husband has certain moral and legal responsibilities, but he has no
home or family.

26 Earle E. Eubank, A Study ot Family Desertion (Chicago: Department of
Public Welfare, 1916), pp. 37-49.

27 Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord (New
York: American Book Company, 1935), p. 221.

28 Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics," Cur-
rent Population Reports: Population Characteristics, op. cit.

510 THE BROKEN FAMILY

Since desertion is primarily confined to the lower-income groups,
economic problems loom large for the deserted wife and children.
If the wife has never previously worked outside the home, the shock
of having to provide for herself and children may be precipitous.
Such adjustments are not made over night, even with full employ-
ment, and the deserted wife may not be able to find work. She
is therefore often dependent upon private charity or public relief,
neither of which may be immediately available. Since she is not a
widow, she is not eligible for a widow's pension. Since she is not di-
vorced, she does not receive alimony. Often she does not receive any
economic support whatever from her husband. One of the original
reasons for his desertion may have been his desire to evade the sup-
port of his family.

The deserted wife is faced with a variety of problems growing out
of her sudden economic crisis. Even if she is successful in finding
work, the return is seldom as great as that to which she was accus-
tomed. Women ordinarily receive lower wages than men, even for
similar work. To supplement the mother's wages, the children may
be forced to leave school and go to work themselves, at the cost of
further education and often at the risk of unwholesome employment.
Younger children are deprived of the mother's care, with the result-
ing implications for juvenile delinquency and other forms of adoles-
cent maladjustment. The mother may perforce resort to the other
stratagems of families in a depressed economic state— borrowing, re-
turning to the parental home, placing the child in a foster home, or
even entering irregular sexual unions. The only basis upon which the
deserted mother can establish a sexual relationship is an extralegal
one, because she is unable to join a possible mate in lawful wedlock.

The psychological aspects of this truncated relationship are also
important, for the children may acquire attitudes toward their father
ranging from disillusionment to overt hostility. These feelings may
be even more bitter than after divorce, since the anomalous legal
status of the mother may add to the feeling against the father. The
children of a divorced family may believe that the father has done his
best in the face of a difficult situation, a belief that could hardly be
entertained by children of a deserted family. This pattern of family
life in their most impressionable years is not an ideal foundation for
their own subsequent married lives. The children are conscious that
their family life is abnormal, that their father is not dead, divorced,

THE BROKEN FAMILY 511

or absent on business but has disappeared in some vaguely clandes-
tine and disgraceful fashion. The role which they play in their own
groups is colored by their feeling of shame toward their family.
Under such conditions, it is a wise and tolerant mother who can form
the attitudes of her children on any basis other than shame or hatred
for their father.

The effects upon the deserting husband should not be overlooked.
The act of deserting a wife, particularly with dependent children, is
highly reprehensible in our society. The person doing so loses pres-
tige in the eyes of the group and in his own eyes as well. Even though
his act is unknown to others in his new environment, it is not un-
known to his own conscience. His conception of himself deteriorates
under the permanent conditions of desertion, for he cannot rid him-
self completely of the realization that he has evaded one of his funda-
mental obligations. When his conception of himself is seriously
shaken, it is difficult to maintain a stable life organization. Drink,
prostitution, and general uncertainty may characterize the deserting
husband. He may be able to escape from his wife, his children, his
local community, his friends, and even his most casual acquaintances.
He cannot escape from himself.^^

The hope that perennially springs in the human breast doubtless
persuades many deserted wives and deserting husbands that the con-
flicts producing the original desertion may somehow be patched up
and the marriage resumed on a happier basis. Reconciliation is often
attempted by religious authorities, courts, or social service agencies
on the ground that the family should be kept intact at all costs.
When the desertion is based upon superficial temperamental difficul-
ties or temporary behavior crises, such efforts may be successful.
When the tensions and conflicts are more fundamental, reconcilia-
tion may not be successful or the situation permanently bettered by
an artificial reunion. The definition of the situation in terms of social
values is important in this consideration. The supreme value may be
the formal solidarity of the family. If this is the case, then reconcilia-
tion should be carried through at all costs. If the chief value is per-
sonal happiness, the reconciliation of two persons with hopelessly
different standards, temperaments, behavior patterns, and social as-
pirations may be a doubtful contribution to social welfare.

2^ Cf. Jacob T. Zukerman, "A Socio-Legal Approach to Family Desertion,"
Marriage and Family Living, Summer 1950, XII, 83-84.

512 THE BROKEN FAMILY

The Nature of Divorce

Divorce is the symbol of family disruption. When the average per-
son speaks of the "breakdown of the family," he is generally thinking
of divorce, although desertion, separation, and death combine to take
a far greater toll. Death is ever present in the abstract, although its
stark reality is not appreciated until it strikes. Furthermore, death is
sanctioned by the mores, v^hich provide appropriate forms of be-
havior for the bereaved husband, wife, and children. No such sanction
exists for the family broken by divorce, since it is so recent that the
mores have not evolved approved patterns for the participants or
attitudes for their friends and relatives. Divorce is still a somewhat
disreputable form of family disruption, with highly charged value
judgments that cause people to view it as a serious social problem.
When the problem is discussed, these value judgments color the out-
look of the participants and obscure many of the facts. It is in these
terms, therefore, that divorce symbolizes family disorganization as a
form of activity of which a large number of persons disapprove.

Divorce does not "cause" family disruption.^" Various well-inten-
tioned persons fulminate from pulpit, editorial page, or classroom
concerning the "divorce evil" and its dire effects upon the modern
family. Divorce is not an incarnate force, devastating the family like
a typhoon or tidal wave. Divorce is not a force at all, nor does it
cause family disruption, except in the most formal logical sense. Di-
vorce is merely the legal recognition by the appropriate civil author-
ities that a husband and wife wish to terminate their relationship.
The tensions and conflicts that have brought about this state of
affairs have all occurred before the couple has anything to do with
divorce. Divorce is a convenient symbol of this accumulated discon-
tent, but the causes of family disruption must be found elsewhere.

Divorce is an expensive and complicated process, involving knowl-
edge of the law, at least a minimum of funds, and above all a strong
desire to terminate the marriage, even at the cost of social disapproval
and emotional shock. Marriages may be extremely unhappy, but they
may lack one or all of the factors that induce the individuals to dis-
solve them. Other marriages may be happier and better adjusted, but

30 Cf. Mabel A. Elliott, "Divorce Legislation and Family Instability," AnnaJs
of the American Academy oi Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 145-47.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 513

at the same time may contain a strong drive for a change of partners.
The latter marriages may terminate in the divorce courts whereas the
former may remain legally intact for life.

Divorce, then, does not cause the disruption of the family any
more than the laws against bastardy cause the birth of illegitimate
children. Both are definitions of particular situations whereby society
recognizes that certain sequences of human behavior have taken
place. The number of marriages annually broken by divorce there-
fore reflects the society in which these marriages operate in the same
way that the family reflects the other facets of its social setting. Given
the expectations of our society and the changes undergone in the last
1 50 years by all its segments and institutions, the high rate of divorce
becomes clearer.^^ The process of family disruption through divorce
assumes a more natural form, growing inevitably out of a combina-
tion of social circumstances. This point of view attempts to transcend
the value judgments that we all bring to an institution as intimate as
the family. We have a high divorce rate because the circumstances of
our society bring it about, not because any wicked group of men have
deliberately willed it so. Stated in these terms, the proposition be-
comes the baldest of platitudes. To many people, however, this
homely truth has not yet struck home.

Divorce and the Changing Family ^^

The modern family no longer possesses many of the solid reasons
for existence that formerly made it a central agency of society. One
by one, the functions that the family has traditionally performed
have been taken over by some other institution — public or private — a
process leaving the modern urban family stripped of many of its
basic reasons for being. This progressive emasculation has taken place
as a result of profound and unplanned social changes that, have exten-
sively modified the world in which the family functions. Only in this
general context can the modern family be realistically considered.

The family is becoming more an erotic relationship— using erotic
in the broad sense of procreation, afl^ection, and romantic love. The
factors that impel any given couple to marry are largely romantic,

31 Kingsley Davis, "Statistical Perspective on Marriage and Divorce," op. cit.,
p. 17.

32 Cf. Carle C. Zimmerman, "The Family and Social Change," Annals of the
American Academy oi Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII,
22-29.

514 THE BROKEN FAMILY

as are those which keep them together before conjugal affection ap-
pears. The day has passed when every individual was absolutely de-
pendent upon the family for his livelihood, protection, education,
recreation, and religious instruction. The old-fashioned ties were
solid; the individual could not get along without them. In their stead
he now has a congeries of feelings which, because of their high emo-
tional content, are considerably more unstable than the powerful ties
grouped about making a living, building a home, worshiping God,
and educating his children. In place of the institutional relationship,
we have one that is essentially individual.

This hypothesis suggests a corollary based upon the predominance
of the erotic element. Given the increasing dependence upon this
factor, the stability of the individual family will continue to decline
and the probability of divorce will rise. The historical development
of the family in western Europe and America reflected the stability of
its social setting. This stability has become the norm for subsequent
family behavior, and any departure therefrom is considered a social
problem. The earlier social conditions were such as inevitably to vest
many of the central functions of human life in the family. These
conditions have changed, and the family has changed with them. The
old norms still survive, however, even though they are no longer
applicable to the new situation. In the society of the present and the
future, a new norm may be evolving, based upon a higher degree of
instability and a more frequent rate of divorce.

The rise in the divorce rate in recent decades is generally assumed
to be a sign of the disorganization of the family and hence a social
problem. ^^ This interpretation is true if we define the family as a
relationship absolutely indissoluble for life. The majority undoubt-
edly define the indissoluble family as the norm, and divorce as a de-
parture therefrom. But normal and abnormal are matters of degree.
As the divorce rate remains high, divorce will progressively lose its
historic "abnormality" and assume a new "normality." This statement
is not a cynical play on words, but a sober acknowledgment of fact.
The family of the future will not be one in which the individual will
invariably live until death with the bride or bridegroom of his youth.
This statement is applicable not merely to the future family. It is in
no small measure true of the contemporary family.

33 Francis E. Merrill, et a/.. Social Piobkms (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1950), chap. 11.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 515

This interpretation should not be construed as an apology for
divorce or a plea for more and better divorces. We shall consider
some of the costs of divorce to the individuals most closely concerned.
Many of these costs are far from pleasant, social values being what
they are.^^ This interpretation is rather a statement of a fact that is
obvious to anyone v^^ho stops to mull over the divorce statistics of
the past fifty years. The rise in divorce is one of the penalties for the
democratization of the family, a process with which the majority of
persons are at least in theoretical agreement. Even if we do not
agree in principle as to the desirability of such democracy, there is
very little we can do about it. Democracy is with us to stay. As con-
ceived in our society, one of the basic tenets of democracy is indi-
vidualism. Individualism leads to romantic marriage, which with
clear logic leads to romantic divorce. To this series of ideological
factors must be added the socio-economic factor that the family has
become — through the fault of no person, group of persons, political
party, religious denomination, or combination thereof— increasingly
dependent upon the affectional function. When we consider this
formidable array of social changes, the probability of divorce be-
comes clearer.

Forms of Divorce

There are two principal forms of divorce in our society, although
one is so much more common that it virtually obscures the other in
popular thinking. When the word divorce is mentioned, the average
person thinks of the usual type known as absolute divorce (a vinculo
matrimonii). Here the marriage is completely dissolved, together
with all the rights and obligations related thereto. Following the de-
cree of absolute divorce, husband and wife resume the status of sin-
gle persons and are legally free to remarry. In those centuries when
the Universal Church was dominant in the Western world, it was
logical that, since marriage was regarded as an indissoluble relation-
ship, there could be no divorce in the modern sense. The only pos-
sibility for the complete dissolution of the marriage "bond" was for
the Canonical courts to declare that, on account of some impediment
existing at the time of marriage, no valid marriage had ever existed.
This declaration of nullity is comparable to present-day annulment.

3* Cf. William J. Goode, "Problems in Postdivorce Adjustment," American
Sociological Review, June 1949, XIV, 394-401.

5i6 TriE BROKEN FAMILY

The second and less common form of divorce is variously known
as legal separation, partial divorce, limited divorce, or judicial sep-
aration. The Latin terms that have survived to characterize it are a
mensa et toro. This kind of divorce is legally possible in more than
half of the American jurisdictions. In most respects, the grounds
for obtaining it and the legal procedures involved are the same as in
absolute divorce.^^ The essential characteristic of partial divorce is
that the marriage is not dissolved legally and hence the individuals
are not free to marry again.

This form of halfway divorce, in which the individuals live apart
and the wife may receive support from the husband, is something of
an anomaly at the present time. It can be understood only in the
light of its historical setting as another solution of the Ecclesiastical
Courts to an impossible marital situation when marriage was an in-
dissoluble union. Since marriage partook of the divine nature, one
party to the union must have committed a grave sin. The one against
whom the sin had been committed was therefore to be considered
blameless. Until recently the wife was dependent, economically and
otherwise, on the husband. Hence the Courts could decree that hus-
band and wife were to live apart, although still married in the eyes
of the law and the Church, and that the wife should receive separate
maintenance.

Limited divorce comprises only a small part of the divorce actions
in the country. The practice has remained on the statutes in some
states as a concession to those religious groups that regard marriage
as indissoluble. From the secular standpoint, the major justification
for limited divorce is the possibility that it will promote reconcilia-
tion and hence maintain the physical integrity of the family. A num-
ber of the states that grant such decrees also have a provision for
reconciliation. In a few states, there is a provision that, in case of
failure to achieve reconciliation after a specified time, the limited
divorce decree is merged into one of absolute divorce.^*^

A divorce procedure that is sometimes confused with limited di-
vorce is the interlocutory decree, or decree nisi. This decree accom-
panies the absolute divorce proceedings in approximately one-third

^5 Chester G. Vernier, American Family Laws (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1932), n, 341 ff.
2'' Ibid., pp. 348-49.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 517

of American jurisdictions. In essence, it is a preliminary decree that
does not become final until the lapse of a certain time, varying from
one month to one year. In practical terms, this means that an interval
must elapse between the initial court action and the final dissolution
of the marital bond. Only with the final decree are the individuals
given single status and with it the freedom to remarry.

Such a procedure has certain theoretical advantages. Among these
are: (a) the discouraging of hasty divorce to marry someone else;

(b) the possible reconciliation before the decree becomes final; and

(c) the uncovering of any fraud or collusion in the divorce process .^^
Most of these alleged advantages remain only theoretical, however,
since divorce and remarriage can often be obtained simply by cross-
ing state lines. Furthermore, the discovery of fraud or collusion is
ordinarily avoided by the courts, since they are reasonably certain that
they could find collusion in most divorce actions if they examined
the evidence.

In this chapter, we have examined the major factors that bring
about the physical disruption of the family. These factors are death,
desertion (and separation), and divorce. Contrary to the popular im-
pression, the rate for all forms of family disruption has decreased,
rather than increased, in the sixty years from 1890 to 1950. This de-
crease has reflected the decline in the mortality rates, which has more
than compensated for the increase in divorce over the recent decades.
We have examined the impact of death upon the family and indi-
cated that, in any one year, death is the most important single cause
of family disruption.

Desertion and separation are two little-known but important forms
of family disorganization, whose incidence and implications are ob-
scured by the lack of public knowledge. In the final section of the
chapter, we turned to divorce as the third type of family disorganiza-
tion, whose importance in the public mind far overshadows death
and desertion. Divorce has become the symbol of family disorganiza-
tion and a major social problem, inasmuch as it (divorce) threatens
the basic social value embodied in the indissolubility of the family. In
the following chapter, we shall indicate the major trends in divorce
and shall consider the basic processes whereby it occurs in a society
that has become increasingly characterized by social disorganization.

3^ Ibid., p. 152.

5i8 THE BROKEN FAMILY

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics:
April, 1951", Current Population Reports: Population Characteris-
tics, April 29, 1952, Series P-20, No. 38. One of the official publica-
tions of the Bureau of the Census wherein that agency periodically
reports upon the marital status of the American people.

Davis, Kingsley, "Statistical Perspective on Marriage and Divorce," An-
nals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No-
vember 1950, CCLXXII, 9-21. An excellent statistical survey of
national and international trends in family disorganization during
the years immediately following World War II.

Eliot, Thomas D., "Handhng Family Strains and Shocks," Family,
Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill.
Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1948. Chapters 21 and 22 offer
many insights into the emotional problems facing the family after
various crises. The material on bereavement is especially good.

Elliott, Mabel A., "Divorce Legislation and Family Instability," An-
nals oi the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No-
vember 1950, CCLXXII, 134-47. Surveys the contemporary trends
in divorce legislation and discloses several conflicting movements in
this complex field.

Merrill, Francis E., Courtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. Chapter 16 of this study of the social relationships of
marriage deals with some of the problems arising when marital roles
are broken by death or desertion.

Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Lower Mortality Promotes
Family Stability," Statistical Bulletin, May 1951. One of the articles
dealing with vital statistics, periodically published bv the Metro-
politan Life Insurance Company. The rate of family dissolution as
a whole is shown to have decreased in recent years because of the
rapid decrease in the death rate and despite the increased divorce
rate.

Ogburn, William F., "Marital Separations," American Journal of So-
ciology, January 1944, XLIX, 316-23. A well-known sociologist ex-
amines marital separations as a phenomenon of profound import-
ance for the stability of the family.

Waller, Willard, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The Dry-
den Press, 1951. Chapter 22, "Bereavement: a Crisis of Family Dis-
memberment," contains many acute insights into this unhappy
process.

Zimmerman, Carle C, Family and Civih'zation. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1947- A major historical and analvtical study of the family.
As such, it provides abundant background for understanding some
of the crises of the contemporary family.

THE BROKEN FAMILY 519

ZuKERMAN, Jacob T., "A Socio-Legal Approach to Family Desertion,"
Marriage and Family Living, Summer 1950, XII, 83-84. One of the
few modern studies of a form of family disorganization that, by vir-
tue of its extent and implications, represents a major social problem,
even though it is not recognized as such by the general public.

«^ 25 §^i

THE BROKEN FAMILY:
THE DIVORCE PROCESS

It is one thing to decide that a marriage is not a success; it
is quite another to carry this decision through to a divorce. Many
couples lack the psychic energy to disrupt their marriage. Others
lack the money or the legal knowledge. Others are restrained by re-
ligious taboos. Still others are inhibited by fear of public opinion or
the possible repercussions upon their business or profession. Many
take matters informally into their own hands and desert, thus effec-
tively breaking the social continuity of the family while maintaining
the legal fiction. In short, many families that are otherwise hope-
lessly disorganized do not take the final step of formal dissolution.
The disorganization of these families does not constitute as pressing
a social problem as divorce, since society is largely unaware of the
condition. Unless open desertion or divorce has taken place, social
values have not been overtly questioned.^

The Divorce Process

Even after the couple have decided upon a divorce, the matter is
not ended there. In terms of the romantic complex, the proper pro-
cedure would presumably be to appear before a sympathetic judge,
explain their plight, and ask for a divorce. Such a solution would
be too simple. Any couple naive enough to proceed in this fashion
would find their case thrown out of court and themselves accused
of collusion.

Collusion may be broadly defined as "any agreement between the
parties by which they endeavor to obtain a divorce by an imposition

iCf. Wfllard Waller, The Family, rev. Reuben Hill (New York: The Dryden
Press, 1951), chap. 23, "Divorce and AHenation Crises."

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 521

on the court." ^ This imposition may take three general forms: "(1)
by the commission of an offense for the purpose of obtaining a di-
vorce, (2) by the introduction of false evidence of an offense not
actually committed, and (3) by suppression of a valid defense."^
Many couples actually do reach a tacit agreement to "impose" upon
the court and hence are technically guilty of collusion. As long as
they and their lawyers maintain a decent reticence in court, however,
no questions are asked, and the divorce is generally granted. The
judge is fully aware of these extralegal agreements, but he is also
aware that continued marriage cannot be forced upon unwilling
parties. He therefore tends to make the best of a bad bargain and
grant the divorce*

In the face of the difEculties to divorce by mutual consent, the
conflicting parties are forced to seek other legal sanctions. They
therefore consult a lawyer to discover the most innocuous grounds
for divorce in their state. The lawyer prepares legal evidence that
will justify the judge's granting a divorce on such grounds as the
state statutes provide. All divorces do not come about in this rela-
tively amicable fashion. Many suits are entered because the husband
actually has deserted his wife, inflicted various physical and psycho-
logical cruelties upon her, or committed adultery with one or more
persons. The law gives recourse to injured persons from such forms
of cruel and inhuman treatment, and many divorces are granted on
this basis.

