Skip to main content

Full text of "The megalithic culture of Indonesia"

See other formats


No. Ill 



Published by the University of Manchester at 



LONDON : 39 Paternoster Row 

. NEW YORK : 443-449 Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street 
CHICAGO : Prairie Avenue and Twenty-fifth Street 

BOMBAY : Hornby Road 

CALCUTTA: G Old Court House Street 

MADRAS: 167 Mount Road 



, BY 

W. J. PERRY, B.A. 




London, New York, Bombay, etc. 



All rights reserved 





IN 1911 the stream of ethnological research was directed by Dr. 
Rivers into new channels. In his Presidential Address to the 
Anthropological Section of the British Association at Portsmouth 
he expounded some of the effects of the contact of diverse cul- 
tures in Oceania in producing new, and modifying pre-existent 
institutions, and thereby opened up novel and hitherto unknown 
fields of research, and brought into prominence once again those 
investigations into movements of culture which had so long been 

A student who wishes to study problems of culture mixture 
and transmission is faced with a variety of choice of themes 
and of regions to investigate. He can set out to examine topics 
of greater or less scope in circumscribed areas, or he can under- 
take world-wide investigations which embrace peoples of all ages 
and civilisations. These two modes of research are complement- 
ary : for extended inquiries give clues to difficulties encountered 
in limited regions ; and detailed investigations in one area often 
suggest others of the widest scope. In this book I have con- 
fined myself to the region which has been my special object of 
study for some years, and in the Introduction I have stated the 
reasons why the subject treated is that of the Megalithic Culture. 

I have tried to approach the study of the evidence without 
bias. But, in confining my attention to the data collected from 
the region I am investigating, and excluding the considera- 
tion of information derived from other regions, such as India on 
the west or Melanesia on the east, I have also striven to 
guard against the tendency of assuming, either consciously 


or unconsciously, that these alien cultural influences, the origin 
of which I deliberately refrain from discussing here, did not 
play a part in the history of Indonesian Society. As a matter 
of fact, it became evident at an early stage in the inquiry that 
the obtrusive factor in the problem was the determination of 
the nature of such alien influences, which were mainly respons- 
ible for shaping the cultures of Indonesian peoples. I have 
resisted the strong temptation to search abroad for the sources 
of these immigrant practices, ideas, and beliefs, and have tried 
to analyse the evidence provided by Indonesia itself, and, from 
scattered fragments, to reconstruct the history of certain Indo- 
nesian customs and beliefs in places apparently free from the 
more obtrusive disturbing influences of the Indian, Chinese, and 
Arabian civilisations. 

This necessarily involves the elimination of some of the most 
attractive aspects of the problem of the Megalithic Culture. 
But this gradual building-up of the history of Indonesia from the 
local data alone, even though tedious, has revealed a great many 
factors in the history of the civilisation of the world at large 
which might have escaped notice if some such laborious analysis 
as I have attempted here had not been undertaken. 

I have discussed the burial customs but briefly in these pages, 
a fuller examination of the evidence being left to another book, 
upon which I am at present engaged. 

Little cognition is taken also of the recent wide develop- 
ments in the study of the distribution and spread of Megalithic 
Culture, generally. To have done so would have upset the 
scheme of the book, which is to provide mainly a foundation 
upon which future workers can build up wider arguments, and 
further develop the whole story of the migrations of early cul- 
ture. If the book fulfils this function satisfactorily, I shall have 
succeeded in my aim. 

Careful students of the evidence put forward will observe 
how many gaps exist in our knowledge of the cultures of In- 
donesian peoples. These lacunae have seriously impeded the 
work of constructing the scheme ; and it is my hope that the 


realisation of the imperfection of the evidence will stimulate field 
workers to record the necessary facts. The knowledge of the 
paucity of the requisite data, and the hope that further informa- 
tion may soon be collected by the many able Dutch ethno- 
graphers, have decided me to limit the distribution tables to as 
few elements as are absolutely necessary for the elucidation of 
the argument. When I first began the inquiry my intention was 
to base the argument mainly upon the facts of distribution, and 
to construct for that end elaborate tables. But, as the scheme 
gradually took shape, it became apparent that deep-seated 
relationships, which could not be expressed by means of tables, 
exist between the various groups of facts, and in the latter part of 
the book more attention is paid to those matters than merely 
to distributions. At the same time I look forward to the day 
when it will be possible to construct complete distribution maps 
for many cultural elements of Indonesia, and thereby to make 
the exposition of the ethnology of that region so much the easier. 

It would be ungracious on my part were I to fail to acknow- 
ledge the great debt that I owe to Dr. Rivers. Not only did he 
entirely remould my ideas, when I first became acquainted with 
him in 1910, and introduce me to the great and fertile concep- 
tion of culture-mixture ; but ever since he has always been ready 
to help me with advice and criticism. He suggested the thesis 
of this book and advised me regarding the method of investiga- 
tion, and he has helped to clear away many obscurities in my 
presentation of the case. I can only hope that the results ob- 
tained constitute some slight return for all his kindness. I hope 
also that I may have contributed something towards the develop- 
ment of the thesis of culture-mixture with which his name will 
ever be associated. 

It is owing to the advocacy of Prof. Elliot Smith that this 
book appears under the auspices of the Manchester University 
Press. He has read the book more than once in MS., and has 
helped to see it through the press. For this, and for many other 
kindnesses, my best thanks are due to him. 

Any student of ethnology working far away from libraries, 


and unable to buy the necessary literature, would be seriously 
handicapped were it not for the existence of an institution such 
as the London Library. Were it not that Dr. Hagberg Wright, 
the Secretary and Librarian, agreed to advise the Committee to 
buy for me, an unknown young man, several expensive Dutch 
works, it would have been impossible to have begun the work, 
the first considerable instalment of which is now presented to 
the reader. For this, and for many subsequent kindnesses on 
the part of Dr. Hagberg Wright, and his able assistant, Mr. C. J. 
Purnell, I cannot ever be too grateful. Nor can I omit to thank 
Miss Hughes, the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, and 
her assistant, the late Mr. H. A. Good, for all the trouble that 
they have taken on my behalf. The possession by the Royal 
Asiatic Society of the two chief Dutch periodicals dealing with 
the ethnography of the East Indian Archipelago has been a 
circumstance of vital importance for me, and without the aid of 
that Society I should have been seriously handicapped in my 

My thanks are also due to Dr. A. C. Haddon for his kindness 
in reading the proofs, and for the loan of literature; to Mr. 
A. M. Hocart for reading the MS., and for offering me many 
valuable suggestions ; to Heer Kruijt for information regarding 
central Celebes; to Mr. J. A. Robertson and the American 
Bureau of Insular Affairs for the loan of photographs ; and last, 
but not least, to my sister, Miss K. M. Perry, for the excellent 
line drawings and maps that appear in this book. 


POCKLINGTON, zSth November, 1917. 



PREFACE . vii 




























INDEX 193 



1. GRAVE AT P^R^MADITA, SUMBA (after ten Kate) . . .12 

2. DOLMENS AT WAINBIDI, SUMBA (after ten Kate) . . .15 

3. DOLMEN AT WAIJELU, SUMBA (after ten Kate) . . .15 


5. STONE SEAT, NIAS (after Modigliani) 33 

6. STONE SEAT, NIAS (after Modigliani) 35 

7. STONE SEAT, NIAS (after Modigliani) 38 

8. GRAVE OF CHIEF AT LAURA, SUMBA (after ten Kate) . . 40 

9. GRAVE AT LAMBANAPU, SUMBA (after ten Kate) . . .45 


I. IGOROT COUNCIL HOUSE ...... Facing 54 













IT is the aim of this book to institute an inquiry into certain 
problems connected with the cultures of the less advanced peoples 
of Indonesia. The term Indonesia will be taken to include not 
merely the East Indian Archipelago, to which it is usually 
applied, but also Assam, Burma, the Malay Peninsula, the 
Philippine Islands, and Formosa, which are inseparably linked 
with it by racial and cultural bonds. The nature and scope of 
the inquiry can best be set forth by means of an account of the 
events which led to its inception. 

In the course of an examination of the cultures of Mel- 
anesian peoples, Dr. Rivers (in 1910) came to the conclusion that 
the only way to account for the existence of certain customs 
among the people of Melanesia was to adopt the hypothesis of 
culture-mixture. He assumed that there had swept into that 
region at least one wave of migration of people possessing cus- 
toms and beliefs foreign to those of the indigenous population, 
and that from the interaction of these two systems had resulted 
the cultures which he was examining. An investigation into 
groups of social phenomena, such as those connected with the 
secret societies of the Banks Islands and elsewhere, conducted in 
the light of the hypothesis of a cultural intrusion, led him to 
momentous results, some of which were announced in his Presi- 
dential Address to the Anthropological Section of the British 
Association at Portsmouth in 1911. 

This statement had an important consequence. In the 
year 1908 Prof. Elliot Smith identified an alien racial element 
of well-defined type that had intruded into the northern end 
of Egypt before the Pyramid age. When he came to Eng- 
land in 1909 and examined the human remains in various 


museums, he found that similar aliens could be recognised in 
many other places in the Mediterranean and Western Asiatic 
areas. 1 In studying the literature relating to the finding of these 
significant remains he discovered that, although in the Mediter- 
ranean area they were invariably associated with megalithic 
monuments, this association did not always obtain in Asia, es- 
pecially in those places where these alien people were found in 
greatest number and purity. The examination of these data, 
and of the distribution of megalithic monuments, led him to 
conclude that these aliens had migrated into the Mediterranean 
area and had adopted, directly or indirectly, from Egyptian 
sources, the custom of building megalithic monuments. 

These views were communicated to the Royal Anthropological 
Institute informally in the course of a discussion on 9th May, 
1911, having already been set forth in the MSS. of the "Ancient 
Egyptians," which was then ready for printing. But the chance 
discovery of unmistakable representatives of the same Armenoid 
racial type in the Chatham Islands started a world-wide search 
for further evidence. He came to the conclusion that these 
Armenoid traits afforded definite evidence of a widespread move- 
ment of people, who built megalithic structures wherever they 
went Dr. Rivers' Presidential Address served to crystallise 
Prof. Elliot Smith's ideas, for the two investigations were com- 
plementary the one of the other. In his Presidential Address 
to the same section of the British Association in the following 
year, Prof. Elliot Smith emphasised his adhesion to the views 
of Dr. Rivers, and opened a discussion in which he put forward 
the view that megalithic monuments, in whatever part of the 
world they may be found, showed such similarities of structure 
and associations that they must have been the work of people 
sharing a common culture. This thesis he has maintained with 
further evidence in succeeding years. 

In 1913 another link in the chain of evidence was forged 
by Dr. Rivers, who showed that the megalithic monuments of 
Oceania were probably the work of sun-worshipping immigrants. 2 
This result constituted important support for the thesis of Prof. 
Elliot Smith, for, in Europe and the western Mediterranean, there 
is also a direct association between megalith-building and the 

1 I am much indebted to Prof. Elliot Smith for this account. 


worship of the sun. In this way the independent researches ol 
Dr. Rivers and Prof. Elliot Smith were converging upon the 
problem of accounting for the presence of megalithic structures in 
various parts of the earth. Working on utterly different kinds 
of material from opposite sides of the world, these two investi- 
gators were arriving at the same general conclusions. In view 
of the widespread interest in megalithic monuments, and their 
bearing upon the early history of mankind, it became neces- 
sary to endeavour to trace the course of this migration into 

The work which Dr. Rivers was carrying on in Melanesia, 
and the constant discussions which we had maintained during 
four years concerning the relationships of Indonesian beliefs and 
customs to those of Melanesia and Polynesia, had fully persuaded 
both of us that deep-seated cultural connections exist between 
Oceania and Indonesia, and further, that the presence or absence 
of megalithic culture in Indonesia, once firmly established, would 
go far towards confirming or disproving the arguments of Dr. 
Rivers and Prof. Elliot Smith. Indonesia occupies a position 
of peculiar importance in relation to the main argument as to 
the origin and nature of megalithic monuments, for it forms 
the sieve through which any extensive migration from the West 
to Oceania must pass. Any migration into the Pacific of sun- 
worshipping megalith-builders should have left traces of their 
passage in Indonesia. Dr. Rivers suggested that the evidence 
for the existence of megalithic monuments and the sun-cult in 
Indonesia should be collected and examined, and this task was 
begun by me in the autumn of 1913. 

If the problem that Dr. Rivers had to solve in Oceania 
was complicated, the conditions under which it had to be 
attempted were simple compared with those obtaining in Indo- 
nesia. For the latter region is in intimate relationship with the 
Asiatic continent, and has been exposed to a great variety of 
cultural influences, from the effects of which it has shielded 
Melanesia. Moreover, it includes a number of islands, such as 
Java, which have been the seats of a variety of relatively high 
civilisations for many centuries. Thus the problems of 
Indonesia are vastly more complicated than those of Melanesia. 
Evidence points to the possibility of a connection between India 


and Java as early as 700 B.C., 1 a regular commerce being main- 
tained between the two countries. Other influences, such as 
those of the Chinese and the Arabs, have been at work in later 
centuries. Moreover, the great activities displayed by the 
Malays of Menangkabau in Sumatra, who have spread over the 
East Indian Archipelago, occupying the littoral of many of the 
islands, in many places together with Chinese traders, have 
added to the complexity of ethnological problems in Indonesia. 
But, in spite of this, many parts of Indonesia are inhabited by 
peoples possessing cultures which seem to be relatively simple 
and untouched by the influence of the higher civilisations. 
Whether this apparent simplicity and purity be real is another 
matter, the consideration of which must be deferred : but a fore- 
shadowing of the answer to this question will be forthcoming in 
this book. These peoples, however, afford a more favourable 
subject for examination than those of Java and elsewhere. I 
propose therefore for the present to leave on one side all peoples 
whose culture shows signs of the influence of such higher civilisa- 
tions as are associated with Brahmanism, Buddhism or Islam, 
and to confine my attention to those whose culture appears to be 
relatively simple. The portions of Indonesia which for this 
reason I shall omit, are Java and Madura, Bali and Lombok in 
the Sunda group ; the Banda and Seranglao groups ; Ternate 
and Tidore in the Moluccas ; the south-west portion and the 
Mohammedan coastal peoples of Celebes ; the coastal states of 
Borneo ; the whole of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula ; and 
the more advanced parts of Assam and Burma. These regions 
are left blank on sketch map number one. 

Since the argument will be concerned with the examination 
of groups of facts recorded in most parts of Indonesia, it will be 
necessary to adopt some fixed plan of presentation of the evi- 
dence. I propose to begin each chapter with a statement of the 
facts to be examined therein. To facilitate the reader's task in 
following the unavoidably tedious narrative describing the 
collecting of apparently trifling and unimportant scraps of evi- 
dence from a vastly complex area, the same itinerary will be taken 
in every case. It is hoped that the reader who familiarises 
himself with the map on the first "survey," will experience no 

1 Oldham has summarised this evidence. 


difficulty later on with the oft-repeated references to geographical 
names. The survey will begin with Sumbawa, and then will 
work due east to Timorlaut by way of Flores, Solor, Adunara, 
Sumba, Savu, Roti, Timor, Wetar, Damar, Keisar, the Leti Moa 
Lakor group, Luang-Sermata, Babar, and Timorlaut. For the 
purposes of this book I shall call the region occupied by these 
islands the " Timor region ". 

After reaching Timorlaut the survey will swing northwards 
by way of the Aru and Kei Islands, Watubela, Ambon, Seran and 
Buru, the Seranglao Islands being left out on account of the 
strong influence of Mohammedanism there. The survey will 
then proceed by way of Halmahera to the Philippines and 

Celebes will next be treated. The two regions of this island 
which will be considered are Minahassa and central Celebes. 
The survey will next include Borneo, Nias, and the islands west 
of Sumatra. In Assam and Burma the peoples to be considered 
are the Khasi, Garo, Naga, Kuki, Lushei, Mikir, Chin and Karen. 

Sketch map number one shows the route followed and the 
areas to be examined. 

Central Celebes will play an important part in the discussions 
of this book. It is inhabited by coastal peoples who will not be 
considered, and the Toradja of the interior. Kruijt and Adriani, 
in their joint work on the Toradja tribes, divide them into three 
groups. One of these is the Sadang group, which consists of 
peoples living in the basin of the Sadang River. The constitu- 
tion of the other two is a matter of uncertainty. Kruijt calls 
them the Posso-Todjo and the Parigi-Kaili groups, or the eastern 
and western Toradja. 1 Adriani also groups them as eastern and 
western Toradja. But, unfortunately, these two authorities do 
not include the same peoples in these groups. Kruijt places 
the peoples of Bada, Besoa, and Napu (see sketch map number 
two) among the west Toradja, and Adriani places them in the 
east group, but in a division different from that including the 
Posso-Todjo group. The difficulty of classifying the To Bada, 
To Besoa, and To Napu is shown by the fact that, while the To 
Napu belong to the west Toradja group culturally, they belong 
linguistically to the Posso-Todjo group. 







W < O * 


^ %. M 

r ^ 



The position of the To Leboni is also a matter of doubt. 
Adriani includes them with the Bada-Besoa-Napu group, 1 but 
Kruijt puts them with the To Rato and To Rampi in the Sadang 
group. 2 

The Burma-Assam region. 

I shall therefore divide the Toradja into three groups : 

(1) Posso-Todjo. 

(2) Bada-Besoa-Napu. 

(3) Sadang. 

In group three I have followed Adriani's sketch map. When 
necessary, any peoples whose affinities are doubtful will be 
mentioned by name. 

> Op. cit. 111,351. *I, 5 . 


Sketch map number three shows the habitat of those peoples 
of the Burma-Assam region who will be treated in this book. 

It is the common experience of those who take up the 
detailed study of a group of ethnographical facts in a given 
region to find that the terms and limits of the inquiry cannot 
be settled beforehand. Complexities occur, side-issues are 
raised, and ramifications are detected, so that what appears at 
first sight to be a definite problem really opens a vast field of 
research, whose boundaries recede as the investigation advances. 
This has happened in the present case. The preliminary sur- 
vey, which was intended to collect the evidence concerning the 
distributions of megalithic monuments and of sun-cult in 
Indonesia, soon proved inadequate. Stone structures exist in 
certain places, which, although they cannot definitely be claimed 
as megalithic, approximate sufficiently in form to such structures 
as to make it imprudent to ignore them. Moreover, typical 
megalithic monuments in some places are so intimately associ- 
ated with other structures of small stones, that it is necessary 
to inquire into the circumstances attending the use of the latter. 
Thus the problem became so involved that it was at length 
decided to collect and examine the whole of the evidence con- 
cerning stone-work in Indonesia, irrespective of the purpose to 
which the latter was put, stone implements alone excepted. 

In like manner, circumstances made it necessary to examine 
all the beliefs concerning stones which have been recorded by 
writers on Indonesian peoples, and these were accordingly 
collected, even though their bearing upon the problem seemed 
at first remote. 

The attempt to record only the facts concerning the sun-cult 
proved abortive ; for it was difficult to discover any standard to 
which facts could be referred. Some peoples performed cere- 
monies in honour of, and made offerings to, the sun, and thus 
could be said to practice a sun-cult. But others merely enter- 
tained certain beliefs concerning the sun. In other cases, again, 
only tales about the sun had been recorded. The difficulty of 
deciding which facts to retain for examination, and which to 
reject, was avoided by including in the survey all practices, 
beliefs, and tales concerning the sun that it was possible to 


The basis of inquiry thus became greatly widened. It might 
be expected that in this way the original problem would be lost 
sight of amid the crowd of subsidiary inquiries thereby rendered 
necessary. But this is not the case. For, as the examination of 
these masses of facts proceeded, it became clear that they all had 
a bearing upon the original problem. The impracticability of 
dissecting out facts concerning megalithic monuments was seen 
to be due, not to lack of knowledge, but to the close relationship 
existing between these structures and the other stone-work of 
Indonesia : the problem of determining the reasons for the ex- 
istence of megalithic monuments in Indonesia was part of the 
wider problem of accounting for stone-work in general. And 
the same was the case with beliefs and practices concerning the 

The method adopted was recommended by Dr. Rivers. A 
chapter is devoted to the examination of each type of stone 
structure, to each group of beliefs concerning stones, and to 
each group of beliefs and practices concerning the sun. In this 
way the argument is developed gradually, and a consistent 
scheme is elaborated. Such a scheme forms an organic whole, 
built up by induction on the sole basis of the examination of 
facts. This method of examination necessarily makes the first 
few chapters somewhat dull and difficult, but it is hoped that 
the argument will gain in interest and clarity as it proceeds. 

At every stage in the presentment of the evidence customs 
and beliefs will be revealed in Indonesia for which more or less 
close parallels are found widespread throughout the world. As 
the aim of this book is to set forth the Indonesian evidence 
impartially and to extract the story it reveals, the wider issues 
have been deliberately suppressed for the present. 



MEGALITHIC monuments are usually defined as structures made 
of large stones, usually rough and unhewn, which conform to 
certain well-marked types. Unfortunately, students do not 
always use the same names for these various types ; so, before 
proceeding to a consideration of the presence of megalithic 
monuments in Indonesia, it will be necessary to define terms 
which are being used in widely different senses. I shall follow 
Mr. Peet He includes among the typical megalithic monu- 
ments : 

The menhir, a tall rough pillar with the base fixed into the earth ; 

the trilithon, a pair of tall stones set at a short distance apart support- 
ing a third stone laid across the top ; 

the dolmen, a single slab of stone supported by several others arranged 
in such a way as to enclose a space or chamber beneath it ; 

the corridor tomb, usually consisting of a chamber entered by a gallery 
or corridor. In cases where the chamber is no wider than, and hence indis- 
tinguishable from, the corridor, the tomb becomes a long rectangular gallery, 
and answers to the French alike couverte in the strict sense ; 

the alignment, a series of menhirs arranged in open line on some definite 
system ; 

the cromlech, consisting of a number of menhirs arranged to enclose a 
space, circular, elliptical, or, in rare cases, rectangular ; and 

the hunenbett, consisting of a rectangular (rarely oval or round) heap of 
earth covering a megalithic tomb this is a simple elongated rectangle in 
shape made of upright blocks and roofed with two or more cover-slabs. 

Rock-cut tombs. It is also recognised that the practice of placing the 
dead in tombs cut out of the living rock is definitely to be associated with the 
presence of megalithic structures. 

It has long been a matter of common knowledge that mega- 
lithic monuments are to be found in Assam. Unfortunately, 
Dutch ethnographers, in their desire to record the less material 
elements of the cultures of their subject peoples, have often over- 


looked, among other things, the stone monuments which exist in 
certain parts of the East Indian Archipelago. Consequently, it 
is not generally known that stone structures, which conform to 
the types enumerated, exist in certain places. These structures 
are not always made of large stones, nor are these stones always 
unworked, but they are unmistakably " megalithic monuments" 
in size or form. The objection that, to be called " megalithic " 
a structure must be made of large unworked stones, is quite just, 
if one submits to the strict limitations of the meaning assigned 
to the term by archaeologists and ethnologists ; but the adoption 
of such a rigid interpretation would close the door upon all real 
investigation. The principle adopted in this book is that of 
examining the facts without any reservations : so the only cri- 
terion that will be adopted with regard to stone monuments 
will be that of form. Any structures which are not of the 
types enumerated will be examined later. 

In the Timor region the presence of megalithic monuments 
is as yet only definitely established in Sumba, although they 
are probably to be found in the neighbouring islands. And the 
only account of these structures which is at all detailed is that of 
Dr. ten Kate, who describes some which he saw in the course 
of a rapid journey through the island. 

At Samparengo he saw dolmens of rough stones, examples 
of which were also seen by him at Laonatang, a village in the 
Kanata district. In this latter place he reports a dolmen con- 
sisting of a table-stone supported by four pillars. 1 He saw some 
old megalithic monuments, most of them dolmens and " hunen- 
better," in the bush about Lambanapu. 2 He reproduces, in one 
of his articles, a drawing of a dolmen in front of the house of a 
chief of Lewa who lived at Lambanapu. 3 

Ten Kate saw a dolmen in front of one of the houses at 
Watubela. He also reports dolmens at Kopa and " hunenbetter " 
at Labai. On a hill near the shore close to Landuwitu-Ratim- 
bera, and near Peremadita he saw a number of dolmens, one 
of which was 5 feet high. He describes some trilithons at the 

1 (i)> 556. 2 It is not possible to say if Peet and ten Kate mean the same 
thing by ' hunenbett ". The latter has not given any drawing or photograph of a 
" hunenbett " to enable us to decide the point, which must therefore be left open- 
(ii), Plate XX, 4. 

I 2 


latter place, and gives reproductions of dolmens at Wainbidi and 
Waijelu. 1 Roos records dolmens at Kambera. 2 Ten Kate found 
many dolmens on the island of Salura. 

The villages of Sumba are often built in the form of a square, 
round which are to be found dolmens made of great stones, 10 
to 1 2 feet high, 4 feet broad, and 1 8 inches thick, resting upon 
short piles. 2 

In Keisar, Leti Moa and Lakor, and Timorlaut, there are 
stone structures which may possibly be related to dolmens. 
Each of these consists of a large flat stone which rests upon 

Fio. i. Grave at Pe"remadita, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

several smaller ones, the latter being of such a size that the large 
stone is only a few inches from the ground. 3 The description 
suggests that they are dolmens of a modified type, but it would 
not be wise to assume that they are real dolmens. They will 
be considered later. 

In the Kei Islands cromlechs are to be found, but no informa- 
tion is to hand as to the size of the stones of which they are 
made. 4 

The offering-places, in the villages of West Seran, consist 
either of a large stone resting upon three or four others, or of 

1 ('). 57 8 - 579, 582 ct scq. ; 588, 600, 605, 609, 6n, 626. See Plate. 8 (i), 56 
t sq., de Oosterling, II, 1835, 72; Alderewereldt, 581. * Riedel (iv), Plates 
XXXVIII, XXXV, 283. Rosenberg (iii), 351 ; Hugo Merton, 190. 


a large stone half-buried in the ground, the descriptions therefore 
suggesting, in the first case, a dolmen, and, in the second case, 
a menhir. 1 Riedel also mentions a structure consisting of a 
large flat stone surrounded by smaller stones, the description 
suggesting a dolmen associated with a cromlech. 2 

Cromlechs are reported by Bastian in Halmahera. 3 No 
evidence is yet to hand of the presence of megalithic structures 
in the Philippines, or in Formosa. 

In the Minahassa district of North Celebes the dead are 
sometimes placed in rock-cut tombs. The cousins Sarasin saw, 
in a hill near Kema, some of these tombs, the openings of which 
were closed with boards or hewn stones. 4 Menhirs are sometimes 
erected in pairs near the large stone urns in which, in this district, 
the dead are generally placed. 5 In each Minahassa village there 
is a stone structure, which consists of two, three, or sometimes 
still more stones. In the latter case a number of smaller stones 
surround one or more large stones, the description suggesting a 
cromlech associated with menhirs. 6 Menhirs are reported among 
the Posso-Todjo Toradja of Central Celebes. 7 At Bulili among 
the To Bada is a cromlech, and on the same hill are many large 
blocks of stone which may at some time have formed part of a 
stone structure. 8 Among the To Lage a menhir is reported at 
Wawo Lage, 9 and not far from the village of Pakambia some 
menhirs are to be found. 10 

On the Paloppo river the Sarasin cousins saw the mausoleum 
of a chief, which was pyramidal in form. On the top of it was 
a porcelain pot. 11 Many rock-cut tombs similar to those found 
in Minahassa are to be seen in the Simbuang-Mapak valley. 12 
They are called Liang, and are hewn out of the steep face of 
the rocky eminence on which is placed the village to which they 
belong. In the Rantepao valley alignments are to be found 
on some of the small hills. 13 

The Dusun of British North Borneo erect cromlechs. 14 They 

1 Riedel (iv), 106 ; Sachse, 71 ; Ludeking, 58. 2 (iv), 106, 107. 8 17. 4 II, 
10, ii. 6 Buddingh, II, 52. 6 Schwarz, 186. 7 Kruijt (iii), 208-9. 8 Ibid., 
(vi), 359; Grubauer, 517; Schuut, 16 et seq. 9 Kruijt and Adriani, I, 38-9. 

"The To Lage are the aristocrats among the otherwise democratic Toradja." 
10 Ibid., I, 60. u II, 148. 12 Grubauer, 200, 201, 203, 204, 206, 214, 218. 

13 Ibid., 257, 278. 14 Ling Roth, I, 150. 


are the only people of Borneo, who, so far as it has been possible 
to discover, erect stone structures of the megalithic type. 

In South Nias menhirs are erected, 1 and in East Nias each 
village has one such menhir.' 2 De Zwaan gives a photograph in 
his book of a menhir on the bank of the river Masio. 3 A crom- 
lech is reported by Modigliani on the island of Nacco to the west 
of Nias. 4 

The Khasi of 'Assam have an elaborate system of megalithic 
structures, chiefly alignments and menhirs, dolmens being com- 
paratively rare. 5 

The Garo erect menhirs, which they call asong and kosi, 
according as they are placed near the village or in the forest. 6 
The Naga have several megalithic structures : there are two 
1 Stonehenges," one at Maram, which consists of an avenue of 
two alignments ; and another at Uilong, which consists of two 
contiguous cromlechs, one oval and the other circular, with an 
alignment running from the edge of the former. 7 Mr. Hodson 
reproduces a photograph of a menhir at Maikel which is sur- 
rounded by a cromlech ; another of a huge menhir at Maram ; 
and a third of a dolmen near the latter place. 8 Each Marring 
Naga village has a cromlech. The Tangkhul Naga are closely 
associated with a menhir, and the Kabui Naga erect menhirs. 9 

Several of the clans of the Old Kuki of Manipur erect mega- 
lithic monuments : the Amol erect menhirs ; the Hrangchal have 
a large menhir at Vanlaiphai ; a number of dolmens made of 
three rough slabs placed on edge, with a fourth for a roof, 
which are still to be seen on the Biate hill, are the work of the 
Biate ; a menhir is erected on certain occasions by the Thado ; 
and dolmen-shaped structures are reported among the Chawte. 10 

Menhirs are erected by the Kohlen clan of the Lushei. Fac- 
ing page 65 of his book Colonel Shakespear reproduces a 
photograph of the posts which the Lushei erect to commemorate 
the slaying of a buffalo on the occasion of a feast. In a corner 
of this photograph is a dolmen, formed, apparently, of four 
stones placed on edge with a slab covering them. 11 

Of the Chin tribes, the Sokte erect menhirs, and the Welaung, 

1 Rappard, 541 ; Modigliani, 308. 2 Kruijt (iii), 209. 3 I, 69-70. 4344. 
'Gurdon, no, 112, 136. Playfair, 82, 96-7. 'Hodson, 186 et seq. 8 Ibid., 
12, 102, 126, 132. "Ibid., 112, 198; Shakespear (iii). 10 Ibid. (i), 165, 171, 
185,205. "Ibid, (i), 159. 


Chinbok, and Yindu erect dolmens, of which numbers, some 
made of enormous stones, are to be seen in the Chinbok and 
Yindu country. 1 

The Mikir erect menhirs, alignments, and dolmens. 2 

FIG. 2. Dolmens at Wainbidi, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

This survey demonstrates the widespread existence in Indon- 
esia of unmistakable megalithic monuments. The accounts of 
these structures which are given by ethnographers and travellers 

FIG. 3. Dolmen at Waijelu, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

are so meagre that no comparative study of their form and 
structure can be attempted. Without doubt the future con- 
sideration of these matters will enable students to draw therefrom 
important conclusions. At present, however, I shall call atten- 
tion only to one or two points. 

1 Carey and Tuck, 193 ; Scott, I, 467. 2 Stack, 33 ; Gurdon, 148. 


Dissoliths. The Khasi erect many alignments, the menhirs 
in which vary in number from three to eleven, and their height 
ranges from 2 to 3 feet up to 1 2 to 1 4 feet : one at Nartiang in 
the Jaintia hills is 27 feet high and 2\ feet thick. A structure 
resembling a dolmen, which consists of a flat table-stone resting 
upon smaller stones, the top of the table-stone being generally 2 
to 2- feet from the ground, the stone itself sometimes being I foot 
thick, is generally placed in front of the tallest menhir, which is 
in the centre of the alignment. These people also place flat 
table-stones, accompanied by a menhir, by the side of the road, 
and in the market-places. The groups of this kind which are at 
Nartiang are called ki-maw-jong-siem, and no separate designa- 
tion is given to each stone. 1 

It will be convenient to give these groups a name : I there- 
fore propose to call them " dissoliths ". 2 These structures are 
made by other people than the Khasi. 

In his book Mr. Hodson reproduces a photograph of some 
Kabui girls, one of whom is standing upon a table-stone. By 
the side of the table-stone is a menhir, and the two apparently 
form a dissolith. 3 The Vuite memorial, of which Colonel Shake- 
spear gives a photograph, has the appearance of a dissolith. 4 The 
dolmen shape of the table-stone portion is definite, but it is not 
possible to be so certain as to the relationship of the menhir 
standing by. They may form either an independent pair, or a 

The Thado clan of the Old Kuki erect a memorial to a 
woman who has performed the Buh Ai ceremony. 5 It consists 
of a dissolith, surrounded by a rectangular enclosure of about 
4 square yards, which is formed by lines of stones set on edge ; 
the interior of the space so formed is filled with small stones set 
on edge. 

The Mikir erect alignments with table-stones in front of the 
menhirs. 6 

In each village of Minahassa is a sacred stone structure called 
tumatowa, which, as we have seen, may consist of one, two, or 

1 Gurdon, 143 et seq. a I am indebted to my friend Mr. J. W. Kernick for 
this term. ' (i), 32. (i). B A feast given by a wealthy person who has had 
an exceptionally good harvest. Shakespear (i), 90. 6 Gurdon, 148. 


more stones. Generally, however, the tumatowa is a dissolith. 1 
The presence of a tumatowa in each village is essential, and the 
first care of those who wish to establish a new village is to 
obtain a tumatowa and to find a spot on which to place it. 

Large dissoliths are placed outside the houses of chiefs and 
notables in Nias. In north Nias dissoliths are erected outside 
the village in a place called the dela, of which the missionary 
Thomas gives the following description : " Under shady trees 
(at Siraheo) were placed, in a semicircle, two rows of stones 
about 8 inches above the ground, and in front of each lay one of 
about \ an inch with a broken dish upon it. A single stone at 
one end was somewhat larger than the rest, as was also that 
which lay at its foot." 2 

Dissoliths thus play a noteworthy part in the lives of the 
peoples of at least three widely separated parts of Indonesia: 
Assam and Upper Burma, Minahassa, and Nias. In Assam they 
are used in conjunction with the alignments, in the market-place 
and elsewhere; in Minahassa they are found in most of the 
villages; and in Nias the chiefs erect them in front of their 
houses, and, presumably, the commoners place them in the dela. 
The presence of dissoliths in Assam, Minahassa, and Nias, three 
places where undoubted megalithic monuments exist, and their 
intimate association in the first-named place with alignments, 
suggest that they are to be included among the megalithic 
monuments of Indonesia. It will be one of the tasks of this 
book to account for the presence and functions of these struc- 

Structures of Worked Stone. The megalithic monuments of 
Indonesia are sometimes worked with tools. The alignments of 
the Khasi are generally formed of menhirs of hewn granite or 
sandstone. These menhirs are made to taper off at the top, and 
the tallest menhir of the alignment, which is in the middle, is 
sometimes surmounted by a small annular stone, which fits on 
to the larger stone. Examples of such carved stones are to be 
seen at Nongkrem, where the central stone of an alignment 
is carved evidently to represent the head of a man ; and at 
Umstow, two miles from Cherra-punji, where the central menhir 

a Schwarz, 186, 201-2; tales, 60, 71, 73, 77, 78. 2 Rappard, 536, 571:,. 
Modigliani, 295 307 ; Chatelin, 150. 


of an alignment of five menhirs is surrounded by a curved stone 
covering, shaped like a hat with an indented rim. 1 

The large dolmens in Sumba are often made of smooth and 
well-worked stones. Ten Kate's drawings of some of these 
structures are reproduced in this book so as to convey some idea 
of the bizarre and fantastic nature of their ornament. Figure 9 
is a reproduction of a dolmen consisting of a truncated pyramid 
resting, so far as can be seen, upon four rectangular pillars. 
Figure I shows a dolmen and a menhir at Permadita. The 

FIG. 4. Dolmen at Landuwitu-Ratimbera, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

dolmen consists of a flat stone (upon which representations of 
fishes are carved) resting upon four rough corner-stones. At one 
end stands a menhir with a carved headdress which resembles 
that of a Hawaiian war-god : on it are carvings that appear to 
represent the sun. Another menhir, also with apparent repre- 
sentations of the sun carved on it, appears to be standing by the 
side of the dolmen. Figure 3 is taken from ten Kate's sketch 
of a monument near Waijelu. It consists of a rough table-stone 
with a circular hole cut in it (but whether this be a cup-marking 

1 Gurdon, 143-5. 


or a perforation it is not possible to tell), which rests upon four 
rough stones. On the ground is a circular piece of stone carved 
with an apparent representation of the sun. At one end is a 
small pyramidal menhir ; and at the other end is a large menhir 
worked in a manner termed " a jour " by ten Kate. This form 
of ornamentation is to be seen in Figure 3. Figure 2 is a re- 
presentation of typical dolmens of rough stones. Figure 8 is 
a reproduction of a structure, which, although not definitely 
megalithic in type, is undoubtedly the work of the people who 
made the megalithic monuments of Sumba. A truncated rec- 
tangular pyramid rests upon a rectangular stonework platform 
made of stones laid in courses, and a large flat stone is laid on 
the top of the pyramid. Some* drawings are to be seen on the 

Ten Kate describes, but does not give drawings of, other stone 
structures. At the head and foot of a dolmen at Kopa, which 
had two cup-shaped depressions in the table-stone, were single 
menhirs (on which representations of ifishes, crabs, crocodiles, 
and horses were carved), each in the form of a man. They stood 
back to back, and ten Kate says that the faces resembled 
slightly those of the images on Easter Island. Ten Kate also 
found human figures carved upon the menhirs standing by the 
side of a dolmen at Lawiri-Ladesa. 

The megalithic monuments of Sumba are therefore diverse in 
form, and their ornamentation is remarkable. They fall into two 
groups: ordinary dolmens of rough stones, which seem to be 
those of the commoners ; and other dolmen-like structures of 
varied form which are said by ten Kate, in some cases, to be 
connected with the chiefs. This distinction between chiefs and 
commoners will occupy our attention continually in later chapters. 



IT will be necessary to return in a later chapter to the considera- 
tion of the functions and associations of megalithic monuments, 
but it is essential first to examine those divisions of the stone- 
work of Indonesia, which, although not megalithic in form, are 
similar in function. The next three chapters will therefore be 
devoted to this investigation, and then a comparison will be made 
between the two groups of stone-work, megalithic monuments 
and non-megalithic structures. 

In this chapter I shall examine all forms of graves in the 
construction of which stone is used. These will be called 
"stone graves". The survey will even include cases where, 
after an interment, a few pebbles are laid on the surface of the 
grave. This course is adopted because it would be begging 
the question to assume beforehand the meaning of the presence 
of stone-work, to however small an extent, on graves. It is 
better to cast the net too wide, and to reject later, than to miss 
out what further investigation may prove to be of importance. 

The Do Donggo of the Bima hill country of Sumbawa inter 
their dead in a round hole, upon which they place a stone. 1 In 
Flores, in the Endeh region, the dead are interred, and a heap 
of stones is placed upon the grave : 2 the people of Manggarai 
bury their dead in a round hole upon which they place a stone. 3 
In the island of Solor a rectangular heap of stones is placed upon 
the grave ; in the island of Adunara a stone structure is placed 
upon the grave, 4 of which ten Kate gives a representation. 6 
He mentions white-plastered graves in Savu. 6 A rectangular 
structure of stones is placed on the graves of commoners in Roti, 

^ollinger (i), 129, (ii) 691-2; Freijss, 5 o. s Ten Kate (i), 206. 8 Hoedt, 
510. Ten Kate (i), 239, 241, 245. 8 (ii), PI. IV. 8 (i), 695. 



but chiefs are placed in white-plastered tombs. 1 On the graves 
in south-west Timor either a heap of stones or a single stone 
is placed, the latter being sometimes 6 feet in length. In the 
Bakanasi district of Timor, the body of a chief is placed in a 
stone house, and the door is closed up. 2 The grave structures 
in Belu are of stone, and are elliptical or rectangular in shape : 
those on the graves of chiefs may reach the height of 3 to 6 
feet, but those on the graves of commoners are generally only a 
few inches in height. A vertical stone generally stands at the 
head of the grave, which is also sometimes surrounded by a stone 
wall. 3 

In Wetar the dead are interred, and each person who has 
taken part in the funeral ceremony places a stone on the grave, 
where they lie in rows. Stones about 3 feet high are placed 
on the graves of chiefs and notables. 4 Jacobsen states that the 
graves of chiefs and notables have heaps of stones on them. 5 In 
Keisar the dead are interred at the side of the house, the grave 
being afterwards filled up with stones to the height of 18 
inches. Later on the graves of notables are built up. 6 The 
people of Leti Moa and Lakor inter their dead, and a mound of 
earth, surrounded by a ring of stones, is made on the grave. 7 
The dead are sometimes interred in the Babar Islands, the grave 
being covered with stones. 8 The graves in Kei Islands are 
generally surrounded by a wall of rocks : one grave on Nuhu- 
roa consists of a small house 8 feet by 4, made for the most 
part of stone : 9 Langen describes an old grave on the shore 
made out of coral rock. 10 The dead are sometimes interred in 
Watubela. In such cases a stone is placed at the head and foot 
of the grave. 11 In Ambon the dead are interred, and the graves 
are covered with a structure of large stones. 12 

Bastian gives the following account of a mode of disposal in 
Seran. He says that the bodies of chiefs and priests among the 
" Alfurus" of that island are exposed on platforms. The head 
is taken from the half-decayed body and interred in the village 
in a stone coffin called Jole-ului. lz This is not mentioned by any 

!Ten Kate (i), 664, 688; Heymering, 354 et seq. 2 J.D.K., 27; Ten Kate 
(i), 343; Reinwardt, 342 ; S. Muller, II, 261. 3 Gryzen, 71. 4 Riedel (iv), 453. 
5 114. 6 Riedel (iv), 420-1. 7 Ibid., 394. 8 Ibid., 359. 9 Pleyte, 825; 
Jacobsen, 196. 10 58. n Riedel (iv), 211. 12 van Schmid, 593. ls I, 142. 


other writers, but, in view of the fact that platform-disposal 
occurs in the north-west part of the island, it is probably 

The dead are interred round Lake Wakollo in Buru, and a 
stone is placed at the head and foot of the grave. 1 

In the Philippines stone graves are found. The Mandaya of 
Mindanao inter their dead, or else place them on the ground 
with a heap of stones over them. 2 The Tinguinanen inter their 
dead, and place a large stone on the grave. 3 The Benguet- 
Lepanto Igorot put their dead in coffins, which are placed either 
in caves or under a large stone. 4 Among the Bontoc, unmarried 
people are interred, near the house, in a grave which is lined 
with stone. After the interment, the body is covered with 
rocks, and the grave is then filled up with earth. 5 The Bontoc 
are head-hunters, and a man whose head has been taken is 
placed in an excavation made in the side of a mountain, and 
the mouth of this hole is then filled up with stones. 

A similar custom is found among the Ifugao of Luzon. A 
man whose head has been taken is placed in an excavation in 
the side of a mountain. The roof of the cave is supported by 
pillars of stone or of earth, and the mouth is filled up with 
stones. 6 

The Paiwan of Formosa either inter their dead under the 
house in a grave which they fill up with stones, or else they make 
the grave in a thick wood, the grave in this case being lined with 
stone. The south Ami also inter their dead, and place a stone 
on the grave. The Tsou inter their dead near to the entrance 
of the house in a grave 5 to 6 feet deep. Over the body, and 
at some little distance from it, a large stone is placed, and earth 
is put on this stone to fill up the grave. 7 

The dead in Minahassa are generally placed in stone urns, 
which formerly were kept near the houses. These urns vary in 
size and shape, some being tall, and the others squat : the bottom 
part is hollowed out from a block of sandstone ; while the top 
part, which serves as a lid, is shaped like the roof of a house. 8 

Graves with a stone superstructure, which are to be seen in 

1 Martin, 326. 2 Cole, 193. 3 Blumentritt, 163. 4 Sawyer, 259. 

' Jenks, 74 et seq. 6 Beyer (ii), 237. 7 Davidson, 575, 579. 8 Sarasin, II, u ; 
Graafland, I, 481 ; Mangindaan, 364; Riedel (i), 259. 


the district of central Celebes now inhabited by the To Pebato, 
are said to be those of To Pajapi chiefs. 1 

At Salubalombo, the cousins Sarasin saw a house built on 
a substructure of stones.^ Inside were two graves each with a 
stone at the head and foot. Outside were a number of graves, 
each with a stone on it. The custom of placing the dead in 
clefts of the rocks is found among the people of the Simbuang- 
Mapak valley. 3 

The Kayan of Borneo place a cairn of stones on the grave 
of a man who has been " murdered ". 4 

The Khasi cremate their dead. The ashes are placed in the 
family mausoleum, and are afterwards taken to the clan reposi- 
tory. Both of these structures are of stone. 5 They also make 
circular stone cineraria. The Tangkhul Naga inter their dead 
outside the house in a circular grave, which is filled up with 
stones. After the interment a stone wall is built around and 
over the body. 6 The Kabui Naga inter their dead, and place a 
stone at the head and foot of the grave. Sometimes they place 
their dead in an excavation in the side of a hill, and close up the 
opening with stones. 7 The Angami Naga inter their dead in a 
coffin which has a stone lid. A stone tomb is made on the grave, 
which, in the case of warriors, is 3 feet high, and has stone 
or wooden pillars. 8 The Lushei sometimes place their dead on 
a platform by the side of the road outside the village. The 
platform is made of wood for a commoner, but in the case of a 
chief it is of stone. 9 The Haka, Shunkla, and other southern 
Chin tribes inter their dead in graves lined with stone. 10 The 
Mikir cremate their dead and place the ashes in a grave, upon 
which they place a stone. 11 The Karen-ni of southern Burma 
inter their dead. 12 The grave is 6 to 7 feet deep in the case of a 
commoner, and 20 feet for a chief. The grave is filled up with 

Though the facts put forward in this chapter are not so 
complete as could be wished, it is possible to derive from them 

1 Kruijt and Adrian!, I, 43 ; the To Pajapi belong to the Posso-Todjo group. 
2 II, 136-7. 3 Grubauer, 200 et seq. 4 Ling Roth, I, 358. 5 Gurdon, 140. 
6 Pettigrew, 37 et seq. 7 Hodson, 14 ; Brown, 106; McCulloch, 52. 8 A.C.R., 
1891,240; Prain, 492; Hunter, II, 185. 9 Shakespear (i), 85. 10 Scott, 469; 
Carey and Tuck, 179, 192. " A.C.R., 1891 ; Stack. 12 Macmahon, 417. 


information which will help considerably towards the solution 
of the general problem of this book, that of accounting for the 
presence of stone-work in Indonesia, and of megalithic monu- 
ments in particular. The main outlines of the argument of the 
first part of this book will be adumbrated in this chapter, and 
the discussions of succeeding chapters will, in addition to reveal- 
ing new facts, contribute new results to confirm the conclusions 
which are suggested by the study of the distribution, structure, 
and function of stone graves. 

The distribution of stone graves may be seen by consulting 
the tables at the end of the book. They occur through the 
Timor region as far as the Babar Islands. They are not found 
in Timorlaut or the Aru Islands. They only occur in a sporadic 
manner, if at all, in Seran, and they are not found in the northern 
part of Buru. Another gap in the distribution occurs in central 
Celebes, in the region of the Posso-Todjo Toradja. Borneo is 
devoid of stone graves, except for the cairns of the Kayan, which 
are only made for a certain category of people, and not for every- 
body. Numerous gaps therefore occur in the distribution ; in 
Timorlaut, Aru, Seran, Buru, central Celebes, and Borneo. 

Stone graves vary in structure from stone houses to a few 
pebbles on the surface of a grave. In the Timor region a certain 
uniformity is observable in the shape, if not in the size, of tombs. 
The general custom is to inter the dead and then to pile up a 
heap of stones, either in courses or irregularly, on the surface of 
the grave. This form of stone grave does not appear to be made 
in other parts of Indonesia, nor is there any other general type 
occurring over those parts of Indonesia outside the Timor region. 
But attention must be called to similarities between certain 
graves of the Philippine and Formosan peoples, on the one hand, 
and the Naga tribes of Assam on the other. The Bontoc of 
Luzon and the Formosan peoples sometimes dig graves which 
they line with stone: this custom exists also among the Tang- 
khul Naga. Also the Bontoc and Ifugao of Luzon, on the one 
hand, and the Kabui Naga, on the other hand, make a singular 
form of grave by excavating a hole in the side of a mountain, 
and then, when the body has been placed therein, filling up the 
entrance with stones. 

Other examples of similar forms of tombs made by widely 


separated peoples are the stone houses of Roti, south-west Timor, 
the Kei Islands, and the Sadang district of central Celebes ; the 
stone urns of Minahassa and Seran ; and the rock-clefts of Luzon 
and the Sadang district of central Celebes. But for the purposes 
of this book, the cases to be noted are those of the graves of the 
Timor region, and the excavations in the sides of mountains 
made by the Bon toe, Ifugao, and Kabui Naga, the significance of 
which will shortly be seen. 

It is now necessary to turn to the study of the functions of 
stone graves, whereby a distinction of fundamental importance 
will be revealed. For, in the Timor region, the tombs which are 
made for chiefs and notables differ, either in form or in size, from 
those made for commoners. This distinction is shown in the 

Chiefs. Commoners. 

Adunara: Solid built-up structure. Heap. 

Roti: House. Heap. 

S. W. Timor: House. Stone on Stone on grave. 


Belu: Solid built-up structure (3-6 Solid built-up structure (few inches). 


Wetar: Heap. Large stones. Small stones. 

Keisar: Filled with stones and built Filled with stones, but not built up. 


In Roti and south-west Timor, the bodies of chiefs are put in 
a stone house. This is nowhere reported in the case of com- 
moners. When chiefs and commoners are interred, the size of 
the grave structure diminishes, both in the case of chiefs and of 
commoners, from west to east, until it disappears in places where 
stone graves are not reported. But in all cases the tombs of 
chiefs are larger than those of commoners. The chiefly class 
therefore appears to be more closely connected with stone graves 
than the commoners. 

The evidence derived from other parts of Indonesia supports 
this conclusion. The most striking is that afforded by the 
Toradja of central Celebes. With the exception of the To Pa- 
japi and perhaps the To Lage, the Posso-Todjo group lack 
hereditary chiefs. And the only stone graves which are reported 
in the lands of this group of the Toradja are those ascribed to 


the chiefs of the To Pajapi. 1 Hereditary chiefs and stone graves 
are therefore closely connected among the Posso-Todjo Toradja. 

In other cases a direct association exists between chiefs and 
stone graves. In the Sadang district of central Celebes the stone 
house at Salubalombo, seen by the Sarasin cousins, contained the 
grave of a chief; and the platforms made by the Lushei are of 
stone in the case of chiefs. To these may be added the doubt- 
ful case of the use of stone urns for chiefs in Seran. 

The study of the associations of stone graves has therefore 
revealed the existence in several places of a chiefly class the 
members of which have more elaborate tombs than the com- 

But such a distinction is not reported everywhere. In 
some of these cases a special form of grave is associated with 
warriors whose heads have been taken. This is so among the 
Bontoc and Ifugao of Luzon, who place them in graves excavated 
in the side of a mountain ; among the Kayan, who place cairns 
of stone over them ; 2 and among the Angami Naga who con- 
struct a specially elaborate tomb on the graves of their warriors. 

It is remarkable that the special form of grave consisting 
of an excavation in the side of a mountain, which the Bontoc 
and Ifugao make, should be associated with warriors. The 
fact would be still more striking if the Kabui Naga also reserved 
their graves in the sides of mountains for the same class, but un- 
fortunately no one has made a note of this point. But the 
Kabui Naga are allied to the Angami, who, as we have just seen, 
make a special form of grave for their warriors. So this distinc- 
tion may also hold among the Kabui Naga. 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, I, 38. 2 I think that, in the case of the Kayan, men 
who have been " murdered " can be included in the class of warriors whose heads 
have been taken. 



THE peoples of Indonesia place offerings upon graves or on 
sacred stones, or on altars specially made, either of stone or wood 
for the purpose. It is the aim of this chapter to collect and 
examine the accounts of stone structures made for the purpose of 
receiving offerings. 

In front of every house of the Do Donggo in the Bima dis- 
trict of Sumbawa is a smooth table-stone. 1 Ten Kate describes 
several offering-places in the villages of the Sicca district of 
Flores : in the houses flat offering-stones are placed near the 
hearth, and in the villages themselves are offering-places con- 
sisting of pointed posts surrounded by heaps of stones regularly 
piled up round them. Ten Kate saw, in a village of Lio in this 
district, a wooden post with a hollow in the top, in which was a 
stone. Opposite a chief's house in Sicca he also saw a stone 
pillar roughly carved into a cylindrical shape, in the top of which 
were nine cup-markings. 2 In the open space opposite the house 
of the chief in every village of Manggarai (in Flores) is a large 
stone structure made of colossal stones, flat on top, with room for 
several people. 3 

Offering-places of stone occur in the villages of Solor and 
Adunara. 4 In Solor, at Namang, Tukang, and Lamakera are 
structures which consist of four flat stones placed on edge so as 
to form a square surrounding a wooden pole. 5 In front of one 
of the houses at Watubela in Sumba, ten Kate saw a table-stone 
with a wooden pole near it. Offering-stones are also found in 
this island. 6 

1 Zollinger (i), 129; Freijss, 510. 2 Ten Kate (i), 209, 215, 222, 224. 
3 Meerburg, 449-50, 464. 4 Ten Kate (i), 239, 241, 245. 5 Ibid, (li), 14. 

Mi), 578. 



Stones are used for offering-places in Savu. Some seen by 
ten Kate were one metre or so in length, and shaped like up- 
turned pots with a flattening at one end. 1 Donselaar mentions 
large stones in this island : fifteen at Seba, seven at Musara, and 
four at Timo, some of them round or oval in shape, 6 to 8 feet 
in diameter, 3 or 4 feet high, and more or less flat on top. 2 
Captain Cook says that each chief in Savu places a stone in the 
principal village of his district : some of these stones are so large 
that it is difficult to imagine how they could have been brought 
to their present position, especially when they are placed on the 
tops of high hills. 3 Each god also has a holy stone upon which 
dogs are sacrificed during feasts. 4 The Savu people who are 
resident in Timor worship at a holy stone in a stone building in 
the middle of the town of Kupang. 5 Ten Kate describes an 
offering-place, situated on a corner of the wall near the house of 
a chief at Kota Nitu in the Dela district of Roti, which consists 
of a wooden pole standing upon a circular structure of stones. 6 
In this island offerings are made to the dead on heaps of stone 
called hufaliana lipelaliha" 

Ten Kate reports that at the corners of the chiefs house at 
Atuli Helong, in south-west Timor, there are some great stones, 
more or less oval in shape. 8 

The people of Belu use stone offering-places, made of piled- 
up stones, with a flat stone on top. 9 An offering-place seen by 
ten Kate at Lahurua in Fialarang, in a thicket near Mt. Lekaan, 
consisted of a circular built-up stone structure provided with a 
roof. The horizontal stone was, he says, suggestive of a human 
figure. 10 He describes another offering-place, consisting of a 
wooden pole standing on a circular heap of stones near the 
entrance to the village of Kewar, Lamakera, in central Timor, 
and close to some platforms made of immense stones. The pole 
was carved roughly in the form of a human figure, and a flat 
stone was laid on its head. 11 The village of the chief of Sauo in 
central Timor has a village-house where is kept the vatu luli, or 
holy stone, on which offerings are made. 12 A flat stone, which is 
to be seen on the top of Mt. Fatunarak in Saluki, is the most 

1 (0.695- 8 3io. 'S.Muller, II, 282-3. 4 Bastian, 11,67. 8 S.Muller, 
11,282. 6 (ii), 15; (iv), 44. 7 Bastian, II, 66. 8 (i), 356. 9 Gryzen, 75-6. 
10 ('). 363, 364, 368, 377. " (ii), 12, and (iv), 36. ia Forbes, 444. 


sacred altar in the kingdom. 1 In east Timor the people make 
stone heaps, 2 and also have stone offering-places in their 
houses. 3 

Riedel gives a reproduction of what is apparently an offering- 
place on an old grave in Keisar. It consists of a flat table-stone 
resting upon several small stones. 4 Similar structures are found 
in Leti Moa and Lakor, and in Timorlaut. 5 Offering-stones are 
also found in Dama. 6 Two forms of stone offering-places are 
found in the Leti Moa Lakor group: the first consists of a 
wooden post, surrounded by a heap of stones ; the second con- 
sists of a heap of flat stones, generally basalt or trachite. 7 

The stone offering-places in the Luang-Sermata Islands con- 
sist of a rectangular heaped-up stone structure, with a large flat 
stone, called watuleari, at each corner. Another stone where 
offerings may be made is the watuornoho, a large block 6 feet 
in length, which is placed near the village drinking-place. 8 A 
wooden pole surrounded by a rectangular heap of stones exists in 
each village in the Babar Islands. 9 Certain stones are used as 
offering-places on some of the uninhabited islands of Timorlaut, 10 
but in each village, under the holy tree, is an offering-place 
consisting of a heap of stones. 11 These heaps are also to be 
found in the Kei Islands. Hugo Merton gives a photograph 
of an offering-place in the village of Ohoinangan in the Kei 
Islands which consists of a rectangular structure of flat stones. 
He reports another on the island of Waor. 12 

A stone, upon which offerings can be made, is to be found 
in the middle of each village in Watubela. 13 Four varieties of 
stone offering-place are known in Ambon : the haubawa is not 
described ; the hau kamar warsela is the stone on which the 
dammar torch must be burnt ; the hatu rest has already been 
described in chapter ii. ; while the ureu is a rough masonry 
structure with some dark stones on top. 14 Martin gives a repro- 
duction of an offering-place in Hatalai, consisting of a granite 
block of natural formation shaped like a huge bowl. Offering- 
stones are found near the village-houses in the south part of 

Forbes, 467. 2 Ibid., 436. 3 Ibid., 468. <(iv), Plate XXXVIII. 
B Ibid., Plate XXXV ; (iv), 28 r, 283, 276. 6 Ibid., 463. 7 Ibid., 379 ; v. Hoevell 
205; Jacobsen, 140; Kolff, 68. 8 Riedel (iv), 314. 9 v. Hoevell 205. 

10 Riedel (iv), 280-1. al v. Doren (ii), 82. ia v. Hoevell, 152; Merton, 189. 

11 Riedel (iv), 196. 14 Ibid., 56-7. 


Buru : they are not recorded in the north part. Blocks of stone 
are scattered about in the grass on the banks of the river 
Waemala in this island. One of them, a piece about 4 feet long, 
is considered to be the property of the people of Lisela, and not 
of those of Masarete, in which district it is situated. Near by is 
an altar made of a flat rectangular piece of limestone 6 feet long, 
3 feet broad, and 3 feet high. At each corner a stone sticks out 
like a horn ; and around the whole, on the ground, flat stones are 
laid in a ring. On top of the large stone is a flat hearth. 1 

The Igorot of Luzon have an offering-stone under the sacred 
tree outside each village. 2 

In Assam, the Quoireng Naga and the Tangkhul Naga make 
conical heaps of stones to which they exhibit the heads taken 
on raids. 3 The priests of Mao and Maikel each keep a holy 
stone : that at Maikel is a mass of conglomerate, which is always 
kept hidden in the house of the priest. 4 The chiefs of the Tashon 
branch of the Chin use a large rock as an altar. 5 

The study of the distribution, structure, and associations of 
stone offering-places yields results in harmony with those obtained 
in the last chapter. The tables at the end of the book show that 
stone offering-places are not found in the north part of Buru, 
among the Posso-Todjo Toradja, and in Borneo, three places 
where the general use of stone graves is not reported. 6 An 
examination of the accounts shows that, in the islands of the 
Timor region stone offering-places consist generally of a wooden 
post surrounded by a circular or rectangular heap of stones, a 
form of structure not reported elsewhere in Indonesia. This 
agrees with the results obtained in the survey of the stone graves, 
which disclosed the existence in the Timor region of the uniform 
distribution of a certain form of tomb which was peculiar to that 
region. The remaining stone offering-places of Indonesia do not 
present any structural features which need be noted here. 

In some places a relationship exists between chiefs and 
offering-places : in Sicca a special offering-place is mentioned, 
which is in front of the house of a chief: the chiefs of Savu and 

'Martin, 287, 347. 2 Sawyer, 259. :; Hodson, 188. 4 Ibid., 189. 

6 Carey and Tuck, 198. 6 Places such as Nias, where megalithic monuments are 
present, are not considered. 


Sauo in central Timor have an offering-place in their principal 
villages. Ten Kate saw at Kota Nitu in Roti, and at Atuli 
Helong in Timor, an offering-place near the house of a chief. 
Formerly in Ambon only the village chiefs could use certain of 
the offering-places : and the Tashon chiefs have special offering- 
places. Thus the study of stone offering-places has brought to 
light fresh examples of the association between chiefs and the 
use of stone. 

In Bima, Sicca, and east Timor offering-places are found in 
or near the houses of commoners. But in the majority of cases 
offering-places occur singly in a village. This is shown in the 
table : 


in or near 




in or near 

chiefs house, 

or connected 

with chief. 


outside or 
inside village. 





Adunara . 



Roti . 

S.W. Timor . 

Belu . 

E. Timor . 


Leti Moa Lakor 


Luang-Sermata . 



Kei . 

Watubela . 




Quoireng Naga 

Tangkhul . 

Mao . 

Maikel . 

Chiru . 



The study of stone offering-places introduces another com- 
plication into the problem of accounting for the existence of 
stone-work in Indonesia. It is not only necessary to account for 
the fact that the association between chiefs and stone is more 
direct than that between commoners and stone : we now have to 
account for the existence of single offering-places in each village 
of so many islands. 



CIVILISED peoples are so accustomed to sitting upon seats that 
the use of such things by Indonesian peoples does not at first 
seem strange. Yet the act of sitting upon a special structure of 
any kind is foreign to many peoples of low civilisation. So far 
as I can judge, from the examination of a large number of photo- 
graphs, Indonesian peoples habitually sit on mats, or squat on 
the ground. 

FIG. 5. Stone Seat, Nias (after Modigliani). 

One prerogative of the chiefs of Nias is that of sitting upon 
stone seats, which are generally carved in the most elaborate 
and ornate manner. Modigliani saw such seats at Hili Simaetano 
in south Nias : one, which was like an elaborate throne (Figure 7),, 
had been left on a hillock just outside the village until a proper 
site had been prepared inside for it ; and another, in the form of 
a chair with arms, was inside the village. 1 At Bawo Mataluo- 

1 308, 311, 312, 317 ; Rappard, 537. 

(33) 3 


the four principal chiefs sit, during ceremonies, on stone seats 
placed under the four principal piles of the village-house, while 
the other chiefs sit upon wooden seats ranged around the walls. 
Sometimes, as at Hili Sindregeasi and Ono Gamofo in Irono 
Lase, the chiefs sit during assemblies on flat cylindrical stones 
which rest upon short vertical stones. 1 

In the preceding chapters it was seen that chiefs are more 
directly associated with the use of stone than commoners. It 
will therefore be necessary to follow up the clue afforded by the 
custom of providing stone seats for the exclusive use of chiefs. 

Stone seats are reported in the Timor region. In tales col- 
lected by Wielenga in Sumba, mention is made of "the great 
seat " (groot zitplaats) : for example, it is said that a certain 
I Mili Kami " stayed on the great seat with all the people ". 2 

The people of Roti make stone structures, called tutu, which 
are placed either under trees or by the side of the road. 3 In the 
latter case passers-by sit on them and rest. They are of two 
forms, consisting either of a heap of stones laid in courses or 
roughly assembled, or else of flat stones placed on edge, with 
others on them, to form a structure resembling a table. 4 

The Savu people who are settled in Timor worship at a holy 
stone, which is kept in a house at Kupang. When they worship 
they sit on stone benches. 5 

Riedel gives reproductions of a stone seat by the side of a 
grave in Keisar, and of images seated upon heaps of stones.** 
The chiefs in Leti Moa and Lakor have stone seats called watu- 

The Bontoc of Luzon erect stone seats round the courtyard 
of their men's house, the pabafunan* The Tangkhul Naga 
make stone seats of flat stones. 9 They also construct stone 
structures in the following way : round a mound of earth stones 
are placed to the height of 2 feet or more ; on top of the mound 
is placed a large flat stone which is considered to be the most 
important part of the structure. These structures are about 20 
feet long and 8 feet wide, and the stones on the sides are much 

1 Rappard, 537. * 266-7. 3 Ten Kate (i), 664, 688; Heymering, 354 et seq. 

Ten Kate (i), 684. 'S. Muller, II, 282. 6 (iv), Plate XXXVIII. 

'Plate XXXV. 8 Jenks. 9 I am indebted to Mr. Hodson for this 


used as resting-places. 1 The Kabui also erect platforms as 
resting-places. 2 

Thus far we have been concerned with actual structures which 
are used as seats. Beliefs occur also in certain places concerning 
the use of certain stone structures as seats, and it will be well to 
consider these beliefs before drawing any conclusions from the 
evidence already adduced. 

Ten Kate saw some graves of chiefs in Solor and Roti which 

FIG. 6. Stone Seat, Nias (after Modigliani). 

had super-structures in the form of seats. 3 In Roti the tutu 
structures are supposed to be used by the ghosts of chiefs after 
their journey from the land of the dead. 4 

Riedel says that formerly in Ambon only chiefs were allowed 
to use certain of the stone offering-places. His information is 
interesting in view of the fact that, in the case of the ureu, a 
rough rectangular structure of stones laid in courses, which was 
formerly placed in the bush as a " place of retirement " (afzonder- 

^odson, 190. 2 Shakespear (ii). 3 (it), II, IV. 4 Ten Kate (i), 684. 


ing), he who wished to make offerings had to sit upon the struc- 
ture. 1 The fact that probably only chiefs were allowed to use 
the ureu, and that they had to sit upon it, points to a relationship 
between the chiefs and the structure. This relationship would 
be all the more definite, if it should be that the ureu was the only 
offering-place reserved for the chiefs. 

The lids of the stone urns in which the dead are placed in 
Minahassa are shaped like the roof of a house, and on them the 
orang dulu, "the former men," are said to sit. 2 At the foot of 
the hill Tonderukan in Minahassa is a stone called watu reru- 
meran ne empung, " the seat of the empung" 3 or great and mighty 
spirits ; or, as Schwarz says, more literally, " the stone upon 
which the gods are accustomed to sit ". 4 A story connected with 
the stone states that the ancestors of the Minahassa peoples col- 
lected there to divide up the land. They assembled at the foot 
of the hill, Kopero sat on the north side of the hill, and Mun- 
tu'untu at the foot of the hill near to the stone, while round about 
sat the chiefs on stones. 5 

Some stone vats have been discovered in the districts of Napu 
and Besoa in central Celebes. One found in Napu is oval in 
shape, with a stone seat carved on the inside : it is called the 
" bathing- place of the chief". Several of these vats were found 
in Besoa. They are circular in shape, and only one has a stone 
seat inside. 6 

In Nias, coffins, when taken to the cemetery, are laid on stone 
benches while the grave is dug. 7 

The Khasi sometimes use circular cineraria of stone as seats 
for ceremonial occasions. 8 The stone structures which are used 
by the Tangkhul Naga as resting-places are memorials, and the 
ghost of the person, in whose memory the structure is made, 
comes from time to time to sit on the flat stone top during his 
visits to his rice-fields. 9 

The distribution of stone seats shows so many gaps that it is 
not possible at present to draw conclusions therefrom. But the 
study of their functions and associations leads to results which 

1 Riedel (iv), 56-7. 2 Sarasin, I, n. 8 Riedel (vi), 189-90. 4 (ii), 45 et 
seq. B Schwarz, loc. cit. Kruijt (iv), 549 et seq. 7 Rosenberg (i), 42. 
8 FcTgusson, 463. "Hodson, 191. 


add further support for the views set forth in the preceding 

Chiefs. Commoners, 

Sumba : Great seat in the middle of the village, which is probably in genera 

Solor : Graves in form of seats. 

Roti: Graves in form of seats. Of- Sit on offering-places in form of 
fering-places in form of seats. seats. 

Savu (people in Timor) : Stone benches in the house where stone is wor- 

Keisar: Seat on grave of famous 
stone-using immigrant (see 
p. 1 08). 

Leti Moa Lakor : + 

Ambon : Offering-places. 

Bontoc : In pabafunan. 

Minahassa : Traditional use. 

Toradja : Traditional use. 

Nias : + (ceremonial). Coffins on benches. 

Khasi : + (ceremonial). + (ceremonial). 

Tangkhul Naga : + (memorial). 

Kabul Naga: + (memorial). 

The table shows that stone seats are more especially associ- 
ated with chiefs than with commoners, this association extending 
to the ghosts of chiefs. In addition to the use of stone seats by 
chiefs, and to the belief that their ghosts rest upon seat-shaped 
tombs or other stone structures, tradition associates chiefs with 
stone seats in places where till now we have found no evidence 
of the existence of a distinct chiefly class ; in Ambon, Minahassa, 
and central Celebes. In Ambon and Minahassa the traditions 
distinctly affirm the former existence of chiefs. In central 
Celebes certain stone vats with seats are ascribed to chiefs. 
This means either that the people of Besoa and Napu have, or 
had, a chiefly class, the members of which used these vats, or 
that the latter are the work of a vanished population ruled over 
by a chiefly class. 

The tradition of the Tontemboan, which states that the chiefs 
sat on stones during the council on Tonderukan, is in harmony 
with practice, for stone seats are used by the chiefs in Nias and, 
presumably, among the Khasi for this purpose. 


In Roti commoners and the ghosts of chiefs use the tutu as 
resting-places. An analogous combination of belief and practice 
exists among the Tangkhul Naga, who erect, in honour of an 
important man, memorial structures which they use as resting- 
places, believing at the same time that they share this use with 
the ghost of the deceased. The Kabui Naga also make stone 
structures to be used as resting-places, and the erection of such 
structures is an act of merit. 

FIG. 7. Stone Seat, Nias (after Modigliani). 

So far as the data we possess enables us to say, the Naga 
peoples have not a distinct chiefly class. The analogy between 
their memorial structures and the tutu of Roti is therefore signifi- 
cant, and suggests that, although they have no distinct chiefly 
class, some class distinction exists ; but more information re- 
garding the "important men" for whom the Naga erect their 
memorials is essential before any strict comparison can be made 
between the two cases. 


Commoners sit upon stone seats in Rod, and among the 
Bontoc of Luzon, the Tangkhul Naga, and the Kabui Naga. 
The Bontoc and the Naga do not appear to have a class of chiefs 
for whom a special form of grave is made. The Bontoc and the 
Kabui Naga make a particular form of grave, which consists of 
an excavation in the side of a mountain. Among the Bontoc 
such graves are definitely reserved for warriors. Evidence is 
still lacking as to their purpose among the Kabui, but it is prob- 
able that there also such graves were made only for warriors. 
The use of stone seats by commoners therefore constitutes an 
additional link between the culture of the Bontoc and that of the 
Naga. So far as we know at present, the Bontoc custom is not 
exactly similar to that of the Naga ; the former apparently have 
stone seats only in the courtyard of the men's house, while the 
latter sit upon structures erected in memory of important men. 

It is possible to trace a connection, among the Bontoc, be- 
tween the use of stone seats and the custom of making a grave 
in the side of a mountain. For the men's house, in the courtyard 
of which the seats are found, is inhabited by warriors. And the 
bodies of those warriors whose heads have been taken are placed 
in graves made in the sides of mountains. The use of stone seats 
is therefore associated, among the Bontoc, with a class of men 
who are distinguished from the rest of the community by the use 
of a special form of grave. 

The evidence at our disposal goes to show that the use of 
stone seats, and of stone structures as resting-places, is nowhere 
habitual in Indonesia. It is either the prerogative of a class of 
people on certain occasions, or else it is connected with certain 
stone structures erected in memory of chiefs or important men. 



IT will now be possible to determine the relationships in dis- 
tribution, function, and association between the megalithic 
monuments of Indonesia and the stone graves, stone offering- 
places, and stone seats which have been considered. Since the 
non-megalithic structures have been considered in groups accord- 
ing to their function, it will be necessary first of all to examine 
the megalithic monuments from this point of view, and then 

FIG. 8. -Grave of Chief at Laura, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

afterwards to proceed to the comparison between the distribu- 
tions and associations of the two main groups of stone-work. 

Many of the megalithic monuments of Indonesia are graves. 
The dolmens of Sumba are graves, and are often placed round 
the village square. 1 Roos states that the villages sometimes 
consist of one street with dolmen-graves between the houses: 
" In the large village Laura are to be found one hundred graves, 
of which some are covered with colossal stones, which are flat 
and well worked". 2 Ten Kate mentions dolmen-graves at 

1 De Oosterling, II, 72 ; Alderewereldt, 581. 2 (i), 18-19. 


Samparengo, where he saw a colossal stone tomb behind the 
chiefs house, plastered white and probably, he thinks, made by 
people from Endeh in Flores. 1 At Laonatang the graves of the 
commoners were dolmens, but the grave of the chief was the 
structure already described (p. n). He saw in the bush 
round Lambanapu ordinary dolmens of rough stones, and 
elaborate tombs of chiefs. 2 

The rock-cut tombs of Minahassa and central Celebes have 
already been mentioned. The cromlechs of the Dusun of Brit- 
ish North Borneo mark burial places. 3 In Nias the skull and 
bones of a chief are often interred at the foot of the dissolith 
outside his house.* 

Some of the megalithic structures are also used as offering- 
places. This is so in the case of the cromlech in the Kei Islands, 
together with the menhir described by Hugo Merton ; 5 and the 
stone structures described in Ambon and Seran. 6 During times 
of scarcity the menhirs of the Toradja receive offerings (see p. 
43) : and an offering-place is to be found in the cromlech of 
Bulili in Bada. 7 Among the Khasi offerings were formerly 
placed upon the table-stones of the alignments, and this is still 
often done. 8 The menhirs, asong, erected by the Garo receive 
offerings. 9 

Many of the megalithic structures of Indonesia are memorials. 
The dissoliths of Nias are of this type. Probably the cromlech 
made by the Naga at Uilong is a memorial, for the young men 
dance and wrestle there once a year during a feast held in honour 
of the dead. 10 The kosi stones, which are erected by the Garo to 
mark the spots where men have been murdered or killed in war, 
are old stones and are not the objects of any cult. The Garo 
living at the foot of the hills on the Kamrup border erect 
memorial stones in honour of the dead. 11 The Kohlen clan of 
the Lushei erect memorial stones. A large stone at Vanlaiphai 
is said to have been erected in honour of Chonluma, a famous 
chief of the Hrangchal clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur. 12 The 
Mikir erect dolmens in honour of deceased chiefs. 1 * 

The Khasi erect memorials in honour of deceased ancestors, 14 

1 554- 2 574- 3 Ling Roth, I, 150. 4 Rappard, 573. 5 Merton, 189. 
6 See p. 13. 7 ,Kruijt (vi), 359; Grubauer, 517. 8 Gurdon, no. 9 Playfair, 
96-7. 10 Hodson, 187. " Playfair, 96-7 ; Gurdon, 138. 12 Shakespear (i), 165. 
13 E. Stack. 14 Gurdon, no et seq. 


and the stones bear the names of these ancestors, e.g. ka iawbei, 
the first grandmother, u suidna or u kni rangbah, the first ma- 
ternal uncle. Most of the stones are erected in honour of ka 
iawbei, and food was formerly placed on the table-stone for her. 
A table-stone, mawkynthei, is erected in memory of a man who 
has been killed by the sword, or murdered as a victim of the cult 
of the snake thlen. 

After cremation the Khasi take the ashes of their dead to the 
clan cinerarium. When this ceremony is about to be performed 
the bones are placed temporarily in the clan ghost-house, and 
dancing goes on from one to nine days. Meanwhile the people 
erect rows of three menhirs, each row having a table-stone. The 
menhirs are called mawklat or mawlynti, and are generally 
about 3 feet high. On the day on which the bones are placed 
in the cinerarium, three menhirs (maw umkoi) are erected near 
the cinerarium. Other kinds of memorials are the mawbynna or 
mawnam, put up to commemorate a parent or near relative ; and 
the maw-umkoi, put up to mark the tanks, the water of which is 
supposed to cleanse the ashes and bones of those who have died 
unnatural deaths. These memorials consist of menhirs erected 
in alignments with table-stones in front of them. The menhirs 
are erected in memory of men, and the table-stones in memory 
of women. 

The custom of erecting memorials is thus in a developed 
state among the Khasi. One outstanding feature of the align- 
ments which they erect is the association of the menhirs with 
men and the table-stones with women. This is also character- 
istic of the dissoliths of Nias and Minahassa. In Minahassa 
the stones of the dissolith are sometimes given names. In a 
Tontemboan tale the upright stone is called Pokalambene and 
the table-stone is called Rewumbene, the first being the name of 
a man and the second the name of a woman. In another tale 
the tumatowa of the village Pintjep is the residence of Kelumbatu 
("stone shield") and his wife Kara'anan. 1 The importance of 
dissoliths is shown by the statement of Schmidtmuller, that it is 
necessary to have a male and female stone in each village of the 
district of Sonder in Minahassa. 1 In Nias, the upright stones of 
the dissoliths, whether those in front of the chiefs houses or 

1 202-3. 


those in the dela, are male, and the horizontal stones are female : 
the ghost of a chief comes to live in the upright stone of his disso- 
lith, and the ghost of his wife comes to live in the table-stone. 1 

The ancestors of the Toradja erected seven memorial stones 
when they left Pamona. 2 It is said that long ago people came 
from Bone to fight the people of Wawu Lage (the village whence 
the To Lage have spread), because at this village was a miracul- 
ous tree in which two birds of the Bone people had come to live 
and eat the fruit. After some fighting peace was made, on the 
condition that the Bone people were allowed to take the tree 
away with them. A menhir, which was erected to commemorate 
the event, is still to be seen at the foot of the hill upon which 
Wawu Lage stands. 3 

Megalithic monuments are used as seats. When taking the 
ashes of the dead to the cineraria, the Khasi erect dissoliths, called 
mawlynti, upon the table-stones of which the ghosts of the dead 
are supposed to rest. Travellers among the Khasi rest upon 
dissoliths which are erected by the sides of the road and in the 
market-place : these dissoliths are called ki maw Jong stem (the 
seat of the chief), and formerly only the chiefs were permitted to 
sit upon them. 4 The cromlechs in Halmahera are said to be the 
seats of "spirits". 5 The ghosts of the dead in Nias are sup- 
posed to rest upon the dissoliths in the dela* 

The functions of megalithic monuments therefore resemble 
closely those of other stone-work in Indonesia. No comment 
need be made upon the fact that megalithic monuments are 
erected as tombs or offering-places, for such uses are well known. 
But the custom of sitting upon stone seats is so sporadic in 
Indonesia, and so definitely associated with chiefs or warriors, 
that the use of megalithic monuments as seats suggests that the 
explanation of the presence of the latter form of stone-work will 
suffice to account for the presence of stone seats, and therefore 
of stone graves and offering-places. And the occurrence of 
memorials among both groups of stone-work constitutes further 
evidence in favour of the inter-relationship between megalithic 
monuments and the other stone- work of Indonesia. 

The associations of megalithic monuments are similar to 

1 272. 2 Kruijt and Adrian!, I, 5 ; Kruijt (iii), 208-9. 3 Kruijt and Adriani, 
I? 38-99. * Gurdon, 141, 149, 150, 152. 5 Bastian, I, 17. 6 Ibid., IV, 56. 


those of stone graves, offering-places, and seats. For the ornate 
dolmens of Sumba are those of chiefs in many, if not all, cases ; 
formerly only Khasi chiefs could sit upon the dissoliths ; the 
Mikir erect dolmens in memory of chiefs ; and the Hrangchal 
clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur have erected a menhir in 
memory of a famous chief. Moreover, the Khasi and Garo erect 
menhirs in memory of men killed in war, and the cromlech of 
the Dusun of British North Borneo is placed on the spot where 
a chief and his followers were killed in battle; thus showing 
that the distinction between warriors and ordinary people is also 
made by people who erect megalithic monuments. 

The tables at the end of this book show that the distributions 
of the two groups of structures are similar. Both are absent in 
large parts of Borneo, in north Buru, in the Mentawi Islands, in 
Engano, and in parts of Assam and upper Burma. All the 
stone-work as yet recorded in Borneo is confined to the cromlechs 
of the Dusun of British North Borneo and the cairns of the 
Kayan. Further research may reveal the presence of stone-work 
in this island, but it is fairly certain that no large use of stone 
will be recorded. It does not appear that stone is used in the 
Mentawi Islands, in spite of their proximity to Nias where the 
use of stone is elaborate. Stone-work is found in south Buru in 
the form of stone graves and stone offering-places, but it is 
absent in the north part of the island. 

The megalithic monuments and the other stone-work of 
Indonesia are so similar in function, distribution, and association 
that it is not possible to consider them apart. Any explanation 
of the presence of one should account for that of the other. The 
abrupt discontinuities in the use of stone which have just been 
adduced serve to show that it is riot possible to invoke local 
circumstances to account for the presence or absence of stone- 
work in any place. On the contrary, the presence or absence of 
stone-work in any place seems to depend principally upon the 
presence or absence of a chiefly class distinguished from the 
commoners by a special use of stone. If this be so, it is reason- 
able to suppose that the use of stone is an element of an immi- 
grant culture associated with the presence of hereditary chiefs. 
I propose to put forward evidence to show that this conclusion 
is well founded. 


Ten Kate says that some of the dolmens of Sumba are prob- 
ably the work of people from Endeh in Flores. l The people of 
Savu place their land of the dead on Sumba, in the same place as 
the people of Sumba themselves. 2 Since the direction assigned 
to the land of the dead is generally the same as that of the land 
of origin, 3 it can be assumed that part of the population of Savu 
came from Sumba. The fact that some of the people of Savu, 
who have settled in Timor, worship at Kupang in a building 
where a stone is kept, and during their worship sit inside the 

FIG. 9. Grave at Lambanapu, Sumba (after ten Kate). 

building on stone seats, shows that stone-using people have 
migrated into Timor. The people of Roti place their land of the 
dead in Savu. 4 In addition to this belief in the origin of a part 
of their population from Savu, the people of Roti have a tradition 
of the arrival of their ancestors in boats. The first party landed 
at Okelisu in Loleh, where their boat petrified ; the second party 
landed at Danohloon in Bilba, where their boat is also petrified. 5 
Some villages in Wetar collectively worship a single stone, called 
szruz\ which is kept in a special house. This stone is supposed 

1 0). 554- 2 Donselaar, 309 ; Roos, 61. 3 Perry (i). 4 Ibid. 8 Gra- 
afland (i), 363, 364. 


to have been brought from Timor, and the people who worship 
it are the descendants of immigrants from Timor. 1 The ghosts of 
builders of houses in Leti Moa and Lakor are supposed to live in 
small stones which are kept in small boxes of palm-leaves in the 
lofts of their houses : these stones are preferably collected in Timor. 2 

It is therefore possible to trace a movement of people right 
across the Timor region, and the circumstances of this movement 
into some islands suggest that the migrants were stone-using 

It has long been known that, scattered through the islands 
of the Moluccas, there are organisations of which we have but 
little knowledge. In each island where they exist there are two 
of these organisations, and they are called Ursiwa and Urlima, 
or Ulusiwa and Ululima, or, in Seran, Patasiwa and Patalima.' 6 
In Seran the Patasiwa are connected with a secret society, called 
the Kakian, which holds its meetings in buildings situated in the 
forest. The Patasiwa and Patalima live in separate villages, 
and in each village is a stone offering-place called astana (p. 12). 
A distinction exists between the customs of the Patasiwa and 
those of the Patalima : the former sit on benches during the 
ceremonies that they hold in their village-houses, while the latter 
sit on the ground ; the stone offering-places of the Patasiwa are 
situated on the seaward side of their village-houses, while those of 
the Patalima are placed on the landward side : and the reason 
assigned for this difference in situation is that the founders of 
the Patasiwa were immigrants. The people themselves therefore 
supply the explanation which would be suggested by the associa- 
tion between the Patasiwa and seats and offering-places. The 
evidence suggests no explanation of the distinction between the 
Patasiwa and the Patalima. 

The people of Serari have a custom in common with those of 
Wetar and the Leti Moa Lakor group, that of taking stones 
from one place to another to be used in connection with a cult. 
A marked example of such a custom is afforded in the Kei 
Islands. The island of Little Kei is of coral formation, and on 
it is a large sacred stone of igneous formation, which must ob- 
viously have been brought from elsewhere. It is possible that 
the transporters of this stone were the founders of the Ursiwa 

1 Riedel (iv), 436-7. 2 Ibid., 375. Ibid. ; Ekrijs. 


or Urlima of these islands. These people place their land of the 
dead over the sea, each on a separate island ; and thus, since the 
land of the dead is usually, in Indonesia, the place of origin, or 
in the direction of the place of origin, of the ancestors of the 
people who hold the belief, it is legitimate to conclude that these 
people are descended from immigrants. 

The indigenous people of Minahassa formerly placed their 
dead in the branches of trees ; but it is said that shortly before the 
arrival of the Spaniards, strangers arrived and taught the natives 
to place their dead in stone urns. 1 This affords good grounds 
for the conclusion that the use of stone was brought into Mina- 
hassa. That a relationship exists between some of the Minahassa 
tribes and stones is shown by the fact that, during a boundary 
dispute, the Tondano founded their claim upon their possession 
of a stretch of land where there is a cave or stone, which has 
given rise to their other name, Toulian. 2 When the different 
tribes of Minahassa separated, they assembled at a stone on the 
slope of Mt. Tonderukan to confer (see p. 36), and during the 
proceedings the chiefs sat round on stones. This is evidence of 
a movement of stone-using people into various parts of Mina- 
hassa, which presumably took place after the arrival of the 

Moreover, the Minahassa people formerly transported stones. 
In one of the Tontemboan tales, a man named Makarende took a 
piece of the holy stone of Kema and planted it in the ground at 
Ka'kas. Later on he disappeared into a tree, and while there he 
told his son to come and cultivate the land at Ka'kas. The 
latter did so, but was not successful until he had obeyed the in- 
structions of his parent : " You, my son, must go to the east 
and fetch a piece of the stone which I have planted in the ground, 
a heritage of your forefathers ". 3 

The To Bada of central Celebes are supposed to have spread 
from three villages, on the sites of which there are stone images 
and pieces of stone of a kind which is not found in the hills on 
which the villages stand, or in the neighbouring mountains.* 
Thus, those who built these villages must have transported the 
stone used in their construction. 

1 Riedel (i), 379. 2 Graafland, I, 79. 3 Schwarz (i), 79, 275. 4 Kiliaan, 
408 ; Kruijt (vi), 358. 


Stones are transported in Nias. The largest dissolith of the 
dela at Sirahu in the north of the island has been brought from 
Ono Sitoli, the former site of the village. 1 Modigliani states that 
when a village is moved, the stones of the dela are taken too, 
together with the stones of honour erected in memory of the 
common ancestor. 

There is good reason to believe that the use of stone was 
brought to this island by immigrants. For in south Nias, to 
which is confined the elaborate use of stone for seats and thrones, 
there is a mode of disposing of the dead which is limited to the 
chiefly class of this part of the island, the members of which are 
more closely connected with the use of stone than the com- 
moners. The bodies of chiefs are placed in a canoe-shaped 
coffin ; and the inference to be derived from such a practice is 
that the ancestors of such people were immigrants. 2 

The Khasi have a tradition of migration into Assam from the 
east, but this does not allow us to assume that the use of stone 
was brought in by this movement. Certain evidence suggests, 
however, that the ancestors of some of the chiefs of this people 
were stone-using immigrants. For the chiefs of Nongstoin, 
Langrin, and Nobospoh each year sacrifice a goat, at Rilang on 
the Kopili river, in honour of the goddess of the river. And a 
cavity in the rocks in the bed of the river Kenchiyang, a few 
miles below Rilang, is called "the god's boat". The name of 
this cavity recalls the petrified boat of the immigrants into 
Roti, and suggests that the " god's boat " is evidence of an im- 
migration of people connected with stones into the Khasi Hills. 
The close connection between the Khasi chiefs and the river sug- 
gests further that their ancestors were the immigrants. 

When a Garo village is moved to a new site, the asong stones 
are left, and the villagers return every year to perform a cere- 
mony at the old site. 3 

Certain tribes of Assam speak of stones met with on their 
wanderings : these tales will be considered later. 

The traditional accounts of migration just considered agree 
in associating, in many places, the use of stone with immigrants 
who, in some cases, were the ancestors of chiefly houses. These 
accounts to some degree enable us to draw aside the veil which 

1 Chatelin, 150. a Perry (ii). 8 Playfair, 82, 96-7. 


conceals the past, and to watch vaguely the movements of un- 
known people who not only settled in different places, but also 
brought stones with them, sometimes, we are told, from their 
former settlements. The support which these traditions afford 
for the conclusion that the stone-work examined in this and 
previous chapters is due to some cultural influence is so strong, 
the traditions themselves agreeing so well with known facts, as 
to justify the claim that the reality of a movement of stone-using 
people into all parts of Indonesia has been established. This 
does not mean that people of the same race brought the use of 
stone to each island or people, but that the use of stone is an 
element of a culture which has been spread to all parts of 
Indonesia, to varying degrees, and in different ways, the intro- 
ducers being strangers who often established themselves as chiefs. 
The building of megalithic monuments, the use of stone seats, 
the erection of memorials, and the use of stone for graves and 
offering-places, are all due to this influence. In the following 
chapters an endeavour will be made to discover other elements of 
this culture, and to account for the wide variations in its effects 
in different parts of Indonesia. For convenience of reference it 
will be necessary to adopt some term to denote the introducers 
of the use of stone to the different parts of Indonesia. The term 
" stone-using immigrants" will probably be the most satisfactory, 
for it avoids the necessity of discussing in any given case the 
provenance, whether ultimate or proximate, of the aliens and 
the culture that they bear with them. 



THE argument of the preceding chapters was directed towards 
the demonstration of the existence of similarities of distribution 
and association between megalithic monuments and the other 
stone-work of Indonesia which performs like functions. This 
made it necessary to leave on one side all stone-work which was 
put to what may be termed " secular uses," such as stone walls 
round villages and houses, stone houses, pavings for villages, and 
steps leading to villages. But, in pursuance of the plan of ex- 
amining every form of stone-work, such secular uses of stone must 
be considered, and it is proposed to proceed in this chapter to 
that task. 

The open spaces of the villages of Manggarai in Flores are 
paved with enormous stones. 1 The village-house of Trong in 
Solor is built on a platform of stones. 2 In Sumba and Roti the 
villages are surrounded by stone walls : 3 in Roti stone walls are 
sometimes made round the houses, 4 which are probably some- 
times made of stone. 5 

The villages of south-west Timor are on heights, and are 
fortified, but no information is given concerning the nature of the 
fortifications. 6 There are stone walls round the villages in north 
Belu, but in the south part of this region the villages, although 
situated in the valleys, are open.' Mr. Forbes mentions that 
the village of the chief of Sauo in central Timor is surrounded 
by a stone wall. He does not say whether the other villages 
are so provided. 8 

The villages in Dama, Keisar, Leti Moa and Lakor, Luang- 
Sermata, Babar and Timorlaut, are surrounded by stone walls. 9 

1 Meerburg, 449, 450, 464. 2 Ten Kate (i), 241. 3 Wielenga, 264-5. 4 Ten 
Kate (i), 681, 683, 685, 686. s Jonker (ii), 23. 6 Graamberg, 180. 7 Gryzen, 
43-4. 8 Forbes, 433, 444 . Riedel (iv), 460, 422, 379, 342, 317, 285. 



Stone walls surround not only the village of Ohoinangan in the 
Kei Islands, but each house in it. Leading up to this village, 
which appears to rise in a series of terraces, is a huge staircase 
cut out of the solid rock. 1 

The villages in the Aru Islands sometimes have stone 
surrounding walls (afsluiting). 2 Stone walls are found round the 
villages in Watubela, and the same was the case in Ambon be- 
fore the Dutch Government compelled the people to come down 
to the shore to live. 3 Martin gives a photograph of a village on 
Letimoor, an island near Ambon, which is approached by a stone 
staircase cut out of the rock. 