There is no way of knowing, however, how many divorces are
granted on fictitious and how many on bona fide grounds. The nature
of divorce proceedings renders such knowledge impossible to obtain.
Any conclusions based upon the number and percentages of divorces
granted on the various legal grounds, therefore, should be made with
caution. The behavior measured by such data is of a special legal
character, which often bears only an indirect relationship to life.

The "real"- reasons for the disorganization of the family by divorce
are the tensions and conflicts existing between its members. These
elements have been considered above and often bear only a remote

2 Helen I. Clarke, Social Legislation (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,
Inc., 1940), p. 126.

3 Ibid.

*An estimated 95 per cent of all divorces are uncontested in the courts. Cf.
Morris L. Ernst and David Loth, For Better or Worse (Nevi' York: Harper &
Brothers, 1952), p. 7.

522 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

relationship to the legal grounds on which the divorce is granted.
Marriage is a civil relationship, however, in which society has an in-
timate interest. Society also maintains an active concern with the
conditions under which marriage is formally dissolved. Pertinent sta-
tistical information is noted by the various jurisdictions, with such
data as the causes of divorce, the party to whom granted, whether or
not alimony was awarded and to whom, and similar matters. Such
insight as we have upon family disorganization on a mass scale is per-
force largely drawn from such information, which necessarily ignores
many of the basic reasons for family disorganization.

A further difficulty in interpreting family behavior from the sta-
tistics of divorce is the heterogeneous character of the information.
With the 48 states and the District of Columbia having separate
definitions of grounds for divorce, the United States has the most
confusing mass of divorce legislation in the world. The anomalies
of states' rights reach a high point in the wide varieties of conditions
under which divorce can and cannot be obtained in the different
sovereign jurisdictions. New York allows absolute divorce only on the
ground of adultery; New Yorkers desiring a divorce must either per-
form various symbolic rituals which the court will accept as evidence
of adultery or go elsewhere. Other states are more lenient both in the
matter of defining the length of time necessary to establish residence
for divorce purposes and in grounds therefor.

The exigencies of the law also make for certain obvious absurdities
in divorce statistics. Since divorce in New York State can be granted
only on the ground of adultery, this is the sole ground that appears
in the statistics. To infer that New Yorkers are customarily more
adulterous than, say, Pennsylvanians is to indicate the difficulty of
drawing any definitive conclusions from divorce statistics. States that
define the duration of desertion in short terms will have a larger pro-
portion of divorces granted on this ground than will states requiring
five years or more to establish the fact. Similarly, states with vague or
ambiguous definitions of cruelty will have an inordinate number of
cruel and inhuman husbands, judging from the divorce figures. The
point need not be further labored to indicate that actual family be-
havior and behavior measured in the divorce courts constitute two
different phenomena. This does not mean that the statistics of di-
vorce have no value in interpreting family behavior. The behavior
that such statistics measure, however, is of a highly special nature.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 523

Trends in Divorce Legislation

With these necessary provisos, we may consider briefly the prin-
cipal legal grounds on which divorces are granted in the United
States. Data for the nation as a whole are lacking. The National
Office of Vital Statistics of the Federal Security Agency collects such
information as there is, but only seventeen states are cited in their
recent summaries.^ Furthermore, the definitions of the various
grounds for divorce, as noted, are subject to such wide variations that
any valid generalizations are difficult. We may indicate, however, cer-
tain very general tendencies that are apparent in contemporary di-
vorce legislation in order to indicate the broad trends in this field. ^

1. The Uniformity in Grounds for Divoice. An increasing uni-
formity in grounds for divorce is apparent among the several states.
All the jurisdictions are faced with a growing similarity of social
situations, which give rise to similar legislative procedures. Hence the
majority of states grant divorce on certain grounds, however much
the interpretations may differ from one court to another. Among
these grounds are: cruelty, desertion, nonsupport, adultery, habitual
drunkenness, and conviction and imprisonment for a felony. We
shall examine the nature of these grounds below; we are merely in-
terested in this context in establishing the fact of uniformity.

2. The Increase in Leniency in Divorce Legislation. This trend is
apparent in the extension of the grounds allowed as the basis for di-
vorce. Certain jurisdictions, for example, allow "voluntary separa-
tion" as a possible ground, and others have reduced the period of
time necessary to establish desertion. Other states (still few in num-
ber) have introduced incompatibility as a ground. This trend has
developed slowly, however, since it represents a sharp break with the
traditional concept that one party must "injure" the other in order to
get a divorce. South Carolina, which was until recently the only state
that did not allow divorce on any ground whatever, now authorizes
it on the grounds of adultery, desertion, habitual drunkenness, and
wilful neglect.

5 Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, "Statistics on
Divorces and Annulments: Specified States, 1949," Vital Statistics-Special Re-
ports-National Summaries, August 3, 1951, Vol. 36, No. 7.

^ The following is adapted from Mabel A. Elliott, "Divorce Legislation and
Family Instability," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sci-
ence, November 1950, CCLXXII, 134-47.

524 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

3. The Increase in Restriction in Divorce Legislation. The com-
plexity of social change is indicated by the fact that, concurrently
with this increase in leniency, there is also a discernible increase in
restriction in certain respects and certain jurisdictions. An example
of restriction is the incorporation in approximtely one-third of the
states of the interlocutory decree, or decree nisi, which does not be-
come final until after one year has elapsed. Other states have intro-
duced waiting periods varying from one month to one year before
the divorce becomes final. In this way, it is hoped to reduce the num-
ber of hasty divorces and bring about a possible reconciliation before
the decree becomes final.

4. The Commercialization of Divorce. A final general tendency is
the growing commercialization of divorce. The divorce mill of Reno,
Nevada is the best known of such flourishing commercial ventures.
Other states, notably Florida, Idaho, and Arkansas, have adopted
short residential requirements in an obvious attempt to capitalize
upon the profitable business of migratory divorce. The famed winter
climate of Florida has combined with a ninety-day residence require-
ment to provide a formidable rival for Nevada in this respect. We
shall consider migratory divorce below; we wish here to call atten-
tion to its apparent increase.'^

^ Grounds for Divorce

We may survey briefly the principal grounds for divorce, with a

view to indicating their nature and the variety of definitions given to
them. Complete data on the proportion of divorces granted on the
various grounds are lacking,^ but cruelty is clearly the most impor-
tant single ground, with desertion next. Together, these two are
grounds in more than 80 per cent of the divorces granted, with all
the other grounds comprising the balance.^ Married couples seek the
divorce courts for reasons of incompatibility, ceasing to love each
other, falling in love with someone else, failure of the marriage to
live up to expectations, plus the various tensions, personal and social,
to which this relationship is subject. Most of these real reasons do
not constitute acceptable legal grounds for divorce. Hence the couple

Ubid., pp. 134-37.

* Fragmentary data are given for divorces and annulments by cause in 17 states.
Cf. Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, op. cit.. Table 3.

^ Cf. Bureau of the Census, "Divorce Statistics," Vital Statistics-Special Re-
ports, June 9, 1943, Vol. 17, No. 25.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 525

must employ grounds that are legal in their particular jurisdiction. ^^

1. Cruelty. Approximately half of all divorces involve the ground
of cruelty. This is the most popular as well as the most amorphous
ground. The statutes speak of "cruelty," "extreme cruelty," or "cruel
and inhuman treatment," terms that do not admit of precise defini-
tion. Instead of attempting a blanket definition of legal cruelty, the
court generally tries to determine whether or not the facts in each
case constitute cruelty. A few states incorporate "mental cruelty" as
grounds, although the definition of this behavior is even less precise.
The usual criterion in mental cruelty is whether physical injury has
been done to the plaintiff.^^ This might be called the psychosomatic
theory of cruelty, whereby physical difficulties are allegedly induced
by psychological means.

2. Desertion. Desertion is the second most common ground. All
states except New York and North Carolina grant divorces for deser-
tion, with the period ranging from six months to five years. Certain'
elements must be present before desertion constitutes bona fide
grounds for divorce. These prerequisites include: "(1) a cessation of
cohabitation, (2) desertion for the period prescribed by statute, (3)
an intention to abandon, (4) want of consent on the part of the
party abandoned, and (5) unjustifiable abandonment."^^ There is
no all-inclusive definition of desertion, and the court decides in each
individual case whether or not the behavior may be so defined.

3. Neglect. This ground is variously called "neglect," "nonsup-
port," or "failure to provide." It is one of the several grounds that,
after cruelty and desertion, comprise the balance of divorces. More
than half of the jurisdictions consider this a ground for divorce, pro-
vided the husband has "wilfully" failed to support the wife, even
though financially able to do so. If illness, physical disability, or un-
employment make support impossible, the wife is not thereby en-
titled to sue the husband for divorce.^^ Furthermore, if the wife is
able to support herself through independent means or gainful em-
ployment, neglect by the husband is not considered sufficient
grounds.

4. Adultery. Adultery is "the voluntary sexual intercourse of a mar-

1" Mabel A. Elliott, op. cit., pp. 145-46.

11 Clarke, Social Legislation, p. 121.

12 Ibid., p. 122.

^^ Ibid., p. 124.

526 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

ried man or woman with a person other than the offender's
spouse." ^^ This is the sole ground admitted in every state, including
New York State, where it is the only ground. The attendant social
approbrium is such, however, that only a small proportion (probably
less than 5 per cent) of all divorces are granted on the ground of
adultery. Evidence of adultery differs between courts, but it is gen-
erally stated that it must be of a "clear and positive nature." The
clearest evidence is obviously the apprehension of the guilty pair in
flagrante dilecto, but "presumptive" evidence also suflEces. The op-
portunity to commit the act combined with a demonstrable inclina-
tion thereto constitutes presumptive evidence that the act was com-
mitted. A man who spends the night in a hotel with a woman not
his wife is thereby considered to have had both the opportunity and
the inclination to commit adultery.^^

5. Drunkenness. This is the only additional ground that comprises
more than 1 per cent of the total cases. Although clearly difficult to
define accurately, a workable concept of drunkenness stresses both
its degree and habitual character. Persons who go on occasional
sprees do not qualify for such an accusation, nor do those who drink
habitually but moderately. To constitute grounds for divorce, the
drunkenness must be both habitual and excessive; the exact nature of
>< these states is a matter of definition, but the general concept is suffi-
ciently clear for working purposes.^^

Trends in Divorce

In the year 1867, the Bureau of the Census reported a total of
9,937 divorces in the United States, with a rate of approximately 0.3
divorces per 1,000 of the population. In 1946, the same agency esti-
mated a total of 610,000 divorces and a rate of 4.3 per 1,000 of the
population. Both the number and the rate for 1946 were the highest
on record. ^'^ In 1951, the last year for which figures are available, the
number of divorces stood at 371,000 and the rate at 2.4 per 1,000 of
the population. In the five years from 1947 ^'^ ^95^ inclusive, the
number and rate showed a continuous drop with each successive

"Ibid., p. 120.

15 Ibid.

1^ Ibid., p. 124.

1^ Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, "Summary of
Marriage and Divorce Statistics: United States, 1949," Vital Statistics-Special Re-
ports, June 5, 1951, Vol. 36, No. 2, Table 4.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS

527

year, until the rate in 1951 was 44 per cent lower than that in 1946.^*
Irrespective of the short-time fluctuations, however, the change from
less than 0.5 divorces per 1,000 population to 2.4 per 1,000 popula-
tion represents perhaps the most spectacular single statistic describ-
ing the changing status of the family. These general trends are
shown in Table 15 and Figure 8.

The divorce rate has been climbing for years

J 4

>^—

■"

■J

1870 1880 1890 1900 19^0 1920 1930 1940 1950

264.000

40^

4EB^

4B^

JS9.000

4SB>

4IS>

40^

divorce
d«<re«i
610,000

4SS^

4S|>

3U.000

4SS>

Source: Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth, children and youth
AT THE MIDCENTURY. Raleigh, North Carolina: Health Publications Institute, Inc., 1951.

Fig. 8.

This change in the divorce rate in the United States is not an
isolated phenomenon. It is part of a trend all over the civilized
world and reflects such massive social changes as increasing urbaniza-
tion, the growing independence of women, two world wars, a world-
wide depression, the declining influence of the local community,
the acceleration of social mobility, the growing cult of happiness in

18 Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, Press Release,
July 9, 1952.

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529

530 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

marriage— and many other social, economic, philosophical, and ideo-
logical changes that have convulsed the Western world in recent dec-
ades .^^ Hence this change is not an exclusively American phenome-
non, but is rather a characteristic, in varying degrees, of all countries
that have been influenced by urban-industrial civilization.

The general postwar trend throughout the Western world has
approximated that of the United States. The war and immediate
postwar years saw the divorce rate rise to the highest level in history,
as the breakdown in many individual marriages both accompanied
and followed the convulsions of total war. The years from approxi-
mately 1947 to 1951 saw a decline from the record figures of 1945-
1946, although in most countries the rates did not return to their
prewar levels. The divorce rates per 1,000 of the population in
selected countries from 1900 to 1950 are shown in Table 16. Despite
the increases in other countries, the United States still retains the
dubious distinction of having the highest divorce rate of any nation
in the world. ^^

In several European countries, the rate of divorce increased very
rapidly between the prewar average for 1935-1939 and that for 1950.
The liberalization of the divorce laws in England and Wales since
1940 combined with the marital disorganization accompanying
World War II to bring about an extremely heavy increase between
1935-1939 and 1947. The rate per 1,000 of the population in Eng-
land and Wales in 1935-1939 was 0.1, whereas in 1947 it had in-
creased to 1.4. The rate subsequently declined to 0.7 in 1950, but
even this figure represented a 700 per cent increase from the prewar
level. France also showed a sharp increase, from 0.6 per 1,000 of the
population in 1935-1939 to a postwar high of 1.4 in 1947 and 0.8 in
1950, with the latter figure still substantially above the prewar
level. 2^

Among the Scandinavian countries, Sweden showed an increase
from 0.5 per 1,000 of the population in 1935-1939 to 1.1 in 1950, or
more than 100 per cent. There was no postwar decline in either
Sweden or Norway, and the rate in both of those countries continued

21 Kingsley Davis, "Statistical Perspective on Marriage and Divorce," Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 17-18.

-- Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Postwar Divorce Rates Here and
Abroad," Statistical Bulletin, June 19 5-.

23 Ibid.

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532 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

in 1950 at the high figure of the immediate postwar years.^^ What-
ever the immediate postwar fluctuations, the social disorganization
of World War II exerted a powerful effect upon the family. This
impact is not statistically noticeable in such countries as Italy, Spain,
and Ireland, which do not allow absolute divorce and hence are not
listed in the accompanying table. It is doubtless safe to say, however,
that even in these Roman Catholic countries the family has not
completely escaped the profound social changes through which we
are living.^^

Divorce and Social Crisis

There is thus a close relationship between divorce and the major
crises of an urban, industrial society. A crisis represents a drastic
interruption in social relationships, whereby the members of the
family must adjust to situations drastically different from those with
which they are familiar. In this sense, the major social crises are
prosperity, depression, and war. We may briefly examine these three
types of crises in terms of their impact upon family disorganization,
as measured by divorce.

1. Piospeiity as a Family Ciisis. The majority of persons would
doubtless maintain that boom and prosperity are good for the
family, just as these conditions are presumed to be good for every
other phase of our social life/ This assumption is not borne out by
the facts. In times of prosperity, money is plentiful and social rela-
tionships outside the home increase. Husbands and wives come in
contact with other persons of the opposite sex who presumably
stimulate their romantic sense, with the result that many decide to
divorce their spouses and try again.

Many of the other tensions that culminate in divorce, such as the
excessive indulgence in alcohol, also proliferate during times of full
employment, high consumer incomes, and inflated price levels. Vir-
tually full employment, a high level of consumer incomes, and a con-
sequent increase in consumer spending were all characteristic of the
postwar years from 1946 to 1951. These accompaniments of high
prosperity combined with the social disorganization of World War
II to maintain the divorce rate at greater than prewar levels.

25 Ibid.

2« Kingsley Davis, "Statistical Perspective on Marriage and Divorce," op. cit,

p. 17.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 533

2. Depression as a Family Crisis. Economic depression is a second
type of crisis that periodically faces the family in an urban, indus-
trial society. A prolonged period of unemployment, deflation, and
lower price levels introduces a number of stresses and strains into
the family, but it also tends to decrease the divorce rate. In the early
years of the great depression of the 1930's, many persons saw evidence
in the decline of the divorce rate that the long-term increase in family
disorganization was at an end. The depression, it was hopefully
asserted, brought families together and thus served at least one
worthy purpose.

On closer examination, however, this optimistic prognostication
had to be seriously revised. There were several depression-born fac-
tors that lowered the divorce rate but increased family stability only
in the formal sense, (a) Monetary Cost of Divorce. The first of these
factors is the monetary cost of divorce, which deters many couples
from taking this step when times are hard and money is scarce, (b)
Unemployment Relief. Single or divorced persons often find diffi-
culty in obtaining relief, whereas those with regular family ties have
less difficulty. Many couples therefore retain their formal marital
status rather than get a divorce and thereby threaten their chances
for relief, (c) Employment Opportunity. Under full employment,
opportunities for women in clerical and related occupations are
plentiful. In times of depression, such opportunities are strictly cur-
tailed, a fact that unquestionably deters many women from seeking
divorce who might otherwise do so. This factor also keeps the divorce
rate down, although it is doubtful if family consensus is correspond-
ingly increased.

3, War as a Family Crisis. Total war is a third major crisis that
produces a drastic readjustment in marital and family relationships
and hence leads to a higher rate of divorce. War accentuates many
of the elements of social disorganization that are evident in peace
times, and the family is often a casualty of this process.^^ During and
after World War II, the increased social mobility, the rise in mone-
tary income, the expansion of commercialized recreation, the addi-
tion of millions of married women to the labor force, the prolonged
separation of hundreds of thousands of families, and the hasty war-
time marriages were among the factors that combined to produce a

27 Francis E. Merrill, Social Piohlems on the Home Front (New York: Har-
per & Brothers, 1948).

534 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

high divorce rate both during and after the actual period of hostih-
ties.^* In the immediate postwar period, these forces were com-
pounded by the demobihzation of the armed forces and the subse-
quent dissolution of thousands of marriages contracted during the
preliminary defense period and the early years of the war. The result
of these and other factors was the highest divorce rate in history, as
the United States recovered from the greatest war in history .^^

The Personnel of Divorce

We may next consider the personnel of divorce. In this context,
we mean the number of divorced persons, the percentage of childless
couples, the rural-urban backgrounds of divorced persons, the dura-
tion of marriage in relation to divorce, the extent of migratory di-
vorce, and the regional differentiations in the rates of divorce.

1. The Number of Divorced Persons. Divorced persons in the
population stood at 2,066,000 in April, 1951. Of this number, an
estimated 1,200,000 were women and 866,000 were men. The com-
bined figure represented approximately 2 per cent of the total popu-
lation 14 years of age and older .^" More than 2,000,000 persons
occupying the status of divorced persons represent a striking change
in the mores. Fifty years ago, a divorced person was so rare that he
or she was considered almost a social curiosity. Today, millions of
men and women are working out as best they can the complex
interpersonal relationships of this new status.

Even this impressive number does not indicate the full extent of
divorce in American society. The 2,000,000 divorced persons include
only those listed as divorced at any one time, and do not include the
other millions who have remarried subsequent to divorce. In the
decade 1940-1950, approximately 4,000,000 marriages were dissolved
by divorce, involving some 8,000,000 persons. The great majority of
these divorced persons were subsequently absorbed into the married
population. As a result, the percentage of the male population re-
ported as divorced in 1950 was "only" 2.2, as compared to 1.9 per

28 Reuben Hill, Families under Stress (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1949).

29 Cf. also Earl L. Koos, "Class Differences in Family Reactions to Crisis,"
Marriage and FamiJv Living, Summer 1950, XX, 77-78.