The Ifugao of Luzon use stone for the retaining walls of 
their rice-fields, and doubtless they use stone for their villages 
too in some way or other. 4 The Bontoc make great use of 
stone. A reference to the plates of Jenks's monograph will show 
that houses are often partly made of stone and generally sur- 
rounded by a stone courtyard. The Bontoc also use stone in 
the construction of the retaining walls of their rice-terraces. 5 

Much use is made of stone in Formosa. The Paiwan have a 
stone wall round each house, the courtyards of which are paved 
with stones. 6 The west group of the Atayal use stones for the 
construction of their houses : their method is to erect posts of 
stone or wood, and then to make the walls of bamboo. The 
eastern group of the Atayal, when making their houses, first dig 
a hole from 3 to 6 feet deep, and then make a wall round 
the hole with the earth which has been excavated. The house 
is paved with stones, and the roof, which is made of flat stones, 
is supported by strong wood pillars and cross-beams. 7 When 
the Voaum make a house, they dig a shallow pit i or 2 feet 
deep, and over it make an erection of stone and wood. The 
floor of the house is paved with slate, and the small yard in front 
is paved with stones. 8 When the Tsalisen make a house, they 
cut into the hill-side to the depth required, and then wall up the 
mouth of the excavation. The walls and the front roof-supports 
of the house are of slate. 9 The Yami of Botel Tobago make their 
houses partly of stone, and surround each with a stone wall. 10 

1 Merton, 187 et seq. 2 Riedel (iv), 255. 3 Ibid., 199, 62. 4 Beyer (i), 98. 
*Jenks. See Plates 2 and 3. 6 Fischer, 244-5. 7 Davidson, 564. 3 Ibid. 
568. 9 Ibid., 572. 10 Ibid., 587, 588. 


The only reference to the use of stone in the construction of 
houses and villages in Minahassa which I have been able to dis- 
cover is in the book of Schwarz, where it is said that the 
village-houses of the Tontemboan are built on a platform of 
stone. 1 

In central Celebes stone was used in building those villages 
where megalithic and other stone structures are found. On the 
same hill as Bulili, where an image, a holy stone, and a cromlech 
are reported, there are some large fragments of stone which point 
to the presence, in the past, of stone structures. 2 At Watutau, 
another place where a holy image is to be seen, many fragments 
of stone are lying about on the hill. 3 Grubauer states that, 
farther to the south, the village-houses have foundations of 
stone. 4 

I have not been able to discover any reference to the use of 
stone for the construction of houses or of villages in Borneo. 

In the island of Nias villages are paved with stones, and 
they are sometimes approached by means of steps cut out of the 
rock. 5 

The houses of the Khasi of Assam have plank or stone walls, 
and at least one wall must be made of wood. 6 Naga villages 
are generally surrounded by stockades or by stone walls. The 
Kabui probably used stone in the past, even if they do not do so 
now, for Mr. Hodson speaks of stone troughs which he saw in 
an old settlement in the jungle. The Tangkhul Naga use stone 
in the construction of their houses. 7 

The area of Indonesia is so vast, and the natural conditions 
are so diverse, that it could be claimed that the variations in the 
use of stone revealed by this survey are exactly what might be 
expected. Admitting that the use of stone for graves, offering- 
places and seats, may be due to a cultural influence, it might be 
urged that the material of which a house is constructed would 
depend upon local conditions. The lack of stone, coupled with 
an abundance of wood, affords, it might be said, sufficient reason 
to conclude that the use of wood in a given place is determined 
by that circumstance alone ; and vice versa. But such a mode 

1 (i). * Kruijt (vi), 359 ; Grubauer, 517. Kruijt (vi), 360 ; Grubauer, 487-8. 
232, 234, 235. 5 Modigliani. 8 Gurdon, 30, 159. 7 Hodson, 42. 


of reasoning, which neglects previously to inquire why houses 
are made at all in any given place, is apt to lead to wrong con- 
clusions. Until such a problem is solved it is premature to talk 
of the material of construction depending upon local conditions. 

The tables at the end of the book show that the distributions 
of the secular uses of stone correspond, roughly, to those tabulated 
in the preceding columns ; megalithic monuments, stone graves, 
offering-places, and seats. The gaps in the distribution occur in 
Savu, Wetar, Seran, Buru, the region of the Posso-Todjo Toradjo 
in central Celebes, and Borneo, places where, with the exception 
of Savu and Wetar, little, if any, use is made of stone for any 

Discontinuities occur in the distribution of the secular uses of 
stone. The villages in the north part of Belu are on the moun- 
tains and are surrounded by stone walls : those in the south part 
of the same district are in the valleys and are open. If considera- 
tions of convenience were the determining considerations, surely 
the villages in the valleys should have stone walls for defence ? 
Those perched up in the mountains would be more effectually 
protected against attacks by their position than those in the 

Villages in Seran are surrounded by stockades of bamboo, 
and this is correlated with no great development of the use of 
stone for other purposes, for only offering-places and stone urns 
for " chiefs " have been recorded in this island. On the other 
hand, an elaborate use of stone is recorded in Letimoor, an island 
off the south coast of Seran. 

According to Kruijt, the To Pajapi differ from the rest of the 
Posso-Todjo group of the Toradja of central Celebes in having 
stone walls round their villages. They differ also in having stone 
graves for their chiefs. Thus, in this region, the practice of 
making stone walls round villages can be assigned to the influence 
of the stone-using immigrants. 

This explanation will account for the general distribution 
of the secular use of stone in Indonesia, for the gaps and dis- 
continuities occur, as a rule, in the same places as the gaps and 
discontinuities in the distribution of stone graves, stone offering- 
places, and stone seats. 

The study of the distribution of the secular uses of stone 


shows that stone is most generally used for the construction of 
village walls, while stone houses are only made by a few people. 
A comparison with the association of stone offering-places dis- 
closes an analogy, for village offering-places are the most wide- 
spread in distribution, while in but few cases do individual 
commoners possess stone offering-places. This similarity in 
association suggests that the stone-using people have exerted a 
widespread influence upon the village-life of Indonesian peoples, 
since they have introduced both stone walls and offering-places ; 
and that their influence upon the lives of individual commoners 
has been comparatively weak. 

Not only are stone village walls made by Indonesian peoples, 
but sometimes houses are surrounded by stone walls, as in Roti, 
Kei, among the Bontoc, and in Formosa. In Roti and in For- 
mosa and among the Bontoc stone houses are made, and the 
village in the Kei Islands which has stone courtyards has also a 
stone stairway leading up to it. It would thus appear that stone 
walls round houses exist in places where stone is used to a con- 
siderable extent. 

The lack of information about stone pavings makes it im- 
possible to draw any satisfactory conclusions from their distribu- 
tion and associations. 

The examination of the associations of stone houses is, how- 
ever, more productive of results. For stone houses are made by 
the Bontoc, the Formosa peoples, the Khasi, the Tangkhul Naga, 
and, possibly, in Roti. Of these peoples the Bontoc, Khasi, 
Tangkhul Naga, and the Roti people have in common the use of 
stone seats, or of memorial structures as resting-places, by com- 
moners. This suggests that a relationship exists between the 
building of stone houses and the use of stone seats by commoners. 
In order to determine the validity of this inference it will be 
necessary to compare the distributions of stone seats and stone 
houses. This may be done by means of a table. 1 I have omitted 
from this table the case of the Savu people in Timor, who sit on 
stone benches during their religious ceremonies. 

1 The true significance of this and other tables in the text can only be grasped 
when it is remembered that they are extracted from the tables at the end of the book 
in order to facilitate discussion. The grouping together of different cultural ele- 
ments among so few peoples as appear in this table, is, in itself, a sign of the close 
relationship of these elements. 



Roti . 
Seran . 
Minahassa . 
Central Celebes 
Nias . 

Tangkhul Naga 
Kabul Naga 



on Seats. 



on Seats. 

Some of the elements of this table must be discussed before 
the conclusion already arrived at can be tested. The Formosan 
peoples must be left on one side, for no information concerning 
the presence or absence of stone seats among them is yet to hand. 
I have included in the table the use of seats by the members of 
the Kakian club of the Patasiwa in Seran, for they are distin- 
guished in this from the Patalima. They are, moreover, classed 
as chiefs because they are said to form a kind of nobility in the 
island. 1 

The cultural associations of the Kabui Naga are such as to 
make it probable that they made stone houses in the past, even 
if they do not do so now. They formerly made stone rice-mor- 
tars, which shows that they worked stone. But it would not be 
wise, in the present stage of our knowledge, to class them with 
the Bontoc and Tangkhul Naga as people who make stone 

If all these doubtful cases be left on one side, and the atten- 
tion be confined to Roti, Ambon, the Bontoc, Minahassa, central 
Celebes, Nias, the Khasi, and the Tangkhul Naga, it will be seen, 
on examination of the table, that stone houses are made by those 
people who have no chiefly class whose prerogative it is to sit 
during council meetings on stone seats. In Nias, where only 
chiefs may sit upon stone seats, the houses are made of wood. 
And the evidence at our disposal from Ambon, Minahassa, central 
Celebes, where stone seats are only associated with chiefs, and 
the houses are made of wood, serves to confirm the conclusion 
that where only the chiefs use stone seats, houses are not made 
of stone. 

1 See p. 115. 


The peoples cited in the table can be divided into three 
groups : in the first can be placed the Bontoc and the Tangkhul 
Naga, who make stone houses, and among whom no distinct 
chiefly class has been detected ; in the second group can be 
placed the Khasi, who have a chiefly class, but whose commoners 
sit upon stone seats ; and the third group includes the people of 
Nias, who have a distinct chiefly class, and make wooden houses. 
The Khasi occupy an intermediate position in their use of stone 
between the Bontoc and the people of Nias. This intermediate 
position is probably the result of an actual transition, for the 
commoners among the Khasi sit upon dissoliths which were for- 
merly reserved for the chiefs. The adoption of the use of stone 
for the building of houses has probably accompanied this transi- 
tion, for at least one wall of Khasi houses must be made of 
wood. This suggests that formerly the Khasi, like the people of 
Nias, made wooden houses, and had chiefs who alone were per- 
mitted to sit upon stone seats ; that the breaking down of the 
distinction between chiefs and commoners was accompanied by 
the introduction of the use of stone for houses, but that the pre- 
sence of chiefs prevented the entire adoption of the use of stone, 
so that, as a compromise, at least one wall of a house is still made 
of wood. 



THE argument has now reached the point where it is necessary 
to turn to the consideration of the beliefs with regard to stones 
which are held by Indonesian peoples. A beginning will be 
made in this chapter by the discussion of cases where stones are 
the objects of cults or of special beliefs. 

Stones are erected in memory of chiefs in Savu. 1 In the 
Belu district of Timor, in Wetar, Keisar, Leti Moa and Lakor, 
the Babar group, Luang-Sermata and Timorlaut, there exists a 
cult of small stones. In Belu small stones, called voho matan, 
which have cylindrical or elliptical forms, or are shaped like the 
human body, are supposed to be the residence of spiritual beings, 
and their importance is revealed during dreams. When such a 
stone has been obtained, the priest chooses a spot where it shall 
be placed, and there is erected a rectangular structure of stones, 
with a flat stone on top, on which the voho matan is placed. If 
the latter be very small, it is put under some other stones. 2 In 
Wetar the ghosts of ancestors and builders of houses are supposed 
to live in small stones. An account of one of these small stones 
shows who these ancestors were. This stone is called strut. It 
is supposed to have come from Timor, and is worshipped in com- 
mon by the people of several villages who are descended from 
immigrants from that island. 

In Keisar the ghosts of the dead are supposed to visit their 
homes, and to live, in the lofts of their old houses, in small 
stones, called wahkue or deran^ which are taken by an old woman 
from their graves, eight days after their interment. In Woorluli, 
Abusur, Purpura, and Labelau of this island small stones are kept 
in the village temple, rumolili. 

*S. Muller, II, 282-3 5 Bastian, II, 67. 2 Gryzen, 75-6. 



In the Leti Moa Lakor group the ghost of a builder of a house 
is supposed to live temporarily, in the loft of his house, in 
small stones, which are preferably collected in Timor. 1 In these 
islands, as well as in Belu, Luang-Sermata, and Timorlaut, travel- 
lers take with them small pieces of stone in which the ghosts of 
ancestors are supposed to live. 2 

Bastian mentions an image, carved roughly out of stone, on 
a hill in Keisar. 8 On Mt. Woluliawal, in the Babar Islands, there 
are two holy stones, called Wahuieliawal and Tetieilol, which do 
not receive offerings. In Timorlaut the ghosts of " heroes " are 
venerated, and one lives in a stone outside the village of Mlutu. 
A sacred stone stands at the head of the river Veterleli. 4 

The people of the Aru Islands worship stone dishes of east 
Asiatic origin. 5 Bastian says that the "Orang Kafir" and the 
11 Orang Hindu " of these islands worship stones : the latter place 
offerings in stones provided with depressions. 6 Holy stones are 
numerous in the Kei Islands : some of them are mentioned by 
name ; for example, Hiwur Bes at Gelanit, Watang Lawar at 
Tamadan, and Revut Laes at Okitait ; and on the mountain at 
Kalaui there is an image, associated with which is the stone 
already mentioned as having come from another island. 

Three stone images are placed at the entrance to the harbour 
in Kei Tanembar. 7 

Close to many villages in Seran, and generally situated on 
a hill near by, are offering-places, called tampat pomali. Each 
consists of a closed space of about four metres square in the 
middle of which is a smooth stone, carved to represent a human 
face. 8 

One holy stone in Buru has already been mentioned. 9 

The people of Gamsungi, on the Galela lake in Halmahera, 
worship a large stone shaped like a mill-stone. A piece of stone 
is also the " tutelary genius" of Baratako in the same island. 10 

The principal chiefs of the Monteses of Mindanao reckon 
among their most precious heirlooms certain stone images, which 
they only show to their relatives or intimate friends. 11 

The ceremonies in honour of Mendej, the god of agriculture 

1 Riedel (iv), 436-7, 421, 412, 411, 410. 2 v. Hoevell, 206. 3 II, 63. 
4 Riedel (iv), 340, 283, 281, 276; v. Hoevell, 205 ; Bastian, II, 92. 5 Riedel (iv), 
253- 6 H, 96. 'Rosenberg (iii), 351; Riedel (iv), 220; Jacobsen, 200. 

* Ribbe, 182. 9 P. 30. 10 Kruijt (iii), 208. Sawyer, 343. 


of the Tontemboan in Minahassa, can only be held under shady 
trees, where sacred stones about I foot high are to be found. 1 
A stone in south Minahassa is said to be the residence (zetel) of 
the god Senget. 2 Riedel describes two stone images on the hill 
Tonderukan, which represent a man and a woman. 3 

A rock called Batu Ijan is to be seen between Bolaang 
Mongondou and Bolaang Uki in north Celebes in a place near 
the former village of Tondonga, the inhabitants of which were 
punished by the gods by means of a flood. The only survivor 
of this disaster was a man called Ijan, who escaped in a boat. 
He clambered on to a stone which stuck up out of the water. 
He then called upon the gods to allow him to sink into it, and 
his request was granted. His descendants put offerings upon 
this stone in times of epidemics. 4 

Stone images have been discovered in the Bada district of 
central Celebes : at Bulili an image in the form of a woman 
half human size, and rough hewn out of a kind of limestone 
that occurs in the neighbourhood, is placed near a menhir 
inside the cromlech mentioned in the second chapter. Against 
it rest three small rectangular stones about one quarter of a 
metre long : 5 at Gintu, in Bada, there is, buried up to the neck 
in the ground, an image carved in the form of a human figure : 6 
another stone image, reported at Watutau, is in the form of a 
squatting human figure with a small hemispherical projection on 
each side of the head. 7 Kruijt found three stone images at 
Pada which were about the same size as those at Bulili. 8 There 
are two stones at Tandong Kasa, one of which has a head and 
an arm. It is not known whether they are natural or artificial 
in formation. 9 A stone called menganga, "the chiefs dog," on 
which offerings are put for the spirits of the mountains, is found 
on the top of the pass in the Takalla mountains. 10 

The villages of the Kenyah of Sarawak have, as their per- 
petual possession, large round stones. " Their history is un- 
known : they are supposed to grow gradually larger, and to 
move spontaneously when danger threatens the house. When a 

1 Graafland, I, 216-17. 2 Schwarz, 235. '(vi), 189, xgo. *Wilken, III, 
159. 6 Kruijt (vi), 359; Grubauer, 517; Schuut, 10 et seq. 6 Kruijt (vi), 358. 
7 Ibid., 360 et seq. ; Grubauer, 487-8. 8 Kiliaan, 549. * Kruijt and Adriani, I, 33.. 
10 Grubauer, 339. 


household removes and builds for itself a new house, the stones 
are carried with some ceremony to the new site." l The rocks 
on the banks of the river on which a Kenyah village lives 
are regarded with superstitious reverence. 2 Perham states that 
among the Iban of Sarawak, "spirits and magical virtues are 
largely associated with stones. Any remarkable rock, especially 
if isolated in position, is almost sure to be the object of some 
kind of cult." 3 Molengraaf mentions a sacred rock on the banks 
of the Kapuas river below Semitau. 4 On the Mendalam, a tribu- 
tary of the Kapuas, evil spirits are supposed to live in peculiarly 
shaped heaps of stones and rocks. 5 The Olo Ngadju of south- 
east Borneo have, outside each village, a stone called pangantoho, 
to which offerings are made. 6 

In Nias there are many stones carved to represent human 
figures ; these stones are generally in the form of menhirs with a 
face carved on them. 7 An example exists in the island of Nacco 
west of Nias, where a mass of stone in the middle of a cromlech 
is in the form of a human face. 8 It is said that when the god 
Daeli came to the earth on the island of Nias, he slipped on a 
stone just south of Ono-Waen. 9 

At Nonjri among the Khasi sacred stones are to be seen 
under a fine rubber tree. Here the priest performs the village 
ceremonies. 10 

The Kabui Naga have a holy meteoric stone in one of their 
villages. Two of the best-known stones among the Mao Naga 
are Lungpalung, close to Lungpa, and Changchang, close to 
Dibua and Woromong. 11 

The Garo have certain holy stones : they believe that a large 
rock, shaped like a house, which is to be seen on the Kosai peak 
in the hills north-east of the district in which they live, is the 
abode of spirits ; another rock, called Mabit, which is situated 
on the Balpakram plateau, is said to be the abode of Rokime, 
the mother of rice. 1 " 

The Thado clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur believe that 
evil spirits, called shongbulanga, live in rocks and stones. 

1 Hose and McDougall, II, 16. 2 Ling Roth, I, 353. 3 Ibid., 178. * 7. 
5 Nieuwenhuis (ii), I, 141. * Kruijt (iii), 219. 7 Rappard, 537. 8 Modigliani, 
344. 9 Chatelin, 117. 10 Gurdon, 34. u Hodson, 189; A.C.R. (1891), 224. 
12 Playfair, 147-8. 


Colonel Shakespear states that, above one of the hamlets of the 
Chawte clan of the Old Kuki, is an open space surrounded by a 
low wall. At the east end of the space is a small house in 
which are two stones. This house is the abode of Pakbangha 
(who is always called Pathian when the people are talking among 
themselves), their supreme being. At one side of the space is 
the house of a being called Nongchongba, the dolmen-like 
structure already mentioned. 1 

The Bghai branch of the Karen worship some stones on the 
top of a hill. 2 The Pakoo branch of the Sgaw Karen worship 
holy stones which are kept in their houses. 3 

A reference to the tables at the end of the book will show 
that the distribution of sacred stones is roughly that of the stone- 
work of Indonesia. The chief exception is Borneo, where we 
have to account for the presence of beliefs concerning stones 
among peoples who have no kind of stone-work. This island 
will therefore be examined before proceeding to the general con- 
sideration of the evidence put forward in this chapter. 

Some rocks on the banks of the Kapuas are sacred ; and on 
the Mendalam, a tributary of this river, evil spirits are supposed 
to live in rocks. The Kenyah regard rocks on the banks of 
their rivers with reverence, and also possess sacred stones, the 
origin of which is unknown. The Kenyah are supposed to have 
come down the rivers from the basin of the Kapuas in the 
centre of the island, 4 so it is important to learn that stones, 
carved with figures, have been discovered on the Mahakam, a 
tributary of the Kapuas, a river with which the Kenyah are 
certainly acquainted, for it is in close proximity to their habitat. 
According to tradition these stones were made by people who 
lived in the centre of Borneo before the Kenyah and kindred 
peoples arrived there. 5 The evidence therefore suggests that 
the Kenyah owe their beliefs concerning stones in some way to 
an unknown stone-using people who preceded them in central 

The pangantoho stones, which belong to each Olo Ngadju 

1 Shakespear (i), 207, 159. 2 Macmahon, 306-7. * " Burma Gazetteer " 
( I 879), 241; Colquhoun, 77. 4 Hose and McDougall. 6 Nieuwenhuis (ii), I, 
146, 278. 


village in south-east Borneo, may be considered here. A tradi- 
tion states that one day two bodies, man and woman, floated 
down the river Kahajan. They were fished out of the water by 
the people of Sepang, and, as it was too late to inter them, they 
were tied to the bank. The next morning the people of the 
village were surprised to find that these bodies had turned to 
stone. The following night a man dreamed that the petrified 
man and woman spoke to him, and said, " We are your ancestors 
and we can help you ". The dreamer was appointed as priest. 
The man and woman came down stream from central Borneo, 
where stone-using people lived at some time in the past. It is 
therefore possible that the Olo Ngadju have acquired their cult 
of stones from up-stream. Additional reason for this surmise is 
afforded by the fact that not only are the petrified ancestors of 
the priest supposed to have come from central Borneo, but we 
have definite information that some of the Olo Ngadju are the 
descendants of immigrants who came from there. 1 

The cult of stones in the Timor region possesses a feature 
which is not found, so far as the evidence shows, in the cults of 
other parts of Indonesia. In Belu, Keisar, Leti Moa and Lakor, 
Babar, Luang Sermata and Timorlaut, importance is attached to 
small stones, which are supposed to be the residence of spiritual 
beings. These spiritual beings in Keisar are the ghosts of 
recently deceased relatives ; but in Wetar, Belu, Luang Sermata, 
and Timorlaut, they are the ghosts of remote ancestors, or of the 
builders of houses or founders of villages. The stones which are 
so used in Wetar and Leti Moa and Lakor are supposed to have 
come from Timor. 

The evidence therefore suggests that this cult owes its institu- 
tion, in the islands where it is found, to stone-using people who 
have migrated from one island to another and there founded 
villages and built houses. The cult is an ancestor-cult, for only 
the descendants of the immigrants worship the stones connected 
with these immigrants : it apparently does not owe its existence 
to any superstitious reverence which the people of Timor and 
other islands have for stones in general. 

The examination of the beliefs connected with sacred stones 
in general confirms this last remark. For sanctity is usually 

1 Kruijt (iii), 219, 344 et scq. 


ascribed to particular stones: sacred stones are erected in 
memory of chiefs in Savu : single stone images are mentioned 
in Keisar : in the Babar and Kei Islands certain holy stones are 
mentioned by name : the tampat pomali of Seran are connected 
singly with villages : in Halmahera and Minahassa sacred stones 
are connected with chiefs and "gods": the stone images in 
central Celebes are few in number : and the sacred stones of the 
Kenyah, the Olo Ngadju, of Nias, of the Mao and Maikel Naga, 
are each attached singly to a village. 

These sacred stones are the places of residence, temporary 
or permanent, of certain spiritual beings, who are usually associ- 
ated as " guardian spirits " with the village where the stone is 

The accounts of the dissoliths of the villages of the Tontem- 
boan of Minahassa show clearly that the Tontemboan are aware 
of the nature of these structures. Each village must have a 
sacred stone, which is generally a dissolith, and the first work of 
those who wish to found a settlement is to select a place where 
it shall be placed. When a dissolith has been erected, the priest 
says to it, " You are really a stone, but we shall make offerings 
to you, and we call you Rewumbene and Poklambene " . He 
says again, " You are really a stone, but we consider you to be 
the spokesman and protector of the village". The dissolith is 
supposed to be the bearer of a personality ; offerings are made to 
it, and its consent is asked for various purposes. 1 

The pangantoho of the Olo Ngadju are the residences of 
guardian spirits. Formerly they were bathed with the blood of 
a human sacrifice before being set in place, and on setting out to 
fight warriors broke an egg against them. On their return home, 
the blood and the head of the slain enemy were brought to the 
stone, and the heads were placed in a hut near by. 2 The holy 
stones of the Kenyah are also the residences of guardian spirits. 3 
The holy stones of the villages of east Nias are evidently the 
abodes of guardian spirits, for they are placed there in order that 
the inhabitants of the village may be at unity. 4 The offering- 
stone upon which the priest of the Mao Naga pours beer when 
he performs a rite, also appears to be of this nature. The Mao 

1 Schwarz (i), 201 et seq. 2 Kruijt (iii), 219. 3 Hose and McDougall, II, 
16. 4 Kruijt (iii), 209. 


and Maikel Naga have stones to which heads taken on raids are 
shown : 1 these stones resemble in this particular the pangantoho 
of the Olo Ngadju of Borneo. 

The asong menhirs of the Garo which are erected at the en- 
trance to villages are sacred, for if the village be removed the 
people return each year to the former site to perform a ceremony. 
Playfair says that two asong stones near one village were re- 
garded as brothers, Chokki and Dalmang, while smaller stones 
round about represented their wives and children. 2 It would 
therefore appear that these stones are regarded as the residences 
of guardian spirits. 

The images at Gintu, Bulili, and elsewhere in central Celebes 
are apparently the abodes of guardian spirits. They occur 
singly, associated in some cases with cromlechs in each village. 
They may be similar in function to the tumatowa of Tontemboan 

Images such as those erected at the entrance to the harbour 
in Kei Tanembar are supposed to be the residences of guardian 

The next step in the investigation is to determine who these 
guardian spirits are. Since the distribution of sacred stones 
agrees with that of the stone-work of Indonesia, it is legitimate to 
conclude that the stone-using immigrants are responsible, directly 
or indirectly, for the presence of these stones, and therefore that 
the spiritual occupants of sacred stones bear some relationship to 
the stone-using immigrants. This conclusion has already been 
reached with regard to the small stones of Wetar and other 
islands eastward of Timor. It is also to be presumed that, if the 
Kenyah beliefs in sacred stones are due to the presence, in parts 
of central Borneo, of stones carved by some other people, the 
spiritual occupants of these stones must be related in some way 
to the people who carved the stones. And the same reasoning 
may be applied to support the contention that the spiritual oc- 
cupants of the panganto of the Olo Ngadju of south-east Borneo 
are stone-using immigrants. The guardian spirits who live in 
the tumatowa in the villages of the Tontemboan of Minahassa 
are also probably the ghosts of stone-using immigrants. For in 
Nias the spiritual occupants of dissoliths are chiefs and their 

1 Hodson, 187, 189. 2 Playfair, 82, 96-7. 


wives, who are, according to the scheme of this book, the de- 
scendants of stone-using immigrants. 

The account of the stone images kept by the chiefs of the 
Monteses of Mindanao suggests that these images are tenanted, 
temporarily or permanently, by the ghosts of the ancestors of 
these chiefs, who, according to the conclusions of chapter vi., 
are stone-using immigrants. 

The manner of distribution, and the associations of sacred 
stones in Indonesia, therefore suggest that the stone-using im- 
migrants have, in addition to supplying villages with offering- 
places and walls, also instituted a cult connected with their own 
ghosts, which, in order to act as the guardian spirits of villages, 
live, temporarily or permanently, in stone images or sacred stones 
connected with these villages. 



IN addition to believing that spiritual beings live in stones, cer- 
tain Indonesian peoples possess traditions which are concerned 
in various ways with stones. 

The Bontoc have traditions of a being named Lumawig, who 
came down from the sky, married one of their women, and lived 
at Chao-wi in the centre of the Bontoc district. Certain large 
flat stones, arranged in a circle, are looked upon as the founda- 
tions of his house. It is said that when he was in the Ishil 
mountains north-east of Bontoc with Fantanga, his brother-in- 
law, the latter taunted him with not being able to procure any 
water for them to drink. Lumawig promptly struck the side ol 
the mountain with his spear, and out came water. Fantanga 
began to drink, but Lumawig told him to wait until he himself 
had satiated his thirst. When Fantanga at last stooped down to 
drink, Lumawig put his hand upon him and pushed him into 
the mountain. Fantanga became a rock and the water flowed 
through him. It is said that Lumawig taught the Bontoc to 
build the fawi and pabafunan, the council house and men's 
house. 1 

The Ifugao tell a tale similar to that related about Lumawig. 
Their greatest god is Wigan. His three sons were once catching 
fish in the canal, called Amkidul, at the foot of Mt. Inude. When 
they had got a supply of fish they went up the mountain. While 
they were climbing, one of them, Ihik, became thirsty and per- 
sistently asked for water ; so, when they had arrived at an enor- 
mous rock, Balituk, another of the brothers, struck it with his 
spear and brought out water. Ihik desired to drink first, but 
was made to wait until his brothers had finished. When his turn 

1 Jenks, 200, 202. 



came he stooped down, but Balituk took hold of his head and 
pushed it into the rock, saying, " Satiate thyself once for all, and 
serve as a tube for others to drink from ". So the water came 
from his mouth. 1 

A tale recorded among the Tontemboan in Minahassa will 
now be quoted in detail, because much of it will be needed for 
reference in future chapters. 

The tale is of Tengker and Kawalusan. Kawalusan was poor 
and Tengker was rich. One day Kawalusan borrowed Tengker's 
fish-hook and lost it, for the line broke while he was fishing. 
He went after the hook, and found himself in the land beneath 
the sea. While there he met the sun, who, after giving him an 
armband in a box, brought him back to earth and dropped him on 
the hill where he lived. Three days after, Tengker and his wife 
intended to perform the ceremony of bringing their child out of 
the house for the first time. The child was taken, according to 
custom, to a spring. When Kawalusan had calculated that the 
wife of Tengker and her child were in the water, he said, " I am 
not favoured, for, if I were, a downpour of rain would come ". 
Down came the rain in torrents so that Tengker and his wife 
and child were wet through. After some time Kawalusan said, 
" I am not favoured, for otherwise the sun would shine ". Shortly 
afterwards the sun came out and shone so much that the ground 

One day Kawalusan went on a journey. After some days he 
opened the box containing the armband which the sun had given 
to him and found there a small child, named Kariso, who had 
been produced from the sweat caused by the rubbing of the arm- 
band against the side of the box. Kariso was brought up with 
the other children of Kawalusan, seven sons and one daughter, 
the eldest son being Maengkong. 

These children set out one day from home, and during their 
travels one of the brothers caused a flood by saying : " Either I 
am not favoured, or else the sea will rise up instantly and the 
houses will float upon the water". Afterwards the water retired 
at his request. 

On their way home the brothers came to the river Sariow, 
where Maengkong picked up a stone with two faces carved on it. 

1 Beyer (ii), 104. 


When they reached the mouth of the river Rano Wangko, Maeng- 
kong said to the stone, " I shall leave you behind to be an object 
of worship for the people here ". The stone shook to express 
its disapproval. Maengkong and his brothers then went south 
in the direction of Amurang, naming the places from Sondaken 
southwards. At Amurang, Maengkong again offered to leave 
the stone, but it refused. When they had arrived at Tomba- 
ra'an, which is situated on the boundary of Sonder and Ka- 
wangkpan, they heard the favourable note of an omen bird, and 
stayed there and built a house. The stone with the two faces 
was placed with one face to the south and the other to the north. 
The river from which they got their water while living there was 
called Rano i Mokei. It derives its name from its origin, for 
Maengkong made it spring out of the side of the hill by uttering 
a word. When Maengkong left the settlement he caused the 
stream to sink into the ground. 

After a time Maengkong separated from his brothers, who 
then went westward, naming places as they went. One day 
they decided to build a house, but had only made two stone piles 
when they moved on again. This place was called Ari'i on ac- 
count of the two stones. They continued on their journey to the 
west until they came to a place where they could see Nimaga 
below them. They sought much for water with which to wash 
their hands and faces, but only found large stones. They then 
brought out the armband from its box, and, sticking thorns into 
it, said to a certain rock, "Water must come out of you, stone". 
Thereupon water gushed out of the rock, and continued until 
they had all washed their hands and faces. After that they still 
went to the west, and finally reached Mongondou, where they 
founded villages. 1 

In a tale from the Sangir Islands, which are situated to the 
north of Minahassa, it is said that a chief one day heard voices 
singing inside a stone. After a time some people came out of 
the stone, but they fled when the chief showed himself. Another 
tale states that a child was put on a large stone by the side of 
the sea. The stone grew up to the sky with the child sitting 
on it. 2 

The Toradja have a tradition that, in the days gone by, before 

'Schwarz (i), 352. 2 Adriani (i), 38-40, 156. 


the folk spread from Pamona, a place near Lake Posso, a youth 
called Lasaeo, "the sun-lord," came riding upon a white buffalo. 
He married a woman of the people named Rumongi. He taught 
the people agriculture and rice-growing. He cut off the head 
of a white buffalo and threw it into Napu and Bada, and from 
this head sprang many buffaloes. The body he left on the 
banks of Lake Posso, where it gave rise to many buffaloes. 
Later on the trunk of the buffalo turned into a stone, which may 
still be seen on the hill where Pura stands. Lasaeo returned to the 
sky up a creeper. His wife tried to follow him, but Lasaeo cut 
the creeper and both she and the creeper were turned to stone. 

The son of Lasaeo and Rumongi was Tuwun Toljo, "the 
vital power of sulphur". His son, OH nTambo, became the 
mythical hero Guma ngKoana in Napu. Others say that the 
son of Lasaeo was called iDori, and that he became the ancestor 
of the chiefs of Waibunta, in Luwu. iDori was chief of Pamona. 
One day, hearing that a niece of his father lived at the mouth 
of a river, he decided to visit her. When he left Pamona the 
people also departed and erected the memorial stones. On the 
way to find his cousin he and his slave stopped for the night at 
Wawu Endo, and, as iDori was badly clothed, the people of the 
house mistook him for the slave. They gave water and palm-wine 
to the slave, but nothing to iDori. He thereupon went below the 
house and struck two rocks with his spear. Water came from 
one and palm-wine from the other. When he had finished 
drinking he closed the rock out of which he had got the palm- 
wine, but left the other. He found his cousin and married her. 
They did not die, but turned into two white stones which are 
now kept in a special house and worshipped. 1 

Another mythical hero, Tamangkapa, also turned to stone. 
He descended into the underworld, and, when he wished to 
return home, its inhabitants told him to go on until he came to 
a forked path, when he was to take the branch leading to the 
left. He did so, and came to a river over which was a tree-stem. 
When he tried to cross by this log, it began to move violently, 
and so he tried the other path, which led him to the constellation 
Tamangkapa (Pleiades) in the sky. There he found life very 
agreeable, and the inhabitants taught him agriculture. One day 

1 1, 22 ** seq. 


he climbed to the loft of the house where he lived and found 
that he could see the earth. He jumped down and landed near 
his own home. He called the people of the village together, and 
told them all that he had learned about agriculture. He added 
that in seven days he would turn into a stone, and this stone may 
still be seen on the south side of Lake Posso. 1 

Other tales connecting men with stones are present in central 
Celebes. Two stones called naga are to be seen at the village of 
Tando ngKasa. One has arms and a head. It is said that 
while some Luwu men were storming this village, a piece of stone 
detached itself from the cliff and killed some of the attackers. 
They became petrified, and the fragment of cliff which killed 
them is still to be seen on a rock to the east of Tando ngKasa. 2 
It is said that a stone used to lie across the way to Bomba. 
The wife of a chief, wishing to pass by, hit the stone with a 
dracaena leaf, whereupon it turned round. One of her followers 
hit it with his spear, and out of it came palm-wine. 3 

Tales are related about certain stones at Pakambia. Once 
the people of this place were at war with the To Lage, who, after 
a time, were willing to acknowledge themselves beaten, but dared 
not send a hostage to say so. At last a Pakambia woman, who 
was married among the To Lage, offered to go, and set out at 
night with a female slave. When they were some way from the 
village, she cried out that the To Lage acknowledged themselves 
beaten, and that they sent a slave to be sacrificed. The slave 
was killed upon a stone, in which her ghost still lives. 4 

Among the legends recorded in Nias is one which states that 
Sirio, the race father, had nine sons, one of whom, Lahari, had a 
stone navel. Two of these sons were sent to support the earth, 
and one of them was turned to stone. 5 In some of the texts col- 
lected by Sundermann, we are told of a chief whose house was 
founded on a rock. The earth is supposed by the people of 
Nias to be supported on a rock. 6 

The Tangkhul Naga say that they are descended from im- 
migrants who, after emerging from a stone in the Manipur 
valley, migrated into the hills. They say that, after these an- 
cestors got fire from a stone near Ukrul, they divided, some 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, II, 237. 3 Ibid., I, 33. 3 Ibid., I, 35. 4 Ibid., I, 60. 
Chatelin, 116; Modigliani, 617. 6 Sundermann (i), 400. 


going to Sirohi and others to Ukrul. The Tangkhul of Sirohi 
also claim to have procured fire from a stone at Ukrul. 1 

The discussion of these tales can perhaps best be opened by 
a consideration of one related by the Bontoc of Luzon. 

They say that a being, named Lumawig, came from the sky 
and lived among them for a time before returning once again to 
his home. He married a Bontoc woman, taught the Bontoc 
agriculture, and gave them a code of morals. He was connected 
with stone, for he is said by the Bontoc to have taught them to 
make the men's house and the council house, both of which are 
stone buildings : the stone foundations of his house are still 
pointed out : and he is reported to have turned his brother into 

In the discussions of previous chapters, it was concluded that 
the use of stone had been introduced to Indonesia by certain 
immigrants. These strangers settled down in some places and 
founded lines of chiefs. But this was not so in the case of the 
Bontoc. For among them warriors are distinguished from the 
rest of the people by the use of a special form of grave and, 
probably, by the use of stone seats, which are placed in the court- 
yard of the men's house, the dwelling of the warriors. This 
association between warriors and the use of stone was ascribed 
to the influence of the stone-using immigrants. Bontoc tradition 
claims that not only the men's house and other stone-work, 
but also the institution of head-hunting were due to Lumawig. 
Thus a building which was supposed to owe its existence to the 
influence of the stone-using immigrants, and a custom which is 
bound up with men who are distinguished from the rest of the 
community by a special use of stone, are ascribed to an immigrant. 
So, on the basis of the close agreement between traditional and 
other evidence, we may conclude that the tale of Lumawig is an 
account of the coming of stone-using immigrants among the 

One difficulty must be removed before we can make this 
assumption with confidence. The stone-using immigrants have, 
according to the conclusions reached in this book, founded lines of 
chiefs in various parts of Indonesia. Lumawig, who is supposed 

1 Hodson, 10. 


to be one of the stone-using immigrants, married one of the 
Bontoc women. How is it then that his descendants do not 
form a class of hereditary chiefs ? 

Fortunately it is not necessary to have recourse to specula- 
tion to account for this fact, for the Bontoc themselves supply 
the answer to the question when they say that the children of 
Lumawig were killed and buried outside Bontoc in a place 
where a ceremony is held once a month. It may therefore be 
claimed that the traditions of the Bontoc are in close agreement 
with the evidence and with the conclusions already reached from 
the consideration of the stone- work of Indonesia. 

A being similar to Lumawig is said to have arrived among 
the Posso-Todjo Toradja. He was Lasaeo, the " sun-lord," who 
married a Toradja woman. He taught the Toradja agriculture 
and rice-growing and gave them a supply of buffaloes. When 
he returned to the sky, his descendants departed from Pamona, 
one to found a line of chiefs at Waibunta in Luwu, the other to 
become the great chief of the To Napu, a people who possess a 

Lasaeo and his sons are connected with stone. The buffalo 
upon which Lasaeo arrived and his wife, together with the 
creeper up which she endeavoured to climb after him, were 
petrified ; iDori, Lasaeo's son, caused water and palm-wine to 
emerge from a rock ; and when iDori left Pamona, seven menhirs 
were erected. 

The associations of Lasaeo and his descendants with stone 
and with the custom of erecting memorial stones, together with 
the agreement which exists between the tale and the cultural 
conditions of central Celebes, suggest that the account of Lasaeo 
is also a tradition of the arrival of stone-using immigrants, in 
this case among the Posso-Todjo group of the Toradja. 

Lasaeo and Lumawig bear some resemblance to each other in 
that they both are connected with a world in the sky. They are 
the only two such people as have as yet been mentioned in this 
book. Some remarks upon the significance of the presence of 
such beings on earth will be made at the end of this chapter. 

Another tale, which recounts the wanderings of people 
associated with stone, is that of Tengker and Kawalusan, which 
is told by the Tontemboan of Minahassa. The Tontemboan are 


one of the four tribes of Minahassa. In chapter vi. it was said 
that stone-using immigrants introduced the use of stone burial- 
urns to Minahassa. It was also said that the various Minahassa 
tribes held a council meeting before separating. No signs have 
as yet been detected of the existence, among these tribes, of a 
chiefly class, the members of which are distinguished from the 
rest of the community by their use of stone. We have only 
learned that chiefs sat on stones during the council on Tonderukan. 
This evidence suggests that, so far as we know, the various tribes 
of Minahassa were more or less democratic, with no distinct 
chiefly class, when they moved from Tonderukan to the different 
parts of Minahassa. 

These circumstances fit the case of the tale of Tengker and 
Kawalusan. Kawalusan's sons migrated from place to place, 
carrying with them a stone image, founding and naming villages 
and building houses on stone piles. This shows that they were 
acquainted with the use of stone. But, although they brought 
water out of rocks, they are not said to have been descended 
from the people of the sky-world, nor do their descendants ap- 
pear to have become chiefs. Their father was, according to the 
tale, a man of the earth. The account of the movements of 
Kawalusan's sons through Minahassa is therefore, according to 
the evidence derived from the tale and from the examination of 
the stone-work of the Tontemboan, that of people who have 
migrated after acquiring the use of stone, not of stone-using 
immigrants such as Lasaeo and Lumawig. 

Other peoples of Indonesia have traditions similar in nature 
to that of the Tontemboan. The Naga peoples of Assam have 
no chiefly class, and they do not claim to have acquired the use 
of stone from strangers. The Tangkhul say that they have 
migrated, and, as mention is made of stones in connection with 
their movements, it would seem that they have migrated after 
acquiring the use of stone. Good reason also exists for con- 
cluding that the Kabui have migrated after acquiring the use of 
stone, for Hodson mentions stone-work in some of their old 
settlements further south. 

The traditions recorded in this chapter can be divided into two 
groups. The first comprises those which tell of the arrival of 


beings from the sky, who introduce agriculture and probably 
other arts and crafts. The second includes those which tell of 
the migrations of peoples who have acquired the use of stone. 
As far as we know, none of the peoples discussed in this chapter 
have a class of hereditary chiefs who are distinguished from the 
commoners by the use of stone seats or stone graves of a special 
sort or size. Neither Lumawig nor Lasaeo left descendants 
among the people who tell of them. And the Minahassa and 
Naga peoples have, so far as we have been able to discover, 
no chiefs. The apparent lack, among people who have a class 
of hereditary chiefs, of any tradition which accounts for the 
manner in which the use of stone has been acquired in such 
places can hardly be due to chance. It must rather be con- 
cluded that for some reason or other, in places where the stone- 
using immigrants have settled, traditions do not tell of their 

In preceding chapters it was concluded that the stone-using 
immigrants carried stones about with them, and that they were 
responsible for the presence of sacred stones in which their ghosts 
live as guardian spirits. In this chapter further evidence in sup- 
port of this conclusion has been forthcoming. For, in the tale of 
Tengker and Kawalusan, the sons of Kawalusan carried about 
with them a stone image which was to be placed in a village as 
an object of worship ; in the tale of Lasaeo it was said that iDori 
and his wife turned into stone images which are worshipped ; 
and offerings are put on the graves of the descendants of Luma- 

The study of tradition has made it possible to understand in 
some degree the manner in which the stone-using immigrants 
have influenced the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Indo- 
nesia. It has also made it necessary for us to consider a matter 
which will be of fundamental importance in this book. The 
traditions of Lumawig and Lasaeo, the strangers who brought 
the culture associated with the use of stone among the Bontoc 
and Toradja, agree so strictly with known facts that it is diffi- 
cult to refuse to admit either that Lumawig and Lasaeo were 
personages, or else that they are the traditional representatives of 


a group of stone-using immigrants. In either case they were 
human beings. 

In the traditions quoted in this chapter Lasaeo is called the 
" sun-lord"; both he and Lumawig are believed to have come 
from the sky and to have returned thither ; and they are credited 
with powers which are not possessed by men. They are there- 
fore what are commonly called " divine beings " . 

According to the scheme elaborated in this book, the stone- 
using immigrants have left behind them descendants who are 
chiefs. This would lead us to expect that the hereditary chiefs 
of Indonesia who are thus descended claim to be of "divine 
descent" . This is so among the Sadang group of the Toradja. 
The chief of Makale is said to be descended from Puang Matowa, 
the supreme being, who lives in the sky. Puang Matowa is said 
to have come down to earth and to have married a princess of 
the underground world. His three sons became chiefs of Goa 
in south Celebes, of Luwu as far as Kolaka, and the third ac- 
quired the Toradja lands. 1 Thus a hereditary chief, who, since 
he rules over people who erect megalithic monuments, is prob- 
ably the descendant of a stone-using immigrant, claims descent 
from a being who is similar to Lasaeo and Lumawig, the latter 
of whom is the supreme being of the Bontoc. 

When the supreme being of one people is, so far as it is 
possible to decide from the evidence, a historical personage, and 
living chiefs of another people claim descent from their supreme 
being, it becomes necessary to determine what shall be the at- 
titude in this book towards such beings. The investigations of 
the preceding chapters have been carried out with as few pre- 
conceptions as possible. This attitude of mind was essential 
when dealing with material objects which can be described in 
language that admits of no doubt. It is doubly so in the ex- 
amination of facts such as those just considered. I shall there- 
fore consider the phenomena in question solely as facts. |I 
shall assume at present that peoples such as the Toradja and 
Bontoc have preserved traditions of stone-using immigrants. 
These strangers are reputed to have had powers beyond those 
possessed by ordinary mortals ; they are said to have come from 
a world in the sky and to have returned there. The immigrants 

1 Grubauer, 209. 


have, in some cases, founded chiefly houses, the members of which 
claim descent from denizens of the world in the sky. And the 
ghosts of these immigrants are supposed to live, temporarily or 
permanently, in stone images and to act as the " guardian spirits " 
of villages. 

In what follows I shall sometimes, for convenience, retain the 
word "god " when quoting from other writers. But when speak- 
ing of beings such as Lasaeo or Puang Matowa, I shall use terms 
such as " sky-people " to signify that they are associated with a 
world in the sky, and shall leave the elucidation of the signifi- 
cance of the term " god " to a later stage of the argument when 
the facts themselves will have provided the means to enable us 
to reconsider this matter. In this way it will be possible to 
avoid any assumptions concerning the relationship between these 
beings and the people who are reported to believe in them. 



IN the last chapter it was found that the traditions of Indonesian 
peoples agree closely with the results gained by the examination 
of the different forms of stone-work that they make use of. Some 
of these peoples, in addition to recording traditions which enable 
us to understand to some degree the manner in which they ac- 
quired their use of stone, also possess tales of their origin which 
are connected with stones. These tales will be examined in this 

The first ancestress of the race in the Luang-Sermata group 
is supposed to have descended from the sky down a creeper, the 
petrified roots of which are still to be seen on the island of No- 
walna. 1 It is also said that a man of Luang-Sermata, while out 
fishing, brought up in his net a stone which he threw back into 
the sea. A second time he fished it up, and, warned not to throw 
it away, took it home. At the end of nine months the stone 
burst and out of it came a boy. He married his foster-sister, 
and they were the ancestors of the Patumera (red-stones) clan. 2 

The great kindness of Mr. Shinji Ishii enables me to publish 
the following origin myths from Formosa : 

The Taiyal, who dwell in the mountain region of north For- 
mosa, have a tradition of the origin of their tribe which runs as 
follows : A rock once stood on the top of Mt Papakuwake (Mt. 
Taihasen in Mr. Ishii's work). One day this rock split, and out 
of it came a man and a woman, the ancestors of the Taiyal. The 
place where the rock existed is called Pinsabakan, "fissure" or 
"crack". "This tradition," says Mr. Ishii, "is held throughout 
most of the Taiyal villages." 

A sub-tribe of the Paiwan called Pomomakka, who live in the 

1 Riedel (iv), 312. 2 Bastian, II, 62. 



southern part of Formosa, have a similar tradition. Their an- 
cestors, a man and a woman, came out of the natural fissure 
of a rock on the top of Mt. Diabu (10,660 feet high), the highest 
mountain in southern Formosa. The rock in question was 
lowered down from the sun, being born from that body. 

The Yami of Botel Tobago say that their ancestors were born 
out of the fissure of a rock. 

Other variants of origin myths have been collected in For- 
mosa. The Paiwan round Lilisha state that a stone burst, and 
out of it came their ancestors, a man and a woman. 1 The Ami 
believe that their ancestors were born from a stone on the moun- 
tain near the Chipun river. 2 The ancestors of the Puyuma came 
out of a stone at the foot of Mt. Aravanai. 3 The Tsalisen state 
that their ancestors came out of the moon. In the house of a 
chief of this people is a spherical stone which is said to represent 
the moon. 4 

Schwarz gives variants of the origin myths of the Tontemboan 
of Minahassa. The first says that a stone once stuck out of the 
ground somewhere in the east. When the sun rose the stone 
became hot and sweated. The sweat became a lump which finally 
burst, giving birth to Lumimu'ut, the ancestress of the Tontem- 
boan. Another account states that there was once a stone as 
large as a house in the middle of the sea. The waves played 
over it, and after a time a crow emerged. The stone then sweated, 
and out came Lumimu'ut. 5 According to a Toumpakewa version, 
a sky-being made the earth and caused all things to grow. It 
happened one day that the south wind was blowing, so that a 
large mass of foam was carried by the waves and finally left high 
and dry on the shore. Day after day the sun shone upon the 
foam, till it began to move and work itself deeper into the sand. 
Finally it gave birth to a youth. One day when walking this 
youth came to the mouth of a river, where he heard the sound 
of a child crying in a heap of stones. He listened and said, " Per- 
haps it is some one who lives here ". He looked for the weeping 
child, and saw that a small girl had sweated out of a stone, to 
which her navel-string was still attached. He cut the navel- 
string with a bamboo knife. He married the girl, whose name 
was Lumimu'ut, for she had sweated out of the stone, or Kariso. 

Fischer, 241. 2 Davidson, 579. * Ibid., 578. 4 Ibid., 574. 6 2Qi. 


The story goes that she had been produced by the friction of two 
stones. 1 The Toumpakewa say that two stone images on the 
hill Tonderukan are supposed to be Lumimu'ut and To'ar, the 
ancestors of the Minahassa peoples.' 2 

The Posso-Todjo Toradja have two variants of a myth of 
origin in which the first ancestors were made in the form of stone 
images. One version states that iLai, a being of the sky-world, 
and iDai, a " goddess " of the underworld, ordered Kombungi to 
make human beings. He did so, but while iLai and iNdara had 
gone up to the sky to get the eternal breath, Kombungi allowed 
the wind to blow on the images so that they became living 
beings. According to the other variant, Pue mPalaburu, one of 
the sky-people, made the first men out of stone. 3 

I have not been able to trace, in the literature concerning the 
peoples of Borneo, any definite myths which connect the first 
men directly with stone, except the following tale recorded by 
Bastian. "Besides the sun and moon, and stars, the Pari (in 
Borneo) worship the creator Minjanni, who, with Sempulon, 
made men and animals out of stone." 4 

The ancestors of the Khasi chiefs of Nongkrem and Myllem 
are said to have come out of a rock situated not far from the 
Shillong peak in the Nongkrem direction. 5 

A large stone at Maikel is said to be on the spot where the 
first ancestors of the people came out of the underground world. 
Another account says that the Maikel folk " originated " from 
this stone. They are also supposed to have " originated" from 
a stone between Longsa and Sangtam. The ancestors of the 
Tangkhul Naga are said to have emerged from a stone in the 
Manipur valley. 6 

The ancestors of the Kabui are said to have come out of a 
split stone at Aqui, at a spot called Lingding yong. 7 The 
Lushei say that the auk once swallowed the sun, and thus 
plunged the whole world into darkness. A number of large 
rocks in the van-lai-phai represent the petrified remains of the 

222-3. 2 Riedel (vi), 189-90. s Kruijt (iii), 468; Kruijt and 
Adriani, I, 245 ; II, 82 ; Kruijt (i), 339. 4 IV, 9, 13. The term " pari " is a cor- 
ruption of " padi," and denotes the rice-growing tribes, among whom the Kayan are 
prominent. 5 Gurdon, 115. 6 Hodson, 10, 12, 13, 14, 187, 198 ; A.C.R. (1891), 
224, 241. 7 Hodson, 127. 


buffaloes of the Chhura which were grazing there at the time. 
The earth was re-peopled by men and women, who issued from 
the ground by means of a hole covered with a stone. 1 The 
Chawte clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur say that their ancestors 
came out of a hole in the ground which was covered by a stone. 2 
The ancestors of the Tashon branch of the Chin came out of 
a large rock at Shunkla, and the ancestors of the Whenho came 
out of the rocks at Sepi. 3 

These tales vary much in content. They can, however, be 
divided into two groups; one contains what may be termed 
"creation myths," in which the first members of the race were 
made by some personal agency ; the other contains those tales 
which state that the first ancestors came out of stones without 
the aid of any personal agency. 

The creation myths are recorded among the Posso-Todjo 
group of the Toradja and, in central Borneo, among peoples 
allied to the Kayan and Kenyah. In both cases it is said that 
beings of the sky-world made the first man and woman in the 
form of stone images. 

An analogous form of creation myth is recorded among the 
Iban of Sarawak. They say that one of the sky-people, Petara, 
commanded Salampandi, another sky-being, to make men. She 
tried first to carve them out of stone, but the images could not 
speak. She then tried iron, without success. Finally she tried 
earth, and the two images spoke. The Sakarran branch of the 
Iban have a variant of this tale in which the supreme being 
created two birds, male and female. These birds in their turn 
created the sky, then the earth, and finally the Batang Lupar 
river. Finding that the earth spread out more than the sky, 
they heaped it together and so caused the mountains. They 
then tried to make men, experimenting in turn with trees, stone, 
and earth, and succeeded with the last substance. 4 

Neither the Posso-Todjo Toradja, with the exception of the 
To Pajapi, who have chiefs, nor the Borneo tribes with the 
exception of the Kayan, who place cairns over the bodies of 
men who have been " murdered," use stone for graves or village 

J Shakespear (i), 92-4. 2 Ibid., 151. a Scott, 458; Carey and Tuck, 143, 
148, 198. 4 Ling Roth, I, 176, 299. 


walls. These peoples do not appear to possess a chiefly class, 
the members of which are placed in a special form of grave. 
But the Toradja and the Borneo peoples have had contact with 
stone-using people. The case of the Toradja was discussed in 
the last chapter. It was found in chapter viii. that the Kayan, 
Kenyah, and kindred tribes of Borneo were preceded in the 
centre of that island by people who made the stone images 
which have been discovered on the banks of the Kapuas and its 
tributaries. And the beliefs held by the Kenyah with regard to 
sacred stones were referred in that chapter to the influence of 
these stone-using people. 

Although the Posso-Todjo Toradja and the Borneo peoples 
have been in contact, more or less remote, with stone-using 
people, they have not learned to carve stone. 

The evidence therefore suggests that the form of creation 
myth in which the first ancestors of the race are made by sky- 
beings out of stone-images, is found among peoples who have 
had contact with the stone-using immigrants of such a kind that 
the latter have neither settled among them to form a chiefly 
class nor taught them to work in stone. The effect of this 
manner of contact is to lead peoples such as the Posso-Todjo 
Toradja to remember the stone-using people as beings connected 
with the sky and possessed of powers which they themselves 
lack. One of these accomplishments is that of making stone 

But the possession of such a craft would hardly of itself make 
the indigenous peoples remember the strangers as beings who 
could actually create men out of stone images. It is therefore 
necessary to inquire further into this matter, and to endeavour 
to divine some reason for the belief that the stone-using immi- 
grants could animate images. 

The Toradja account of the creation of their ancestors relates 
that, when the images were carved, the sky-beings went up to 
the sky to fetch thence the breath of life with which to animate 
them. While they were gone, the images were animated by the 
wind. 1 In the Borneo version the makers of the images en- 
deavour to cause them to speak. And a tale from Halmahera, 
recorded among people about whom I have no information, 

1 Kruijt (Hi), 469. 



states that the supreme being, who lives in the sky-world, made 
a man of clay. When he had gone up to the sky to fetch down 
the breath of life with which the image was to be inspired, an 
evil spirit destroyed his handiwork. The supreme being there- 
upon made man out of the excrement of the evil spirit. 1 

The real point of the tale seems to lie in the process of 
animation of the image by the sky-people, who alone appear to 
have this power, for the breath of life is kept up in the sky. It 
is to be noted that in the Toradja version the images are not 
actually animated with the breath of life from the sky, but by the 
wind. In this they present a contrast to the people of Nias, among 
whom each child is animated at birth with breath drawn from a 
store in the sky, to which it returns at death (see p. 152). The 
evidence thus suggests that the stone-using immigrants brought 
with them the idea that the life of human beings is maintained 
by the presence in them of breath derived from the sky, and that 
this idea forms part of the beliefs of the peoples among whom 
they have settled as chiefs claiming descent from the sky-world. 
On the other hand, people such as the Posso-Todjo Toradja, 
among whom the stone-using immigrants have not settled, appear 
to claim, in their tale of creation out of stone images, that they 
do not possess the breath of life, and thus have no relationship 
with the world in the sky. 

The Bontoc have preserved a tradition of the arrival of the 
stone-using immigrants which resembles in more than one detail 
that of Lasaeo, the being who brought the use of stone among 
the Toradja. Neither the Bontoc nor the Toradja have a class 
of hereditary chiefs. These cultural similarities suggest that the 
Bontoc ought to possess a creation myth similar to that of the 
Posso-Todjo Toradja. But a marked difference exists between 
the cultures of these two peoples. The Bontoc make consider- 
able use of stone, and the Posso-Todjo, with the exception of the 
To Pajapi, do not use it at all. This shows that the Bontoc 
must have had much more prolonged and intimate intercourse 
with the stone-using immigrants than the Posso-Todjo Toradja. 
So it would appear that to this cause must be attributed the 
absence among the Bontoc of a myth of origin from stone 

1 Kruijt (iii), 471. 


The tale which recounts the origin of a people from ancestors 
who emerged from a stone is reported in Luang-Sermata, 
Formosa, among the Tontemboan of Minahassa, the Tangkhul, 
Kabui and Maikel Naga of Assam, and the Chin tribes of Upper 
Burma. The Tontemboan of Minahassa, and the Tangkhul and 
Kabui Naga are peoples who, as was seen in the preceding 
chapter, have apparently migrated after acquiring the use of 
stone. The ancestors of the Patumera clan of the Luang-Sermata 
Islands were probably immigrants acquainted with the use of 
stone. For, according to Bastian, they are also present in the 
Leti Moa Lakor group, and they place their land of the dead 
over the sea, which suggests that they are of alien origin. 1 
It is possible, too, that the Formosan tribes have also migrated 
after acquiring the use of stone. 

The form of origin myth in which the first ancestors are 
said to have come out of a stone, therefore appears to be 
recorded only among people who have migrated after acquiring 
the use of stone. 

This agrees with the Khasi tradition that the ancestors of 
some of their chiefly houses emerged from stones. The chiefly 
houses of Indonesia are supposed to be the descendants of stone- 
using immigrants. But these ancestresses of Khasi chiefs seem 
to differ from those stone-using immigrants who arrived in such 
places as Nias ; for they emerged from stones, and therefore, if 
we accept the conclusion just arrived at, were people who settled 
among the Khasi after acquiring elsewhere the use of stone from 
the stone-using immigrants. This marks a difference between 
the culture of the Khasi and that of such places as Nias which will 
become more apparent as the general argument proceeds. 

The tribes of Assam and upper Burma who believe that their 
ancestors came out of stones are the Tangkhul and Kabui Naga 
and the Chin. With the possible exception of the Chin, 2 these 
tribes erect stone memorials upon which travellers sit, and build 
stone houses or work in stone. They therefore make more use 
of stone than the other tribes of this region. Certain other 
stone-using tribes of this region, the Maikel Naga, the Lushei, 

1 II, 62. a Lack of definite information in reference to their use of stone 
calls for this reservation. 


and the Chawte clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur, say that their 
ancestors came out of the underground world by means of a hole 
in the ground which was covered by a stone. 

In a paper on " Myths of Origin and the Home of the Dead in 
Indonesia," I have quoted examples to show that those peoples 
who inter their dead generally believe that their ghosts go into 
the underground world, which is the supposed place of origin of 
their race. The peoples in question inter their dead, and there- 
fore would be expected to believe that their ancestors came out 
of the underground world. The Maikel say that a monolith at 
Maikel itself marks the spot where their ancestors emerged. 
According to the conclusions already arrived at, the importance 
attached to this stone would be due, directly or indirectly, to the 
influence of the stone-using immigrants. Thus it would appear 
that the form of origin myth in which the ancestors of the race 
came out of the underground world by means of a hole covered 
by a stone, is due to the adoption, by the same people, of the 
culture associated with the use of stone, and of the practice of 

I do not propose to pursue this matter any further at present, 
but shall leave the consideration of the problem of accounting 
for the different forms of origin myths in Assam and upper 
Burma until fuller knowledge is available. 

It would be interesting to endeavour to trace out the connec- 
tion between the creation myths of the Toradja and the origin 
myths of people such as the Tontemboan, which say that their 
ancestors emerged from stones. It would not be a profitable 
occupation in the present state of our knowledge, and the attempt 
must be made when more evidence has been collected. It is 
important to note, however, that the myths discussed in this 
chapter have not been recorded among people who have heredi- 
tary chiefs claiming to be descended from people of the sky-world, 
and to enjoy the privilege of sitting on stone seats, and are other- 
wise distinguished from the commoners. The peoples with which 
we have been concerned are those such as the Posso-Todjo 
Toradja, who have had slight contact with the stone-using immi- 
grants, and others such as theTangkhul Naga, who have acquired 
a considerable use of stone and then have migrated. In these 


cases the stone-using immigrants have so impressed themselves 
upon tradition that the history of the tribe or people dates from 
a time after they had had contact with the strangers. Both 
creation and origin myths of such peoples are expressed in terms 
of the use of stone. 

This chapter concludes the first portion of the main argument 
of this book. The evidence afforded by the consideration of 
stone-work suggested that megalithic monuments, together with 
the whole of the stone-work of Indonesia, owed their existence in 
Indonesia to the influence of immigrants who have left their 
descendants as chiefs in certain places, and in others have caused 
warriors to be distinguished from the rest of the community. 
These strangers are remembered as beings connected with a world 
in the sky, and their chiefly descendants claim descent from 
beings of the sky-world. 

The investigation has disclosed a marked agreement between 
the tales recorded among the peoples of Indonesia and the 
various manners in which stone is used by these peoples. In no 
case has any substantial disagreement become apparent. On the 
contrary, each chapter has added new items of information which 
agree with those already gained. If facts collected at random 
enable us to see a certain distance into the mist that surrounds us, 
how much more light may we hope for when ethnographers de- 
liberately collect information that will throw light upon the many 
dark places which have been brought into relief in the course of 
the discussions of this book. 

The second part of the main argument will be concerned 
principally with the sky-world and the beings, celestial and ter- 
restrial, who are connected with it. In the succeeding chapters 
certain clues disclosed in the evidence already adduced will be 
followed up, and the consequent developments will throw much 
light upon the meaning of the knowledge which has already been 



THE examination of the various forms of stone-work that Indon- 
esian peoples make use of, and of the beliefs concerning stone 
which have been recorded among these peoples, has shown that 
the use of stone in Indonesia can best be accounted for by 
ascribing it to the influence of an immigrant culture. It is now 
necessary to proceed to the second part of the inquiry which has 
been instituted in this book ; to examine the sun-cult which is 
reported among certain Indonesian peoples, with a view to deter- 
mining the relationship between this cult and the use of stone. 

In accordance with the attitude which was adopted in chapter 
ix., I shall not attempt to define the " sun-cult," but shall allow 
that term the widest possible meaning. I shall also substitute 
"sun-lord" for "sun-god," so as to avoid any assumptions con- 
cerning the nature of such beings. 

The sun-cult is reported among all the peoples of the Timor 
region of which I have knowledge, with the exception of those 
of Sumba, Savu, and the Belu district of Timor. The absence of 
a sun-cult in these places may be capable of two interpretations. 
It may be due to the disappearance of a former sun-cult, or it 
may constitute evidence that the indigenous peoples of Indonesia 
have not themselves come to regard the sun as a being who must 
be propitiated and to whom offerings must be made. In that 
case the absence of a sun-cult in certain places will be due to 
the fact that it has not been introduced there. 

In the Timor region a sun-cult is reported in Sumbawa 
among the Do Donggo of the Bima hill district ; in the Sicca 
district of Flores ; in Roti, where the sun is looked upon as a 
mighty being ; in south-west Timor, where a being called Usi- 
neno lives in the sun ; in east Timor ; in Wetar, where the people 
worship Paibei wawaki, "the great lord of old," who lives in the 



sun ; in Romang, Serua, Dama, Keisar, Leti Moa Lakor, Babar,, 
and Luang-Sermata, in all of which islands the sun-lord is called 
Upu-lero ; and in Timorlaut, where he is called Ublera. In each 
village of the Leti Moa Lakor, Babar and Luang-Sermata groups, 
an annual feast is held during which offerings are made to Upu- 
lero, who is supposed to descend for that purpose into an image 
which is placed on the top of the wooden pole which constitutes 
part of the stone offering-places described in chapter iv. In 
Timorlaut Ublera is supposed to descend, in order to receive 
offerings, into an image which is placed in the middle of each 
village: on uninhabited islands certain stones are used for the 
purpose. 1 

This survey shows that the " sun-cult " practised by the people 
of the Timor region is apparently not associated with the sun 
itself, but rather with a being who is supposed to live therein 
and to descend to the earth from time to time. This distinction 
between the sun and the being who inhabits it is clearly brought 
out in Wetar, where the "great lord of old" is said to live in 
the sun. 

The sun-lord bears the same name in several islands of the 
Timor region, and the similarity of nomenclature extends to the 
words for the sun itself which are used by the peoples of these 
islands. This is shown by the table. 

Floras (Sicca) 2 lero. 

Solor 3 lera. 

Savu lodo. 

Roti 4 leda. 

South-west Timor (Kupang) .... laelo. 

Central Timor loro. 

Serua lero. 

Wetar r > lelo. 

Keisar 6 leere, leri. 

Leti Moa Lakor lero. 

Luang-Sermata ....... lero. 

Babar lero. 

Riedel (iv), 460,436,410, 372, 337, 312, 280; Zollinger (i), 128; ten Kate 
(i), 224; Riedel (v), 278; Jacobsen, 56; S. Muller, II, 273; Forbes, 444. 2 In 
those cases in this table where no reference is given the word has already appeared 
in this book. 3 Leekmer. He says that this language is used in Flores east of 
Sicca, Adunara, and in the west part of Lombok, as well as in Solor. 4 Kleian, 277. 
5 Riedel (iv), 436. Ibid., 410 ; Earle, 695 et seq. 


Timorlaut lera. 

Aru l lara, laor. 

Kei 2 leera, lehr. 

Seran lara. 

I have not been able to discover that any variants of the word 
Uro t as terms denoting the sun, have been recorded in any places 
in Indonesia other than those included in this table. 

The close resemblance which exists between the various 
expressions which are used for the sun and the sun-lord in the 
Timor region suggests that these terms have been adopted as 
the result of one cultural influence in all these places. And the 
direct association between the sun-cult of the islands east of 
Timor and the stone offering-places which exist in those islands, 
suggests that these influences are those of stone-using immi- 

The people of these islands assert that their sun-cult is alien 
in nature, for they say that strangers from the west introduced 
it to Luang-Sermata, 3 whence it spread to the neighbouring 
islands. 4 This traditional support enables us to conclude that 
the sun-cult of the Timor region is immigrant in origin. Other 
traditional evidence confirms the conjecture that the strangers 
were the stone-using immigrants. For the chiefs of south-west 
Timor call themselves " children of the sun ". 5 In central Timor 
chiefs are called, so Riedel tells us, "great sun" or "son of 
the sun". 6 The chiefs of Sonabait, who once ruled Timor, 
are " children of the sun," and their ancestors are said to have 
been immigrants. 7 The chiefs of Amanubang owe their origin 
to an immigrant who possibly brought the sun-cult. It is said 
that a slave of Abineno, a chief of Hounieen in Amarassi (a dis- 
trict of south-west Timor just to the west of Amanubang) one 
night dreamed that he saw a flame on the head of a horse. He 
concluded that this was a sign of good luck, and thereupon stole 
the treasure and gold ornaments of his master and fled to the 
east to Amanubang, where he lit a fire on a height. When the 
inhabitants, who were very astonished to see the fire, came to 

1 Riedel (iv), 252; Eijbergen, 56. 2 Riedel (iv), 220; Eijbergen, 568. s S. 
Muller, op. cit. Comparative Table. Other words for the sun are used in this 
island. 4 v. Hoevell, 196; Bastian, II, 60. "Graamberg, 185; Bastian, II, 8; 
Cabaton, 356. Riedel (vii). ' Bastian, II, 9. 


discover the cause of this phenomenon, they met the slave clothed 
with the costly gold and silver ornaments of his master all glisten- 
ing in the sun, and, thinking that he was sent from heaven by 
Usi-neno, thereupon made him their chief. 1 

In chapter vi. it was claimed that stone-using immigrants 
have moved from west to east across the Timor region, and that 
these strangers founded lines of chiefs who, especially in the 
islands at the west end of the region, were placed after death in 
elaborate graves or in graves differing in size from those used for 
commoners. The evidence just quoted shows that the ancestors 
of certain of these chiefs were immigrants. These immigrants 
were, moreover, closely connected with the sun, for their descend- 
ants claim to be " children of the sun ". The evidence therefore 
agrees in associating the sun-cult of the Timor region with the 
immigrants who introduced the use of stone. 

We have already seen that the people of Sumba do not 
appear to possess a sun-cult. Yet the presence of solar symbols 
carved on stones that are associated with some of the dolmens 
in this island constitutes evidence that the immigrants who 
built the dolmens practised a sun-cult. Moreover, some of the 
dolmens are said to be the work of people from Flores, an island 
where the sun-cult exists. In Savu, another island where no 
sun-cult is reported, the two chief deities are Pu-lodo-liru and 
Pu-lodo-rae. Wilken says : " The surmise that the worship of 
Pu-lodo-liru and Pu-lodo-rae has originated in a former sun-cult 
is certainly not hazardous. There can be only one opinion as 
to the names of these two deities. Pu means lord, liru means 
* heaven ' or firmament, and rae means the earth. The expres- 
sion Pu-lodo can be translated ' the sun-lord/ and must originally 
have been used without the addition of the words liru and rae in 
the time when men worshipped the visible heavenly bodies." : 
But, although traces of the sun-cult exist in Sumba and Savu, no 
evidence can be put forward to show that the sun-cult is, or ever 
has been, present in the Belu district of Timor. These people 
differ in another respect from the other peoples of the Timor 
region, for they say that their ancestors came from the north, a 
direction different from that of the main movement of stone- 
using people in the Timor region. 3 So, although the evidence 

1 Bastian, II, 10-11, 66. 3 III, 179. 3 Gryzen. 


agrees in ascribing the existence of the sun-cult in the Timor 
region to the influence of the stone-using immigrants, it will be 
necessary to account for its apparent absence in three places 
where much use is made of stone. 

The accounts of the beliefs and practices associated with the 
sun that have been recorded among the peoples of the rest of 
Indonesia reveal no signs anywhere of a cult so definite and 
important as that which exists in the Timor region. 

A sun-cult is reported in the Aru, Kei, and Watubela groups, 
v. Hoevell states that in the Aru group the cult differs from those 
of the Timor region. 1 It is indefinite in nature, and Schmidt is 
of the opinion that it has been introduced from elsewhere. In 
the Watubela group the sun-lord is called Tata-lat y " grandfather 
chief sun ". 

In the Kei Islands, a man who wishes to take a very serious 
oath says, "Lord of the sun and moon, the holy one of the 
ursiwa and urlima, the sacred one of all who are dead, consider 
my affair, if I am guilty let me die". 2 It was concluded earlier 
that the founders of these brotherhoods introduced the use of 
stone to certain islands in this region. The prayer just quoted 
suggests that, since these brotherhoods are so closely associated 
with a sun-lord, their founders brought with them a sun-cult. 

No beliefs and practices connected with a being who lives in 
the sun are reported in Ambon, Seran, or Buru, with the exception 
of the belief which is held in Seran that Upu lanite, the " lord of 
the sky," lives in the sun ; 3 so it would appear that the indigen- 
ous peoples of these islands have not developed a cult of the sun. 
The conclusion that the sun-cult of the region under considera- 
tion was introduced by the founders of the brotherhoods would 
account satisfactorily for the condition of things in Seran and 
Buru, for the brotherhoods are not present in Buru, and their 
influence is weak in Seran. It would not, however, account for 
the absence of beliefs in a sun-lord in Ambon, an island where 
much use is made of stone. This constitutes a difficulty similar 
to those encountered in the cases of Sumba, Savu, and the Belu 
district of Timor. 

In Halmahera a being called Djou wongi is believed to live 

^iedel (iv), 252, 220, 195; v. Hoevell, 125. 2 Riedel (iv), 225. 3 Riedel 


in the sun. 1 Beyer, who states that the sun and moon are held 
to be great beings, or the habitations of such, by the peoples 
of the Philippines, mentions a sun-cult among the Manobo of 
Mindanao and the Igorot of Luzon. 2 

Several of the sky beings whose doings are recorded in the 
Tontemboan tales are " sun-lords ". One of them, To'ar, married 
his mother, Lumimu'ut, the "ancestress" of the Tontemboan, 
who came out of a stone. Another sun-lord, Si Marendor, the 
son of Lumimu'ut and To'ar, married their daughter Lintjam- 
bene. Lintjambene also married her son Muntu'untu, who is a 
sun-lord. 3 

Si Marendor, the son of Lumimu'ut and To'ar, who marries 
his sister Lintjambene, is said to be half stone and half sky-born. 
He is supposed to be the same person as Kerito, another sun- 
lord, who is half human and half stone. This identification 
suggests that the stone part of Kerito is equivalent to the sky- 
born part of Marendor. The validity of this equation is con- 
firmed by the tale of Lintjambene, who, wandering about the 
earth, saw the head of the "god-man" Maror which was half 
flesh and half stone. 4 Thus these people seem to believe that 
there is a close relationship between stone and the sky-world. 

The facts suggest that the sky-beings of the Tontemboan are 
closely connected with the influence of the stone-using immi- 
grants. For Lumimu'ut, who came out of a stone, married a 
sun-lord, and their daughter married two husbands, one of whom 
was a sun-lord and the other was half flesh and half stone. 

The existence among the Tontemboan of the belief that 
their ancestress came out of a stone was accounted for in chapter 
x. as being the result of a migration after the use of stone 
had been acquired from the immigrants. This conclusion is 
supported by the assertion made by the Tontemboan, that 
Lumimu'ut came to Minahassa from over the sea in a ship. 
Lumimu'ut, as has already been stated, married a sun-lord, and 
their daughter Lintjambene is also said to have reached Mina- 
hassa in a ship. 5 This would make some of the stone-using 
immigrants " children of the sun," and, as Lumimu'ut is said to 
have been the "ancestress" of the Tontemboan, it would be 

1 (Hi), 66. 2 (ii), 90 ; Cole (ii), 172, 193. 3 Schwarz (i), 240 ei seq. ', Kruijt 
(iii), 470-1. Bastian. B Schwarz (i), II, 97. 


expected that some of this people imagine themselves to be 
descended from sun-lords, or at least from people of the sky- 
world. But no evidence has yet been adduced to lead us to 
conclude that such a class exists. 

The sun-lords of the Tontemboan are the sons, real or 
imaginary, of women who are said to have migrated into Mina- 
hassa : To'ar is the son of Lumimu'ut ; Si Marendor is the son 
of Lumimu'ut and To'ar, and Muntu'untu is the son of Lint- 
jambene. It appears from this that the chief beings of the sky- 
world of the Tontemboan are looked upon as immigrants to 
Minahassa or their descendants. 

It has already been stated that the stone-using immigrant 
who came among the Posso-Todjo Toradja was Lasaeo " the sun- 
lord ". A belief recorded among these people states that the sun 
is the eye of Pue mPalaburu, who dwells in the places where it 
rises and sets. 1 

The Kayan of Sarawak say that "in the beginning there was 
a rock. On this the rain fell and gave rise to moss, and the 
worms aided by the dung beetles, made soil by their castings. 
Then a sword-handle (haup malaf] came down from the sun and 
became a large tree. From the moon came a creeper which 
hanging from the tree became mated with it through the action 
of the wind." From this union the first men were produced. 2 
Bastian states that the people on the Sambas river in Borneo 
worship the sun-lord Pangatu. 3 

In Nias a being named Lature, who is supposed to live in the 
sun, is believed to have the lives of all men in his hands. 4 

No sun-cult is reported among the Khasi of Assam. The 
Mao Naga consider the sun to be a benignant being, but the 
Quoireng Naga look upon him as malevolent. 

Certain tales concerning the sun are recorded in Assam. 

The Kabui Naga say that a man named Neumu sent his 
children into the jungle because they were leprous. These 
children one day tried to catch a snake which, although it lost 
its tail, escaped into a tree, whence it emerged with this organ 
restored. They noticed this, and ate some of the bark themselves, 

1 Kruijt and Adrian!, I, 269 et seq., 109. a Hose and McDougall, II, 137. 
3 (iv). 4 Kramer, 478 ; Rappard, 575. 


and were cured. They then went home with some of this bark 
which they placed in a secret place in the house. The bark was 
stolen one day by the sun while it was drying out of doors. 
Neumu's dog tracked the thief and devoured him because he 
would not surrender the booty. 1 

In a variant of this tale which has been recorded among the 
Kohlen clan of the Old Kuki of Manipur, seven brothers, who 
were cutting firewood, shot a deer, which they placed in some 
leaves at the bottom of a tree ready to be cooked by their 
youngest brother. After cooking it he placed it under some 
leaves. While he was away the leaves brought it to life again 
and it ran away. The other brothers returned and were so angry 
to find that the deer had disappeared that they killed their un- 
fortunate brother. Some leaves fell on him and restored him to 
life. The brothers thereupon took some of the leaves with them. 
On their way home they put some of them on a dead dog which 
they saw floating down the river, and thus restored it to life. 
When they reached home they put the leaves in the sun to dry 
and left the dog to watch them. The sun and moon, seeing that 
they were useful, stole them, and were chased by the dog. This 
chase is now proceeding. When the dog gets near to the sun 
and moon they hide, and thus cause eclipses. 

In another version the Kohlen say that a sky-being named 
Rikimpu one day left his dog to watch his garden. When the 
sun and moon came to steal things out of the garden the dog 
chased them. 

The Anal clan of the Old Kuki say that once a very pious 
man had a dog. The sun and moon, being envious of him, 
wished to take away his " virtue ". They offered to exchange 
and he did so, whereupon the dog chased them. 2 

These tales have not, so far as I am aware, been recorded 
elsewhere in Indonesia. Their similarities suggest borrow- 

There is no definite evidence for the existence of practices and 
beliefs concerning a sun-lord among the Garo, except that, in a 
story of creation, the sun and moon were made by a female being 
at the orders of the creator Tatara-rabuga : but in another 

1 Hodson, 129, 138, 169, 170, 175. 2 Shakespear (i), 183-4. 


account the sun and moon are brother and sister, the children of 
A sima-dingsima. l 

The Yahao branch of the Chin say that the ancestors were 
hatched out of an egg laid by the sun on Webula hill. 2 

The evidence at our disposal has shown that the immigrants 
who introduced the use of stone to certain parts of Indonesia 
brought with them a "sun-cult". This cult is apparently not 
associated directly with the sun, but with a being who, in certain 
islands of the Timor region and elsewhere, bears a name which, 
as Wilken shows, may best be translated as " sun-lord " and not 
" sun-god " . The stone-using immigrants to Timor, Minahassa, 
and central Celebes (or some of them), were "sun-lords," and 
their chiefly descendants in Timor call themselves " children of 
the sun " . 

The elevation to the rank of supreme beings of Lumawig of 
the Bontoc (of Luzon) and the ancestor of the chiefs of Makale, 
in the Sadang district of central Celebes, suggests that the sun- 
lords of peoples ruled over by " children of the sun " are the 
immigrant ancestors of these chiefs. The supreme being in 
Wetar, " the great lord of old " who lives in the sun, seems to 
be some such person. But certain facts make it probable that 
so simple an explanation will not suffice. For sun-cults are 
reported in the east end of the Timor region, where no " children 
of the sun " are present, so far as we know : and the Posso- 
Todjo Toradja of central Celebes also believe in a sun-lord with 
whom a cult is associated, although this cult is very slightly 
developed. It must be remembered, however, that Lasaeo, the 
traditional stone-using immigrant among these people, was a sun- 
lord. A sun-cult can therefore exist in places where no chiefly 
class of "children of the sun " is reported to exist. 

In places where the chiefs claim descent from the supreme 
being who lives in a world in the sky, there exists a remarkable 
state of affairs. For, although the sky-world may be a place 
apart from the earth, and the inhabitants thereof may be remote 
from the commoners, yet the chiefs believe that the closest ties 
of relationship exist between them and the celestial beings. A 
direct connection exists, as it were, between the earth and the 

1 Playfair, 82, 83, 85. a Scott, 458. 


sky. But among peoples such as the Bontoc and the Posso- 
Todjo Toradja, who have no hereditary chiefs who claim descent 
from beings of the sky-world, the connection between the earth 
and the sky is apparently severed, leaving the two worlds 



THE sky-beings of the Tontemboan of Minahassa contract in- 
cestuous unions : To'ar is the son and husband of Lumimu'ut ; 
Muntu'untu is the son and husband of Lintjambene, who also 
married her brother Marendor. The frequency of such unions 
suggests that the sky-people are supposed to practise them 
regularly. I propose in this chapter to inquire why these beings 
should be credited with this custom, and shall put together all 
the evidence concerning incestuous unions that I have been able 
to collect. 

In Savu it is said that the race sprang from the union of 
a brother and sister. 1 The tale of the origin of the Patumera 
clan of the Luang-Sermata group, in which a man is born from a 
stone, states that this man married his foster-sister. 

In a tale recorded among the Bontoc of Luzon it is said that 
the land about Bontoc was once covered with water. Lumawig 
saw two young people, Fatanga and his sister Fukan, the 
survivors of the flood, who were left upon the top of a mountain. 
They were without fire, so Lumawig told them to wait while he 
went to Mt. Kalowitan to get some. When he returned Fukan 
was pregnant. Soon after a child had been born, Fatanga and 
Fukan went to Bontoc and became the ancestors of the people 
there. 2 

Another version given by Beyer is more explicit. Lumawig, 
seeing a man and a woman on the top of Mt. Pokis, got fire with 
which to warm them. He said to them, " You must marry, you 
brother and sister". The man said that it was possible but 
abominable, because they were brother and sister. However, 

1 Wilken, I, 459. 2 Jenks, 201. 



they did as Lumawig told them, and became the ancestors of the 
Bontoc people. 

The Igorot have another version. A flood once occurred, 
and a brother and sister were the only people left, the man in a 
cave on a mountain, and the woman on the top of the same 
mountain. One night, when the waters had subsided a little, 
the man came out of the cave and saw a fire on the top of the 
mountain. He was too terrified to go to the fire during the 
night, but in the morning he hurried up there and found his 
sister, who received him with open arms. They were the 
ancestors of the Igorot. 

The Ifugao have an origin myth of a similar kind. Kagabit, 
the first son of Wigan, came from the sky-world to live on the 
earth. He built himself a house, and after a time Wigan sent 
Kagabit's sister, Bugan, to live with him. She accordingly 
came down and lodged in the top part of the house. Kagabit, 
seeing that the fowls procreated their kind, resolved to have 
intercourse with his sister, and did so in the night. After some 
time Bugan perceived that she was pregnant, which made her so 
melancholy that she ran away. She intended to take her life ; 
but, seeing her brother following her, cast herself into the sea. 
Instead of going to the bottom of the sea, Bugan stopped at the 
rice granary of Ngilin Mangongol. Kagabit, following after, 
found her there and tried to soothe her. They decided to ask 
the opinion of Ngilin, who comforted her and told her to ask 
the opinion of his elder brother Ambumabbakai. When the 
latter was asked, he laughed loudly, and said, " Peradventure 
have ye not done well and (righteously, there not being in exist- 
ence any others but yourselves to procreate". However, Bugan 
and Kagabit asked the opinion of Muntalog, Ngilin's father, who 
approved of their conduct. Kagabit stayed three days with 
Muntalog, and at the end of this time he wished to return to the 
earth. Muntalog said, " Wait one day more until I go to see my 
father". Muntalog set out, and when he arrived he found his. 
father and mother sitting facing each other. Muntalog said that 
he had come to ask for fire for the/ Ifugao. " My son," his father 
replied, "those Ifugao of yours could not reach Mumbonang 
without danger of being burned to cinders." Bugan and Kagabit 
journeyed to Othobon, where they had two children, a boy and a. 



girl. When the latter grew up they married and were the 
ancestors of the Silipanes. 

The Ifugao have another myth of a flood, the only two sur- 
vivors of which were Wigan and Bugan, brother and sister, who 
were stranded, Wigan upon Mt. Amuyao and Bugan on Mt. 
Kalautian. Wigan had no fire, but Bugan lit one ; which showed 
Wigan that some one else was alive upon the earth. When the 
flood subsided, Wigan went to Mt. Kalautian and found Bugan. 
The two went to the valley in which the Banausoai clan live now 
and made a house, in the top part of which Bugan lived. Wigan 
found that they were the only people left alive on the earth, and 
that it must be repeopled by them. When Bugan found that she 
was pregnant she ran away. After she had gone a long way she 
lay down by the side of a river, but was surprised, on looking up, 
to see an old man with a long white beard sitting upon a rock. 
He said that he was Maknongan, and that she was not to worry. 
While they were talking Wigan arrived, and Maknongan gave 
the young people his blessing, saying that they had done right and 
that the world would be repeopled through them. 

One version of the Toradja myth of origin states that the 
first pair of human beings descended from the sky at Wotu, a 
place on the Gulf of Boni. After a daughter had been born the 
couple quarrelled and separated. The woman later on wanted the 
man, and after some searching, found him. They then lived to- 
gether and had a son. When the two children grew up the 
parents thought of marrying them, but dared not, since they were 
brother and sister. However, a messenger arrived from Pue 
mPalaburu, the sun-lord, to say that they might wed, and that two 
animals, a pig and a fowl, were to be sacrificed on account of the 
incest. Another version of the myth of origin states that a flood 
took place, and afterwards only a pregnant woman was left. 
She bore a son who became her husband. 1 

The people of south Nias derive their origin from the incestu- 
ous union either of a brother and sister or of a mother and 
son. 2 

The Naga of Maram say that once a great flood destroyed 
all mankind except a couple called Medungasi and Simoting. 
Finding themselves alone they did not know if they might marry ; 

1 Beyer (ii), 94 et seq. ; Kruijt and Adrian!, I, 3. 2 Wilken, I, 459. 


so they went into the jungle, and something befell them there 
which showed that they might not do so, for their union would 
be incestuous. However, they dreamed during the night that 
the " gods " said that they might marry provided they and their 
descendants did not eat pork. 1 

The Thado version of the origin of the Vuite clan of the 
Lushai is that Dongal, Thado's elder brother, had intercourse 
with his sister. A child was born, and the sister was so ashamed 
that she put it in a hollow tree, thinking that it would die. But 
when she saw after several days that it was still alive, she pro- 
duced it. She said in explanation that she had discovered two 
eggs, and on tasting one had found it bitter ; the other she had 
put into the rice-bin, where the sun's rays had hatched it out. 
Hence the child was called Gwite, from ni-gwi, the Thado word 
for a ray of sunshine, 2 

This survey has shown that several stone-using peoples claim 
to have originated from an incestuous union. 

In the tenth chapter it was said that the stone-using peoples 
of Indonesia can be divided into three groups. In the first were 
placed people such as the Posso-Todjo Toradja, who have had 
slight intercourse with the stone-using immigrants, but have not 
a class of hereditary chiefs. These people say that their ances- 
tors were made by the sky-people in the form of stone images. 
The second group comprises peoples, such as the Tangkhul Naga, 
who use stone to a considerable extent, have no hereditary chiefs, 
and claim to have migrated after acquiring the use of stone. 
The ancestors of these people are said to have emerged from 
split stones. The third class includes people, such as the Bontoc, 
who have acquired a considerable use of stone, but among whom 
the immigrants have not left a class of chiefs. These peoples do 
not claim to have migrated after acquiring the use of stone, and 
they have no myth of origin from stones. This myth of origin 
is also lacking among peoples such as those of south Nias who 
have a class of chiefs. 

1 Hodson, 13. 2 Shakespear (i), 142. 


Burst Stone Incestuous Incestuous 
Stone. Image. Union. Union after 


Savu .... + 

Luang-Sermata -f + 

Ifugao ... -f 

Igorot ... + 

Bontoc ... + 

Formosa -f 

Tontemboan + + 

Posso-Todjo Toiadja . + + 

Bada-Besoa Napu 

Nias .... -f 

Khasi Chiefs originated 

from a rock 

Maram ... + 

Tangkhul + 

Kabul + 

Vuite .... + 

The table shows that the myth of origin from an incestuous 
union is found among peoples belonging to all three classes. 
But it is not reported among the Khasi and the Tangkhul and 
Kabui Naga. The Tangkhul and Kabui Naga differ from the 
other Naga tribes in that they claim that their ancestors came 
out of a split stone. The evidence cited in the tenth chapter 
suggests that such a form of origin myth is possessed by peoples 
who have migrated after acquiring the use of stone. Another 
of the Naga tribes, the Mao, who have no tradition that they 
migrated after acquiring the use of stone, say that their ancestors 
contracted an incestuous union. It is highly probable that all 
the Naga tribes have acquired the use of stone from similar 
sources. If we assume that the myth of origin from an incestu- 
ous union is due to the influence of the stone-using immigrants, 
the difference between the origin myths of the Tangkhul and 
Kabui Naga on the one hand, and the Mao on the other, would 
perhaps be due to the fact that the two former tribes have, as an 
effect of migration, replaced the myth of origin from an incestu- 
ous union, which they would formerly have possessed, by that 
from a split stone. Such an explanation would account also for 
the lack of such a claim on the part of the Khasi. For the 
ancestresses of some of the chiefs of that people are said to have 
come out of a rock, which suggests that they migrated among 
the Khasi after acquiring the use of stone. 


But such an explanation is not satisfactory, for the Patumera 
clan of the Luang-Sermata group claim to have sprung from the 
incestuous union between a man who came out of a stone and 
his foster-sister. And Lumimu'ut, the ancestress of the Tontem- 
boan of Minahassa, who came out of a split stone, contracted an 
incestuous union with To'ar her soa In both these cases there 
is reason for supposing that the use of stone was introduced by 
people who had migrated after acquiring it. It is therefore 
evident that the myth of origin is not always dropped as the 
result of the migrations of peoples who have acquired the use of 
stone from the immigrants. 

There is a difference between the cultures of the Khasi and 
the Tangkhul and Kabui Naga, on the one hand, and those of 
the Patumera and Tontemboan on the other. No sun-cult is 
reported among the former peoples. On the other hand, it is 
present in Luang-Sermata and among the Tontemboan. This 
suggests that the myth of origin from an incestuous union is 
intimately bound up with the sun-cult. 

The peoples who claim to have originated from an incestuous 
union may be divided into two groups : those who state that 
their ancestors were brother and sister, or mother and son, who 
married ; and those who state that their ancestors were the 
survivors of a flood who were permitted by sky-beings to con- 
tract an incestuous union in order to perpetuate the race. 

These two groups are constituted as follows : 

Savu Luang-Sermata 

South Nias Bontoc 

Vuite Igorot 



Posso-Todjo Toradja 

Mao Naga 

In the second group of tales some of the beings who give 
permission for the survivors to marry are already known to us. 
Lumawig is the traditional introducer of the use of stone among 
the Bontoc. The tale which the Bontoc recount concerning their 
origin is so similar in its main details to those of the Igorot and 
Ifugao that it is legitimate to conclude that these tales have 
originated in similar circumstances. If that be so, the sky-beings 


who give permission for the unions will also probably stand to 
the Igorot and Ifugao in a relationship similar to that which 
exists between the Bontoc and Lumawig. That is to say, they 
will be connected in some way with the stone-using immigrants 
among these peoples. 