3" Bureau of the Census, "Marital' Status and Household Characteristics: April
1951," Current Popuhtion Reports: Population Characteristics, April 29, 1952,
Series P-20, No. 38, Table V.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 535

cent in 1940. The comparable figures for women were 2.7 in 1950
and 2.3 in 1940.^^

Furthermore, large numbers of divorced persons hesitate to admit
their status to the census enumerator. Hence a considerable (although
obviously indeterminate) number of the 7,084,000 women listed as
widows and the 2,216,000 men listed as widowers should be added
to the total of the divorced. Finally, a number of the 1,700,000
persons officially listed as "separated" because of marital discord
will shortly swell the number of divorced in the population, as soon
as the legal proceedings are carried through.^^ The data on family
disorganization related directly or indirectly to divorce are thus far
from complete. They are sufficiently complete, however, to suggest
the number of persons who have been faced with the crisis of divorce
in recent years.

2. Person to Whom Divorce Granted. A second consideration
involves the person to whom the divorce is granted. Data on a
national scale are not available, but information for a selected group
of 17 states in 1949 indicates that 73 per cent of divorces were
granted to the wife and 27 per cent to the husband.^^ Men do not
initiate divorce proceedings to the same extent as do their wives.
This situation results partly from a somewhat outmoded sense of
chivalry, whereby the man voluntarily assumes the legal and moral
onus of divorce, rather than expose the woman to any possible social
opprobrium. Women are constrained by the mores from taking the
initiative in adulterous relationships. They also become involved to
a lesser extent than men in excessive drunkenness, another type of
conduct that furnishes grounds for divorce. The husband continues
to play the role of martyr in the social drama of divorce and to
accept whatever guilt society may still attribute to the defendant in
a divorce action.

3. Divorce and Duration oi Marriage. A large proportion of all
divorces occur during the early years of marriage. In the sample oP

^^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "American Family Ties Strength-
ened," Statistical Bulletin, March 1951. These figures for the percentage of
divorced in the population are not strictly comparable with those in the previous
paragraph. The latter are for April, 1951, vi^hereas those used here for compara-
tive purposes are for April, 1950.

32 Ibid.

33 Federal Security Agency, "Statistics on Divorces and Annulments: Specified
States, 1949," op. cit., Table 4.

536 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

17 States noted immediately above, 77,332 divorces were examined
in terms of the duration of the marriage. Approximately 6 per cent
occurred in marriages whose duration w^as less than 1 year, 9 per
cent in those with a duration of 1-2 years, 11 per cent in those lasting
2-3 years, 10 per cent in those with a duration of 3-4 years, and 7 per
cent in marriages with a duration of 4-5 years.^*

Data on a national scale for duration of marriage in the year 1948
were examined with the same general result. Commenting upon this
situation, Jacobson states that "the rate was at a maximum of 26
per 1,000 couples in the third year of marriage (duration 2-3 years),
dropped sharply through the 7th year, and thereafter declined less
rapidly but almost steadily with each advance of matrimonial dura-
tion. By the 20th wedding anniversary, the rate was down to 8 per
1,000." ^^ One of the real reasons (as distinguished from the legal
reasons) for divorce seems to be the disenchantment that accom-
panies a waning of romantic love. This process reaches its height in
the early years of matrimony.

4. Divorce and Childless Couples. The majority of divorces are
granted^ to childless couples, although the proportion of divorces
involving children has increased in recent decades. In the period
from 1922 to 1948, the proportion of divorced couples with children
increased from 38 to 42 per cent. Approximately three out of every
five divorces still do not involve chiMren. This fact has often been
interpreted as proof that children hold the family together and
prevent divorce. Tlie relationship between divorce and children,
however, is not so simple. The mere fact that 60 per cent of divorces
occur to childless couples does not necessarily prove the case one
way or the other. The heaviest concentration of divorces occurs in
the early years of marriage, when childlessness is at its heigh t.^^

The relationship between children and divorce may be further
explored in terms of the length of marriage. The proportion of di-
vorces involving children increases with the length of marriage. Less
than 10 per cent of the marriages ending in divorce before one year

^^ Federal Security Agency, "Statistics on Divorces and Annulments: Specified
States, 1949/' op. eft., Table 5.

^^ Paul H. Jacobson, "Differentials in Divorce by Duration of Marriage and
Size of Family," American SocioIogfcaJ Review, April 1950, XV, 239.

2^ Paul H. Jacobson, "Differentials in Divorce by Duration of Marriage and
Size of Family," op. cit., p. 241.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 537

have children, whereas 65 per cent of those ending in divorce in the
eighteenth year of marriage have children. In the year 1948, children
were involved in more than half of the divorces granted to couples
married from 7 to 23 years. In view of these and other pertinent
facts, the mere presence of children apparently does not constitute
a deterrent to divorce. Rather, suggests one authority, "Divorce and
childlessness are probably concomitant results of more fundamental
factors in the marital relationship." ^'^

5. Divorce and Urbanism. Many of the factors that contribute to
the disorganization of the family are related to urban life. The
stronghold of the traditional family is still the rural-farm population,
with the rural-nonfarm group coming next.^^ Divorce is more an
urban than a rural-farm or rural-nonfarm problem. The percentage
of divorced persons in the population increases in proportion to the
degree of urbanism. For the female population, only 0.7 per cent of
those in rural-farm areas are divorced, as compared to 1.5 for the
rural-nonfarm and 2.6 for the urban areas. For the male population,
q similar differential is observed, with 0.9 per cent of the men in the
rural-farm areas divorced, compared with 1.4 in the rural-nonfarm,
and 1.9 in the urban areas.^^

Data on earlier periods indicate that the disparity is even more
marked in terms of the size of the city; the ten largest cities show a
disproportionate number of divorced persons in terms of the per-
centage of the total population residing therein.^** As urban attitudes
and behavior patterns are disseminated throughout the country, this
disparity between country and city may gradually decrease.

6. Regional Differences in Divorce. Divorce increases in frequency
as we move from east to west across the continental United States.
The New England and Middle Atlantic States have the lowest rates,
the North Central and South Atlantic States next, and the Moun-

^"^ Ibid., p. 244.

38 The urban population, as defined by the Bureau of the Census, comprises
all persons living in incorporated communities of 2,500 or more; the rural-farm
population includes all persons actually living on farms, whereas the rural-nonfarm
population makes up the remaining rural population.

2^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status and Household Characteristics:
April, 1951," Current Population Reports: Population Characteristics, op. cit.,
Table 6.

*" Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family (New York: American
Book Company, 1945), pp. 633-34.

538 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

tain and Pacific States have the highest rates.*^ These differences can-
not be explained in rehgious terms alone, but rest rather with the
culture patterns prevailing in the various regions. In this category
are such matters as the sex ratio, the relations between the sexes,
racial composition, nationality background, types of occupations, as
well as religion. Frontier conditions are still reflected in the laws and
family patterns of the West, and they make for more marital free-
dom, more individual choice for women, and a consequently higher
rate of divorce. Just as the American culture pattern as a whole dif-
fers from that of any other nation, so various regional differentia-
tions exist among the subcultures within the American configura-
tion. Divorce is one of the most spectacular of these subcultural
expressions.

7. Migration and Divorce. It is widely assumed that the principal
reason for the high divorce rates in the Pacific and Mountain States
is the laxity of their divorce laws and the consequent influx of
divorce-seekers from other parts of the country. This assumption is
incorrect. Despite the publicity given to the six-weeks residence pro-
vision in Nevada, the number of migratory divorces in that state and
in the country as a whole is comparatively small. Some 10,800 di-
vorces were granted in Nevada in 1949. This number, however, com-
prised only a small percentage of the 397,000 divorces granted in the
country as a whole for that year.'*^ As a national phenomenon, there-
fore, migratory divorce is relatively unimportant. The great majority
of marriages are dissolved according to the laws of the states in
which the persons are currently resident.'*^

Adjustment to Divorce

Divorce^ represents a crisis in th^Jiyes^f jthe_participants. A crisis
may be further defined as "a stage in any given interactional process
where a person or group is involved in a problem that has proved in-
soliible by whaTeveFhabits, cus^nis,_jorjoutine ^ractices^have been
depended upon, and attention js^udd^nly. focused upon the cross-

*^ Federal Security Agency, National Office of Vital Statistics, "Summary of
Marriage and Divorce Statistics: United States, 1949," Vital Statistics-Special
Reports, op. cit., Table 2.

42 Jbid., Table 2.

43 Cf. Mabel A. Elliott, "Divorce Legislation and Family Instability," op. cit.,
pp. 136-37.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 539

roads or the impasse." *^ Divorce creates a social situation that is
perhaps unique in the number and complexity of the adjustments
that must be made. Death is also a crisis, but there are certain cul-
tural patterns that define the roles of the bereaved. Divorce has few,
if any, of these accepted patterns. Divorced persons are no longer
viewed with the suspicion and disapproval formerly accorded them,
but the pattern of their lives is still not socially defined or sanc-
tioned. We may indicate some of the principal forms of adjustment
necessitated by the crisis of divorce.

1. Emotional Adjustments. The divorced person j^s_often in a
highly emotional state. This condition is brought about partly~by
the process— ol"ahenatiQn_and conflicJLthaJLjireceded^the^djyorce *^^
and partly by the ambiguous social situation in which he now finds-
himself. Many of ^the immediate emotional reactions to divorce are
similar to those of ^eath an^ bereavement. The divorced person may
successively experience such varied emotions as refusal or rejection
of the fact of divorce, unusual calm, wild manifestations of grief,
nervous shock, self-pity or self-justification, and other complex emo-
tions connected with a final break in this most intimate of human
relationships. The internal maladjustment of the divorcee may take
the form of "suppressions, repression, regressions, ambivalent moti-
vatioHS,'blockages, cleavage beJv^eenJust_andJove^ loss of self-confi-
dence and ambition, doubts, indecision, nightmare, morbidly trans^
ferred attachments or aversions— all these and more." ^^

2. Sexual Adjustments. Closely allied to the emotional changes is
the necessary adjustment of the sexual relationship. This relation-
ship involves far more than sexual intercourse and its related mani-
festations. Adjustments in this field involve all the personal inti-
macies comprising the affectional function of the family, in which
sex per se is by no means all-important. The sex relationship,
broadly defined, plays such a fundamental part in contemporary
marriage that its deprivation involves an acute psychological crisis.
On the narrower level of sex relations as such, the divorced person
must also make certain fundamental decisions. He may practice
rigid celibacy, or may become immersed in work, play, or a new love

** Thomas D. Eliot, "Handling Family Strains and Shocks," chap. 21, Family,
Marriage, and Parenthood, eds. Howard Becker and Reuben Hill (Boston: D. C.
Heath and Company, 1948), p. 617, footnote.

*^ Waller, The tamily, pp. 513-29.

46 Eliot, op. cit., p. 628.

540 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

object. Sexual experimentation may be attempted, with the possi-
bihty of personal disorganization weighing more heavily upon the
divorced woman because of the still-prevailing double standard of
morality.'*'^

The researches of Kinsey have thrown some light upon the sexual
adjustments of divorced persons. The divorced male apparently re-
sumes an active sexual life, with one or more new partners, a short
time after the divorce. Despite the ambiguous social definition of
such extramarital activities, the male appears to be almost as sexually
active as before the divorce. The divorced woman, on the other
hand, does not appear to follow the same pattern. The sexual role of
the woman in our society, whatever her marital status, is less aggres-
sive than that of the man. Hence many women apparently cease
heterosexual activity almost completely after divorce.^^ Those who
accept such experience may also invite social difficulties.*^

3. Social Adjustments. Divorce also introduces a variety of compli-
cations into the social relationships of the erstwhile spouses, who are
suddenly called upon to assume new and very different roles. Much
of their social life during their married years involved other couples
of similar age, occupation, interest, and subcultural characteristics.
After the divorce, at least one (and possibly both) of the partici-
pants must perforce seek new friends and relationships. Furthermore,
mutual friends often take sides, and the role of the "guilty" party is
often rendered more difficult by the zealous partisans of the "inno-
cent" party. The former spouse must often choose which friends he
is going to retain and which groups he will continue to frequent.
This choice is sometimes made for him by mutual friends, who con-
sider that he has injured his erstwhile spouse by his actions prior to,
during, or after the divorce.-''''

The social adjustments following divorce are subject to many
gradations, from the instances where former husbands and wives con-
tinue many of their former group contacts to those in which one
party cuts himself off completely from his former life, sometimes to

47 Cf. Willard Waller, The Old Love and the New (New York: Liveright
Publishing Corporation, 1930).

■** Alfred C. Kinsey, et al., Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), pp. 294-96.

** Qi. also Ernst and Loth, For Better or Worse, chap. 4, "Sex."

5" Cf. William }. Goode, 'Troblems in Postdivorce Adjustment," American
SocioI(^gfcaI Review, June 1949, XIV, 394-401.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 541

the point of leaving the community. The divorced person may thus
develop feelings of loneliness, anxiety, and insecurity, since he has
been forced to change his personality at a relatively advanced age.^^
His basic social patterns, both those within and without the mar-
riage, have been abruptly broken. The resulting shock to his ego may
be very great.^- Many persons lack the psychic energy to adjust to
the changed status.

4. Economic Adjustments. Divorced men and women are faced
with the prosaic but fundamental question of economic support.^^
The problem of the sexes differs considerably. The earning capacity
of the husband ordinarily continues, whereas the economic status of
the wife undergoes a marked change. The wife is faced with several
alternatives, once the economic security of marriage is abruptly re-
moved. She may return to her parental home, go to work, seek
public or private relief, enter into an irregular sex relation, or seek
alimony. These options are not equally inviting and the choice usu-
ally becomes one of alimony or employment. Alimony is awarded to
approximately one-third of all divorced women.^^ If the wife is child-
less and able-bodied, the judge does not ordinarily award alimony,
unless the husband is wealthy,^^ Hence the majority of divorced
women are obliged to enter (or re-enter) the labor market.

Almost three-fourths of all divorced women are therefore in the
labor force. In a study made some years ago (1947), an estimated
1,140,000 divorced women were in the population as a whole, of
whom 792,000 or 69.5 per cent were gainfully employed. This figure
compared with the 28.3 per cent of all widows gainfully employed
and indicates the greater ability of the divorced woman to support
herself by reason of age, physical capacity, and lack of dependent
children. ^^

More recent studies do not separate the widowed and divorced
women in the labor force. These studies indicate that, in April 1951,

51 Ernst and Loth, op. cit., chaps. 2, 3.

52 Waller, The Family, pp. 515 flF., "Readjustment of Personality."

53 Cf. Ernst and Loth, op. cit., chap. 5, "Money."

54 Bureau of the Census, "Divorce Statistics," Vital Statistics-Special Reports,
June 9, 1943, Vol. 17, No. 25, Table 2, p. 463.

55 Cf. Robert W. Kelso, "The Changing Social Setting of Alimony Law,"
Law and Contemporary Problems, Spring 1939, VI, 186-96.

56 Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics of Single, Married, Widowed, and
Divorced Persons in 1947," Current Population Reports: Population Charac-
teristics, February 6, 1948, Series P-20, No. 10, Table 9.

542 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

2,990,000 women of both categories were in the labor force. This
represented 36.1 per cent of the total of 8,284,000 women listed as
widowed or divorced. This larger group is divided into 7,084,000
widows and 1,200,000 divorced women. ^' On the basis of the earlier
(1947) figures, it is doubtless safe to say that three-fourths of the
1,200,000 divorced women were in the labor force at the time of the
later study. Thejnajority oL^omen who have broken their marriage
ties are both_willing-and-able_ to be economically independent:

Divorce and Remarriage

The^Tlpst^popular adjustment to divorce is remarriage. By this
step, many of the emotional, sexual, social, and economic problems
of the diyorced-jpjgrson^re eliminated, or^Fleast alleviated. Just as-
divorce is becoming__anJmcreasingly popular "solution" to the prob-
lems of marrjage^_so_remarriage_is, becoming the "solution" to prob-
lems of divorce. Most persons whose marriages are disrupted by
divorce find^oTace in another relationship. Those who view the in-
crease in divorce as evidence of the disappearance of the family
should realize that most divorced men and women are merely ex-
changing one mate for another. Their faith in marriage and the
family remains substantially unimpaired. If all or a majority of di-
vorced persons remained in this status for the rest of their lives, we
might advisedly look to our family laurels. But this is not the case.

Precise information is lacking on the exact number of persons who
adjust to divorce by remarriage. The evidence suggests that the per-
centage of divorced persons remarrying is higher today than it was
twenty or even ten years ago. This fact reflects the recent increase in
the divorce rate among young persons and the tendency of these
persons to remarry'. In recent years, a survey by the National Office
of Vital Statistics disclosed that "all but about one-fourth of the
persons obtaining a divorce in the 5 years prior to the survey date had
meantime remarried." ^^ In other words, an estimated 75-80 per cent
of all persons currently obtaining a divorce are remarried within
five years. These figures are in striking contrast to the widowed; ap-
proximately "one-half of the men and three-fourths of the women

^^ Op. eft., "Marital Status and Household Characteristics," Table 5.
^* Paul C. Click, "First Marriages and Remarriages," American Sociological
Review, December 1049, XIV, 730.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 543

who had lost their spouse bv death during the five years preceding
the survey had not remarried." ^^

We do not know the exact number or proportion of those persons
now married who have been previously divorced. We do know, how-
ever, that approximately one out of every eight persons (13 per cent)
now married has been previously married. The earlier marriage may
have been broken either by death or divorce, but the evidence indi-
cates that the majority of those married before have been divorced
rather than widowed. The proportion of males and females previ-
ously married is approximately the same, namely 13 per cent. There
are, however, important differences between the sexes with regard to
remarriage at different age levels. Under 35 years of age, 6 per cent
of the men and 9 per cent of the women have been married more
than once. The divorced men had a median age of 35.9 years when
they were divorced, whereas the divorced women had a median age
of 32.2 years when their divorce occurred. These differentials largely
reflect the fact that the median age of first marriage is 24.7 years for
the men and 21.4 years for the women.^°

We do not have much information concerning the comparative
"success" or "happiness" of marriages following divorce.^^ There is
a priori evidence that second marriages might be either unusually
happy or unusually unhappy. On the one hand, persons who fail in
their first marriage might have certain temperamental or other per-
sonality difficulties that would render any subsequent marital adjust-
ment equally difficult. On the other hand, men and women who
have once experienced marriage may conceivably learn something in
the process and hence make a more satisfactory adjustment the next
time. The person is several years older when he marries for the sec-
ond time and hence presumably has better judgment. Furthermore,
the first marriage is often veiled in the mists of romantic love, which
may temporarily obscure many aspects of incompatibility and basic
disparity in values. The divorced person may therefore be looking
for, in a second spouse, traits other than the superficial attractions of
romantic infatuation.

59 Ihid.

^^ Bureau of the Census, "Marital Status, Number of Times Married, and
Duration of Present Marital Status: April, 1948," Current Population Reports:
Population ChaTactehstics. March 4, 1940. Series P-20, No. 23.

®^ Cf. Thomas P. Monahan, "How Stable Are Remarriages?" American Jour-
nal of Sociology, November 1952, LVIII, 280-88.