Pue mPalaburu, the sky-being who gives permission for the 
ancestors of the Posso-Todjo Toradja to marry, is also said to 
have made the first man out of stone. He is therefore, according 
to the conclusions arrived at in chapter x., closely connected 
with the stone-using immigrants. 

The importance which is attached in all these tales to the 
permission which is given by the sky-beings for the ancestors to 
marry suggests that an intimate relationship exists between the 
sky-people and such unions. And since the sky-beings who 
give permission for such unions are, in some cases, associated 
with the stone-using immigrants, it would follow that the stone- 
using immigrants are in some way responsible for the introduction 
of such tales. 

The other group of peoples, those who claim to have origin- 
ated from incestuous unions which did not require the permission 
of sky-beings, are those who have hereditary chiefs. That is to 
say, they are people who are supposed to be directly associated 
with the influence of the stone-using immigrants. Since such 
communities consist of two classes at least, chiefs and com- 
moners, it is a matter of some importance to determine which 
class claims to be descended from incestuous unions. Two facts 
suggest that this form of origin is that of the chiefs. In the 
case of the Vuite this claim is made explicitly. And the myth 
of origin from an incestuous union is found only in south Nias, 
where the influence of the stone-using immigrants has been 

Why should chiefs say that they are descended from incestu- 
ous unions? The evidence afforded by the Tontemboan tales 
provides an answer. Lumimu'ut, the ancestress of the Tontem- 
boan, and her daughter, Lintjambene, are both said to have come 
to Minahassa in a ship. Lintjambene is the daughter of To'ar 
the sun, and is thus a " child of the sun ". Lintjambene herself 
contracts incestuous unions. So, if we accept the tradition that 
Lintjambene was a historical personage who migrated into Mina- 


hassa, it would follow that some of the stone-using immigrants 
among the Tontemboan were "children of the sun" who con- 
tracted incestuous unions. This suggests that such unions were 
entered upon by the stone-using immigrants, and, consequently, 
that the claim to have originated from such a form of marriage 
is based upon fact. 

The results obtained from the consideration of the data 
adduced in this chapter form a consistent whole. It would seem 
that the stone-using immigrants, who are remembered in the 
form of sky-beings and sun-lords, practised incestuous marriages. 
Those classes the members of which are, it has been concluded, 
descended from these immigrants, say that their ancestors con- 
tracted incestuous unions ; and if they are so descended, this 
claim would seem to be literally true. Those stone-using people 
who, so far as has been determined, have no chiefly class, but 
who possess a sun-cult, also claim an origin from an incestuous 
union. But their stories differ from those just mentioned in 
that it is said that permission to marry is given to the survivors 
of a flood who are blood relatives. 

The claim to have originated from an incestuous union is 
apparently put forward only by people who have a sky-descended 
class of chiefs, or who possess a sun-cult. Other peoples, stone- 
using or otherwise, do not make such a claim. The circum- 
stances in which this claim occurs are therefore such as to enable 
us to ascribe it to the influence of the stone-using immigrants. 

The two groups of tales examined in this chapter present the 
stone-using immigrants under two different aspects. Among 
people with hereditary chiefs these immigrants are ancestors who 
contracted incestuous unions. As these immigrants are remem- 
bered as beings connected with the world in the sky, it thus 
follows that an intimate relationship between the earth and the 
sky exists in such places. The sky-beings apparently stand in a 
different relationship to those people who have no hereditary 
chiefs. No longer are they ancestors of chiefs who contracted 
incestuous unions, but they are sky-beings who give permission 
for the survivors of a flood to perpetuate their race by such an 
union. In these cases the connecting-link between the earth and 
the sky which is provided by a sky-born chieftainship is severed, 
leaving the two worlds apparently distinct. 


The evidence put forward in this chapter combines with that 
adduced in the chapter on stone origin myths to show that, what- 
ever the manner in which the stone-using immigrants have in- 
fluenced the cultures of the indigenous peoples of Indonesia who 
have adopted the use of stone, these peoples date their origin 
or creation from times subsequent to the arrival of the strangers 
among them. . In addition the stone-using immigrants have sup- 
plied, in certain cases, supreme beings who live in the sky-world. 
The arrival of the stone-using immigrants seems therefore to 
have marked the beginning of a new era in Indonesian his- 



THE accounts which the Tontemboan give of their origin agree 
with those of the Tangkhul and Kabui Naga in stating that their 
ancestors came out of a stone, but they differ from those of the 
latter in assigning a cause for the emergence. In one tale of the 
Tontemboan a youth, who is produced by the action of the sun 
upon foam, discovers his future wife as a small girl who has just 
emerged from a stone to which she is attached by her navel-string. 
This girl is said to have been born as the result either of the 
action of the sun's rays upon the stone, or from the rubbing 
together of two stones. In this story the sun is looked upon 
as a fertilising agency. The Tangkhul and Kabui Naga, on the 
other hand, simply state that their ancestors came out of a stone. 
These latter peoples differ from the Tontemboan in that they do 
not possess a "sun-cult". It is therefore possible that the belief 
that the sun is a fertilising agent forms part of the sun-cult which 
the stone-using immigrants have introduced to Indonesia. I 
propose to follow up this clue and to inquire whether this func- 
tion is ascribed to the sun elsewhere. 

The following accounts of the relationship between the sun 
and the earth have been recorded in the Timor region. 

The sun is male in south-west Timor and is called Usi-neno. 
The earth is Usi-afu. The sun fertilises everything, and from 
its conjunction with the earth all things living have come. 
The moon, funan, is also a wife of Usi-neno?- In Wetar, 
Paibei wawaki or wawahaki, the "great lord" or "great elder," 
lives in the sun. He is the "male principle," 2 and Rae or Raa 
the earth, is the "female principle". The supreme being in 

1 S. Mullet, II, 261 ; Graamberg, 206-7. 2 1 am quoting the expressions used 
by other writers. 



Keisar is Makarom-Manuwe, who lives in the sun. He is the 
"male principle," and the "female principle" is Makarom- 
Mawaku (= stone) who is identified with Noho Makarom, the 
guardian spirit of the island, Wor Makarom, the guardian spirit 
of the mountain, and Nunu Makarom, the guardian spirit of the 
banyan tree. By means of the banyan tree, Makarom-Manuwe y 
who is also called Opo-lere, fertilises Makarom-Mawaku at the end 
of the east monsoon. In Leti Moa and Lakor Upu-lero, the sun, 
is the " male," and Upu-nusu, the earth, is the " female principle ". 
In the east monsoon Upu-lero descends into the banyan tree and 
fructifies Upu-nusu. Formerly at this time the men and women 
of the islands had promiscuous sexual intercourse for a month. 
In the Luang-Sermata group Upu-lero, the " male principle," 
fructifies Lea, the earth, descending into the image, aiterhe, for the 
purpose. The same happens in the Babar Islands, where Upu- 
lero is the sun-lord, and Raiawa or Upu lero wate is the earth. 
In Roma, Dama, and neighbouring islands, the sun-lord is Upu- 
lero : he comes to the earth periodically to fructify it. The sun- 
lord comes to fructify the earth in the Timorlaut Islands. 

The people of the Aru Islands worship Dyabu, the sun, as 
the " male principle/' and Dyabu fafa, the earth, as the " female 
principle," the former fructifying the latter at the beginning of 
the west monsoon. Dyabu fulan, the moon, is also male. In the 
Kei Islands Duadleera wuan or Duang leerwuan is the supreme 
being who lives in the sun or in the sky. The sun, as the " male 
principle," fructifies the moon at the first quarter and the earth 
at the monsoon. In the Watubela Islands Tata-lat, " grand- 
father chief sun," is worshipped as the male principle, and Latu 
hila la balaa or Latu bumu, "chieftess earth," as the "female 

The people of Ambon believe in Upu lanito, the sky-lord, and 
Ina ume, mother earth. In Seran Upu lanite, the sky-lord, is 
the male element, while Rapie or Upu tapene, the female element, 
lives in the earth. In Buru a being Opo langi is supposed to live 
in the sky and a female being Ubun sanane to live in the earth, 
but no abstract conceptions concerning these beings appear to 
exist in this island. 1 

1 Riedel (iv), 436, 410, 372, 337, 314, 280, 252, 220, 195, 106, 54, 7. 


This survey shows that in the Timor region, from Timor to 
Timorlaut, the sun-lord is supposed to fructify the earth. The 
beliefs which the peoples hold concerning the fertilising function 
are so similar in the various islands that to record them in de- 
tail involves a repetition of the same phrases with different names. 
The conception that the sun is the cause of fertility on the earth 
thus appears to be an integral part of the sun-cult, occurring as it 
does with such regularity throughout a region where the influence 
of the stone-using immigrants has been so similar in nature. The 
apparent absence of any such idea in Buru where no sun-cult is 
recorded, constitutes negative evidence in favour of this con- 
clusion, for it tends to show that the indigenous peoples have not 
of themselves elaborated any such conception. Moreover, the 
fertilising agent is not the sun, but the sun-lord, who fructifies, 
not the earth, but a being who is called the earth-mother or some 
such name. The conception is therefore attached to beings, real 
or imaginary, of immigrant origin. 

The statement that the sun is the " male principle " and the 
earth is the " female principle " is difficult to understand. If 
we accept the conclusion that the sun-lords of places such as 
south-west Timor are not speculative beings, but are the 
ancestors, real or supposed, of the reigning chiefs, the designation 
of " male principle " sounds strange. It seems as if a philo- 
sophical conception has become applied to beings who are the 
personifications of the sun. The available evidence is not, how- 
ever, sufficient to enable us to discuss this matter. 

The idea that the sun or its personification fructifies the earth 
or its personification, is not recorded elsewhere in Indonesia, so 
far as I have been able to discover, except among the Mao Naga, 
who state that the conjugal embrace of the sun and earth causes 
all the fertility of the latter. 1 

In the chapter on the beliefs concerning the sun, it was found 
that a definite cult was associated with the sun-lord throughout 
the Timor region only, and not in other parts of Indonesia. 
The similar distribution of the belief that the fertility of the 
earth is caused by the union of the sun and earth therefore con- 
stitutes evidence that this belief is part of the sun-cult introduced 
by the stone-using immigrants. 

1 Hodson, 127. 


Other evidence suggests that the stone-using immigrants 
have introduced sexual symbolism to Indonesia. 

In Sumba human figures, male and female, with huge 
genitalia, are carved upon the menhirs at the head and foot of 
dolmen graves which ten Kate says are those of the chiefs of 
Mendjeli. Two horses, of fantastic shape, with large genitalia, 
are carved on a dolmen at Landuwitu-Ratimbera. Two human 
figures carved on the vertical stone of the largest grave at Lawiri- 
Ladesa have outstretched limbs and the " never-failing very 
conspicuous genitalia of both sexes". 1 

The image into which Upu-lero descends, in the Leti Moa 
Lakor and Babar groups, to receive offerings, consists of a head 
placed upon a wooden post. Beneath the image is a wooden 
representation of a phallus. 2 Riedel gives a representation of an 
offering-place on Dawaloor, which consists of two phalli standing 
up from a rectangular stone structure. The representation which 
he gives of the grave of Kikilailai, a former stone-using immi- 
grant, in Keisar, shows an image sitting at the foot of a post, and 
on either side of the image is a wooden phallus. Some wooden 
posts, apparently reproductions of phalli, stick out of the 
rectangular stone structure on the grave of Maukai, one of the 
followers of Kikilailai in Keisar. Riedel has published pictures 
of images in Timorlaut that are provided with large genitalia.* 
Van Schmidt states that every village in Ambon keeps a sacred 
image, either in the forest or in a cave. He mentions one called 
Butu-ulisiwa (the phallus of the Ulisiwa), which is especially 
worshipped by the Ulisiwa. 4 

I have not been able to find any mention of phallic orna- 
mentation in Minahassa. 5 

The Toradja peoples make use of phallic ornamentation. 
Two figures, male and female, with huge genitalia, are carved 
upon the chief post of the temple of the Posso-Todjo village of 
Tando mBeaga. In the temples of villages of any importance 
female breasts and genital organs are carved upon the central 
posts. Part of the ornamentation in the temple of Langga-dopi 

1 Ten Kate (i), 583, 609. 2 Riedel (iv), Plates 33, 35. 3 (i) (iv), Plates 32, 
38, 27. 4 Horst, 93. 5 Except that, on the cover of the first part of the 1898 
edition of Graafland's Minahassa, a stone urn is reproduced on which are carved 
human and animal figures with well-marked genitalia. 


consists of genital organs in the position of coitus. Among the 
mountain groups ten Kate saw mammae and genital organs 
carved upon the temples at Bomba, and Bariri in Besoa. 1 
Grubauer states that the temples of the To Leboni have mammae 
carved upon the side walls. In the temple at Leboni there are 
two figures to the right and left of the centre post. These life- 
size figures, which represent Tangilando and Bambawalo, two 
" ancestors " (but of whom we are not told), are provided with 
huge genital organs. Grubauer saw two human figures with large 
genital organs at the entrance to the village temple at Tedeboi 
in Rampi. 2 Phallic ornamentation is also found in the Sadang 
district. 3 

The Bahau of Borneo, to whom belong the Kayan, have 
phallic ornamentation. Nieuwenhuis states that they make 
representations of human figures with large genitalia, which 
latter are also carved upon planks and elsewhere to frighten 
away evil spirits. In another place he tells us that the Bahau 
and Kenyah assign particular importance to the use of the genital 
organs for ornamentation, this being partly due to the fact that a 
great degree of safety is thereby thought to be procured. The 
Bahau on the Mahakam often carve figures, human and gro- 
tesque, with immense genitalia, especially upon the planks lead- 
ing from the landing-stage to the house. 4 

Phallic ornamentation exists in Nias. 5 The houses of chiefs 
in the east part of the island are ornamented with mammae and 
phalli. In this district the possession of large dishes shaped like 
mammae, in which women dance, is a mark of nobility. Many 
of the images made in the north, south, and east parts of this 
island have large genitalia. In a special house made for the 
purpose at Onolumba, a small village in the Lahomi district of 
west Nias, there are two wooden figures which represent a man 
and woman in the act of coitus. Images are provided with 
genitalia only in two parts of west Nias. 

The results of this survey of the phallic ornamentation of 
Indonesia are shown in the following table : 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, I, 289; II, 467. *37o, 388. 'Grubauer, 220. 4 (i), 
I, 166, 448 ; II, 251. 5 de Zwaan, 62 et seq. 


..... Chiefs Village Entrance 

age House or Offering- to '' nar 

Temple. Qrave pfal Vil , age 

Sumba .... + + 

Keisar .... + 

Leti Moa Lakor . . + 

Babar .... + 

Ambon .... (sacred phallic image associated with village). 

Minahassa . . . (phallic ornamentation on stone urn). 

Posso-Todjo Toradja . + 

Bada Toradja . . + 

Leboni ,, + 

Rampi + 

Luwu + 

Bahau (Borneo) . . + 

Nias .... + 

This table shows that phallic ornamentation is found on village 
offering-places and temples, and at the entrance to villages. It 
is not generally associated with the houses of commoners. 

The examination of the different forms of stone-work in Indon- 
esia showed that the chief signs of the influence of the stone-using 
immigrants consisted of village offering-places, sacred stones at- 
tached to villages as the places of residence of the guardian spirits 
of the village, stone village walls, and stone substructures for 
village temples ; that is to say, stone-work connected with the 
village rather than with ordinary houses. These associations are, 
generally speaking, similar to those of phallic ornamentation. 
Moreover, phallic ornamentation is applied to the ornamented 
graves of Sumba, which, as far as we know, are those of chiefs, 
the descendants, it has been concluded, of stone-using immigrants. 
Phallic ornamentation also occurs on the graves of stone-using 
immigrants into Keisar; and in Nias it is associated directly with 
chiefs, the descendants, it is supposed, of stone-using immigrants. 
The associations of phallic ornamentation are therefore such as 
to suggest that this form of decoration owes its presence in In- 
donesia to the stone-using immigrants. 

In two places phallic ornamentation is used in the decoration 
of ordinary houses, but in both cases it is conventionalised. The 
Bahau of Borneo use it in connection with their long houses, 
which are really villages ; but " in the houses these rough imita- 
tions are not to be seen ; here the Dyak's innate sense of beauty 
has caused the original form to become conventionalised into 


pleasing designs "- 1 Fischer is of the opinion that some of the 
ornamentation of ordinary houses in Nias consists of conventional- 
ised genitalia. Therefore indigenous peoples only appear to adopt 
phallic ornamentation in a conventionalised form. 

There is also good reason to believe that along with this 
conventionalisation goes an indefiniteness with regard to its 
meaning and use. The people of Nias make images with geni- 
talia. In the north part of the island the genital organs are 
supposed to frighten away evil spirits : in south and east Nias 
they are looked upon as a subject for mirth, the male organ 
being sometimes bent so as to cause laughter; in west Nias 
images with genital organs are only made in two districts, and no 
significance is attached to the genitalia even when they are 
made. 2 From this we gather that the people of Nias have no 
definite and uniform ideas with regard to the meaning of phallic 
ornamentation. The Toradja also regard it as a subject for 
humour. 3 

Phallic ornamentation is used so generally in connection with 
village temples and offering-places, and on images placed at the 
entrance to villages, that some precise meaning must have been 
attached to it by the stone-using immigrants. The association of 
phallic emblems in the Timor region with stone offering-places 
which are connected with a cult, part of which is concerned with 
fertility, suggests that they are symbols of fertility. Additional 
evidence in favour of this view is forthcoming from Ambon, where 
the images connected with the Ulisiwa are worshipped by women 
in order that they may be fertile. 4 

With this knowledge at our disposal it is now possible to 
consider one feature ofthedissoliths of Nias and Minahassa which 
has been left unexplained their sexual nature. The upright 
stone is said to be male and the horizontal stone female. Some- 
times the upright stones of the dissoliths in Nias, which are erected 
in honour of chiefs, are shaped like a phallus. The Tontemboan 
of Minahassa hold a ceremony during which a priest makes three 
boys sit by the side of the dissolith. They place their hands on 
the stone and their heads flat against it, and call out a formula 

1 Nieuwenhuis (i), II, 251. a de Zwaan, loc. cit. He quotes Fischer's remark 
3 Kruijt and Adriani, I, 289. 4 Horst, loc. cit. 


which they have learned, ending up with the terms for the male 
and female sexual organs. 1 

Dissoliths therefore appear to owe their sexual nature to the 
fact that the stone-using immigrants have brought a phallic cult 
with them to Indonesia. 

1 Schwarz (i), 187, 



CERTAIN evidence adduced in previous chapters has revealed the 
belief in the existence of a world in the sky with which the stone- 
using immigrants are supposed to be intimately connected. In 
some cases the stone-using immigrants are said to have come 
from the sky and to have returned there ; in others again, chiefs 
claim descent from beings of the sky-world. In a paper on 
" Myths of Origin and the Home of the Dead " I have put forward 
evidence to show that some Indonesian peoples believe that their 
ghosts go at death to certain places ; for example, underground, 
or to the mountains : and that these people claim generally that 
their ancestors came from the same places ; those who believe 
that their ancestors came out of the underground world imagine 
that their ghosts go there at death, and so on. If the thesis of this 
paper be true, it will follow that people, such as members of 
chiefly classes, who claim descent from denizens of the sky-world, 
will also look upon that place as their home after death. I pro- 
pose to put this matter to the test, and to collect all the evidence 
concerning beliefs in the existence of a land of the dead in the 
sky which I have been able to find in the literature dealing with 
Indonesian peoples, so as to determine, as far as is possible, the 
exact relationship between the sky-world and those classes which 
have been supposed to owe their origin to the stone-using immi- 

In south-west Timor commoners are interred, lying on their 
sides, facing the east, in which direction lies their land of origin. 
Their land of the dead is underground. The chiefs are interred 
lying on their backs so as to face towards the sun, which is their 
land of the dead and place of origin. 1 

1 Bastian, II, 6, 8; S. Muller, II, 231, 259. I shall not discuss here all cases in 
which the thesis of the paper on " Myths of Origin " appears to be contradicted. I 

(U3) 8 


The ghosts of the dead in Watubela are supposed usually to 
go to Teri, a mountain in east Seran, but the ghosts of warriors 
go to the moon. 1 

In Seran the patasiwa talu waini, the ghosts of members of 
the Kakian club of the Patasiwa, live temporarily in their club- 
house, and then, after a time, disappear into the sky. The 
ghosts of ordinary people live on Mt. Patujawanea and other 
mountains. 2 

The ghosts of chiefs in the Loda district of Halmahera are 
supposed to go to the sky after death. 3 

The Bontoc believe that the ghosts of a warrior whose head 
has been taken goes to the sky, and there has a head of flames. 
The ghosts of other people go to the mountains. 4 

In Minahassa the ghosts of notables and rich people are be- 
lieved to go to Kasendukan, the sky-world, while the ghosts of 
the poor go to the forests. 5 

The chiefs in the Sadang district of the Toradja are said to 
go to the sky after death. 6 

De Zwaan states that the ghosts of chiefs in Nias go, accord- 
ing to belief, to the sky after death, while those of commoners go 
to the underground world. 7 

The Mao Naga at Jessami say that the "good" go to the 
sky at death and the "bad" go to the underground world. 8 

I propose to discuss these cases in turn. The chiefs of south- 
west Timor are, according to the available evidence, the de- 
scendants of stone-using immigrants. As " children of the sun," 
who claim descent from the sun-lord of the people over whom 
they rule, they form a class closely connected with the sky. We 
see now that they suppose that their ghosts return there at death. 
The commoners, on the other hand, who do not claim such a 
mode of descent, believe that their ghosts go into the under- 
ground world. 

In Watubela the ghosts of warriors are believed to go to the 
moon, while those of commoners go to Seran. In several places 
in Indonesia warriors are distinguished from the rest of the corn- 
reserve the consideration of such apparent exceptions until the time when I shall be 
able to discuss the problem at length. 1 Riedel (iv), 211, 212. a lbid., 144. 
Kruijt (iii). 4 Jenks. 5 Wilken, III, 51. 6 Grubauer, 209, 232, 269. Pos- 
sibly the ghosts of commoners go there also. 7 237. 8 Hodson, 161. 


munity by the use of a special form of stone grave, or by the 
erection of a stone memorial in their honour. 1 These marks of 
distinction owe their origin, it has been concluded, to the influence 
of the stone-using immigrants. We now find that warriors are 
further distinguished by being connected with a place with which 
the immigrants are intimately associated. 

The Patasiwa of Seran have been discussed more than once. 
The situation of their offering-places was ascribed by the people 
of Seran to the fact that the founders of the brotherhood were 
immigrants. The Patasiwa use seats in their club-houses, while 
the Patalima sit on the ground. Both of these brotherhoods are 
connected with the sun-cult. The Ulusiwa of Ambon, who cor- 
respond to the Patasiwa of Seran, possess a phallic image. These 
facts all agree in indicating the founders of the Patasiwa as the 
introducers of the use of stone to Seran. The Patasiwa form a 
sort of nobility in the island. 2 We now learn that their ghosts 
are supposed to go to the sky, the place which is especially con- 
nected with the stone-using immigrants. 

The chiefs of Loda in Halmahera are presumably the de- 
scendants of stone-using immigrants. It is therefore important 
to find that their ghosts are supposed to go to the sky after death. 

Bontoc warriors whose heads have been taken are placed in 
a grave excavated in the side of a mountain. Warriors are also 
distinguished from the rest of the people in that they are associ- 
ated with the pabafunan, the men's house, the origin of which is 
ascribed by the Bontoc to Lumawig, who is said to have intro- 
duced the custom of head-hunting. The fact that the ghosts of 
warriors go after death to the sky, the place whence Lumawig is 
supposed to have come, constitutes a further connecting-link be- 
tween warriors and the stone-using immigrants. The ascription 
of a head of flames to the ghosts of slain warriors is remarkable, 
and it is still more noteworthy in view of the fact that the first 
head which was taken among the Bontoc is said to have been 
taken by the "children of the sun ". This is further evidence of 
the close connection between head-hunting and the stone-using 

In Minahassa the Tontemboan state that the ghosts of 
notables and rich people are supposed to go to the sky-world, 

1 p. 44. 2 Horst ; see also Riedel (iv). 


while those of commoners are believed to go to the forest. This 
distinction verifies a conjecture made in chapter xi., where it was 
assumed that, since the Tontemboan claimed descent from Lumi- 
mu'ut, who married a sun-lord, part of this people would be de- 
scended from sky-people. No facts have warranted the conclusion 
that the Tontemboan possess a class of hereditary chiefs descended 
from stone-using immigrants ; but we now see that these immi- 
grants have, in all probability, given rise to an upper class, the 
members of which go to their ancestral home^ the sky-world, 
whence the stone-using immigrants are supposed to have come. 

The distinction between the upper and lower classes of the 
Tontemboan has probably arisen in the following manner. As 
already stated, the people of Minahassa are said to have placed 
their dead in trees in the times before the arrival of the stone- 
using immigrants. The latter have, we conclude, formed the 
upper class of the community, and their ghosts are supposed to 
join their ancestors in the sky-world. But the former, although 
they might adopt a different mode of disposal, would probably 
still consider that their ghosts go to join those of their ancestors, 
which would be in the forest, the ancient place of disposal. 

The culture of the Toradja of the Sadang group who live be- 
tween the Rantepao and Simbuang Mapak valleys shows definite 
signs of the influence of the stone-using immigrants ; they place 
their dead in rock-cut tombs, they erect alignments, and they are 
ruled over by chiefs who claim descent from the sky-people, in 
one case from the supreme being. These sky-descended chiefs 
are supposed to go to the sky at death. It is not quite clear, 
however, from the statements of Grubauer, whether this privilege 
is confined to the chiefs, or whether it is shared by the commoners 
too. It will be necessary to await further information before this 
matter can be cleared up. 

The Sadang group differ from the Posso-Todjo group, for the 
latter say that their land of the dead is underground, and that 
the entrance is in the west where the sun sets. 1 The stone-using 
immigrants have not founded a chiefly class among these people, 
and, correspondingly, no ghosts are supposed to go to the sky- 
world. The localisation of the land of the dead of these people 
presents a peculiar problem. For, although they claim that their 

1 Adriani (iii), 8, 9 ; (ii), 228. 


ancestors came from the north, their ghosts are supposed to go 
to the west, thus forming an exception to the rule in Indonesia, 
which is that the direction of the land of the dead is that of the 
place of origin. 1 The Posso-Todjo group differ in this respect 
from the To Bada, among whom the orientation of houses and 
images is northward, in the direction of the land of origin. 

It is possible to suggest an explanation of this exception. 
In the paper on " Myths of Origin " it was stated that, in general, 
the ghosts of the dead go back whence they came. The Posso- 
Todjo group is remarkable in that these people claim that the 
sky-beings created their first ancestors. In one version of their 
myth of origin, Pue mPalaburu, the sun-lord, is responsible for 
the act of creation. It is therefore possible that, in placing the 
land of the dead in the west, the Posso-Todjo Toradja believe 
that their ghosts return to their maker, who is supposed to live 
where the sun rises and sets. 

The chiefs of Nias, who are distinguished from the com- 
moners by their use of stone seats for ceremonial purposes, 
constitute a class the members of which are, according to the 
evidence already put forward, the descendants of stone-using 
immigrants. Their ghosts, we now find, are supposed to go at 
death to the sky, while the ghosts of commoners are supposed to 
go to the underground world. 

The Mao are distinguished from the other Naga tribes, for 
they possess a sun-cult ; they claim to be descended from an 
incestuous' union, and they ascribe the fertility of the earth to 
the union of the sun and earth. These three cultural elements, 
which have been ascribed to the direct influence of the stone- 
using immigrants, are not reported among the other Naga tribes. 
The Mao also differ from the others in that they claim that the 
ghosts of the "good" go to the sky, while those of the "bad" 
go to the underground world, but they are unable to say what 
they mean by "good" and "bad". This indefiniteness is well 
in keeping with the vague nature of the influence which the 
stone-using immigrants have had upon the culture of this people. 

The beliefs recorded in this chapter afford strong support for 
the conclusions already arrived at concerning the manner in 
which the stone-using immigrants have influenced the cultures 

1 Perry (i). 


of the indigenous peoples of Indonesia. Those classes which 
were supposed in earlier chapters to have been marked off, as 
the result of the influence of the stone-using immigrants, from 
the rest of the community, are now seen to be intimately con- 
nected with the sky-world, whence the immigrants are supposed 
to have come. In each place where the strangers have founded 
a line of chiefs or a nobility, there is therefore a bisection of 
the community of a fundamental character. Two classes with 
entirely distinct associations are living together, and their sever- 
ance at death is complete. After death chiefs do not rule over 
their subjects, but join their ancestors in the sky ; while the 
commoners go to their ancestral home, which is supposed to be 
underground, or in the forest, or on the mountains. 

The sky-world is evidently a place with which the indigenous 
populations have nothing whatever to do, for in no case do they 
claim that they go there at death or that they are descended 
from its denizens. It is peopled, so far as it is possible to tell, 
by beings such as Lasaeo and his chiefly descendants, the supreme 
being of the Toradja of Makale and his chiefly descendants, 
Lumawig, sun-lords who are the supposed ancestors of lines of 
chiefs, the immigrant children of the sun into Minahassa, and 
the ghosts of upper classes and of warriors. It is possible that, 
in certain places such as Minahassa, some of the beings who in- 
habit this world are entirely fictitious, the product of speculation. 
Some of the sun-lords of the Tontemboan are said to be "per- 
sonifications" of various phases of the sun. But the fact that 
these sun-lords are looked upon as the descendants of Lumimu'ut, 
who is regarded as a historical personage, goes to show that such 
beings are not placed by the people themselves in a category 
different from that which includes the classes of sky-beings 
already mentioned. 

A distinction between chiefs and commoners is apparent in 
the case of the Kayan of central Borneo. The chief, Akam Ijan, 
is said to be descended from the people of Apu Lagan, the sky- 
world, which is presided over by a female being who was once a 
woman on the earth. 1 One day the house of Uma Aging was 
celebrating the seed-time feast. The chief, Ledjo Aging, return- 

1 This, therefore, constitutes another case in which the "supreme being" is 
some one who once lived on the earth. 


ing to the place where the ceremony had been held to seek a 
knife which he had forgotten, was astonished to see a crowd of 
light-coloured women sky-beings dancing round the "altar". 
When they saw him they fled, but the hair of one got entangled 
in the framework of the altar, and Ledjo Aging captured her and 
took her home to be his wife. Beneath Apu Lagan there is 
another world called Apu Kesio, but it is not said whether the 
ghosts of chiefs and commoners are assigned to separate places 
after death. 1 

The stone-using immigrants have caused warriors to be dis- 
tinguished from the rest of the community in several places. 
To the evidence already collected the following can be added : 

The Kayan of Sarawak place their land of the dead under- 
ground, Apu Lagan being that part which is reserved for those 
who have died a natural death. No mention is made of Apu 
Kesio, but it is stated that the ghosts of women who die in child- 
birth and the ghosts of warriors go to a specially desirable part of 
the land of the dead and there become rich without working. 2 

The Kabui Naga who, like the Bontoc, make a special form 
of grave in the sides of mountains, also resemble them in dis- 
tinguishing between warriors and ordinary people ; for they say 
that the ghosts of warriors and hunters, together with those of 
people who erect a stone memorial, are specially favoured in the 
land of the dead. 

The warfare of Indonesian peoples will not be discussed in 
this book. There is good reason to believe that the stone-using 
immigrants are responsible for the introduction of the practice 
of warfare among the indigenous peoples, who, prior to their 
arrival, were peaceful. 3 The evidence further suggests that head- 
hunting, which is the most prevalent form of warlike activity in 
Indonesia, is a modification of the custom of human sacrifice, 
which appears to be so intimately associated with the stone-using 

The distinction between warriors and the rest of the com- 
munity will therefore, if the above thesis be established, be 
another manifestation of the influence of the stone-using immi- 
grants upon the peoples of Indonesia. 

1 Nieuwenhuis. 2 Furness, 15 et seq.\ Hose and McDougall, II, 40 et seq 
3 Perry (v), 



A LARGE number of tales concerning the doings of men and 
sky-beings have been recorded in Indonesia. It is not proposed 
to attempt any comprehensive examination of them here, but 
one remarkable group cannot be ignored. 

The Ifugao say that Bugan, the daughter of the sky-being 
Hinumbian, came down to the earth and married an Ifugao man 
named Kinggauan. After a time the pesterings of the people 
drove her to return to the sky. She took her son with her, and 
tried to draw up her husband by means of a rope. But the rope 
broke, and it was not until she reached the sky that Bugan 
noticed that Kinggauan was still on the earth. She then came 
down to consult him about the boy, and they decided to cut him 
in two across the waist, so that each could have a part. When 
Bugan arrived in the sky she gave her half the breath of life and 
made it into a sky-being. The half which was left on the earth 
decayed, for Kinggauan did not know how to re-animate it. 
Bugan then descended and reprimanded her husband. She took 
away all that she could of the corrupted part of the body and 
with it made all sorts of creatures, most of them being pests and 
things of evil omen. 

The Benguet Igorot say that a sky-being named Dumagid, 
who is said to have taught them many things, came down to the 
earth from one of the lower regions of the sky and married one 
of the Igorot women. They had a son named Ovug. After a 
time, when Dumagid said that he had to return to the sky, the 
people said that he could take his wife with him, but that he 
must leave the child as a security for his return. Dumagid told 
his wife that the way to his home would be so hot that she 
would probably perish on account of the heat. She persisted in 
going with him, and was killed by the heat. Dumagid returned 



her body to the earth, and then went to his home in the sky. 
Later on he came back and told the people that he must take 
his son with him. This they refused, and thereupon he cut the 
boy in two down the middle. He took one part with him to 
the sky and re-animated it ; the other he left on the earth. But 
when he looked down, he saw that it had been allowed to rot 
because the people had not given it new life. So he descended 
and made another beautiful boy out of the half which had 
become decayed. Then, making the two boys stand in front 
of the people, he asked the boy whom he had taken to the sky 
to talk. The boy spoke in a voice which sounded like sharp 
thunder, and the people were very frightened. Then Dumagid 
asked the other boy to talk, and he spoke with a sound like 
rolling thunder. Then the first boy went up to the sky whirling 
like fire and thundered there. It is believed that this is the 
origin of the lightning and the sharp thunder which comes after 
it, and it is believed that the low thunder is the voice of the boy 
who was made on the earth. 1 

In a Sangir tale a woman, as a punishment for scolding 
evil-speaking, and swearing, had a half-son. 2 

The Tobelo people of Halmahera have a tale of a woman 
whose child was a half. He was betrothed to the daughter of a 
king, but, being sad because of his deformity, went away across 
the sea. While he was on his journey some one saw him and 
told him to come to the shore. When he had arrived there he 
was told to go into a house, and there his body was joined to 
the other half, and one half of him was of gold and the other of 
precious stones. Another tale tells of a man who was half gold 
and half silver. 

In a Loda tale the supreme being made the first human 
beings of earth. Their second child was a half, who wishing to 
be like his elder brother, went to the supreme being to ask him 
to make him whole. The supreme being, after telling him that 
he was born as a half because his mother had cursed and brought 
on floods, made him into a beautiful youth. 3 

In one tale recorded in Roti a half-boy set out to find the 
rest of him. After a time he met a woman and told her what 
he was seeking. She told him to go on until he came to two 

1 Beyer (ii), 105. 2 Adriani (i). 8 van Baarda (ii), 445, 274. 


rocks which butted together like goats, and that, after passing 
between them, he would be in the sky-world. He then was to 
seek for the house of the chief of the sky. This he did, and the 
chief said to him, "What are you doing here?" The half-boy 
said that he had come to seek his other half. The chief then 
ordered his men to kill the half and put the pieces in a shell. 
When the shell was opened on the following evening, a well- 
shaped youth came out. 

Another Roti tale is about a man who had four daughters, 
the three eldest of whom were married and had committed 
adultery. When the youngest grew up she refused to marry. 
She said, " I will marry myself and have children for myself and 
love myself". She then went into the bush, and, while the 
thunder and lightning came to the right and left of her, she 
was split into a man and a woman who married so that they 
should not commit adultery. They lived in a hollow tree. 
While the man was away one day a youth committed adultery 
with his wife. 

In another tale from Roti it is said that a man had two sons. 
One of them married and his wife committed adultery. The 
other would not marry, so he went into the bush and induced 
a slave to cut him into two parts. After three days the slave 
came back and found that the youth had become two persons, 
a white youth and a white maiden. They married, and the 
man tried to prevent the woman from committing adultery, but 
failed. 1 

A tale of a half is recorded in Nias. A woman named Touti, 
the daughter of Touha, became pregnant. Her father asked her 
who was the father of the child. She replied that the child had 
no father because she had prayed to a sky-being to give it 
to her. 

" How will you know," said her father, " that the child has 
come from the sky ?" 

"The proof," she said, "is that the child will be within me 
for nine years and that it will be a half. The other half is on 
high." And so when the nine years were passed the child was 
born as a half. After a time the boy went to the sky to find his 
other half. 2 

1 Jonker (ii), 40 et seq. 2 d'Estrey, 293. 


These tales can be divided into three groups. In one the 
children of sky-beings and people on the earth are halves, or are 
divided into halves, so that one half of the child can be on the 
earth while the other half is in the sky. In the second group 
a half child is born as a punishment for offences committed by 
the mother, these offences consisting of evil-speaking, scolding, 
and bringing on rain. In the third group a man or woman is 
divided into two people of different sexes who marry in order to 
avoid adultery. 

In the first group of tales, which, are reminiscent of those of 
Lasaeo and Lumawig in that they tell of sky-beings who settle 
on the earth and marry women of the people among whom they 
live, mention is made of the power which the sky-people possess 
of re-animating the dead by breathing the breath of life into 
them. This power of animation was found to be an element of 
those tales in which the first men are created in the form of 
images, and the importance which was therein attached to this 
power suggested that it was possessed only by sky-people. This 
conjecture is confirmed in the tales recorded in this chapter, for 
it is expressly stated that only sky-beings have the power of re- 
animating the dead. The other incidents of the tales are obscure 
as far as the results obtained are concerned. 

The tales as a whole show that no fundamental difference 
appears to exist, in the minds of those who tell them, between 
the earth and the sky-world. Sky-beings live on the earth for a 
time, and take their earthly spouses or children to live with them 
in the sky-world. The way to this place is, in one case, between 
two butting rocks, and the supreme being is the "chief" of the 
sky. In another case the sky- world is reached across the sea. 



AN important group of tales and beliefs must now be considered. 

The Manabo of Mindanao in the Philippines say that once 
the occupants of a boat passing the promontory of Kagbubutang, 
near the town of Placer, saw a cat and a monkey fighting upon 
the cliff. This amused them so much that they began to laugh 
and to pass remarks, whereupon they and the boat were turned 
into stone. 1 

Beyer says that it is dangerous to imitate frogs, for it might 
be followed by thunderbolts and petrifaction. One day a man 
named Ango, who lived on a mountain with his wife and children, 
went with his dog to the forest in search of game. He killed a 
fine boar, but broke his spear in the process. Upon arriving at 
a stream he began to mend the weapon. The croaking of the 
frogs attracting his notice, he, imitating them, told them that it 
would be better if they would stop their no i "se and help him. 
His task ended, he continued his course up the torrent, but 
noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow him. 
Surprised, he began to quicken his steps, and, looking back, he 
saw bigger stones joining in the pursuit. He then seized his dog 
and began to run, but the stones followed hot in his track, bigger 
and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his sweet- 
potato patch he had to slacken his pace on account of exhaustion, 
whereupon the stones overtook him and became attached to his 
finger. He could not go on, and called to his wife, who with her 
children tried to stop the petrifaction by placing the magic limes 
round him. All was of no avail, for his feet turned to stone, 
together with those of his wife and children. The following day 
they were stone up to the knees, and during the next three days 
the petrifaction continued from the knees to the hips and then to 

1 Beyer (ii), 90. 



the chest and head. Thus it is that to this day the petrified 
forms of Ango and his wife and children are to be seen on the 
peak of Binaci. 1 

The Galela people of Halmahera say that, if it rains too 
much, incest has been committed by some one, and the rain only 
ceases when the offenders have confessed. 2 

A Tontemboan tale states that a child who refused to obey 
its parents was made to sink into a stone, and during the 
process of petrifaction it rained heavily. A sky-being of the 
Tontemboan, Rampolili, shot his nephew because he committed 
adultery with his wife. In another tale he shoots some one, and 
it thunders at the same time. 3 

Tales of petrifaction are recorded in central Celebes. Some 
stones on the west bank of the river Tretcher near lake Posso 
are the petrified remains of the village Duwangko : the great 
stone is the temple, the smaller stones are the dwelling-houses, 
and the smallest stones are the rice granaries. When the 
village was there, a needle was dropped one day through the 
floor of a house, and the cat was sent to fetch it. When the 
animal returned the people laughed at it. The whole village 
immediately turned to stone, and was covered by the waters of 
the lake. A similar tale is told of a village on the east shore of 
lake Posso which was overwhelmed with water and turned into 
stone. A large stone on the west shore of lake Posso is said to 
be the temple of Bantjea, which was swallowed by the sea. A 
large stone in lake Posso, near cape Ta ngKandau on the east 
shore, was once a village. One day while the chief was sitting in 
the temple, the whole village was covered with waves and turned 
into stone. The place where another village disappeared is 
called " molten land". 4 

The female image at Bulili, which has already been mentioned, 
is supposed to be that of a woman who was detected in adultery 
with her husband's brother, and beaten. During the punishment 
she turned into stone. 5 

The Iban of Borneo believe that certain rocks called batu 
kudi, " stones caused by the wrath of god," are the petrified remains 
of human beings who have been turned to stone as a punishment 

1 Beyer (ii), 90. 2 van Dijken, 514. Schwarz, 228, 277, 284-5. * Kruij 
and Adriani, I, 14, 15, 16. 6 Kiliaan, 408. 


for laughing at animals, breaches of hospitality, and incest. The 
" gods " turn the offenders to stone to the accompaniment of a 
great thunderstorm. Ling Roth recounts the tale of a man of 
Sembang who arrived with his young son one night at the village 
of Si Lebor. The chief of the village gave food to the man, but 
refused to give anything to his son. After a time a terrific storm 
came on and the whole house began to melt away until it and 
the people became molten lava, so that, when the storm ceased, 
nothing remained but huge masses of rock. A hill with preci- 
pices marks the spot. The hill is supposed to be the village, and 
traces of the house are still pointed out. The child, who was 
saved, became the ancestor of the Sadong chiefs. 1 

A "supernatural being" called Abang Gandei once lived in 
the Pinoh district of Borneo on Mt. Susur. After a time he 
moved down stream and lived on Mt. Siau near Modang. One 
day he caught an ape and clothed it with a waistband and a 
head-dress. The consequent amusement of his followers made 
the " gods " angry, and they caused a thunderstorm during which 
the houses and some of the men of Abang Gandei were turned 
into stones which can still be seen on the mountains. The other 
men were made into evil spirits. 2 

Messrs. Hose and McDougall tell us that " a limestone cliff 
whose foot is washed by the Baram river and which contains a 
number of caves (known as Batu Gadang or the ivory rock), is 
said by a Kayan legend to have been formed by a Kayan house 
being turned into stone owing to incestuous conduct within it". 3 

The Chinbok, one of the Chin tribes, state that a certain rock 
is one of their ancestors who was turned into stone for quarrel- 
ling when they were emerging from the ground. 4 

These tales tell of punishments for certain offences and by 
certain means. The table shows the nature of the offences and 
the accompanying punishments. 

1 Ling Roth, I, 205-7, 3<>6. 2 Barth, 614. 8 II, 198. 4 Scott, 460. 



Manobo of Mindanao. 

Galela of Halmahera. 
Tontemboan of Mina- 

Posso-Todjo Toradja. 
To Bada (Bulili). 
I ban of Borneo. 

Pinoh district of Borneo. 
Kayan of Borneo. 


Laughing at animals. 
Laughing at animals. 




Laughing at animals. 

Laughing at animals. 

Breaches of hospi- 
Laughing at animals. 


Laughing at animals. 



Thunderstorms and petri- 


Petrifaction and rain. 

Shot with arrow to accom- 
paniment of thunder and 

Floods and petrifaction. 


Petrifaction and thunder- 

Petrifaction and thunder- 
Petrifaction and lightning. 

The modes of punishment are petrifaction, floods, thunder- 
storms, and the offences are laughing at animals, incest, and 
breaches of hospitality. 

The first punishment to be considered is the extraordinary 
one of petrifaction. In addition to the incidents recounted 
in this chapter, other cases of petrifaction have already been 
mentioned, and it will be convenient to collect them in tabular 
form. But, before so doing, a tale from Roti must be recorded. 

Once upon a time, it is said, the Portuguese, on a slave-raid- 
ing expedition, managed to entice on board their ships all of the 
population except the wife of a chief, who, fearing danger, ran 
away and hid herself in a cave. She saw the ship sail away, 
and when her people did not return, she said, " Why should I live 
any longer when my husband and children are gone and none of 
my relatives are left ? The best thing is that I should die also." 
Thereupon she threw herself from the top of a rock ; but her hair 
caught in a projection, and she remained suspended there until 
she died and turned into stone. 1 

The cases of petrifaction which are not mentioned in the 
punishment tales are collected here in tabular form : 

Roti : wife of chief throws herself from rock and petrifies. 
Luang-Sermata : First ancestress came down rattan which turned to stone. 
Bontoc : Lumawig turns his brother into stone. 

1 Jonker (ii), 23. 


Ifugao : Son of sky-being turned into stone. 

Bolaang-Mongondou : Batu Ijan. Ijan turned to stone after a flood. 

Posso-Todjo Toradja : Wife of Lasaeo and creeper turned into stone. iDori 

and his wife turn into stone images. Tamangkapa turns into stone. 
Tando ngKasa : Enemies turned into stone by guardian spirits of village. 
Nias : Son of Sirio turns into stone. 

Among the Bontoc, Ifugao, and Posso-Todjo Toradja, the 
stone-using immigrants are reputed to have been able to turn 
people into stone. The sky-beings of the Tontemboan petrify a 
small girl as a punishment for disobedience. The tale of Tengker 
and Kawalusan shows that in Minahassa the founders of villages 
were possessed of powers over water and rocks, but, although 
the capacity to petrify is not mentioned, it is probable that such 
a power was, in fact, ascribed to them. Ijan is turned by the 
sky-beings into a stone. In the Borneo tales the " gods " are 
said to petrify. 

The sky-beings and the stone-using immigrants are therefore 
credited with the power to turn people into stone. 