544 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

The work of Waller and Popenoe was the first in this field. It has
recently been supplemented by that of Goode and Locke. The gen-
eral conclusion of the pioneer study of Waller was that the divorcee
tended to be a poor subsequent risk because of: (a) diflBcult per-
sonality traits; and (b) the traumatic effects of the divorce experi-
ence.^- In a study of remarried divorcees conducted more than two
decades ago, on the other hand, Popenoe estimated that approxi-
mately two-thirds were "happy" in their new relationship, a percent-
age that compared favorably with the author's estimate of successful
marriages in the general population. ^^

The most extensive investigation of the adjustment of divorced
persons in subsequent remarriages is that of Harvey J. Locke.^* The
sample used by Locke was comparatively small (146 persons), but
the intensity of the study compensates for this factor. The author
started with the general hypothesis that there was no significant dif-
ference between the persons who had married after divorce and those
who had married only once. This hypothesis was borne out with the
divorced women who had subsequently remarried, but not with the
divorced men. The general conclusions were therefore twofold: (a)
"Remarried divorced women are as well adjusted in their present
marriages as women who remain married to their first mates;" (b)
"Remarried divorced men are less adjusted in their present marriages
than those men who have been married only once." ^^ The reasons
for this differential are not completely clear. In the present state of
knowledge, we can merely state that marital adjustment scores indi-
cate that such a difference exists.^*'

An initial unhappy experience with matrimony thus apparently
does not discourage the participants from trying again. Indeed, the
person who has tasted the joys (and sorrows) of marriage has a
greater inclination toward this status, as well as a greater possibility
of attaining it again, than the spinster or bachelor. The young di-
vorced woman of 30, for example, has 94 chances in 100 of eventual

62 Waller, The Old Love and the New.

63 Paul Popenoe, "Divorce and Remarriage from a Eugenic Point of View,"
Social Forces. October 193^, XII, 48-50.

64 Harvey J. Locke, Predicting Adjustment in Marriage (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1951).

65 Ibid., p. 309.

66 Cf. also Harvey J. Locke and William J. Klausner, "Marital Adjustment of
Divorced Persons in Subsequent Marriages," Sociology and Social Research,
November-December 1948, XXXIII, 97-101.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 545

remarriage, whereas a widow of the same age has 60 chances and a
spinster of 30 has only 48 in 100 chances of marriage. The divorced
man of 30 has 96 chances in loo of remarriage, the widower 92, and
the bachelor of 30 has only 67 in 100 chances of marriage. Even in
the later ages, the chances of remarriage for the divorced of both
sexes are considerably greater than those of the bachelor or spinster
of the same age.^^

Children of Divorce

Children of divorced parents are a final aspect of the divorce proc-
ess. The nature of the family system in our society renders this prob-
lem especially acute. The small, closely integrated family of Amer-
ica embodies a high degree of emotional participation by husband,
wife, and children. The small kinship group envelops the child in a
cloud of affection from the very beginning. The child is devoted to
his parents, who interpret the world to him from earliest infancy.
These emotionally charged relationships are the core of his person-
ality, both conscious and unconscious. The dissolution of this pat-
tern through divorce is often catastrophic, for the child has lost an
emotional security he may never recover.^^

This~~sense of emotional security, of belonging, of being loved,
and the assurance that nothing can shake this love comprise some
of the elements which the child is taught to expect and generally
receives from his parents.^^ This security is granted because he is the
child of his parents, and not because he is stronger, wiser, or better
than other children. When he is deprived of this appreciation by di-
vorce, he may feel as if the floor had suddenly been yanked out from
under him. In the words of a psychiatrist, "the children of divorced
parents are insecure; whatever their appearance, you will find some-
where a panicky loss of morale, a figurative hanging of the head." '"^

It has been suggested that the insecurity of the child may reflect the
conflict between his parents, rather than the fact of divorce as such.

^^ Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "The Chances of Remarriage for
the Widowed and Divorced," Statistical Bulletin, May 1945.

^^ Kingsley Davis, "Sociological and Statistical Analysis," Law and Contempo-
rary Pioblems, Summer 1944, ^' 700-20.

•^9 Arnold W. Green, "The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis," American
SocfoJogical Review, February 1946, XI, 31-41.

^^ James S. Plant, "The Psychiatrist Views Children of Divorced Parents,"
Law and Contemporary Problems, Summer 1944, X, 814.

546 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

The world of the child may, it is contended, be just as demoralized
in a family where the parents are bitterly conflicting as in a family
formally broken by divorce. In other words, it is the unhappy mar-
riage rather than the divorce that poisons the world of the child,
who has been taught to expect love between his parents, as well as
toward himself J^ Marital unhappiness, whether eventuating in di-
vorce or not, is thus closely correlated with unhappiness in the chil-
dren. The ideal situation is clearly a home full of affection where
both parents provide psychic stability for the children. It is doubt-
ful, therefore, whether in every case the lot of the child is worse in a
legally broken home than in one marked by bitter and continuous
conflict.''^^

In our ethnocentrism, we often think that personality disorgani-
zation is inevitable in the disruption of any family, no matter what
the cultural setting. Actually, this problem appears to be unique, at
least in terms of its virulence, to the small, conjugal family of the
Western world. Children who live in the large consanguine family,
where the central relationship is one of "blood" and not of marriage,
seem to suffer no such stress following divorce. The children remain
with the mother's or the father's family, as the case may be, and are
thereby spared the difficulty of adjusting to a new family environ-
ment. Under such conditions, the care and rearing of the children
do not depend upon the continuance of the husband-wife relation-
ship. When the mother and father in our society are divorced, the
family collapses. Among many other peoples, the large consanguine
family continues to function and care for the child, irrespective of
the relationship between a given husband and wife."^

In a recent year, approximately 313,000 children under 21 years of
age were involved in divorce and annulment. In the same year, there
were 421,000 divorces, or roughly 3 children for every 4 broken mar-
riages. Almost three-fifths of the divorced couples, however, had no
children; of the two-fifths that did have children, there was an aver-
age of 1.78 children per couple. The absence of children in almost
60 per cent of the divorces may be largely attributed to the pre-
dominance of divorces during the early years of marriage. There is
naturally a smaller proportion of children in the early years than in

^^ Waller, The Family, pp. 542-43.

^2 Ernst and Loth, For Better or Worse, pp. 130-31.

^3 Kingsley Davis, op. cit., pp. 703-4.

THE DIVORCE PROCESS 547

the later years of marriage, and hence the majority of divorced
couples do not have children. As noted above, the presence or ab-
sence of children docs not appear, as such, to be the deciding factor
in family stability or disruptions^ The large proportion of children
among couples that are divorced after 7 to 20 years of married life
suggests that the mere presence of children is not enough to hold a
couple togetherJ^

The custody of the children following divorce presents certain
emotional difficulties. The child may be permanently awarded to the
mother, on the assumption that she is better qualified to care for
him than the father.'''^ At the same time, however, the child may be
given the opportunity of spending a certain part of every year with
the father. Each parent then attempts to gain the sympathy of the
child, and the latter is continually torn between two loyalties. He
may develop an inordinate affection for one parent and an equally
bitter hatred for the other. Such children may have their concep-
tions of family life so distorted that they are unable to make an ade-
quate adjustment when the time comes for them to marry. What-
ever the specific result of these situations, the effect of such a com-
petition for affection may be one of trauma and shock for the child.
In our society, the position of the child of divorce is abnormal.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Clarke, Helen I., Social Legislation. New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1940. An excellent analysis of social legislation in gen-
eral and divorce legislation in particular.

Elliott, Mabel A., and Francis E. Merrill, Social Disorganization,
3rd ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950. Chapters 19 and 20
of this study of social disorganization contain extensive summaries
of present trends in divorce.

Ernst, Morris L. and David Loth, Foi Better or Worse. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1952. An able and well-written popular summary
of some of the contemporary trends in divorce, with particular em-
phasis upon the legal implications.

''^ Cf. Harold T. Christensen annd Robert E. Philbrick, "Family Size as a
Factor in the Marital Adjustments of College Couples," American Sociological
Review, June 1952, XVII, 306-12.

^^ Paul H. Jacobson, "Differentials in Divorce by Duration of Marriage and
Size of Family," op. cit., p. 239.

■^^ Cf. Carl A. Weinman, "The Trial Judge Awards Custody," Law and Con-
temporary Problems, Summer 1944, X, 721-36.

548 THE DIVORCE PROCESS

GooDE, William }., "Problems in Postdivorce Adjustment," American
Sociological Review, June 1949, XIV, 394-401. A preliminary report
on an extensive study of divorce, in which some of the theoretical
problems of adjustment are examined.

Jacobson, Paul H., "Differentials in Divorce by Duration of Marriage
and Size of Family," American Sociological Review, April 1950, XV,
235-44. •'■" ^^^^ significant article, the author raises some pertinent
questions concerning the role of children in preventing divorce.
After several years of marriage, this role appears to be of decreasing
importance, inasmuch as at least half of all divorces of couples mar-
ried for several years involve children.

KiNSEY, Alfred C, et ah, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Phila-
delphia: W. B. Saunders Company, 1948. In chapter 8 of this
epoch-making study, the author offers more complete statistical in-
formation than has hitherto been available on the sexual adjustments
(or lack of adjustments) of the divorced male and female.

Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, "Postwar Divorce Rates
Here and Abroad," Statistical Bulletin, June 1952. A compilation of
divorce statistics from many countries of the world, which indicates
that the postwar trends in the United States have been very similar
to those of other countries with comparable socio-cultural back-
grounds.

Plant, James S., "The Psychiatrist Views Children of Divorced Parents,"
Law and Contemporary Pwhlems, Summer 1944, X, 807-18. The
emotional crises of children of divorce in our society are sympa-
thetically viewed by a well-known psychiatrist.

Waller, WIllard, The Old Love and the New. New York: Liveright
Publishing Corporation, 1930. This early study of the adjustments
and maladjustments of the divorced person is full of the insights
that characterize the work ot the late Willard Waller.

• , The Family, rev. Reuben Hill. New York: The Dryden Press,

1951. In chapter 23, the two authors combine to present a penetrat-
ing analysis of the prolonged crisis of alienation and divorce.

«^ 26 ^

THE REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

iHE FAMILY of 3. hundred years ago had its stabihty virtually
guaranteed by the performance of a number of basic functions. The
members of the traditional family were indispensable co-workers in
an enterprise that had economic, recreational, educational, protec-
tive, religious, and other tangible manifestations. These family serv-
ices, as we have seen, have been assumed in whole or in part by
other institutions, public and private. The contemporary family has,
therefore, in a sense narrowed its functions and concentrated its ef-
forts in a comparatively few fields. The reorganization of the family
must function in the realms that are still the recognized province of
the family. The solution of the present family problems does not lie
in a return to the traditional family, but rather in strengthening
those functions which the family still performs and which cannot
adequately be met by any other group or institution.^

The Nature of Family Reorganization

The contemporary family is still the primary agency for providing
affection between its members and for the ordered socialization of
the child. Whatever may be the secondary or subsidiary functions
of the family, these two are of paramount importance. As our secu-
lar society becomes more complex and impersonal,^ the need for an
intimate primary group relationship becomes greater. The individual
must have some central source of affection and emotional security
in a world that is becoming more and more insecure. The role of the
family in the transmission of the cultural heritage likewise becomes
more important, as the content of that heritage grows more complex,

^ Lawrence K. Frank, "What Families Do for the Nation," American Journal
of Sociology, May 1948, LIII, 471-73.

2 Howard Becker, "Sacred and Secular Societies," Social Forces, May 1950,
XXVIII, 361-76.

549

550 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

The reorganization of the family must therefore emphasize the
principal functions which the family uniquely performs. The family
of the future will depend upon the adequacy with which the affec-
tional and the child-rearing roles are carried out. The members of
the family must carry on more efficiently and competently as hus-
bands, wives, and parents if they are to live up to the high hopes
which society still places in this central institution. These roles can-
not be learned or communicated formally and directly, in the same
sense as techniques of housekeeping, cooking, and animal husbandry.
In final analysis, conjugal and parental roles reflect the personalities
of the spouses. Men and women will make better husbands and
wives only if they are better human beings.

The making of better human beings is the most difficult of all
tasks. Nevertheless, some such effort is necessary if the family is to
be strengthened. Education is one of the means by which this goal
may be advanced. Those who have been exposed to higher education
should, other things being equal, make better marital adjustments
than those who have not. Such evidence as we have points to the
fact that this is the case.^ In this chapter, we shall examine some of
the principal ways in which the family is consciously strengthened
in terms of those functions which it can perform more adequately
than any other institution. The family must learn to do better the
things its members still expect it to do. The family cannot seek sal-
vation in the past.^

Higher Education and Family Reorganization

The first level of family reorganization is the college and uni-
versity. Education for marriage and family life had its principal ori-
gins here, and much of the subsequent work has likewise been pio-
neered at the college level. A formal course on "The Family" has
long been among college offerings, with the emphasis upon the
family as an institution, its history, its forms in primitive cultures,
and kindred subjects. The addition of courses with a functional ap-
proach to contemporary marriage and family life has been com-

3 Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics of Single, Married. Widowed, and
Divorced Persons in 1947," Current PopuJation Reports: Population Chaiactei-
istics, February 6, 1948, Series P-20, No. 10.

* Lawrence K. Frank, "Opportunities in a Program of Education for Marriage
and Family Life," Mental Hygiene, October 1940, XXIV, 578-94.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 551

paratively recent. These courses emphasize the conscious strength-
ening of marital and family roles.

The late Professor Ernest R. Groves was an innovator in this field
of instruction and was perhaps its most important single figure. Be-
ginning in 1927, he instituted at the University of North Carolina
a course in preparation for marriage, which was subsequently widely
imitated in other institutions. This course was introduced at the re-
quest of a group of male students, who sought the kind of theoreti-
cal and practical knowledge that a great university could provide.
They specifically wanted information and counsel in the following
fields: "Courtship, Choice of a Mate, Engagement, Finances, Mari-
tal Adjustment, Domestic Adjustment, meaning problems of re-
lationship outside the realm of sex. Conception and Pregnancy,
Birth Control and Divorce." ^ Other topics were added on the basis
of further experience, but these formed the basic core of instruction.

The question immediately arose as to how any instructor, no mat-
ter how erudite, could have the knowledge and insight to deal with
all the fields related to the family. This question has continued to
plague subsequent instructors, and the answer Groves gave has con-
tinued to provide a general guide to them. In the first place, Groves
suggested that college men and women do not wish to learn about
such problems as pregnancy in the same way as the premedical stu-
dent. They are interested in pregnancy rather as it will be encoun-
tered in their own marital experience. In the second place. Groves
recognized the need for specialists, and to this end he enlisted au-
thorities who could answer the technical questions that inevitably
arose. ^

The experience at North Carolina has been duplicated, with vari-
ations, at many other colleges and universities during the ensuing
quarter of a century. In the academic year 1948-1949, a question-
naire was sent to 1,370 colleges, junior colleges, and universities to
find out what, if anything, they were offering in education for mar-
riage and family living. The questionnaire received a high percentage
of responses, with 1,270 (or 93 per cent) of the institutions respond-
ing. Of this number, 632 (49.8 per cent) indicated that they offered

5 Ernest R. Groves, "Teaching Marriage at the University of North Carolina,"
Social Forces, October 1937, XVI, 89.
^ Ibid., pp. 91-92.

552 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

at least one course in marriage education, whereas 638 (50.2 per
cent) replied in the negative. Most of these courses were new, with
79 per cent signifying that the work had been introduced since 1934.
An estimated 50,000 students annually participate in education for
marriage at the college and university levelJ

This course presents certain difficult problems of administration
and pedagogy.^ Considerable difference of opinion still exists con-
cerning the major objectives of such a course. These differences may
be summarized as follows: (a) Is the instruction to be primarily "cul-
tural" in function, in the sense of providing the student with various
interesting and more or less pertinent bits of information on mar-
riage and the family? (b) Is the course, on the other hand, to be
primarily "practical" in aim and hence disseminate practical infor-
mation on marriage and family living (for example, information on
sex instruction, contraception, pregnancy, and household finance)?
(c) Should the work also have a "professional" objective, in the sense
of providing background instruction for prospective physicians,
clergymen, lawyers, social workers, and others who will some day deal
professionally with these problems? These questions have not been
(and perhaps cannot be) satisfactorily answered, and the typical
course continues with varying success to be all things to all men.^

The motivation for seeking education in marriage and family liv-
ing is strong. Many courses have been introduced as a direct result
of student petitions. Some courses carry no academic credit and some
carry reduced credit. Most of the courses are outside the field of
major academic interest of the student— in the sense of that in which
he is majoring. Despite these and other difficulties, marriage edu-
cation continues to be popular among undergraduates, both male
and female. The reason for this interest is not hard to find. At the
college level, men and women are seriously concerned with marriage,
family living, and parenthood. They will shortly choose a husband
or wife, and thereby make perhaps the most important single choice
of their lives. They realize the seriousness of the adventure upon

^ Henry A. Bowman, "Marriage Education in the Colleges," reprinted from
Journal of Social Hygiene (New York, 1949), pp. 3-5.

8 Cf. David S. Brody, "Techniques in Family Life Education," Marriage and
Family Living, Fall iqt;o, XII, 139-41.

8 Cf. Frances C. Thurman, "College Courses in Preparation for Marriage,"
Social Forces, March 1946, XXIV, 332-35.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 553

which they are about to embark. They are anxious for every possible
assistance in this adventure.^"

This education presents certain logical and methodological diffi-
culties in evaluation. Education in certain skills, techniques, and
quantitative knowledge is comparatively easy to evaluate. Education
in marriage and family living is less tangible and hence more diffi-
cult to assess. Among the factors that enter into such an evaluation
are the following: ^^

1. Isolation. The first problem is to isolate the educational pro-
gram from all the other factors that combine to produce a happy
(or unhappy) marriage. We have seen that marital success is the
result of such disparate factors as the childhood emotional security
of the spouses, the realization of their basic needs in marriage, a
similarity of social values, and many other factors in their back-
ground, temperamental equipment, and social situation. The mar-
riage course may be one of the factors in a happy marriage, but it is
difficult to isolate and assess this factor from all the others.

2. DeEnition. The second problem is the definition of the phe-
nomenon which we are attempting to analyze— namely, marital hap-
piness, adjustment, or success. ^^ Education for marriage presumably
increases this quality, but its measurement presents difficulties. Many
persons maintain, for example, that the absence of divorce is the
most positive proof of marital happiness. In view of our previous
analysis, however, it is doubtful if this negative factor is enough.
Many marriages that are undesirable by almost any other criteria
(for example, happiness, adjustment, emotional stability of parents
and children) nevertheless remain physically stable.

3. Timing. A third consideration involves the timing of the evalu-
ation. Questionnaires distributed immediately after students have
taken the course have a certain validity, since they reflect an educa-
tional experience that is still fresh in their minds. The final criterion,
however, of such a course (presuming that this factor can be iso-
lated) would seem rather to be the effect after several years of mar-

^^ Cf. Lawrence S. Bee, "Student Attitudes toward a Course in Courtship and
Marriage: Educational Implications," Marriage and Family Living, Fall 1951,
XIII, 157-60.

1^ The following is adapted from John F. Cuber, "Can We Evaluate Mar-
riage Education?" Marriage and Family Living, Summer 1949, XI, 93-95.

12 Cf. Robert M. Frumkin, "The Indirect Assessment of Marital Adjustment,"
ibid., August 1952, XIV, 215-18.

554 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

riage. At this time, the erstwhile students will have had a number
of years in which to put their knowledge and insights into practice.
Ideally, the evaluation might come several times during married
life— in the early years before the children have come, in the middle
years when the children are adolescent, and finally in the stage of
the empty nest, when the spouses find themselves once more alone.
4. Norms. A final evaluative consideration involves the normative
factors in a successful marriage, with or without benefit of educa-
tion. Most persons view marital success in conventional terms, and
any departure from the norm is considered as evidence of failure,
no matter what the other considerations may be. Marriages that are
voluntarily childless, those in which one or both parties is sexually
emancipated, and those marked by other unconventional relation-
ships are thus ordinarily judged as unsuccessful by society, no mat-
ter what the participants may think. Hence marriage education is
often judged on the basis of conventional marital patterns, rather
than the personal needs of the actual spouses.^^

Secondary Education and Family Reorganization

Marriage education on the college and university level has been
accompanied by similar work on the secondary level. At first glance,
such a program seems both simple and eminently practical, since the
majority of boys and girls marry within a few years of high school
and hence are never exposed to further instruction. In October,
1951, only 26.2 per cent of the age group 18-19 years and 8.6 per
cent of the age group 20-24 y^^rs were in school.^^ If such instruc-
tion is important for the small fraction of the population (perhaps
15 per cent) able to attend institutions of higher learning, it is
equally important for the millions who never go farther than high
school. Marriage is one of the few common experiences shared by
the vast majority of men and women. It would seem logical, there-
fore, that high school and college graduates should share equally in
instruction for this experienced^

13 Cuber, op. cit. Cf. also Lawrence S. Bee, "Evaluating Education for Mar-
riage and Family Living," Marriage and Family Living, May 1952, XIV, 97-103.

1'' Bureau of the Census, "School Enrollment: October, 1951," Current Popu-
lation Reports: Population CiiaTacteiistics, July 21, 1952, Series P-20, No. 40.

15 Cf. Elizabeth S. Force, "High School Education for Family Living," AnnaJs
of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 156-62.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 555

In actual practice, however, certain difficulties immediately arise
that interfere with this vital educational program. An initial and
often insurmountable obstacle is the misunderstanding of its nature.
Persons in positions of educational authority often assume that such
a course deals exclusively or at least primarily with "sex instruc-
tion," with all the controversial implications of that term. There is
some evidence that objections of this type are decreasing, against
both instruction in marriage and sex instruction.^^ Vested emotional
interests, based upon ignorance and misunderstanding, are still very
strong, however, and an adequate program of secondary education in
this field is still remote.

A second type of misconception is that courses in marriage and
family living deal primarily with "home economics" and hence are
(or should be) confined to cooking, sewing, budget-keeping, and
similar techniques. Valuable as such instruction is, it neglects the
dynamic aspects of the family as a "unity of interacting personal-
ities." Education for living in this relationship should include all
the facets of personality development and personality interaction.
Such matters are inevitably "controversial." But many of the cen-
tral elements of marriage are also "controversial."

The problems confronting the secondary school differ in other
ways from those of the college and university. One of the problems
of secondary-school instruction in marriage and family living arises
from the subcultural (for example, class) composition of the student
body and the variety of attitudes and values represented therein. The
differences between the middle class and the working class in this
respect are especially pertinent. In such broad fields as the mechanics
of family living (living, sleeping, and eating arrangements), roles of
family members, attitudes toward family life, and desires for social
mobility, the two classes differ widely. In many school systems, the
pupils are predominately working-class, whereas the teachers are
largely middle-class. Many of the practices, norms, and values pro-
posed by the teachers are thus difficult for the pupils to understand
or accept.^''^

The implications of this cultural diversity appear in family life

1^ Margie R. Lee, "Current Trends in Family Life Education," Marriage and
FamiJy Living, August 1952, XIV, 202-6.

1'^ Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class Differences and Family Life Education
at the Secondary Level," ibid.. Fall 1950, XII, 133-35.

556 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

education. The teacher has several options in her instruction,
whether or not she is specifically aware of them, (a) The teacher
may teach middle-class attitudes and practices and run the risk of
mystifying or alienating many of the students; (b) The teacher may
avoid any particular pattern of norms or attitudes and encourage the
students to make their owoi choices on the basis of their increased
awareness of cultural diversity; (c) The teacher may attempt to work
out a pattern of family life that will be neither middle-class nor
working-class and, as far as possible, will transcend these differences.
The third procedure offers the best theoretical approach, but in prac-
tice it presents certain obvious difficulties. Many teachers are not
conscious of class differences and would doubtless be unable to elim-
inate them from their teaching even if they were intellectually aware
of them.^^

Despite the difficulties of bridging the class gulf between teacher
and pupil, Havighurst suggests certain elements in such a program
of education that might transcend this barrier. Among these common
elements are: ^^

1. Food Selection. Disparities between the social levels and within
the same social level concern such matters as the choice, selection,
preparation, and serving of food. At the same time, many facts con-
cerning diet, for example, are based upon scientific knowledge, and
hence might be taught regardless of class differences.

2. Child-Rearing. The differences between the subcultures con-
cerning child-rearing practices and attitudes have been the subject of
extensive investigation in recent years.-** In general, the middle-class
family tends to be too strict and inflexible concerning many aspects
of behavior, and as a result often introduces insecurity into the emo-
tional life of the child.^^ The lower-class family swings to the op-
posite extreme and in many respects is not sufficiently rigorous in
instilling some cultural norms.^^ Havighurst suggests that a positive
program for child-rearing, not limited by class attitudes, is possible.

18 Ihid.

1^ The following is adapted from Havighurst, ibid., pp. 134-35.
2" Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child,"
American Sociological Review, June 1941, VI, 345-54.

21 Arnold W. Green, "The Middle-Class Male Child and Neurosis," ibid.,
February 1946, XI, 31-41.

22 Davis and Havighurst, "Social Class and Color Differences in Child-Rear-
ing," ibid., December 1946, XI, 698-710.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 557

3. Family Size. The middle-class teacher is familiar with the argu-
ments favoring the limitation of the family. As followed by the mid-
dle-class family in recent decades, this practice would eventually lead
to a declining population and the extinction of the middle class as
presently constituted. At the same time, many lower-class families
have more children than they can adequately care for, and the latter
bring their attitudes against family limitation into the classroom.
The course in family living should, in Havighurst's judgment, con-
sider this problem of family size in all of its "economic, religious,
biological and socio-ethical aspects," apart from the bias of class.

4. Parent-Child Relationships. This term differs from f 2 above
in that the parent-child category refers to relationships between
adolescents and their parents in the family. The course in family
living might thus consider emotional factors such as conflicts, de-
pendence, rejection, affection, mutual respect, and emotional inde-
pendence. These relationships transcend social class and are encoun-
tered by all of the subcultural groups in the secondary school.

5. Sex Relations. This is admittedly the most difficult of all fields
of instruction at the secondary level. The class differences are very
strong, with the lower classes taking a more permissive attitude
toward premarital sexual intercourse and the middle classes defining
the problem primarily in moral terms. Furthermore, the typical class
patterns of sex behavior are so firmly established by mid-adolescence
that any instruction subsequent to that time apparently has little
effect.^^ Finally, the subject is highly controversial, replete with emo-
tionally-freighted value judgments, and laden with difficult problems
for the teacher, no matter how well trained she may be. Despite
these and other difficulties, however, honest and informed instruc-
tion in sex relations is clearly vital to the program of family educa-
tion .2*

A final consideration in family life education at the secondary
level is the desirability or practicality of hmiting such education to
courses specifically so designed. In other words, the solution may not
lie in introducing specific courses in marriage and family living but
rather in rethinking the entire curriculum in terms of the needs

23 Alfred C. Kinsey, et ah. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia:
W. B. Saunders Company, 1948), chap. 11.

^* Cf. B. F. Timmons, "Background Factors in Preparation of Teachers and
Leaders in Family Life Education," Marriage and Family Living, Winter 1950,
XII, 9-10.

558 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

and aspirations of the family.^^ The totality of the school experience,
in short, has a bearing upon the personalities of the students and
hence upon their roles as future husbands and wives. The curriculum
of the secondary schools is increasingly oriented toward more voca-
tional training. It is well to remember that the great majority of high
school boys and girls will be husbands and wives as well as bread-
winners and homemakers. The secondary school might be the prim-
ary agency for the dissemination of pertinent scientific information
on the family. The school also has the final responsibility for em-
phasizing those intangible values that are essential to effective fam-
ily living.-^

Marriage Counseling and Family Reorganization

A third major field of family reorganization is marriage counseling.
This activity is broadly defined as "the promotion of adequate prep-
aration for and adjustment in marriage." ^^ In these terms, marriage
counseling is nothing new but is an activity that has been practiced
by the group elders as long as organized human life has existed. In
the professional sense, however, marriage counseling is very new.
The earliest work in this field arose in Germany in the years imme-
diately after World War I. When the Nazi party came to power in
1933, there were several hundred marriage consultation centers in
Germany. This work could not be conducted under the Hitler re-
gime, but was continued in the democratic countries of Scandinavia.
The earliest work in marriage counseling in the United States began
in 1929 in New York City and was carried on by Dr. Abraham Stone
and Dr. Hannah Stone. Marriage counseling as a profession is there-
fore less than three decades old in this country.^*

Like many other professional activities, marriage counseling has
developed from various backgrounds and has demonstrated an in-
creasing emphasis upon professional standards. Chronologically, this

25 American Association of School Administrators, Commission on Education
for Family Life, Education for Family Liie (Washington, 1941).

2^ For additional information on this field, see Esther S. Handwerk, "Selected
Bibliography on Education for Marriage and Family Life in the Schools," Mar-
riage and Family Living, August 1952, XIV, 207-14.

2'^ Emily Hartshorne Mudd and Malcolm G. Preston, "The Contemporary
Status of Marriage Counseling," AnnaJs o( the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 102.

28 Abraham Stone, "Marriage Education and Marriage Counseling in the
United States," Marriage and Family Living, Spring 1949, XI, 38-39.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 559

development has taken the following course in the United States:
(a) Initially, as a by-product of other professions, notably medicine,
the law, and the ministry; (b) As an adjunct to community agencies
originally specializing in religious, welfare, educational, and medical
services; (c) As a service conducted independently by persons trained
in one of the older professions; (d) Finally, as a profession in its
own right, practiced by persons specially trained for this work.-^
In 1942 the American Association of Marriage Counselors was
formed to promote high standards in marriage counseling and to
advance professional activity in this rapidly emerging field.^''

The marriage counselor performs a variety of functions. He is
called upon to answer questions and give aid in many aspects of the
marital relationship. These functions may be better understood when
we examine a random list of reasons for consulting a marriage coun-
selor, gathered from the case records of a large metropolitan agency.
These reasons include: "general preparation for marriage; whether
to have medical examination; parental ties and parental attitudes
toward . . . marriage; doubts and questions about marriage in general
or about a specific partner; whether or not to have children and
when; adjustment to partner . . . ; illegitimate pregnancy . . . ; sex-
ual adjustment, such as unfocused fears about sex or past sexual
behavior of self and/or partner; lack of sex desire and homosexuality;
and situational and environmental reasons, including reasons related
specifically to illness and difficulties of the partner or the self." ^^

The above are the verbalized difficulties and may or may not be
the real ones, of which the individual is often unaware. Hence the
counselor must not only possess a deep insight into human motives
and behavior, but must also be trained in the arts and sciences of
personalitv direction. °-

This training must be both broad and thorough. ^^ It involves
three related aspects, (a) The counselor should be a specialist in
marriage and family relationships, (b) He should also have a fund
of information on the practical aspects of family life, (c) He should,

29 Mudd and Preston, op. cit., p. 102.

3" Stone, op. eft., p. 39.

^1 Mudd and Preston, op. cit., p. 104.

^2 Robert A. Harper, "Marriage Counseling: Art or Science?" Marriage and
Family Living, Fall 1951, XIII, 164-66.

^^ Cf. Mildred I. Morgan, "Course Content of Theory Courses in Marriage
Counseling," ibid., Summer 1950, XII, 95-99.

560 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

finally, be aware of difficulties outside his own competence that call
for other professional services. This program calls for some training
at the graduate level in the following fields: ^^ (a) psychology; (b)
sociology; (c) biology; (d) economics; (e) law; (f) medicine; ^^ (g)
psychiatry; ^^ and (h) community resources.

This is a formidable range of information, and the marriage coun-
selor obviously cannot have specialized knowledge in all, or even
a majority, of these fields. He should, however, have a graduate de-
gree in one of these or related specialties, plus adequate knowledge
in the others to answer the simpler questions of his clients. In addi-
tion, the counselor should be able to direct the client to a qualified
specialist when this appears necessary. The counselor, for example,
need not be a trained psychiatrist, but he should have sufficient back-
ground in this field to recognize a clinical neurosis or psychosis when
he sees one.^^

The techniques and procedures of the marriage counselor are still
in the process of formulation and development. In certain respects,
counseling is an art rather than a science and reflects the intuitions
of a sensitive and well-informed person as he encounters the prob-
lems of human relationships. Some counselors, for example, main-
tain that the client should be consciously directed to some goal or
goals, with a maximum of direction coming from the counselor.
Others insist that the counselor should listen rather than direct, and
should let the client make his own decisions, or at least appear to
do so.^^

Furthermore, the techniques will necessarily vary on the basis of
the special interest of the counselor. Those with a psychological
orientation will tend to stress diagnostic tests,^^ whereas the coun-

^* "Professional Education for Marriage and Family Counseling," ibid.,
Autumn 1944, VI, 70-72.

35 Cf. Nadina Kavinoky, "The Gynecologist as Marriage Counselor," ibid.,
Spring 1950, XII, 44-45.

3^ Cf. O. Spurgeon English, "Psychiatry's Contributions to Family Life," ibid..
Winter 1950, XII, 3-5.

3^ Cf. Maurice J. Karpf, "Marriage Counseling and Psychotherapy," ibid., Fall
1951, XIII, 169-78.

38 Carl R. Rogers, Counseling and Psychotherapy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1942) .

S9 Clifford R. Adams and Vance O. Packard, How to Pick a Mate (New
York: E. P. Button & Company, 1946).

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 561

selor with a sociological background will emphasize marital and
family roles and other culturally-determined aspects of behavior.^^

Despite these differences in background and orientation, there are
certain general principles which many (although by no means all)
counselors would probably accept. Some of these principles are
merely organized common sense, whereas others have emerged from
thousands of counseling interviews. Among these principles, as ten-
tatively set forth by an eminent marriage counselor, are the fol-
lowing: ^^

1. Flexihility. The counselor should maintain an open mind and
be willing to change any initial preconceptions in the hght of the
changing situation.

2. Objectivity. The counselor should remain objective and avoid
taking sides (or seeming to do so) in the marital difficulties of his
clients.

3. Reticence. The counselor should realize that the problem as in-
itially presented by the client is often not the most important one.
Because of an initial shyness or reticence, the main problem does
not come out until later.

4. Sex Behavior. The counselor should realize that complaints of
sexual incompatibility between husband and wife are often the re-
sult of, or a cover for, social or cultural incompatibility.

5. Normality. The counselor should not assume that his client
has a neurosis or psychosis unless and until this fact has been demon-
strated by a competent psychiatrist. The counselor should thus as-
sume that his client is mentally "normal." ^^

6. Advisory Role. The counselor should do as much listening and
as little talking as possible, since one of the primary functions of
counseling is the catharsis deriving from free and complete discus-
sion. Furthermore, the counselor should try to have the client work
out his own plan of action, rather than specifically suggest one for
him. In this way, the client may become ego-involved in the plan

*" John F. Cuber, Marriage Counseling Practice (New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1948).

*i The following is adapted from Maurice J. Karpf, "Some Guiding Principles
in Marriage Counseling," Marriage and Family Living, Spring 1951, XIII, 49-51.

*2 Cf. Walter Stokes, "Legal Status of the Marriage Counselor," ibid., Summer
1951, XIII, 113-15.

Cf. the rejoinder by Albert Ellis, "Legal Status of the Marriage Counselor: a
Psychologist's View," ibid.. Summer 1951, XIII, 116-20.

562 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

and will execute it much more willingly than if it came from the
counselor.

7. Joint Conferences. The counselor should try to see both par-
ties to the controversy, in order to understand the situation as a
whole. He should not, ordinarily, see them together. Husbands and
wives can often berate each other in private but still not carry a per-
manent grudge. Once these accusations are made in the presence of
a third party, however, they take on an objective reality and are
more difficult to forget or forgive.*^

Marriage counseling can do much to reconstruct the broken rela-
tionships of marriage and the family. At the same time, however,
this emerging profession has certain definite limitations, some grow-
ing out of the nature of marital problems and others arising from the
nature of the profession itself. For example, many of the situations
facing the married couple reflect social conflicts, which the counselor
cannot exorcise, no matter how wise and skillful he may be. Further-
more, the public does not understand the role of the counselor and
may expect either too much or too little of him. Finally, ordered
scientific knowledge upon which the counselor can act is in many
respects conspicuously lacking, or at least inadequate. For these and
other reasons, the marriage counselor cannot do the impossible.*^

We have considered the reorganization of the family at the college
level, the secondary school level, and the adult level through the
marriage counselor. Many other agencies attempt to reach the same
goals, some directly and others indirectly. These agencies are varied,
and we cannot consider all of them here. We may, however, indi-
cate some of the social resources that are mobilized to bring about
the stability and reorganization of the family.'*^

Family Life Agencies and Family Reorganization

The first of these agencies is specifically directed at marriage and
family life on the adult level. The Jewish Social Service Bureau in

^3 The psychoanalyst seldom interviews both parties because (a) he is anxious
to cure his patient alone; and (b) he believes that the patient will lose con-
fidence if he (the patient) knows that the analyst is seeing the spouse. Cf. Karpf,
"Some Guiding Principles in Marriage Counseling,'" ibid.

^* Cuber, Marriage Counseling Practice, chap. 11.

^^ For a general survey of these resources, cf. Evelyn Millis Duvall, "Organiza-
tion of Social Forces to Promote Faniilv Stability," Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 77-85.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 563

Chicago and the American Institute of Family Relations in Los An-
geles are examples of this type of organization. The work of Harriet
R. Mowrer in the analysis and treatment of domestic discord cases
is an important element in the former agency, and the work of Paul
Popenoe is well known in connection with the latter. In the Jewish
Social Service Bureau, Harriet R. Mowrer analyzes each domestic
discord case in terms of the following set of factors: (a) the place
of culture in personality differences; (b) the patterns of marital in-
teraction; (c) the nature of mental mechanisms in domestic discord;
(d) the treatment that grows out of this analysis.^^

This approach combines the resources of sociology, social psychol-
ogy, and psychoanalysis in the study of the interaction of two per-
sons with different life histories. These facts are found through the
directed interview. The ultimate objective of the interview is to
discover the genesis and development of the attitudes that produce
the marital tensions. Once these basic attitudes are discovered, the
treatment consists of getting the client to reinterpret his experience
and redefine his life situation in accordance with his new understand-
ing. This reorganization of attitudes is often a slow and painful proc-
ess, especially since it involves the reciprocal attitudes of two indi-
viduals, who have lived for a considerable period in an atmosphere of
increasing tension. The treatment is to be judged, therefore, in
terms of whether or not "the trend is . . . conclusively toward con-
tinuing the relationship upon a mutually satisfactory basis." ^'^ These
criteria reflect the personality factors in marriage.

The American Institute of Family Relations in Los Angeles is
another type of agency that has developed in response to a growing
need. Whereas the work of the Bureau is largely concerned with
domestic discord cases, that of the Institute deals with marriage
and the family on a more inclusive basis. This latter agency is
staffed by a group of specialists in biology, psychology, psychiatry,
sociology, gynecology, and other disciplines. The work of the Insti-
tute is divided into the following categories: (a) educational, (b)
marital and domestic counseling, and (c) premarital service. The
educational function includes public lectures, forums, and the prep-

*^ Harriet R. Mowrer, Personality Adjustment and Domestic Discord (New
York: American Book Company, 1935).
*^ Ibid., p. 270.

564 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

aration of scientific publications and popular articles on marriage and
the family. The domestic counseling is similar to that considered
above.'*^

The premarital service is broadly preventive in character and hence
does not attempt to reorganize a situation that has already progressed
far toward complete family disorganization. Young persons seriously
contemplating marriage come to the Institute and, after paying a
nominal fee, embark upon the premarital program. A complete
physical examination is first given to both prospective spouses. These
examinations are conducted by private medical clinics outside the
Institute, the girl going to the gynecological clinic and the boy to the
urological clinic. Following this examination, any physiological or
organic factors that might cause marital difficulties are discussed. The
physical examination is followed by a psychological examination, in
which several of the standard tests dealing with personality inven-
tory, emotional maturity, and individual interests are administered.
The importance of psychological factors is again indicated.

The service continues with a series of conferences on the various
phases of marital adjustment. In the case of sex adjustment, a male
member of the staff interviews the young man and a female member
interviews the young woman. These steps are followed by a joint
interview with a senior member of the clinic. There follows another
series of interviews, this time on the economic aspects of marriage,
including such topics as family income, expenditures, and budgeting.
The psychiatrist then discusses personality adjustment, tempera-
mental factors, emotional maturity, and other problems of interper-
sonal interaction.

At the end of this series of tests and interviews, the individuals
concerned are presumably able to see their relationship in more ob-
jective terms and hence decide on a future course of action. The
members of the staff avoid giving specific advice. They conceive their
function as bringing to the proposed relationship all the available
scientific knowledge and humanistic insights. The final decision is
left to the individuals themselves.*^

*8 The Institute publishes a monthly service bulletin entitled Family Life,
which contains summaries of recent research on the family, reviews of current
literature, and notes on current trends in family life work.

*^ The description of the American Institute of Familv Relations is based
upon observation by the senior author of the work of the Institute.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 565

Traditional Professional Guidance and Family Reorganization

A second form of social resource in family reorganization is the
work of the traditional professions. Ministers, doctors, and lawyers
deal with family problems in the line of duty, as it were, and many
persons naturally turn to members of these professions for guidance.
Training for these professions has until recently largely ignored the
counseling function, and the family doctor, the minister, and the
lawyer have perforce carried on as best they could without specific
preparation. In recent decades, however, some of the professions have
recognized the importance of counseling and have introduced work
in this field at the graduate level.

1. The Church Leader. The church leader is an important force
in marriage counseling. He is the member of the community best
qualified to deal with the religious, moral, and spiritual problems of
marriage and the family.^*^ He is often called upon to discuss these
aspects of marriage in large church groups and with individuals con-
templating marriage or having difficulties therein. At the same time,
the minister or priest should have sufficient knowledge of other
aspects of marriage to direct the individual outside of his dedicated
field. Such knowledge will enable the church leader to put the indi-
vidual in touch with the physician, the psychiatrist, the social worker,
or the lawyer. In this way, the minister can act with maximum effi-
ciency in his own sphere of knowledge and also assist his parishioners
to find specialized assistance in other fields. ^^

A large number of seminaries preparing young people for the min-
istry have instituted programs of training for marriage counseling.
In a recent survey of 27 Protestant seminaries, all but one was found
to offer some such type of training. These offerings include the fol-
lowing: (a) actual courses in marriage counseling that were so
titled; (b) courses dealing with the psychology of interpersonal re-
lations and having clear implications for counseling; (c) courses on
marriage and the family; (d) courses in clinical treatment for various
types of personal difficulty, including domestic discord.^^

^^ Leland Foster Wood, "Church Problems in Marriage Education," AnnaJs
at the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 171-78.

51 Cf . Worcester Perkins, "What Contribution Should the Clerg\'man Make
to Marriage Counseling?" Marriage and Family Living, May 1952, XIV, 124-27.

52 Leland F. Wood, "The Training of Ministers for Marriage and Family
Counseling," ibid., Spring 1950, XII, 47.

566 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

2. The Doctor. The doctor is another professional practitioner who
is frequently called upon to give marital counseling. The doctor is
often a wise and valued family friend and as such is sought for ad-
vice by young people contemplating marriage. This advice may be
in the field of health and physiological relationships, in which the
doctor is specifically trained. It may also be in the field of interper-
sonal relationships, in which he has no specialized training and can
offer only the insights of a shrewd, sympathetic, and experienced
man. Increasing specialization has brought about the decline of the
family doctor in the old-fashioned sense, with the result that the
general counseling role of the physician may be declining.

The functions of the family doctor in marriage counseling have
been partly assumed by the gynecologist, who specializes in many of
these matters. The stages of premarital and marital experience pro-
duce problems that the gynecologist is uniquely equipped to solve.
The latter can evaluate the physical condition of the woman be-
fore marriage so that she can have a satisfactory sex relationship. A
healthy psychosexual pattern in marriage is in large measure de-
pendent upon fully developed sex organs in the wife. The gynecol-
ogist examines these organs and can offer practical advice on the
elimination or mitigation of factors that may interfere with a satis-
factory adjustment.

In the early years of marriage, the gynecologist is likewise ex-
tremely important as a marriage counselor, in connection with prob-
lems of pregnancy, parturition, and the emotional reactions arising
from the sexual relationship. In the later years of marriage, the gyne-
cologist has an important advisory role during the menopause in the
wife and the various glandular and emotional changes in both
spouses .^^

3. The Lawyer. The lawyer is a third professional man who plays
an important role in marriage and family relationships. There are
certain obvious limitations in this role as far as the reorganization
of the family is concerned. The first contact of the lawyer with the
client is often at the stage when domestic discord has reached such
a critical point that the spouses are contemplating a divorce. Both
parties are often under such an emotional strain that the lawyer has
difficulty in getting the facts. The lawyer, furthermore, is often
sought as the means to an end (that is, divorce) which the prin-
^3 Nadina R. Kavinoky, "The Gynecologist as Marriage Counselor," ibid.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 567

cipals have already agreed upon. Hence they merely seek the tech-
nical knowledge of the lawyer to carry out the divorce. In short,
under the existing circumstances, both legal and emotional, it is
difficult to analyze marital discord fully and dispassionately once it
has come within the purview of the lawyer.^^

The domestic relations or family court has grown up to mitigate
this general situation. This court was originally an extension of the
juvenile court and, hence, dealt initially with the relationships be-
tween recalcitrant adolescents and their families.^^ As presently or-
ganized, the domestic relations court has resources that the juvenile
court lacks, notably the power of conciliation of the family members,
the power of forcing a husband to support his family, and the power
to compel the members of the family to submit to a medical or
psychiatric examination.

In certain states and cities, the domestic relations or family court
has exclusive jurisdiction over all cases of separation, divorce, and
alimony. When this court has an adequate staff of counselors and
social workers, it can accomplish much constructive work in family
reorganization. In certain instances, married couples avail themselves
of the services of the counselor attached to the domestic relations
court, even though no divorce action is pending.^^

Improvements have been suggested in the theory and practice of
the domestic relations court. One such suggestion would involve a
new process of divorce, especially involving childless couples. The
couple would go to the domestic relations court and announce their
intention of seeking a divorce. This act would not constitute a pub-
lic record, and the couple would be instructed to keep their inten-
tion secret, as far as possible. The court would then inform the
couple of a waiting (or cooling-off) period of six months before
they could get a final divorce.

At this preliminary hearing, the court would also appoint a skilled
marriage counselor, who would consider the problem with the
spouses. This investigation would be carried out impartially, in an

5* Morris L. Ernst and David Loth, For Better or Worse (New York: Harper
& Brothers, 1952), chap. I, "The Problem."

55 Cf. Sidney Entman, "The Origins and Development of a Family Court,"
Social Forces, October 1942, XXI, 58-65.

ss Charlton Ogburn, "The Role of Legal Services in Family Stability," AnnaJs
of the American Academy of PoIiticaJ and Social Science, November 1950,
CCLXXII, 127-33.

568 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

attempt to find out what was at the basis of the difficulty. Economic,
emotional, and dependency elements would be considered, and the
couple would be impressed with the severity of the step. All the
resources of the marriage counselor would be applied to the case,
and this function would be mandatory for everyone instead of op-
tional for a few persons, as at present. At the end of the six months
period, a divorce would be granted, provided the couple still de-
sired it.^^

Other Social Resources for Family Reorganizafion

A variety of other social resources is applied to the reorganization
of the family. We cannot consider all of these agencies here. Social
forces mobilized to reorganize the family comprise both public and
private agencies; those on the local, state, regional, and national
levels; those representing the major religious denominations; and
those dealing with other problems as various as home economics
and mental hygiene.

In the field of family case work, for example, services to stabilize
and reorganize the family are subsumed under such forms as: "pub-
lic welfare departments, aid to dependent children, maternity benefits,
GI loans, veterans' services, institutional care of the sick, assist-
ance to the aged. . . ." ^^ In the field of economic and social se-
curity, public and private pension plans, old age assistance, annuity
programs, unemployment insurance, disability insurance, and private
group insurance all contribute, more or less directly, to the stability
and/or the reorganization of the family .^^

The large and increasing programs for mental health are also
related to family life, inasmuch as many emotional difficulties orig-
inate in the family and impair the normal functioning of this "unity
of interacting personalities." Mental hygiene guidance programs in
schools, factories, and other institutions deal with the mental health
of the family member, at various age levels in the life cycle.^^ The
home economics departments in secondary schools, colleges, and uni-

5^ Ernst and Loth, For Better oi Worse, chap, lo, "Remedies."

^^ Evelyn MilHs Duvall, "Organization of Social Forces to Promote Family
Stability," AnnaJs of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,
November 1950, CCLXXII, 77.

^^ Wilbur J. Cohen, "Social Security and Family Stability," ibid., 117-26.

^" Eleanor Shenehon, "The Social Hygiene Movement and Family Stability,"
ibid., 163-70.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 569

versities are further institutional arrangements to stabilize the family,
with special emphasis upon the practical skills of homemaking. The
broad field of parent educatioxi, centered about the Child Study As-
sociation of America, represents another organized effort to better
the functioning of the family.^^

Many of the professional groups interested in the family as such
are combined in the National Council of Family Relations. This or-
ganization enables persons with basic orientations in fields such as
the law, medicine, sociology, home economics, social work, psy-
chiatry, and education to consider common programs for family re-
organization. The Council is divided into twelve national commit-
tees, each dealing with one of the following subjects: "(1) Economic
Basis of the Family, ( 2 ) Education for Marriage and the Family in
the Colleges, (3) Education for Marriage and the Family in the
Community, (4) Education for Marriage and the Family in the
Schools, (5) International Liaison, (6) Marriage and Family Coun-
seling, (7) Marriage and Family Law, (8) Marriage and Family Re-
search, (9) Mass Media, (10) Parent Education, (11) Religion and
the Family, and (12) Teacher Preparation." ^^ The National Council
on Family Relations sponsored a National Conference on Family
Life in Washington, May 5-8, 1948, in which the related subjects of
importance in family life were thoroughly canvassed.^^

In this chapter, we have considered some of the measures cur-
rently undertaken to stabilize and reorganize the family. These
measures, it is hoped, will contribute to the efficient functioning of
the pattern of relationships comprising the contemporary family.
The accumulated wisdom and insights of the social scientist, bio-
logical scientist, family doctor, lawyer, social service worker, psy-
chiatrist, and minister are increasingly marshalled to improve the
functioning of the family.

The tangible results of these efforts may never be spectacular. The
social forces that have changed the family are so complex and so
massive that individual or even group efforts are relatively powerless
to reverse them. This somewhat bleak outlook, however, should not
relieve each person of the obligation to maintain and enhance values

^1 Evelyn Millis Duvall, op. cit., p. 81.

62 Ibid., p. 82.

6^ Cf. The American Family; a Factual Background, Report of Inter-Agency
Committee on Background Materials, National Conference on Family Life,
Washington, 1948.

570 REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY

which he considers important. In this book, the authors have made
their own modest contribution to this end.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bowman, Henry A., Marriage for Moderns, 2nd ed. New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1948. Out of the work at
Stephens College in Columbia, Missouri, has come this popular
textbook for marriage education.

CuBER, John F., Marriage Counseling Practice. New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1948. A succinct statement of the theory and
practice of marriage counseling, and a significant contribution to a
new profession.

DuvALL, Evelyn Millis, "Organization of Social Forces to Promote
Family Stability," AnnaJs ot the American Academy of PoJiticaJ and
Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 77-85. The author is
one of the leading authorities in the field of family reorganization.
She sun'cys here some of the principal agencies organized to pro-
mote family stability.

Ernst, Morris L., and David Loth, For Better or Worse. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1952- A leading lawyer and a journalist examine
the emotional and legal difficulties arising from the divorce process
and suggest some ways in which this process might be less devastat-
ing for the participants.

Frank, Lawrence K., "What Families Do for the Nation," American
Journal of Sociology, May 1948, LIII, 471-73. In a brief article, one
of America's foremost students of the family points out the func-
tions still uniquely performed by the family in American society.
On this basis, he offers a sound starting point for efforts at family
reorganization.

Handwerk, Esther S., "Selected Bibliography on Education for Mar-
riage and Family Life in the Schools," Marriage and Family Li\'ing,
August 1952, XIV, 207-14. One of the bibliographies periodically
published in this journal on the various phases of marriage and
family education.

Havighurst, Robert J., "Social Class Differences and Family Life Edu-
cation at the Secondary Level," Marriage and Family Living, Fall
1950, XII, 133-35. Attention is directed to class differences that in-
terfere with family life education in the secondary schools. Differ-
ences in class background between many students and teachers may
be alleviated but not entirely eliminated by careful instructional
methods.

Landis, Judson T., and Mary G. Landis, Building a Successful Mar-
riage. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. Preparation for marriage
is dealt with by two authors who have been prominently identified
with research in this field.

REORGANIZATION OF THE FAMILY 571

Merrill, Francis E., Courtship and Marriage. New York: The Dryden
Press, 1949. A textbook in education for marriage, based upon the
concept of courtship and marriage as social relationships.

MuDD, Emily H., and Malcolm G. Preston, "The Contemporary
Status of Marriage Counsehng," Annals of the American Academy
oi Political and Social Science, November 1950, CCLXXII, 102-9.
The authors have both been prominently identified with various
phases of family reorganization, especially marriage counseling.
Hence, their brief survey of this latter field is an authoritative one.

Skidmore, Rex A., and Anthon S. Cannon, Building Your Marriage.
New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951. A textbook in marriage educa-
tion. A product of experience in teaching this material in the uni-
versity, the book is popularly written at the undergraduate level.

NAME INDEX

Abbott, Grace, 108
Abel, Theodora, 232
Abrams, Ray H., 181, 281
Adams, Clifford R., 267, 560
Adams, James Truslow, 39, 44
Alexander, Franz, 361
Allen, Edgar, 242
Anderson, H. Dewey, 353
Ashley-Montagu, M. F., 434
Averill, Lawrence, 412

Baber, Ray E., 483

Bacon, Selden D., 221

Barron, Milton L., 178, 481, 483, 496

Baruch, Dorothy W., 428, 439, 449

Bates, Alan, 281

Bateson, Gregory, 365

Beale, Calvin L., 343, 504

Beard, Charles A., 44

Beard, Mary R., 44, 108

Beck, Lester F., 425

Becker, Howard, 116, 154, 342, 350,

457. 475- 477' 50I' 503- 518' 539'

549
Bee, Lawrence S., 553, 554
Beigel, Hugo G., 138, 147, 423
Bell, Bernard Iddings, 29, 44, 67
Bell, Dorothy, 443
Bell, Howard M., 480
Belskie, Abram, 449
Benedek, Therese, 141, 172, 185
Benedict, Ruth, 28, 29, 44, 126, 170,

185, 198, 415
Bennett, John W., 45, 175
Bernard, Jessie, 6
Biesanz, John, 484

Bishop, Julia Ann, 351
Blanchard, Phyllis, 422
Blood, Robert O. Jr., 133
Bios, Peter, 426
Boll, Eleanor, 409
Bonney, M. E., 448
Boothe, Viva, 314

Bossard, James H. S., 21, 96, 180, 181,
278, 292, 310, 391, 406, 409, 416,

445' 447' 448. 482
Bowman, Henry A., 127, 552, 570
Breckenridge, Marian E., 397, 404
Bridges, Katherine M. B., 400
Briffault, Robert, 11, 25, 46, 135, 147,

232, 284
Brightbill, Charles K., 332
Brinton, Crane, 35, 45
Brody, David S., 552
Biihler, Charlotte, 386
Burgess, Ernest W., 13, 16, 21, 49,
51, 112, 117, 127, 147, 173, 177,
184, 185, 209, 210, 213, 222, 226,
248, 250, 256, 258, 261, 263, 265,
266, 267, 281, 285, 315, 330, 331,

354' 366, 454, 459' 4^5' 537
Burr, H. S., 242

Calhoun, Arthur W., 57, 75, 84, 89,

go, 92, 94, 96, 97, 108, 428
Calverton, V. F., 415
Calvin, John, 57

Cannon, Anton S., 127, 329, 571
Cantril, Hadley, 446, 458
Caplow, Theodore, 153, 163, 166
Carmichael, Leonard, 371, 373, 379,

397' 410
Carpenter, Niles, 125, 127

573

574

NAME INDEX

Cavan, Ruth Shonle, 201, 489, 496

Centers, Richard, 23, 182

Chapin, F. Stuart, 280, 282, 284, 286,

289
Christensen, Harold T., 547
Clarke, Alfred C, 182
Clarke, Helen I., 99, 100, 106, 108,

521, 525, 547
Cohen, Melvin R., 243
Cohen, Wilbur J., 335, 336, 568
Cohn, David L., 137, 147
Cole, Luella, 412
Commager, Henry Steele, 108
Cooley, Charles Horton, 6, 15, 25,

376. 377
Corner, George W., 248
Cottrell, Leonard S. Jr., 49, 173, 185,

189, 190, 194, 203, 204, 210, 256,

258, 261, 263, 267, 466, 485
Cruikshank, Ruth M., 373
Cuber, John F., 127, 553, 554, 561,

562, 570
Cyprian, 62

Das, Sonya Ruth, 108

Davidson, Percy E., 353

Davis, Allison, 24, 32, 158, 199, 204,

395- 401- 403- 406, 409, 477, 490,

496, 556
Davis, M. Edward, 236
Davis, Joseph S., 297
Davis, Kingsley, 351, 416, 505, 512,

518, 530, 532, 545, 546
Dell, Floyd, 75
Dempsey, Edward, 368, 413
Dennis, Wayne, 372, 406, 410, 411,

413
Dennison, Charles Pugh, 430
Deutsch, Helene, 441, 449
Devvees, Lovett, 226
Dewey, John, 209, 222
Dickinson, Robert L., 228, 248, 449
Dollard, John, 447, 466
Donahue, Wilma, 337
Donaldson, James, 62
Dublin, Louis L, 310
Durkheim, Emile, 289
Duvall, Evelyn M., 127, 228, 562, 568,

569, 570
Duvall, Sylvanus M., 60, 67

Eastman, Nicholson J., 246, 436, 442,

449
Eells, Kenneth, 25, 30, 352, 355

Eldredge, H. Wentworth, 30, 45, 114,

290
Eliot, Thomas D., 501, 503, 518, 539
Elliott, Mabel A., 34, 208, 221, 511,

518, 523, 525, 538, 547
Ellis, Albert, 267, 561
Ellis, Havelock, 133, 134, 424, 426
Engels, Friedrich, 20, 74, 84
Engle, Earl T., 248
English, O. Spurgeon, 560
Entman, Sidney, 567
Ernst, Morris, 521, 540, 541, 546, 547,

567, 568, 570
Eubank, Earle E., 509

Faris, Ellsworth, 362, 377, 382
Farnham, Marynia F., 197, 205, 410,

418, 426
Farnsworth, Paul R., 395
Farris, Edmond J., 242
Figge, Margaret, 406
Fishbein, Morris, 226, 248
Fisher, Russell H., 428
Fiske, John, 373
Flanner}', Francis E., 443
Fliigel, J. C, 170, 407, 421, 424, 426
Folsom, Joseph Kirk, 414
Force, Elizabeth S., 554
Frank, Lawrence K., 313, 315, 347,

354, 426, 468, 549, 550, 570
Frazier, E. Franklin, 21, 25
Freud, Sigmund, 145, 382, 421
Fromm, Erich, 389
Frumkin, Robert M., 553

Gallagher, J. Roswell, 414, 426
Gamble, Clarence J., 431
Gardner, George E., 394
Geroiild, Katharine Fullerton, 211
Gesell, Arnold L., 370, 372, 375, 384,

390, 407
Click, Paul C, 183, 434, 494, 542

NAME INDEX

575

Glotz, Gustave, 40

Goldschmidt, Walter, 199

Good, Frederick L., 248

Goode, William J., 485, 489, 494, 497,

515, 540, 548
Goodrich, Frederick W., 449
Goodsell, Willystine, 11, 21, 25, 65,

80, 89, 91, 284
Gorer, Geoffrey, 152, 155, i6i, 164,

166, 410
Gray, Horace, 463
Green, Arnold W., 140, 154, 165, 166,

252, 406, 416, 545, 556
Groves, Ernest R., 49, 52, 67, 92, 94,

108, 227, 234, 277, 289, 551
Guttmacher, Alan F., 239

Hamilton, G. V., 258
Haman, John O., 239
Handwerk, Esther S., 558, 570
Haring, Douglas G., 27
Harkness, Georgia, 57
Harper, Robert A., 226, 559
Hartman, Garl G., 241, 248
Hartshorne, E. Y., 165
Havighurst, Robert J., 24, 32, 199,
204, 352, 355, 365, 395, 406, 409,

496, 555, 556, 570

Hill, Reuben, 19, 121, 127, 128, 154,
191, 213, 223, 228, 249, 342, 349,
350, 402, 444, 457, 459, 475, 477,

497, 501, 503, 518, 520, 534, 539,
548

Hill, R. T., 242

Himes, Norman E., 240, 246, 248

Hollingshead, August B., 32, 177, 178,

180, 183, 186, 350, 352, 355, 364,

478, 490, 491, 492, 495, 497
Hollingsworth, Leta S., 19, 428
Hooker, Davenport, 372
Homey, Karen, 222, 355, 360, 382
Howard, George E., 55, 67, 283, 284,

287
Howes, Raymond F., 19, 108
Hughes, Everett C., 271, 273, 277,

289, 312
Hughes, James W., 189, 205
Hunt, J. McV., 365, 390, 422, 426
Hurlock, Elizabeth B., 371, 373, 385,

396, 397, 407, 411, 420, 426

Ilg, Frances L., 372, 384, 390, 407
Ingersoll, Hazel L., 194, 204, 216, 446,
464, 474, 478

Jacobson, Alver H., 468, 474
Jacobson, Paul H., 536, 547, 548
James, William, 384
Joffe, Natalie F., 232
Johnson, Winifred B., 255
Jung, C. G., 462

Karpf, Maurice J., 560, 561, 562

Kavinoky, Nadina, 560, 566

Keller, A. G., 8, 10, 20, 25, 28, 33,

286
Kellogg, L. A., 374
Kellogg, W. N., 374
Kelly, Otis F., 248
Kelso, Robert W., 541
Kennedy, Ruby Jo Reeves, 179, 180,

281, 482
Keyserling, Gount Hermann, 223
Kinsey, Alfred C., 32, 131, 157, 159,

160, 166, 200, 258, 365, 401, 423,

424, 540, 548, 557
Kirkpatrick, Clifford, 153, 163, 166,

255, 267, 467, 474
Kiser, Clyde V., 306, 311, 430, 433
Klausner, William J., 544
Kluckhohn, Clyde, 44, 45, 361, 362,

363, 364, 382
Koegel, Otto E., 288
Koerner, Alfred, 238
Kolb, William L., 146, 147, 252
Koller, Marvin R., 120
Kolnai, Aurel, 36
Komarovsky, Mirra, 422
Koos, Earl L., 490, 493, 497, 534
Kopp, Marie, 429
Kosmak, George W., 236
Kuhn, Manford H., 154, 186
Kyrk, Hazel, 203

Lamson, Herbert D., 183
Landau. Emanuel, 183

576

NAME INDEX

Lane-Roberts, Cedric, 248

Landis, Judson T., 25, 180, 192, 210,
223, 261, 471, 474, 479, 480, 497,
570

Landis, Mary G., 25, 570

Landis, Paul H., 355, 412, 426, 429

Lang, Olga, 12

LaPiere, Richard T., 395

Lecky, W. E. H., 65, 156

Lee, Margie R., 555

Leventhal, Michael L., 235

Levy, David M., 407, 447

Levy, John, 418

Lindsley, Donald B., 369

Linton, Ralph, 9, 11, 195, 205, 275,
350, 366, 369, 382

Locke, Harvey J., 16, 21, 112, 117,
127, 185, 211, 217, 223, 250, 257,
261, 263, 268, 285, 315, 454, 459,
461, 469, 473, 475, 480, 486, 487,

497' 537' 544
Loeb, Martin B., 352, 355
Loomis, Stuart D., 154, 165, 166
Loth, David, 521, 540, 541, 546, 547,

567, 568, 570
Lotka, A. }., 340
Low, J. O., 352, 355
Lowrie, Samuel H., 150, 162, 166
Lumpkin, Katharine Dupre, 190, 205
Lundberg, Emma, 108
Lundberg, Ferdinand, 197, 205
Lunt, Paul S., 23, 30, 491
Luther, Martin, 38
Lynd, Helen M., 67, 130, 131, 217,

282, 290
Lynd, Robert S., 29, 67, 130, 131, 217,

282, 290, 317, 318

Macgowan, Kenneth, 258

Maclver, Robert M., 4, 12, 290

Mackay, Richard V., 287

MacLeod, John, 239

Macror)', Boyd E., 125, 169, 186

Maine, Henry Sumner, 73, 74, 84

Marsh, Earle, 238

Martin, Clyde E., 32

May, Geoffrey, 60

Mayo, Elton, 139, 212, 223

McCarthy, Dorothea, 379, 397, 398

McCormick, Thomas C, 125, 169,

McGraw, Myrtle B., 371, 372

McGuire, Carson, 193, 491

Mead, George Herbert, 213, 378, 379,

382
Mead, Margaret, 10, 120, 122, 127,

152, 157, 159, 166, 368, 382, 398,

407, 415, 420, 421
Meaker, Samuel R., 233, 235
Meeker, Marchia, 25, 30, 352, 355
Menninger, Karl A., 221
Merrill, Francis E., 30, 45, 114, 115,

127, 133, 147, 208, 221, 223, 290,

314' 435' 444' 466, 475, 501, 503,

514, 518, 533, 547, 571
Merton, Robert K., 482
Michelson, Lewis, 235, 236
Miller, H. Lloyd, 443
Milner, Esther, 141, 161, 166, 169
Mitchell, Wesley C, 264
Monahan, Thomas P., 543
Morgan, Mildred L, 559
Motz, Annabelle B., 193
Mowrer, Ernest R., 130, 147, 459,

507
Mowrer, Harriet R., 223, 259, 268,

348' 355' 455' 457. 460, 465, 471,

473' 475' 477' 47^' 509- 5^3
Mudd, Emily Hartshorne, 558, 559,

571
Mueller, D. D., 446
Miiller-Lyer, Franz Carl, 146
Munroe,'Ruth, 418
Murdock, George Peter, 3, 8, 12, 25
Murphy, Lois Barclay, 390, 392
Murray, Henry A., 361, 362, 363, 364,

382, 409

Neiman, Lionel J., 189, 205
Newcomb, Theodore M., 205, 366
Newell, James W., 247
Niebuhr, Reinhold, 67, 375
Nimkoff, Meyer F., 44, 163, 167, 225,

337
Nottingham, Elizabeth K., 202
Novak, Emil, 449
Nye, Ivan, 417

Ogburn, Charlton, 567
Ogburn, William F., 28, 115, 196,
313, 316, 337, 505, 518

NAME INDEX

577

Ogino, Kyusaku, 241
Orlansky, Harold, 389
Ort, Robert S., 465

Packard, Vance O., 560

Page, Charles H., 290

Park, Robert E., 213, 271, 289, 312,

354, 366
Parks, John, 442
Parran, Thomas, 225, 437
Parrington, Vernon L., 39, 77, 85
Parsons, Talcott, 200, 205
Pearl, Raymond, 235, 243, 432, 435
Peck, Robert F., 183
Pedersen, Victor C, 244
Perkins, Worcester, 565
Philbrick, Robert E., 547
Piaget, Jean, 390

Pidgeon, Mary-Elizabeth, 324, 337
Pinneau, Samuel R., 388
Pius XI, 63, 428
Plant, James S., 140, 360, 382, 444,

545' 548
Pomeroy, Wardell E., 32
Pommerenke, W. T., 232, 241, 242
Popenoe, Paul, 204, 256, 431, 544
Preston, Malcolm G., 558, 559, 571

Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 312

Ranck, Katherine Rowland, 201, 489,

496
Read, Grantly Dick, 443, 449
Reid, Margaret, 317
Reik, Theodor, 131, 132, 134, 147,

171, 172
Renter, E. B., 12
Ribble, Margaret, 387, 388, 407
Riesman, David, 17, 45, 122, 331, 402
Rivers, W. H. R., 21
Roberts, Alexander, 62
Robinson, Mary, 95
Rock, John, 247
Rogers, Carl R., 560
Rose, Arnold M., 467
Roth, Julius, 183
Rougemont, Denis de, 71, 147
Rubin, I. C, 237, 248
Rubinstein, Boris B., 238
Runner, J. R., 12

Sachs, Milton S., 437

Saint Paul, 65

Sales, Raoul de Roussy de, 129

Sapir, Edward, 134, 360

Sargent, S. S., 389

Schaffner, Bertram H., 363

Schmalhausen, S. D., 415

Schmiedeler, Edgar, 68

Schooley, Mary, 213, 223

Schramm, Wilbur, 122

Sears, R. R., 389

Senn, Milton J. E., 449

Sewell, William H., 289, 405, 421

Seymour, Frances I., 238

Sharman, Albert, 248

Shenehon, Eleanor, 568

Sherif, Muzafer, 446, 458

Shock, Nathan W., 371

Siegler, Samuel L., 233, 235

Silberpfennig, Judith, 441

Simkhovitch, Vladimir G., 37

Sirjamaki, John, 25

Sjoberg, Gideon, 24

Skidmore, Rex A., 127, 329, 571

Slotkin, J. S., 480, 481, 497

Smith, Luke M., 484

Smith, M. W., 389

Smith, William M. Jr., 166

Solby, Bruno, 404

Sombart, Werner, 72, 85

Sorokin, Pitirim A., 56, 68, 77, 79, 85

Spiegelman, Mortimer, 502

Spykman, Nicholas J., 317, 318

Squier, Raymond, 414

Stagner, Ross, 426

Stein, Irving F., 235, 240, 243

Steinberg, Werner, 237

Stendler, Celia Burns, 387, 447

Stern, Bernhard J., 26

Stevens, S. S., 368, 371, 383, 413

Stokes, Walter, 561

Stone, Abraham, 246, 248, 558, 559

Stone, Hannah, 248

Stott, Leland H., 191, 205, 251, 253

Stradford, Genevieve Teague, 406

Strauss, Anselm, 174, 176, 186, 391

Strecker, E. A., 405, 448

Strunk, Mildred, 198

Sumner, William G., 8, 10, 20, 25,

28, 33, ^S, 136, 139, 142, 144, 207,

272, 286, 290

578

NAME INDEX

Taussig, Frederick J., 429
Taves, Marvin J., 265, 268
Tawney, Richard H., 37, 85
Taylor, Donald L., 122, 127
Terman, Lewis M., 255, 256, 260,

262, 268, 462, 475
Tertullian, 62
Thomas, Dorothy S., 295
Thomas, John L., 66, 68, 179, 186,

330, 478, 497
Thomas, W. I., 12, 16, 21, 25, 348,

399, 408, 469
Thurman, Frances C, 552
Tibbitts, Clark, 313, 316, 337, 373
Timmons, B. F., 557
Tocqueville, Alexis de, 82, 83, 85
Tompkins, Pendleton, 241
Troeltsch, Ernest, 37, 56, 68
Truxal, Andrew G., 347
Tumin, Melvin M., 45, 175
Turner, C. Donnell, 229, 247, 383
Turner, Frederick Jackson, 77, 80, 85,

86
Tylor, Edward B., 26

Ungern-Sternberg, Leonie, 349

Van Blarcom, Caroline Conant, 449
Vernier, Chester C, 20, 99, 100, 108,

287, 516
Vincent, Clark E., 394, 407
Vincent, E. Lee, 397, 404
Vollmer, Albert M., 238
Vonderlehr, R. A., 437

Walcott, Esther, 395
Walker, Kenneth, 248

Waller, Willard, 19, 121, 128, 153,

154, 155, 165, 167, 175, 191, 193,

213, 216, 223, 249, 253, 268, 349,

402, 444, 459, 475, 518, 520, 539,
540, 541, 544, 548

Wallin, Paul, 177, 184, 267, 268, 281

Ward, Anne, 405

Warner, W. Lloyd, 23, 25, 30, 352,

353' 355' 491

Watson, John B., 374, 387

Weber, Max, 56, 72, 85

Weeks, H. Ashley, 480, 485

Weinman, Carl A., 89, 547

Weller, Carl V., 373

Werner, August A., 248

Westermarck, Edward, 25, 145, 355

Whelpton, P. K., 311, 430, 433

Wicks, Donna, 256

Wieman, Regina W., 52, 68

Wiesner, B. P., 248

Wile, Ira S., 143

Williams, Robin M., 45, 290

Willoughby, Raymond R., 482

Winch, Robert F., 29, 113, 124, 140,
146, 148, 153, 164, 167, 169, 173,
174, 176, 186, 2155, 268, 273, 340,
35O' 35I' 355' 38:^' 386, 403, 422,

445' 463
Wirth, Louis, n6
Wood, Arthur L., 163, 167
Wood, Leland Foster, 565
Woofter, T. J., 342
Wright, Richard, 508
Wu, Ching-Chao, 12

Young, Kimball, 383, 399

Zimmerman, Carle C, 15, 215, 290,

512, 518
Znaniecki, Florian, 12, 16, 21, 25, 469
Zukerman, Jacob T., 511, 519

SUBJECT INDEX

Abortion, forms of, 428; number of,
428; parenthood and, 428-429; preg-
nancy and, 429

Adolescence, cultural definition of, 414-
417; dating conflicts in, 163-166;
glandular changes and, 412-414; na-
ture of, 408-410; need for affection
and, 139-141; physical changes dur-
ing, 410-414; romantic love and,
138-139; sexual changes and, 420-
424; social factors in, 191-197

Adolescent, conflicts of, 418-419; con-
formity of, 420; increasing independ-
ence of, 417-420; religion and, 424-
425; sexual changes of, 420-424; so-
cial development of, 414-417

Affection, family conflict and, 470-474;
frustration of desire for, 470-471;
importance of, 347-349; need of in-
fant for, 387-389; romantic love and
need for, 139-141; social class and,
199-200

Affectional function, defined, 347-348;
nature of, 347-349; response and,
348-349

Alcoholism, conjugal affection and,
220-221; marriage and, 220-221

American culture, courtship and, 119-
122; dating and, 149-152; romantic
love in, 129-131; social class in, 21-
25. See also Culture.

American ethos, Christianity and, 36-
38; culture and, 35-36; defined, 35;
democracy and, 40-42; law and, 38-
40; science and, 42-44

American family, defined, 14-15; indi-
vidualism and, 69-71; nature of, 13-

15; number of, 14; primary func-
tions of, 15-18; related functions of,
18-21; social class and, 21-25; ^^^'
cultural aspects of, 29-32; varieties
of, 13
American society, Christianity and, 36-
38; courtship and, 114-119; defined,
114; ethos of, 35-36; frontier and,
75-77; marriage in early, 54-56; pa-
triarchal family in, 80-82; social class
in, 21-25; subcultures of, 29-32

Biological function, cost of, 344,-345;
culture and, 345-347, 429-431; dif-
ferential changes in, 343-344; indi-
vidualism and, 346; marriage rate
and, 342-343; maximum exercise of,
434-435; nature of, 339-345; net re-
production rate and, 341-342; trends
in, 340-341

Birth rate, biological function and,
340-341; cultural factors in, 345-347,
429-431; differential changes in, 343-
344; differential increase in, 299-300;
educational differences in, 306-307;
marriage rate and, 342-343; net re-
production rate and, 341-342; trends
in, 297-300

Capitahsm, defined, 72; individual free-
dom and, 71-73; nature of, 71-73

Child, education and, 101-103; eman-
cipation of, 96-98; family roles of,
404-406; identification of parent
with. 447-448; law and, 98-101; le-

579

580

SUBJECT INDEX

gal rights of, 99-101; "only," 405;
overprotected, 405; patriarchal fam-
ily and, 96-97; rejected, 405-406;
sickly, 405

Childbirth, "natural," 442-443; nature
of, 441-444; panel discussion of,
443-444; relief of pain during, 441-
442

Child labor, nature of, 104-106; regu-
lation of, 105; trends in, 105-106

Children, cost of, 344-345; develop-
ment of language in, 395-398; de-
velopmental stages of, 389-392; dis-
tribution of, 302-303; education and,
306-307; health of, 103-104; illegiti-
mate, 106-107; language develop-
ment in, 397-398; mortality of, 103-
104; of employed mothers, 322; pro-
tection of dependent, 336; social
control of, 392-395; symbolic behav-
ior of, 395-398; trends in theories
of discipline toward, 393-395

Children of divorce, custody of, 547;
emotional problems of, 545-546;
number of, 546-547; problems of,
545-547; proportion of divorces in-
volving, 536-537

Christianity, American ethos and, 36-
38; background of, 46-49; family
and, 46-49; family crises and, 52;
marriage and, 53-56; present status
of, 66-67; ^^^ mores and, 61-64;
women and, 64-66. See also Church,
Religion

Church, family and, 49-52; marriage
and, 53-56; "mixed" marriage and,
478-481; present status of, in mar-
riage, 66-67; ^^^^ of, in family re-
organization, 565; sex mores and, 61-
64; women and, 64-66. See also
Christianity, Rehgion

Conception, differential possibilities of,
239-243, 243-246; physiology of,
228-232; rhythm method and, 245-
246. See also Contraception, Fertil-
ity, Sterility

Conjugal affection, alcoholism and,
220-221; mortality and, 219-220; na-
ture of, 208; results of, 219-222; se-
curity and, 221-222; suicide and,
221-222

Conjugal role, authority patterns and,

215-216; consensus and, 213-216;
described, 207; friendship and, 217-
219; habituation and, 211-213; ^^'
mor and, 217-218; nature of, 206-
209; participation and, 209-211

Consumption function, contribution
of wife to, 325; income and, 318-
321; inflation and, 320-321; money
and, 317-318; nature of, 317-318

Contraception, advantages claimed for,
432-433; culture and, 432-435;
methods of, 245-246; principles of,
246; rhythm method and, 245; risks
attending, 433-434; sterility and,
233. See also Conception

Courtship, basic function of, 122-125;
cultural patterns of, 119-122; dating
and "true," 155-156; defined, 112;
efficiency of, 123-124; happiness and,
113-114; historical stages in, 116-
117; individualism and, 117-118; ir-
rational aspects of, 124-125, 168-
169; mobility and, 118-119; nature
of, 111-114; secondary functions of,
125-127; secularization and, 116-117;
social setting of, 114-119; traditional
patterns of, 119-122; urbanization
and, 115-116. See also Marital choice

Culture, American ethos and, 35-56;
biological • function and, 345-347;
courtship and, 119-122; defined, 26;
family as agent in, 398-401; nature
of, 26-29; patterns of, 28-29; ^^^'
cultures and, 29-32. See also Amer-
ican culture. Subculture

Dating, "aim-inhibited" aspects of,
155-157; conflicts in, 163-166; com-
petitive aspects of, 152-155; defined,
150; difficulties of, 163-166; emo-
tional needs and, 160-163; nature of,
149-152; petting and, 157-160; "rat-
ing-and-dating complex" and, 155-
154; situational aspects of, 152-153;
social functions of, 160-163

Death, annual number of families
broken by, 501; broken family and,
501-503; decHning rate of, 499-500;
economic problems of, 501-503;
mourning and, 503; social adjust-
ments to, 503

SUBJECT INDEX

581

Democracy, child health and, 103-104;
child labor and, 104-106; constitu-
tion and, 90-91; development of, 40-
42; divorce and, 515; education and,
101-103; educational equality of
women and, 91-93; frontier and, 82-
84; illegitimacy and, 106-107; in
American ethos, 40-42; independ-
ence of women and, 86-88; legal
emancipation of the child and, 98-
101; nature of, 86-88; political equal-
ity of women and, 93-94; romantic
love and, 146

Desertion, as a ground for divorce,
525; as a social problem, 505-506;
defined, 504; economic effects of,
510; extent of, 505; factors in, 506-
509; forms of, 508-509; nature of,
504-506; Negro and, 507-508; psy-
chological eflfects of, 510-511; recon-
ciliation and, 511; rehgious factors
in, 507; social effects of, 509-511;
social mobility and, 506. See also
Separation

Divorce, absolute, 515; adjustment to,
538-542; changing family functions
and, 513-515; childless couples and,
536-537; collusion and, 520-521;
commercialization of, 524; depres-
sion and, 533; duration of marriage
and, 535-536; European trends in,
527-532; extent of, 534-535; family
disorganization and, 512-513; forms
of, 515-517; grounds for, 524-526;
interlocutory decree of, 516-517; mi-
gration and, 538; "mixed" marriage
and, 480; nature of, 512-513; occu-
pational differences in, 484-486;
"partial," 516; persons to whom
granted, 535; process of, 520-522;
prosperity and, 532; rate of, 526-
532; "real" vs. "legal" grounds for,
521-522; regional differences in, 537-
538; remarriage after, 542-545; ris-
ing trend of, 513-515; social crisis
and, 532-534; social definition of,
499; trends in, 526-532; trends in
grounds for, 523-524; urbanism and,
537; war and, 533-534. See also
Family disorganization, Grounds for
divorce

Divorced persons, adjustments of, 538-

542; alimony and, 541; economic
adjustments of, 541-542; emotional
adjustments of, 539; employment
status of, 487-488; men, 535; num-
ber of, 534-535; remarriage of, 542-
545; sexual adjustments of, 539-540;
social adjustments of, 540-541;
women, 535

Education, child labor and, 105-106;
compulsory, 102-103; differentials in,
between families, 305-307; expendi-
tures for, 101-102; increasing rate of,
305-306; median years of, 327; of
children, 101-103; °^ women, 91-93;
participation in, 554-555; role of
wife and, 203-204; trends in, 325-
328

Education for marriage, college and
university level of, 550-554; common
elements in, 556-557; content of,
551; controversial aspects of, 555;
difficulties of, 555-556; evaluation of,
553-554; extent of, 551-552; mis-
conceptions of, 555; origins of, 551;
secondary level of, 554-558; social
class and, 556-558

Educational function, changes in, 325-
328; status of school and, 327-328;
trends in, 326-327

Ego-ideal, defined, 170-171; formation
of, 171-172; nature of, 170-172

Emotional need, adolescence and, 139-
141; affection and, 347-348; dating
and, 152-155; ego-ideal and, 170-
172; for emotional maturity, 162-
163; for new experience, 161-162;
happiness as an example of, 255;
ideal mate and, 174-176; of the in-
fant, 387-389; parent-image and,
172-174; parenthood and, 448; ro-
mantic love and, 139-141; to be
admired, 161; to be loved, 161

Employment of women, desertion as a
factor in, 510; extent of, 321-326;
income level of husband and, 325-
326; marital conflict and, 487-488;
reasons for, 324-325; trends in, 321-
322; types of, 323-324

582

SUBJECT INDEX

Family, age composition of, 302-304;
American, 13-15; as a social institu-
tion, 275-280; broken, 498-500; cen-
sus definition of, 292; characteristics
of, 12-13; Christianity and, 46-49;
church and, 49-52; continuity of,
279-280; culture and, 32-35; death
and, 501-503; defined, 11; desertion
and, 504-506; divorce and, 513-515;
educational composition of, 305-307;
forms of, 9-13; frontier and, 80-82;
housing and, 284-286; interest in, 4-
7; marriage and, 7-9; middle class
and, 74-75; number of, 292; patri-
archal, 80-82; Protestant ethic and,
56-58; reorganization of, 549-550;
rural-urban, 300-302; science and,
42-44; secularization of, 73-74; so-
cial class and, 21-25; social defini-
tions by, 398-401; structure of, 280-
289; study of, 4-7; subcultural as-
pects of, 29-32; unique aspects of,
3-4; variations of, 9-13

Family composition, age factors in,
302-304; birth rate and, 297-300;
economic factors in, 307-310; edu-
cational factors in, 305-307; marital
status of the population and, 293;
marriage trends and, 294-297; occu-
pation and, 309-310; rural-urban
factors in, 300-302; size of families
and, 292

Family conflict, affection and, 470-474;
changing pattern of, 453-455; de-
fined, 459-460; emotional tensions
and, 459-460; nature of, 453-455;
religion and, 478-481; social class
and, 490-496; symbolic aspects of,
459-460. See also Personal conflict.
Social conflict

Family disorganization, death and, 501-
503; definitions of, 498-500; deser-
tion and, 504-506; divorce and, 512-
513; nature of, 498-500; trends in,
499-500, 526-532. See also Death,
Desertion, Divorce

Family functions, afiFectional, 347-349;
biological, 339-345; consumption,
317-318; culture and, 33; defined,
312; divorce and changing, 513-515;

educational, 325-328; employment of
women and, 321-326; income and,
318-321; nature of, 312-314; produc-
tion, 314-317; protective, 332-336;
recreational, 331-332; religious, 328-
331; reorganization and, 549-550; so-
cialization, 354; status, 349-354; sur-
viving, 338-339

Family income, inflation and, 320-321;
median, 318-319; nature of, 318-321;
occupational factors in, 309-310

Family laws, birth records, 288-289;
common-law marriage, 288; marriage,
286-287; nature of, 286-289; racial
qualifications, 287

Family life agencies, American Insti-
tute of Family Relations, 563-564;
Jewish Social Service Bureau, 562-
563; nature of, 562-564; techniques
of, 562-564

Family of orientation, authority pat-
terns and, 192-195; cultural defini-
tions bv, 398-401; defined, 3; mari-
tal roles and, 192-195; social atti-
tudes of, 399-401; social class and,
490-496

Family of procreation, defined, 3; mar-
ital roles and, 192-195; social class
and, 490

Family reorganization, church leader
and, 565; college and universit}'
education and, 550-554; doctor and,
566; domestic relations court and,
567-568; family life agencies and,
562-564; lawyer and, 566-567; mar-
riage counseling and, 558-562; men-
tal health and, 568-569; National
Council of Family Relations and,
569-570; nature of, 549-550; second-
ar}' education and, 554-558; social
welfare and, 568; traditional profes-
sions and, 565-568

Family structure, attitudes and, 280-
282; nature of, 280-289; specifica-
tions and, 286-289; symbolic culture
traits and, 282-284; utilitarian cul-
ture traits and, 284-286

Fertilit}', cultural factors in, 429-
431; efforts toward, 234-235, 235-
239; menstrual cycle and, 243-246;
nature of, 232-236; period of least
likely, 243-244; period of most likely,

SUBJECT INDEX

583

239-243; requisites of, 235; social ex-
pectations of, 429-431. See also Con-
ception, Sterility
Frontier, individualism and, 75-77; pa-
triarchal family and, 80-82; political
equality of women and, 93-94; social
mobility and, 77-80; status of
women and, 82-84

Grounds for divorce, adultery, 525-526;
cruelty, 525; data on, 524-525; de-
sertion, 525; drunkenness, 526; het-
erogeneous character of, 522; leni-
ency in, 523-524; neglect, 525; "real"
vs. "legal," 521-522; restriction in,
524; trends in, 523-524; uniformity
in, 523. See also Divorce

Happiness, factors in, 255-257; marital
success and, 252-257; measurement
of, 255-257

Home, as a utilitarian culture trait,
284-286; number of, 285; ownership
of, 285-286

Homogamy, age and, 183-184; author-
ity patterns and, 194-195; defined,
177; ethnic background and, 180-
181; marital choice and, 176-185;
occupation and, 182; race and, 177-
178; rehgion and, 178-180; residen-
tial propinquity and, 181; social at-
titudes and, 184-185; social class and,
181-183

Husband, comparative mortality of,
219-220; desertion by, 510-511; preg-
nancy and role changes of, 439; role
changes of, 197-198

Ideal mate, defined, 174-175; nature
of, 174-176; sources of, 175-176

Illegitimacy, democratic ideal and, 106-
107; extent of, 106, 275-276; legis-
lation and, 107; status function of
family and, 350; status of, 106-107;
traditional attitude toward, 20-21,
106

Individualism, American family and,
69-71; attitudes toward, 71; biologi-
cal function and, 346; capitalism
and, 61-63; courtship and, 117-118;
dating as an expression of, 150-151;
divorce and, 515; frontier and, 75-
77; historical bases of, 69-71; mari-
tal conflict and, 457-459; Protestant
ethic and, 56-58; social mobility and,
77-80

Infancy, dependency during, 386-389;
personality and, 373-375; stages in,
389-392

Infant, affection and, 387-389; depend-
ence of, 386-389; experience of, 384-
385; mortality of, 103-104; person-
ality of, 373-375; universe of, 384-
386

Intermarriage, cultural conflict and,
483-484; defined, 482; ethnic factors
in, 481-484; factors in, 482-483; re-
ligion and, 478-481

Law, American ethos and, 38-40;
changes in, 88-91; child and, 98-101;
parents and, 98-101; women and, 88-

Lower class, aggressive behavior of,
403-404; culture of, 495-496; family
conflict in, 494-496; sex behavior of,
157-160, 401-402

Marital choice, age and, 183-184;
courtship and, 125; ego-ideal and,
170-172; ethnic factors in, 180-181;
homogamy and, 176-185; ideal mate
and, 174-176; irrational aspects of,
168-169; niixed marriages and, 178-
180; nature of, 168-170; parent-im-
age and, 172-174; race and, 177-
178; religion and, 177-178; residen-
tial factors in, 181; social attitudes
and, 184-185; social class and, 181-
183. See also Courtship

Marital interaction, conjugal roles and,
206-209; social roles and, 189-192

Marital role, authority patterns and,
193-194; conception and, 228-232;

584

SUBJECT INDEX

confusion in, 466-467; consensus
and, 213-216; disparity in, 195-198;
employment of women and, 202-
203, foundations of, 192-195; friend-
ship and, 217-219; frustration of,
465-468; habit and, 211-213; ii^^^r-
tility and, 232-236; marital success
and, 250-251; menopause and, 246-
248; nature of, 189-192; occupation
and, 200-201; physical difficulties
and, 226-228; physiology of, 224-
226; pregnancy and, 435-441; pre-
marital examination and, 226-228;
sexual adjustment and, 258-259; so-
cial change and, 195-198; social class
and, 199-200; unemployment and,
201-202; variations in, 198-204

Marital success, changing criteria of,
250-253; "developmental adjust-
ment" and, 252-253; economic fac-
tors and, 261-264; happiness and,
252-257; humor and, 217-218; occu-
pational factors in, 484-486; of di-
vorced persons, 543-545; prediction
of, 264-267; sexual adjustment and,
257-261; social roles and, 189-192;
traditional nature of, 248-250; values
and, 468-470

Marriage, chances of, 276; changing
criteria of success in, 250-253; church
and, 53-56; defined, 7-8; duration
of, prior to divorce, 535-536; early
Christianity and, 61-64; economic
factors in, 261-264; family compo-
sition and, 294-297; forms of, 8-9;
happiness in, 252-257; history of,
53-56; infertihty in, 232-236; me-
dian age of, 294; "mixed," 478-479;
nature of, 7-9; prediction of success
in, 264-267; Protestant ethic and,
56-58; rate of, 295-296; sexual ad-
justment in, 257-261; traditional def-
inition of success in, 248-250; trends
in, 294-297

Marriage counseling, defined, 558; lim-
itations of, 562; nature of, 558-562;
origins of, 559-560; prediction tests
and, 264-267; preparation for, 559-
560; techniques of, 560-562

Marriage counselor, attached to domes-
tic relations court, 567-568; func-
tions of, 559; limitations of 562;

role of, 560-562; training of, 559-
560; use of prediction tests by, 266-
267

Marriage prediction, limitations of,
265-267; nature of, 264-267; tech-
niques of, 264-265

Menopause, male experience and, 247-
248; nature of, 246-248; physiology
of, 247; signs of, 246-247

Menstruation, adolescent beginnings of,
413-414; conception and, 239-243,
243-246; physiology of, 229-230;
pregnancy and interruption of, 435-
436; regularity of, 242-243, 243-246;
studies of, 240-243

Middle class, American family and, 21-
25; attitudes of, toward aggression,
403-404; capitalism and, 74-75; fam-
ily conflict and, 493-494; ideals of,
402-403; parent-child conflicts in,
493-494; petting and, 158-160; ro-
mantic love and, 131; sexual behavior
of, 401-402

Mother, health history of, 437-438;
medical care of prospective, 436-439;
pregnancy and, 435-439

Occupation, as a factor in martial con-
flict, 484-486; composition of the
family and, 307-310; differential
changes in the birth rate and, 343-
344; differential divorce rates and,
485; differential marriage rates and,
308-309; income and, 309-310; mar-
ital roles and, 200-201

Parent, definitions of behavior by, 398-
401; frustrations of, 447-448; identi-
fication of, with child, 447-448; le-
gal obligations of, 98-101; personality
of, 444-449; rewards of, 445-447;
roles of, 444-449; social approval of,
19-20, 427-428; social attitudes and,
398-401

Parental role, frustations of, 447-448;
nature of, 444-449; satisfactions of,
445-447; social approval and, 444

Parenthood, abortion as a denial of.

SUBJECT INDEX

585

428-429; cultural basis of, 427-429;
frustrations of, 447-448; "pathos"
of 444; religious definition of, 427-
428; rewards of, 445-447; social ap-
proval of, 444; social norms and,
429-431; social roles of, 444-449;
voluntary, 432-435

Parent-image, influence of, in marital
choice, 172-174; nature of, 172-174;
variations in, 174

Personal conflict, affection and, 470-
474; authority patterns and, 464-465;
behavior patterns and, 463-465; ego-
gratification and, 458-459; frustrated
roles and, 465-468; individual choice
and, 457-459; nature of, 455-457;
personality and, 455-457; psycho-
logical types and, 462-463; relative
importance of sex in, 473-474; sex
factors in, 471-474; temperament
and, 460-463; values and, 468-470.
See also Family conflict. Social con-
flict

Personality, biological factors in, 368-
369; complexity of, 367-371; con-
ceptions of, 360-362; constitutional
factors in, 363-364; culture and, 362;
defined, 360; dependency and, 386-
389; determinants of, 362-367; de-
velopmental stages in, 389-392; fam-
ily authority and, 392-395; family
conflict and, 455-457; family roles
and, 404-406; feral children and
369-370; "generalized other" and
380-382; group factors in, 364-365
language and, 378-379, 395-398
maturation and, 371-373; nature of
359-362; parental family and, 398
401; parental roles and, 444-449
situational factors in, 366-367; social
roles and, 190-191, 365-366; social
self and, 375-379; subcultural aspects
of, 401-404; symbolic behavior and,
395-398; temperment and, 460-463;
uniformities in development of, 389-
392. See also Social self

Petting, dating and, 157-160; defined,
157; nature of, 157-160

Pregnancy, abortion and, 428-429; fear
of, and family conflict, 472-473; hy-
giene of, 438-439; medical care dur-
ing, 436-439; parturition and, 441-

444; Rh-factor and, 437; role changes
during, 439-441; signs of, 435-436;
social roles and, 435-439

Production function, homemaking and,
315-316; nature of, 314-317; rural
family and, 315-316

Protective function, dependent children
and, 335-336; life insurance and,
333; old age and, 333-336; Social
Security Act and, 335-336; trends
in, 332-336

Protestantism, family and, 56-58; in
early American society, 54-56; in-
dividuahsm and, 56-58; marriage and,
53-56; "mixed" marriage and, 478-
481

Recreational function, defined, 331;
public recreation and, 332; trends
in, 331-332

Rehgion, adolescence and, 424-425; as
a factor in desertion, 507; Catholic
training in, 330-331; Christianity,
46-49; family background in, 46-49;
family conflict and, 478-481; family
crises and, 52; intermarriage and,
178-180; marital choice and, 178-
180; marriage and, 49-52; nature of,
424-425; parenthood and, 427-428;
Protestant training in, 329-330; role
of, in family, 328-331; survival value
of, in the family, 66-67. ^^^ ^^^°
Christianity, Church

Religious function. Catholic family
and, 330-331; historical background
of, 51-52; Protestant family and,
329-330; trends in, 328-331

Remarriage, chances of, 544-545; di-
vorce and, 542-545; extent of, 542-
543; success of, 543-545

Romantic love, biological aspects of,
133-136; defined, 130; emotional in-
tensity of, 144-145; emotional monop-
oly and, 145-146; emotional release
and, 136-139; functional aspects of,
138-139; high status of women and,
143-144; individual preference and,
142-143; nature of, 129-131; need
for affection and, 139-141; sexual
cycle and, 133; sexual impulse and,
132-133

586

SUBJECT INDEX

Science, family and, 43-44; in American
ethos, 42-44; marital roles and, 224-
226

Separation, as a social problem, 505-
506; characteristics of, 506; extent
of, 505. See also Desertion

Sex behavior, adolescent changes in,
420-424; "aim-inhibited" aspects of
dating and, 156-157; attitudes to-
ward, 470-474; control of, 61-64;
cultural aspects of, 133-136; early
Christian attitudes toward, 61-64;
family conflict and, 471-474; latency
period of, 422-423; martial happi-
ness and, 257-261; "natural" mani-
festations of, 135-136; Oedipal stage
of, 421-422; petting as, 157-160;
romantic love and, 132-136; social
attitudes and, 259-261; social level
and, 258-259; studies of, 59-60; sub-
cultural differences in, 401-402

Sex mores, church and, 61-64; class
differences in, 157-160; nature of,
58-60

Sexual adjustment, attitudes and, 259-
261; family conflict and lack of, 470-
474; marital happiness and, 257-261;
of divorced persons, 539-540; psy-
chological factors in, 470-474; social
class and, 258-259

Social attitudes, defined, 400-401; fam-
ily structure and, 280-282; marital
choice and, 184-185; parental def-
initions of, 400-401; sexual adjust-
ment and, 259-261

Social class, common educational ele-
ments and, 556-557; definitions of,
21-25; education for marriage and,
556-558; family and, 21-25; '" Amer-
ica, 21-25; lower, 495-496; marital
choice and, 181-183; marital con-
flict and, 490-496; middle, 493-494;
sex behavior and, 157-160; sexual
adjustment and, 258-259; social
roles and, 199-200; status function
and, 351-353; subcultures and, 29-
32; upper, 491-493; working, 494-
496. See a/so Subculture

Social conflict, culture and, 477-478;
employment of wife and, 487-488;

ethnic factors in, 481-484; middle-
class factors in, 493-494; nature of,
476-478; occupational factors in,
484-486; religious factors in, 478-
481; social class and, 490-496; un-
employment of husband and, 488-
489. See also Family conflict, Per-
sonal conflict

Social institution, claims of, 277-278;
definition of, 270-271; family as,
275-280; functions of, 273-274, 312-
314; nature of, 273-275

Social mobility, courtship and, 118-
iig; defined, 77; desertion and, 506;
family solidarity and, 78-80; limi-
tations upon, 353-354; nature of, 77-
80; of the middle-class family, 494;
romantic love and, 79-80; status
function of the family and, 352-353

Social role, defined, 189; family and,
404-406; family factors in, 404-406;
nature of, 189-192; personalitv and,
190-191, 365-366; social institutions
and, 273-274

Social self, as an object to itself, 377-
378; conscience and, 381-382; con-
sciousness and, 375-376; "general-
ized other" and, 380-382; language
and, 378-379; "looking-glass," 376-
377; personality and, 375-379; role-
taking and, 378-379; See also Per-
sonality

Society, romantic love and, 142-146;
sacred, n6; secular, 116

Status function, defined, 349-350; il-
legitimacy and, 351; nature of, 20-
21, 349-354; social class and, 351-
352; trends in, 349-354; t}'pes of,
350; vertical mobility and, 352-

353

Sterility, artificial insemination and,
238-239; attacks upon, 236-239; ex-
tent of, 233; factors in, 232-236;
physiology of, 232-236. See also
Conception, Fertility

Subculture, defined, 29; differential at-
titudes toward aggression, 403-404;
middle-class, 402-403; nature of, 29-
32; personality differences arising
from, 401-404; sexual behavior in,
157-160, 401-402. See also Culture,
Social class

SUBJECT INDEX

587

Unemployment, family conflict and,
488-489; marital roles and, 201-202;
reaction of family to, 488-489; trends
in, 488-489

Upper class, defined, 491-492; "estab-
lished," 491; family solidarity of,
491-493; "new," 492-493

Urbanization, courtship and, 116-117;
divorce and degree of, 537; trends
in, 115-116

Wedding, honeymoon and, 289; sym-
bolic aspects of, 283-284

Widow, economic problems of, 501-
502; mourning by, 503; number of,
501; remarriage of, 502

Widower, economic problems of, 502-
503; mourning by, 503; number of,
501

Wife, changes in role of, 195-198; com-
parative mortality of, 219-220; ed-
ucation of, 203-204; frustrations of.

466-468; gainful employment of, 202-
203; legal equality of, 88-91; on the
frontier, 82-84; pregnancy and role
changes of, 440-441; role frustra-
tion of, 466-468

Women, Christianity and role of, 64-
66; constitutional amendment and,
90-91; consumption function and,
321-326; early employment of, 94-
95; economic independence of, 94-
96; educational equality of, 91-93;
forms of employment of, 323-324;
frontier and status of, 82-84; gain-
ful employment of, 18-19, 94-96;
higher education of, 91-93; histori-
cal inequality of, 65-66; legal equality
of, 88-91; political equality of, 93-
94; role of employed, 202-203; ro-
mantic love and high status of, 143-
144; subordination of, 88-89

World War II, child labor and, 105-
106; divorce and, 533-534; employ-
ment of women and, 95; family
functions and, 313-314; mobility
and, 118

Date Due

Marriage and the familv in Ame main
301 42T874m 1953C2

3 12t5 D3S3S 2fllb

Jo/, y.

c. ^

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