In a similar way they are supposed to have been able to con- 
trol rain and water. iDori the son of Lasaeo, in central Celebes, 
Lumawig of the Bontoc of Luzon, the sky-beings of the Ifugao, 
and the sons of Kawalusan in Minahassa, brought water from 
rocks. Kawalusan brings on rain by asking for it, and his sons 
cause floods and bring water from rocks and the ground. A 
Toumpakewa tale from Minahassa recounts how the sky-being 
Wuriangan married a woman of the earth. After a time he and 
his wife went to the sky to live and left their son and his wife 
behind them. The son and his wife decided one day to go to 
the sky to visit Wuriangan and his wife. Their journey, which 
lay over the sea, was made to the accompaniment of much mist 
and thunder. When his son complained about this, Wuriangan 
told him |iow to control the elements, and this knowledge was 
handed on to the latter's descendants. 1 

The association between rain and the stone-using immigrants 
is further shown by the fact that in Timorlaut, Aru, and Kei offer- 
ings are made to the sun-lord when rain is needed. In Savu 
Pu-lodo-lirU) the sky-lord, has under him Uli-hia or Uli-sia and 
Hai-hajo, to whom the wind and rain are entrusted : also Latia, 

1 Juynboll, 321. 


who has charge of the i lightning. Offerings are made to these 
beings during droughts. 1 

The power to control rain and floods is therefore vested in 
the stone-using immigrants, the people of the sky- world, and their 
descendants on the earth. 

Thunder and lightning must now be considered. Various 
ideas as to the cause and nature of these phenomena are held in 

It has already been said that a sky-being is supposed, in Savu, 
to have control of lightning. In south-west Timor, Usi-neno, 
the sun-lord, sends thunderstorms. 2 In Wetar the people are un- 
able to explain the nature of thunder and lightning. On the 
other hand, thunder and lightning are supposed in Keisar to be 
caused by the fighting of the supreme being against the evil 
spirits. The people of Leti Moa and Lakor and of the Babar 
Islands are unable to explain the nature of thunder and lightning. 
In the Aru Islands thunder is said to be due to the strife between 
the rain and the wind, but the 'people of these islands are unable 
to explain the nature and origin of lightning. In Seran and 
Watubela no cause can be assigned for thunder and lightning, but 
the people of Ambon say that these phenomena are caused by 
Upu Lanito, the sky-lord, waging war against the evil spirits, 
"thunder teeth" being scattered about during the. fighting. 
The nature of thunder* and i lightning cannot be explained in 
Buru. 3 

The most definite conceptions of the cause of thunder and 
lightning are those recorded in the west part of the Timor region, 
where the influence of the stone-using immigrants has apparently 
been strongest. The explanations 'given further to the east, in 
Keisar, Aru, and Ambon, are more vague. The distribution of 
places where no explanation is recorded, Wetar, Leti Moa and 
Lakor, Watubela, Seran, and Buru, is of interest. Wetar, Seran, 
and Buru have no stone village walls, so far as I know, and the 
stone-work of Seran and Buru is confined to offering-places in 
Seran and offering-places and graves in the south part of Buru. 
The stone-work of these islands is therefore such as to suggest a 
weak influence on the part of the stone-using immigrants. So, 

1 Wilken, III, 174, 179. 2 Bastian, II, 2. 3 Riedel (iv), 458, 428, 398, 364, 
330, 309, 270, 213, 145, 85, 28. 



in places where the influence of the stone-using immigrants has 
been weak, ideas about the cause of thunder and lightning are 
vague or absent altogether. 

The manner and distribution of the explanations of the causes 
of thunder and lightning are such as to suggest that they are due 
to the influence of the stone-using immigrants. 

Among the Bontoc, thunder is said to be the voice of the wild 
boar calling for rain, and lightning is the voice of the sow which 
accompanies him. 1 In one of the tales of half-men an account 
is given of the origin of thunder and lightning. The child of a 
sky-being and an Igorot woman is divided into two boys. The 
sharp thunder is the voice of the boy who was taken up to the 
sky ; when he went up whirling like fire the lightning originated : 
the voice of the other boy is the rolling thunder. In Mina- 
hassa the evidence concerning the relation between the sky-people 
and thunder and lightning is definite, for a sky-being gave his 
son the means of controlling these things. Rampolili, "the 
holy face," who is one of the sun-lords of the Tontemboan, 
shot his nephew with an arrow, and when he shot thunder and 
lightning accompanied the action. When Muntu'untu, another 
of the Tontemboan sun-lords, comes to the earth, he is accom- 
panied by thunder and lightning. A Tontemboan tale states 
that while a man named Mailensum was trying to cut a bamboo, 
thunder and lightning came, and he was surrounded by a mist, 
out of which appeared two girls who asked him if he wished to 
be made into a sky-being. He agreed, and was taken by them 
to the river Malaku and bathed, and during the process the 
thunder rolled and the lightning played around. 2 

The Tangkhul Naga state that thunder and lightning are 
caused by a sky-being who stamps on the ground and brandishes 
his sword. 3 

The evidence therefore agrees in associating thunder and 
lightning with the sky-people, and in ascribing to these people 
and to their descendants on the earth the power to control these 

The modes of punishment which occur in the tales have now 
been examined, and the result has been to show that only the 
sky-people and their earthly descendants are credited with the 

* Schwarz (i), 316. J Hodson, 138. 


powers of petrifaction, of bringing on rain and floods, and of 
causing thunder and lightning. 

It will now be necessary to consider the offences for which 
these punishments are meted out. 

The only suggestion which I am able at present to make con- 
cerning the offence of laughing at animals is that the stone-using 
immigrants had certain ideas concerning animals which were 
not possessed by the indigenous peoples, and that the laughter 
of the latter caused them to become angry. The prohibition 
apparently only extends to a limited number of animals, which 
suggests that some definite reason must lead the sky-people to 
wreak their vengeance on those who offend in a manner which is 
apparently so inoffensive. 

Lack of hospitality causes the wrath of the sky-people. No 
information is to hand with regard to this cause of offence. 

Incest is an offence in the eyes of the sky-people. This is 
shown by the custom of the Posso-Todjo Toradja, who perform 
a ceremony in honour of Pue mPalaburu, the sun-lord, each year 
before the rice is planted. An offering is made to him in case 
incest has been committed during the course of the year. Pue 
mPalaburu shows his displeasure by causing droughts, earth- 
quakes, rain, and so forth. Kruijt and Adriani say that " Before 
the rice is planted, generally before the fields are prepared, a 
ceremony takes place which the Toradja call maandu sala, ' the 
cleansing from sin '. By sin they mean more especially ' incest '. 
This offence has as a consequence, so the Toradja think, that 
a drought comes or heavy rain falls; in either case the crop 
fails. ' Incest ' here means marriages between parents and 
children, between uncles (aunts) and nieces (nephews), and be- 
tween brothers and sisters. . . . The Toradja believe that incest 
can happen in secret places without being discovered. People 
can even offend unwittingly on account of the very complicated 
relationships between two persons who marry, as is evident in a 
small community where endogamous marriages are the rule." J 

Thus the sun-lord is directly connected with incest, which he 
punishes by rain, drought, and earthquakes. The offence and the 
punishment are therefore connected with the stone-using immi- 
grants to central Celebes. 

1 II, 246 et seq. 


The question of incest is complicated. For, although the 
sky-people appear to view it with displeasure, they not only 
themselves seem to contract such unions, but they also give per- 
mission for the survivors of floods to do so (p. 102). 

The evidence at our disposal points to the sky-people as the 
authors of the various punishments. It also associates these 
people with the offence of incest, but at present it does not enable 
us to understand why laughing at certain animals and lack of 
hospitality should cause their wrath. An examination of the 
table on p. 1 27 shows that incest is punished by rain, lightning, 
petrifaction, and by drought (this last mode of punishment is 
mentioned in the account of the Toradja rice-growing ceremonies). 
Petrifaction, on the other hand, is the punishment for adultery, 
incest, laughing at animals, and breaches of hospitality. It may 
indeed be shown that all the offences and punishments are so 
intertwined that it is impossible to disentangle them. Petrifac- 
tion, thunder and lightning, floods and drought are only a few ot 
the many ways in which punishment could be inflicted. On the 
other hand, the offences are few and bizarre. It is therefore pos- 
sible to claim with confidence that these tales are to be ascribed 
to certain circumstances in the interaction between the stone- 
using immigrants and the indigenous peoples of Indonesia. 

The knowledge gained in this chapter enables us to under- 
stand the point of the following tale from Nias. 

A woman of Nias, Iwolache by name, was pregnant. She 
told her husband that she wanted something piquant to eat. He 
could find nothing that would please her, and in desperation 
asked her to say what she wanted. She said that she would like 
some lightning, and that the way to get it was to put a loin-cloth 
round the dog and to make the cat dance on the roof. Thus he 
procured what she wanted. The point of the tale is that the 
woman evidently knew that the act of making the two animals 
ridiculous would anger the sky-people and make them send 
lightning. 1 

In the tales from Borneo cited in this chapter it was said 
that the "gods" punish the offences of laughing at animals, 
incest, and breaches of hospitality with thunder and lightning 
and petrifaction. It would seem that these beings are the to 

1 Sundermann. 


belare of the Kayan of central Borneo or toh of the Kayan of 
Sarawak. The to belare, "thunder gods," are said to punish 
misdeeds such as laughing at animals. Lightning is their glance 
and thunder their voice, and they are believed to be able to show 
themselves as thunder and lightning, wind and rain. The toh 
of the Kayan of Sarawak are "the powers that bring misfortunes 
upon a whole house or village when any member of it ignores 
tabus or otherwise breaks customs without performing the pro- 
pitiatory rites demanded by the occasion 'V 

The information which is given about these beings suggests 
strongly that they are akin to the sky-beings of other peoples of 
Indonesia, or, what is the same thing, to the stone-using immi- 
grants. That they probably are the traditional representatives 
of the immigrants is shown by the belief of the Kayan that they 
live in caves in the mountains in communities similar to their 

Thunder stones. In Indonesia there is a widespread belief that 
stone implements are connected with thunder. The description of 
the stone strut which is supposed by the people of certain villages 
in Wetar to be connected with Sirui, suggests that it is an arti- 
fact. Stone implements which are kept in a house near to that 
which contains the strut stone are associated with Malihi, the 
wife of Sirui. These stones are called thunderstones. 2 The 
people of Leti Moa and Lakor call stone implements thunder- 
stones, but in the Babar Islands no explanation can be given of 
the origin of such stones. 3 van Hoevell procured in Timorlaut 
some stone implements which were called thunderteeth : the 
warriors use them as amulets. Ribbe states that stone adzes are 
regarded in the Aru Islands as thunderteeth. In Seran and 
Ambon stone implements are regarded as thunderstones. Riedel 
was told in Bum that thunderstones are never found, but he says, 
"this is not to be believed, for the language of this island con- 
tains a name for them (tela vaga)". 4 The people of Galela and 
Tobelo in Halmahera believe that stone implements are the 
teeth of a dragon which lives in the clouds. 5 The people of 
Minahassa call stone implements "thunder teeth" or "lightning 

1 Nieuwenhuis (ii), I, 97, 98, 319, 312; Hose and McDougall, II, 19 et seq., 26. 
2 Riedel (iv), 436. 3 Ibid., 398, 364. 4 Ibid., 145, 85, 28. 5 Ibid. (iii), 89. 


stones". 1 Grubauer found among the To Lampu of central 
Celebes a stone implement which was regarded as a thunder- 
stone. 2 In Borneo there is a widespread belief that stone im- 
plements are the teeth of the sky-being who controls the thunder. 
Stone implements are used in Nias to procure rain. 3 

Only stone implements are supposed to be thunderstones. 
In some places they are said to be the teeth of a dragon or of a 
sky-being who controls thunder. The belief that a dragon lives 
in the sky is certainly not indigenous to Indonesia ; it has been 
introduced from elsewhere. It is therefore probable that the 
belief that stone implements are the teeth of such a beast has 
been introduced along with the belief in the creature itself. The 
fact that stone implements are said to be thunderstones in places, 
Wetar and Seran, where no explanation of the nature and origin 
of thunder and lightning is not forthcoming, is again suggestive of 
the introduced nature of the belief. Thunderstones are in Wetar 
associated with people who appear to be stone-using immigrants 
to that island. This association, together with the general con- 
nection supposed to exist between such stones and thunder, 
suggest that the stone-using immigrants are the introducers of 
the idea. In order to make this matter certain it will be neces- 
sary to show that the stone-using immigrants have introduced 
the belief in dragons, but this task cannot be attempted here. 

iWilken, III, 156. 2442. swilken, III, 158. 



LUMAWIG is said to have taught the Bontoc the craft of agri- 
culture. A glance at the plates in Jenk's monograph will show 
that these people cultivate their land, which is mountainous, by 
means of irrigated terraces. They practise this form of culti- 
vation on an immense scale by means of terraces which, extend- 
ing up the sides of mountains for thousands of feet, produce the 
effect of gigantic staircases and amphitheatres. These terraces 
generally have stone retaining walls, and stone dams are made to 
regulate the water supply. Plates 2 and 3, which show the 
terraces made by the kindred Igorot, give an idea of the 
magnitude of such works. 

The fact that the Bontoc claim to have learned their agri- 
culture from Lumawig suggests that the stone-using immigrants 
introduced terraced irrigation to Indonesia. I propose to follow 
up this clue, and to collect the evidence concerning the exist- 
ence of terraced irrigation and kindred forms of cultivation in 

Elaborate irrigation is carried on in Sumbawa. 1 Ten Kate 
mentions that canals lead water to the rice-fields in Sumba. 2 
Jenks says that terraced irrigation is practised in Formosa as 
well as in Luzon in the Philippines. 3 

Terraced irrigation probably exists in Minahassa, for Wilken 
mentions wet rice-fields. 4 

In central Celebes a distinction exists between the agricul- 
ture of the Bada-Besoa-Napu group and the other mountain 
peoples on the one hand, and the Posso-Todjo group on the 
other hand. Kruijt and Adriani say that " the Toradja of the 
Posso-Todjo group formerly only had dry rice-fields on the sides 

i Perry (iv). a ()63i. '88,91. (") 


of the mountains. . . . The people of the Parigi-Kaili group (i.e. 
the Bada-Besoa-Napu group, the To Kulawi and others) have 
for a long time grown their rice almost entirely in wet fields, 
which are irrigated by canals that bring the water from the 
rivers." * Much terraced irrigation is carried on in the Sadang 
district. Grubauer reproduces photographs of terraces at Kam- 
butu, in the Simbuang-Mapak valley, at Tondong, Awang, 
Bamba, and in the Molu valley. 

Some of the coastal peoples of Sarawak and British North 
Borneo practise irrigation. Hose and McDougall mention the 
Dusun of British North Borneo and the Kalabit of Sarawak in 
this connection." 

Irrigation is practised in Nias, but no mention is made of 
terraces. 3 

The Khasi have irrigated terraces. "The bottoms of the 
valleys are divided up into little compartments by means of fairly 
high banks corresponding to the Assamese alis and the water is 
let in at will into these compartments by means of skilfully 
contrived irrigation channels, sometimes a mile or more in 
length." 4 

Mr. Hodson says of the Naga tribes : " We have in this area 
tribes who migrate periodically and practise only the jhum 
system of cultivation. We have tribes such as the Kabuis (and 
possibly the Marrings), who keep to their village sites with 
tenacity, but are compelled to change the area of their cultivation 
year by year in set rotation. They preserve the memory of 
other days by taking omens annually to decide the direction 
in which the cultivation is to be. We have large villages (e.g. 
Mao, Maram, Mayang, Khong) with extensive terraced fields 
magnificently irrigated with water brought from considerable 
distances in channels so well aligned that every advantage is taken 
of any natural slope encountered, and awkward corners avoided 
or turned with admirable ingenuity. But this method of cultiva- 
tion is not practicable everywhere, and fortunate are the tribes 
who occupy hills whose declivity is not too steep for such fields. 
By means of long and assiduous labour, a field may be built 
up and provided with water so that the large terraces represent 

1 II, 231. a Ling Roth, I, 406; Hose and McDougall, II, 253. * Rappard, 
549. 4 Gurdon, p. 40. 

PLATE II. Igorot Terraced Cultivation. 


the expenditure of a vast amount of energy and farming ability, 
as well as much practical engineering skill. . . . The fields are 
embanked, wherever possible, with small stones. In many vil- 
lages, especially in the Tangkhul area, may be seen abandoned 
fields, which, according to tradition, were cultivated when the 
village was larger and more prosperous than it now is. But in 
crowded villages, as in the Mao group, patches of jhum cultiva- 
tion exist which are semi-permanent, as they are cropped one 
year and left fallow for two years, which is not really long 
enough for any heavy jungle to grow. 

"Nearly every tribe has some terraced fields, but among 
the Kabuis, Quoireng, Marrings, and Chirus, jhum cultivation 
provides the bulk of their sustenance." l 

The Karen have terraces provided with stone retaining walls 
about 6 feet high. 2 

The accounts sometimes only state that irrigation is carried on 
and make no mention of terraces. But terraces are so essential 
to irrigation systems where the ground is not quite flat, and the 
country in Indonesia is generally so hilly, that there need not be 
any hesitation in including all the irrigation systems of Indonesia 
under the heading of terraced irrigation. 

In central Celebes terraced irrigation is practised by the 
Bada-Besoa-Napu group, by neighbouring peoples such as the 
To Kulawi, and in the Sadang region ; that is to say, in places 
where megalithic monuments exist. 3 It is not practised by the 
Posso-Todjo group. This distribution is such as to make it 
probable that those who introduced the custom of building 
megalithic monuments also practised terraced irrigation. The 
To Napu seem to be aware of this fact, for they state that the 
sky-people have irrigated terraces. 4 

A comparison between the distributions recorded in the table 
at the end of the book and that of terraced irrigation discloses a 
remarkable similarity between this latter distribution and that of 
megalithic monuments. This is shown by the table. 

1 Hodson, pp. 50-1. 2 Colquhoun, "Amongst the Shans," 65. s Heer 
Kruijt writes to say that the distribution of stone-work in central Celebes coincides 
with that of terraced irrigation. I am much obliged to him for this verification of 
the above conclusion. * Kruijt and Adrian!, II, 260. 


Sumba .... 
Roti .... 
Kei .... 
Seran .... 
Halmahera . 
Bontoc .... 
Igorot .... 
Ifugao .... 

Bada-Besoa-Napu Toradja 
Sadang Toradja 
Dusun (B.N.B.) . 
Nias .... 
Khasi .... 
Naga .... 
Karen .... 

The similarity between the two distributions is really closer 
than the table appears to show. For, in the Kei Islands and 
Seran, megalithic monuments are, so far as I know, confined to 
offering-places which are associated with brotherhoods, the 
founders of which do not appear to have been some of the 
original stone-using immigrants to Indonesia. Megalithic monu- 
ments are not habitually erected in these places in the same way 
as, for example, in the Sadang district. I have no information 
regarding the existence of megalithic monuments in Roti and in 
Formosa, but suspect that they are to be found in the former 
place. I have practically no information about Halmahera. 

The only place where the correspondence does not appear to 
hold is Luzon, and exception should prove to be of great interest 
when the necessary facts are available. The circumstances in 
which the use of stone was introduced among the Bontoc are 
such as to suggest that the absence of megalithic monuments 
is perhaps to be associated with the fact that Lumawig did not 
found a line of chiefs. 

The megalithic monuments of Indonesia, we have concluded, 
are the work of stone-using immigrants. The fact that these 
forms of stone-work exist in places where terraced irrigation is 
carried on is illuminating. For the photographs of terraced 
irrigation which have been reproduced in Plates 2 and 3 make it 
abundantly clear that an immense amount of labour and time is 


required in order to construct and maintain such systems, and 
a high state of organisation and co-operation must exist in 
communities which are capable of such great and sustained 
efforts. The association between terraced irrigation and mega- 
lithic monuments, that is, between a peculiar and complicated 
mode of cultivation and stone-work of distinctive types, for which, 
according to conclusions reached in this book, the stone-using 
immigrants are responsible, taken in conjunction with the tradition 
of the Bontoc and the belief of the To Napu, suggests strongly 
that the stone-using immigrants introduced terraced irrigation to 
Indonesia. The stone-using immigrants must have possessed a 
culture far in advance of that of any of the peoples among whom 
they settled. They have only succeeded, it must be noted, in 
introducing terraced irrigation in places where the presence of 
megalithic monuments suggests that they have influenced the 
indigenous culture to a considerable extent. 

The correlation between megalithic monuments and terraced 
irrigation suggests that all the original stone-using immigrants 
to Indonesia were people who built megalithic monuments and 
practised terraced irrigation, and that they settled in certain 
places, whence spread the influence of their culture. But the 
circumstances in which the culture associated with the use of 
stone was introduced to various parts of Indonesia differ so pro- 
foundly that much caution must be exercised in this matter. In 
some places, as in south-west Timor, the immigrants were " chil- 
dren of the sun," but they did not, so far as I know, introduce ter- 
raced irrigation. On the other hand, the introducers of terraced 
irrigation to Sumba do not seem to have left behind them chiefs 
who claim descent from a sun-lord. Such difficulties, and more 
which could be adduced, show that it is only possible to claim 
that, in general, the stone-using immigrants were people who 
possessed the custom of building megalithic monuments and the 
practice of terraced irrigation, that some of them were children 
of the sun, and so forth. The reasons for the many variations 
in the manner of introduction can only be seen when the 
provenance of the immigrants has been determined for each 

Terraced irrigation is used for the growing of rice. The 
Posso-Todjo state that Lasaeo taught them to grow this cereal, 


and other peoples of Indonesia claim to have learned their rice- 
growing from the sky-world. 

The people of Wetar and Keisar state that the cultivation of 
rice was brought by their ancestors from the west, the direction 
whence the stone-using immigrants into these islands came. 1 
In Minahassa it is said that the knowledge of rice and of the 
method of growing it was derived from the sky- world. 2 A 
similar claim is made by the Toradja. The Posso-Todjo group 
say that a man went to the underground world to pay a visit. 
When he was returning the people told him to go on until his 
path divided, and then to take the left-hand branch. He did so 
and came to a river across which a log was placed. He dared 
not attempt to cross thereby, and, turning back, retraced his steps 
and took the other branch. This took him to the Pleiades, the 
people of which taught him all about agriculture. He got back 
to the earth by jumping. 3 

The Olo Ngajdu of south-east Borneo say that the son of the 
supreme being taught them to grow rice. 4 

There is thus a certain amount of evidence that the stone- 
using immigrants have taught the people of Indonesia to grow 

1 Riedel (iv), 409, 456. 9 Schwarz (i). * Kruijt and Adriani, I, 230,237. 
4 Hardeland (i), langit. 



A TRADITION recounted in the eleventh chapter states that the 
sun-cult was brought to Luang-Sermata by strangers from the 
west. It is said too that the priests of the neighbouring islands 
have to visit Luang-Sermata at least three times during their 
lives, because it is the place of origin of their religion. I pro- 
pose in this chapter to inquire who these priests are, and to de- 
termine their position in the scheme which is being elaborated. 

In Dama the priests belong to the chiefly class. The priests 
of Wetar keep the sacred stones which are found in the villages 
of this island. Riedel mentions the strut stone, already described 
(p. 56), which came from Timor. It was brought thence by a 
man named Mauiak, whose descendant looks after it. 

The priests of Keisar, together with the chiefs, form the upper 

In each village of the Leti Moa Lakor group a priest and 
priestess serve the guardian spirits, who live in two images in 
the middle of the village. The priest and priestess, who are the 
direct descendants of the man and woman whose ghosts are the 
guardian spirits, belong to the nobility, which, as a class, is said 
by Riedel probably to be of foreign origin. 

Each village in the Babar Islands has two guardian spirits, 
male and female, to whom offerings are made through the priest, 
one of the chiefly class, who is descended from the first builders 
of the village. In Letwurang of these islands prayers for rain 
are made to two images in which live two spirits, Rupiai and 
Upurepre, who have come to Babar from elsewhere. These 
images are kept near the house of the direct descendant of the 
man who brought them to the island. This man set out on a 
journey to Timorlaut, but lost his way and arrived at the land of 


the sky-people. They gave him the two images, upon which 
they said that, in order to procure rain, water must be poured 
by a woman. 

The priests in the Luang-Sermata group are the descen- 
dants of the first possessors of the land and belong to the no- 
bility. Each lives in the village temple, where are the images 
in which live the ghosts of his ancestors, the founders of the 

According to Riedel no definite priesthood exists in Timor- 
laut, but certain people, called itrana and itwata, who belong to 
the nobility, seem to be in closer contact with the " spirits " than 
others. 1 

The priests in these islands belong to the nobility, a class 
which, according to the conclusions arrived at, is of immigrant 
origin. They are descended, in some places, from those whose 
ghosts are the guardian spirits of villages, that is to say, if we 
accept the conclusions of chapter viii., from stone-using immi- 
grants. In certain cases information is given which supports 
these conclusions : the priest who looks after the strut stone in 
Wetar is said to be the direct descendant of a stone-using immi- 
grant ; the nobility of the Leti Moa Lakor group is said by 
Riedel probably to be of immigrant origin ; and the two images 
in Letwurang of the Babar Islands came from the sky-world. 
The evidence therefore agrees in identifying the priests of these 
islands as the lineal descendants of stone-using immigrants, 
who are claimed as the founders of villages and the guardian 
spirits thereof. 

The priests are concerned with two different cults : one is 
that of their ancestors ; and the other, which is connected with 
the sky-world, was brought by these ancestors and handed on to 
their priestly descendants. In some cases these guardian spirits 
are said to be those of the founders of villages. I shall reserve 
the discussion of this tradition for some future time. The avail- 
able evidence suggests that the stone-using immigrants introduced 
to Indonesia the custom of living in villages. 

The facts which we possess about the cults of Timorlaut are 
indefinite. No hereditary priesthood is reported, and the sun-cult 
is said not to include such periodic ceremonies as are performed 

1 Riedel (iv), 463, 437, 406, 384, 375, 373, 339, 320, 293, 281-2. 


in the islands to the west. Riedel says that everybody can 
approach the sun-lord without any intermediary, a state of affairs 
which contrasts with that in the other islands of the Timor region. 
The presence in Timorlaut of people who stand in a closer re- 
lationship to the " spirits " than the rest of the community sug- 
gests that there is really some kind of priesthood in these islands. 
But the information relating to Timorlaut is so scanty that it is 
necessary to await more facts before forming any opinion about 
this apparent exception. 

In each village of the Kei Islands there is an image in which 
lives the ghost of the founder of the village. Offerings can only 
be made to this being by a direct descendant. 

The Watubela people have a class of hereditary priests who 
act as intermediaries between the earth and the sky-world. 

In Seran chiefs and priests are chosen from the members of 
the Kakian club of the Patasiwa. 

In Buru no priesthood exists and no cult is attached to the 
sky-lord, of whom the people have but a vague conception. 1 

The evidence derived from the consideration of the priest- 
hoods of Kei, Watubela, Seran, and Buru supports the conclusion 
already formed. The priesthood is hereditary and its members 
are nobles, and, consequently, we suppose, of immigrant origin : 
in Seran the priesthood is formed of members of the Patasiwa, 
an organisation which, according to the available evidence, owes 
its existence, directly or indirectly, to the stone-using immigrants. 
Conversely, no priesthood exists in Buru, an island where the 
influence of the stone-using immigrants appears to have been 
very slight. 

Hereditary priesthoods exist elsewhere in Indonesia. The 
Bontoc have hereditary village priests. 2 Among the Olo Ngadju 
of Borneo the descendants of the two persons whose bodies 
floated down the river and petrified are priests in charge of the 
remains of their ancestors. 3 

In south Nias there are hereditary priests who are the head 
chiefs of their villages. They claim descent from Boronadu, the 
son of a sky-being named Lamonia. Boronadu is said to have 
been the first of the images, adu t which are used by the priests 
in Nias ; and the knowledge of the use of these images is said to 

1 Riedel (iv), 220, 194-5, 101, 99, 88, 16, 17. 2 Jenks, 305. 3 See p. 62. 


have been derived from the sky-world. The Boronadu have 
charge of the sacred trees of the villages and of the great images 
beneath them. Some of these trees are said to have been 
planted by sky-beings ; one, indeed, by Lowalangi, the supreme 
being himself. 1 

The Khasi have hereditary priests, called Lyngdoh, who are 
always chosen from the Lyngdoh clan. There is usually more 
than one Lyngdoh in each Khasi state. Sometimes there are 
many, as in Nongkrem, where each division of the state has one. 
In some Khasi states the Lyngdoh is the ruling chief. 2 

The Naga tribes have hereditary priests, who, in some cases, 
have charge of the sacred stones. 3 

The evidence forthcoming from Borneo, Nias, and Assam 
adds further support for the conclusion that the members of the 
hereditary priesthoods of Indonesia are the descendants of immi- 
grants who introduced the culture associated with the use of 
stone. These hereditary priests are, as in the Timor region and 
elsewhere, the keepers of sacred stones and images in which live 
the ghosts of their ancestors, the guardian spirits of the village. 
The functions of the hereditary priests of Nias are similar to 
those of the priests of the islands at the east end of the Timor 
region, for they are in charge of images and of the banyan-trees, 
one of which is found in every village of the islands of the Timor 
region which have been mentioned in this chapter, as well as in 
those of south Nias. 

The claim of the hereditary priests of Nias to be descended 
from the "first image," a being of the sky-world, whence the 
knowledge of the use of such images came, suggests that the 
stone-using immigrants introduced to Indonesia the practice of 
making images. I propose to defer the consideration of this 

The priesthoods of Indonesia are not always hereditary. 
Among certain peoples, the Posso-Todjo Toradja for example, 
the members of the priesthood are initiated to their craft. The 
initiated priesthoods of the Toradja, the Olo Ngadju, Olo Dusun 
and Kayan of Borneo consist mainly of women. 4 In this they 

1 Modigliani, 619, 499. This is another case in which the supreme being is 
said to have lived on the earth. a Gurdon, 109. :! Hodson, 140. * Kruijt 
(iii), 99 et seq. 


differ from the hereditary priesthoods, the members of which are 
usually men. The initiated priesthood differs in another way from 
the hereditary priesthood, for its members are not drawn from the 
chiefly class, but sometimes, as among the Olo Ngadju, are slaves. 

Although a profound difference appears to exist between the 
hereditary and initiated priesthoods of Indonesian peoples, yet 
both derive their craft from the sky-world. The Toradja say 
that their first priestess was a woman who was taken when ill 
to the sky and there taught the craft of the priesthood; 1 the 
Tontemboan of Minahassa say that their priestcraft was learned 
from the sky-world; 2 and the initiated priesthood of Nias was 
founded by sky-beings called beta, who are descended from Bela, 
son of Balugu Luo Mewona, a sky-lord. 3 

The crafts of the initiated priesthoods of the Posso-Todjo 
Toradja, Olo Ngadju, Olo Dusun, Kayan, and of south Nias are 
similar. Each priestess I shall use the feminine term, for the 
majority of the members of the initiated priesthood are women 
works with the aid of a friendly sky-spirit whom she calls by 
name. 4 The Toradja call these spirits wurake, the Olo Ngadju 
sangiang, and the people of Nias beta. It is the duty of the 
priestess to chant a sort of litany which describes the manner in 
which her sky-spirit aids her to do what is needed. Different 
parts of the litany 5 are used according to the object of the priest- 
ess, but all the ceremonies performed by the priestesses are 
founded on a common plan. 

Since the knowledge of the craft of the initiated priesthood 
is supposed to have come from the sky, it follows that the stone- 
using immigrants must have taught the priestesses the litanies 
which they use, for this constitutes their craft. 

One feature of these litanies makes it fairly certain they 
could not have been elaborated by the people whose priestesses 
chant them. They are composed in a language which is mostly 
unintelligible. Hardeland 6 says that the language used in the 
litanies of the Olo Ngadju is called the sangiang speech, that is, 
the speech of the sky-spirits who assist the priestesses. This 
speech includes : 

1 Kruijt and Adrian!, I, 374. 2 Schwarz, 379-80. 3 Rappard, 579 ; Chatelin, 
132. 4 Kruijt and Adriani, I, chap. xii. ; Hardeland (i), sangiang. 5 1 follow 
Kruijt in the use of this term. 6 (ii), 4, 210. 



1 . Many ordinary or slightly altered Olo Ngadju words. 

2. Malay words which are not in general use among the Olo 
Ngadju, these words being usually much altered. 

3. Many words of which Hardeland knew nothing at all. 
He says " the priests are quite ignorant of the real meaning of 
many of the words of this last class ". 

The priestesses of the Kayan use a strange language in their 
litanies. 1 

Adriani says that the Posso-Todjo Toradja have a special 
language called zuurafce-speech, which is used in the litanies of 
the priestesses. Some of the words of this language are used 
in poetical writings : others are used in ordinary language as 
synonyms, or in riddles ; and the meaning of others, again, is 
unknown to the priestesses. These litanies are entirely incom- 
prehensible to the laity; indeed "many who can declaim them 
do not understand them ". Very few priestesses can chant the 
whole of a litany. Most of them have learned fragments from 
the more experienced members of their profession, and while a 
litany is being chanted they sit round and join in when they can. 2 

Why does this apparently meaningless ritual survive among 
people such as the Posso-Todjo Toradja who have no descend- 
ants of stone-using immigrants among them who might ensure 
its persistence ? For what purposes are members of the initiated 
priesthood required ? 

The Tontemboan priestcraft is concerned for the most part 
with ceremonies connected with rice-growing. Schwarz says 
that " the old Minahassa religion had its centre in the various 
ceremonies which were concerned with the getting of crops. The 
tone! as im panguman or ' garden-priest,' and the walian im uma 
or ' garden-priestess,' were foremost of all those who were leaders 
and councillors in religious matters". 3 The Minahassa people 
say that formerly they grew no rice because they did not know 
the necessary ceremonies. The knowledge of growing rice is 
said to have come from the sky-world. So, since crops are only 
procured by the performance of ceremonies which were instituted 
by the sky-people, practical reasons would ensure the persistence 
of these rites and, consequently, that of the priesthood which 
possesses the necessary knowledge. 

1 Kruijt (iii), 106. > Kruijt and Adriani, III, 37-8. s 159. 


Another important function of the priesthood is that of curing 
disease. Only the members of the priesthood, hereditary or initi- 
ated, possess the necessary knowledge : or rather, in the case of the 
latter, they only can summon the sky-spirits who can effect a cure. 
In Nias the bela spirits tell the priests the kind of wood of which 
an image must be made in order to cure the illness. Once leech- 
craft x has, for any reason, become a profession, the members of 
which alone have the necessary knowledge for the exercise of 
this profession, the normal recurrence of disease will ensure its 

Priestesses also conduct the ghosts of the dead, especially 
those of chiefs, to the land of the dead. And they perform cere- 
monies connected with house-building. 2 

The craft of the initiated priesthood differs much from that 
of the hereditary priesthood. The members of the latter are in 
direct communication with the beings of the sky-world, and act 
as intermediaries between the earth and the sky. They also 
carry on a cult of their ancestral ghosts, the guardian spirits of 
villages. But when this hereditary priesthood is lacking, all 
direct connection between the earth and the sky is at an end, 
and no cult of guardian spirits appears to exist. The duties of 
the initiated priesthood are concerned with leechcraft, rice-grow- 
ing, funerals, and house-building, but especially with the first 
two, and the members of the initiated priesthood can only act 
with the aid of a sky-spirit. 

Who are these friendly spirits ? The wurake, sangiang, and 
bela are said once to have been on the earth in friendly inter- 
course with men, but now they live in a region between the earth 
and the sky in communities similar to those on the earth. It is 
therefore possible that these spirits were hereditary priests who 
acted as intermediaries between the earth and the sky. That 
this is possible is shown by the fact that the hereditary priests of 
the Khasi are associated with priestesses for whom they perform 
ceremonies as intermediaries. 

Another important feature of the initiated priesthood will 
have to be taken into account when the attempt is made to 
determine the origin of the priesthoods of Indonesia. The 

1 1 follow Dr. Rivers in adopting the use of this term. See his Fitzpatrick 
Lecture, " Lancet," Jan. 8, 15, 1916. a Kruijt (iii), 339 et scq. 


Posso-Todjo Toradja, the Olo Ngadju, Olo Dusun, and Kayan 
have initiated priests. These priests invariably dress as women, 
and sometimes even marry men. The priestesses of Borneo act 
as public prostitutes, and, so far as I know, form the only class 
of prostitutes in that island. The initiated priests also act as 
prostitutes. 1 

1 Hardeland, balian, basir. 



ALTHOUGH it is possible that the absence of a hereditary priest- 
hood serves to explain the lack among the indigenous peoples of 
cults associated with the sky-beings, it does not, however, ac- 
count for the persistence of the craft of the initiated priesthood. 
Some definite reason must exist for the existence of a profession 
the members of which chant litanies that they do not understand. 
It was said in the last chapter that, once such a profession is 
established in the possession of exclusive knowledge of practical 
importance, its persistence is assured. But it is necessary to 
know why it ever became established, to discover what is the 
knowledge which is of so great importance. 

It is to Heer Kruijt that we are indebted for the information 
necessary for the understanding of this question, and all ethno- 
logists owe him a debt of gratitude for this contribution to science. 
It will be seen that the greater part of the evidence used in this 
chapter has been collected by him. He gives an account of the 
Toradja theory of leechcraft. 1 According to this people human 
beings live because they are animated by a " soul-substance," 2 to 
the presence of which all the manifestations of life and health are 
due. It is loosely connected with the body, which it may leave, 
as the result, for example, of a sudden fright. If one person has 
an intense longing for another, his soul-substance will sometimes 
leave the body and travel to the vicinity of the desired one. 
Deaths from home-sickness are caused by the continued absence 
of the soul-substance. 

It leaves the body during sleep and wanders about, going 
sometimes to the land of the dead to visit deceased relatives. 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, I, chapters x. and xii. 2 This is the term used by Kruijt. 
I adopt it without any discussion as to its suitability. Perhaps " vital essence " 
would convey the idea more exactly. 



On occasion a man will sleep in a spot where his soul-substance 
will meet with the ghost of some person who will advise him 
with regard to the future. Great importance is therefore at- 
tached to dreams as being the real experiences of the soul-sub- 
stance. The possible absence of the soul-substance during sleep 
makes it necessary to be careful to wake a sleeper gently ; for, if 
he should be disturbed while the soul-substance is still away, he 
would die. No one may step over a sleeping person. 1 

The Toradja have confused ideas about the actual nature of 
the soul-substance. It is called tanoana, which means "little 
man " : in this form it is a minute copy of its owner. It is also 
called wajo or limbajo, and then is supposed to be the shadow. 2 

The favourite mode of exit and entry is by the fontanelle on 
the top of the head. It can also enter and leave by the mouth, 
nose, ears, and joints. If a patient sneezes in the morning, it 
is a sign that the soul-substance has returned, so that he will 


The soul-substance can assume various shapes when it leaves 
the body. Sometimes it returns to the patient in the form of a 
butterfly. 4 Kruijt once showed a worm which he found in a 
water-butt to some Toradja folk, who expressed great alarm, for 
it was, according to them, some one's soul-substance. If a Tor- 
adja man sees a worm on the path in front of him, he places his 
head-cloth on the ground near to it. If the worm crawls on to 
the cloth, he then knows that it is his own soul-substance. He 
puts the worm into the head-cloth which he replaces upon his 
head, so that the soul-substance can re-enter his body. 

The soul-substance can assume the form of a snake. If a 
snake crosses the path in front of anyone, it must be killed at 
once, for it may be the soul-substance of an enemy. 5 

The soul-substance can assume the form of a mouse. A tale 
is told of two Toradja men who were passing the night in the 
same hut. One was asleep and the other saw a mouse come out 
of his nose. He ran after the animal and killed it, and then, 
turning round, found that his companion was dead. 6 

The Toradja believe that the soul-substances of certain persons 
can leave their bodies in the shape of animals which devour the 

1 Kruijt, 251-3. 2 Ibid., I, 248. "249. 4 250. 6 250. fl 250-1. 


soul-substances of other persons. The forms assumed are deer, 
crocodiles, pigs, apes, buffaloes, and cats. 1 

The beliefs which the Toradja hold concerning the soul-sub- 
stance therefore present an apparently confused medley. The 
soul-substance is a minute replica of its owner, or it is the shadow : 
it comes and goes by the crown of the head, the ears, nose, mouth, 
or joints. It assumes animal forms when out of the body ; 
butterflies, worms, mice, snakes, pigs, cats, crocodiles, apes, and 

The Toradja are indefinite about the fate of the soul-substance 
after death : " ' it goes back to the lord up above,' says one, ' it 
becomes a bird, ' says another, but generally no answer can be 
given " . But although vague about the soul-substance the Tor- 
adja are definite in their distinction between the soul-substance 
and the ghost, which comes into existence at death and goes to 
the land of the dead. The soul-substance does not go after death 
to the land of the dead, and if the ghost of some dead person, 
through motives of affection, jealousy, or revenge, endeavours to 
carry off to the land of the dead the soul-substance of a living 
relative, it is the duty of the priestess to return it to its owner. 2 

The continued absence of the soul-substance from the body 
causes sickness : if it be too prolonged death ensues. The three 
chief agencies which produce disease by abstracting the soul- 
substance are : 

(1) sky-beings; 

(2) evil spirits ; 

(3) the ghosts of the dead. 

It is the business of the priestess to procure the return of the 
soul-substance and so to restore health. To do this she calls in 
the aid of her friendly wurake spirit. When the illness has been 
caused by an evil spirit or by a ghost, the wurake spirit gets back 
the soul-substance. Such illnesses are therefore curable. But 
the great majority of illnesses, especially serious ones, and, pre- 
sumably, all fatal ones, are caused by the sky-beings. In such 
cases the soul-substance of the priestess goes with her wurake 
spirit to Pue mSongi, who lives at the top of the sky in a house 
surrounded by crotons, to ask for the soul-substance of the patient, 
which has, in some way not revealed to us, got up there. If he 

1 Kruijt, 254. 2247,376; II, 84. 


returns the soul-substance, the patient recovers : if he refuses, 
the patient dies and the soul-substance apparently remains on 

In his description of the interview with Pue mSongi, Kruijt 
remarks that some say that the soul-substance is the breath. 1 
This is a conception of the nature of the soul-substance which has 
not been mentioned before in the account of the Toradja ideas. 
This conception of the breath as the vitalising agency is present 
in a definite form in Nias, for Baliu, a sky-being and a son of 
the supreme being Lowalangi, is said to have in the sky a store 
of breath with which he animates each human being at birth. 2 
At the death of each person the breath returns to the sky to be 
re-issued to some one else. 

Although the Toradja have confused ideas concerning the 
nature of the soul-substance, yet they possess a tale in which the 
breath is the animating principle. For, in the story about the 
creation of their first ancestors out of stone images, the sky- 
beings went up to the sky to get the " breath of life " . The 
sky-people of the Toradja tales therefore had a store of breath 
in the sky, in the same way as the sky-beings of the people of 

The soul-substance is supposed by other peoples to go at 
death to the sky. This is so in Halmahera. In a case of ill- 
ness the soul-substance of the priest, accompanied by a sky-spirit, 
goes to the supreme being and demands the soul-substance of the 
patient. The shadow of the patient, " the spurious soul-substance," 
is thrice offered and refused. At the fourth request the soul- 
substance is returned if the patient is to recover. 

The priestesses of the Olo Ngadju and Olo Dusun of Borneo 
perform a similar ritual. 3 

The soul-substance is thus connected with the sky and with 
the sky-beings. So, in a place such as Nias, the ghost of a 
commoner goes to the underground world, while his soul-sub- 
stance goes to the sky, the land of the dead of the chiefs. The 
importance which the chiefs attach to the soul-substance is shown 
by the fact that when an eminent chief in Nias is about to die, 
his son, who succeeds him, has to inhale his last breath. 

1 Kruijt, Chapters 12, 13. 2 Ibid, (iii), 10. Each human being is also sup- 
posed to be given a shadow at birth. 3 Ibid, (iii), 70, 87, 105, 107, 168. 


The leechcraft of the initiated priesthoods of Indonesia, which, 
according to tradition, has been learned from the sky-world, is 
therefore concerned with the soul-substance of human beings. 
This soul-substance is associated in a definite manner with the 
sky-world, and thus with the stone-using immigrants. This 
close connection is also evident from the fact that the chiefly suc- 
cession in Nias depends upon a form of direct inspiration. 

The available evidence therefore agrees in ascribing the con- 
ception of soul-substance to the influence of the stone-using im- 

It must be noted that the knowledge that the soul-substance 
returns at death to the sky is not common property in Indonesia. 
The Posso-Todjo Toradja are, according to Kruijt, generally un- 
aware of this ; for, although some of them know that the soul- 
substance goes to the sky after death, most of them have no idea 
at all concerning its destination. It has only been possible to 
determine the relationship between the soul-substance and the 
sky by an examination of the sky-derived craft of the priesthood 
of the Toradja, which is unknown to the laity among this people, 
as well as to some of the priestesses themselves. The knowledge 
concerning the soul-substance which is possessed by the average 
Toradja man is therefore vague and indefinite. It seems to be 
confined to the fact that man possesses a vitalising essence of 
an indefinite nature. This vagueness of ideas is the result, ap- 
parently, of the introduction by the stone-using immigrants of 
certain theories about the spiritual nature of man which have 
only imperfectly been absorbed by the indigenous peoples. 

The necessary control over this soul-substance is maintained 
by the priestesses with the aid of the sky-spirits. The help of 
these latter beings is so important that if, by any chance, the 
knowledge of the means of procuring it were to be lost, the 
priestesses would be powerless, and all illnesses would end fatally. 
It is thus highly essential from the point of view of the indigen- 
ous peoples that the institution of the initiated priesthood should 
be preserved. 

Both the associations of soul-substance and the lack of means 
of control over it which is displayed by the indigenous peoples, 
show how strange the idea is in Indonesia. 

The priestcraft of Indonesia is also concerned with rice- 


growing. 1 The function of the priest is to ensure the health of 
the rice. 

Evidence has been put forward which goes to show that the 
growing of rice has been introduced by the stone-using immi- 
grants. It is therefore significant that this cereal should be 
supposed to possess a soul-substance, and that the priestcraft 
should be concerned with the control of this soul-substance. 

1 Kruijt (iii), 145 et seq., and his article "de Rijstmoeder in den Indischen 
Archipel" (Verslagen en Meded. der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen). 



AN important matter has been left on one side during this 
discussion. We have not yet inquired why soul-substance can 
assume the form of an animal. In the account of the Toradja, 
and in Kruijt's work on Animism, it is said that the soul-sub- 
stance can change into deer, pigs, crocodiles, apes, buffaloes, 
cats, mice, lizards, birds (certain sorts), snakes, grasshoppers, 
worms, butterflies, and fireflies. So we may conclude that this 
list represents fairly well the various forms which soul-substance 
can assume, according to the beliefs of Indonesian peoples. 

Other beliefs are centred round these animals. The Toradja 
say that the soul-substance of a man can change after death into 
a bird. The Kayan of central Borneo say that it can change 
into deer, grey apes, snakes, and the rhinoceros bird. 1 The 
people of south Nias believe that a blacksmith turns into a frog, 
that a man who dies without sons becomes a moth, and that 
a man who is murdered becomes a grasshopper. 2 

Not only can human beings thus be incarnated as animals, 
but they are sometimes descended from animals, and vice versa. 
The Posso-Todjo Toradja have a tale of a woman who gave 
birth to two crocodiles. Kruijt remarks: "Sometimes one 
would be inclined to say that the Toradja consider crocodiles 
to be the incarnations of their ancestors ". Crocodiles are carved 
upon their temples. The Toradja also consider that birds and 
dogs were once men. 3 The people of Nias say that cats and 
monkeys were once human. 4 Among the Loda people of Halma- 
hera a dog which has a white ring round its neck is supposed to 
be descended from a man. 5 The belief that apes were once men, 
or that they are the incarnations of ancestors, is widespread in 

1 Kruijt (iii), 167. 2 Ibid., 184. 3 Kruijt and Adriani, I, 264, 266 ; II, 178. 
4 de Zwaan, 213. 5 Kruijt, 122. 



Indonesia. Speaking generally of the relationship between men 
and animals, Kruijt says, " the descent of animals from men and 
of men from animals (whereby it is clear that no essential 
difference between the two is felt) is a theme which recurs 
incessantly in the tales of Indonesian peoples ". 1 

Certain animals are prohibited as food. The deer, grey 
apes, snakes and rhinoceros birds, which the Kayan look upon 
as the incarnations of ancestors, may not be eaten. 2 The cat 
and dog are not eaten by the Kayan of the Mahakam river. 3 
Some Toradja families may not eat the flesh of certain animals, 
white buffaloes, eels, and sharks being mentioned. To Lage 
women may not eat deer's flesh. 4 No reason is given for this 
belief. Mr. Hodson has given a detailed account of the food 
prohibitions of the Naga peoples. 5 The village-priests of the 
Tangkhul are not allowed to eat dogs, which are also prohibited 
to some individuals or sections of villages. No Tangkhul may 
eat goats. In some villages, especially those where cloth is 
woven, unmarried girls may not eat dog or the flesh of any male 
animal. Pregnant women may not eat bear's flesh. or that! of any 
animal that has died a natural death. This prohibition is also 
found among the Quoireng, Marring, Kabui, Mao, and Maram. 

A father cannot eat the cock which he has sacrificed at the 
birth of a child. 

The Quoireng Naga have no general prohibition. A young 
unmarried girl may not eat male goats. Those whose parents 
have died from snake bites may not touch the flesh of a snake. 
Those who have killed a dog or goat as sacrifice cannot eat it 

The Marring do not eat cats and dogs. Members of the 
clan of the priest may not eat goats. 

Among the Chiru no women may eat dog, which is also 
forbidden to the priests when killed for a sacrifice. 

The Maram do not eat pork. Kabui women may not eat 
goat, and unmarried girls may not eat dog. Old people may, 
but young people may not, eat the flesh of a cat. 

No special animal is forbidden as food to the whole Mao 
tribe. Pigs cannot be eaten at the first crop festival. Dogs and 
salt fish are forbidden when rice is being transplanted, and dogs 

1 Kruijt, 121. 2 Loc. cit. 3 Nieuwenhuis (ii), 127. 4 Kruijt and Adriani, 
I, 413, 414. 8 i82 et seq. 


are forbidden during rice-harvest and epidemics. "Thegenna- 
bura or khullakpa (priests) of the Mao and Maram groups and 
their wives are under many disabilities in regard to their food. 
So too are persons who have erected a stone. Warriors, both 
before and after a raid, are not permitted food cooked by women." 
Hodson further reports that in a Kom village pregnant women 
may not eat wild pig, deer, buffalo, and mountain goat. Speak- 
ing generally of the Naga he says : " All domestic animals are 
eaten with the exception of the cat, which is treated with respect 
and buried with some semblance of funeral rites by the old 
women in one or two villages ". The Tangkhul say that a man 
who kills a cat becomes dumb. 1 

Certain facts connected with the prohibition of food among 
the Naga are important. Leaving on one side the cases of 
pregnant women, the persons who have most food restrictions 
are the priests. These priests are hereditary, and therefore, ac- 
cording to the conclusion reached in chapter xviii. , p. 114, are 
the representatives of the stone-using immigrants. The other 
two classes of persons among the Mao and Maram who have 
food restrictions are those who have erected memorial stones and 
warriors, both being categories which are especially connected 
with the culture of the stone-using immigrants. 

The restrictions on food in one case are expressly stated to 
have been imposed by the " gods ". The ancestors of the Mao 
were brother and sister, the survivors of a flood. They were 
allowed by the " gods " to marry on condition that their descend- 
ants never ate pork. Mr. Hodson says : " Finding themselves 
alone they did not know if they might properly marry and there- 
fore went out into the jungle together. There what befell them 
showed that there was some hindrance to their union, and they 
dreamed that night, and in their dream a 'god' came to the 
man and told him that they might marry, but on the condition 
that henceforth none of their descendants should eat the flesh 
of the pig. Thus it was that to this day the pig is forbidden to 
the men of Maram and to all the villages that follow Maram." 
Mr. Hodson has also brought into prominence another matter 
of importance. He says that in the forbidding of pork as an 
article of food " we have the almost totemistic connection of an 


animal ancestor with the prohibition against the flesh of that 
animal ".* He goes on to say that it is " instructive to observe 
that the prohibition rests on the physical peculiarity of the 
ancestress of the village. I was solemnly assured that the bones 
of the lady, an examination of which would have proved the 
existence of this very remarkable malformation, had been 
preserved in the village for centuries, and were only destroyed 
when the village was burnt as a punitive measure soon after the 
occupation of the Manipur State in 1891." 2 The words of Mr. 
Hodson are not precise, but they seem to imply that the an- 
cestress of the Maram Naga was a sow. 

The Khasi have certain food restrictions. They do not as a 
people eat dogs or ordinary frogs. Some of the restrictions are 
said to apply to certain of the exogamous groups of which this 
people is composed : the Siem-lih clan may not eat a certain 
kind of fish ; the clan Khar-um-nuid in Khyrim may not eat 
pork ; and the 'dkhar clan may not eat the flesh of the sow. 
In addition we are told that the chiefly family of Sierra may not 
eat dried fish, and the chiefs of Mylliem may not eat gourds. 8 

In the account given by Kruijt, it was said that the soul- 
substance of human beings is able to show itself in the shape 
of cats, pigs, apes, crocodiles, lizards, deer, buffaloes, mice, snakes, 
grasshoppers, worms, butterflies, and fireflies. Inquiry has shown 
that cats, dogs, pigs, apes, crocodiles, deer, buffaloes, snakes, 
frogs, rhinoceros, birds, sharks, goats, and bears are the objects 
of one or more of a group of beliefs : they are believed to be the 
incarnations of the dead ; or to be descended from men, or vice 
versa ; or they may not be eaten. Each animal is not mentioned 
as the object of each particular belief or prohibition. Inquiry 
will perhaps fill up many of the gaps, but it is not possible to 
say that each particular creature is associated everywhere with 
all the beliefs. The two lists which have been compiled are 
remarkably alike, for they agree in several instances. This 
similarity suggests that these beliefs rest on a common basis, and 
the fact that human soul-substance can assume animal forms 
points to the existence of a belief in a spiritual relationship 
between men and certain animals. 

Nieuwenhuis gives information which shows that this relation- 

1 13. Hodson. Gurdon. 


ship is supposed to exist The Kayan of the Kapuas region, he 
says, believe that domestic animals such as dogs, pigs, fowls, 
together with deer, wild pigs, and grey apes, resemble men in 
that they have two souls, while all other animals and material 
objects have only one. 1 This statement probably means that 
these animals are peculiar in that they have a soul-substance like 
that of man. This supposition is supported by the Toradja be- 
lief that their buffaloes, the introduction of which is ascribed 
to Lasaeo, differ from other animals in that they possess a soul- 

The ascription to these animals of a soul-substance provides 
a logical basis for the beliefs held about them. The existence 
in the sky of a common store of soul-substance which can be 
doled out to men and to these animals impartially, makes them 
spiritually akin ; and once the idea has arisen of descent from 
certain animals, their prohibition as food would follow. 

Unfortunately we have no information which will help us to 
understand how these beliefs came to be associated with certain 
animals. But several facts go to show that the whole group of 
notions concerning the relationship between men and animals were 
introduced by the stone-using immigrants. For they appear to be 
more closely connected with animals than the indigenous peoples. 
The chiefs of Kupang in Timor are said to be descended from 
crocodiles ; and the carved crocodiles on the backs of the stone 
seats of chiefs in Nias (Figure 5) suggest a close relationship 
between these creatures and the chiefs. Food restrictions among 
the Naga and Khasi in Assam fall more especially upon chiefs, 
priests, those who have erected memorials, and warriors, all of 
them persons who are more closely associated with the influence 
of the stone-using immigrants than the rest of the people. 

The available evidence thus points to the stone-using im- 
migrants as the introducers of certain notions concerning the 
relations between men and some animals. These notions are 
based, it seems, upon the assumption that men and these animals 
differ from other organic beings in possessing a " soul-substance " 
which is derived from the sky-world. In such circumstances 
it is to be expected that the attitude of the immigrants to- 
wards animals which are connected to them by such close ties of 

* Kruijt (iii), II. 


kinship will differ profoundly from that of the indigenous peoples, 
who, so far as can be told, before their coming possessed no 
ideas concerning the nature of soul-substance and the relations 
between men and animals. Strong evidence of the existence of 
such a difference of attitude has already been discovered. For 
in the punishment tales which were discussed in chapter xvi. it 
was found that the sky-people were enraged when certain ani- 
mals were laughed at. The animals mentioned in the tales 
were cats, dogs, frogs, apes, fowls, and pigs. This list is very like 
the other two already compiled (p. 158), and it would probably 
be more like if a greater number of tales had been collected 
by workers in the field. The anger of the sky-people is thus 
aroused when animals which, according to the evidence, are 
related to them by the closest ties of kinship are laughed at by 
people who have no suspicion of the existence of such a relation- 

It is usual to group these notions of the relations between 
men and animals under the heading of " Totemism ". So the con- 
clusion just arrived at is thus tantamount to ascribing the intro- 
duction of " Totemism " to the stone-using immigrants. The 
data examined in this chapter are not enough to enable us to 
understand to what extent these totemic ideas have influenced 
the social organisation and the beliefs of the indigenous peoples. 
Certain remarks made by Kruijt and others suggest that such 
an influence has really been profound, and it will be necessary 
in the future for workers in the field to examine into such im- 
portant matters far more closely than they have in the past. 



THE initiated priesthoods of Indonesia consist mainly of priestesses 
who carry out rites relating to leechcraft, rice-growing, funerals, 
and house-building. It is the duty of the priestess to try to re- 
store the soul-substance when it has left its human or vegetable 
embodiment. This can only be done with the aid of sky-spirits. 
To obtain this help the priestesses chant litanies which are said 
to have been derived from the sky. These litanies are not wholly 
understood even by the priestesses themselves, and the ordinary 
people are quite ignorant of their meaning. So, whatever cults 
and beliefs the stone-using immigrants may have brought with 
them, they have left those indigenous peoples who have only 
initiated priesthoods with ideas about the soul- substance, and 
priestesses who control it with the help of sky-spirits. 

The craft of the initiated priesthood does not reveal much 
about the stone-using immigrants themselves, or about the sky- 
world with which they are said to be connected. The folk-tales 
of Indonesian peoples also apparently are barren of real know- 
ledge of the, culture of these strangers. For Hose and McDougall 
say that, " Among all the peoples of Borneo a number of myths 
are handed on from generation to generation by word of mouth. 
These are related again and again by those who make themselves 
reputations as story-tellers, especially the old men and women ; 
and the people are never tired of hearing them repeated, as they 
sit in groups about their hearths between supper and bedtime,, 
and especially when camping in the jungle. 

" The myths vary considerably in the mouths of different; 
story-tellers, especially of those that live in widely-separated dis- 
tricts ; for the myths commonly have a certain amount of local 
colouring. Few or none of the myths are common to all the 

(161) II 


peoples ; but those of any one people are generally known in 
more or less authentic form to their neighbours. 

" Although many of the myths deal with such subjects as the 
creation of the world, of man, of animals and plants, the dis- 
covery of fire and agriculture, subjects of which the mythology 
has been incorporated in the religious teachings of the Classical 
and Christian worlds, the mythology of these peoples has little 
relation to their religion. The gods figure but little in the myths, 
and the myths are related with little or no religious feeling, no 
sense of awe, and very little sense of obligation to hand them 
on unchanged. They are related in much the same spirit and 
on the same occasions as the animal stories, of which also the 
people are fond, and they may be said to be sustained by the 
purely aesthetic or literary motive, rather than the religious or 
scientific motives." 1 

According to Hose and McDougall, the sky-people figure 
but little in folk-tales, except in connection with accounts of 
creation and the discovery of agriculture and fire. The examina- 
tion of the stories of creation and the discovery of agriculture has 
shown good reason for the conclusion that they rest upon a 
basis of tradition. The story in which the first men are made out 
of stone is probably the result of a certain kind of intercourse 
between the indigenous peoples and the stone-using immigrants. 
And the claims to be descended from people who emerged from 
stone or contracted incestuous unions are apparently founded 
upon a traditional basis. The tales of the introduction of agri- 
culture are also traditional. 

The sky-beings only figure in such tales in relationship to 
the indigenous peoples ; as the makers of images, and as beings 
who gave permission for ancestors to contract incestuous unions, 
and as the introducers of agriculture. No real information is 
given about them. Such as it has been possible to gain has 
been got rather by inference than from the direct assertions of 
the tales. It is not possible, for instance, to discover from their 
contents whence the strangers came or why they should have 
wandered about Indonesia. Once they step on the scene among 
any people a curtain seems to shut down behind them, and they 
are only known in terms of their relationships to the indigenous 

1 H, 136-7. 


peoples, as the bringers of culture, as supreme beings, or as the 
founders of chiefly houses. It is possible that, had they not in- 
troduced certain crafts and ideas about soul-substance and founded 
certain classes, they would long since have been forgotten by 
such peoples as the Posso-Todjo Toradja, as later strangers must 
have come and gone unremembered. 

Further evidence of the ignorance of Indonesian peoples 
about the doings and the culture of the stone-using immigrants 
is adduced by Heer Adriani. He says that, among the Toradja, 
tales are told about the sky-world, and others about the under- 
ground world, the land of the dead. The latter are far better 
known than the former. " The tales of visits to the sky-world 
depend very little upon common beliefs : they are for the most 
part literary. The superstition of the ordinary people troubles 
itself very little with the sky-world. What they know of the 
higher realms belongs to the region of theology and litera- 
ture." ! 

Indonesian peoples are not only ignorant about the sky-world, 
but they are also apparently indifferent towards natural pheno- 
mena, such as thunder and lightning. Heer van Ardenne de- 
scribes the behaviour of the To Lampu, one of the group of the 
Posso-Todjo Toradja. 

He says : "Accustomed to live out of doors, the To Lampu 
is not afraid of most natural phenomena, such as storms and 
tempests. During the loudest thunderclaps and the most dazz- 
ling flashes of lightning he sits quite unconcerned and does not 
move. He is not frightened. . . . Sometimes an earthquake 
happens in these parts, but only very slight shocks are felt, but 
the To Lampu bothers himself little if at all on that account. 
When he feels the shock he may look round wondering and then 
go on with his occupation. What he would do if he felt severe 
shocks which caused his house to fall, is not doubtful. He would 
run away, frightened out of his life, and seek shelter. 

" Eclipses of the sun and moon and comets have no noticeable 
influence upon him ; he appears to find them quite natural and 
does not pay attention to them. Here there is not banging on 
tong-tongs and making of other noises to drive away the evil 
spirits. People do not appear to think any more about these 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, III. 


things, and when I told them a few months before about the 
forthcoming arrival of Halley's comet, so that the people should 
not be afraid when they saw it, the only comment after the 
comet came was, ' The gentleman is very clever, for the star has 
really come'. Also when I tried to explain to them about 
some natural phenomena or other, and they did not understand 
it, and indeed doubted my explanation, some there were who 
actually said, ' Yes, that may be so, for the gentleman also knew 
all about the star with the tail '." 1 

The To Lampu may be taken as typical of the indigenous 
peoples of Indonesia. Their attitude shows that natural phe- 
nomena have not roused in them any emotions which have led 
them to speculate about the cause of these phenomena. The 
To Lampu say that thunder and lightning are caused by lamoa, 
sky-beings, and are evidently quite satisfied with the explana- 
tion. Their attitude is one of indifference and lack of curi- 

The attitude of the To Lampu towards natural phenomena 
suggests that the ignorance of the indigenous peoples of Indon- 
esia concerning the sky-world and the cults which the strangers 
brought with them is due, partly at least, to indifference. The 
strangeness of the language of the litanies chanted by the 
priestesses suggests that the stone-using immigrants kept their 
cults secret from the laity. But the apparent absence of any 
attempt on the part of indigenous peoples who have only 
initiated priesthoods to develop a cult of the beings in the sky, 
and the ignorance which they display concerning the tales about 
the sky-world, can best be explained by assuming that the 
sky-world and its inhabitants have no interest for them. The 
initiated priesthood is only kept on as a practical necessity, and 
all cults which do not conform to the standard of utility dis- 
appear with their introducers. 

The discussion of the evidence cited in the chapter on the 
land of the dead showed that those stone-using people of Indon- 
esia who possess social classes owe their upper class, directly or 
indirectly, to the influence of the stone-using immigrants. The 
upper classes claim to be closely associated with a world in the 
sky, to which they believe that their ghosts go at death. They 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, II, 420. 


claim descent from the beings of the sky-world, sometimes from 
the supreme being. The supreme beings of the Bontoc, the 
Toradja of Makale, the Kayan, and of the people of south Nias, 
are said to have lived on the earth. The beings of the sky-world 
and their earthly descendants are credited with powers over 
thunder and lightning, rain, wind, floods, and stones. Many 
stories are told about the denizens of the sky-world, and cere- 
monies are performed in honour of some of these beings. All 
this lore and practice is in the hands of the priesthood. When 
the priesthood is hereditary, the members belong to the upper 
class, and, by means of their help, the sky-beings and the 
guardian spirits of the villages can be approached. In those 
communities in which the priesthood is initiated, this direct 
intercourse with the sky-world is broken off, and access to the 
sky-beings is only to be had by means of intermediaries. 

On the other hand, the indigenous elements of the stone-using 
peoples of Indonesia are not connected in any way with the sky- 
world : they do not claim to go there at death, and they do not 
suppose that they are descended from its inhabitants. They do 
not pretend to powers over natural phenomena, to which they are 
indifferent, and they are ignorant of the lore of the sky-world. 

The social division which the stone-using immigrants have 
produced is therefore fundamental in character. Each part of 
the community is, in general, occupied with its own affairs, and 
the only overlapping is that which has been produced by the 
introduction by the stone-using immigrants of ideas concerning 
the spiritual nature of human beings, animals, and plants, which 
has caused the indigenous peoples to maintain an institution 
which otherwise seems to be a matter of indifference to them. 

The inquiry which has been instituted in the last part of this 
book has shown that the cults of Indonesian peoples can be divided 
into three groups. Those which the descendants of stone-using 
immigrants maintain are connected with sky-beings and the 
guardian spirits of villages. These latter spirits are said expressly 
to be the ghosts of the ancestors of the village priests. And in 
certain cases the sky-beings to whom prayers and offerings are 
made are claimed as ancestors by the chiefly class, to which 
belong the hereditary priests. It is significant that both these 


classes of beings can only be approached through those who 
claim to be their descendants. 

In the second place, the indigenous elements of the stone- 
using peoples do not appear to perform any ceremonies in 
honour of these beings, but leave that to the members of the 
priesthood. Their attention is occupied, it seems, with the 
ghosts of their relatives, especially of those recently deceased, 
and the head of each household performs the necessary cere- 
monies in connection with this ancestor-cult. 

Both the immigrant and indigenous elements of Indonesian 
peoples therefore possess cults connected with spiritual beings 
who are the recipients of prayers and offerings. 

There is also a third group of ceremonies which do not bear 
any near resemblance to the other two. The craft of the initiated 
priesthood differs from that of the hereditary priesthood or from 
the ordinary ancestor-cult, for the priestesses are only able to 
communicate with the sky-beings through intermediaries. And 
the purpose of the priestess is not to carry on a cult of the sky- 
beings to make prayers or offerings to them, but to control, 
through her helper, the spiritual part of man, plants, and animals. 

It is usual to call the objects of the first group of rites 
" gods ". According to the discussion which has preceded, 
the knowledge of these rites is the exclusive possession of the 
priesthood, and the ordinary people are entirely ignorant of 
them. That this fact is a matter of common knowledge among 
those who have had an intimate acquaintance with the peoples 
of Indonesia is shown by the following quotations. Heer 
Kruijt says: "Where the belief in and the worship of gods is 
an integral part of the life of primitive man, he has no more 
than a suspicion of his gods, and that suspicion has but little 
influence upon his daily life". Again, he says that a Tor- 
adja man is " quite conscious of the relationship between man 
and the ghosts of his ancestors. But when anyone asks him 
about his gods and spirits, then perhaps he may have something 
to tell which he has learned by chance, but generally he refers 
the questioner to the priests". In Nias, where the religion 
is well developed, " the Nias people do not worship their gods, 
they only expect good from them " . Heer Westenberg says 
of the Karo Batak of Sumatra that "the tales about the gods 


are preserved by the priests, for the< ordinary people know 
practically nothing about them ; they only know what they have 
picked up here and there ", l 

The proposition just considered is only a particular case of a 
general theorem, for the indigenous peoples are not only ignorant 
of their "gods," they are apparently also ignorant about the 
sky-world as a whole, and they have no direct communication 
whatever with it. 

The ignorance which the indigenous peoples display concern- 
ing the sky-world suggests that, prior to the coming of the stone- 
using immigrants, no beliefs in such a place existed in Indonesia. 
The indigenous peoples, as we have seen, do not appear to pay 
any more attention to thunder and lightning than the ignorant 
of our own countries, and the inference is that they never im- 
agined the existence of a world above the sky. Certain tales 
recorded in Indonesia seem to be traditions of the days when 
the sky-world came into existence for the first time. 

Jonker records a tale in Roti. 2 " In former times the sky 
was very close to the earth, not as at present when it is so high 
that if one were to place a dozen trees one on top of the other it 
could not be reached. In that time men went to and fro from the 
earth to the sky and from the sky to the earth, so that, if there 
was no fire on the earth, they went up to the sky to get it, and 
if there was no fire above they went down below to get some. 

"At that time lived a man of very great height, called Laih- 
amak, who reached to the sky with his head. He could not 
walk upright, but only stooping. Laihamak said to the sky, 
'Just push up a little higher, you sky, so that I can walk 
properly '. 

" The sky became very angry and receded, so that Laihamak 
could stand upright, and the birds could not reach the end of the 

"When the sky was high up Laihamak could walk properly, 
and he went round the earth. He began at the west and came 
to Lailete to the west of Dengka : there he set one foot upon a 
flat stone and the other upon a large stone in Baa. He then 
raised his back foot and placed it upon a stone in Keka : he then 
placed the other foot in Landu : stepped over Pukafu (the strait 

1 Kruijt (iii), 461 et seq. 2 (i) 426. 


between Roti and Timor) to Sonabai (in Timor) and went 
further eastwards ... he never returned to Roti." 

The Manobo of Mindanao say that in the early days of crea- 
tion the sky was low, but an old woman hit it one day with her 
rice-pestle and up it went. A similar notion is common in 
northern Luzon. 1 The Ifugao say that the sky region belonging 
to Manahaut, their most dreaded evil "deity," was once very 
near to the earth. This region was raised up by one of the 
sitting Ifugao deities, who suddenly arose and pushed the sky 
to its present position. 2 The Tagolog say that the sky was 
once very near to the earth : men threw stones at it and thus 
made the deity very angry, so that he drew the sky up to its 
present position. 3 

The Minahassa people say that Mt. Lokon was the old way 
to the sky-world, but that a man named Warere cut it in two 
and thus severed the connection. 4 

The Olo Ngadju of Borneo state that the son of Mahatara, 
their supreme being in the sky, taught them to plant rice. This 
made Mahatara so angry that he withdrew the sky from the 
earth. 5 

The sky was formerly near the earth in Nias, so that the 
priests could get there up a ladder. People used to scrape off 
the fat from the under side of the sky and eat it. One day a 
man sent his wife to get some of the fat. She was angry and 
hit the sky, which thereupon was drawn up. 6 

The direction in which Laihamak moved from Roti is that 
which the stone-using immigrants are supposed to have taken. 
Laihamak is said to have stepped on stones. This fact, together 
with the knowledge that his destination was Sonabait, the chiefs 
of which, who once ruled Timor, are "children of the sun," 
suggest that Laihamak is the traditional representative of the 
movement of stone-using peoples from Roti to Timor. If that 
be so, the sky-world was separated from the earth at the time of 
the movement of the stone-using immigrants from Roti to the 

None of the other tales give any clue, except that of the Olo 
Ngadju. In this tale the separation of earth and sky takes 

1 Beyer (ii), 89. a Ibid., 105. Ibid., 105. * Kruijt (iii), 494. Harde- 
and (i), Langit. 6 Kruijt (iii), 494. 


place after the Olo Ngadju had been taught to plant rice by the 
son of the supreme being, that is, after the arrival of the stone- 
using immigrants. This evidence is in agreement with that re- 
lating to the sky-world which has been forthcoming in previous 
chapters. The sky-beings figure in the tales of origin of several 
peoples, and the supreme beings are sometimes supposed to have 
lived on the earth. The whole of the associations of the sky- 
world, from the point of view of the indigenous peoples, there- 
fore date from a time subsequent to the arrival of the strangers 
in Indonesia. No signs exist of any beliefs in a world in the 
sky or in beings connected with it previous to the arrival of the 
stone-using immigrants. 



ALTHOUGH the examination of different kinds of data has made 
it more and more probable that stone-using people have come 
into the parts of Indonesia with which we are concerned and 
have influenced the cultures of the indigenous peoples, yet no 
indication has been forthcoming which will help us to understand 
the reason why these strangers wandered about the region, 
settling here permanently, there temporarily, and avoiding other 
places altogether. The behaviour of the immigrants is often 
apparently mysterious. Why should they found lines of chiefs 
in Nias and avoid the neighbouring Mentawi group : why did 
they disappear from central Borneo, leaving only a few carved 
stones on the banks of the rivers : why did they settle for a time 
in the Bada-Besoa-Napu region of central Celebes and not in 
the Posso-Todjo region, and why did they move southward? 
Such questions as these could be put with regard to their be- 
haviour in every place that they visited. 

It is evidently useless to search for the reason among the 
folklore of Indonesian peoples, for these peoples seem to know 
nothing about the immigrants except in so far as they have 
come into contact with themselves or their ancestors. The most 
hopeful procedure to adopt is to examine those places where the 
stone-using immigrants have apparently influenced the culture of 
the indigenous peoples to the greatest extent, so as to discover, 
if possible, why such places were more desirable in their eyes 
than others. 

Caution must be exercised in ascribing the practices of ter- 
raced irrigation and the building of megalithic monuments to 
the whole of the stone-using immigrants to Indonesia. But 
there can be no hesitation in assuming that those places where 
these cultural elements are found, especially when they exist 



together, have been more profoundly influenced by the culture 
associated with the use of stone than places where such elements 
do not occur. For, speaking generally, the most typical elements 
of the culture of the stone-using immigrants occur in association 
with terraced irrigation and megalithic monuments, as may be 
seen from an examination of the tables at the end of the book. 
I propose, therefore, to examine those places where terraced 
irrigation and megalithic monuments are found. 

Sumba is that island of the Timor region which is specially 
distinguished by its megalithic monuments. With the possible 
exception of Flores, in no other island of this region do mega- 
lithic monuments appear to be so plentiful. Sumba is further 
remarkable in that it was formerly an " island of gold" and 
much sought after by adventurous voyagers. 1 We do not know 
for how long it has been so distinguished, but the great attraction 
which gold has had for mankind ever since historical times 
suggests the possibility that the builders of megalithic monu- 
ments in Sumba were those who first came in search of its 
stores of gold. 2 

Gold mines or washings exist in other places where terraced 
irrigation or megalithic monuments, or both of these cultural 
elements, are recorded. 

The people of Luzon with whom we have been concerned, 
the Ifugao, Bontoc, and Igorot, who practise terraced irrigation, 
work extensive gold and copper mines. The Igorot have famous 
gold mines which have been worked for centuries. Mr. Robert- 
son says: "As early as 1624 the workings of the Igorots appear 
to be very old, and many of them were already abandoned ". 
Quiranta in 1624 said that Igorot men, women, and children 
washed for gold in the small mountain streams. They also had 
extensive workings in the gold-bearing quartz. " Their tools," 
he says, fi were certain stakes of heavy wood fashioned like pick- 
axes, with the knot of the said stake larger at the end of it, 
where, having pierced it, they fit into it a small narrow bit of iron 
one palm long. Then seated in the passages or works, as the 

1 Ten Kate (i), 542, quoting E. T. Hamy, " Le Descobridor Godinho de Eredia " 
(" Bulletin Socie'te' de Geographic," Paris, 1878, p. 511). a As far as I can tell, no 
gold is now found in Sumba. As happens so often in the case of alluvial gold, the 
supply has doubtless been exhausted. 


veins prove, they pick out and remove the ore, which, having 
been crushed by a stout rock in certain large receptacles fixed 
firmly in the ground, and with other smaller stones by hand, 
and having reduced the ore to powder, they carry it to the 
washing-place." ] 

The Igorot of Lepanto work copper. 

Mr. Robertson tells me that, so far as he knows, the distri- 
bution of gold and copper mines in Luzon is the same as that 
of the influence of the culture of the stone-using immigrants. 

Unfortunately I have no information concerning Formosa or 

Gold exists in central Celebes. No mention is made of gold- 
washing in the Posso-Todjo region. But in Bada, where the 
stone-villages in which the stone-using immigrants lived are most 
common, " gold washing is one of the most profitable occupations 
of the people ". 2 I possess no information concerning the pre- 
sence of gold in the Sadang district, but it is significant that 
formerly, when the people of Luwu, which includes the Sadang 
district, visited Pamona, they strewed gold-dust, rice, and beads 
upon the seven menhirs which were erected there on the departure 
of the Toradja tribes. 3 The evidence in central Celebes points 
to a definite relationship between the presence of gold and that 
of the culture of the stone-using immigrants. That this is so is 
made certain by a letter from Heer Kruijt, in which he says that 
the distribution of metal-workings in central Celebes coincides 
with that of stonework. 

Nias, like Sumba, was much sought after formerly on account 
of its reputed richness in gold, and many old atlases mark it as 
the " golden island ". 4 Like Sumba, no gold is found there now, 
but that is no reason why it should not have been worked ex- 
tensively in former times, for the exhaustion of gold deposits has 
taken place in all parts of the earth. 

In addition to these gold-workings in places where terraced 
irrigation and megalithic monuments are reported, there are 
others in those parts of Indonesia with which we are concerned. 

In south-west Borneo traces are present of very extensive 
ancient washings of alluvial gravels for gold and diamonds. 

1 Robertson. * Grubauer, 506-7. Kruijt and Adriani, I, 5. 4 Modigliani, 
6. 9. 10. 


There are also old washings for gold and diamonds on the banks 
of the Barito river, down which came the ancestors of the priests 
of the Olo Ngadju. 1 

It was noted in earlier chapters that stones on the banks ot 
rivers in central Borneo are regarded with reverence, and that 
certain people who are said to have lived there before the ar- 
rival of the Bahau group 2 left behind them carved stones on the 
banks of the rivers. These departed people have apparently in- 
fluenced the tribes of Borneo in such a manner as to lead us to 
conclude that they possessed a culture similar to that of the 
stone-using immigrants to other parts of Indonesia. The pre- 
sence of old gold- washings on the banks of rivers, especially in 
south-west Borneo, whence the Kayan say that they have mi- 
grated, 3 suggests forcibly that these strangers washed the alluvial 
gravels of Borneo for gold and diamonds, and that the localisa- 
tion of their occupation on the banks of rivers has caused the in- 
digenous peoples to associate such places more especially with 
their influence. 

Gold is also washed for in Timor, the chief place being Sona- 
bait, and especially there in the rivers Nono Baun, Noi Noni, 
Nipo Kain, Noa Penoh, and Lalaeh Asu. The prominence of 
Sonabait is significant, for the chiefs of that district, who once 
ruled Timor, are the descendants of immigrant "children of the 
sun". Gold is said to be " sacred" in Sonabait, which appar- 
ently means that it is definitely associated with the chiefs and 
the sky-world. 4 

The relationship between gold and the sky-world also exists 
in central Timor, where gold is washed for. Mr. Forbes gives 
a description of the process. " Before deciding on a day to com- 
mence the gold-washing, some of the children ... are sent to 
report whether the river is sufficiently low, and in favourable 
condition. On their return the people are assembled, and public 
proclamation is made * Oh, ho, ho, four days hence we go 
to gather gold'. On that day the Datu-luli (the priest chief), 
dressed in all the vestments of his office, proceeds (in the district 
of Saluki) to the top of the curious peak of Fatunarak, where a 
flat stone exists which is supposed to be the most sacred altar 

1 Hose and McDougall, I, 17; Kruijt (iii), 346. 2 To whom belong the 
Kayan. 3 Hose and McDougall. 4 Graamberg, 208. 


in the kingdom. Behind him follow all the people men, women, 
and children. The elder men seat themselves on the ground near 
the Datu-luli, the women, children, and younger men keeping at 
a respectful distance. The Datu-luli, then in front of the great 
stone, invokes the spirits of their dead, Maromak of the Heaven, 
and Him of the earth. All then return to their homes, where 
each acting as his own 'house-priest,' kills a fowl or a small pig, 
and offers on the lull stone in his own house, which he then 
carries to the river to wash the auriferous sand over. It is 
affirmed that every one finds gold on the first day more or less, 
all some. The ritual to be followed by one who is to search for 
the first time differs somewhat from that observed by those who 
have searched before." 1 The associations of gold in Timor are 
therefore such as to connect it with the stone-using immigrants. 

The examination of the gold-workings of Indonesia thus gives 
us reason to conclude with confidence that the stone-using 
immigrants were seekers after gold, who settled in places where 
they found it, and usually built megalithic monuments and caused 
terraced irrigation to be adopted. In Borneo they evidently did 
not stay permanently. On the other hand, although no terraced 
irrigation or megalithic monuments have been, so far as I know, 
reported in Timor, the great prominence there of the " chil- 
dren of the sun " suggests that, when fuller accounts are to 
hand, it will be found that the strangers have had a more definite 
effect upon the culture of the indigenous peoples than is at present 
apparent. The description by ten Kate of structures made of 
enormous stones in this island is significant and suggestive of a 
more profound influence than we yet know of. 

One exception to the generalisation must be noted. The 
Khasi have elaborate megalithic monuments and terraced irriga- 
tion, but they do not mine or wash for gold. I shall examine 
this case shortly. 

It is evident that people who are searching for gold will seek 
for other forms of wealth, and will influence the cultures of those 
places where they find it. I propose to consider from this point 
of view the problem of the Ursiwa and Urlima of the eastern part 
of the archipelago. 

What could have induced the founders of these brotherhoods 
1 Forbes, 467. 



to settle in certain islands and not in others ? The sketch-map 
suggests the answer. 

It shows that the pearl-fisheries of that part of Indonesia in 
question are coincident with the area of influence of the brother- 

.' o|K' * 



Distribution of pearl-fisheries with eastern part of the East Indian Archipelago. 

hoods. Evidence exists to show that the brotherhoods are con- 
nected in some way with Ternate and Tidore in Halmahera. 1 
The existence of a chain of pearl-fisheries running southward from 
Halmahera suggests that the founders of the brotherhoods spread 
thence in search of pearls and pearl-shell. But as the question 

1 1 shall put forward this evidence when I discuss the general problem of In- 
donesian cultures. 


involves a discussion of the origin of the Sultanates of Ternate 
and Tidore, I shall not enter into it more fully now. 

One feature of the distribution of pearl-fisheries in this part 
of the East Indian Archipelago cannot be allowed to pass un- 
noticed. The Geelvink Bay district of New Guinea is a note- 
worthy centre of pearl-fishing. I propose in the near future to 
put forward evidence to show that the stone-using immigrants 
have influenced the culture of this region very profoundly, and 
that the distribution of pearl-shells serves to account for the ex- 
tent of their influence in this part of the world. 

The stone-using immigrants were evidently accustomed to 
work in metals, for not only did they know the use of gold, but 
they have apparently taught the Philippine tribes to mine for 
copper. I propose to examine the peoples of Indonesia other 
than those already considered, with a view to determining what 
sort of influence the strangers have had upon the metal-working 
crafts of the indigenous peoples. 

Men of Roti go to an uninhabited island to smelt and work 
gold, and they sell their wares to the people of the neighbouring 
islands. 1 No metal-working is carried on in Wetar. Most 
villages of Keisar have goldsmiths. Iron- and goldsmiths are 
found in Leti Moa and Lakor, and there are a few in the Babar 
Islands. Luang-Sermata has a large number of iron- and gold- 
smiths. In Timorlaut a few people have learned from strangers 
the crafts of working in gold, iron, and copper. There are iron-, 
gold-, and silversmiths in the Aru and Kei Islands. No smiths 
are present in Watubela. In almost every village of Ambon 
there is an ironsmith. Goldsmiths live in Kaibolo and Kubur of 
this island and journey about for work. In some of the coast 
villages of Seran there are metal-workers who have learned their 
craft from men from Tidore. No metal-working is reported in 
Buru. 2 

Metal-working, therefore, is not carried on in all the islands 
of the East Indian Archipelago. None is reported in Wetar, an 
island where the existence of stone village- walls is not recorded, 
and where no explanation is given of the cause of thunder and 
lightning or of thunderstones. The absence of metal-working in 

1 Bastian, II, 66-7. * Riedel, 455, 425, 381, 344, 319, 287, 255, 226, 203, 126, 
65, 12. 


such an island is, in these circumstances, significant. The sun-cult 
is said to have spread from Luang-Sermata to the neighbouring 
islands. Metal-working is also carried on to a greater extent in 
this island than in those near to it. The distribution of metal- 
working is thus what would be expected if it had been introduced 
by those who brought the sun-cult with them. The absence of 
the craft in Timorlaut is especially indicative of the identity of 
its introducers, for the influence of the stone-using immigrants 
has apparently been weak there. 

Metal-working is absent in Watubela, an island where the 
influence of the stone-using immigrants seems to have been so 
slight that they have not founded a class of chiefs differing from 
the commoners by the use of a special form of stone grave. 

In the islands of Ambon, Seran, and Buru the presence and 
absence of metal-working corresponds to the variations in the 
cultural influence of the stone-using immigrants. The well- 
defined use of stone in Ambon is accompanied by the presence 
of many iron- and goldsmiths. In Seran and Buru, where the 
culture of the stone-using immigrants has been introduced to but 
a slight extent, metal-working is unknown, except in some 

The correspondence between the distribution of metal-work- 
ing and the various degrees of influence of the culture associated 
with the use of stone, enables us to credit the stone-using immi- 
grants with the introduction of this craft. 

The Toradja of central Celebes work in iron. Most of their 
iron-workings were discovered by ancestors, and offerings are 
made by anyone who digs iron for the first time. Thus, in a 
place formerly visited by gold-seekers, only the craft of iron- 
working has survived. 1 

The Kayan excel the Kenyah and Klemantan peoples of 
Borneo in the craft of iron- working. Messrs. Hose and 
McDougall are of the opinion that they have introduced this 
craft among these other peoples. Such an opinion is entirely in 
accordance with the conclusion arrived at, for the Kayan have 
had, according to the scheme of this book, closer contact with 
the stone-using immigrants than the others. The fact that they 

1 Kruijt and Adriani, II, 344 et seq. 


get their iron from river-beds suggests another reason for the 
sanctity attached to such places. 1 

The stone-using immigrants appear to have been people well 
acquainted with the working of gold, copper, and iron, who were 
so attracted by the first substance that they settled in those 
places where they found it, and left, among other things, terraced 
irrigation and megalithic monuments as signs of their presence. 
To what extent have these strangers succeeded in teaching the 
indigenous peoples the craft of metal-working ? The data at our 
disposal show that they have only taught them to work gold in 
some cases. Goldsmiths are found in islands at the east end of 
the Timor region, and the persistence of this craft in this region 
is probably to be accounted for by the continuity in the in- 
fluence of the stone-using immigrants. But the existence of 
iron-working only in central Celebes, Borneo, and Asasm 
suggests that the indigenous peoples have only adopted the craft 
that was really useful to them, a selective attitude similar to 
that which has caused them only to retain those parts of the 
priestcraft that are needed for practical purposes. The fact that 
indigenous peoples who have not been in intimate contact with 
the gold-seekers have not adopted the use of gold goes to show- 
that this substance has for them neither use nor value. 

The movements of such peoples as the Kayan, who have not 
adopted gold-working from the strangers, nor terraced irrigation, 
nor the custom of erecting megalithic monuments, but who have 
simply learned iron-working, a slight use of stone, and the 
method of growing rice in clearings on the hill-sides, are probably 
determined by the necessity for acquiring new patches of jungle 
for their rice-fields. We are told that the Kayan are continually 
moving onwards in search of new land for cultivation, and push- 
ing the other tribes before them. I propose to follow up this 
matter in the future, and to show that it helps to throw light 
upon the question of population and kindred problems. 

It is now possible with the information at our disposal to 
examine the case of the Khasi, who, although they make mega- 
lithic monuments and practise terraced irrigation, do not search 
for gold. 

They once had an important iron industry. 2 This, according 
1 It 193. 194, 197. "Gurdon, 57. 


to the conclusions just reached, would suggest that the stone- 
using immigrants had not settled among them. It would seem 
rather, that those who introduced the use of stone among them 
had moved out from a centre where the strangers had settled in 
their search for gold. This is what other considerations would 
suggest as the origin of some of the culture of the Khasi. 
Their chiefs are probably the descendants of people who in- 
troduced the use of stone, and the claim of one line of these 
chiefs to have originated from a rock is evidence that their 
ancestors migrated among the Khasi after acquiring the use of 
stone. Assam was formerly the scene of much gold-washing, 1 
and that metal, if the conclusion arrived at in this chapter be 
sound, was, as it were, the foundation upon which the civilisation 
of the valleys was based. It is therefore probable that the 
culture of the Khasi, as well as of the Naga tribes, all of whom 
live in the hills, owes its origin to migrants from the valley, 
who attracted by the large quantities of iron ore which existed 
in the Khasi hills, settled down there and started to work the 
metal. The migrants would perhaps not be the original stone- 
using immigrants, which would account for the absence of the 
claim on the part of Khasi chiefs to be descended from a sun- 
lord, and of a sun-cult among this people. 

a Ball, 218. 



IN the course of the development of the argument it has become 
evident that it would be possible to extend indefinitely the in- 
vestigation into the effects produced by the stone-using immi- 
grants upon the cultures of Indonesian peoples. For, in addition 
to such topics as have been discussed, others, such as head-hunt- 
ing, warfare, image-making, the building of villages and houses, 
have obtruded themselves, but have been left on one side for 
future consideration. And there are yet other important topics 
which must be examined in the future. But, as the discus- 
sion has served to establish with more or less definiteness the 
relationship between the stone-using immigrants and the indigen- 
ous peoples, and to determine the reason which led the former 
to Indonesia, it is convenient to bring the inquiry to an end at 
this point for the time being, and to sum up briefly the con- 
clusions to which the available evidence has led us. 

The facts at our disposal agree in supporting the conclusion 
that people have migrated into those parts of Indonesia with 
which we are concerned in search of gold and probably of other 
forms of wealth. The study of the stone-work first suggested 
that a migration had taken place, and this circumstance has caused 
the use of stone to play a part in the general discussion which 
is probably altogether disproportionate to the significance of this 
cultural element The examination of stone graves, stone seats, 
and memorial stones, as well as of the use of stone for secular 
purposes, coupled with the traditional evidence derived from 
various peoples in Indonesia, led us to infer that the use of stone 
is not indigenous, but has been introduced to various parts of 
this region. 

The strangers who brought in the use of stone also intro- 
duced terraced irrigation, metal-working, and rice-growing. They 

(i 80) 


founded lines of chiefs in some places, upper classes in others, 
and in others they have caused warriors to be distinguished from 
the rest of the community, the reason suggested being that they 
have introduced warfare to Indonesia. 

The immigrants appear to have brought with them the belief 
in a world in the sky, a belief which, so far as can be told, was 
not held by the indigenous peoples before their arrival. The 
members of those classes which were shown to have been founded 
by the strangers imagine that they go to the sky-world after 
death. In certain cases the hereditary chiefs claim descent from 
inhabitants of the sky-world, and the supreme being is sometimes 
a stone-using immigrant, or some one who is said once to have 
lived on the earth. The indigenous peoples appear to have no 
connection with this world in the sky. 

The stone-using immigrants have founded priesthoods which 
are of two kinds, hereditary and initiated. The members of the 
hereditary priesthood are the descendants of stone-using immi- 
grants or of beings of the sky-world, and they carry on cults 
associated with the beings of the sky and with their ancestral 
ghosts, which latter beings are the guardian spirits of villages. 

The initiated priesthoods, the members of which are usually 
women, are concerned with leechcraft, rice-growing, funerals, and 
house-building. Their craft was derived from the sky-world, but 
the priestesses can only act each with the help of her friendly 
sky-spirit. These priestesses chant litanies which are partly in 
unknown languages. The meaning of these litanies is often 
foreign to the priestesses themselves, and almost invariably so 
to the ordinary people. The basis of the craft of the initiated 
priesthood is the belief introduced by the stone-using immigrants, 
that each human being has a soul-substance. This soul-substance, 
it appears, is closely connected with the sky-world and with the 
chiefly class in Nias. Rice plants also possess it, and the priestess 
has to ensure by the performance of ceremonies the safety of the 
rice crops. 

The stone-using immigrants brought with them a sun-cult, 
a whole group of beliefs and tales concerning the sky-world and 
ideas about fertility and the use of phallic symbols. Some of 
their descendants claim to be "children of the sun". They 
probably practised incestuous unions, which custom has caused 


certain peoples to claim that they are descended from ancestors 
who were blood relatives. They have also apparently brought 
with them ideas concerning the relationship between man and 
certain animals, which are based upon the conception of the 
common possession of soul-substance ; and the tales of punish- 
ments for laughing at animals probably owe their origin to this 

The influence that these strangers have had upon the indi- 
genous peoples has apparently not been profound. They have, 
in general, only led to the adoption of terraced irrigation, gold- 
working, the carving of stone, and the making of megalithic 
monuments in places where they have founded chiefly or upper 
classes. In other places rice is grown by the dry method, if at all, 
and only iron- working is carried on. Among peoples who pos- 
sess hereditary priesthoods, the ghosts of stone-using immigrants 
are the guardian spirits of villages, but this is apparently not so 
when the priesthood is only initiated. The cults introduced by 
the strangers have, in such cases, disappeared, and the priesthood 
is only concerned with matters of practical importance. 

The indigenous peoples are ignorant of the sky-world and of 
the lore concerning it, for the latter is only known to the members 
of the priesthood, who preserve and hand on the tales, beliefs, and 
ceremonies which form their professional stock-in-trade. 

The beings of the sky-world only appear to enter the folk- 
tales of Indonesian peoples in relationship with themselves or their 
ancestors, as creators, culture-bringers, and as the founders of 
chiefly houses. 

The task which the study of the culture of the stone-using 
immigrants imposes upon students is threefold. In the first 
place it is necessary to extend the inquiry to topics which were 
left on one side during the present investigation, and to other 
matters which have not been mentioned, so as to determine more 
fully the extent of the influence that the strangers have had 
upon the cultures of the indigenous peoples. In the second 
place it is necessary to extend the area of the inquiry to the 
parts of Indonesia which have been ignored, and thus to de- 
termine the relationship between the cultures of the peoples 
living there and those with whom we have been concerned. 


This will entail the examination of the problem of external 
influence upon the region. 

Finally, it must be remembered that the existence ot mega- 
lithic monuments, terraced irrigation, mining sites, the sun-cult, 
" children of the sun," and other elements of the culture introduced 
by the stone-using immigrants has been recorded in all inhabited 
regions of the earth. The investigation undertaken in this book 
is therefore only a part of the wider inquiry into the distributions 
and associations of these and other cultural elements, and into 
their mode of dispersal. It will be necessary in the future, in 
order to carry through this wider inquiry to a satisfactory con- 
clusion, to examine all the regions of the earth in detail, as well 
as to synthesize the results obtained. All these processes are 
now at work, and it is becoming possible to understand the com- 
plicated phenomena of limited regions as well as to grasp the re- 
lationship of these local manifestations to the wider movements 
and developments of the culture associated with the use of stone. 
The study of the cultures of Indonesian peoples has already pro- 
vided clues which promise to lead to the solution of problems 
which involve the greater part of the inhabited globe, 1 and there 
is good reason to believe that, by travelling on the road opened 
up anew by the genius of Dr. Rivers and Prof. Elliot Smith, we 
shall finally succeed in understanding, with a clearness hitherto 
unthought of, the development of civilisation. 

Perry (iii), (iv), (v). 


BTLV. Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Neder- 

landsch- Indie. 
MNZG. Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsch Zendeling-gen- 

TTLV. Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Land en Volkenkunde. 

Beschrijving van het sandelhout eiland. De Oosterling, II, 1835. 

J. D. K. De Oosterling, II, 1835. 

Assam Census Report, 1891. 

Adriani, N. (i) Sangireeze Teksten, BTLV, 5, X, 1894. 

(ii) Mededeelingen omtrent de Toradja van Midden-Cele- 
bes, TTLV, XLIV, 1901. 
(iii) De voorstelling der Toradjas omtrent het hiernamaals, 

MNZG, LII, 1908. 
(See also under Kruijt.) 
Alderwereldt, J. de Roo van. Eenige mededeelingen over Sumba, 

TTLV, XXXIII, 5-6, 1890. 
Baarda, M. J. van. (i) Fabelen, verhalen en overleveringen der Gale- 

lareezen, BTLV, 6, I, 1896. 
(ii) Het Loda'sch, BTLV, LVI, 1904. 

Ball, V. A Manual of the Geology of India, Vol. Ill, Economic Geol- 
Earth, J. P. J. De landschappen aan de Boven-Pinoh, TTLV, XXXIX, 

6, 1897. 

Bastian, A. Indonesian. Berlin, 1884-1894. 
Beyer, H. O. (i) An Ifugao Burial Ceremony. Philippine Journal of 

Science, VI, 5, 1911. 

(ii) Origin Myths among the Mountain Peoples of the 
Philippines. Philippine Journal of Science, VIII, 

2, 1913- 

Blumentritt, F. Der Ahnencultus und die religiosen Anschauungen 
der Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels, 1882. 


Brooke, C. Ten Years in Sarawak. London, 1866. 

Brown, R. Annual Report of the Munnipore Political Agency, 1868-9. 

Selections from the Records of Government, Foreign Depart- 
ment. Calcutta, 1876. 

Buddingh, S. A. Neerlands Oost-Indie, 1859. 
Cabaton, A. Java, Sumatra, and the other Islands of the Dutch East 

Indies. London, 1911. 
dampen, C. F. H. De godsdienstige begrippen der Halmaherasche 

Alfuren, TTLV, XXVII, 1882 ; XXX, 1885. 
Carey, B. S., and Tuck, H. N. Chin Gazetteer. Rangoon, 1896. 
Chatelin, L. N. H. A. Godsdienst en bijgeloof der Niassers, TTLV, 

XXVI, 2, 1880. 
Cole, (i) The Tinggian. Philippine Journal of Science, III, 4, 1908. 

(ii) The Bagobo of Davao Gulf, ibid. VI, 3, 1911. 
Colquhoun, . Amongst the Shans. London, 1885. 
Davidson, J. W. The Island of Formosa. London, 1903. 
Dijken, H. van. Kusten-en Bergfahrten in Halmahera, Mitt. Geogr. 

Ges. Jena, II, 1884. 
Donselaar, W. M. Aanteekeningen over het eiland Savu, MNZG, XVI, 

Doren, J. B. J. van. (i) De Keij-eilanden, BTLV, N.S., VI, 1863. 

(ii) De Tenimber-eilanden, BTLV, N.S., VII, 

Earle, G. W. The Native Races of the Indian Archipelago. London, 

Eijbergen, Koorte woordenlijst van den taal der Aru en Keij-eilanden, 

TTLV, XVI, 1864. 
d'Estrey, H. M. Contes de Nias, Annales de 1'extreme Orient, X, 

Etris, A. van. lets over het Ceramsch Kakian-verbond, TTLV, XVI, 


Fergusson, J. Rude Stone Monuments. London, 1872. 
Fischer, A. Streifzuge durch Formosa, 1900. 
Forbes, H. O. A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago. 

London, 1885. 
Freijss, J. P. Reisen naar Mangarai en Lombok en 1854-56, TTLV, 

IX, 1860. 

Furness, W. H. Folk-lore in Borneo. 
Gomes, E. H. Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo. 

London, 1911. 
Graafland, N. (i) Eenige aanteekeningen op ethnographisch gebeid 

ten aanzien van het eiland Rote, MNZG, 1889. 
(ii) De Minahassa, 1898. 


Graamberg, J. S. G. Een maand in de binnenland van Timor, Verb. 

Bat. Gen. XXXVI, 1872. 
Grabowsky, F. Der Distrikt Dusun-Timor in Sud-Ost Borneo. Aus- 

land, 1884. 

Grubauer, A. Unter Kpofjagern in Central-Celebes, 1913. 
Gryzen, H. J. Mededeelingen omtrent Belu of Midden-Timor, Verb. 

Bat. Gen. LIV, 1904. 
Gurdon, P. R. The Khasis. London. 

Hardeland, A. (i) Dajacksch-Deutsche Worterbuch. Amsterdam, 1859. 
(ii) Versuch einer Grammatik der Dajackchen Sprache. 

Amsterdam, 1858. 
Heymering, G. Zeden en gewoonten op het eiland Roti, Tijdscbrift 

voor Nederlandsch-Indie, I, 1884. 
Hickson, S. J. A Naturalist in North Celebes, 1889. 
Hodson, T. C. The Naga Tribes of Manipur, 1911. 
Hoedt, . Verslag einer reis van der Controleur Hoedt naar de Noord- 

kust van W-Flores, TTLV, XXXVI, 3. 
Hoevell, C. von. De Leti-eilanden, TTLV, XXXIII, 1890. 
Holtz, H. TTLV, XI, 1862. 

Horst, D. W. De Rum-Serams op Nieuw-Guinea. Leiden, 1893. 
Hose, C., and McDougall, W. The Pagan Tribes of Borneo. London, 


Hunter, W. Statistical Account of Assam, 1879. 
Ishii, S. Report on the Control of the Aborigines of Formosa. Tai- 

hoku, Formosa, 1911. 

Jacobsen. Reise in der Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres. 
Jenks, A. E. The Bontoc Igorot. Manila, 1905. 
Jonker, J. C. G. (i) Rottineesche verhalen, BTLV, 7, IV, 1905. 

(ii) Rottineesche Teksten, Leiden, 1911. 

Juynboll, H. H. Pakewasche Teksten. BTLV, 6, I, 3, 1895. 
Kate, H. ten. (i) Verslag eener reis in de Timorgruppe en Polynesie, 

Tijd. Ned. Aardr. Gen. Ser. 2, H, 1894. 
(ii) Beitrage zur Ethnographic der Timorgruppe, Intern. 

Archiv. f. Ethnogr. XVIII, 1895. 
Kiliaan, J. Th. E. Oudheden aangetroffen in het landschap Besoa 

(Midden-Celebes), TTLV, L, 1908. 
Kleian, E. F. Lijst van woorden in het Maleisch, Hollandsch Rotti- 

neeschen Timoreesch, TTLV, XXXVIII, Af. 3, 1894. 
Kolff, D. H. Reize door de weinige bekenden zuidlijken molukschen 

archipel, 1828. 

Kramer, F. Der Gotsdeinst der Niasser, TTLV, XXXIII, 5-6, 1890. 
Kruijt. (i) De legenden der Posso-Alfuren aangaande de eerste men- 
schen, MNZG, XXXVIII, 1894. 


Kruijt. (ii) Een en ander aangaande het geestelijke en maatsch- 
appelijke leven van de Poso-Alfuren, MNZG, XXXIX, 
(iii) Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel, 'sGravenhage, 

(iv) De berg-landschappen Napu en Besoa, in Midden-Celebes, 

Tijd. Ned. Aardr. Gen. Ser. 2, XXV, 1908. 
(v) Nadere gegevens betreffende de oudheden aangetroffen in 

het landschap Besoa, TTLV, I, 1908. 
(vi) Het landschap Besoa, Tijd. Ned. Aardr. Gen. 
(vii) and Adriani. De Bare'e-spreekende Toradj's, 'sGraven- 
hage, 1912-14. 
Kuhr, E. L. M. Schetsen uit Borneo's Westerafdeeling, BTLV, 6, II, 

1896; 6, III, 1897. 

Langen, H. O. Die Key-oder Kii-Inseln. Vienna, 1902. 
Leekmer, H. H. O. Woordenlijst van de Soloreesche taal, TTLV, 

XXXVI, 5, 1893. 
Ling Roth, H. The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo. 

London, 1898. 
Ludeking, E. W. A. Schetsen van het Residentie Amboina, BTLV, 3, 

III, 1868. 

MacMahon, A. P. The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, 1876. 
McCulloch, W. Account of the Valley of Munnipore, Sel. Rec. Govt. 

India, Foreign Dept., XXVII, 1859. 
Mangindaan, L. Oud Tondano, TTLV, XX, 1872. 
Martin, K. Reisen in den Molukken. Leiden, 1894. 
Meerburg, J. W. Proeve einer beschrijving van land en volk van 
midden-Manggarai (West-Flores) afdeeling Bima, TTLV, 
XXXIV, 5, 1891. 

Merton, H. Forschungen in den Sudostlichen Molukken, Abh. der. 
Senckenberg Naturforschende Ges. XXXI, 1-2. Frankfurt-am- 
Main, 1910. 
Miesen, J. W. H. van den. Een en andere over Buru, MNZG, XLVI, 


Modigliani, E. Viaggio a Nias. Milan, 1890. 
Molengraff, G. A. F. Borneo-Expedition. Leiden, 1902. 
Muller, Salomon. Reizen en onderzoekingen in den Indischen Ar- 
chipel. Amsterdam, 1857. 
Nieuwenhuis. (i) In centraal Borneo. Leiden, 1900. 

(ii) Quer durch Borneo. Leiden, 1904. 
Oldham. The Serpent and the Sun. London, 1905. 
Peet, T. E. Rough Stone Monuments. London, 1912. 


Perry, W. J. (i) The Orientation of the Dead in Indonesia. Journ. 

Roy. Anth. Inst., XLIV, 1914. 

(ii) Myths of Origin and the Home of the Dead, Folk- 
lore, XXVI, 1915. 

(iii) The Relationship between the Geographical Distribu- 
tion of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines, 
Mem. and Proc. Manchester Lit. and Phil. Soc. 1915. 
(iv) The Geographical Distribution of Terraced Cultiva- 
tion and Irrigation, ibid. 1916. 
(v) An Ethnological Study of Warfare, ibid. 1917. 
Pettigrew, W. Kathi Kashan. The Soul-departure Feast as practised 
by the Tangkhul Naga, Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc., Bengal, New 
Ser. 5, 1909. 

Playfair, A. The Garos. London, 1909. 
Pleyte, C. M. Ethnographische beschrijving der Kei-eilanden, Tijd. 

Ned. Aardr. Gen. Ser. 2, X, 1893. 
Prain, D. The Angami Nagas, Rev. Col. Int. II, 1887. 
Rappard, T. C. Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners, BTLV, 7, VIII, 

Reinwardt, C. G. C. Reize naar de oostelijk gedeelte van den Indis- 

chen Archipel, 1858. 
Ribbe, C. (i) Die Aru-Inseln. Festsch. Ver. Erdk. Dresden, 1888. 

(ii) Ein Aufenthalt auf Gross Ceram, Jahresber. Ver. f. Erdk. 

Dresden, XXII, 1892. 
Riedel, J. G. F. (i) De Tiwoeka of steenen graven in de Minahassa, 

(ii) Ueber die Tiwukas oder steineren Grabern auf 

Nord-Selebes, Zeit. f. Eth. VII, 1875. 
(iii) Galela- und Tobeloreezen, Zeit. f. Eth. XVII, 

(iv) De sluik- en kroeshaarige rassen tusschen Selebes 

en Papua, 'sGi avenhage, 1886. 
(v) Die landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor, Deutsch. 

Geogr. Blatter, X, 1887. 

(vi) De watu rerumeran ne empung of de steenen 
zetel der Empungs in de Minahassa, TTLV, 
XL, 1897. 
(vii) Prohibitive teeken en tatuage-vormen op het 

eiland Timor, TTLV, XLIX, 1907. 

Rivers, W. H. R. (i) Presidential Address to Section H, Report Brit. 
Assoc., Portsmouth, 1911, p. 490 ; or Nature, 
1911, Vol. LXXXVII, p, 356. 


Rivers, W. H. R. (ii) Sun-Cult and Megaliths in Oceania, ibid. Bir- 
mingham, 1913, p. 634 ; or American Anthro- 
pologist, XVII, 3, 1915. 
(iii) The History of Melanesian Society. Cambridge, 


(iv) The Contact of Peoples. Essays and Studies 
presented to William Ridgeway. Cambridge, 
p. 474. 

Robertson, J. A. The Igorots of Lepanto, Phil. Journ. Sci. IX, 1914. 
Roos, S. (i) Het eiland Sumba, Verh. Bat. Gen. XXXVI. 

(ii) lets over Endeh, TTLV, XXIV, 1877. 
Rosenberg, C. B. H. von. (i) Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias, Verh. 

Bat. Gen. XXX, 1863. 
(ii) Reistochten. 
(iii) Der Malayische Archipel. Leipzig, 


Sachse, F. J. P. Het eiland Seran, 1907. 
Sarasin, P. and F. Reisen in Celebes. Weisbaden, 1905. 
Sawyer, F. H. The Inhabitants of the Philippines. London, 1900. 
Schmid, W. J. M. van. Aanteekeningen omtrent de zeden en gewoon- 
ten van Saparua, Haruku en Nusalaut, Tijd. van Ned. Indie, 
II, 1843. 

Schmidt, P. W. Grundlinien einer Vergleichung der Religionen und 
Mythologien der Austronesischen Volker, Denkschriften der 
Kaiserl. Akad. der Wet. Wien, LIII, 1910. 
Schmidtmuller. Ausland, 1849. 
Schuut, P. Van dag tot dag op een reis naar de landschappen Napu, 

Besoa en Bada, MNZG, LV, 1911. 
Schwarz, J. A. T. (i) Tontemboansche Teksten. Leiden, 1907. 

(ii) Ethnographica uit de Minahassa, Intern. Archiv. 

f. Ethnogr. XVIII, 1908. 
(iii) Lijst van voorwerpen met bijgesteld ophelderin- 

gen, MNZG, XXII, 1878. 

Scott, J. G. Upper Burma Gazetteer. Rangoon, 1900. 
Shakespear, J. (i) The Kuki-Lushei Clans. 

(ii) Kabui Notes, Man, 1912, 37. 
Sluijk, C. I. J. Teekeningen op grafsteenen uit het Minahassa, Int. 

Archiv. f. Ethnogr. XVIII, 1908. 
Smith, G. Elliot, (i) The Ancient Egyptians. London, 1911. 

(ii) The Influence of Egypt under the Ancient Em- 
pire, Report Brit. Assoc. 1911 ; also Man, 1911. 
(iii) Megalithic Monuments and their Builders, ibid. 
1912, p. 607 ; and Man, 1912. 


Smith, G. Elliot, (iv) The Origin of the Dolmen, ibid. 1913 ; also Man, 

(v) The Evolution of the Rock-cut Tomb and the 
Dolmen. Essays and Studies presented to 
William Ridgeway. Cambridge, 1913, p. 493. 

(vi) Early Racial Migrations and the Spread of Cer- 
tain Customs, Report Brit. Assoc. 1914; also 
Man, 1914. 
(vii) The Migrations of early Culture. Manchester, 

(viii) The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilisation 
in the East and in America. Manchester, 1916. 
Stack, E. The Mikirs, 1908. 

Sundermann. (i)Kleine Niassische Chrestomathie, BTLV, XLI, 1892. 
(ii) Niassische Texte mit Deutsche Uebersetzung, BTLV, 

LVIII, 1905. 

Teffer, M. Naamlijst van al hetgeen den Savunees tot onderhoud en 
veraangenaaming der leven wordt geschonken, TTLV, XXIII, 
4, 1876. 

Veth, P. J. Borneo's Westerafdeeling, Zalt-Bommel, 1854. 
Wechel, P. Erinneringen aus den Ost-und West Dusun-Landern 

(Borneo), Intern. Archiv. f. Ethnogr. XXII, 1913. 
Wielenga, D. K. Sumbaneesche Verhalen, BTLV, LXVIII, 1913. 
Wilken, G. A. (i) Verspreide Geschriften, 'sGravenhage, 1912. 

(ii) Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde 

van Ned. Indie. Leiden, 1893. 
Worcester, Dean C. The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon, 

Phil. Journ. of Sci. I, 8, 1906. 
Zollinger, M. H. (i) Verslag einer reis naar Bima en Sumbawa, Verh. 

Bat. Gen. XXIII, 1850. 
(ii) The Do Donggo of Bima Hill Country, Journ. 

of the Indian Archipelago, II. 
Zwaan, J. P. K. de. Die Heilkunde der Niasser, Den Haag, 1913. 


Megalithic Monu- 

Stone Graves. 










Stone Walls. 

Stone Houses. 


1 Creation from Stone 

Origin from Stone. 






Terraced Irrigation. 



, Sumbawa 













Sumba . 
































Wetar . 














Leti Moa Lakor 





























Kei ... 












Ambon . 











South Buru 



North Buru 







f Bontoc . 























L Negrito . 


Formosa . 
















f Posso-Todjo Toradja 
To Pajapi 
Bada Napu Besoa . 
1 Sadang Toradja 









c - 

Kenyah . 




Punan . 









Mentawi . 

Engano . 

Khasi . 













Tangkhul Naga 










Kabui Naga . 







Mao Naga 
Lushei . 







Old Kuki 















ADRIANI, N., 5, 7, 163. 

Adu, 143. 

Adultery, 122, 125, 127. 

Adunara, 5, 20, 27. 

Agricultural ceremonies, 118, 131, 146, 


Agriculture, chapter xvii., 69, 131, 135, 
146, 154, 162. 

god of, 58. 
A jour, 19. 

Alignments, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,41, 42. 
Ambon, 5, 21, 29, 35, 41, 51, go, 106, 

108, in, 129, 133, 176. 
Amol. See Old Kuki. 
Ancestors, 41, 42, 48, 57, 58, 62, 77, 78, 

79, 80, 89, 109, 117, 126, 141, 142, 

143, 144, 149, 155, 165-6. 

cult of, 62, 142, 143, 147. 
Animals, descent from, 156. 

laughing at, 124, 125, 126, 127, 131, 


prohibited as food, 156-8. 

relations with, chapter xx. 

representations of, 19, 155. 
Animation. See Images, animation of, 

120, 121, 123, 152. 
Ape, 124, 126, 151, 155, 156, 159. 
Arabs, 4. 

Ardenne, Th. van, 163. 
Armband, 67. 
Armenoid people, 2. 
Arrow, 130. 
Aru Islands, 5, 51, 58, 90, 106, 128, 129, 

133, 176. 
Asia, 2, 58. 

Assam, 4, 5, 10, 44, 92, 179. 
Atayal. See Formosa. 
Auk, 79. 
Awe, 162. 

BABAR, 5, 21, 29, 50, 57, 58, 87, 106, 108, 

129, 133, 141, 176. 
Bali, 4. 

Bamboo knife, 78. 
Banda, 4. 
Banyan tree, 106. 
Bastian, A., 13, 21, 58, 79, 92. 
Batak, Karo, 166. 

Beads, 172. 
Bear, 156. 
Beard, 98. 
Bela t 145, 174. 
Belu. See Timor. 
Beyer, H. O., gi, g6, 124. 
Biate. See Old Kuki. 
Bird, 43, 80, 151, 155. 

rhinoceros, 155, 156. 
Blacksmith, 155. 
Blood, 63. 

Boat, petrified, 45, 48, 124. 
Bone, 43. 

Bontoc. See Luzon. 
Borneo, 4, 5, 30, 52, 61, 7g, 134, 135, 
161, 162, 172-3. 

Bahau, 7g, 81, log, no. 

Dusun of British North Borneo, 13, 41, 

Iban, 60, 80, 125. 

Kalabit, 136. 

Kayan, 23, 92, 118, ng, 126, 133, 144, 
145, 146, 148, 155, 156, 159, 177, 178. 

Kenyah, 59, 60, 63, 109, 177. 

Klemantan, 177. 

Olo Dusun, 144, 148. 

Olo Ngadju, 60, 61, 63, 140, 143, 144, 

145, 146, 148, 152, 168. 
Boronadu, 43-4. 
Botel Tobago. See Formosa. 
Brahmanism, 4. 
Breath, 7g, 82, 120, 152. 
Buddhism, 4. 

Buffaloes, 6g, 80, 151, 156, i^g. 
Bulili. See Toradja, To Bada. 
Burma, 4, 5, 44. 
Buru, 5, 22, 30, 90, 106, 129, 133, 143, 

Butterfly, 150. 

CANAL, 66, 135, 136. 

Cat, 124, 125 132, 151, 155, 156. 

Caves, 47. 

disposal of the dead in, 22. 
Celebes, 4, 5. 

central, 5, 36, 52, 59, 64, 70, 125, 131, 

135, 137, I7 2 - 

north, 59. 

(193) 13 


Chatham Islands, 2. 

Chawte. See Old Kuki. 

Chiefs, 17, ig, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 
33, 34. 35, 36, 37, 39. 4 1 , 4 2 > 43, 44, 
48, 50, 55, 57, 5 8 , 59, 68, 70, 74, 75, 
78, 88, 89, 94, 102, 103, 108, 109, 
in, 113, 114, 118, ng, 125, 126, 
127, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147, 

152-5, 159, 173. 

absence of, 72, 74, 96. 

" Children of the sun," 88, gi, g4, 115, 


Chinbok, 15, 126. 

Haka, 23. 

Shunkla, 23. 

Sokte, 14. 

Tashon, 30, 80. 

Welaung, 14. 

Whenho, 80. 

Yahao, g4- 

Yindu, 15. 

Chinbok. See Chin. 
Chinese, 4. 
Cineraria, 23. 
Clan, 77, 158. 
Coffin, 21, 22, 23, 36. 

canoe, 48. 

stone. See Stone coffin. 
Commoners, 17, 19, 20, 23, 25, 31, 34, 37, 

41, 54, 113, 114, 118, ng. 
Conventionalisation of ornament, log. 
Copper, 171, 172, 176. 
Crab, 19. 
Creation, 78, 80, g3, 121, 162. 

from stone image, 7g. 
Creeper, 6g, 77, g2. 
Cremation of dead, 23. 
Crocodile, ig, 33, 151, 155. 
Cromlech, 10, 12, 13, 14, 17, 41, 43. 
Croton, 151. 

Crow, 78. 

Culture, immigrant, 44, 4g. 
Cup-marking, 18, ig, 27, 58. 
Cursing, 121. 

DAMA, 5, 2g, 50, 87, 106, 141. 
Dammar torch, 2g. 
Dancing, 41. 
Dead, cremation of, 23. 
disposal of, in trees, 47. 

- interment of, 20, 21, 22, 23, 84, 113. 

- land of the, chapter xiv., 45, 47, 83, 

114, 117, 149, 151, 163. 
Death, cause of, 149. 
Deer, 151, 156, 159. 
Diamonds, 172, 173. 
Discontinuities in distribution, 24, 30, 44, 

Dissoliths, 16 et seq., 41, 42, 48, 63, in. 

Do Donggo. See Sumbawa. 
Dog, 59, 93, 132, 155, 156, 158, 159. 
Dolmen, 10, n, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 

40, 41, 45, 60. 
Dracaena, 70. See Croton. 
Dragon, 133, 134. 
Dreams, 57, 62, 150. 
Drought, 131. 

EARTH, 80, 105 et seq., 121. 

Earthquakes, 131, 163. 

Easter Island, 19. 

Eel, 156. 

Egg, 63, 94, 99- 

Egypt, i, 2. 

Endeh. See Flores. 

Engano, 44. 

Europe, i. 

FAWI. See House, council. 

Fertility, chapter xiii. 

Fire, 88, 96, 97, 98. 

Fischer, A., no. 

Fish, 19, 156, 158. 

Flood, 59, 96, 97, 121, 129. 

Flores, 5, 20, 89. 

Endeh, 20, 41, 45. 

Lio, 27. 

Manggarai, 20, 27, 50. 

Sicca, 27, 86. 
Folk-tales, 161, 162. 
Fontanelle, 150. 
Food prohibitions, 156-8. 
Forbes, H. O., 173. 
Formosa, 5, 13, 22, 51, 77, 135. 

Ami, 22. 

Paiwan, 22, 51, 77, 78. 

Puyuma, 78. 

Taiyal, 51, 77. 

Tsalisen, 51. 

Tsou, 22. 

Vonum, 51. 

Yami of Botel Tobago, 51, 78. 
Fortifications, 50. See Stockades, Stone 


Fowl, 98, 156, 159, 174. 
Frog, 124, 155, 158. 

GARO, 5, 14, 41, 48, 60, 64, 93. 
host (of dead), 46, 151. 

in loft of house, 57, 58. 

in stones, 57, 58, 70. 

of women dead in childbirth, 119. 

on stone seats, 35, 43, 
-house. See Temple. 
Goa, 75. 

Goat, 48, 156. 

God, 28, sg, 60, 75, 125, 126, 157, 162, 

Gold, 121, 171-4, 176-7, 178. 



Gourd, 156. 

Grasshopper, 155. 

Grave, 20, 21, 22, 23, 84, 113. 

excavated in mountain side, 22, 23, 


-house, 20, 21. 

rock-cut tomb, 10, 13. 

stone, chapter iii., 20, 35, 40, 41. 
Grubauer, A., 50, log, 134, 136. 
Guardian spirits, 63, 64, 106, 141-2, 147. 

HAKA. See Chin. 

Half-men, chapter xv., gi. 

Halmahera, 5, 13, 43, 58, 81, go, 114, 

115, 121, 133, 152, 155. 
Hardeland, 145. 
Hat, carving of, 18. 
Hawaii, 18. 
Head-hunting, 22, 26, 30, 63, 64, ng, 


Hindu, 58. 

Hodson, T. C., 73, 136, 156, 157, 158. 
Hoevell, C. von, go, 133. 
Horses, 19, 108. 
Hose, C., and McDougall, W., 126, 136, 

161, 162, 177. 

Hospitality, breaches of, 126, 127, 131. 
Houses, 46, 60, 61, 147. 

builders of, 57, 58. 

council, 66. 

grave. See Grave-house. 

men's, 34, 66. 

stone. See Stone-house. 
Hrangchal. See Old Kuki. 

Human figures, 17, 19, 28, 57, 58, 59, 
60, 108, 109, 125. 

sacrifice, 63, 70, 119. 
Hunters, 119. 

IFUGAO. See Luzon. 

Igorot. See Luzon. 

Illness, 150, 151, 152. 

Images, 17, 19, 87, 106, 108, 109, 117, 

125, 141, 142, 143, 144. 
animation of, 79, 80, 81, 82. 

stone, 19, 125. 

Immigrants, 45, 46, 47, 48, 57, 62, 70, 88, 
89, 91, 92, 107. 

stone-using, chapter xxi., 46, 48, 49, 

53, 54, 64, 65, 71-3, 83, 88, 89, 91, 
92, 102-3, IQ 8, no, in, 112, 118, 
128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 

135, 139, 14, 144, 153. *57i *59, 

172, 173, 174, 178, 179. 
Incarnation, 155, 156. 
Incest, 125, 126, 127, 131, 132. 
Incestuous union, chapter xii., 77, 91. 
India, 3. 
Indigenous people, chapter xxi., 86, go, 

107, ng, 131, 132, 153, 160. 

Indigenous people and natural pheno- 
mena, 163-4. 

ignorance of, concerning sky 
world, chapter xxi. 

Interment, 20, 21, 22, 23, 84, 113. 

Iron, 80, 176-9. 

Irrigation, terraced, chapter xvii. 

Ishii, S., 77. 

Islam, 4) 5. 

Ivory, 126. 

Java, 3, 4. 

Jenks, A. E., 51, 135. 
Jonker, J. C. G., 167. 

KAHAJAN, R., 62. 

Kakian club of Patasiwa, 46, 53, 114, 


Kapuas, R., 60, 61. 
Karen, 5, 137. 
Bghai, 61. 

Pakoo branch of Sgaw, 61. 
-ni, 23. 

Kariso, 67, 78, 91. 
Kate, H. ten, n, 12, 18, 20, 27, 28, 31, 

35, 40, 45, 108, 109, 135, 174. 
Kawalusan, 67. 
Kei Islands, 5, 12, 21, 2g, 41, 46, 51, 58, 

64, go, 106, 128, 143, 176. 
Keisar, 5, 12, 21, 2g, 34, 50, 57, 58, 87, 

106, 108, 129, 140, 141, 176. 
Kerito. See Kariso. 
Khasi, 5, 14, 16, 17, 23, 36, 41, 43, 48, 

52, 56, 60, 79, 92, 136, 144, 147, 158, 

159, 174, 178-9. 
Kohlen. See Lushei. 
Kruijt, A., 5, 53, 5g, 149, 150, 152, 153, 

154, 158, 166, 172 ; and Adriani, 131, 


Kuki, Old, 5, 14. 
Amol, 14. 
Anal, g3. 
Biate, 14. 

Chawte, 14, 61, 80. 
Hrangchal, 14, 41. 
Kohlen, g3. 
Kom, 157. 
Thado, 14, 16, 60, 99. 

LAND of dead. See Dead. 

origin. See Origin. 

Lasaeo, 69, 139. 

Lature, 92. 

Laughing at animals. See Animals. 

Leechcraft, 147, 151 et seq. 

Leti Moa Lakor Islands, 5, 12, 21, 29, 34, 

46, 50, 57> 58. 87, 106, loS, 129, 133, 

141, 176. 
Lightning, 121, 122, 129, 130, 132, 133. 


Lime, 124. 

Lio See Flores. 

Litany, 145 et seq. 

ignorance of meaning of, 146. 
Log, 69, 140. 

Lombok, 4. 

Luang-Sermata Islands, 5, 29, 50, 57, 58, 

77, 87, 88, 106, 141, 142, 176. 
Lumawig, 66, 72, 96, 135. 
Lumimu'nt, 78, 79, 91. 
Lushai. See Lushei. 
Lushei, 5, 79. 

Kohlen, 14, 41. 

Lushai, 14. 

Vuite, 16, 99. 
Luwu, 69, 70, 74, 172. 
Luzon, 135. 

Bontoc, 22, 26, 34, 39, 51, 66, 96, 114, 
115, 130, 135, 143, 171. 

Ifugao, 22, 26, 51, 66, 98, 99, 120, 171. 

Igorot, 22, 30, 91, 97, 120, 171, 172. 

Silipanes, origin of, 98. 
Lyngdoh, 144. 

Malay Peninsula, 4. 
Malays, 4. 

Male and female, 105, 106, 107 et seq., in. 
Mandaya. See Mindanao. 
Manggarai. See Flores. 
Maram. See Naga, Mao. 
Martin, K., 29, 51. 
McDougall, W. See Hose. 
Mediterranean Sea, i. 
Megalithic monuments, chapters ii., vi., 
2, 3. 

definitions, 10, u. 

and terraced irrigation, 137-9. 

Melanesia, i. 

Memorials, 36, 41-3, 48, 69, 119, 157, 159, 


Men, representations of, 17, 19. 
Menhir, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 41, 

43, 59, 60, 172. 
Mentawi Islands, 44. 
Merton, H., 29, 41. 
Method, 4, 9. 

Migrations, i, 61, 69, 74, 83, 100, 101. 
Mikir, 15, 16, 23, 41. 
Minahassa, 5, 13, 16, 22, 36, 42, 47, 52, 

108, 114, 130, 133, 135, 140, 168. 
Tondano, 47. 

Tontemboan, 36, 37, 42, 52, 59, 63, 67, 
78,91, 96, 105, in, 115, 125, 130, 
145, 146. 
Toulian, 47. 

Toumpakewa, 78, 79, 128. 
Mandaya, 22. 
Manobo, 91, 124, 168. 
Monteses, 58. 

Modigliani, E., 33, 48. 
Molengraaf, G. A. F., 60. 
Moluccas, 46. 
Monkey. See Ape. 
Monteses. See Mindanao. 
Moon, 78, 91, 92, 93, 94, 106, 114. 
Moth, 155. 
Mouse, 150. 
Muntu'nntu, 36, 130. 
Murder, 23, 41, 42, 155. 

NAGA, 71. 

Naga, 5, 14, 41, 52, 136, 144, 156, 157, 

i5 8 . 159- 
Angami, 23. 
Chiru, 137, 156. 
Kabui, 14, 16, 23, 35, 52, 60, 79, 92, 

105, 119, 136, 137, 156. 
Maikel, 14, 30, 63, 79. 
Mao, 14, 30, 60, 63, 92, 98, 107, 114, 

117, 136, 137, 156, 157, 158. 
Marring, 14, 136, 137, 156. 

uoireng, 30, 92, 137, 156. 
angkhul, 14, 23, 30, 34, 52, 70, 71, 79, 
105, 130, 137, !56, 157. 
Natural phenomena, attitude of indigen 

ous people towards, 163. 
New Guinea, Geelvink Bay, 176. 
Nias, 5, 14, 17, 33, 34, 36, 41, 42, 48, 52, 
60, 70, 82, 92, 98, 109, in, 114, 117, 

122, I 3 2, 134, I 3 6, I 43 , I 4 5, I 47 , 152, 

155, 166, 168, 172. 
Nieuwenhuis, 109, 158. 


Offering-places. See Stone offering- 

Offerings, 28, 41, 42, 58, 59, 63, 143, 146. 
Omen, 68. 

Orientation, 68, 113, 116, 117. 
Origin, 92. 

from burst-stone, 70, 77, 78, 79, 80, 


hole covered by stone, 80, 84. 

incestuous union, chapter xii. 
stone image, 79, 81. 

land of, chapter xiv., 44, 47. 

PABAFUNAN. See Men's house. 

Paiwan. See Formosa. 

Palm-wine, 69, 70. 

Pamona, 43, 69, 172. 

Pangantoho, 61, 63. 

Patalima, 46. 

Patasiwa, 46, 114, 115, 143. 

Path, forked, 69, 140. 

Patumera clan, 77. 

Pearl, 175-6. 

Peet, T. E., 10, n. 

Perham, 60. 

Periodic ceremonies, 87. 



Periodic fructification of earth, 106. 
Petrifaction, chapter xvi., 62, 66, 67, 69, 

7.0, 77, 79- 

Phallic ornamentation, 108-12. 
Philippine Islands, 5, 13, 22. 

Tinguianes, 22. 
Pig, 98, 99, 130, 151, 156, 157, 158, 159, 


Platform disposal, 21, 23. 
Pleiades, 69, 140. 
Posso Lake, 69, 70, 125. 
Precious stones, 121. 

Priest, chapter xviii., 21, 30, 57, 60, 62, 
63, in, 152, 156, 157, 159. 

initiated, 145. 

Priestess, chapters xviii., xix., 144 et seq. 
Prostitution, 148. 
Pue mPalabunt, 79, 92, 98, 131. 
Punishment, chapter xvi., 59, 123, 160. 
Pyramid, 18, 19. 


RAIN, 125, 127, 128, 131, 133, 134, 141, 

production of, 67, 128, 129. 
Resting-place, 34, 35, 36, 38, 43. 
Ribbe, C., 133. 

Rice, 60, 131, 139, 140, 154, 168, 172. 
fields, 36, 51. 

-granaries, 125. 

-growing, 69, 135, 139, 140, 146. 
Riedel, J. G. F., 13, 29, 34, 35, 59, 83, 

108, 133, 141, 142, 143. 
Rivers, W. H. R., i, 2, 3, 183. 
Robertson, J. A., 171, 172. 
Rock-cut tomb, 10, 13. 
Rocks, butting, 122. 
Romang, 87, 106. 
Roos, S., 12, 40. 
Roth, H. Ling, 126. 
Rod, 5, 20, 28, 34, 35, 45, 50, 86, 121, 

127, 167, 176. 

SANGLANG, 145, 147. 

Sangir Islands, 68. 

Sarasin, P. and F., 13, 23. 

Savu, 5, 20, 28, 34, 45, 57, 86, 89, 128, 


Schmid, W. J. M. van, 108. 
Schmidt, P. W., 90. 
Schmidtmuller, 42. 
Schwarz, J. A. T., 52, 78, 146. 
Seran, 5, 12, 21, 41, 46, 53, 58, 90, 106, 

114, 115, 129, 133, 143, 176. 
Seranglaut, 4. 
Serpent cult, 42. 
Sexual intercourse, 106, 109. 

nature of stones, 42, 111-12. 
Shadow, 150, 152. 

Shakespear, J., 6r. 
Shark, 156. 
Ship, 91. 

Shunkla. See Chin. 
Silver, 121. 

Sirui, 45, 57, 133, 141. 
Skull, 41. 

Sky-being, 72, 74 et seq., 78, 79, 80, 91, 
92, 93, 96, 102, 103, 106, n8, 119, 

120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128, I2g, 130, 

131, 132, 143, 151. 

-spirit, 145 et seq., 151, 152. 

-world, chapter xxi., 89, 91, 92, 94, 

98, 103, 114, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 
123, 137, 140, 142, 144, 145, 146, 
147, 151, 152. 

Slave, 69, 70. 

Smith, G. E., i, 2, 3, 183. 

Snake, 150, 156. 

Sokte. See Chin. 

Solor, 5, 20, 27, 35, 50, 87. 

Sonabait, 88, 168, 173. 

Soul-substance, chapters xix., xx., 159. 

Spirits, evil, 60, 61, 82, 92, 109, in, 126, 

129, 151. 

guardian. See Guardian spirits. 
Stockade, 52, 53. 

Stone, 98, 167, 168. 

and sky, 91. 

annular, 17. 

carving, 17, 18, 19, 61, 67, 80, 81, 173. 

coffin, 21. 

cult of small 57. 

fire from, 71. 

graves. See Graves. 

houses, 21, 23, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 


images, 47, 58, 59, 60, 67, 79, Si. 

offering-places, chapter iv., 41, 46, in, 

174, 175. 

origin myths, chapter x. 

pavings, 50, 51, 52. 

platforms for houses, 50, 52. 

seats, chapter v., 43. 

stairway, 51. 

transportation of, 46, 47, 48. 

trough, 52. 

um, 22, 36, 47. 

vat, 36. 

wall, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54. 
Sumatra, 4, 5. 

Sumba, 5, 10, n, 12, 18, 19, 27, 34, 40, 

45, 50, 86, 89, 108, 135, 171. 
Sumbawa, 5, 135. 

Do Donggo of Bima, 20, 27, 86. 
Sun, chapters xi., xii., 18, 19, 67, 78, 79, 

99, "3- 

cult, chapter xi., 101, 105. 

-lord, chapters xi., xiii., 69, 128, 139, 

130, 131, 143. 


Sunda Islands, 4. 

Supreme being, 75, 82, 94, 105, 106, 118, 

121, 122, 144, 152. 
Sword handle, 92. 

TABLES, distribution, 192. 

stone graves, 25. 

houses and stone seats, 55. 

incestuous unions, 100, 101. 
offering- places, 31. 

punishments, 127. 

terraced irrigation and megalithic 

monuments, 138. 
Table-stone, 16, 17, 29, 41, 42. 
Tanks, 42. 
Tashon. See Chin. 
Temple, 42, 46, 57, 108, in, 125, 142. 
Ternate, 4, 175-6. 

Terraces, irrigated, chapter xvii., 51. 
Thado. See Old Kuki. 
Thunder, 121, 122, 125, 126, 127, 129, 

130, 132, 163. 

-bolts, 124. 

- -stones, 133-4. 

- -teeth, 129, 133, 134. 
Tidore, 4, 175-6. 

Timor, 5, 21, 28, 29, 34, 45, 46, 50, 57, 
58, 86, 88, 105, 113, 114, 129, 141, 
159; 168, 173-4. 
Belu, 21, 50, 57, 58, 86, 8g. 
Timorlaut, 5, 12, 2g, 50, 57, 58, 87, 106, 

108, 128, 133, 141, 142, 143, 176. 
Timor region, 5, n, 30, 34, 46, 86, 105. 
Tinguianes. See Philippines. 
Toradja, 5, 13, 41, 43, 68, g8, 108, in, 
137, I4g et seq., 155, isg, 163, 166, 

Bada-Besoa-Napu, 5, 7, 135, 136. 
To Bada, 5, 7, 13, 41, 47, 52, sg, 64, 
69, 117, 125, 172. 

Besoa, 5, 36, 109. 

Kulawi, 136. 

Lage, 13, 43, 70, 156. 

Lampu, 134, 163. 

Leboni,7, iog. 

- Napu, 5, 36, 69, 137. 
Pajapi, 23, 53. 

- Pebato, 23. 

Posso-Todjo, 5, 7, 13, 79, 81, 108, 116, 
J 35, 139, 14, *44. 145-7, 148, 149 
ft seq., 155, 159, 163-4, J 72. 

To Rampi, 7, 109. 

Rato, 7. 

Sadang, 5, 7, 13, 23, 75, iog, 114, 116, 
136, 172. 

Totemism, 160. 

Tree, 43, 60, 80, 92, 144, 147. 

cures illness, 92-3. 

disposal of dead in. See Dead. 
Trilithon, 10, n. 

Tsalisen. See Formosa. 
Tumatowa, 16, 17. See Dissolith. 

Ulusiwa, 46, 108. 
Umbilical cord, 78. 
Upu-lero, 87, 106. 
Urlima, 46, go, 174-6. 
Urn. See Stone. 
Ursiwa, 46, 90, 174-6. 
Usi-neno, 86, 105, 129. 

VILLAGE, founders of, 57, 68, 141, 142, 

guardian spirits, 62 et seq. 

offering-places, 31. 

priests, chapter xviii., 62. 
Village-house, 46, 50, 52. 

WARFARE, 41, 63, 119. 

Warriors, 23, 26, 39, 44, 114, 117, 119, 

157. 159. 
Water, 42, 142. 

control of, 67, 68, 6g. 

from stones, 66, 69, 70. 
Watubela, 5, 21, 29, 51, go, 106, 114, 129, 

143, 176. 
Weaving, 156. 
Welaung. See Chin. 
Westenberg, 166. 
Wetar, 5, 21, 45, 46, 57, 86, 105, 129, 133, 

140, 141, 176. 
Wielenga, D. K., 34. 
Wigan (Ifugao), 66, 97, 98. 
Wilken, G. A., 8g, 135. 
Wind, 7g, 133. 

Women, 156, 157. See Priestesses. 
World, sky-, 66, 6g, 82, 113, 114. 

underground, 67, 69, 7g, 84, 113, 116, 

140, 163. 
Worm, 150. 
Wurake, 145, 146, 147, 151. 

YAMI. See Formosa. 
Yindu. See Chin. 

ZWAAN, J. P. K. de, 114. 






A Study of the Significance of the Geographical Dis- 
tribution of the Practice of Mummification as Evidence 
of the Migrations of Peoples and the Spread of 
certain Customs and Beliefs. 

By G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S., Professor of 
Anatomy in the University of Manchester. 

With 2 Maps. 8vo, 55. net. 


By J. WILFRID JACKSON, F.G.S., Assistant Keeper, Man- 
chester Museum. 

With Maps and Illustrations. 8vo, 75. 6d. net. 


By W. J. PERRY, B.A. 

With Maps and Illustrations. I2s. 6d. net. 









AMERICA." is. net. 

OF EARLY CULTURE." is. net. 

INCENSE AND LIBATIONS." (In the press.) 


ANCIENT MINES." is. 6d. net. 

GATION." is. 6d. net. 

FARE." is. 6 A net. 














H W) 

d g 



University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket