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MEMOIR

SEBASTIAN CABOT;

WITH

A REVIEW

HISTORY OF MARITIME DISCOVERY.

ILLUSTRATED BY DOCUMENTS FROM THE ROLLS,

NOW FIRST PUBLISHED.

SECOND EDITION.

LONDON:
SHERWOOD, GILBERT, AND PIPER,

1832.

HARJKTTK AND SAVILL, PRINTERS,
10/, ST. MARTIN'S I.ANK, CHARING CR

CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION ..... 1

BOOK I.

CHAP. I.

The highest Northern Latitude reached by Cabot — Authorities collected
by Hakluyt — Attempt to explain their supposed discrepance . 7

CHAP. II.
The subject continued — Gomara . . . . .20

CHAP. III.
Cabot penetrated into Hudson's Bay . . . . .27

CHAP. IV.

First Work of Hakluyt— Maps and Discourses left by Sebastian Cabot
at his death ready for Publication . . . . .38

CHAP. V.

Comparative Agency of John and Sebastian Cabot . . .42

CHAP. VI.

First point seen by Cabot — Not Newfoundland . . .52

CHAP. VII.

Cabot did not confer the name Prima Vista . . . -58

CHAP. VIII.

Richard Eden's " Decades of the New World" — Cabot's own Statement
as to the Place of his Birth . . . . . .62

CHAP. IX.

Patents of 5th March, 1496, and 3rd February, 1498— The latter now
first published from the Rolls — Total misconception heretofore as to
its Terms ........ 71

CHAP. X.

Name of the English Ship which first reached the Continent of America —
How far Cabot proceeded to the Southward along the Coast — Subse
quent Voyage of 1498 . . . . . .79

IV CONTENTS.

CHAP. XI.

Voyage to Maracaibo, in 1499 . . . . -91

CHAP. XII.

Correspondence between Ferdinand of Spain and Lord Willoughby de
Broke — Cabot enters the service of Spain 13th September, 1512 —
Revision of Maps and Charts in 1515 — Appointed a Member of the
Council of the Indies — Projected Expedition to the North under his
Command to Sail in March, 1516 — Death of Ferdinand in January,
1516 — Intrigues — Cabot returns to England . . .97

CHAP. XIII.
Cabot's Voyage of 1517 from England in search of the North -West

103

CHAP. XIV.

Hakluyt's error with regaid to the Voyage of 1517 • • .110

CHAP. XV.
Voyage of 1517, the one referred to by Cabot in his Letter to Ramusio . 117

CHAP. XVI.

Cabot appointed, in 1518, Pilot-Major of Spain — Summoned to attend
the Congress at Badajos, in 1524 — Projected Expedition under his
Command to the Moluccas ..... . 102

CHAP. XVII.

Jealousy of the contemplated Expedition on the part of Portugal — Mis
sion of Diego Garcia, a Portuguese . . . .125

CHAP. XVIII.

Interference with the arrangements for the Voyage- — Mendez appointed
second in Command contrary to the wishes of Cabot — De Rojas — The
Sealed Orders — Prejudices of the Spanish Historians — Expedition
sails . .... 131

CHAP. XIX.

Complaints in the Squadron — Pretended Causes of Dissatisfaction —
/ Mutiny — Quelled by the Energy of Cabot — Happy Results — His con

duct justified to the Emperor — Ridiculous charges suggested by Diego
Garcia . . . " * ' ~ . . . . 136

CHAP. XX.

Cabot enters the La Plata — Necessity for eaution — His Predecessor as
Pilot-Major killed in attempting to explore that River — Carries the
Island of St. Gabriel — His progress to St. Salvador, where a Fort is
erected — Its position — Loss in taking possession . . . 145

CHAP. XXI.

Cabot proceeds up the Parana — Erects another Fort, called Santus
Spiritus, and afterwards Fort Cabot — Its Position — Continues to
ascend — Curiosity of the Natives as to the Expedition — Passes the
Mouth of the Parana — Enters the Paraguay — Sanguinary Battle
thirty-four leagues up that River — Three Hundred of the Natives
killed, with a loss to Cabot of Twenty-five of his Party— Maintains
his Position — Garcia enters the River — Interview with Cabot — Mis
takes of Charlcvoix, &c. — Cabot returns to the Fort Santus Spiritus 152

CONTENTS. V

CHAP. XXII. PAGE

Report -to Charles V. — Its Contents — Prospect which it held out —
Peru contemplated in Cabot's original Plan of 1524 — Specimens
found by him of the precious metals obtained thence by the Guaranis
— Emperor resolves on a great Expedition — His pecuniary embarrass
ments — Pizarro offers to make the Conquest of Peru at his own Ex
pense — Reflections — The Name Rio de La Plata not conferred by
Cabot — Misrepresentation on this and other points . .158

CHAP. XXIII.

Cabot's residence in the La Plata — Subjection of remote tribes — Claims
of Spain rested on this Expedition — Treaty with the Guaranis — Detailed
Report to the Emperor as to the productions, &c. of the country —
Misconduct of the followers of Garcia — Leads to a general attack from
the Natives — Return to Spain . . . . . . .165

CHAP. XXIV.

Employment of Cabot after his return — Resumes his functions as Pilot-
Major — Makes several voyages — Fame for bravery and skill — Visit of
a learned Italian — Cabot's allusion to Columbus . . . .169

CHAP. XXV.

Perversion of facts and dates by Harris and Pinkerton — Cabot's return
to England — Probable inducements — Erroneous reason assigned by
Mr. Barrow — Charles V. makes a demand on the King of England
for his return — Refused — Pension to Cabot — Duties confided to him —
More extensive than those belonging to the office of Pilot-Major . 173

CHAP. XXVI.

Public explanation by Cabot to Edward VI. of the phenomena of the Va
riation of the Needle — Statement of Livio Sanuto — Point of No
Variation fixed by Cabot — Adopted afterwards by Mercator for his
Great Meridian — Reference to Cabot's Map — Early testimonials — Al
lusion to the English discoveries in the edition of Ptolemy published
at Rome in 1508 — Fournier — Attention to note the Variation by the
seamen of Cabot's school — His theory, if a narrow one, would have
been thus exposed ....... 177

CHAP. XXVII.

Mistake of Purchas, Pinkerton, Dr. Henry in his History of GreatBritain,
Campbell in the Lives of the Admirals, and other writers, as to the
Knighting of John or Sebastian Cabot . , . . 181

CHAP. XXVIII.

Stagnation of trade in England — Cabot consulted by the Merchants —
Urges the enterprise which resulted in the trade to Russia — Prelimi
nary difficulties — Struggle with the Stilyard — That Monopoly broken
down — Earnestness of Edward VI. on the subject — His munificent
donation to Cabot after the result was declared 184

VI CONTENTS.

CHAP. XXIX. PAGE

Preparations for the Expedition — Precautions as to Timber — Sheathing
of the vessels now first resorted to in England — Examination of two
Tartars — Chief command given to Sir Hugh Willoughby — Richard
Chancellor — Stephen Burrough — William Burrough — Arthur Pet —
This Expedition confounded with another by Strype and Campbell . 188

CHAP. XXX.

Instructions prepared by Cabot for Sir Hugh Willoughby . .192

CHAP. XXXI.

The Expedition drops down to Greenwich — Salutes — Animating scene —
Proceeds to sea — Vessels separated — Fate of Sir Hugh Willoughby —
Chancellor reaches Wardhouse — Earnestly dissuaded from proceeding
further — His gallant resolution — Confidence of the Crew in him —
Reaches Archangel — Excellent effect of observing Cabot's Instructions
as to deportment towards the Natives — Success of Chancellor . .195

CHAP. XXXII.

Charter to the Company of Merchant Adventurers — Sebastian Cabot
named Governor for Life — Grant of Privileges by the Emperor of Russia
to Sebastian Cabot and others — An Ambassador from the Emperor
embarks with Richard Chancellor — Shipwreck — Chancellor perishes
— Reception and entertainment of the Ambassador in London . .199

CHAP. XXXIII.

View of the Trade opened with Russia from the Letters of the Company
to the Agents — Prices of English manufactured goods — Articles ob
tained in return — Extensive establishment of Englishmen at Moscow
when that city was destroyed by the Tartars . . .202

CHAP. XXXIV.

The Charter of Incorporation — Recites preparations actually made for
voyages to the North, North-East, and North- West — How frustrated —
Whale Fishery — Newfoundland Fishery — The Ambassador of the
Sophy of Persia at Moscow — His information to the Emperor of
Russia about England — Followed up by a Messenger to Persia from
England with a Letter proposing commercial intercourse . .211

CHAP. XXXV.

The Search-thrift despatched to the North in 1556, under Stephen
Burrough — Cabot's entertainment at Gravesend — Influence of the
death of Edward VI. on his personal fortunes — Reviving hopes of the
Stilyard Merchants — their insolent reference to the Queen in a me
morial addressed to Philip — The latter reaches London 20th May, 1557
— New arrangement as to Cabot's Pension 29th May, 1557 — William
Worthington in possession of his papers — Account of that person-
Manner in which the Maps and Discourses have probably disappeared
— Cabot's Illness — Affecting Account of his Last Moments, by the
Friend who attended him . . .216

CONTENTS. VU

BOOK II.

CHAP. I. PAGE

Review of the History of Maritime Discovery, so far as may be necessary
to exhibit the pervading influence of Cabot — Patent of 19th March
1501, now first published from the Rolls, to three Merchants of Bristol,
and three Portuguese — Natives bi ought to England and exhibited at
Court — Erroneous reference of this incident to Cabot — Hakluyt's per
version—Second Patent 9th December, 1502— Dr. Robertson's mis
conceptions — Probable reasons for the abandonment of the enterprise, 225

CHAP. II.

First visit of Columbus to Terra Firma on his third voyage — Apprised
before leaving Spain of Cabot's Discovery of the Continent — 'Projected
Expedition to the North from Spain . . . . .235

CHAP. III.

Expedition from Portugal — Cortereal — The work entitled Paesi nova-
mente ritrovati, &c. — Letters of the Venetian Ambassador at Lisbon
eleven days after the return of Cortereal — Reference to the previous
voyage of Cabot — Trinkets found amongst the Natives — French Trans
lation of the Paesi, &c. in 1516 ..... 237

CHAP. IV.

The region visited by Cortereal — Statements of the three Portuguese
Historians, Damiano Goes, Osorius, and Galvano — Of Gornara, Her-
rera, and Furnee — Edition of Ptolemy, published at Basle, 1540 — The
name Labrador, i. e. Labourer ..... 245

CHAP. V.

Circumstances which have led to errors as to the voyage of Cortereal —
The Portuguese Maps — Isle of Demons — The fraud of Madrignanon in
the Itincrarium Portityallensium — Mr. Barrow's Chronological History
of Voyages, &c. — Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia — The Edinburgh Cabinet
Library . . . . 7 ' . . . 249

CHAP. VI.

Diffusive mischief of the Itiuerarium Portugallensium — Grynoeus —
Meusel— Fleurieu — Hurnboldt, &c. . . ';. ; . . 256

CHAP. VII.

Project of Cortes in 1524 . '. .; -. ••;'-'•' . 262

CHAP. VIII.

Voyage of Stephen Gomez in the service of Spain J . • . ' . 265

CHAP. IX.

Expedition from England in 1527 — Erroneous statement that one of the
vessels was named Dominus Vobiscum — Their names, The Samson and
The Mary of Guilford — Letters from the Expedition dated at New
foundland, addressed to Henry VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey — The Ita
lian Navigator, Juan Verrazani, accompanies the Expedition and is
killed by the Natives — Loss of the Samson — The Mary of Guilford
visits Brazil, Porto Rico, &c. — Arrives in England October 1527 —
Robert Thorne of Bristol — His letter could not "have led to this Expe
dition ........ 272

Vlll CONTENTS.

CHAP. X. PAGE

Voyage from England in 1536 ...... 283

CHAP. XL

Expedition of Cortereal in 1574, and retrospect to a pietended voyage by
a person of the same name in 1464 ..... 28G

CHAP. XII.
Frobisher ........ 290

CHAP. XIII.
Hudson 300

APPENDIX.

(A.)
Fabyan's Chronicle — Allusion to Cabot

(B.)
English Expedition said to have been found by Hojeda at Caquibacoa . 307

(C.)
Was Cabot appointed Grand Pilot ? . . . . .311

(D.)

Letters Patent now first published, dated IQth March 1501, from Henry
VII. to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, John Thomas, of Bristol,
and John Fernandus, Francis Fernandus, and John Gunsolus, Por
tuguese . . 312

(E.)

Possible origin of the misconception as to the name Dominus vobiscum
erroneously associated with the voyage of 1527 from England — Fors-
ter's mistake as to Norumbega — Error as to the period at which New
foundland was first frequented for Fishing . . . .321

(F.)
Portrait of Sebastian Cabot by Holbein . . . .323

(G.)

Error in attributing to Cabot the work entitled " Navigatione nelle parte
Settentrionale," published at Venice in 1583 . . . 326

INTRODUCTION.

THE following pages lay claim to the share of merit
that may be due to a spirit of diligent research which
took nothing at second hand where an original writer,
or document, could be consulted, and would not be
turned aside, by any authority, from the anxious pur
suit, and resolute vindication, of the Truth. They are
offered, therefore, with the confidence inspired by a
consciousness of good faith. Yet the author is suffi
ciently aware that the public has nothing to do with the
integrity of his purpose, or the patient industry with
which it has been followed up, except so far as a valua
ble result may have been achieved.

What is now submitted made part, originally, of a
much more extensive plan. But there was found, at
every turn, so much to clear up, and the materials for
rectification so multiplied, that it seemed impossible to
treat the subject satisfactorily without giving to it, in
connexion with any other, a cumbrous and dispropor-
tioned air. To hazard assertions, and to venture on
the requisite plainness of criticism, without producing
the evidence which justified a departure from received

opinions could have effected no good purpose, and \vouli
have justly incurred the charge of presumption. Erro
was too deeply intrenched to permit a hope of dislodging
it, unless through the regular, though tedious, forms o
investment.

The author is very sensible of the dry and argumenta
tive manner here imparted to topics which have usuall;
been viewed, and treated, as susceptible of the highes
embellishment. He can only hope that others ma;
catch a feeling, such as gained on himself at every step
which, in the disentanglement of facts, rejects impati
ently, rather than solicits, whatever does not conduc
directly to the result. The mind seems to demand, wit
sternness, that this labour shall first be gone through
as the eye requires a solid foundation, and an assure
elevation, before it can rest with complacency on th
decorative acanthus.

Amidst a great deal of undeniably fine writing on th
subject with which the present volume is connected, i
would seem to have secured to itself less than any othe
of patient and anxious labour. The task of settiii
facts right has been regarded as an unworthy drudger)
while an ambitious effort is witnessed to throw thei
before the public eye in all the fantastic shapes, an
deceptive colouring, of error. Gibbon remarks of Till*
mont, that his inimitable Accuracy " almost assumes th
character of Genius." Many writers of the present da
seem to have constantly in view the tendency of th
public mind to a classification" of powers, and to drea
lest any remarkable display of the quality in questior
might be artfully seized on as characteristic, and thu

Ill

prejudice their claims to the highest honours of
authorship.

A new and urgent motive may be suggested for en
deavouring to clear up, as speedily as possible, the con
fusion which has hence been suffered to gather round the
best established facts, and left their recognition or
denial at the mercy of chance or caprice. While a
salutary jealousy of extensive Combinations, in the
Political World, distinguishes the present age, there has
been organised in that of Letters, almost unobserved in this
country, a confederacy which has gradually drawn to itself,
and skilfully consolidated, a power that may now be pro
nounced truly formidable. It has already begun to
speak out plainly the language of dictation. The great
literary achievement of modern France — the " Biogra-
phie Universelle" — is at length brought to a close, com
pleting by the fifty-second volume its triumph over
the alphabet. It is a work destined, unquestionably, to
exercise an important influence over the Rights of the
Dead of all Nations. When it stated that the list of
contributors contains the names of more than three
hundred writers of the highest literary eminence in
France, from the year 1810, when the first volume
appeared, to the present time, that every article is
accompanied by the name of the author to whom it
had been assigned in reference to his habitual studies,
and that not a line appeared without having been pre
viously submitted to several contributors in succession,
it must be obvious that the character of such a work is
matter of deep and universal interest.

B 2

opinions could have effected no good purpose, and would
have justly incurred the charge of presumption. Error
was too deeply intrenched to permit a hope of dislodging
it, unless through the regular, though tedious, forms of
investment.

The author is very sensible of the dry and argumenta
tive manner here imparted to topics which have usually
been viewed, and treated, as susceptible of the highest
embellishment. He can only hope that others may
catch a feeling, such as gained on himself at every step,
which, in the disentanglement of facts, rejects impati
ently, rather than solicits, whatever does not conduce
directly to the result. The mind seems to demand, with
sternness, that this labour shall first be gone through,
as the eye requires a solid foundation, and an assured
elevation, before it can rest with complacency on the
decorative acanthus.

Amidst a great deal of undeniably fine writing on the
subject with which the present volume is connected, it
would seem to have secured to itself less than any other
of patient and anxious labour. The task of setting
facts right has been regarded as an unworthy drudgery,
while an ambitious effort is witnessed to throw them
before the public eye in all the fantastic shapes, and
deceptive colouring, of error. Gibbon remarks of Tille-
mont, that his inimitable Accuracy " almost assumes the
character of Genius." Many writers of the present day
seem to have constantly in view the tendency of the
public mind to a classification of powers, and to dread
lest any remarkable display of the quality in question,
might be artfully seized on as characteristic, and thus

iii

prejudice their claims to the highest honours of
authorship.

B 2

A Supplement is announced, in which notice will be
taken of any inaccuracy, after which doubt and con
troversy must cease.

" Les assertions ou les faits qu'on n'y pas rectifies ou dementis devront par
ce moyen etre regardes comme a peu-pres incontestables et sans replique."

Thus The Dead, of the most remote age, are summoned
to appear before this tribunal, and a charge is to be taken
for confessed, unless an Answer be put in before the
period (which yet is left indefinite) when the Supplement
shall go to press. We may smile at this sally of self-
importance, but ought not to forget that the authority
of these volumes, whether for good or evil, will un
questionably be extensive and commanding. Facts,
and with them reputation, cannot, it is true, be irre
vocably stereotyped; yet a perilous circulation may
be given to the erroneous version, and a work which
will influence, directly or indirectly, a majority of those
whose opinions constitute fame, it were idle to treat
with contempt, and unjust not to attempt to rectify,
where its statements disparage a national benefactor.

It must be conceded that an omission of names can
not fairly be laid to the charge of the Biographic Uni-
verselle. The stream of time has been dragged with
humane perseverance, and many who, it was supposed,
had sunk to rise no more, are made to reappear at the
surface. As to the more important question, how far
there are manifested, in general, extent and accuracy of
knowledge, and skill in its display, it might be unjust
to offer an opinion without going into much greater
detail than is here practicable. But it is quite fair to

assert that the many shameful marks of haste, heedless-
ness and gross ignorance which it falls within the pre
sent limited inquiry to expose — and more particularly
in bibliography which is the subject of especial vaunt
— may suffice to shew how idle must be considered its
claim to infallibility, even after the appearance of the
Supplement. In the article devoted to the subject of
the present Memoir, the generous conclusion is an
nounced, after a tissue of errors, that although no evi
dence exists to establish the scene of his discoveries, yet
they ought not to be deemed altogether fabulous, as some
historians would represent, (" comme fabuleuses ainsi
que quelques historiens out ete tentes de lepenser.") An
effort is now made finally to secure his fame from the
effects of either carelessness or malevolence.

BOOK I.

CHAP. I.

THE HIGHEST NORTHERN LATITUDE REACHED BY CABOT- — AUTHORITIES COL
LECTED BY HAKLUYT — ATTEMPT TO EXPLAIN THEIR SUPPOSED DIS
CREPANCE.

WITH a view to greater clearness, it is proposed to attempt, in
the first instance, the settlement of certain points around which
confusion has been suffered to gather, and which, demanding only
a careful examination of authorities, may be advantageously con
sidered apart from the narrative.

The first question — as one affecting materially the claim of
Cabot to the character of an intrepid Navigator — is as to the point
to which he urged his way in the North, a fact with regard to
which statements exist seemingly quite irreconcilable.

The volumes of Hakluyt, usually regarded as of the highest
authority, are supposed to present, on this subject, a chaos which,
so far from lending assistance to clear up difficulties, rather dims,
and threatens every moment to extinguish, the feeble light sup
plied from other quarters. In the " Chronological History of
Voyages into the Arctic Regions, 8cc., by John Barrow, F. R. S.,"
it is said, (p. 32,) " There is no possible way of reconciling the
various accounts collected by Hakluyt, and which amount to no

less a number than six, but by supposing John Cabot to have
made one voyage at least previous to the date of the patent, and
some time between that and the date of the return of Columbus."
The hypothesis thus declared to be indispensable is directly at
variance with the terms of the original patent, and with the lan
guage of every original writer ; and an effort will, therefore, now
be made to shew, that the confusion complained of, does not exist
in the materials for forming an opinion, but arises from the hasty
and superficial manner in which they have been considered.

Taking up the accounts in the order in which they stand, they
may be thus stated, (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6.)

1. " An extract from the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by
Clement Adams, concerning his discovery of the West Indies,
which is to be seen in his Majesty's Privy Gallery, at West
minster, and in many other ancient merchants' houses." Nothing
is said in this as to the latitude reached.

2. " A discourse of Sebastian Cabot," &c., wherein the narra
tor asserts, that he heard the pope's legate say, that he had heard
Cabot state, that he sailed only to the 56° of latitude, and then
turned about.

3. A passage in the Preface to the third volume of Ramusio's
Collection of Voyages. In this, the author says that in a written
communication to him Sebastian Cabot stated that he reached
the latitude of 67° and a half.

4. Part of the sixth chapter of the third decade of Peter
Martyr, d'Angleria, in which nothing is said of the latitude
reached, but the fact is stated, that he proceeded so far North,
that it was " in manner continually day-light."

5. The statement of Francis Lopez Gomara, who, according to
Hakluyt, represents Cabot to have " sailed beyond the Cape of
Labrador, until he found himself in 58° and better." Cabot is
here also said to have found " the days very long, in a man
ner without any night, and for that short night that they had it
was very clear."

6. An extract from Robert Fabyan's Annals, and from a letter

of Robert Thorn of Bristol, containing nothing as to the point
under consideration.

Thus it is apparent, that the discrepance exists on a comparison
of the second, third, and fifth items.

Postponing Gomara for the present, we pause on the two pas
sages of Ramusio which are supposed to embody contradictory
statements.

It is obvious, that if the present were an enquiry in a Court of
Justice affecting the reputation, or property, of a living person, the
evidence which limits Cabot to 56° would be at once rejected as
incompetent. The alleged communication from him is exposed,
in its transmission, not only to all the chances of misconception
on the part of the pope's legate, but, admitting that personage
to have truly understood, accurately remembered, and faithfully
reported what he heard, we are again exposed to a similar series
of errors on the part or our informant, who furnishes it to us at
second hand. But the dead have not the benefits of the rules of
evidence ; and we must, therefore, look to the circumstances which
affect its credibility. It appears thus in Hakluyt : —

" A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discovery of part of the
West India out of England in the time of King Henry the Seventh, used
to Galeacius Butrigarius, the Pope's Legate in Spaine, and reported by
the sayd Legate in this sort :

" Doe you not understand, sayd he (speaking to certaine gentlemen of
Venice,) how to passe to India toward the North-west, as did of late a citizen
of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to
navigations, and the science of cosmographie, that at this present he hath not
his like in Spaine, insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred above all other
pilots that saile to the West Indies, who may not passe thither without his
licence, and is therefore called Piloto Mayor, that is, the grand pilot ? And
when we sayd that we knew him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certaine
yeres in the city of Sivil, and desirous to have some knowledge of the naviga
tions of the Spanyards, it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant
man, a Venetian borne, named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those
things, being an expert man in that science, and one that coulde make cardes
for the sea with his owne hand, and that by this report, seeking his acquaint
ance, he found him a very gentle person, who entertained him friendly, and
shewed him many things, and among other a large mappe of the world, with

certaine particuler navigations, as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards,
and that he spake further unto him to this effect : —

"When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in Eng
land, to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke mee with him to the citie
of London, while I was very yong, yet having neverthelesse some knowledge of
letters of humanitie, and of the sphere. And when my father died in that time
when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genoese had discovered
the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the court of king Henry the
Seventh, who then raigned, insomuch that all men with great admiration
affirmed it to be a thing more divine then humane, to saile by the West into
the East, where spices growe, by a way that was neuer knowen before, by this
fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt
some notable thing. And understanding by reason of the sphere, that if I
should saile by way of the North-west, I should by a shorter tract come into
India, I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my devise, who imme
diately commanded two caravels to bee furnished with all things appertaining
to the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496, in the be
ginning of sommer. I began therefore to saile toward the North-west, not think
ing to finde any other land then that of Cathay, and from thence to turn toward
India ; but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North,
which was to mee a great displeasure. Neverthelesse, say ling along by the
coast to see if I coulde finde any gulfe that turned, I found the lande still con
tinent to the 66 degree under our pole. And seeing that there the coast
turned toward the East, despairing to finde the passage, I turned backe
againe, and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the equinoctiall
(ever with intent to finde the said passage to India,) and came to that part of
this firme lande which is nowe called Florida, where my victuals failing, I de
parted from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults
among the people, and preparation for warres in Scotland: by reason whereof
there was no more consideration had to this voyage.

" Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique King, and Queene Eliza
beth, which being advertised what I had done, entertained me, and at their
charges furnished certaine ships, wherewith they caused me to saile to dis
cover the coastes of Brasile, where I found an exceeding great and large river,
named at this present Rio de la Plata, that is, the river of silver, into the which
I sailed and followed it into the firme land,, more then six score leagues, find
ing it every where very faire, and inhabited with infinite people, which with
admiration came running dayly to our ships. Into this river runne so many
other rivers, that it is in maner incredible.

" After this I made many other voyages, which I nowe pretermit, and wax
ing olde, I give myself to rest from such travels, because there are nowe many
yong and lustie pilots and mariners of good experience, by whose forwardnesse
I doe rejoyce in the fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office,
as you see."

In giving this conversation to his readers, Hakluyt professes to
have derived it from the second volume of Ramusio, and sub
sequent compilers have assumed the accuracy of the reference.
It seems, for the first time, to have occurred to the writers of the
" Biographic Universelle," to look into the original, and they
declare that no such passage is to be there found !

" Hakluyt dans sa collection nous a transmis la piece ou Ton trouve le plus
de details sur la navigation et la vie de Sebastian Cabot. II dit Favoir tiree
du second volume de la collection de Ramusio ; mais nous I'y avons cherchee
en vain. Cette piece est attribute a Galearius Butrigarius Icgat du Pape en
Espagne qui dit tenir les particularites qu'elle contient d'un habitant de Cadiz
lequel avait eu plusieurs conversations avec Sebastian." " Ramusio, connu
par son exactitude n'a donne aucun extrait des navigations de Sebastian Cabot ;
il se contente de citer dans la preface de son 3e volume un passage d'une Lettre
qu'il avoit re£ue de lui."

A striking proof here occurs of the facility with which errors
are fallen into in reporting even the written expressions of another
when memory is relied on. The Collaborateurs of the Biographic
Universelle, are supposed to have just turned from the page of
Hakluyt, and yet, in this brief statement, mark the changes !
Butrigarius has no longer the conversation with Cabot, but gets
his information at second hand> and this, too, from an inhabitant
of Cadiz ; thus utterly confounding both place and person, and
making, also, the communication to have been the result of "many"
conversations held with Cabot by this new member of the dramatis
persona — the " habitant de Cadiz." All this too, from those who
bitterly denounce their predecessors for carelessness and inac
curacy !

But we have a yet more serious complaint to urge. When the
charge is preferred against Hakluyt, of having made a fraudulent
citation, we may be permitted to say, with some plainness, that
after the lofty eulogium passed on Kamusio, by the associates of
the Biographic Universelle, not only incidentally here, but in the
article subsequently devoted to him, it is to the last degree dis
creditable, that a mere mistake of reference to the proper Volume,
should have so completely baffled their knowledge of the work.

Nor is the mention of Cabot confined, as they suppose, to the
preface of the third volume : it occurs in five different places, as
will be hereafter shewn.

The passage immediately in question will be found not in the
second but in the first volume of Ramusio. It is part of the
interesting article entitled, " Discorso notabile sopra varii viaggi
per liquali sono state condotte fino a tempi nostri le spetiarie,"
beginning at fol. 414. D. of the edition of 1554, and referred to
in the index of all the editions under the titles " Plata" and
" Florida." Before proceeding to note the circumstances under
which this conversation took place, it is proper to correct some of
the errors of the translation found in Hakluyt.

And first, surprise must have been felt at the manner in
which Cabot speaks as to the date of his own celebrated voyage.
The "so farre as I remember" seems to indicate a strange
indifference on the subject. The expression has passed Into
Purchas, (vol. iii. p. 808.) and all the subsequent authorities. In
Harris's account, (Voyages, vol. ii.p. 190.) adopted by Pinkerton,
(vol. xii. p. 158.) it is said, " The next voyage made for discovery,
was by Sebastian Cabot, the son of John ; concerning which, all
our writers have fallen into great mistakes, for want of comparing
the several accounts we have of this voyage, and making proper
allowances for the manner in which they were written, since I
cannot find there was ever any distinct and clear account of this
voyage published, though it was of so great consequence. On
the contrary, I believe that Cabot himself kept no journal of it
by him, since in a letter he wrote on this subject, he speaks doubt
fully of the very year in which it was undertaken." The same
unlucky phrase continues down to Barrow, (p. 33) and to a work
published during the present year, (Lardner's Cyclopaedia, His
tory of Maritime Discovery, vol. ii. p. 137.) North West Foxe,
(p. 16) had changed it to what seemed, to that critical personage^
more correct, " as neere as I can remember."

Now there is not a syllable in the original to justify any such
expression.

" Feci intender questo mio pensiero alia Maesta del Re il qual
fu molto contento et mi armd due caravelle di tutto cio che era
dibisogno etfu del 1496 nel principio della state."

It will not be understood, that we consider Cabot to have
named the year 1496 ; but it is only important here to negative an
expression which seems to argue such a looseness of feeling as to
this memorable incident.

It may not be without interest to shew the source of Hakluyt's
error.

The first English writer on this subject, is RICHARD EDEN,
who published, in 1555, a black-letter volume, of which a good
deal will be said hereafter, entitled, " Decades of the New World,
&c." It consists of a translation of the three first Books of Peter
Martyr d' Angleria, to which he has subjoined extracts from
various other works of an early date on kindred subjects ; and
amongst the rest, this passage of Ramusio is given, (fol. 251) as
found in "The Italian Hystories of Navigations," Eden was,
as appears from his book, a personal friend of Cabot ; and when
he came to the round assertion as to the date, 1496, which he
knew to be incorrect, he qualified it by introducing (fol. 255)
the words in question.

It is the less excusable for Hakluyt and the rest, to have blindly
adopted such an interpolation, as there were other translations
within reach in which, a correct and elegant version is given of
the passage. The " Biographic Universelle" considers Hakluyt
as first bringing it forward, but the whole is found in the cele
brated Collection of De Bry, published ten years before. At the
end of the second part of the Grand Voyages, is a cento of autho
rities on the subject of the discovery of America, in which the
passage from Ramusio is correctly given. It is needless to say,
that the "as farre as I remember" finds no place ; "anno igitur
1496, in principio veris ex Anglia solvi,"

Bare justice to Ramusio demands a reference to another pas
sage in which the English translators have made him utter
nonsense. The reader must have been struck with the absurd

commencement of the passage in Hakluyt — " Do you not under
stand how to pass to India towards the North-West, as did, of
late, a citizen of Venice, &c. ;?> after which, we are informed that
this citizen of Venice abandoned the effort at 56° " despairing
to find the passage !" Ramusio must not be charged with this
blunder, for the original is, •' Et fatto alquanti di pauso voltatosi
verso di noi disse, Non sapete a questo proposito d'andare a
trovar P Indie per il vento di maestro quel che fece gia un vostro
cittadino," (" and making somewhat of a pause, he turned to us
and said — Do you not know, on this project of going to India by
the N. W., what did formerly your fellow-citizen, &c.") not at all
asserting the success .of the enterprise, but only that it was sug
gested by the subject of the previous conversation. A correct
translation is found in De Bry : — "An ignoratis inquit (erat autem
sermo institutus de investiganda orientali India qua Thracias
ventus flat) quid egerit civis quidam vester, &c."

A more material error remains to be pointed out. The speaker
in Ramusfr says, that finding himself some years ago in the City
of Seville, and desiring, See. (" che ritrovandosi gia alcuni anni
nella Citta di Siviglia, et desirando, &c.") ; but on the page of
Hakluyt this becomes, " being certain years in the City of Seville,
and desiring, &c." The Latin version in De Bry is correct, " Quern
ante aliquot annos invisi cum essem Hispali." The importance
of the error is apparent. As truly translated the words confess
the great lapse of time since the conversation, and of course the
liability to error, while the erroneous version conveys only the
idea of multiplied opportunities of communication, and a conse
quent assurance of accuracy. The same form of expression
occurs in another part of the paragraph, and the meaning is so
obvious, that it has not been possible to misunderstand it. When
the Legate represents Cabot as stating that his father left Venice
many years before the conversation, and went to settle in London
to carry on the business of merchandise, the original runs thus,
" partito suo padre da Venetia gia molti anno et andato a stare
in Inghiltcra a far mercantie." Again, in that passage, in the

third volume, which is properly translated, " as many years past
it was written unto me by Sebastian Cabot," the original is,
" come mi fu scritto gia mold anno sono."

Having thus ascertained what is, in reality, the statement of
Ramusio, we proceed to consider the circumstances under which
the conversation took place. It occurs, as has been seen, in the
course of a Treatise on the trade in Spices. After expatiating on
the history of that trade, and the revolution caused by the dis
covery of the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, Ramusio
says, (Edit, of 1554, torn. iii. fol. 413 A.), that he cannot forbear
to add a report of a conversation which he had heard at the house
of his excellent friend Hieronimus Fracastor. He then proceeds
to give the discourse, which is a very long one, on the subject of
Cosmography, the conjectures of the ancients as to a Western
World, and the discoveries which had taken place in the speaker's
own time. It is only incidentally that Cabot's name is intro
duced, and with regard to the whole, Ramusio makes this
candid prefatory remark, " Which conversation I do not pre
tend to be able to relate circumstantially as I heard it, for that
would require a talent, and a memory beyond mine ; nevertheless,
I will strive briefly, and as it were by heads, to give what I am able
to recollect — (" II qual ragionainento non mi basta F animo di
poter scriver cosi particolarmente com' ie le udi, perche visaria
dibisogno altro ingegno et altra memoria che non e la mia; pur
mi sforzero sommariamente et come per Capi di recitar quel che
io me potro ricordare.")

Now what is there to oppose to a report coming to us by a
route so circuitous, and expressed at last in a manner thus hesi
tating ? The positive and explicit information conveyed in Cabot's
own letter. Nor does Ramusio confine himself to the statement
contained in the Preface to his third volume, for in the same
volume, (fol. 417,) is a discourse on the Northern Regions of the
New World ; in which, speaking of the Baccalaos, he says, that
this region was intimately known to Sebastian Cabot, " Ilquale
a spese del Re Henrico VII., d* Inghiltera, scorsc tutta la detto.

costa fino a gradi 67° (" Who at the cost of Henry VII., king
of England, proceeded along the whole of the said coast, as far as
67°.") It is plain, therefore, that the communication from Cabot
had completely satisfied the mind of Ramusio, when we find him
in this separate treatise assuming the fact asserted in the letter
as conclusively settled.

This last consideration is strengthened by another circum
stance. The passage in the third volume which refers to Cabot's
letter, and which Hakluyt quotes as from the " Preface," is, in
fact, part of a Discourse addressed to Hieronimus Fracastor,
the very personage at whose house the conversation had
taken place. Ramusio, in conveying the deliberate statement of
Cabot, whose correspondent he had intermediately become, and
whom he designates as "huomo di grande esperienza et raro
nelP arte del navigare et nella scienza di cosmografia," does not
think it necessary, even to advert to his own former representation.
He is not found balancing, for a moment, between this written
and direct information, and what he had before stated from a
casual conversation with a third person, which had rested, for
some time, insecurely, in his own confessedly bad memory, aside
from the peril to which it had been subjected, before reaching
him, of misconception on the part of Butrigarius, or of his forget-
fulness during the years which elapsed between the interview
with Cabot and the incidental allusion to what had passed ori
that occasion.

A comparison of the two passages shews further that no great
importance was attached to the latitude reached; for in the latter,
Ramusio is found to drop the half degree. It furnishes, too, an
additional item of evidence, as to the scrupulous accuracy with
which the language of the Letter is reported. In giving us that,
he is exact even to the minutes ; but when his eye is taken from
the letter, and he is disengaged from the responsibility of a direct
quotation, he slides into round numbers.

When we add, that in every fact capable of being brought to
the test, the statement of the conversation is erroneous, and that

the limited latitude is inconsistent with the continued day-light —
a circumstance more likely to be remembered than a matter of
figures — what can be more absurd, than, at the present day, to
dwell on that which Ramusio himself, two hundred and seventy-
five years ago, is plainly seen to abandon ? Yet such has been the
course pursued by every writer on the subject, and the only dif
ference discoverable is in the shades of perversion.

To the account of the voyage to Hudson's Bay by the Dobbs
and California, drawn up by Henry Ellis, Esq., is prefixed a
sketch of the previous attempts in pursuit of -a North-West passage.
After Ramusio's statement that Cabot reached the latitude of
67° and-a-half the writer complacently adds, (p. 6) —

" There is an error in the latitude of ten degrees ; but, however, it is plain
from this account that the voyage was made for the discovery of a North-west
passage, which was the reason I produced it. But in a letter written by Sebas
tian Cabot himself to the Pope's Legate in Spain (!) he gives a still clearer ac
count of this matter, for therein he says, that it was from the consideration of
the structure of the globe, the design was formed of sailing to the Indies by a
North-west course. He observes further, that falling in with land unexpectedly
(for he thought to have met with none till he had reached the coasts of Tar-
tary,) he sailed along the coast to the height of 56°, and finding the land there
run eastward, he quitted the attempt, and sailed southward."

Forster remarks, (Northern Voyages, p. 267,) " some say, he
went to 67° 30' N. lat. ; others reckon his most southerly track
to have been to 58° N. lat. He himself informs us, that he
reached only to 56° N. lat."

Mr. Barrow (Chronological History of Voyages, &c. p. 33)
says, "If there be any truth in the report made to the pope's legate
in Spain, and printed in the collection of Ramusio" " It would
appear by this document ," &c. He then gives the conversation,
not as " printed in the collection of Ramusio," for Mr. Barrow
could not have looked into that — but with all the absurd perver
sions of Hakluyt — and then, in official language, confers the title
of " a Report," " a Document," on an unguarded error into which
Ramusio had been betrayed, and which that honest personage
hastened to correct !

The same absurd phraseology, with its train of errors, is copied
into Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia, (History of Maritime and Inland
Discovery, vol. 2. p. 137.) Foxe, who made a voyage into
Hudson's Bay, in the reign of Charles I., says, (p. 13,) " As
concerning Sebastian Cabot, I cannot find that he was any fur
ther northward than 58°, and so returned along the land of
America to the South, but for more certainty ! hear his own rela
tion to Galeatius Butrigarius, the pope's legate in Spain." After
the " as neare as I can remember," &c. Foxe gravely adds,
" Thus much from himself!"

In the " Historical Sketch of the Progress of Discovery, by
William Stevenson, Esq.," which forms the eighteenth volume of
Kerr's Collection of Voyages, published in 1824, it is said, (p. 353,)
" The course he steered, and the limits of his voyage are, how
ever, liable to uncertainty. He himself informs us that he reached
only 56° N. lat., and that the coast of America at that part
tended to the East; but there is no coast of North America that
answers to this description. According to other accounts he
reached 67° and-a-half N. lat., but," &c. " It is most probable
he did not reach further than Newfoundland."

It is impossible not to feel indignant at such statements from
those who vie with each other in complaints of all preceding-
writers.

Though a matter of little moment, it may be noted that the
conjecture is erroneous which connects the pope's legate, Galea
tius Butrigarius, with the conversation at the house of Fracastor.
Ramusio does not mention any name ; withholding it, as he says,
from motives of delicacy. The interview with Cabot at Seville,
took place many years after his return, in 1531, from the La
Plata ; and the speaker, whoever he may have been, represents
himself to have been led to make the call by a desire to " have
some knowledge of the navigations of the Spaniards." Now,
Galeatius Butrigarius, more than twenty years before this visit
could have been made, is found on terms of intimacy with Peter
Martyr, (dec. 2. cap. 1,) and not only well informed on the

subject, but urging the historian to pursue his narrative, and the
ensuing Decade is addressed in consequence to the Pope. It
seems impossible, that the legate so long afterwards — fifteen
years, at least, subsequently to the publication of Peter Martyr's
volume, describing the enterprise of Cabot — should have been
actuated by this vague impulse of curiosity, and have been in
debted for a knowledge of the discoverer of Baccalaos to the
reports current at Seville during this his, apparently, first visit.

CHAP. II.

THE SUBJECT CONTINUED GOMARA.

OF the passage in Gomara, Hakluyt presents the following ver
sion : —

" The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara, a Spaniard, in the fourth
chapter of the second booke of his general! history of the West Indies
concerning the first discoverie of a great part of the West Indies, to
wit, from 58 to 38 degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of
England.

" He which brought most certaine newes of the countrey and people of
Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote, a Venetian, which rigged up
two ships at the cost of king Henry the Seventh of England, having great
desire to traffique for the spices as the Portugals did. He carried with him
three hundred men, and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of
Labrador, untill he found himselfe in 58 degrees and better. He made rela
tion, that in the moneth of July it was so cold, and the ice so great, that hee
durst not passe any further : that the dayes were very long in a maner with
out any night, and for that short night that they had, it was very cleare.
Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe. at Bac
calaos ; and afterwards he sailed along the coast unto 38 degrees, and from
thence he shaped his course to returne into England."

There is to be noted here another of Hakluyt's loose and sus
picious references. The Spanish work is not divided into " Books,"
and the passage quoted occurs in the first part. This is said,
after consulting the Saragossa edition of 1552 — that of Medina
del Campo, 1553 — that of Antwerp, 1554 — and the reprint of
the work in Barcia's " Historiadores Primitives" in 1749. A ready
conjecture presents itself as to the source of Hakluyt's error. The
work of Gomara was, at an early period, translated into French,
by FUM£E, in whose version, published in 1578, the matter is
distributed into "Books," and the passage in question really
becomes, according to his arrangement, the fourth chapter of the

second Book. That Hakluyt was ignorant of the Spanish lan
guage, may be inferred from the circumstance, that when he has
occasion (vol. iii. p. 499) to quote Oviedo, he gives us not the
original but an Italian version of it by Ramusio. He was at
Paris shortly after the appearance of Fumee's Translation, and
remained there for some time, as is stated in the Dedication of
his first volume to Lord Charles Howard. We shall see, presently,
how far he has been misled by relying on that translation.
The following is Gomara's own language —

" Qui en mas noticia traxo desta tierra fue Sebastian Gaboto Veneciano.
El qual armo dos navios en Inglaterra do tratava desde pequeno, a costa del
Rey Enrique Septimo, que desseava contratar en la especiera como hazia el
rey d'Portugal. Otros disen que a su costa, y' que prometio al rey Enrique de
ir por el norte al Catayo y traer de alia especias en menos tiempo que ^Por
tugueses por el Sur. Y va tambien por saber que tierra eran las Indias para
poblar. Llevo trezientos hombres y camino la buelta de Islandia sobre cabo
del Labrador, hasta se poner en cinquenta y echo grados. Aunque el dize
mucho mas contando como avia por el mes de Julio tanto frio y pedagos de
yelo que no oso passar mas adelante, y que los dios eran grandissimos y quasi
sin noche y las noches muy claras. Es cierte que a sesenta grados son los
dias de diez y ocho horas, Diendo pues Gabota la frialdad y estraneza dela
tierra, dio la buelta hazia poniente y rehaziendose en los Baccalaos corrio la
costa hasta treynta y ochos grados y tornose de alii a Inglaterra/'

" Sebastian Cabot was the first that brought any knowledge of this land. For
being in England in the days of king Henry the Seventh, he furnished two
ships at his own charges, or, as some say, at the king's, whom he persuaded
that a passage might be found to Cathay by the North Seas, and that spices
might be brought from thence sooner by that way than by the viage the Por-
tugales use by the sea of Sur. He went also to know what manner of landes
those Indies were to inhabit. He had with him 300 men, and directed his
course by the tract of island upon the Cape of Labrador, at fifty-eight degrees,
affirming, that in the month of July there was such cold and heaps of ice,
that he durst pass no further ; also, that the days were very long, and in man
ner without night, and the nights very clear. Certain it is, that at the three
score degrees, the longest day is of eighteen hours. But considering the cold,
and the strangeness of the unknown land, he turned his course from thence to
the west, following the coast unto the thirty- eight degree from whence he
returned to England." (Eden's Translation, see Decades, fol. 318.)

The unwarrantable liberties taken by Hakluyt will appear at a
glance. He drops, entirely, the passage of Gomara as to the

length of the day in the latitude of 60% though it stands in the
middle of the paragraph. Again, Gomara states the contra
dictory assertions which he found, as to whether the expedition
was fitted out at the cost of Henry VII., or of an individual. In
Hakluyt's day, this was deemed a matter of great importance ;
for in the passages in the third volume which relate to the North-
West passage, and the colonization of America, considerable
stress is laid, with a view to repel the pretensions of Spain, on the
direct agency of the king^ of England. Hakluyt, therefore, boldly
strikes out the words which shew that Gomara had arrived at
no conclusion on the point ; and by this mutilation exhibits an
unqualified averment, that the whole was at the cost of Henry VII.
No English reader would hesitate to cite the Spanish author, as
candidly conceding that the enterprise was a national one, at the
king's expense ; and Mr. Sharon Turner, in his " History of
England during the Middle Ages," asserting anxiously the merits
of Henry VII., declares, (vol. iv. of second ed. p. 163, note 54,)
with a reference to Hakluyt, " Gomara also mentions that the
ships were rigged at Henry's costs" Hakluyt wants here even the
apology of having been misled by Fumee, as the French writer,
and Richard Eden, fairly state the matter in the alternative.

As to the course pursued by Cabot, Hakluyt has strangely
misunderstood the author. The words of Gomara are — " Llevo
trezientos hombres y camino la buelta de Islandia y hasta se
poner en cinquanta y ochos grados." The predecessors of
Hakluyt in the work of translation, were so numerous, as to leave
him without apology for mistake. Richard Eden says, " He had
with him 300 men, and directed his course by the tract of Island,
[Iceland] upon the Cape of Labrador, at 58°." In the Italian
translation of Augustin de Cravaliz, published at Rome in 1556,
it is rendered " ' Meno seco trecento huomini et navico alia volta
d' Islanda sopra Capo del Lavoratore finchesi trovo in cinquanta
otto gradi;' and in a reprint at Venice, in 1576, 'Meno seco
trecento huomini et camino la volta de Islandia sopra del Capo
del Lavoratore et fino a mettersi in cinquunta otto gradi.'"

That Cabot really took the route of Iceland is very probable.
A steady and advantageous commerce had for many years been
carried on between Bristol and Iceland, and is referred to in the
quaint old poem, called, " The Policie of keeping the Sea/'
reprinted in Hakluyt, (vol. i. p. 201) —

" Of Island to write is little nede,

Save of Stockfish : yet, forsooth indeed,
Out of Bristowe, and costes many one,
Men have practised by needle, and by stone
Thitherwards," &c.

Seven years before, a treaty had been made with the king of
Denmark, securing that privilege. (Selden's Mare clausum lib . 2.
c. 32.) The theory in reference to which Cabot had projected
the voyage would lead him as far North as possible, and it would
be a natural precaution to break the dreary continuity at sea,
which had exercised so depressing an influence on the sailors of
Columbus, by touching at a point so far on his way and yet so
familiarly known. Hudson, it may be remarked, took the same
route.

We turn now to the translation of Fumee ; " II mena avec soy
trois cens hommes et print la route d' Island au dessus du Cap
de Labeur, jusques a ce qui il se trouva a 58 degrez et par dela.
II racomptoit," &c. Acquainted as we are with the original, it
seems difficult to mistake even the French version. Hakluyt,
however, had no such previous knowledge, and he confesses
(Dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh, vol. iii. p. 301) that he was not
a perfect master even of the French language. Obliged thus to
grope after a meaning, his version is as follows, (vol. iii. p. 9) —
" He carried with him 300 men, and took the way towards
Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador, (!) until he found
himself in 58° and better. He made relation," &c. The timid ser
vility with which Hakluyt strove to follow Fumee is apparent even
in the structure of the sentences, for it is improbable that two
independent versions of Gomara would concur in such a distri
bution of the original matter.

It is difficult to understand how Hakluyt could consent to put
forth such palpable nonsense. He is evidently quite aware that
the word " Island" in the French could mean nothing but Iceland ;
and, indeed, it is the designation which he himself uniformly
employs, particularly at p. 550, &c. of his first volume, where is
given at great length — " The true state of Island," being a trans
lation from a Latin work, entitled, " Brevis Commentarius do
Islandia." Yet with this knowledge, and with all the means of

O '

a correct version, he represents Cabot as first reaching America
and then proceeding onward to Iceland.

The version of Hakluyt is adopted by every subsequent English
writer except LEDIARD, who, in his Naval History, seems to
have paused over language seemingly so enigmatical. Not per
ceiving that a proper name was intended, he asked himself, in
vexation, what " Island" could possibly be meant. Besides, the
expression was ungrammatical, for it is not said " an Island,"
or "the Island," but simply, "towards Island." He therefore
ventures on an amendment (p. 88) — " He took the way towards
the Islands, (!) from beyond the Cape of Labrador, till he was
beyond 58°." Having made grammar of the passage, he leaves
the reader to make sense of it.

Wearisome as the examination may be, we have not yet reached
the principal error of Hakluyt in reference to this short passage.
It will be noted that the Spanish writer, after saying that Cabot
reached the lat. of 58°, adds, " annque el dize mucho mas con-
tando como avia por el mes de Julio tante frio," &c. (" although
he says much further, relating, how he had in the middle of July,
such cold," &c.) Here, too, Hakluyt might have taken advan
tage of previous translations. In the Italian version of 1576, it
is, " finchesi trovo in 58 gradi benche egli dice di piu et narrava
come," &c. ; and in that of 1556, "et fino a mettersi in 58 gradi
anchor che lid dice molto piu il quale diceva." Hakluyt, however,
relying on Fumee — "jusques a. ce qu'il ce trouva a 58 degrez
et par dela" renders the passage " until he found himself in
58° and better" Thus the Spanish writer, who had peremptorily

fixed the limit of 58°, is made, without qualification, to carry
Cabot to an indefinite extent beyond it.*

The true version of the passage, not only renders it harmless,
but an auxiliary in establishing the truth. That Gomara should
speak slightingly of Cabot was to be expected. His work was
published in 1552, not long after our Navigator had quitted the
service of Spain, and is dedicated to the Emperor Charles V.,
whose overtures for the return of Cabot, had been, as will be seen
hereafter, rejected. Of the discoveries of Cabot, none, he says,
were made for Spain (" ninguno fue por nuestros Reyes"), and
we shall have repeated occasion to expose his disparaging com
ments on every incident of Cabot's life while in the service of
that country. He is of little authority, it may be remarked, even
with his own countrymen, and is most notorious for having,
from a paltry jealousy of foreigners, revived and given currency
to the idle tale that Columbus was guided in his great enterprise
by the charts of a pilot who died in his house. We know, from
Peter Martyr (Dec. 3. cap. 6), that, as early as 1515, the Spaniards
were jealous of the reputation of Cabot, then in their service ; and
Gomara, writing immediately after the deep offence which had
been given by the abandonment of the service of Spain, and the
slight of the emperor's application, was disposed to yield an eager
welcome to every falsehood. With regard to an account, then,
from such a quarter, we would attach importance to it only from
the presumed acquiescence of Cabot in the representation of
a contemporary. Now, so far is this from the fact, the very
passage, as at length redeemed from a perversion no less absurd
than flagitious, furnishes, in itself, a triumphant proof, that the
writer's assertion is in direct conflict with that of the Navigator.
The importance of this argument is increased by the conside
ration that Gomara's work was published two years before
Ramusio's third volume in the preface to which appears the

* Campbell, in his Lives of the Admirals, changes Hakluyt's phrase into
" somewhat more than fifty-eight degrees," for which he quotes Gomara.

extract from Cabot's letter. This shews that other means of
information, and probably Cabot's map amongst the rest, were
before Gomara. All that we care to know, under such circum
stances, is the real statement of Cabot ; and in answer to that
enquiry we have the clear and precise language of his letter to
Ramusio.

CHAP. III.

CABOT PENETRATED INTO HUDSON'S BAY.

ON quitting the authorities which have so long been supposed to
involve irreconcilable contradictions, the only remaining diffi
culty is that of selection from the numerous testimonials which,
offer as to the real extent of the voyage. A few are referred to
which speak in general terms of the latitude reached, before pro
ceeding to such as describe particularly the course pursued.

In De Bry (Grand Voyages iv. p. 69,) is the following pas
sage : —

"Sebastianus Gabottus, sumptibus Regis Anglise, Henrici VII.,
per septentrionalem plagam ad Cataium penetrare voluit. I lie
primus Cuspidem Baccalaos detexit (quam hodie Britones et
Nortmanni, nautse la coste des Molues hoc est Asselorum marino'
rum oram appellant) atque etiam ulterius usque ad 67 gradum
versus polum articum."*

Belle-forest, in his Cosmographie Universelle, which appeared
at Paris, in 1576, (torn. ii. p. 2175,) makes the same statement.

In the treatise of Chauveton, " Du Nouveau Monde," pub
lished at Geneva, in 1579, he says, (p, 141,) " Sebastian Gabotto,
entreprit aux despens de Henry VII., Rex d' Angleterre, de cer-
cher quelque passage pour alter en Catay par la Tramontaine.
Cestuy la descouvrit la pointe de Baccalaos, (que les mariniers
de Bretaigne, et de Normandie appellent La Coste des Molues)
et plus haut jusqiia soixante sept degrez du Pole."

* " Sebastian Cabot attempted, at the expense of Henry VII., King of
England, to find a way by the north to Cataia. He first discovered the point
of Baccalaos, which the Breton and Norman sailors now call the Coast of
Codfish ; and, proceeding yet further, he reached the latitude of sixty-seven
degrees towards the Arctic Pole."

There is a volume entitled, " A Prayse and Reporte of Martyne
Frobisher's voyage to Meta Incognita, by Thomas Churchyard,"
published at London, in 1578, (in Library of British Museum,
title Churchyard^) wherein it is said, " I find that Gabotta was
the first, in king Henry VI I .'s days, that discovered this frozen
land or seas from sixty-seven towards the North, and from thence
towards the South, along the coast of America to 36 degrees
and a half," &c.

Herrera, (dec. i. lib. 6. cap. 16,) in rejecting the fraction
adopts the higher number, and states Cabot to have reached 68°.

We proceed now to establish the proposition which stands at
the head of this chapter, but must first disclaim for it a character
of novelty, since in Anderson's History of Commerce, (vol. i.
p. 549,) is found the following passage : —

" How weak then are the pretensions of France to the prior discovery of
North America, by alleging that one John Verazzan, a Florentine, employed
by their King, Francis I., was the first discoverer of those coasts, when that
king did not come to the crown till about nineteen years after our Cabot's
discovery of the whole coast of North America, from sixty-eight degrees north,
down to the south-end of Florida? So that, from beyond Hudson's Bay (into
which Bay, also, Cabot then sailed, and gave English names to several places therein)
southward to Florida, the whole compass of North America, on the Eastern
coast thereof, does, by all the right that prior discovery can give, belong to the
Crown of Great Britain : excepting, however, what our monarchs have, by
subsequent treaties with other European powers, given up or ceded."

The same assertion appears in the work as subsequently en
larged into Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, (vol. ii. p. 12.)

The statement is sufficiently pointed ; and it is not impossible,
that Anderson, who wrote seventy years ago, and whose employ
ments probably placed within his reach many curious documents
connected with the early efforts to discover a North-West pas
sage to India, may have seen one of Cabot's maps. As he is
silent with regard to the source of his information, it is necessary
to seek elsewhere for evidence on the subject.

A conspicuous place is, on many accounts, due to the testimony
of Lord Bacon. Every student of English History is aware of

the labour and research he expended on the History of Henry
VII. He himself, in one of his letters, speaking of a subsequent
tract, says, " I find Sir Robert Cotton, who poured forth what
he had in my other work, somewhat dainty of his materials in
this." We turn, then, with eagerness, to his statement as to
Sebastian Cabot.

" He sailed, as he affirmed at his return, and made a card
thereof, very far westward, with a quarter of the North on the
North side of Terra de Labrador, until he came to the latitude of
sixty-seven degrees and a Afl/f finding the seas still open."

It would be idle to accompany this statement with any tiling
more than a request that a map of that region may be looked
at in connexion with it.

The Tract of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on the North West-passage,
was originally published in 1576. It is reprinted, with mutila
tions which will be mentioned hereafter, in Hakluyt. Referring*
for the present, to the latter work, we find at page 16 of the third
volume, the following passage : —

" Furthermore, Sebastian Cabot, by his personal experience and travel, hath
set forth and described this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seen in the
Queen's Majesty's Privy Gallery at Whitehall, who was sent to make this dis
covery by King Henry the VII., and entered the same fret, affirming that he
sailed very far westward with a quarter of the north on the north side of
Terra de Labrador the 1 1 th of June, until he came to the septentrional latitude
of sixty-seven degrees and a half, and finding the sea still open, said, that he
might and would have gone to Cataia, if the mutiny of the master and mari
ners had not been."

In the " Theatrum Orbis Terrarum," of the celebrated Geo
grapher Ortelius, will be found a map designated as <e America
sive Novi Orbis descriptio ;" in which he depicts, with an accu
racy that cannot be attributed to accident, the form of Hudson's
Bay, and a channel leading from its Northern extremity towards
the Pole. The publication preceded not only Hudson but Fro-
bisher ; and Ortelius tells us that he had Cabot's Map before him.
Prefixed to his work is a list, alphabetically arranged, (according
to the Christian names,) of the authors of whose labours he was

possessed, and amongst them is expressly mentioned Sebastian
Cabot. The map was of the World, " Universalem Tabulam
quam impressam seneis formis vidimus."

The statement of the Portuguese writer, Galvano, translated by
Hakluyt, is curious, and though there is reason in many places to
apprehend interpolation by Hakluyt, yet the epithet Deseado is
plainly retained from the Portuguese ; signifying the desired, or
sought for. It is unquestionable, that this account, though not
perfectly clear, represents Cabot's extreme northern labour to
have been the examination of a bay and a river ; and from the
name conferred, we may suppose, that they were deemed to be
immediately connected with the anxious object of pursuit. On
the map of Ortelius, the channel running from the northern part
of the bay has really the appearance of a river. After reaching
the American coast, the expedition is said, by Galvano, to have
gone " straight northwards till they came into 60° of latitude,
where the day is eighteen hours long, and the night is very clear
and bright. There they found the aire colde, and great Islands
of Ice, but no ground in an hundred fathoms sounding ; and so
from thence, rinding the land to turn eastwards, they trended
along by it, discovering all the bay and river named Deseado, to
see if it passed on the other side. Then they sailed back againe,
till they came to 38° toward the Equinoctial Line, and from thence
returned into England." (p. 33.)

A writer whose labours enjoyed in their day no little celebrity,
and may be regarded, even now, as not unworthy of the rank
they hold in the estimation of his countrymen, is the noble
Venetian, Livio Sanuto, whose posthumous " Geografia," ap
peared at Venice, in 1588. The work, of which there is a copy
in the Library of the British Museum, owes its chief interest, at
present, to certain incidental speculations on matters connected
with Naval Science, of which the author was deeply enamoured.
Repeated allusions occur to the map of " il chiarissimo Sebastiano
Caboto." Having heard, moreover, from his friend, Guido Gianeti
<ia Fano, at one time ambassador at London, that Sebastian Cabot

had publicly explained to the King of England the subject of the
Variation of the Needle, Sanuto became extremely anxious, in
reference to a long meditated project of his own, to ascertain
where Cabot had fixed a point of no variation. The ambassador
could not answer the eager enquiry, but wrote, at the instance of
Sanuto, to a friend in England, Bartholomew Compagni, to ob
tain the information from Cabot. It was procured accordingly,
and is given by Sanuto, (Prima Parte, lib. i. fol. 2,) with some
curious corollaries of his own. The subject belongs to a different
part of our enquiry, and is adverted to here only to shew the
author's anxious desire for accurate and comprehensive informa
tion and the additional value thereby imparted to the passage,
(Prima Parte, lib. ii. fol. 17,) in which he gives an account of
Cabot's voyage corresponding, minutely, with that which Sir
Humphrey Gilbert derived from the map hung up in Queen
Elizabeth's Gallery.*

Some items of circumstantial evidence may be adverted to :
Zeigler, in his work on the Northern Regions, speaking of
the voyage of Cabot, and the statement of his falling in with so
much ice, remarks, (Argent ed. of 1532. fol. 92. b.) —

" Id testatur quod non per mare vastum, sed propinquis littoribus in sinus
formam comprehensum navigarit, quando ob eadem caussam sinus Gothanus
concrescat quoniam str ictus est, et fluviorum plurium et magnorum ostia sal-
sam naturam in parva copia superant. Inter autem Norduegiara et Islandiam
non concrescit ex diversa causa, quoniam vis dulcium aquarum illic superatur
a vastitate naturae salsas." " This testifieth that he had sailed not by the
main sea, but in places near unto the land, comprehending and embracing the
sea in form of a gulph ; whereas for the same cause the Gulph of Gothland is
frozen, because it is straight and narrow, in the which also, the little quantity

* " E quivi a punto tra questi dui extremi delle due Continenti giunto che
fu il chiarissimo Sebastiano Caboto in gradi sessenta sette e mezo navigando
allora per la quarta di Maestro verso Ponente ivi chiaro vide essere il mare
aperto e spatiosissima senza veruno impedimento. Onde giudico fermamente
potersi di la navigare al Cataio Orientale il che ancho haverche a mano a
mano fatto se la malignata del Padrone e de i marinari sollevati non lo haves-
sero fatto ritornari a dietro."

of salt water is overcome by the abundance of fresh water, of many and great
rivers that fall into the gulph. But between Norway and Iceland, the sea is
not frozen, for the contrary cause, forasmuch, as the power of fresh water is
there overcome of the abundance of the saltwater." (Eden's Decades, fol. 268.)

Eden says, in a marginal note, " Cabot told me that this Ice is
of fresh water and not of the sea."

Great perplexity has been caused by the statement that the
expedition under Cabot found the coast incline to the North-East.
" lie himself informs us that he reached only to 56° N. lat., and
that the coast in that part tended to the East. This seems hardly
probable, for the coast of Labrador tends neither at 66° nor at 58°
to the East." (Forster, p. 267.) So Navarette (torn. iii. p. 41)
thinks that Ramusio's statement cannot be correct, because the
latitude mentioned would carry the vessel to Greenland.

It is to be remembered, that the language of Cabot suggests
that at the immediate point of arrest he was cheered by the
prospect of success. We are led, then, to infer that the san
guine adventurer was, for some reason, inspired with fresh con
fidence in which his associates refused to participate ; and that,
terrified by the perils they had encountered, their dissatisfaction
came to a head when they found a new career of peril suggested
by what they deemed, the delusive hopes of their youthful com
mander. Let us look into the subject with the aid which these
suggestions afford. Bylot, who, after penetrating into Hudson's
Bay, proceeded up its Northern channel on the west side, as far
as 65° and-a-half, represented the coast as tending to the North-
East. The Quarterly Review (vol. xvi. p. 158), in an article
urging a new expedition in search of the North-West passage,
refuses its belief to this statement. We turn then to Captain
Parry's Narrative of his Second Voyage. It is apparent from
an inspection of the map that the course pointed out by Cabot,
for passing through the Strait, would conduct a Navigator, without
fail, to Winter Island. Now from the very outset of Captain
Parry's course from that point, we find him engaged in a struggle
with the North-Eastern tendency of the coast. On 13th July, he

was off Barrow's River, which is in lat. 67U 18' 45"; and having
visited the falls of that river, his narrative is thus continued : —

" We found, on our return, that a fresh southerly breeze, which had been
blowing for several hours, had driven the ice to some distance from the land ;
so that at four p. M., as soon as the flood tide had slackened, we cast off, and
made all possible sail to the northward, steering for a headland, remarkable
for having a patch of land towards the sea insular in sailing along shore.
As we approached this headland, which I named after my friend Mr. Edward
Leycester Fenrhyn, the prospect became more and more enlivening ; for the
sea was found to be navigable in a degree very seldom experienced in these
regions, and the land trending two or three points to the westward of north,
gave us reason to hope, we should now be enabled to take a decided and final
twn in that anxiously desired direction."

Another remark is suggested by Captain Parry's Narrative.
Every one who has had occasion to consider human testimony, or
to task his own powers of recollection, must have observed how
tenaciously circumstances remain which had affected the imagi
nation, even after names and dates are entirely forgotten. The
statement of Peter Martyr exhibits a trophy of this kind. He
recalls what his friend Cabot had said of the influence of the
sun on the shore along which he was toiling amidst mountains
of ice ; " vastas repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes et lucem
fere perpetuam tellure tamen libera gelu liquefacto," ( Decades iii.
lib. 6,) a passage which Hakluyt, (vol. iii. p. 8,) borrowing
Eden's version, renders, " he found monstrous heaps of ice
swimming on the sea, and in manner continual day-light ; yet
saw he the land in that tract free from ice, which had been molten
by the heat of the sun." Where do we look for this almost con
tinual day-light, and this opportunity of noticing the appearance
of the land ? In that very channel, we would say, leading North
from Hudson's Bay, where Captain Parry, later in the summer,
whilst between 67° and 68°, and threatened every moment with
destruction, thus records his own impressions, (p. 261,) " Very
little snow was now lying upon the ground, and numerous streams
of water rushing down the hills and sparkling in the beams of the

morning sun, relieved in some measure the melancholy stillness,
which otherwise reigned on this desolate shore."

There has been held in reserve, the piece of evidence which
goes most into detail.

In the third volume of Hakluyt, (p. 25,) is found a Tract, by
Richard Willes, Gentleman, on the North-West passage. It was
originally published in an edition, that Willes put forth in 1577,
of Richard Eden's Decades, and forms part of an article therein,
which Hakluyt has strangely mangled, addressed to Lady War
wick daughter of the Earl of Bedford. It was drawn up, as we
shall have occasion to shew, for the use of Sir Martin Frobisher.
In this tract Willes combats the various arguments urged at
that time against the practicability of the enterprize; and his state
ment of one of the objections advanced furnishes an all impor
tant glimpse at the map of Cabot. In the following passage,
(3 Hakluyt, p. 25,) the enemies of the enterprize are supposed
to say : —

" Well, grant the West Indies not to continue continent unto the Pole. Grant
there be a passage between these two lands ; let the gulf lie nearer us than
commonly in Gardes we find it, namely, between 61 and 64 degrees North,
as Gemma Frisius, in his Maps and Globes, imagineth it, and so left by our
countryman, Sebastian Cabot, in his Table, which the Earl of Bedford hath at
Cheynies ;* let the way be void of all difficulties yet, &c. &c."

And, again, Willes, speaking in his own person, says, (3 Hak-
luyt, p. 26)-

" For that Caboto was not only a skilful seaman but a long traveller, and
such a one as entered personally that straight, sent by King Henry VII.
to make this aforesaid discovery as in his own Discourse of Navigation you
may read in his Card, drawn with his own hand, that the mouth of the North
Western Straight lieth near the 318 meridian, between 61 and 64 degrees in
the elevation, continuing the same breadth about ten degrees West, where it
opcneth southerly more and more."

It is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that, until a com
paratively recent period, Longitude was measured, universally,

* On application, in the proper quarter, it has been ascertained that this
Document cannot, after diligent search, be found.

from Ferro, once supposed to be the most western part of the
World ; and that the computation of degrees from that point
proceeded first over the old World and thus made its journey of
360 degrees. Adding together, then, the 42 degrees which com
plete the circuit, and the distance between Ferro and Greenwich,
we have, within a few minutes, 60° West from Greenwich as the
longitude named ; and if we note, on a modern Map, where that
degree of longitude crosses Labrador, it will be seen how little
allowance is necessary for the "about 318," which Willes, some
what vaguely, states as the commencement of the strait. He,
probably, judged by the eye of that fact, and of the distance at
which the strait began to " open southerly."

A pause was, designedly, made in the midst of Willes's state
ment in order to separate what refers to Cabot's Map from his
own speculations. The paragraph quoted, concludes thus : —

" Where it openeth southerly more and more until it come
under the tropic of Cancer, and so runneth into Mar del Sur, at
the least 18 degrees more in breadth there, than it was where it
first began ; otherwise, I could as well imagine this passage to be
more unlikely than the voyage to Moscovia, and more impossible
than it, for the far situation, and continuance thereof in the frosty
clime"

That Cabot represented the strait as continuing in the degree
mentioned, or as presenting a southern route, is incredible, be
cause we know that he was finally arrested at 67° and-a-half
whilst struggling onward. But the object of Willes was, to
meet the objection of those who contended that even supposing
a passage could be found so far to the North yet the perils of the
navigation must render it useless for the purposes of commerce.
He represents them as saying, (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 25) —

" If any such passage be, it lieth subject unto ice and snow for the most
part of the year. Before the sun hath warmed the air and dissolved the ice
each one well knoweth that there can be no sailing. The ice once broken
through, the continual abode the sun maketh a certain season in those parts
how shall it be possible for so weak a vessel, as a ship is, to hold out amid

whole islands, as it were, of ice continually beating on each side, and at the
mouth of that gulf issuing down furiously from the North, &c."

Willes, therefore, artfully concedes, as has been seen, the force
of the objection, but attempts to elude it by adverting to the
form of the Bay, and arguing that the break to the South held
out the prospect of a safer route. In this effort he derived im
portant assistance from the maps of Gemma Frisius and Trame-
zine, both of which are yet extant, and really do make the strait
expand to the South, and fall into the Pacific precisely in the
manner he describes. He, therefore, couples the delineation of
Cabot, from actual observation, with the conjectures of the others,
and draws certain inferences, " if the Gardes of Cabota and
Gemma Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted be true,"
(3 Hakluyt, p. 28.) There is no difficulty, as has been said, in
making the separation, when we advert to the fact that Cabot
was actually at 67* and-a-half, when the alarm of his associates
compelled him to turn back.

The representation of Cabot may, in point of accuracy, be
advantageously contrasted with that of more recent maps. Thus,
on the one found in Purchas, (vol. iii. p. 852,) the 318th degree
of longitude passes through nearly the middle of the " Fretum
Hudson." In the " Voyages from Asia to America, for com
pleting the discoveries of the North-West Coast of America," pub
lished at London, in 1764, with a translation of S. Muller's Tract,
as to the Russian discoveries, there is a map by " Thomas Jefferys,
Geographer to his Majesty," taken from that published by the
Royal Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburgh. The old mode
of computation is observed, and the 318th degree of longitude
does not touch Labrador, but passes to the eastward of it.

Such is the evidence which exists, to establish the fact assumed
as the title of this chapter. There remains one obvious and strik
ing consideration. Had Cabot been disposed to fabricate a tale
to excite the wonder of his contemporaries, not only were the
means of detection abundant, but he, assuredly, would not have

limited himself to 67° and-a-half. To a people familiar with
the navigation to Iceland, Norway, &c., there was nothing mar
vellous in his representation ; nay, Zeigler, as we have seen, will
not believe that great mountains of ice could have been en
countered in that latitude. It is only by knowing the navigation
of the Strait, and Bay, and northern channel, that we can appre
ciate the difficulties he had to overcome, and the dauntless intre
pidity that found a new impulse in perils before which his ter
rified companions gave way.

CHAP. IV.

FIRST WORK OF HAKLUYT MAPS AND DISCOURSES LEFT BY SEBASTIAN

CABOT AT HIS DEATH READY FOR PUBLICATION.

AN early work of Hakluyt, to which frequent reference will be
made, contains a great deal of curious information, not to be found
elsewhere, and is exceedingly important as a check on his sub
sequent volumes. It furnishes, moreover, honourable evidence
of the zeal with which he sought to advance, on every occasion,
the interests of navigation and discovery. The following is its
title: —

" Divers voyages touching the discoverie of America and the
Islands adjacent unto the same, made first of all by an English
man, and afterwards by the Frenchmen, and Britons: and certain
notes of advertisements, for observations necessary for such as
shall hereafter make the like attempt, with two mappes annexed
hereunto, for the plainer understanding of the whole matter.
Imprinted at London, for Thomas Woodcock, dwelling in Paule's
Churchyard, at the signe of the Black Beare, 1582."

A reference will be found to it in the margin of p. 174. vol. iii.
of Hakluyt's larger work. Dr. Dibdin, in his Library Companion,
(2d ed. p. 392,) says, " I know of no other copy than that in the
collection of my neighbour, Henry Jadis, Esq., who would brave
all intervening perils between Indus and the Pole, to possess him
self of any rarity connected with Hakluyt."* There is a copy in
the Library of the British Museum, arranged, however, in the

* It may be inferred that we are not quite such enthusiasts as the gentle
man referred to ; those who are will find amongst the Harleian MSS. (No.
288, Art. 111.) a very curious autograph letter from Hakluyt, dated Paris,
July 1588, relative to an overture from France.

Catalogue, not to the title, Hakluyt, but, " America." It is
dedicated to " The Right Worshipful, and most vertuous Gentle
man, Master Philip Sydney, Esq." Zouch, in his Life of Sir
Philip Sydney, (p. 317,) thus refers to it: "Every reader con
versant in the annals of our naval transactions, will cheerfully
acknowledge the merit of Richard Hakluyt," Sec. " His incom
parable industry was remunerated with every possible encourage
ment, by Sir Francis Walsingham and Sir Philip Sydney. To
the latter, as a most generous promoter of all ingenious and use
ful knowledge, he inscribed his first collection of voyages and
discoveries, printed in 1582."

In a passage of the dedication, he adverts to the English title
to America : —

" I have here, right worshipful, in this hastie work, first put
downe the Title which we have to that part of America, which is
from Florida to 67 degrees northward, by the letters patent,
granted to John Gabote and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian,
and Santius, with Sebastian's own certificate to Baptista Ramu-
sio, of his discovery of America."

One Tract preserved in this volume, and which does not appear
in the work as afterwards enlarged, is of great curiosity. It is a
translation, published originally in 1563, of the detailed report
made to Admiral Coligny by Ribault who commanded the
French expedition, in 1562, to Florida, with a view to a settle
ment, and who actually planted in that year a French colony in
what is now the State of South Carolina. Subsequently to the
publication of this volume, Hakluyt was instrumental in causing
to be published at Paris, in 1587, the volume of Basanier con
taining the Narrative of Laudonniere, who was second in com
mand under Ribault. A comprehensive view is there given
of all the voyages, and Hakluyt, therefore, in his larger work,
omits the interesting report made by the chief of the expe
dition.

It is not a little remarkable, in reference to an incident so
memorable, that the woik of Ribault seems to be quite unknown

in France. The " Biographic Universelle," (title Ribault) has
a long article which manifests an entire ignorance of its existence,
and is, indeed, written in a very careless manner. Thus, it is
stated that Ribault, after reaching Florida, proceeded northward
along the coast, and landed at the mouth of a river where he
placed a Pillar with the Arms of France, and that to the next
river he gave the name of May. This is not only contrary to
Ribault's account, but to that of Laudonniere, (Basanier's Paris
ed. of 1587, fol. 8. also, 3 Hakluyt, p. 308,) and to the theory of
the Biographic Universelle itself which identifies the May with
the present St. John. The mistake throws into confusion what
in the original cannot be mistaken. It was on the river where
he planted the Pillar that the name of May was conferred.
Ribault, in this Tract, referring to the several navigators who had
visited America, speaks of the " very famous" Sebastian Cabot,
"an excellent pilot, sent thither by King Henry VII., in the year
1498." Hakluyt speaks of it as " translated by one Thomas
Hackit," and remarks, " The Treatise of John Ribault, is a thing
that hath been already printed, but not nowe to be had unless I
had caused it to be printed againe." The work, however, as ori
ginally published by Hackit, in London, in 1563, is in the Library
of the British Museum, (title in Catalogue, Ribault.) It is more
excusable in the French Biographer of Ribault, not to know of
an important Memoir prepared by him, and which is found in
the Lansdowne Manuscripts, on the policy of preserving peace
with England, and of delivering up to her certain ports of France.
It was, doubtless, prepared under the eye of Coligny, and trans
mitted by him to shew the views of his party ; and has an inti
mate connexion with the history of France at that period.

Passing, however, at present, from various items of this cu
rious volume, to which occasion will be taken hereafter to refer,
there is to be noticed a passage of the deepest interest in reference
to the subject of this memoir. Great surprise has been expressed
that Cabot should have left no account of his voyages, and this
circumstance has even been urged against him as a matter of

reproach. " Sebastian, with all his knowledge, and in the course
of a long life, never committed to writing any narrative of the
voyage to North America. The curious on the Continent, how
ever, drew from him in conversation various particulars which
gave a general idea," &c. (Historical account of North America,
&c., by Hugh Murray, Esq., vol. i. p. 66.) Let us see how far
the reproach on Cabot may be retorted on his country. In this
work of 1582, after citing the patent granted by Henry VII. and
the testimony of Ramusio, Hakluyt says : —

" This much concerning Sebastian Cabote's discoverie may suffice for a
present taste, but shortly, God willing, shall come out in print ALL HIS
OWN MAPPES and DISCOURSES drawne and written by himselfe, which
are in the custodie of the worshipful Master William Worthington, one of her
Majesty's Pensioners, who (because SO WORTHIE MONUMENTS should
not be buried in perpetual oblivion) is very willing to suffer them to be overseene,
and published in as good order as may be to the encouragement and benefite of
our countrymen."

It may be sufficient here to say of William Worthington, that
he is joined with Sebastian Cabot, in the pension given by Philip
and Mary, on the 29 May, 1557, (Rymer, vol. xv. p. 466.) The
probable fate of the Maps and Discourses will be considered on
reaching the painful part of Cabot's personal history which be
longs to this association.

CHAP. V.

COMPARATIVE AGENCY OF JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT.

IT has been seen, that by all the early writers, heretofore cited, who
speak of the discoveries effected under the auspices of Henry VII.
Sebastian Cabot is exclusively named. An inclination has, in
consequence, sprung up at a more recent period to dwell on the
circumstances which seem to indicate that injustice had been
done to the father ; and the alleged testimony of Robert Fabyan,
the venerable annalist, is particularly relied on.

The feeling which prompts this effort to vindicate the preten
sions of the father is entitled to respect ; and certainly there
can exist, at this late day, no other wish on the subject than to
reach the truth. It is proposed, therefore, to look with this spirit
into the various items of evidence which are supposed to establish
the prevailing personal agency of John Cabot. They may be
ranked thus :

1. The alleged statement of Robert Fabyan.

2. The language of more recent writers as to the character of
the father.

3. The appearance of his name on the map cut by Clement
Adams, and also in the- patents.

As to the first, the authority usually referred to is found in
Hakluyt (vol. 3. p. 9)—

" A note of Sebastian Cabot's first discoverie of part of the Indies taken out
of the latter part of Robert Fabian's Chronicle, not hitherto printed, which is
in the custodie of M. John Stow, a diligent preserver of antiquities."

" In the 13 yeere of K. Henry the 7, (by meanes of one John Cabot, a Vene
tian, which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the cir
cuit of the world, and islands of the same as by a sea card, and other demon
strations reasonable he shewed,) the king caused to man and victuall a ship at

Bristow to search for an island, which he said he knew well was rich, and re
plenished with great commodities : which shippe thus manned and victualled
at the King's costs, divers marchants of London ventured in her small stocks,
being in her, as chief patron, the said Venetian. And in the company of the
said ship sailed, also, out of Bristow, three or foure small ships, fraught with
sleight and grosse marchandizes, as course cloth, caps, laces, points, and
other trifles, and so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom
in this Maior's time returned no tidings."

There is added, by Hakluyt, a note of three savages brought
from the newly-discovered region, " mentioned by the foresaid,
Robert Fabian."

It may be remarked, in the first place, that the history of this
" latter part of Robert Fabyan's Chronicle," well deserves the
attention of antiquaries. Both Stow, in his Annals, subsequently
published, and after him, Speed, (p. 744,) and Purchas, (vol. iii.
p. 808,) speak of the exhibition in 1502 of savages brought from
the Newfoundland, and cite Fabyan, as authority for what is not
to be found in his work as we now have it.* Assuming, however,
as we may safely do, that Stow was possessed of a manuscript
which he had reason to believe the work of a contemporary, the
question remains as to its precise language. The passage in
Hakluyt, would evidently appear to be not an exact transcript
from such a work. The expression, " of whom in this Mayor's
time returned no tidings," is not in the manner of a Chronicler
making a note of incidents as they occurred, but is very natural
in a person looking over the materials in his possession for infor
mation on a particular point, and reporting to another the result
of that examination. It is probable, therefore, that Hakluyt had
asked Stow what light he could throw on the expeditions in the
time of Henry VII., and that we have here the answer given to
the enquiry. From what has already been seen, it may be con
ceived that Hakluyt would not hesitate to run his pen through
whatever struck him as irreconcilable with the leading facts in
his possession. The wealthy Prebendary would approach with

* See Appendix (A.)

no great reverence the labours of poor Stow, who having aban
doned his business as a tailor, for the unrequited labours of an
antiquary, was reduced to such distress, that, through the royal
munificence, a special license was granted to him to beg at the
church doors. If, therefore, Hakluyt found the son's name intro
duced, he would not hesitate to make it give way to what he
deemed the better evidence supplied by the record. Fortunately,
however, we are not left to mere conjecture. In 1605, appeared
Stow's own " Annals.'' The simplicity and good faith of this
writer are so well known, as well as his intense reverence for what
ever bore the stamp of antiquity, that we have no fear of his
having committed what in his eyes would have been sacrilege, by
changing one syllable of the original. Let it be remembered, then,
that Hakluyt relies exclusively on what he obtained from Stow ;
and in reading the following passage from the Annals, we find
what, doubtless, passed into Hakluyt's hands before it was sub
jected to his perilous correction. It occurs at p. 804, of the edi
tion of 1605, and at p. 483, of that of 1631. " This year one
Sebastian Gaboto, a Genoa's somie borne in .Bristol, professing
himself to be expert in the knowledge of the circuit of the world
and islands of the same, as by his charts and other reasonable
demonstrations he shewed, caused the king to man and victual a
ship,"&c. The rest corresponds with the passage in Hakluyt,
but there is not added, " of whom in this Mayor's time," &c. ;
thus confirming the conjecture as to the meaning of those words
in the memorandum given to Hakluyt. Under the year 1502,
we find the passage as to the exhibition of the savages, beginning,
" This year were brought unto the king three men taken in the
Newfoundland, by Sebastian Gaboto, before named, in anno 1498."
As authority for this last fact, he cites Robert Fabyan. Thus we
have the best evidence that the contemporary writer, whoever he
may have been, made not the slightest allusion to the father.
Bacon, Speed, Thuanus, &c., all furnish the same statement.

The very phrase, " a Genoa's son," employed to designate
Sebastian Cabot, may be considered as the not unnatural mistake

of a contemporary, referring as it does to the country of Colum
bus with whose fame all Europe was ringing from side to side.

It happens that we can trace the progress of Hakluyt's perver
sion. The communication from Stow first appears in the " Divers
Voyages to America," &c. published in 1582. When given at
that early period, as derived from " Mr. John Stow, citizen,"
Hakluyt merely changes the words "a Genoa's son," into "a
Venetian," without giving any name. He had not then heard of
the patent of February 3, 1498, naming John Cabot exclusively,
for the only document he quotes is the original patent of March
1496, in which both father and son are mentioned, and which de
scribes the father as a Venetian. He struck out, therefore, only
what he then knew to be incorrect. Subsequently, he received
information of the second patent in favour of John Cabot, and in
his enlarged work he not only furnishes a reference to that patent,
but makes a further alteration of what he had received from Stow.
Instead of "a Venetian," as in 1582, when he had the memo
randum first before him, it becomes " one John Cabot, a Vene
tian," thus effecting, at the two stages of alteration, a complete
change of what he had received, and yet for the statement as thus
finally made Fabian and Stow continue to be cited !

Hakluyt has, incautiously, suffered to lie about the evidence of
his guilty deed, which should have been carefully buried. Thus
there is retained the original title of the passage — " A note of Se
bastian Cabot's first discovery of part of the Indies, taken out of
the latter part of Robert Fabyan's Chronicle, not hitherto printed,
which is in the custody of Mr. John Stow, a diligent preserver
of Antiquities." Now it is highly probable that all this, with
the exception of the compliment, was the explanatory memo
randum at the head of Stow's communication. It is incredible
that Hakluyt himself should prefix it to a passage which does not
contain the slightest allusion to Sebastian Cabot. Thus we see that
in indicating to the printer the alterations in the new edition, the
pen of Hakluyt, busied with amendment at the critical point, has

spared, inadvertently, what betrays him by its incongruity with
that which remains, and, like the titles of many acts of parliament,
serves to shew the successful struggle for amendment after the
original draught.

As to the second paragraph, about the exhibition of the three
savages, Hakluyt's conduct has been equally unjustifiable, but an
exposure of it belongs to a different part of the subject.

Thus it i* established by the testimony of the contemporary An
nalist, that it was on a young man — the son of the rich merchant
from Italy — that the public eye was turned in reference to the
projected shemes of discovery.

The explanation that has been given furnishes at the same
time an answer to the second ground adverted to in support of
the "father's pretensions — the encomiums bestowed on him by
respectable writers. Singular as it may appear, they have all
arisen out of the misconception as to Fabyan's meaning. Beyond
this supposed allusion, there is not the slighest evidence that the
father was a seaman, or had the least claim to nautical skill or
the kindred sciences. We hear only of his going " to dwell in
England to follow the trade of merchandise." Yet out of Hak
luyt's perversion, mark how each successive writer has delighted
to draw the materials for eulogy on this old gentleman.

"Thus it appears, from the best authority that can be desired,
that of a contemporary writer, this discovery was made by Sir
John Cabot, the father of Sebastian." (Campbell's Lives of The
Admirals.) " Sir John Cabot was the original discoverer, of which
honour he ought not to be despoiled, even by his son." (ib.) The
same language is found in M'Pherson's Annals of Commerce,
(vol. ii. p. 13. note,) and in Chalmer's Political Annals of The
Colonies, (p. 8, 9,) though it happens, singularly enough, that in
correcting the supposed error, this last writer not only mistakes
the name of the annalist (making him to be John Fabyan), but
cites a work which does not contain the slightest allusion to these
enterprises.

" He was, it seemsr a man perfectly skilled in all the sciences
requisite to form an accomplished seaman or a general trader !"
(Campbell's Lives of the Admirals.)

"The father was a man of science, and had paid particular
attention to the doctrine of the spheres. His studies, &c. He seems
to have applied to Henry VII., who accordingly empowered him
to sail," &c. (vol. xviii. Kerr's Voyages, p. 353. Essay by W. Ste
venson, Esq.)

" John Caboto, a citizen of Venice, a skilful Pilot and intrepid
Navigator." (Barrow, p. 32.)

" Henry VII., disappointed in his hopes of forming an engage
ment with Columbus, gladly extended his protection to the Ve
netian, John Gavotta or Cabot, whose reputation as a skilful pilot
was little inferior to that of the celebrated Genoese." (Dr. Lard-
ner's Cabinet Cyclopsedia, Maritime and Inland Discovery, vol.
ii. p. 136.)

We come now to the assertion, that on the map " hung up in
the Queen's Privy Gallery /' the discoveries indicated, are referred
to the joint agency of the father and son. And here, the first
consideration is, of course, as to the evidence that such a repre
sentation was made.

The map itself has disappeared, and we approach the state
ment of Hakluyt with a conviction that he would not hesitate,
for a moment, to interpolate the name of John Cabot, if he
thought that, thereby, was secured a better correspondence with
the language of the original patent. No additional confidence is
derived from Purchas, who copies all Hakluyt's perversions,
and even repeats the citation of Fabyan, as found in Hakluyt's
last work, though Stow's Annals had intermediately appeared,
and the discrepance between Hakluyt's first and last work ought
to have put him on his guard.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert makes not the slightest allusion to the
Father.

" Furthermore, Sebastian Caboto, by his personal experience
and travel, hath set forth and described this passage in his charts,

which are yet to be seen in the Queen Majesty's Privy Gallery at
Whitehall, who was sent to make this discovery by king Henry
VII."

It would certainly require less audacity to associate here the
name of the father, as it is found in the patent, than to do that of
which Hakluyt has already been convicted. Richard Willes,
who, in the treatise already cited, and which is given in Hakluyt,
addresses Lady Warwick " from the court," and speaks familiarly
of Sebastian Cabot's map, makes no allusion to the father.

There is a treatise on " Western planting" copied into Hakluyt,
(vol. iii. p. 165,) as "written by Sir George Peckham, Knt., the
chief adventurer and furtherer of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage;"
in which, speaking of the English title to America, he says, (p. 173,)
" In the time of the Queen's grandfather of worthy memory, king
Henry VII., Letters Patent were, by his Majesty, granted to
John Cabota, an Italian, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, his
three sons, to discover remote, barbarous, and heathen countries;
which discovery was afterwards executed to the use of the Crown
of England, in the said king's time, by Sebastian and Sancius,
his sons, who were born here in England" Thus, with a full
knowledge of the introduction of the name of the father and the
eldest brother into the Patent, Sir George seems to negative the
idea that they took any part in the execution of the enterprise.
Yet it must be admitted that this piece of evidence, strong as it
seems, is weakened by noticing the statements coupled with it.
He continues, (p. 173,) "In true testimony whereof, there is
a fair haven in Newfoundland, knowen and called until this
day by the name of Sancius Haven, which proveth that they first
discovered upon that coast, from the height of 63 unto the cape
of Florida, as appeareth in the Decades." The reference here is
to the Decades of Peter Martyr, which certainly do not bear out
the conclusion. The writer probably determined the question
of latitude by observing that Cabot, according to Willes, fixed
the mouth of the Strait between 61° and 64°; and as to the Haven,
the allusion is probably to Placentia Bay, or as it is written on

the old maps of Newfoundland, Plasancius, a title which, as found
in the mouths of seamen, might readily suggest to the ear the
name of the youngest patentee.

There is one account that mentions John Cabot, but it was
written subsequently to the publication, by Hakiuyt in 1582, of
the patent containing the father's name which would, of itself,
suggest the association. It is the narrative, by Haies, of the Ex
pedition of 1583, (see Hakiuyt, vol. iii. p. 144,) which we cite on
the possibility that it may do no more than an act of justice,
and because it serves to shew how uniformly the claims of Eng
land in America have been rested on the discoveries in the time
of Henry VII.

" The first discovery of these coasts (never heard of before) was well begun
by John Cabot the father, and Sebastian his son, an Englishman born, &c.
all which they brought and annexed unto the crown of England." " For not
long after that Christopher Columbus had discovered the Islands and Conti
nent of the West Indies for Spain, John and Sebastian Cabot made discovery
also of the rest from Florida Northwards to the behoof of England." " The
French did but review that before discovered by the English Nation usurping
upon our right." " Then seeing the English Nation only hath right unto
these countries of America, from the Cape of Florida Northward, by the privi
lege of first discovery, unto which Cabot was authorised by regal authority,
and set forth by the expense of our late famous King Henry VII. which right,
also, seemeth strongly defended on our behalf by the bountiful hand of Al
mighty God, notwithstanding the enterprises of other nations, it may greatly
encourage us upon so just ground as is our right," &c.

The fact that the father is named in the Patent does not fur
nish conclusive evidence that he embarked in either of the
expeditions. The original grant conveys to the father and his
three sons, " and to the heirs of them and their Deputies" full
power to proceed in search of regions before unknown, and the
exclusive privilege of trading. Now it has never been supposed
that all the sons engaged in the voyage, and yet the presump
tion is just as strong with regard to each of them as to the
father, and even more so if we look to the appropriate season of
life for perilous adventure. The truth seems to be this : — as it is
probable that all the means of the family were embarked in this

enterprise, it was no unnatural precaution that the patent should
be coextensive in its provisions. It created them a trading cor
poration with certain privileges, and it might as well be con
tended, for a similar reason, that the Marquis of Winchester, the
Earl of Arundel, and the other patentees of the Muscovy Company
(1 Hakluyt, p. 268) actually sailed in the north-eastern voyages.
The second patent is to the father alone. If we seek a reason
for this departure from the original arrangement, it may be conjec
tured that some of the sons chose to give a different direction to a
parental advance and their personal exertions ; and that the head
of the family thought fit to retain, subject to his own discretionary
disposal, the proposed investment of his remaining capital. It is
said* that one of the sons settled at Venice, and the other at
Genoa. The recital of the discovery by the Father would, of
course, be stated, under the circumstances, as the consideration of
the second patent in his favour.

Another reason for the introduction of the father's name, con
currently at first with his son's and afterwards exclusively, may
perhaps be found in the wary character of the King, whose own
pecuniary interests were involved in the result. He might be
anxious thus to secure the responsibility of the wealthy Venetian
for the faithful execution of the terms of the patent, and finally
think it better to have him solely named, rather than commit
powers, on their face assignable, to young men who had no stake
in the country, and who were not likely to make it even a fixed
place of residence.

On the whole, there may at least be a doubt whether the father
really accompanied the expedition. Unquestionably, the great
argument derived from the pretended language of a contemporary
annalist is not only withdrawn, but thrown into the opposite scale.

Supposing, however, John Cabot to have been on board, we
must, in enquiring what were his functions, carefully put aside
the thousand absurdities which have had their origin in miscon-

* Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 310, on the authority of MS.
remarks en Haklnyt.

ception as to the person intended by Fabyan ; and remember, that
we have not a tittle of evidence as to his character or past pur
suits, except, as has been remarked, that he came to London " to
follow the trade of merchandise." All that is said about his
knowledge of the sphere — his perfect acquaintance with the
sciences, &c., is merely an amplification of the remarks of Fabyan,
as to Sebastian Cabot. If, then, he went at all, it was in all pro
bability merely for the purpose of turning to account his mercan
tile skill and sagacity in the projected traffic which formed one of
the objects of the expedition. There is nothing to control, in
the slighest degree, the idea which presses on us from so many
quarters, that the project had its origin with the son, and that its
great object was to verify his simple, but bold, proposition that
by pushing to the north a shorter route might be opened to the
treasures of Cataya.

If the youth of Sebastian Cabot be objected to, as rendering
his employment by Henry improbable, we must remember that
the project was suggested to the English monarch at a period pe
culiarly auspicious to its reception. He had just missed the oppor
tunity of employing Columbus, and with it the treasures of the
New World. Instead of cold and cheerless distrust, there was a
reaction in the public mind, with a sanguine flow of confidence
towards novel speculations and daring enterprises. When,
therefore, one-fifth of the clear gain was secured to the king, by
the engagement of the wealthy Venetian, Henry yielded a ready
ear to the bold theory and sanguine promises of the accomplished
and enthusiastic young navigator.

CHAP. VI.

FIRST POINT SEEN BY CABOT NOT NEWFOUNDLAND.

THE part of America first seen and named by Cabot, is generally
considered to have been the present Newfoundland. This, how
ever, will be far from clear if we look closely into the subject.

The evidence usually referred to as establishing the fact con
sists of an " extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut
by Clement Adams," quoted by Hakluyt and Purchas.

This would seem to have been a broad sheet, on which an
attempt was made to exhibit the substance of Cabot's statement
as to the country he had discovered. From the stress laid by
Hakluyt and Purchas on the Extract, hung up in the privy
gallery at Whitehall,* we may infer that they had never seen the
original map. It would seem to have been executed after Cabot's
death, and without any communication with him, for it offers con
jectures as to his reasons for giving names to particular places
which probably would not have been hazarded with the means so
readily at hand, during his life, of attaining certainty on such
points. The explanation was in Latin, and is thus given by
Hakluyt, with a translation, (vol. iii. p. 6) —

" Anno Domini 1497, Joannes Cabotus Venetus, et Sebastianus illius filius
earn terram fecerunt perviam, quam nullus prius adire ausus fuit, die 24 Junii,
circiter horam quintam bene mane. Hanc autem appellavit Terram primum
visam, credo quod ex mari in earn partem primum oculos injecerat. Namque

* The disappearance of this curious document may probably be referred,
either to the sales which took place after the death of Charles I., or to the
fire in the reign of William III.

ex adverse sita est insula, earn appellavit insulam Divi Joannis, hac opinor
ratione, quod aperta fuit eo qui die est sacer Diuo Joanni Baptistae: Hujus
incolae pelles animalium exuviasque ferarum pro induraentis habent, casque tanti
faciunt, quanti nos vestes preciosissimas. Cum bellum gerunt, utuntur arcu,
sagittas, hastis, spiculis, clavis ligneis et fundis. Tellus sterilis est, neque ullos
fructus affert, ex quo fit, ut ursis albo colore, et cervis inusitatse apud nos mag-
nitudinis referta sit : piscibus abundat, iisque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi
marini et quos salmones vulgus appellat ; solese autem reperiuntur tarn longae,
ut ulnae mensuram excedant. Imprimis autem magna est copia corum pis-
cium, quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipi-
tres ita nigri, ut corvorum similitudinem minim in modum exprimant, perdices
autem et aquilse sunt nigri coloris."

The same in English.

" In the year of our Lord, 1497, John Cabot a Venetian, and his sonne Se
bastian, (with an English fleet set out from Bristoll,) discovered that land which
no man before that time had attempted, on the 24th of June, about five of the
clocke early in the morning. This land he called Prima vista, that is to say, first
scene ; because, as I suppose, it was that part whereof they had the first sight
from sea. That island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of
St. John upon this occasion, as I thinke, because it was discovered upon the
day of John the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island use to weare beasts'
skinnes, and have them in as great estimation as we have our finest garments.
In their warres they use bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and
slings. The soil is barren in some places, and yeeldeth little fruit, but it is full
of white bears, and stagges far greater than ours. It yeeldeth plenty of fish,
and those very great as seales, and those which we commonly call salmons ;
there are soles, also, above a yard in length, but especially there is great abun
dance of that kind of fish which the savages call baccalaos. In the same island
also there breed hauks, but they are so black that they are very like to ravens,
as also their partridges and eagles, which are in like sort blacke."

As usual, it is necessary here, in the first place, to notice the
passages in which Hakluyt has acted unfaithfully to the text.
He was under an impression that Cabot first visited Newfound
land, and in this same volume that region is spoken of in very
flattering terms, and its colonization earnestly recommended.
At p. 153, we hear of Newfoundland — "There is nothing which
our East and Northerly countries of Europe do yield, but the like
also may be made in them as plentifully by time and industry,
namely, rosin, flax, hemp, corn, and many more, all which the
countries will afford, and the soil is apt to yield." "The soil along
the coast is not deep of earth, bringing forth abundantly peason,

small, yet good feeding for cattle. Roses, passing sweet," &c.
In the letter of Parmenius from Newfoundland (p. 162), the passage
beginning " But what shall I say my good Hakluyt," &c., con
veys a similar representation.

Mark now the liberties taken by Hakluyt. Cabot, in the Ex
tract, is made to say, that the country called "Terra primum
visa" was absolutely sterile — " tellus sterilis est." This Hakluyt
renders "the soil is barren in some places;" and when Cabot says,
" neque ullos fructus affert," the translator has it, " and yieldeth
little fruit ;" thus perverting, without hesitation, the original,
which is yet audaciously placed beneath our eyes !

While on the subject of these efforts to obscure a document so
little satisfactory in itself, reference may be made to another, of a
date subsequent to the time of Hakluyt but which has had an
extensive influence on modern accounts. The country discovered
is designated in the Latin, as " Terra primum visa," and distin
guished from the " Imula," or Island of St. John, standing oppo
site to it. Hakluyt preserves the distinction, but in the well-known
book of Captain Luke Foxe, who professes to transfer to his pages
the several testimonials on the subject of Cabot's discoveries so
as to present them to his readers in a cheap form, the passage is
thus put, (p. 15) —

"In the year of grace 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, and Se
bastian his son, with an English fleet from Bristol, discovered
that Island, which before that time, no man," &c. With a view
to economy of space, Foxe omits to copy Hakluyt's statement,
that the " Extract" spoken of was hung up "in the Queen's Privy
Gallery," and from this omission a hasty reader is led to infer
that he speaks of a map in his own possession. Here was a fine
trap for those who came after him ; and the following passage
from M'Pherson's Annals of Commerce, (vol. ii. p. 13, note,)
may shew how successful it proved. " Foxe quotes the fol
lowing inscription engraven near Newfoundland, in a map, pub
lished by Sebastian, the son of John Cabot — ' A. D. 1497, John
Cabot a Venetian, and Sebastian, his son, with an English

fleet, set sail from Bristol, discovered that Island, which before
that time no man had attempted/ " Thus we have — Foxe in
possession of Cabot's map — on that map, " Newfoundland"
marked — and, on the map, published by Sebastian Cabot,
an inscription near Newfoundland, to the purport mentioned.
It will be asked, with surprise, whether Foxe, culpable as
he is, affords no greater countenance to M'Pherson. Posi
tively not. So far from pretending to have any original docu
ments, he says expressly, in his address to the reader, " It will be
objected that many of these abstracts are taken out of other books,
and that those are the voyages of other men. I answer, it is true
that most of them are, for what are all those of Mr. Hakluyt
and Mr. Purchas, but the collections and preservations of other
mens' labours," &c. " I have abstracted those works of my prede
cessors, yet I have interlaced my own experience !" &c. Chal
mers adopts, like M'Pherson, the perversion of Foxe.

We are bound, therefore, to look closely to the original language
of this document, which is itself, unfortunately, a mere abstract ;
and in endeavouring to ascertain the country intended, we natu
rally pause on the very expressions which have been perverted,
in order to accommodate them to the modern hypothesis. The
unqualified language as to the sterility of the region, is certainly
more applicable to Labrador than Newfoundland, and the dis
tinction taken between the " Terra" and the " Insula," is calcu
lated to strengthen the presumption that the former was intended.

As to the animals of this "Terra primum visa" we are told, it is
"full of white bears, and deer larger than ours" — ("ursis albo colore
et cervis inusitatse apud nos magnitudinis referta") Now the
haunts of the white bear are on the coast of Labrador, and they
do not come so far South as Newfoundland in numbers to war
rant such a description. The account, too, given by Peter Martyr,
of the manner in which these bears catch the fish, which is their
favourite food, strikingly recalls the lively description of similar
scenes by Mr. Cartvvright, in his " Journal, during a residence of
nearly sixteen years on the coast of Labrador." It is remarkable,

that most English writers have been rather reluctant to copy
Cabot's representation on this point, supposing it inapplicable to
Newfoundland, where, though white bears may be occasionally
seen, they are not " native here and to the manner born."

The introduction of an island, " St. John" into the "Extract,"
has contributed to mislead, the reader naturally referring it to
the one of that name in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. If we
recollect, however, that the Terra primum visa was discovered on
the 24th June, and the island on the same day (St. John's day),
it will seem improbable that Cabot, on the very day of discovery,
could have penetrated so far. The description, also, is inapplicable,
" qu9B ex adverse sita est Insula," — " that island which lieth out
before the land." We must remark, further, that the present St.
John, was so named by Cartier, in 1534, (3 Hakluyt, p. 204,) he
having been employed from the 10th May, when he reached
Newfoundland, to 24th June, in making a circuit of the gulf
which he entered through the strait of Belle Isle. But the most
important, and conclusive, piece of testimony, is furnished by
Ortelius, who had the map of Cabot before him, and who places
an island of St. John in the latitude of 56° immediately on the
coast of Labrador. This is, doubtless, the one so designated by
Cabot.

Thus, without calling to our aid the terms of the second patent
to Cabot, which recites the discovery of & Land and islands on the
first voyage, we reach the conclusion, that the main discovery —
the " Terra," as distinguished from the " Insula " — could not
have been the present island of Newfoundland.

There is little difficulty in tracing the history of this epithet.
The whole of the northern region is designated, on the old maps,
as Terra Nova, or New Land, and it has the appellation of
" Newland," in the statute 33 Henry VIII. cap. ii.* Robert
Thorne of Bristol, in 1527, speaking (Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 214)
of the North-West passage, says, " and if they will take this course

* Ruffhead's Statutes at large, vol. ii. p, 304.

after they be past the Pole towards the West, they should go in
the back of the Newfoundland which of late was discovered by
your 'Grace's subjects, until they come to the back side and South
Seas of the Indies Occidental;" and again, (p. 219,) " if between
our Newfoundlands, or Norway, or Island, the seas toward the
North be navigable, we should go to these islands a shorter way
by more than 2000 leagues." On the same page, he mentions the
circumstance of his father having been one of the " discoverers of
Newfoundland;" — at p. 216, refers to " the land that we found,
which is called here (in Spain) Terra de Labrador," — and in another
part of the same document speaks of " the Newfound island that
we discovered."

The term, then, was employed, in the first instance, as a
designation of all the English discoveries in the North. That it
should afterwards settle down upon an inconsiderable portion,
and come to be familiarly so applied, will not appear surprising
if we recollect, that for almost a century the whole region
was known only as a fishing station, and regarded as an
appendage to the Grand Bank, and that the island was used,
exclusively, in connexion with such pursuits. When long
established, these designations are beyond the reach of considera
tions of taste or propriety. Thus, the term West Indies, once
covering the whole of America, is now limited to groups of islands
on its eastern side, even after a Continent and the Pacific Ocean
are known to be interposed between them and that India in a
supposed connexion with which the name had its origin. Parks
and Squares may be laid out and named at will, but the familiar
appellation of a thronged place of business will not yield even to
^ Act of Parliament ; " expellas furca tamen usque recurret."

CHAP. VII.

CABOT DID NOT CONFER THE NAME " PRIMA VISTA."

THE question as to the name Prima Vista stands apart from
that which has just been dismissed, and is in itself sufficiently
curious.

It is to be remembered, that the description, in Latin, is not
only the highest but the only authority on the subject, and that
Hakluyt had no better materials for conjecture than we now
possess. From this document we gather that John and Sebastian
Cabot,

" Earn terrain fecerunt perviam quam nullus prius adire ausus fuit die 24
Junii circiter horam quintain bene mane. Hanc autem appellavit Terram pri-
mum visam credo quod ex mari in earn partem primum oculos injecerat."

A passage thus translated by Hakluyt —

" They discovered that land which no man before that time had attempted,
on the 24th June, about five of the clock, early in the morning. This land he
called Prima Vista, that is to say, first seen, because as I suppose it was that part
whereof they had the first sight from sea."

It is plain, that the original map could have furnished no
clew to the motive for conferring the appellation, because the
suggestion of the person who prepared the " Extract," is of
fered, confessedly, as a conjecture. We know only that there
was something on the map which led him to consider the
region as designated, " Terra primum visa." This bare state
ment will shew how utterly gratuitous is Hakluyt's assump
tion, that the name given was Prima Vista ; for it is obviously
impossible to determine, whether it was in Latin, Italian, or
English.

If the name Prima Vista, or Terra primumVisa, or First Sight,

was conferred, why is nothing said of it in the various conversa
tions of Sebastian Cabot ? We hear continually of Baccalaos,
and. find that name on all the old maps, but not a word of the
other, which yet is represented as the designation applied to the
more important item of discovery — to the " terra/' as distinguished
from the " insula."

The origin of the misconception is suspected to have been this :
The Map of the New World which accompanies the copy of
Hakluyt's work, in the King's- Library, has the following inscrip
tion on the present Labrador, " This land was discovered by
John et Sebastian Cabote, for Kinge Henry VII., 1497." Now,
the " Extract" which we are considering, says, that John and
Sebastian Cabot first discovered the land " which no man before
that time had attempted," ("quam nullus prius adire ausus fuit.")
These expressions are, of course, intended to convey an assertion
found on the original map, of which it professes to give an abstract
— an assertion equivalent, doubtless, to the language quoted from
the map in Hakluyt. How would such an inscription run ?
Probably, thus : " Terra primum visa Joanne Caboto et Sebas-
tiano illius filio die, 24 Junio, 1497, circiter horam quintam bene
mane." To us who have just been called on to expose the absurd
mistakes committed by men of the highest reputation for learning
and sagacity, is it incredible, that the artist who prepared the
broad sheet, should have hastily supposed the initial words to be
intended as a designation of the country discovered — particularly,
when in the Law, we have to seek at every turn a similar explana
tion of such titles, as Scire-facias, Mandamus, Quo Warranto,
&c. &c. ?

Such a designation might even have got into use without ne
cessarily involving misconception. There is a tendency, in the
absence of a convenient epithet, to seize, even absurdly, on the
leading words of a description, particularly when couched in
a foreign language. Thus, the earliest collection of voyages
to the New World, is entitled, " Paesi novamente retrovati
et Novo Hondo da Alberico Vespucio Florentine intitulato." It

is usually quoted as the " Paesi novamente retrovati," and
a bookseller, therefore, when asked for " Land lately discover
ed," exhibits a thin quarto volume, published at Vicenza, in
1507. The same is the case with the " Novus Orbis," the
" Fcedera," &c.

Another consideration may be mentioned. The island which
" stands out from the land," was discovered on the 24th June, and
named from that circumstance. One would suppose this to
have been first encountered ; and if so, the designation of " First
Sight," would hardly be given to a point subsequently seen on the
same day. Not only were the chances in its favour from its posi
tion, but we cannot presume that Cabot would have quitted im
mediately his main discovery, had that been first recognized, and
stood out to sea to examine a small island, or that he would
have dedicated to the Saint the inferior, and later, discovery of
the day.

We repeat, all that is known on the subject is the appearance
of the three Latin words in question on the original map. The
rest is mere conjecture; first, of the artist, as to the meaning of
the words, and then, of Hakluyt, yet wilder, that " Terra primum
visa," must have been a translation of something in Italian. This
solution explains why there is no reference to any such title in
the conversations of Cabot, or in Ortelius who had the map of
that navigator before him.

It is not improbable, that Hakluyt was assisted to his conclu
sion by the prominence given on the early maps of Newfoundland
to a name conferred by the Portuguese. Though he has not put
into words the reflection which silently passed through his mind,
it becomes perceptible in others who have adopted his hypo
thesis. Thus, for example, we recognise its vague influence on
Forster, (p. 267,) who supposes " that Sebastian Cabot had the
first sight of Newfoundland off Cape Bonavista"

The subject seems, indeed, on every side, the sport of rash and
even puerile conceits. Dr. Robertson tells us, (Hist, of Ame
rica, book ix.) " after sailing for some weeks due West, and

nearly on the parallel of the port from which he took his de
parture, he discovered a large Island, which he called Prima
Vista, and his sailors, Newfoundland ! — and in a few days, he
descried a smaller Isle, to which he gave the name of St. John."
Thus is presented, gratuitously, to the imagination, a sort of
contest about names, between the commander of the expedition
and the plain-spoken Englishmen under his command !

CHAP. VIII.

RICHARD EDEN'S " DECADES OF THE NEW WORLD" — CABOT'S STATEMENT
AS TO THE PLACE OF HIS BIRTH.

As reference has already been made, more than once, to the
volume of Eden, and there will be occasion to draw further
on its statements, a few remarks may not be out of place as to
the claims which that rare and curious work presents to credit
and respect. In selecting from the various tributes to its merits,
that of Hakluyt, it is difficult to forbear a somewhat trite reflec
tion on the fortuitous circumstances which influence the fate of
books, as frequently as they are arbiters of fame and success in
the pursuits of active life. Eden has, in our view, far stronger
claims to consideration as an author, and to the grateful recollec
tion of his countrymen, than the writer whose testimony it is pro
posed to adduce in his favour. He preceded the other half-a-
century, and was, indeed, the first Englishman who undertook
to present, in a collective form, the astonishing results of that
spirit of maritime enterprise which had been everywhere awakened
by the discovery of America. Nor was he a mere compiler. We
are indebted to him for several original voyages of great curiosity
and value. He is not exempt, as has been seen, from error, but
in point of learning, accuracy, and integrity, is certainly superior
to Hakluyt ; yet it is undoubted, that while the name of the
former, like that of Vespucci, has become indelibly associated
with the new World, his predecessor is very /ittle known. Hak
luyt has contrived to transfer, adroitly, to his volumes, the labours
of others, and to give to them an aspect artfully attractive to
those for whom they were intended. The very title — " Naviga
tions, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English 'Nation"

is alluring, however inappropriate to the contents such an exclu
sive designation may be found ; and as the size and typographical
execution of the work conspire to render the enterprise a very
creditable one, for the early era of its appearance, the national
complacency has rallied round it as a trophy, with a sort of
enthusiasm. " It redounds/' says Oldys, " as much to the
glory of the English nation as any book that ever was published
in it;" and Dr. Dibdin, in the passage of his Library Companion,
beginning " All hail to thee, Richard Hakluyt !" employs, in his
way, a still higher strain of panegyric. For a decayed gentleman,
then, like Eden, it may not be wise to slight a patronising glance
of recognition from one who stands so prosperously in the world's
favour.

To establish him, therefore, in the high confidence of most
readers, it will be sufficient to find Hakluyt (vol. iii. p. 498)
quoting a passage from " that learned and painefull writer,
Richard Eden ;" and again (vol. i. p. 242) adverting to the sanc
tion which Eden gives to the account of Chancellor's voyage. In
the second volume (part ii. p. 10) other passages are copied from
Eden's work. The extract from Peter Martyr d'Angleria, rela
tive to Sebastian Cabot, given in the third volume, (p. 8,) is taken,
without acknowledgement, from Eden's Translation, (fol. 118,
119.) As to the " Discourse" relative to the same navigator, given
in Hakluyt, (vol. iii. p. 6,) he takes from Eden, (fol. 255,) every
thing but the erroneous reference to the second volume of Ra-
musio, which is a blunder of his own, into which also he has led
his copyist Purchas. The voyages to Guinea, found in Eden, (fol.
343,) are original, and were drawn up, as he says, "that sum me-
morie thereof might remayne to our posteritie, if eyther iniquitie
of tyme, consumynge all things, or ignorance creepynge in by bar-
barousnesse, and contempte of knowledge, should hereafter bury
in oblivion so woorthy attemptes." Hakluyt, in making the
transfer to his work, (vol. ii. part ii. p. 9,) .retains the introductory
expressions, without the slighest acknowledgement, so that our
gratitude is directed to him, for having preserved an account of

these voyages, and for the patriotic zeal which prompted the un
dertaking. This is the more calculated to mislead, as, immedi
ately after these voyages, credit is given to Eden, (p. 10,) for a
description of Africa ; and the reader, noting a temper apparently
so fair and candid, at once pronounces original, whatever is not
expressly referred to others. There is a voyage in Hakluyt,
(vol. ii. part ii. p. 14,) designated at the head of the page, as that
of "M.John Lok," and the writer says, "my chief intent hath
been to shew the course of the same, according to the observation
and ordinary custom of the Mariners; and as I received it at the
hands of an expert Pilot, being one of the chief in this voyage."
No one, unacquainted with Eden, would suppose, that this is
copied, verbatim, from his volume, (fol. 349.) So, in reference to
the unfortunate Portuguese, Pinteado, who sailed from Ports
mouth, when we find in Hakluyt, (vol. ii. part ii. p. 14,) " all
these aforesaid writings, I saw under seal in the house of my
friend, Nicholas Liete, with whom Pinteado left them," there is
no intimation, that he is merely repeating the language of Eden,
(fol. 349.) Again, in Eden, (fol. 357,) is a curious account, which
Chancellor gave him, of a waterspout, by which Cabot had been
placed in imminent peril. This also is found in Hakluyt, (vol. ii.
part ii. p. 21,) without acknowledgement, and wears there the ap
pearance of a direct communication to himself.

Somewhat less than one-half of Eden's work, is occupied with
an English version of Peter Martyr. Then come translations
from the most rare and curious accounts of voyages and travels,
Oviedo, Gomara, Ramusio, Pigafeta, Americus Vesputius,
Munster, Bastaldus, Ziglerus, Cardanus, Paulus Jovius, Sigis-
mondus Liberus, Vannuccius Biringuczius Amongst the articles
most worthy of attention, may be mentioned those on metals and
the working of mines in ancient and modern times, (fol. 326, to
342,) on the prices of precious stones and spices, and the trade in
spices, (fol. 233, 244,) on Russia, (fol. 249, to 263,) and on the
manners and customs of the Tartars, (fol. 299, &c.)

The circumstances which first inspired the. author with a reso-

lution to prepare the work, are told with much simplicity. He
was a spectator of the public entry into London of Philip and
Mary. As the splendid pageant swept by, in all its pomp, pride,
and circumstance, amidst the tumultuous acclamations of the
populace, the array of functionaries civil and military, and the
deafening bursts of martial music, he describes himself as almost
lifted out of self-command by the excitement of the scene, and at
the crisis when the royal pair actually passed near him he was
ready to break out into some wild sally of enthusiasm. Re
strained, happily, from this piece of indiscretion, he resolved to
set about some work which he might, in due season, exhibit as
the offspring of his teeming loyalty, arid humbly crave for it the
royal blessing.*

Of the success of the work, on its appearance, we know no
thing; but it seems to have struggled with many difficulties in its
progress to the light, and of these not the least mortifying to
Eden must have been the disheartening timidity of his publishers.
It were injustice not to render a passing tribute of gratitude to the
liberality of one of them, " Master Toy," without, however, at
tempting to lift the veil which a gentle and generous temper
has thrown over the infirmity of his associates. Eden's pecuniary
disinterestedness, his earnest hope that his labours might be
useful to others, and his honest anxiety for merited reputation
serve to heighten our indignation at the manner in which he

* " Cum in primo vestro ingressu in hanc celeberriman Londini urbem
(illustrissimi Principes) cernerem quanto omnium applausu, populi concursu,
ac civium frequentia, quanto insuper spectaculorum nitore, nobilium virorum
splendore, equoram multitudine, tubarum clangore, cceterisque magnificis
pompis ac triumphis, pro dignitate vestra accepti estis dum omnes quod sui
est officii facere satagebant, ubi in tanta hominum turba vix unus reperitatur
qui non aliquid agendo adventum vestrum gratulabatur, ccepi et ego quoque
aliorum exemplo (proprius prsesertim ad me accedentibus Celsitudinibus vestris)
tanto animi ardore ad aliquid agendum accendi ne solus in tanta hominum
corona otiosus viderer quod vix me continebam quin in aliquant extcmporariam
orationem temere crupuissem, nisi et prsesentiae vestrse majestas et mea me ob-
scuritas a tarn audaci facinore deteruissent. Verum cum postea penitius de hac
re mecum cogitassem, &c."

has been undeservedly supplanted and thrust from the public
view.

" The partners at whose charge this booke is prynted, although the coppy,
whereof they have wrought a long space have cost them nought, doo not, never
theless, cease, dayly, to caule uppon me to make an end and proceede no
further ; affirmynge that the booke will bee of so great a pryce, and not every
man's money ; fearying rather theyr losse and hynderance than carefull to be
beneficial to other, as is now in manner the trade of all men, which ordinarie
respecte of private commoditie hath at thys time so lyttle moved me, I take
God to witness that for my paynes and travayles taken herein, such as they
bee, I may uppon just occasion thynke myself a looser manye wayes, except
such men of good inclination as shall take pleasure and feele sum commoditie
in the knowledge of these thinges shall thynke me woorthy theyr goode worde,
wherewith I shall repute myselfe and my travayles so abundantly satisfyed,
that I shall repute other men's gains a recompense for my losses/' (fol. 303.)
Again, " and to have sayde thus much of these vyages it may suffice ; for,
(as I have sayd before) wheras the partners at whose charges thys booke is
prynted, wolde long since have me proceaded no further, I had not thought to
have wrytten any thynge of these viages, [to Guinea] but that the liberalise
of Master Toy encouraged me to attempt the same, whiche I speake not to the
reproache of other in whom I thynke there lacked no good wyll, but that they
thought the booke would be too chargeable." (fol. 360.)

Compare the modest and ingenuous language of this excellent
personage with that of the well-fed and boastful Hakluyt, who, in
the dedication of his translation of Galvano to Sir Robert Cecil,
says, " And for ought I can see, there had no great matter yet
come to light if Myselfe had not undertaken that heavie burden,
being never therein entertained to any purpose, until I had re
course unto yourself, of whose special favour and bountiful patro
nage T have been often much encouraged, Sec. &c."

But the work is rendered yet more precious by information
scattered through it, derived from the great seamen of that day
with whom the author's turn of mind led him to associate. Se
bastian Cabot he seems to have known familiarly, and one chapter
(fol. 249) has, for part of its title, " lykewyse of the vyages of
that woorthy ovvlde man Sebastian Cabote, yet Uvyngein England,
and at this present the governor of the Company of the Marchantes
of Cathay, in the citie of London/'

In one of his marginal notes (fol. 268) he gives us Cabot's
statement to him, that the icebergs were of fresh, and not of salt
water ; and again in the marginal note (fol. 255), we have what
Cabot said as to the quantity of grain raised by him in the La
Plata, corrected afterwards at fol. 317. Speaking of the voyage to
the North-East projected by Cabot, in which Richard Chancellor,
as pilot major, accompanied Sir Hugh Willoughby, and succeeded,
after the death of his gallant but unfortunate commander, in open
ing the trade to Russia, Eden says, (fol. 256,) " And wheras I have
before made mention howe Moscovia was in our time discovered
by Richard Chancellor, in his viage toward Cathay, by the di
rection and information of the sayde master Sebastian, who longe
before had this secreate in his mynde, I shall not neede here, &c."
The account of Cabot's escape from the waterspout (fol. 357) has
been already adverted to.

We may note here, that Forster, in his " Voyage and Discove
ries in the North," (p. 269,) gravely considers, and almost sanc
tions, a doubt of the French writer Bergeron whether the Sebas
tian Cabot so conspicuous in the reign of Edward VI. could have
been the same who discovered the continent of America. It may
serve to shew the very slight preparation with which many works
of reputation on these subjects have been got up, that in the
course of the argument no reference is made to Eden, who con
veys from the lips of the " good owlde man" himself, interesting
particulars of his earlier voyages! So also, in a more recent
work,* the following expressions are found, (p. 361,) "We must
now return to the period of the first attempt to find out a North-
East passage to India. A society of merchants had been formed in
London for this purpose. Sebastian Cabot, either the son or the
grandson of John Cabot, and who held the situation of grand
pilot of England, under Edward VI., was chosen governor of this
society !"

* Historical Sketch of the Progress of Discovery, Navigation, and Com
merce, from the earliest records to the beginning of the nineteenth century.
By William Stevenson, Esq., forming vol. xviii. of Kerr's Collection of Voy
ages, &c.

F 2

Another of Eden's personal friends seems to have been Richard
Chancellor. At fol. 284, we find that celebrated mariner giving
an account of the ingenuity of the Russians in the construction of
their buildings ; and at fol. 298, a further account of that people.
He tells Eden (ib.) of an ambassador whom he saw there from the
" province of Sibier," who gave him some curious information
about the " Great Chan." He met also with the Ambassador of
" the Kinge of Persia, called the Great Sophie," who was not
only civil, but very useful to him.

But it is time to turn to the more immediate object of this
chapter — the birth-place of Cabot.

In order to comprehend the full value of the information sup
plied by Eden, it may be well to shew, in the first place, how the
matter has been treated by others.

" Sebastian Cabote is, by many of our writers, affirmed to be an
Englishman, born at Bristol, but the Italians as positively claim
him for their countryman, and say he was born at Venice, which,
to speak impartially, I believe to be the truth, for he says himself,
that when his father was invited over to England, he brought him
with him, though he was then very young." (Harris' Collection of
Voyages, vol. ii. p. 191.) These expressions are copied, verbatim,
by Pinkerton, (Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. xii. p. 1 60.)
In the history of Navigation, prefixed to Churchill's Collection of
Voyages, (vol. i. p. 39,) said to have been drawn up by* Locke,
and found in his works, (vol. x. Lond. ed. of 1823, p. 428,) refe
rence is made to " Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, but residing in
England." Purchas says of him, (vol. iii. Pilgrims, p. 901,)
" He was an Englishman by breeding, borne a Venetian, but
spending most part of his life in England, and English em
ployments." Even when he states, (vol. iii. p. 807,) that on
the " Effigies" of Sebastian Cabot hung up in the Royal Gallery,
that personage is called an Englishman, he adds — " for his Eng
lish breeding, condition, affection and advancement, termed an
Englishman," and referring on another occasion to the same docu*
ment, says, " He was born at Venice, and serving Henry VII.,

Henry VIII., and Edward VI., was accounted English. Galpano
says, he was born at Bristol." By Galpano, he means the Por
tuguese writer Galvano, or Galvam, in whose work, translated by
Hakluyt, that statement is made, (p. 66,) as it is also by Herrera,
(Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 13,) whom Purchas himself quotes (vol. iv.
p. 1177) to that point.

In defiance of the contemporary " Effigies," and of these foreign
authorities, most modern writers, Hume, Forster, Charlevoix, &c.
have been led astray. The Quarterly Review (vol. xvi. p. 1 54,
note) informs us that Henry VII. engaged " the Cabots of Venice
in the discovery of Newfoundland;' and Mr. Barrow, in his
" Chronological History of Voyages, &c." (p. 36 — 7,) speaks of
the credit due to England, for having " so wisely and honourably
enrolled this deserving foreigner in the list of her citizens."

Now it will scarcely be credited, that we have in Eden, a posi
tive statement on the subject, from the lips of Sebastian Cabot
himself. The following marginal note will be found at fol. 255 —
" SEBASTIAN CABOTE TOULD ME that he w-as borne in Brystowe,
and that at iiii. yeare ould he was carried with his father to Venice,
and so returned agayne into England with his father after certayne
years, whereby he was thought to have been born in Venice."
Thus, then, was the question conclusively settled 275 years ago!
It is needless to repeat what has been already said, in another
place, as to the slight credit due to the report of the conversation
relied on by Harris, Pinkerton, and the rest, for there is, in fact,
no discrepance to be reconciled. Cabot there states the circum
stances which more immediately preceded the commission from
Henry VII. ; and the occasion did not lead to any detail of his
own earlier history. Should Sir Edward Parry be recalled to
embark on a new voyage of discovery, he might very naturally
advert, hereafter, to the period of his return, and would scarcely
deem it necessary to add that he had been in the country
before. For the future, then, it is to be hoped that no per
verse efforts will be made to obscure the claim of England to
this Great Seaman. He owed to her his birth, and the Ian-

guage and associations of childhood. He returned thither while
yet a boy, ("pene infans" is the expression of Peter Martyr,) and
grew up there to manhood, when he was commissioned to go in
quest of new regions, wherein he " set up the banner" of England.
Under this banner, he was the first European who reached the
shores of the American Continent. He ended, as he had begun,
his career in the service of his native country, infusing into her
Marine a spirit of lofty enterprise — a high moral tone — a system
of mild, but inflexible discipline, of which the results were, not
long after, so conspicuously displayed. Finally, he is seen to
open new sources of commerce, of which the influence may be
distinctly traced on her present greatness and prosperity. Surely
it is as absurd as it is unnatural, to deny to such a man the claim
which he seems to have anxiously preferred, and which has been
placed on record under his direct sanction.

CHAP. IX.

THE PATENTS OF 5TH MARCH, 1496, AND 3RD FEBRUARY, 14Q8.

BEFORE proceeding to a close examination of the documents
which establish the real history of these voyages, it may be well
to advert to the reckless manner in which facts have been made
to yield to any hypothesis which a short-sighted view has sug
gested as indispensable.

The following passage is found in Harris' Voyages, (ed. of
1744 — 8, vol. ii. p. 190,) and in Pinkerton's Collection, (vol. xii.
p. 158.)

" But the year before that patent was granted, viz. in 1494, John Cabot,
with his son Sebastian, had sailed from Bristol upon discovery, and had
actually seen the Continent of Newfoundland, to which they gave the name of
Prima Vista, or first seen. And on the 24th of June, in the same year, he went
ashore on an Island, which, because it was discovered on that day, he called
St. John's ; and of this Island, he reported, very truly, that the soil was barren,
that it yielded little, and that the people wear bearskin cloathes, and were
armed with bows, arrows, pikes, darts, wooden clubs, and slings ; but that
the coast abounded with fish, and upon this report of his, the before-mentioned
patent (of 5th March, 1495J ivas granted."

Mr. Barrow also says, (p. 32,)

" There is no possible way of reconciling the various accounts collected by
Hakluyt, and which amount to no less a number than six, but by supposing
John Cabot to have made one voyage, at least, previous to the date of the
patent, and some time between that and the date of the return of Columbus,
either in 1494 or 1495."

It must by this time be apparent, that the hypothesis thus
started, is not only uncalled for, but would contradict every au
thentic account which has come down to us.

It is altogether irreconcilable with that very document which
stands foremast of the " six," on the pages of Hakluyt — the
extract from the map cut by Clement Adams, and hung up in the
Privy Gallery — for it is there declared expressly, that at five
o'clock in the morning, of the 24th June, 1497, was discovered
that land, which no man before that time had attempted to ap
proach, (" quam nullus prius adire ausus fuit.") What possible
motive can be imagined, on the part of Cabot, for disguising the
fact of a discovery made so long before ? The supposition is as
absurd, as it is gratuitous. How, again, does it agree with the
statement of Sebastian Cabot, that on the voyage made under
the royal authority, he was surprised by the sight of land, " not
thinking to find any other land than that of Cathay ?" This is
one of the " six" accounts which it is proposed to reconcile by
assuming a discovery of the same region three years before !

The first patent bears date the 5th March, in the eleventh
year of the reign of Henry VII. It is found in Rymer, (Fcedera,
vol. xii. p. 595,) who correctly refers it to 5th March, 1496, the
computation of this monarch's reign being from August, 1485.
Hakluyt states it to be of 1495, (vol. iii. p. 5.) looking, as we
may infer, not to the Historical, but to the Legal or Civi] year,
which commenced, prior to 1752, on the 25th of March.

The patent is in favour of John Cabot and his three sons,
Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius ; and authorises them, their heirs,
or deputies, to " sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East,
of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensigns,
with five ships of what burthen or quantity soever they be, and
as many mariners or men as they will have with them in the said
ships, upon their own proper costs and charges, to seek out, dis
cover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces
of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what

part of the world soever they be, which before this time have been
unknown to all Christians" It is plain, that a previous dis
covery, so far from being assigned as the ground for the patent,
as Harris, Pinkerton, &c. assert, is negatived by its very terms.
The patent would be inapplicable to any region previously visited
by either of the Cabots, and confer no right. Assuming, what
is obviously absurd, that the discovery could have been made
without becoming at once universally known, yet the patentees
must have been aware that they exposed themselves, at any mo
ment when the fact should come out, to have the grant vacated
on the ground of a deceptive concealment.

The patentees are authorised to set up the Royal banner, " in
every village, town, castle, isle, or main land, by them newly
found," and to subdue, occupy, and possess all such regions, and
to exercise jurisdiction over them in the name of the King of
England. One-fifth of the clear profit of the enterprise is re
served to the King, and it is stipulated that the vessels shall return
to the port of Bristol. The privilege of exclusive resort and traffic
is secured to the patentees.

The Second Patent is dated the third of February, in the thir
teenth year of the reign of Henry VII., corresponding with 3rd
February, 1498. The only evidence heretofore published on the
subject, is contained in a brief memorandum found in Hakluyt,
(vol. iii. p. 6,) who, we are persuaded, never saw the original.
The person, also, who gave him the information of its existence,
probably did not go beyond a list of the titles of instruments of
that description kept for convenient reference. The memorandum
of Hakluyt, is as follows : —

" The King, upon the third day of February, in the thirteenth
year of his reign, gave license to John Caboto to take six English
ships in any haven or havens of the realm of England, being of
the burden of two hundred tons or under, with all necessary
furniture, and to take also into the said ships, all such masters,
mariners, and subjects of the King as willingly would go with
him," &c.

Such being the whole of the information supplied, it is no
wonder, that the most erroneous conjectures have been started.

Dr. Robertson (History of America, book ix.) adopts the dates
of Hakluyt. " This Commission [the first] was granted on March
5th, 1495, in less than two years after the return of Columbus
from America. But Cabot (for that is the name he assumed in
England, and by which he is best known) did not set out on his
voyage for two 'years." Dr. Robertson makes no express refer
ence to the second commission, and having followed Hakluyt in
referring that of the eleventh Henry VII. to 1495, he doubtless
regarded the order of the thirteenth year of Henry VII. as merely
a final permission for the departure of the expedition, made out
in 1497 on the eve of its sailing.

In " The Naval History of England in all its Branches," by
Lediard, it is said (p. 85) after giving the first patent —

" Hakluyt, from whom I have taken this commission, places
in the margin, A.D. 1495. But, according to Rymer's Fosdera,
it was dated March 5, 1496. To the ship granted by the king,
of which, however, this commission makes no mention, some mer
chants of London added three more, laden with such slight com
modities as were thought proper for commerce with barbarous
people. By an extract from a record of the rolls, it appears,
that though Cabot's commission was signed in March, 1495,
or 1496, he did not go to sea on this expedition till the begin
ning of the year 1497. This record is in the following words."
He then gives Hakluyt's notice of the patent of February 3,
1498.

The same notion that the second patent preceded discovery
has found its way across the Atl antic, but with an observance of
the historical computation as to dates. Thus, in the valuable In
troduction to Marshall's Life of Washington, the first patent is
correctly referred to March 5, 1496 ; and it is said, " The Ex
pedition contemplated at the date of the commission appears not
then to have been made, but in May, (1498,) Cabot, with his
second son/' &c.

Forster (p. 266) says, " In the 13th year of this king's reign,
John Cabot obtained permission to sail with six ships of 200 tons
burthen and under, on new discoveries. He did not sail, how
ever, till the beginning of May, 1497 (!) and then, by his own
account, had but two ships fitted out and stocked with provisions
at the king's expense, &c."

In Harris' Voyages, &c. (Ed. of 1744—8, vol. ii. p. 190,) and
in Pinkerton, (vol. xii. p. 158,) after stating, not conjecturally
but as an unquestionable fact, that the first voyage was in 1494,
it is added,

" The next voyage made for discovery was by Sebastian Cabot, the son of
John, concerning which, all our writers have fallen into great mistakes, for
want of comparing the several accounts we have of this voyage, and making
proper allowances for the manner in which they were written ; since I cannot
find there was ever any distinct and clear account of this voyage published,
though it was of so great consequence. On the contrary, I believe that Cabot
himself kept no journal of it by him ; since in a letter he wrote on this subject,
he speaks doubtfully of the very year in which it was undertaken, though,
from the circumstances he relates, that may be very certainly fixed. On the
3rd of February, in the 13th year of the reign of King Henry VII. a new grant
was made to John Cabot, by which he had leave given him to take ships
out of any of the Ports of England, of the burthen of 200 tons, to sail upon
discoveries ; but before this could be effected, John Cabot died, and Sebastian,
his son; applied himself to the king, proposing to discover a North- West Pas
sage, as he himself tells us ; and for this purpose, he had a ship manned and
victualled at the king's expense, at Bristol, and three or four other ships
were fitted out, at the expense of some merchants of that city, particularly
Mr. Thorne, and Mr. Hugh Elliot. But whereas Sebastian Cabot himself
says that he made this voyage in the summer of 1496, he must be mistaken ;
and he very well might, speaking from his memory only : and to prove this, I
need only observe, that this date will not at all agree, even with his own ac
count of the voyage ; for he says expressly, it was undertaken after his father's
death, who, as we have shewn, was alive in the February following ; so that it
was the summer of the year 1497, in which he made this voyage, and what he
afterwards relates of his return, proves this likewise."

It is scarcely necessary to remark, that, aside from all other
considerations, the whole of their statement is in direct colli
sion with the fact, that the discovery of the 24th June, 1497, is

referred, on evidence which these writers do not undertake to
question, to the joint agency of father and son. That, there
fore, which should decisively control speculation, is blindly sa
crificed to an effort to get over some minor difficulties which, in
reality, have their origin only in the kindred misconceptions of
preceding compilers.

All this obscurity will now disappear. After a tedious search
there has been found, at the Rolls Chapel, the original Patent of
3rd February, 1498. The following is an exact copy :

" Memorandum quod tertio die Februarii anno regni Regis Henrici Septimi
xiii. ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Cancellario Anglise apud Westmonas-
terium exequenda.

" To the Kinge.

" Please it your Highnesse of your most noble and habundaunt grace to
graunte to John Kabotto, Venetian, your gracious Lettres Patents in
due fourme to be made accordyng to the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and
he shall continually praye to God for the preservation of your moste
Noble and Roiall astate longe to endure.

" II. R.

" Rex.

" To all men to whom theis Presenteis shall come send Gretyng: Knowe
ye that We of our Grace especiall, and for dyvers causis us movying,
We Have geven and graunten, and by theis Presentis geve and graunte
to our welbeloved John Kabotto, Venetian, sufficiente auctorite and
power, that he, by him his Deputie or Deputies sufficient, may take at
his pleasure VI Englisshe Shippes in any Porte or Portes or other
place within this our Realme of England or obeisance, so that and if
the said Shippes be of the bourdeyn of CC. tonnes or under, with their
apparail requisite and necessarie for the safe conduct of the said Shippes,
and them convey and lede to the Londe and Isles of late founde by the seid
John in oure name and by our commaundemente. Paying for theym and
every of theym as and if we should in or for our owen cause paye and
noon otherwise. And that the said John, by hym his Deputie or De
puties sufficiente, maye take and receyve into the said Shippes, and every
of theym all such maisters, maryners, Pages, and other subjects as of

their owen free wille woll goo and passe with him in the same Shipper
to the seid Londe or lies, without anye impedymente, lett or pertur-
bance of any of our officers or ministres or subjects whatsoever they
be by theym to the seyd John, his Deputie, or Deputies, and all other
our seid subjects or any of theym passinge with the seyd John in the
said Shippes to the seid Londe or lies to be doon, or suffer to be doon
or attempted. Geving in commaundement to all and every our officers,
ministres and subjects seying or herying thies our Lettres Patents,
without any ferther commaundement by Us to theym or any of theym
to be geven to perfourme and socour the said John, his Deputie and
all our said Subjects so passyng with hym according to the tenor of
theis our Lettres Patentis. Any Statute, Acte or Ordennance to the
contrarye made or to be made in any wise notwithstanding."

Surely the importance of this document cannot be exaggerated.
It establishes conclusively, and forever, that the American conti
nent was first discovered by an expedition commissioned to " set
up the banner" of England. * It were idle to offer an argument to
connect this recital of 3rd February, 1498, with the discovery of
the 24th June, 1497, noted on the old map hungup at Whitehall.
Will it not be deemed almost incredible that the very Document
in the Records of England, which recites the great discovery, and
plainly contemplates a scheme of colonization, should, up to this
moment have been treated by her own writers as the one which
first gave permission to go forth and explore ?

Nay, this very instrument has been used as an argument against
the pretensions of England ; for it has been asked by foreigners
who have made the computation, and seen through the mistake of

* A passage in the " Interlude of the Nature of the Four Elements," given
in Mr. Collier's recent "Annals of the Stage," supplies a curious allusion to
this fact. The Interlude is by some antiquarians referred to the year 1510,
and by others to 1517 : —

" And also what an honorable thynge,
Bothe to the Realme and to the Kynge,
To have had his domynyon extendynge
There into so far a grounde
Whiche the noble Kynge of late memory,
The most wyse prynce, the VII. Herry
Caused furst for to beefounde"

Pinkerton and the rest, why the patent of 3rd February, 1498,
took no notice of discoveries pretended to have been made the
year before. The question is now triumphantly answered.

The importance of negativing a notion that the English disco
veries were subsequent to the patent of the 13th Henry VII., will
strikingly appear, on reference to the claim of Americus Vespucius.
The truth, as now established, places beyond all question — even
crediting the doubtful assertions of Vespucius — the priority of
Cabot's discovery over that of the lucky Florentine. The map in
Queen Elizabeth's gallery made no false boast in declaring, that
on the 24th June, 1497, the English expedition discovered that
land " quam nullus prius adire ausus fuit."*

* The manner in which the precious Document referred to, and others of a
similar kind, are kept, cannot be adverted to without an expression of regret.
They are thrown loosely together, without reference even to the appropriate
year, and are unnoticed in any Index or Calendar. It required a search of
more than two weeks to find this patent of 3rd February, 1498, although
the year and day of its date were furnished at the outset. Another do
cument which appears in the present volume — the patent of Henry VII.
to three Portuguese and others, dated 19 March, 1501, authorising them
to follow up the discoveries of Cabot — has never before been published.
This also was discovered, after a long search, not even folded up, but lying
with one-half of the written part exposed, and, in consequence, so soiled and
discoloured that it was with the greatest difficulty it could be decyphered,
and some words finally eluded the most anxious scrutiny. And this of two
documents indispensable to the history of Maritime Discovery, and for
want of which, the account of these voyages has been completely unintel
ligible ! An extraordinary compensation is claimed at the Rolls Chapel on
account of the trouble attending a search amidst such a confused mass. For
finding the documents, two guineas were demanded in addition to the cost of
copies. The applicant is informed, that the charge must be paid, whether the
document be discovered or not ; so that the officer has no motive to continue
perseveringly the irksome pursuit.

CHAP. X.

NAME OF CABOT'S SHIP — HOW FAR HE PROCEEDED ALONG THE COAST
TO THE SOUTHWARD SUBSEQUENT VOYAGE OF 1498.

THE name of the vessel which first touched the shores of the Ame
rican continent is not without interest. The Matthew , of Bristol,
had that proud distinction. A respectable writer* furnishes the
following passage from an ancient Bristol manuscript in his
possession : —

" In the year 1497, the 24th June, on St. John's day, was New
foundland found by Bristol men, in a ship called The Matthew."

The question, how far Cabot, on quitting the north, proceeded
along the coast of the Continent, has been the subject of contra
dictory statements. By some his progrees is limited to a latitude
corresponding with that of the straits of Gibraltar, while others
insist on carrying him to the extreme point of the Atlantic sea
coast. We can hardly be at a loss to decide, when it is recollected
that while there is no direct authority for the latter opinion, and it
is one which would readily be adopted, in mistake, from the vague
use, originally, of the title Florida, the former has the direct sanc
tion of Peter Martyr, (Dec. iii., cap. vi.)

" Tetenditque tantum ad merediem, littore sese incurvante, ut Herculei freti
latitudinis fere gradus equarit; ad occidentemque profectus tantum est ut
Cubam Insulara a laeva longitudine graduum pene parem habuerit." " He was
thereby brought so far into the South, by reason of the land bending so much

* " The History and Antiquities of the City of Bristol, compiled from original
Records and authentic Manuscripts in public offices or private hands. By
William Barrett, Bristol, 1789," p. 172. The same fact is stated in The His
tory of Bristol by John Corry and the Rev. John Evans, vol. i. p. 213. (In
King's Library, title in Catalogue Corry.}

to the southward, that it was there almost equal in latitude with the sea Fre-
tum Herculeum having the North Pole elevate in manner in the same degree.
He sailed likewise in this tract so far towards the West, that he had the Island
of Cuba on his left hand in manner, in the game degree of longitude." (Hak-
luyt, vol. iii. p. 90

Gomara, more definitely but perhaps only determining by con
jecture the circumstantial statement of Peter Martyr, names, as
has been seen, 38°. Hakluyt, in the dedication of his second vo
lume to Sir Robert Cecil, boasts of the universal acknowledgment,
even by foreigners, "that all that mighty tract of land, from 67
degrees northward, to the latitude almost of Florida, was first dis
covered out of England, by the commandment of King Henry
VII. ;" and again, in a marginal note of his third volume, (p. 9,)
he states, that Cabot discovered "the northern parts of that land,
and from thence as far almost as Florida."

Peter Martyr informs us that a failure of provisions at this point
compelled an abandonment of the further pursuit of the coast,
and a return to England.

It has been preferred to settle the question before quitting the
first voyage, because the progress to the southward may have
taken place on that occasion, as a discovery of both "Londe and
Isles" is recited in the second patent. Should a further develop
ment of the subject lead to an opinion that this incident, men
tioned first by Peter Martyr, belongs to another voyage which
that writer more probably had in view, there will be no difficulty
in adjusting it hereafter to its proper place.*

* One piece of evidence has lately been brought to light from which it may
be inferred that Cabot returned to England immediately after the discovery of
the 24th June, 1497. In the account of the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VII.,
is the following entry : — " 10th August, 1497. To hym that found uie New
Isle, 10Z."

The document referred to, which forms one of the Additional MSS. in
the British Museum, is in the hand- writing of Ciaven Orde, Esq., for
merly one of the Secondaries of the office of the King's Remembrancer of the
Court of Exchequer, and has recently been given to the public by Nicholas
Harris Nicolas, Esq., in his valuable Excerpta Historica. Mr. N. remarks
" The originals, doubtless, form part of the muniments of the King's

The interesting enquiry now arises as to subsequent voyages,
made after the death of John Cabot which is supposed to have
taken place shortly after the date of the second patent of 3rd
February, 1498.

It cannot be supposed, for a moment, that Sebastian Cabot
would lightly abandon what had been so hardly won. He was
named in the original patent ; and a right under the discovery
vested in him, aside from his claim as the son of John Cabot.
A large sum had been expended on the first voyage, and was
now represented solely by the title to the newly-discovered region.
He must have been strangely insensible to his interests, as well
as suddenly deficient in enterprise, to turn away, without further
effort, from a pursuit which had thus far been crowned with the
most flattering success.

The first item of evidence on the subject, is that supplied
by Stow. Under the year 1498, and in the Mayoralty of
William Purchas, there occurs, in the Annals, the following
statement : —

" This yeere, one Sebastian Gaboto, a Genoas sonne, borne in
Bristow, professing himselfe to be expert in knowledge of the cir
cuit of the world and islands of the same, as by his charts and
other reasonable demonstrations he shewed, caused the King to
man, and victuall a ship at Bristow to search for an island, which
he knew to be replenished with rich commodities : in the ship
divers merchants of London adventured small stocks, and in the
company of this ship, sailed also out of Bristow, three or foure

Remembrancer's Office, and though the great exertions which have been made
to collate these extracts with them received every assistance from the King's
Remembrancer and the other Officers, they failed, because these MSS. are
presumed to be in some of the numerous bags that are lying unarranged in
Westminster Hall, an examinatinn of which could only be effected at a sacri
fice of time and expense, which no private individual can incur." Since the
publication, it has been ascertained that a portion of what is supposed to be
the original is in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillips, having been purchased
by him at a sale of the effects of Mr. Orde. Unfortunately, it does not go
further back than the year 1502,

small shippes fraught with sleight and grosse wares, as coarse
cloth, caps, laces, points, and such other."

It has already been proved, in another place, that this was the
statement made by Stow to Hakluyt, and that the substitu
tion, by the latter, of the name of John Cabot took place after
wards, at two successive stages of alteration. The fact clearly
appeared, by a reference to Hakluyt's earlier volume of 1582, and
by the name of Sebastian Cabot, which yet lingers incautiously
in the enlarged work at the head of S tow's communication, even
after a change in the body of it. We have then before us, here,
the honest result of Stow's researches.

There can be no mistake as to the period to which he would
refer this incident; for the mayoralty of Purchas, is mentioned
in the communication to Hakluyt, (vol. iii. p. 9.) When, too,
under the year 1502, he speaks of the exhibition of savages,
reference is made to what he had before stated as occurring in
the time of that Mayor. Speed (747) so understands him and
Purchas, (Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 808.)

It appears, by the list of these functionaries found in the various
Chroniclers, that the mayoralty of Purchas extended from 28
October, 1497 to 28 October, 1498. Unless then we suppose a
mistake to have been committed, the voyage alluded to was sub
sequent to that of the original discovery

A matter so simple as this has not escaped misstatement.
Thus, in M'Pherson's Annals of Commerce, (vol. ii. p. 13, note,}
it is said, " We may depend on the contemporary testimony of
Alderman Fabyan, who says that he sailed in the beginning of
May in the mayoralty of John Tate, that is 1497, but returned
in the subsequent mayoralty of William Purchas." Here is as
much error as could be condensed into one sentence. Fabyan
does not place the expedition in the mayoralty of Tate, but in
that of Purchas, and we are told, that no tidings were heard of
the expedition during that Mayor's time, viz. as late as October,
1498. It is, indeed, a singular fact that writers who on most
topics are dull, common-place, and safe — who might be trusted,

one would think, in poetry itself, without peril to their matter-
of-fact character — instantly become imaginative on touching any
part.of Cabot's history.

In connexion with the statement of Stow, it may be mentioned
that both Peter Martyr and the person, said to be Galeatius
Butrigarius, who held the conversation with Cabot, at Seville,
speak of a voyage from England subsequent to the father's
death. Peter Martyr, in the passage usually cited on the
subject, says nothing of dates, but writing afterwards in 1524,
(Decade vii. cap. ii.) he refers to Cabot's voyage, as having taken
place "twenty-six years since," that is, in 1498. To these state
ments, another is to be added, though it increases, perhaps, rather
the number than the weight of authorities.

The first article in the third volume of Ramusio is a Summary
of The Spanish Discoveries in the New World, drawn professedly
from Peter Martyr, and entitled " Sommario della Historia dell'
Indie Occidental! cavato dalli libri scritti dal Sig. Don Pietro
Martire." It was first published anonymously, at Venice, in a
separate form, in the year 1543,* and is quite unworthy of the
place which it now occupies. The arrangement of Peter Martyr
is entirely disregarded, and no reference is given to the original,
by which any of the statements may be verified or disproved.
Under the pretended sanction, too, of Peter Martyr, the writer
has introduced many unfounded, and even absurd, assertions of
his own. Thus the statement given in the original of the manner
in which the bears catch fish, and which is confirmed by late
accounts,^ this writer has spun outj into a minute and ridiculous
description. It is here stated that Cabot reached only 55°, an
assertion which the Biographic Universelle (art. Cabot) copies
and cites as from Peter Martyr, when there is nothing of the kind
in the original. In repeating the expression of Peter Martyr,

* Haym's " Bibliotheca Italiana o sia notiziade Libro rari Italian!," p. 131.
•f* See Cartwriglit's Labrador.

J Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 35, in Index " Bacalai," " Sebastiano Gabotto," and
" orso."

about the death of the father, this writer says — " after whose
death, finding himself very rich and of great ambition, he re
solved," 8tc. (" da poi la morte del quale trovandosi richissimo et
di grande animo deliberosi," 6cc.) But, without laying any stress
on such a statement, there is sufficient without it to supply an
important auxiliary argument to that derived from the chroniclers.*
One circumstance is to be particularly noted. The second
patent does not look to further discoveries, but merely authorises
the patentee to revisit the Region already found, and to take
thither such of the king's subjects as might be inclined to accom
pany him or his deputies.

According to Stow, the " Genoa's son" effected his object with
the king, by a representation as to an Island " which he knew to
be replenished with rich commodities," or as it is expressed in
Hakluyt, " which he said he knew well was rich and replenished
with great commodities." Thus the language of the patent
and of the chronicles is in consonance as to the purpose of the
voyage of 1498. It no longer had reference, exclusively, to
the search for a North-West Passage. The place of destination
was some known definite point, which was supposed to offer an
advantageous opening for traffic.

The argument to be fairly drawn from this coincidence is placed
in a very striking point of view, by referring to writers who ap
proached the statement of the chronicles under the misconception

* It is obvious that the Will of John Cabot might throw much light on this
subject. If, as is probable, he died at Bristol, it would be proved at Worcester.
On application at the Bishop's Registry, the acting Registrar, Mr. Clifton,
writes thus : " The indices of Wills proved, and letters of administration
granted, do not extend farther back than the year 1600. Previous to this
period, these documents are tied up in linen bags without much form or order;
so that a search for the Will of John Cabot, or Gabot, or Kabot would be
attended with very considerable trouble and expense, whilst the chance of dis
covering it would be uncertain." Aside from historical purposes, it would be
curious to see an instrument, dated some months before the time when
Columbus (in August, 1498) first saw the Continent of America, which, pro
bably, makes a disposition of the testator's interest in the tract of land lying
betwe en the present Hudson's Strait and Florida.

that the reference was to the original expedition of 1497. Camp
bell, in The Lives of the Admirals, (article, Sir John Cabot,)
adopts Hakluyt's substitution of John Cabot's name, and thus
speaks of the patent of 3rd February, 1498.

" In consequence of this license, the King at his own expense caused a ship
to be equipped at Bristol : to this the merchants of that city, and of London,
added three or four small vessels, freighted with proper commodities, which
fleet sailed in the spring of the year 1497. Our old Chronicle writers, particu
larly Fabian, tell us of a very rich island which John Cabot promised to dis
cover ; but in this they seem to mistake the matter for want of thoroughly under
standing the subject of which they were writing. John Cabot was too wise a man
to pretend to know, before he saw it, what country he should discover, whether
island or continent; but what he proposed was to jind a North-West passage to
the Indies."

How does this patent of 3rd February 1498 scatter light
around in every direction ! After slumbering at the Rolls for
upwards of three centuries, it reappears to vindicate, triumphantly,
the fair fame of its venerable contemporaries thus flippantly
assailed !

The same difficulty in reconciling the language of the ancient
chronicles with the supposed allusion to the voyage of 1497, has
led Harris* (ed. of 1744—8, vol. ii. p. 190) and Pinkerton
(vol. xii. p. 158) to the positive assertion that John Cabot made a
voyage as early as 1494, and that "upon this report of his," the
first patent was granted. Mr. Barrow also (p. 32) is, from the
same cause, driven to the assertion that it is impossible to under
stand the various accounts " but by supposing John Cabot to have
made one voyage at least previous to the date of the patent." It
has been before shewn, that such a supposition is not only incon
sistent with every authentic statement, but at variance with the

* It is but just to remark, that though the volume here referred to bears
the name of Harris, and is so copied and cited by Pinkerton, yet the passages
in question make no part of the original work. Daines Barrington, Esq.,
in his " Possibility of approaching the North Pole," &c. (ed. of 1818,
p. 15,) states, that the supplemental matter was furnished by Dr. Campbell.
No method is used to distinguish the original from what is interpolated ; and
Pinkerton was, probably, thus misled.

terms of the first patent itself. We now see that it is as unneces
sary as it is unwarranted.

The plain distinction between the two voyages clears up an
incidental difficulty. Many writers have been perplexed by find
ing that while some accounts speak of the enterprise as wholly
at the expense of the Cabots, others represent the King to have
had an interest in it. The reason is now obvious. The first
vague exploratory voyage was at the expense of the individuals, to
verify the speculations of Sebastian Cabot. The patent of 5th
March, 1496, says expressly, that the enterprise is to be " at their
own proper cost and charges." But when a specific discovery
had been made, and the attention of the capitalists of London was
drawn to the subject, the wary king himself yielded to the san
guine representations of the discoverers, and became a partner in
the concern. This fact is very clearly established by the follow
ing entries in the Account of his Privy-Purse Expenses : —

" 22d March, 1498. To Lanslot Thirkill, of London, upon a prest,* for his
shipp going towards the New Ilande, 201."

" Delivered to Launcelot Thirkill, going towards the New Isle, in prest, 201."

" April 1, 1498. To Thomas Bradley, and Lancelot Thirkill, going to the
New Isle, 30/."

" To John Carter, going to the Newe Isle, in rewarde, 21."

At this point the subject attracted the attention of a Chro
nicler living in London. It is not unnatural that he should sup
pose the region discovered to be an island, and that the same
expression should be used by the Keeper of the Privy Purse,
and others^ whose minds had not then embraced the idea of a
new Continent. The Chronicler speaks of documents submitted
to the inspection of the king, and of the nature of which he evi
dently knew only by vague report. The King himself, however,
who had listened to the statements of " the Genoas son," and saw
his map, who heard of the mighty rivers which were found issuing
into the sea, knew from these " charts and other reasonable de
monstrations," that here must be something more than an island,

* Jn the way of loan or advance.

and we find, accordingly, in the patent of 3rd February, 1498, re
ference made to "faeLonde and Isles" discovered.

To doubt, then, that a voyage took place in 1498, under Se
bastian Cabot, violates every probability, is against strong colla
teral testimony, and rejects contemptuously the direct and positive
averment of the ancient Chroniclers, at the very moment when we
warm with indignation at the attempt of a shallow and presump
tuous ignorance to depreciate them.

What was the result of the voyage ? This is a question of
more difficulty.

Peter Martyr and Gomara mention, as has been seen, that Se
bastian Cabot had with him three hundred men. It is difficult
to believe that such a number could have been taken in reference
to a mere commercial enterprise, and absurd to connect them with
the first exploratory voyage. The language, too, of the second
patent seems to suggest that a settlement was intended, the royal
permission to depart extending to " all such masters, mariners,
pages, and other subjects, as of their own free will, will go and pass
with him in the same ships, to the said Londe or Isles."

On a point so interesting as this, we may repeat here the lan
guage of Gomara. After mentioning that Sebastian Cabot was
the first who brought intelligence of the Baccalaos, he proceeds : —

" El qual arrao dos navios en Inglaterra do tratava desde pequeno a costa
del Rey Enrique Septimo, que desseava contratar en la especieria, como hazia
el rey d' Portugal. Otros disen que a su costa. Y que prometio al rey Enri
que de yr por el norte al Catayo y traer de alia especias en menos tiempo que
Portuguese, por el sur. Y va tambien par saber que tierra eran las Indias para
poblar. Llevo trezientos hombres y cammo la buelta de Isladia sobre cabo del
Labrador. Y hasta se poner en cinquenta y ocho grados. Aunque el dize
mucho mas contando como avia por el mes de Julio tato frio y peda9os de yelo
que no oso passar mas adelante. Y que los dios eran grandissimos y quasi sin
noche y las noches muy claras. Es cierte que a sesenta grados son los dies de
diez y ocho horas. Diedo pues Gaboto la frialdad, y estraneza dela tierra, dio
la vuelta hazia poniente y rehaziendo se en los Baccalaos corrio la costa hasta
treienta y ochos grados y torno se de alii a Inglaterra." " Sebastian Cabot
was the fyrst that browght any knowleage of this lande. For beinge in Eng-
lande in the dayes of Kyng Henry the Seventh, he furnysshed twoo shippes at
his owne charges, or (as sum say) at the Kynges, whome he persuaded that a

passage might be founde to Cathay by the North Seas, and that spices might be
brought from thense soner by that way, then by the vyage the Portugales vse
by the sea of Sur. He went also to Jcnowe what maner of landes those Indies were
to inhabite. He had with hym three hundreth wen, and directed his course by
the trade of Islande vppon the cape of Labrador at Iviii. degrees: affirmynge
that in the monethe of July there was such could and heapes of ise that he
durst passe no further : also that the dayes were very longe and in maner with
out nyght, and the nyghtes very clear. Certayne it is, that at the Ix. degrees,
the longest day is of xviii. houres. But consyderynge the coulde and the
straungeness of the unknowen lande, he turned his course from thense to the
West, folowynge the coast of the lande of Baccalaos vnto the xxxviii. degrees
from whense he returned to Englande." (Eden's Decades, fol. 318.)

From these expressions it is plain that it was understood to
have been part of the design to make the experiment of colo
nization.

Connected with this part of the subject is a curious passage in
an old work by Thevet, the French Cosmographer. This writer is,
deservedly, held in little estimation, his work being disfigured by
the plainest marks of haste, as well as by the most absurd credu
lity. The only circumstance which could induce us to attach
importance to his statement is, the allusion to conversations with
Cartier, who, in 1534, visited the St. Lawrence. Thevet not only
refers to that navigator incidentally here, but in his subsequent
larger work, entitled Cosmographie Universelle, speaks of Cartier
repeatedly, as his intimate friend, and mentions (Paris Ed. of
1575, torn. ii. fol. 1014) having spent five months with him at
St. Malo. The work now particularly alluded to is entitled
" Singularitez de la France Antarctique," published at Paris, in
1558, in which, speaking of the Baccalaos, there occurs (ch. 74,
fol. 148) the following passage :—

" Elle fut decouverte premierement par Sebastian Babate Anglois lequel per-
suada au Roy d' Angleterre Henry Septiesme qu'il iroit aisement par la au
pais de Catay vers le Nort et que par ce moyen trouveroit espiceries et autres
choses aussi bien que le Roy de Portugal aux Indes, joint qu' il se proposoit
aller au Peru et Amerique pour peupler le pais de nouveaus habitans et dresser
la' une Nouvelle Angleterre, ce qu' il n'executa; vray est qu'il mist bien trois
tens hommes en terre, du coste d' Irlande au Nort ou le froid fist mourir presque
toute sa compaynie encore que ce fust au moys dc Juillet. Depuis Jaques

Quarticr (ainsi que luy mesme m' a recite) fist deux fois le voyage en ce pays
la' c'est a scavoir 1' an mil cinq cens trente quatre et mil cinq cens trente
cinq. .

" It was first discovered by Sebastian Babate an Englishman, who per
suaded Henry VII. King of England, that he could go easily this way by the
North to Cathay, and that he would thus obtain spices and other articles from
the Indies equally as well as the King of Portugal, added to which he proposed
to go to Peru and America to people the country with new inhabitants, and to
establish there a New England which he did not accomplish ; true it is he put
three hundred men ashore from the coast of Ireland towards the Noith where the
cold destroyed nearly the whole company, though it was then the month of July.
Afterwards Jaques Cartier (as he himself has told me) made two voyages to
that country in 1534 and 1535."

The greater part of this is evidently a mere perversion of what
appears in Gomara, changing the name of the commander to Ba
bate, and Iceland to Ireland ; and that which follows may be a
random addition suggested by the reference in Gomara to one of
the objects of Cabot's expedition, and to the reasons which com
pelled him to turn back.

On the other hand, while it seems somewhat harsh to impute
to the author a reckless falsehood, it is possible that he may
have derived his information from Cartier, who would be very
likely to know of any such early attempt at settlement. Thevet
seems, evidently, to turn from the book, whose influence is dis
cernible on the general cast of the paragraph, in order to make a
statement of his own, and instead of the general language of
Gomara, to substitute specific assertions.

If, then, we can rely on what he says, it seems clear not only
that Cabot proposed colonization, but that he actually put a body
of men on shore with that view. It will be noted, on referring to
the language of Gomara, in the original, that he represents Cabot
when returning from his extreme northern point to have stopped
at Baccalaos for refreshment, (" y rehaziendo se en los Bacca-
laos,") and afterwards to have proceeded South to 38°. It may
be, then, that before the renewed search for a Passage, which
would seem to have continued an object of pursuit, he left a party
to examine the country ; who, on his return, dispirited by the

dreariness of the region and perhaps by mortality, insisted on
being taken off.

The statement of Thevet was held in reserve, that its loose and
careless air might not seem to be imparted to that which has a
fixed and authentic character. Up to a certain point — the sailing
of the expedition of 1498, under Sebastian Cabot, and its appa
rent objects — we have the clearest evidence. The next step we
may hesitate, perhaps from excessive caution, to take, lest the
support proffered by Thevet should be illusive.

As we are indebted to Peter Martyr and Gomara for the length
of the run along the coast to the Southward, it probably now took
place, their reference evidently being, throughout, to the present
voyage. It was on this occasion, doubtless, that three hun
dred men were taken out, so that the supposition is perhaps
strengthened by noticing that Peter Martyr represents the expe
dition to have been arrested in the South by a failure of provisions.

One incident is deceptively connected by Hakluyt with this
voyage. Stow speaks of an exhibition of savages in the year
] 502 j but Hakluyt, who derived this fact from him, has altered
the date from the seventeenth to the fourteenth year of Henry VII.
As he relies altogether on Stow's communication, it might be suf
ficient to point to that Annalist's own statement. The incident
belongs to a voyage by different persons, on reaching which it
will be shewn, that in the original work of Hakluyt, of 1582, he
correctly refers the exhibition to the seventeenth year, but after
wards changed the date, in order to accommodate it, in point of
time, to the voyage of Cabot with which he erroneously con
nected it.

CHAP. XI.

VOYAGE TO MARACAIBO IN 1499-

As it is certain that Sebastian Cabot did not enter the service of
Spain until the 13th of September 1512, we are obliged to look
anxiously round, in every direction, for information as to his em
ployment during the intermediate period. It is impossible to
believe that he could have passed in inactivity the period of life
best adapted for enterprise and adventure, and to which he at
the same time brought maturity of judgment and abundant ex
perience. Yet the Records, so far as made public, furnish no
evidence on the subject, for though Commissions were granted,
as we shall have occasion hereafter to shew, by Henry VII, in
1501 and 1502, to Portuguese adventurers, with a view to dis
covery, yet the name of Cabot is sought for in vain.

Amidst this darkness of the horizon, there gleams up, happily,
in one quarter, a light which enables us to recognise objects with
surprising clearness.

A valuable work has recently been published by the Rev. Mr.
Seyer, entitled, " Memoirs Historical and Topographical of Bris
tol and its Neighbourhood, from the earliest period down to the
present time." At p. 208, of vol. ii., it is stated that some of the
ancient Calendars of Bristol, under the year 1499, have the follow
ing entry : —

" This yeare, Sebastian Cabot borne in Bristoll, proffered his
service to King Henry for discovering new countries ; which had
noe greate or favorable entertainment of the king, but he with no
extraordinary preparation sett forth from Bristoll, and made greate
discoveries."

We might be inclined, perhaps, to attach no great importance

to this statement and to view it as referring, with a mistake of
date, to one of the Northern voyages, but that late disclosures
absolutely compel us to seek some such clew to facts, which, with
out its aid, are altogether inexplicable.

In the recent work of Don Martin Navarette, who has spread
out the Treasures of the Spanish Archives, he remarks, (torn. iii.
p. 41,) " Lo cierto es que Hojeda en su primer viage hallo a ciertas
Ingleses por las immediaciones de Caquibacoa" — (" what is certain
is, that Hojeda in his first voyage, found certain Englishmen in
the neighbourhood of Caquibacoa.")

These expressions occur in that part of the work where the
author adverts to the commissions which the English Records shew
to have been granted by Henry VII., and to his inability to refer
to any other quarter the remarkable fact of the meeting. Such a
connexion, however, is deceptive, because the earliest of these
commissions bears date the 19th March 1501.

Hojeda sailed from Spain on the 20th of May 1499, (Navarette,
torn. iii. p. 4,) and was only one year absent.

The mere fact that Cabot is known not to have entered a
foreign service until long after this period, would suffice to satisfy
us that he was the only man who could have been the leader of
such an enterprise from England, particularly as we find that
when, two years afterwards, an expedition was projected, three
Portuguese were called in and placed at its head. The Bristol
manuscript seems to put the matter beyond doubt.

The expressions, also, there employed imply a slight of the
subject on the part of the King, and probably embody a com
plaint uttered at the time. The voyage of 1498 had not, we may
suspect, proved so productive as was anticipated, and the interest
felt the year before now languished. Some complaint of this kind
is discoverable in the conversation of Cabot at Seville, reported
by Ramusio, though the neglect is certainly referred, in that
report, to an erroneous period.

When we remember that Cabot, the year before, was stopped
by the failure of provisions while proceeding Southward, he might

naturally be expected to resume his progress along the coast on
the first occasion, and he would thus be conducted to the spot
where Hojeda found him. It is probable, therefore, that impatient
of inactivity, and despairing of aid from the Crown, he threw
himself into such a vessel as his private means enabled him to
equip, and, as the Bristol manuscript expresses it, " with no extra
ordinary preparation set forth from Bristol and made great dis
coveries."

It may have been while he followed the bent of his genius in this
desultory manner, that the spirit of enterprise awakened again in
England, and his absence may account for the non-appearance of
his name in the subsequent patents.

A less agreeable conjecture is suggested by the character of
Henry VII. That shrewd and penurious monarch may have been
influenced by the same feeling which induced Ferdinand of Spain
to rid himself of Columbus, whose high estimate of what he had
effected was found to mingle, inconveniently, with all his pro
posals for following up the Great Discovery. Henry may have
preferred to listen to those with whom a bargain might be made
solely in reference to prospective services. Avarice, a disease to
which he was constitutionally subject and of which the symptoms
became every year more apparent, had now reached his moral
sense. Bacon, who wrote his History under the eye of James, a
lineal descendant and professed admirer of that monarch, could
not disguise the evidence of the infamous devices to which Henry
resorted for the purpose of extorting money from his own sub
jects. Speaking of his escape from the difficulties which at one
time beset him, and particularly from the long and vexatious
feuds with Scotland, it is remarked —

" Wherefore nature, which many times is happily contained and refrained
by some hands of fortune, began to take place in the King ; carrying, as with
a strong tide, his affections and thoughts unto the gathering and heaping up of
treasure. And as kings do more easily find instruments for their will and
humour, than for their service and honour, he had gotten for his purpose, or
beyond his purpose, two instruments, Empson and Dudley, whom the people

esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers, hold men and careless of fame, and
that took toll of their master's grist.

" Then did they also use to inthral and charge the subjects' lands with
tenures ' in capite,' by finding false offices, and thereby to work upon them
for wardships, liveries, primer seisins, and alienations, being the fruits of those
tenures, refusing, upon divers pretexts and delays, to admit men to traverse
those false offices, according to the law. Nay, the King's wards, after they
had accomplished their full age, could not be suffered to have livery of their
lands, without paying excessive fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates. They
did also vex men with informations of intrusion, upon scarce colourable titles.

" When men were outlawed in personal actions, they would not permit
them to purchase their charters of pardon, except they paid great and intole
rable sums ; standing upon the strict point of law, which upon outlawries giveth
forfeiture of goods ; nay, contrary to all law and colour, they maintained the
king ought to have the half of men's lands and rents, during the space of two
full years, for a pain in case of outlawry.

" And to shew further the king's extreme diligence, I do remember to have
seen long since a book of accompt of Empson's, that had the king's hand
almost to every leaf, by way of signing, and was in some places postilled in
the margin with the king's hand likewise, where was this remembrance : —

' Item, Received of such a one five marks, for a pardon to be procured ; and
if the pardon do not pass, the money to be repaid : except the party be some
other ways satisfied.'

" And over against this ' memorandum,' of the king's own hand,
' Otherwise satisfied.'

" Which I do the rather mention, because it shews in the king a nearness,
but yet with a kind of justness. So these little sands and grains of gold and
silver, as it seemeth, helped not a little to make up the great heap and bank."

It is remarkable that the First Patent is to the father and the
three sons, "and to the heirs of them, and each of them and their
deputies;" and it is expressly provided that the regions discovered
by them, "may not of any other of our subjects be frequented or
visited, without the licence of the aforesaid John and his sons, and
their deputies, under pain of forfeiture as well of the ships as of
all and singular the goods of all them that shall presume to sail
to those places so found." Under this grant, the " Londe and
Isles" were discovered, and, of course, a right of exclusive resort to
these regions, vested in the father and sons for an indefinite period.
The patent of 3rd February, 1498, on the other hand, is very
cautiously worded. The power given is to the father alone, de-

scribed as a Venetian, and to his deputies without any words of
inheritance. The whole merit of the discovery is, perhaps craftily,
represented as embodied in the old man. The privilege given
expired, in strictness, with John Cabot ; and Sebastian, by having
incautiously accepted and acted under such an instrument, might
be held to recognise it as the consummation of all that had been
previously done, and as a waiver of the terms of the first patent.

The Portuguese patentees of 19th March 1501, consent to re
ceive the privilege of exclusive resort for only ten years ; and it is
provided that they shall not be interfered with, by virtue of any
previous grant to a foreigner, ( " extraneus") under the great
seal, ("virtu te aut colore alicujus concessionis nostraB sibi Magno
Sigillo Nostro per antea factse.") It is true the pen is drawn
through this passage in the original Roll ; but attention had evi
dently been drawn, in an adverse temper, to a claim that might
be set up under the previous grant. It was, perhaps, thought
better not to aim an ungracious, and superfluous, blow at what
had already expired. The clause js retained which secures the new
patentees against molestation from any of the king's subjects,
and this provision was considered as applying to the surviving
sons who, in the original patent, are not, like the father, called
Venetians, but were probably all born in England.

It is not, however, certain tb'a.t Henry intended to supersede the
claims of Cabot, so far as respected discoveries actually made.
The general authority to the three Portuguese is as to lands
" before unknown to all Christians ;" and the reservation may
mean more than a caution to respect the rights of foreign nations.
The patent of 19th March 1501 gives a wider range for discovery
than even the original one to the Cabots. It authorises disco
veries to the South ; " ad omnes partes, regiones et fines maris
Orientalis, Occidentals, Australis, Borealis et Septentrionalis."
The two marked words occur in this patent, and also in that of
9th December 1502, but are not found in that of 5th March,
1496.

However all this may be, the meager evidence referred to is all

that remains to fill up fifteen years of Cabot's life subsequent to
the first discovery.

One fact is too remarkable not to claim especial notice.
Amerigo Vespucci accompanied Hojeda, and it is now agreed
that this was the first occasion on which he crossed the Atlantic.
Sebastian Cabot was found prosecuting his Third Voyage from
England.* Yet, while the name of one overspreads the New
World, no bay, cape, or headland recalls the memory of the
other. While the falsehoods of one have been diffused with tri
umphant success, England has suffered to moulder in obscurity,
in one of the lanes of the Metropolis, the very Record which esta
blishes the discovery effected by her Great Seaman fourteen
months before Columbus beheld the Continent, and two years
before the lucky Florentine had been West of the Canaries.

* See Appendix. (B-)

CHAP. XII.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN FERDINAND OP SPAIN AND LORD WILLOUGIIBY

DE BROKE CABOT ENTERS THE SERVICE OF SPAIN 13TH SEPTEMBER,

1512 REVISION OF MAPS AND CHARTS, IN 1515 APPOINTED A MEM
BER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE INDIES PROJECTED EXPEDITION TO THE

NORTH UNDER HIS COMMAND, TO SAIL IN MARCH 1516 DEATH OF

FERDINAND IN JANUARY, 1516 INTRIGUES— CABOT RETURNS TO ENG
LAND.

THE disappearance of Cabot's Maps and Discourses, which were,
so long after his death, in the custody of William Worthington,
ready for publication, cannot but painfully recur to us in
contemplating the long period during which we are absolutely
without materials for even conjecturing the manner in which he
was employed. These documents would, of course, have supplied
abundant information ; but in their absence, we are compelled to
pass abruptly to the new theatre on which he was called to per
form a conspicuous part.

Singular as it may appear with regard to a fact so well settled,
as the period at which he quitted his native country and
entered the service of Spain, there exist on this point statements
quite irreconcilable with each other, and yet equally unfounded.
In the Conversation given by Ramusio, and with which the name
of Butrigarius has been subsequently connected, Cabot is made
to say, that the troubles in England led him to seek employment
in Spain where he was very graciously received by Ferdinand
and Isabella. The queen died in 1504 ; and many English
writers, relying on the Conversation, have assumed that Cabot
entered a foreign service immediately after his return from the ori
ginal discovery. Others say, that he first went abroad after the

expedition from England in 1517. This assertion is found in
the Biographia Britannica, Pinkerton, Rees, Aikin, Chalmers
Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, &c. The Biographic Univer-
selle, postpones his departure to 1526.

We are told by Peter Martyr, (Decade iii. cap. vi.) that Cabot
did not leave England until after the death of Henry VII, which
occurred in 1509. The venerable Historian of the Indies is right,
and we thus find completed the circle of errors in that deceptive
Conversation. Herrera, the writer of the highest authority on
these subjects — Historiographer of the King of Spain and enjoying
familiar access to every document — stated, more than two cen
turies ago, that Cabot received his appointment from the King of
Spain on the 13th September 1512, and even furnished the
particulars of the negotiation.

It may readily be conceived that the wily Ferdinand would be
anxious to withdraw, if possible, from the service of a youthful
monarch, full of enterprise and ambition and with the accumu
lated treasures of his thrifty father, a Navigator who had opened
to England the glorious career of discovery. He had little reason
to hope that Henry would pay greater deference than his father
to the Papal Bull. Vespucci, too, who had filled in Spain the
office of Pilot-Major, was just dead, as appears by a provision
for his widow, (Navarette, torn. iii. p. 305,) on the 28th March
1512. The period was favourable to Ferdinand's purpose. Henry
had, already, consented to mingle rashly in the dissensions of
the Continent, which finally dissipated the hoards of his father
and the resources of his kingdom ; and in this very year, an army
was despatched from England, in vessels provided by Spain, to
co-operate with his crafty father-in-law. It is now that Herrera
(Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. xiii.) speaks of the king's anxiety to discover
the long sought strait, his views on Baccalaos, and his wish to
gather round him all the ablest Cosmographers of the time.
We are expressly told that these motives induced him

" A traer a su servicio a Sebastian Gaboto, Ingles, por tener noticia que era
esperto hombie de Mar y para esto escrivio a Milort Ulibi Capitan General

del Key de Ingleterra que se le embiasse y esto fue a treze de Septembre deste
anno Sebastian Gaboto vino a Castilla y el Rey le dio titulo da su Capitan, y
bucnas gages, y quedo en su servicio y le mando residir en Sevilla, para lo que
se le ordenasse.*"

There is no difficulty in recognising, through the disguise of
the Spanish orthography, the name of Lord Willoughby. That
nobleman is found at the head of a Commission for levying troops,
dated 29th March, 1511 (Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 297,) and imme
diately followed by a letter from Ferdinand to Henry, dated Seville
20th April, 1511, relative to the proposed co-operation. Lord
Willoughby landed at Plaisance with the English army from the
Spanish vessels on the 8th June 1512, (Herbert's Life^ of Henry
VIII., p. 20.)

Surprise will doubtless be felt, that any misconception should
exist as to a fact so clearly established. But Herrera is known
in this country only through a wretched translation, made about
a century ago by a " Captain John Stevens," replete with errors,
and in which many passages of the greatest interest are entirely
omitted. Amongst the rest, not a syllable of what has just been
quoted is found in it. Unfortunately, too, for the credit of
those who cite Herrera, this translator has changed the order
of Decades, Books, and Chapters, and yet given no notice that
he had taken such a liberty. The reader, therefore, who attempts
to verify the references of most English authors, will find them
agreeing very well with the book of Stevens but furnishing no
clew to the passages of the original.

The Correspondence referred to by Herrera between Ferdinand
and Lord Willoughby, would seem to have been extant about a cen
tury ago, if we may judge from the language used in the " Ensaio

* " To draw into his service Sebastian Cabot, an Englishman, having heard
of his ability as a seaman ; and with this view he wrote to Lord Uliby, Cap
tain-General of the King of England, to send him over, and it was on the 13th
of September of this year (1512,) that Cabot came to Spain. The King gave
him the title of his Captain, and a liberal allowance, and retained him in his
service, directing that he should reside at Seville to await orders."

100

Cronologico Para La Historia General De Florida," published at
Madrid in 1723. This work, though it appeared under the name
of Cardenas, is understood to have been the production of Andre
Gonzalez Barcia, Auditor of the supreme council of War of the
King of Spain. In the Introduction, the author, after conjec
turing the motives which led Cabot to abandon England with
out reluctance, remarks —

" Y aunque conserve siempre la Fama de Cosmografo, no se
higo caso de el, en Inglaterra, hasta que el Rei de Espana, por
el mes de Septembre de 1512, entendiendo de Algunas Cosmo-
grafos que avia algun estrecho a la parte de la Tierra de los Bac-
calaos, y otro a occidente, escrivio a Milord Ulibi, Capitan General
de Inglaterra, le embiase a Gaboto, lo qual egecuto luego, como
cosa que le importaba poco."*

The readiness with which Lord Willoughby yielded to the
request of the Spanish monarch, and his making light of the
favour conferred, would seem to be facts that could only be
gathered from the Correspondence itself. We may presume it to
be not now in existence, or documents so curious would doubtless
have been published by Navarette.

No specific duties were, in the first instance, assigned to Cabot ;
but his value was quickly discerned and appreciated. We find
him, in 1515, mentioned (Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. i. cap. xii.) in
connexion with an object, about which the King was very solici
tous — a general revision of Maps and Charts ; and in that year,
Peter Martyr (Dec. iii. cap. vi.) speaks of him as holding the
dignified and important station of a Member of the Council of
the Indies. The same writer informs us that an expedition had

* " And though he maintained always his reputation as cosmographer, yet no
account was made of him in England ; and, at length, the King of Spain in
the middle of September 1512, understanding from cosmographers that there
was a Strait in some part of the land of Baccalaos, communicating with another
in the West, wrote to Lord Vlibi, Captain-General of England, to send Cabot to
him, which he did forthwith as a thing of little moment."

101

been projected to sail in March 1516, under the command of
Cabot, in search of the North-West Passage.

" Kamiliarera habeo domi Cabotum ipsum et contubernale m interdum
Focatus namque ex Britannia a Rege nostro Cathalico post Henrici Majoris
Britannia Regis mortem concurialis noster est expectatque indies ut navigia
sibi parentur quibis arcanum hoc naturae latens jam tandem detegatar. Mar-
tio mense anni futuri MDXVI. puto ad explorandum discessurum. Quse suc-
cedent tua Sanctitas per me intelliget modo vivere detur. Ex Castellanis non
desunt qui Cabotum primum fuisse Baccalorum repertorem negant, tantumque
ad Occidentem tetendisse minime assentiuntur.*"

This passage, while it proves that his talents had been recog
nised and rewarded by the king, and that his personalcha-
racter had endeared him to the historian, also shews that there
already existed against the successful stranger, the same malig
nant jealousy to which Columbus fell a victim. Unfortunately
for Cabot, Ferdinand died on the 23rd of January, 1516. This
circumstance would seem to have put an end to the contem
plated expedition, and it is probable that in the scenes which
immediately followed, full scope was given to that feeling of dis
like and pretended distrust, which had not dared to exhibit itself,
in any marked manner, during the king's life. Charles V., occu
pied elsewhere, did not reach Spain for a considerable time. The
original publication of the three first Decades of Peter Martyr
has a Dedication to him, dated October 1516, in which the youth
ful sovereign is intreated to enter at once on a consideration of

* " Cabot is my very friend whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him
sometimes keepe me companie in my own house. For being called out of Eng
land by the commandment of the Catholic, King of Castile, after the death of
King Henry of England the Seventh of that name, he was made one of our
Council and assistance as touching the affairs of the New Indies, looking daily
for ships to be furnished for him to discover this hid secret of nature. This
voyage is appointed to be begun in March, in the year next following being
the year of Christ 1516. What shall succeed, your Holiness shall be adver
tised by my letters if God grant me life. Some of the Spaniards deny that
Cabot was the first finder of Baccalaos, and affirm that he went not so far
westward." Eden's translation, Decades, fol. 119.

102

the wpnders of that New World with which the work is occu
pied — " Come therefore most Noble Prince, elected of God, and
enjoy that high Estate not yet fully understood," &,c. During
what may be called the interregnum, a scene of the most odious
intrigue was exhibited.

" All the great qualities of Chievres, the Prime Minister, and favourite of
the young King, were sullied with an ignoble and sordid avarice. The acces
sion of his master to the Crown of Spain, opened a new and copious source
for the gratification of this passion. During the time of Charles' residence in
Flanders, the whole tribe of pretenders to office or to favour, resorted thither.
They soon discovered that without the patronage of Chievres, it was vain to
hope for preferment ; nor did they want sagacity to find out the proper method
of securing him. Vast sums of money were drawn out of Spain. Every thing
was venal and disposed of to the highest bidder. After the example of Chievres,
the inferior Flemish Ministers engaged in this traffic, which became as general
and avowed as it was infamous.*

A curious illustration of the truth of these representations is
found amongst the papers lately published by Navarette. A letter
occurs, (torn. iii. p. 307,) from Charles to Bishop Fonseca, dated
Brussels 18th November 1516, which states a representation by
Andres de St. Martin, that on the death of Amerigo Vespucci,
about five years before, the late king had intended to confer on
the said St. Martin the office of Pilot-Major, but that owing to
accidental circumstances this intention was frustrated, and Juan
Bias de Solis appointed. The latter being now dead, St. Martin
had preferred a claim to the appointment. Charles commands
Fonseca to inquire into the facts, and also into the capacity and
fitness of the applicant. We may conceive that, at such a period,
the prospect was a cheerless one for Cabot, previously regarded,
as has been seen, with obloquy. It is of evil omen, also, to find in
authority the intriguer Fonseca, who has obtained an infamous
notoriety as the enemy of Columbus against whom his most suc
cessful weapon was the Spanish jealousy of foreigners. Finding
himself slighted, Cabot returned to England.

* Robertson's Charles V. Book I.

103

CHAP. XIII.

CABOT'S VOYAGE OF 1517 FROM ENGLAND IN SEARCH OF THE
NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.

THE enterprising and intrepid spirit of our Navigator would seem
to have found immediate employment, and he is found again
on the Ocean. He was aided, doubtless, by being able to point
to his own name in Letters Patent, granted so long before by the
father of the reigning monarch, whose provisions could not, in
justice, be considered as extinct.

For a knowledge of this expedition, we are indebted, principally,
to Richard Eden, that friend of Cabot, to whom a tribute of gra
titude has been heretofore paid. He published in 1553 a work*
bearing this title —

" A treatyse of the Newe India, with other new founde landes and Ilandes,
as well Eastwarde as Westwarde, as they are knowen and found in these cure
dayes after the description of Sebastian Munster, in his booke of Universal
Cosmographie ; wherein the diligent reader may see the good successe and
rewarde of noble and honeste enterprizes, by the which not only worldly
ryches are obtayned, but also God is glorified, and the Christian fayth en
larged. Translated out of Latin into English, by Rycharde Eden. Prater
spem sub spe. Imprinted at London, in Lombarde street, by Edward Sutton,
1553."

The volume is dedicated to the Duke of Northumberland. The
checks are so many and powerful on a departure from truth,
even aside from the character of the writer, as to relieve us
from any apprehension of mis-statement. Cabot then resided
in England, occupying a conspicuous station. The passage

In the Library of the British Museum, title in catalogue, Munster.

104

about to be quoted contains a reproach on a sea-officer, of the
time of Henry VIII., and it is not likely that such expressions
would be addressed to one who had been Lord High Admiral in
that reign, unless the facts were notorious and indisputable,
particularly while many of those engaged in the expedition were
living. The following is the language of the Dedication —

" Which manly courage (like unto that which hath been seen and proved in
your Grace, as well in forene realmes as also in this our country) if it had not
been wanting in other in these our dayes at suche time as our sovereigne Lord
of noble memory, King Henry the Eighth, about the same [eighth] yere of his
raygne, furnished and set forth cerien shippes under the governaunce of Sebastian
Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Perte, whose faynt heart was the cause
that that viage toke none effect, if (I say) such manly courage whereof we
have spoken had not at that tyme bene wanting, it myghte happelye have
come to passe that that riche treasurye called Perularia (which is now in
Spayne, in the citie of Civile and so named, for that in it is kepte the infinite
ryches brought thither from the newefoundland of Peru) myght longe since
have bene in the Tower of London, to the Kinges great honoure and welth of
this his realme."

With this passage Hakluyt (vol. iii. p. 498) properly connects
the language employed by Robert Thorne in 1527, in a letter ad
dressed to Henry VIII. The object of Thorne (Hakluyt, vol. i.
p. 212) was to urge on Henry VIII. a search for the passage in
the North, and he suggests three routes — the North-Eastern,
afterwards attempted by Willoughby — the North-Western— *and,
finally, a course directly over the Pole, giving a preference,
so far as may be inferred from precedence in suggestion, to the
first—

" Yet these dangers or darkness hath not letted the Spaniards and Portu
guese and others, to discover many unknown realms to their great peril.
Which considered (and that your Graces subjects may have the same light) it
will seem your Graces subjects to be without activity or courage, in leaving to
do this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past this little way
which they named so dangerous, (which may be two or three leagues before
they come to the Pole, and as much more after they pass the Pole) it is clear,
that from thenceforth the seas and lands are as temperate as in these parts, and
that then it may beat the will and pleasure of the mariners, to choose whe-

105

ther they will sail by the coasts, that be cold, temperate or hot. For they
being past the Pole, it is plain they may decline to what part they list."

" If they will go toward the Orient, they shall enjoy the regions of all the
Tartarfans that extend toward the midday, and from thence they may go and
proceed to the land of the Chinese, and from thence to the land of Cathaio
Oriental, which is, of all the main land, most Oriental that can be reckoned
from our habitation. And if, from thence, they do continue their navigation,
following the coasts that return toward the Occident, they shall fall in with
Malaca, and so with all the Indies which we call Oriental, and following the
way, may return hither by the Cape of Buona Speransa ; and thus they shall
compass the whole world. And if they will take their course after they be
past the Pole, toward the Occident, they shall go in the backside of the New
foundland, and which of late was discovered by your Grace's servants, until they
come to the backside and south seas of the Indies Occidental. And so conti
nuing their voyage, they may return through the strait of Magellan to this
country, and so they compass also the world by that way ; and if they go this
third way, and after they be past the Pole, go right toward the Pole antarctic,
and then decline towards the lands and islands situated between the Tropics,
and under the Equinoctial, without doubt they shall find there the richest
lands and islands of the World of Gold, precious stones, balmes, spices, and
other things that we here esteem most which come out of strange countries,
and may return the same way.

"By this it appeareth, your Grace hath not only a great advantage of the
riches, but also your subjects shall not travel halfe of the way that others do,
which go round about as aforesaid."

He remarks again, v<,^>

" To which places there is left one way to discover, which is into the North ;
for that of the four parts of the world, it seemeth three parts are discovered by
other princes. For out of Spaine they have discovered all the Indies and seas
Occidental, and out of Portugal all the Indies and seas Oriental : so that by
this part of the Orient and Occident, they have compassed the world. For the
one of them departing toward the Orient, and the other toward the Occident,
met again in the course or way of the midst of the day, and so then was disco
vered a great part of the same seas and coasts by the Spaniards, So that now
rest to be discovered the said North parts, the which it seemeth to me, is only
your charge and duty. Because the situation of this your realm is thereunto
nearest and aptest of all others ; and also for that you have already taken it in
hand. And in mine opinion it will not seem well to leave so great and profit
able an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labor, and
danger, be followed and obtained, though heretofore your Grace hath made
thereof a proofe, and found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at this
time it shall be no impediment. For there may be now provided remedies for

106

things, then lacked, and the inconveniences and lets removed, that then were
cause that your Grace's desire took no full effect, which is, the courses to be
changed, and followed the aforesaid new courses. And concerning the mari
ners, ships, and provisions, an order may be devised and taken meet and con
venient, much better than hitherto. By reason whereof, and by God's grace,
no doubt your purpose shall take effect. Surely the cost herein will be nothing,
in comparison to the great profit. The labour is much less, yea nothing at
all, where so great honour and glory is hoped for ; and considering well the
courses, truly the danger and way is shorter to us, than to Spain or Portugal,
as by evident reasons appeareth."

It would seem impossible to doubt that the writer here puts
distinctly to Henry, as the two grounds for looking to the North,
the advantageous position of his own dominions in reference to a
passage in that quarter, and the fact that his former experiment
had taken that direction.

Hakluyt approached the subject under a misconception, the
source of which will presently be pointed out, that Cabot had gone
to the South on this occasion, and supposes that he finds a con
firmation of it in that part of the passage quoted from Thorne,
which speaks of a change of the courses. Not only, however, is
this assumption against the evidence from other quarters, but
Thome's own words will not admit of such a construction. He
had just suggested a passage by the North, and then eagerly
anticipates and answers the objections which might be urged, and
it naturally occurs to him as the most forcible of these, that the
king had already made a proof in that quarter without success.
Could he have apprehended such an objection to his project from
a failure in the South ? To suppose that he wished to combat
the presumption against the existence of a strait arising from ill
success there, will appear ridiculous, if we note that the passage
in the South had been, in point of fact, discovered by Magellan,
and is actually referred to by Thorne as affording a convenient
route for the return voyage.

The words on which Hakluyt would lay this undue stress have
ample operation when, aside from the various courses for attempt
ing a North-West passage, here were two others suggested, and
a seeming preference given to that by the North-East. Captain

107

Parry took many different " courses" with a more limited object
in view.

In the reference made by Thome to the Newfoundland, " which
of late was discovered by your Grace's subjects" he evidently
treats as an original discovery that further advance to the North,
which we may presume to have been made on this occasion.
The same person, in his letter to Dr. Ley, (1 Hakluyt, p. 219,)
speaking of the passage by the North, remarks, that he, probably,
derived the " inclination or desire of this discovery" from his
father, who " with another merchant of Bristow, named Hugh
Eliot, were the discoverers of the Newfoundlands." Now, we
have seen his previous application of the epithet, which is, in
truth, most appropriate to the latest discovery. Couple this with
another fact. The name of Thorne does not occur in any of the
patents. Of the two to which we shall have occasion hereafter
to advert, subsequent to those to the Cabots, one is dated 19th
March 1501, and is in favour of certain Portuguese, who are asso
ciated with three merchants of Bristol, Richard Ward, Thomas
Ashehurst, and John Thomas. This is now, for the first time,
published from the Rolls in the present volume. The last patent
bears date 9th December 1502, and is found in Rymer (vol. xiii.
p. 37.) The names of Ward and Thomas are dropped, and Hugh
Eliot is associated with Ashehurst and the Portuguese. Thus the
name with which Thorne connects that of his father does not
appear until this late period. We have no doubt that when,
after an interval of fifteen years, the reappearance of Cabot
called attention to this patent, which had lain dormant, Thorne
acquired from Ashehurst or his representatives the interest of
that person. Robert Thorne, the son, speaks of the two asso
ciates, "my father, who with another merchant of Bristow, named
Hugh Eliot," a language well corresponding with the explanation
suggested.

It appears from the epitaph of Robert Thorne, (Stow's Survey
of London, and Fuller's Worthies,) that he was bom in 1492, a

108

circumstance that may assist in enabling us to suppose his father
at a not very advanced age in 1516.

A striking instance of the inaccuracy of Purchas, occurs in
his statement of the expression used by Thome. He says, (Pil
grims, vol. iv. p. 1812,) " Robert Thome, in a book to Doctor
Leigh, writeth, that his father, with another merchant of Bris
tol, Hugh Eliot, were the fast discoverers of the Newfound
lands." Had Thorne really said "jlrst," he must have in
tended deception ; but no such word is found either in the letter
itself, (Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 219,) or in Hakluyt's subsequent refe
rence to it, (vol. iii. p. 10.) The absence of the very epithet
which Purchas deemed it necessary to interpolate, in order to
suit his own notion of what was meant, forms a strong argument
to prove, what is sufficiently clear from the context, that Thorne
alludes to the recent discovery made by the subjects of Henry VI II.

It may be repeated, then, that in his speculations on the North-
West Passage, Thome says, " And if they will take their course
after they be past the Pole toward the West, they shall go on the
back side of the Newfoundland which of late was discovered by
your Grace's subjects, until they come to the back side and South
seas of the Indies Occidental." Thus by advancing resolutely in the
route before taken in the North by "his Grace's subjects" theWes-
tern side of the American Continent would be attained. Now it is
remarkable, that in speaking of the effort made under the auspices
of Hugh Eliot and his father, he says to Dr. Ley, (Hakluyt,
vol. i. p. 219,) "of the which there is no doubt, (as now plainly
appeareth,) if the mariners would then have been ruled and fol
lowed their pilot's mind the Lands of the West Indies (from
whence all the gold cometh) had been ours, for all is one coast
as by the card appeareth and is aforesaid." Thus we find that
the frustration of the object is imputed to those who refused to
follow their pilot's wishes, and that the golden visions of Thorne
are those belonging to a successful prosecution of the North-
Western Discovery. Is it possible to hesitate about connecting

109

this with the language of Eden as to the faint-heartedness of Sir
Thomas Pert, and the general opinion, in 1553, that owing to that
faintheartedness the treasures of Peru were at Seville instead of
the Tower of London ?

The manner in which Hakluyt and subsequent writers have
been betrayed into error with regard to this expedition remains
to be considered.

110

CHAP XIV.

HAKLUYT'S ERROR WITH REGARD TO THE VOYAGE OF 1517.

HAKLUYT was under an impression that there should be taken
in connexion with this voyage a passage in the Spanish historian
Oviedo, of which he found a translation in Ramusio. It is but
just that he should be fully heard on this point —

" Moreover it seemeth that Gonsalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer,
alludeth unto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13th chapter of the
19th booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing
yery well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid
voyage was begun. The author's wordes are these, as I finde them translated
into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius."*

After giving the Italian version, Hakluyt proceeds —

" This extract importeth thus much in English, to wit : ' That in the yeere
1517, an English rover, under the colour of travelling to discover, came with
a great shippe unto the parts of Brasill, on the coast of the firme land, and
from thence he crossed over unto this Hand of Hispaniola, and arrived neere
unto the mouth of the haven of the citie of S. Domingo, and sent his shipboate
full of men on shore, and demanded leave to enter into this haven, saying that
he came with marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour
of the castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the
castle at the ship, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the English
men sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were in the
ship-boate, got themselves, with all speede on ship-board. And in trueth the
warden of the castle committed an oversight : for if the shippe had entred into
the haven, the men thereof could not have come on lande without leave both of
the citie and of the castle. Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they
were received, sayled toward the Hand of S. John, and entering into the port
of S. Germaine, the English men parled with those of the towne, requiring
victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship, and complained of the inha
bitants of the city of S. Domingo, saying that they came not to doe any harme,

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p, 499.

Ill

but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place
they had certaine victuals, and for recompense they gaTe and paid them with
certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things. And afterward they de
parted toward Europe, where it is thought they arrived not ; for we never
heard any more newes of them."*

Herrera has an account of the visit somewhat more at large,
(Dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iii.) and refers to the statement of Gines Na-
varro, the captain of a caravel of St. Domingo, who happening
to be at St. John when the English vessel arrived at that Island,
went off to her, supposing her to be of his own country. Accord
ing to him, the ship was of two hundred and fifty tons burthen,
and had on board sixty men. She was accompanied by a pinnace
having two guns in her bows, with twenty-five men armed with
crossbows and wearing corslets. The commander of the ship
offered to shew his instructions from the king of England, (" la
instruccion que llevaba de el Rei de Inglaterra,") and requested
Navarro to proceed in company with his own vessel to shew
the way to St. Domingo. The English were plentifully sup
plied with provisions, and had a great quantity of woollen and
linen goods with other merchandise for the purpose of traffic.
They effected at St. John's a barter of some tin, and proceeding
afterwards to St. Domingo, sent a boat ashore with a message
that their object was trade, and remained off the island for two
days. The commander of the fort sent to the authorities for
instructions how to act, and not receiving a timely answer fired,
on his own responsibility, at the strangers, on which they recalled
their boat and went round to the Island of St. John, and after
remaining some time carrying on a barter with the inhabitants of
the town of St. Germain, disappeared.

The account which, according to Navarro, they gave of them
selves, was this : —

Mb.

112

of ice, and that taking a different course, they came into a warm sea, which
boiled like water in a kettle, and lest it might open the seams of the vessel they
proceeded to examine the Baccalaos, where they found fifty sail of vessels,
Spanish, French, and Portuguese, engaged in fishing ; that going on shore to
communicate with the natives, the pilot, a native of Piedmont, was killed ; that
they proceeded afterwards along the coast to the river Chicora, and crossed
over thence to the island of St. John. Asking them what they sought in these
islands, they said that they wished to explore in order to make report to the
King of England, and to procure a load of the Brasil wood."

Such was the report of Navarro. The officer commanding the
fort was arrested, because by his precipitate conduct the oppor
tunity was lost cf ascertaining who were the intruders, and what
their^ object. On the facts being reported to the emperor, he
viewed them with great uneasiness, and " wished that in the
Island of St. Domingo they had proceeded in a different manner,
and either by force or stratagem got possession of the vessel. He
was struck with the inconveniences likely to result from English
vessels frequenting those parts, and gave strict orders that on their
again appearing, measures should be adopted for taking them and
making an example_of them."

These circumstances are adverted to, for the purpose of shewing
the attention which was excited by this visit, and the anxious
examination, doubtless, undergone by Navarro who had commu
nicated with the strangers. When Herrera was ordered by Philip
II. to prepare his History, there were submitted to him documents
of every description, even the most minute, (Decade vi. lib. iii.
cap. 19.) His statement, then, which goes thus into detail, was,
probably, derived from the Examination, and it establishes a
representation, that the Englishmen spoke of the Baccalaos as a
point at which they had touched on their return from a struggle
with the perils of the navigation/i/r^er North.

There is found in Purchas, (Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 855,) a " De
scription of the West Indies," by Herrera, being the introduction
to the history, with a remark, " This author hath written eight
Decades of the Spanish Acts in the West Indies, which give
great light to those parts, but would be too long for this work."

113

The influence of the passage just quoted is curiously visible in
Purchas. On reading it, he saw, at once, that the statement of
Navarro had reference to the visit spoken of by Oviedo, and it
therefore passed into his mind that the expedition proceeded, in
the first instance, to the North. When he had occasion, how
ever, to advert to the circumstance afterwards, he evidently could
not recollect whence he had derived the impression, or there would
have been found a reference to Herrera in his ambitious margin, in-

O *

stead of the vague assertion : " Afterwards the same Sir Sebastian
Cabot was sent, A. D. 1516, by king Henry the VIII., together
with Sir Thomas Pert, Vice- Admiral of England, which after
coasting this Continent the second time, as I have read, discovered
the Coast of Brasil, and returned from thence to St. Domingo and
Porto Rico,'7 (vol. iv. p. 1812.)

A peculiar anxiety is felt with regard to this voyage, because
it bears directly on our estimate of Cabot's character. He had
taken up, with all the ardour which belongs to the conceptions of
a man of his stamp, the opinion that a North-West passage was
practicable, and we are grieved, as well as surprised, to find him
apparently faltering in the pursuit. We know from Peter Martyr,
his undiminished confidence in 1515, and cannot understand
why, immediately afterwards, he should be found in a confused,
rambling voyage to the South, instead of following up his great
purpose.

The examination thus far has assumed that the date given by
Ramusio,in his translation of Oviedo, and adopted by Hakluyt,
is correct. It now remains to shew that there has been an en
tire misconception on this point, and that Hakluyt has paid the
deserved penalty of his folly in quoting a Spanish book from an
Italian translation.

The reference is correctly given to book xix. cap. xiii. of Oviedo ;
but on turning to the passage, he is found to represent the visit of
the English ship as occurring not in 1517, but in 1527. There are
in the library of the British Museum the edition of his work pub
lished at Seville in 1535 and the next edition, corrected by the

114

author, published at Salamanca, in .1547. In the King's library
there is a copy of the latter edition. The date given in both edi
tions is MDXXVII. It may be very idle to attempt to fortify the
statement of a writer of the highest credit, and who resided in
St. Domingo at the very period in question ; but the fact may be
mentioned that his narrative had not only carried him up to this
period but beyond it, for in a preceding chapter (the vii.) of the
same book, he speaks of an incident which occurred in Sep
tember, 1530.

As the reliance of Hakluyt is exclusively on the "famous
Spanish writer Oviedo," it might be sufficient to shift to its
proper side of the scale the weight which has been thus mis
placed. The point, however, is one of interest, in reference to the
subsequent voyage from England, in 1527, and we may draw to
the rectification the testimony of Herrera.

That writer, it is true, affixes no date to the visit, and while
considering, at an early period, the condition of the colonies, he
adverts to this as one of the circumstances which had led to com
plaint and uneasiness. This sort of grouping is always dange
rous in the hands of an ambitious and florid historian, anxious to
be relieved from a chronological detail of isolated facts, and to
treat them in combination, and in their supposed influence on
results. He has, while considering an early incident, taken up
this and others which, though posterior in point of time, yet pre
ceded the measures of precaution, of which they, in succession,
indicated the necessity. The question is placed beyond doubt by
another occurrence almost contemporary. Oviedo, in the same
chapter which refers to the visit of the English vessel adds, that
about a year afterwards, (" desde a poco tiempo o en el siguiente
anno,") a French corsair made its appearance at Cuba, guided by
a villainous Spaniard, named Diego Ingenio, (" guiado por un
mal Espagnol llamado Diego Ingenio.") This incident is men
tioned by Herrera, under the year 1529, and he states it to have
taken place in the middle of October, of that year, (Herrera,
Dec. iv. lib. vi. chap, xii.) His next chapter (xiii.) is occupied

115

with the precautions taken for the security of the Indies, and they
are expressly referred to the visit of the English and French
ships.* Thus is obtained a decided, though superfluous, confir
mation of the accuracy of Oviedo.

So soon as we are assured of his real statement, the im
probability that this visit could have been on the part of Cabot's
expedition occurs with irresistible force.

Is it at all likely that one who had just quitted the service of
Spain, and who knew the jealous system of exclusion adopted
with regard to her American possessions, would be found engaged
in a silly and confused attempt to carry on a commerce in that
quarter ? Again, is it not probable that Navarro would have re
cognised one whom we may presume to have been familiarly
known to the seamen of that day ? Would a man, moreover, who
had been one of the captains of the King of Spain, and after
wards a member of the council of the Indies, have been anxious
to open a communication with the authorities of St. Domingo ?
Cabot would have known not only that the application was
idle, but that it would subject him to the most odious re
proaches, for endeavouring to turn against Spain the know
ledge acquired by having so recently held a confidential post in
her service.

This last consideration, indeed, suggests a pleasing reflection
that his fame may be successfully relieved from the suspicion of
having, even at a moment of pique, consented to engage in such
an enterprise. The pure and lofty character to which all the
incidents of his life lay claim, renders us unwilling to credit what
could not but be deemed derogatory. His vindication has al
ready, it is hoped, been made out; and when we come, in its
proper place, to a voyage from England, in 1527, under totally

* " Con occasion de la nave Inglesa que havia llegada al Puerto de la Ciudad
de Santo Domingo de la Isla Espanola, i de los Franceses de que se ha tra-
tado en el capitulo precedente, el Obispo de Santo Domingo, Presidente del
Audencia hico una Junta de todos las Estados de la Isla, adonde se confirio lo
que se debia hacer," &c.

116

different auspices, there will be seen the happy application of
what Oviedo correctly refers to that year. By keeping sepa
rate the clews which Hakluyt has crossed and entangled, there
will be attained, in each case, a point from which a survey
may be made with the greatest clearness and assurance of ac
curacy.

117

CHAP. XV.

VOYAGE OF 1517 THE ONE REFERRED TO BY CABOT IN HIS LETTER
TO RAMUSIO.

IT being, then, certain that the expedition of 1517 had for its
object the North-West Passage, was it on the llth of June 1517,
that Cabot attained the point mentioned in his letter to Ramusio ?
The day of the month is given, not only in that letter but again
by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, (iii. Hakluyt p. 16,) from Cabot's
map. Many circumstances of corroboration press on us. When
Eden speaks, in magnificent phrase, of the opportunity lost to
England of taking the lead of Spain, his language is naturally
referrible, as has been said, to the frustration of that great
effort to find a way to Cataya which Cabot had already essayed,
and which Peter Martyr, in 1515, expressly tells us he was on
the eve of again undertaking. In the letter to Ramusio, Cabot
declares that when arrested at 67° and-a-half by the timidity of
his associates he was sanguine of success, and that if not over
ruled he both could and would have gone to Cataya. Does not
Eden, then, merely supply the name of the principal object of
this reproach ? Let us refer again to the language of Thorne,
which applies, we know, to the expedition of 1517, (i. Hakluyt,
p. 219,) " Of the which there is no doubt, as now plainly ap-
peareth, if the mariners would then have been ruled and followed
their pilot's mind, the lands of the West-Indies, from whence all
the gold cometh, had been ours," Can it be doubted that thesj
several passages all point to the same incident ?

In the work of Peter Martyr, written before this last voyage, no
allusion is found to a mutiny in the North, but he mentions ex
pressly that in the South the expedition was stopped by a failure

118

of provisions. While conveying such minute information lie
would hardly have failed to advert to a fact so remarkable in
itself, and bearing moreover so directly on the question of the
supposed practicability of the enterprise.

On the occasion alluded to, the lat. of 67° and-a-half had been
attained on the llth June. This could not have been in 1497,
because land was first seen on the 24th of June of that year.
With regard to the expedition of 1498, which Peter Martyr and
Gomara are supposed more particularly to refer to, the month of
July is named as that in which the great struggle with the ice
occurred. Did not Cabot, then, instructed by experience, sail
from England earlier in the year than on the former occasions?
In order to be within the eighth year of Henry VIII. mentioned
by Eden, he must have got oft' before the 22nd of April, if he
sailed in 1517.

The advance on this occasion was so far beyond what had been
made on former voyages, that Thome does not hesitate to give to
the region newly visited the designation of Newfoundland ; and
it was then probably that Cabot " sailed into Hudson's Bay and
gave English names to sundry places therein."*

No date is mentioned by Ramusio for the voyage alluded to in
Cabot's letter, though from his speaking of that Navigator as
having made discoveries in the time of Henry VI I. , the reader
might be led to refer it to that early period. One expression is
remarkable. After stating Cabot's long-continued course West
with a quarter of the North, and his reaching 67° and-a-half,
Ramusio says that he would have gone further but for the " malig-
nita del padrone et de marinari sollevati," (the refusal of the
master and the mutinous mariners.) We can hardly err in re
ferring this allusion to Sir Thomas Pret, " whose faint heart,"
according to Eden, " was the cause that the voyage took none
effect."

* Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 549. M'Pherson's Annals oi'
Commerce, vol. ii. p. 12.

119

It only remains to express a hope that as the errors with regard
to this voyage had become so firmly fired, and their rectification
was "so important to the fame of Cabot, the preceding tedious
detail will be excused. Dr. Robertson, who it appears by the list
of authorities prefixed to his History of America knew of Oviedo
only through the Italian translation, thus speaks of the memora
ble expedition : —

" Some merchants of Bristol having fitted out two ships for the
Southern regions of America, committed the conduct of them to
Sebastian Cabot, who had quitted the service of Spain. He
visited the coasts of Brazil, and touched at the islands of Hispa-
niola and Porto Rico," See. (Book ix.) And in a work of the
present year, (Lardner's Cyclopsedia, Maritime and Inland Disco
very, vol. ii. p. 138,) it is said, " Sebastian Cabot sailed in 1516
with Sir John Pert to Porto Rico, and afterwards returned to
Spain."

1-20

CHAP. XVI.

CABOT APPOINTED, IN 1518, PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN SUMMONED TO ATTEND

THE CONGRESS AT BADAJOS IN 1524 — PROJECTED EXPEDITION UNDER
HIS COMMAND TO THE MOLUCCAS.

THE result of the expedition of 1517, however it may have added
in England to the fame of Cabot for ardent enterprise and daunt
less intrepidity, was not such as to lead immediately to a renewed
effort. There had been a failure; and a second expedition might
be frustrated by similar causes. The merchants who were en
gaged in it had probably sustained a heavy loss, and the
king was at that time full of anxious speculations about the
affairs of the Continent. The horrible Sweating-Sickness, too,
which, from July to December 1517, spread death and dismay
not only through the court and the city, but over the whole king
dom, suspending even the ordinary operations of commerce, left
no time to think of the prosecution of a distant and precarious
enterprise. It is probable, therefore, that Cabot might have lan
guished in inactivity but for the new and more auspicious aspect
of affairs in Spain.

If the youthful successor of Ferdinand had looked into the volume
dedicated to him by Peter Martyr, containing a faithful and co
pious account of that splendid empire in the west to which he
had succeeded, he could not fail to be struck with the memorable
enterprise of Cabot, and the estimate of his character by that ho
nest chronicler. The records, too, would shew the pains which
had been taken to secure his services, and the posts of honour and
confidence to which he had been rapidly advanced. It would
doubtless be asked, what had been the issue of that expedition
under his command, which it appeared was to sail in March 1516.

121

Coupling its abandonment with what he found stated of the
jealous denial of that Navigator's merits by the Spaniards, the
sagacity of Charles could hardly fail to detect the secret causes
of Cabot's disappearance.

Immediate measures in the way of atonement would seem to
have been taken. In 1518 Cabot was named Pilot Major of
Spain. *

The appointment is noted in the general arrangement and
scheme of reformation of that year, but we find it announced again
in 1520, (Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.) with the instructions of the
emperor that no pilot should proceed to the Indies without pre
vious examination and approval by him.f Possibly, therefore,
the final arrangement was not concluded until the visit of Charles
V. to England in the latter year. It would seem that there was
no intermediate Pilot Major between Juan de Solis and Cabot,
for in a Royal order of 16th November 1523, relative to a charge
in the time of De Solis, on the salary of the office, (Navarette,
torn. iii. p. 308,) Cabot is spoken of as his successor.

The functions of this office, though of great importance and
responsibility, supply, of course, but few incidents for record.
We might expect to find the project of the North- West passage
revived, but many considerations were opposed to it. The same
reasons which suggested the passage in the North as so desirable
to England, on account of her local position, would disincline
Spain from the search • and we accordingly find, that the only
feeble efforts in reference to it were those of Cortez and Gomez
on the southern coast of North America. All eyes were directed
to the South. Peter Martyr is even impatient that attention
should be turned towards Florida where Ayllon had landed in
1523, and made a tedious report as to its productions. "What
need have we of these things which are common with all the people

* Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. vii. Ensaio Chronologico para la Florida,
Introduction.

f Diose titulo Piloto Major a Sebastian Gaboto con orden que ningun Piloto
pasase a las Indias sin ser primero por el examinado i aprobado.

122

of Europe? To the South! To the South ! They that seek
riches must not go to the cold and frozen North," (Dec. viii.
cap. x.) The hopes of adventurers were directed to the Moluccas,
through the passage which Magellan had been fortunate enough
to find in 53°, through toils and perils so much less than those
which had been encountered in vain in the North. The next
mention we find of Cabot, is a reference to his opinion, (Herrera,
Dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. xx.) as to the existence of many islands
worthy of being explored, in the same region with the Moluccas.
Seeing that the spirit of enterprise had taken this direction, he
seems to have looked to it as affording a chance of more active
employment than his present office. An incident soon brought
him conspicuously forward in connexion with this region.

Portugal had interposed an earnest representation that the
Moluccas fell within the limits assigned to her under the Papal
Bull, and she remonstrated, in the strongest terms, against any
attempt on the part of Spain to carry on a commerce in that
quarter.1* The emperor decided, therefore, that a solemn con
ference should be held, at which the subject might be fully dis
cussed and an opportunity afforded to Portugal of stating her
pretensions. The son of Columbus, Ferdinand, was also pre-
sentf

In attendance on this remarkable assemblage, were the men
most famed for their nautical knowledge and experience ;'not as
members, but for the purpose of reference as occasion might arise.
At the head of a list of these, we find the name of Cabot.J The
conference was held at Badajos, in April, 1524, and on the 31st
May the decision was solemnly proclaimed, declaring that the
Moluccas were situate, by at least 20°, within the Spanish limits.
The Portuguese retired in disgust, and rumours immediately
reached Spain, that the young king of Portugal was preparing a
great fleet to maintain his pretensions by force, and to take and

* Peter Martyr, Dec. vi. cap. ix. f Peter Martyr, Dec. vi. cap. x.

J Gomara, cap. c.; Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. vi.; Eden, Decades, fol. 241.

123

destroy any vessels which might be found presuming to urge a
commerce in that quarter.*

Immediately after the decision, a company was formed at
Seville to prosecute the trade which had received so high and
solemn a sanction, and Cabot was solicited to take the command.f
One of the parties to the association was Robert Thorne of
Bristol, then resident in Spain, who with his partner was led into
the adventure, " principally," as he says, " for that two English
friends of mine which are somewhat learned in cosmographie,
should go in the same ships to bring me certain relation of the
country, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas.J In
September 1524, Cabot received from the council of the Indies
permission to engage in the enterprise, and he proceeded to give
bond to the Company for the faithful execution of his trust.§
His original request was, that four ships properly armed and
equipped should be provided at the expense of the Treasury,
while the Company on its part should supply the requisite funds
for the commercial objects. || The agreement with the emperor
was executed at Madrid on 4th March 1525,^f and stipulated
that a squadron of, at least, three vessels of not less than one
hundred tons should be furnished, and one hundred and fifty
men.** The title of Captain General was conferred on Cabot.
The emperor was to receive from the Company four thousand
ducats and a share of the profits.

It was proposed instead of pushing directly across the Pacific

* Peter Martyr, Dec. vi. cap. x. f Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.

I Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 215. We may conjecture one of these to have been
Jorge Barlo, (George Barlow,) who, with another, brought to Spain Cabot's
Despatch from the La Plata, (Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.)

§ Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vi. || Ib.

5F Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.

** Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vi. Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii. Go-
mara says two hundred and fifty, but his assertion has no weight against the
concurring testimony of the two Historians cited, one a member of the Coun
cil, and the other referring to official documents.

124

after penetrating through the Strait, as Magellan had done, to
proceed deliberately and explore on every side, particularly the
western coast of the Continent.*

The arrangement at first was, that the expedition should
sail in August, 1525 ;f but it was delayed by circumstances to
which it may be proper now to advert as bearing on its ultimate
fate.

* Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vi.

125

CHAP. XVII.

JEALOUSY OF THE CONTEMPLATED EXPEDITION ON THE PART OP PORTUGAL
•—MISSION OF DIEGO GARCIA, A PORTUGUESE.

IN order to understand fully the circumstances which conspired
to throw vexatious obstacles in the way of the expedition, and in
the end to defeat its main object, we must go back to the voyage
of Magellan that first opened to Spain a direct communication
with those regions of which Portugal had before monopolised the
lucrative commerce.

No sooner did the project of that intrepid navigator become
known in Portugal than the utmost alarm was excited. Remon
strances were addressed to the government of Spain ; threats and
entreaties were alternately used to terrify or to soothe the navigator
himself, and assassination was openly spoken of as not unmerited
by so nefarious a purpose. Finding these efforts vain, a tone of
bitter derision was adopted.

The Portuguese said, that the king of Castile was incurring
an idle expense, inasmuch as Magellan was an empty boaster,
without the least solidity of character, who would never accom
plish what he had undertaken."*

Had Magellan perished a month earlier than he did, these con
temptuous sneers would have passed into history as descriptive of
his real character. There is every reason to believe, that he fell
a victim to the treachery infused into the expedition ; and the
pilot, Estevan Gomez, who openly urged retreat after a conside-

* Decian los Portugueses que el Rei de Castilla perderia el gasto porque
Hernando de Magallanes era hombre hablador, i de poca substancia, i que no
saldria con lo que prometia." Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. iv.-cap. x.

126

able progress had been made in the Strait, was, we know, a Por
tuguese.* The conduct of the Portuguese authorities to the sur
viving vessels was marked by cruelty and rapacity ; and even the
gentle spirit of Peter Martyr breathes indignation. Official
notice was received that the ship Trinity, had been captured
and plundered by the Portuguese, and that this had been followed
up by their going to the Moluccas, taking possession of them,
and seizing property of every description.

" The Pilots and King's servants who are safely returned, say that both
robberies and pillage exceed the value of two hundred thousand ducats, but
Christophorus de Haro especially, the General director of this aromaticai ne-
gociation, under the name of Factor, confirmeth the same. Our Senate yieldeth
great credit to this man. He gave me the names of all the five ships that
accompanied the Victory, and of all the Mariners, and mean Officers whatso
ever. And in our Senate assembled he shewed why he assigned that value of
the booty or prey, because he particularly declared how much spices the Trinity
brought.

" It may be doubted what Caesar will do in such a case. I think he will
dissemble the matter for a while, by reason of the renewed affinity, yet though
they were twins of one birth, it were hard to suffer this injurious loss to pass
unpunished, "f

In reference to the voyage of Cabot, the alarm of the Portu
guese would seem to have been yet more serious ; for they saw in
it not a doubtful experiment, but a well concerted commercial
enterprise. The emperor was besieged with importunities ; the
King of Portugal representing that it would be " the utter de
struction of his poor kingdom," to have his monopoly of this trade
invaded. J The honest historian is persuaded, that though a tie
of consanguinity existed between the two monarchs by their com
mon descent from Ferdinand and Isabella, and though the Em
peror had given his sister Catherine " a most delicate young lady
of seventeen," in marriage to the King of Portugal, a step " so
injurious to the kingdom of Castile, the chief sinews of his power,"

* Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xv. Purchas, vol. i. B. i. ch. ii.

t Peter Martyr, Dec. viii. cap. x. J Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vii.

127

as the arrest of the expedition, would not be taken.* So far as
endearing domestic ties could influence such a matter, the appre
hension here implied was to be yet further increased. A nego
tiation was going on for the Emperor's marriage to Isabella,
the sister of the King of Portugal, and the ceremony took place
in March, 1526. The dowry received was nine hundred thousand
crowns, and rumours, in the course of the treaty, were current that
one of the articles of the double alliance stipulated an abandon
ment of the Moluccas. Passing onward with the subject, it may
be stated that early in 1529 the Emperor relieved himself from
all difficulty by mortgaging the Moluccas to the King of Portugal
for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, with the right of
exclusive trade until redemption.f This step excited the utmost
disgust in Spain, and it was openly said that he had better have
mortgaged Estremadura itself. He would listen, however, to no
representations on the subject. A proposition having been made
to pay off the whole of the mortgage money, on condition that the
applicants should have six years enjoyment of the trade, the
Emperor, then in Flanders, not only rejected the offer, but sent a
message of rebuke to the council for having entertained it. Aside
from private feelings, he doubtless, as a politician, thought it un
wise to put in peril an alliance so intimate and assured for any
commercial purpose unconnected with the schemes of ambition
by which he was engrossed.

Matters, however, had not reached this crisis before Cabot
sailed ; and the intense anxiety of Portugal could, therefore, look
only to the indirect efforts at frustration, for which the intimate
relations of the two countries might afford opportunities.

In all the accounts of Cabot's enterprise given by the Spanish
historians, reference is found to an expedition under the command
of a Portuguese,J named Diego Garcia, which left Spain shortly

* Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vii.
t Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. v. cap. x.
J Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. x. cap. i.

128

after Cabot ; touched at the Canaries, as he had done ; found its
way to the La Plata; fixed itself in his neighbourhood, and, finally,
by the misconduct of certain persons connected with it, brought
on a general and overwhelming attack on Cabot, from the natives,
who had previously, by a mixture of boldness and good manage
ment, been brought into alliance with him. Charlevoix (Histoire
du Paraguay, torn. i. p. 28) supposes that Garcia was employed
avowedly by Portugal ; but according to Herrera, (Dec. iii. lib. x.
cap. 1.) the expedition was fitted out by the Count D. Fernando
de Andrada and others, for the La Plata, and consisted of a ship?
of one hundred tons, a pinnace, and one brigantine, with the frame
of another to be put together as occasion might require. One
great object was to search for Juan de Cartagena, and the French
priest whom Magellan had put on shore. Garcia left Cape Finis-
terre on the 5th of August 1526, and touching at the Canaries
(where Cabot had been) took in supplies and sailed thence the
1st of September.

These plain matters of fact have been recently mis-stated. In
Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia (History of Maritime and Inland Dis
covery, vol. ii. p. 89,) it is said, " Diego Garcia was sent with a
single ship to the river of Solis ; but as he lingered on his way at
the Canary Islands , he was anticipated in his discoveries by Se
bastian Cabot. That celebrated Navigator had sailed from Spain
a few months later than Garcia," &c. Cabot sailed in April 1526.
The fact is important, because had he left Spain under the
circumstances stated, he could not have been ignorant of the
claim of Garcia, under a grant, as is alleged, from the emperor,
and his going to the same quarter, would have been both fraudu
lent and absurd. His manifest ignorance on the subject corro
borates the suspicion that, on finding the intrigues to arrest Cabot
ineffectual, this expedition, under the command of the Portu
guese, was hastily got up to watch his movements, and probably
to act in concert with the disaffected, with an understanding as
to certain points of rendezvous in case the mutineers should gain
the mastery. It is important to note that in Peter Martyr, whose

129

work embraces the early part of 1526,* no reference is made to
any projected expedition to the quarter for which, as it is now
said, Garcia was destined.

At Decade iv. lib. i. cap. i. Herrera resumes his abstract of
Garcia's report. That personage is now off the coast of Brasil.
He touched at the Bay of St. Vincent, and there found a Portu
guese of the degree of Bachelor, from whom he received refresh
ments, and whose son-in-law agreed to accompany him to the La
Plata. In running down the coast he touched at the island of
Patos (now St. Catherine) in 27° where Cabot had been before
him, and, as Garcia asserts, had behaved in a very shameful
manner, carrying off the sons of several chiefs who had treated
him with great kindness. Proceeding up the La Plata, Garcia
found the ships which Cabot, on ascending the river, had left
under the charge of an officer. He resolved to follow in his bri-
gantine ; and here we are let into the character of this personage.
While at St. Vincent, he had hired to his host, the Bachelor,
the ship of a hundred tons, to carry eight hundred slaves to Por
tugal ; and " to colour," says Herrera, " his covetousness, he
said, that he had protested to the Count Don Fernando de
Andrada, that the vessel was useless, being much too large for
the navigation and discovery of the La Plata. "f Thus, with the
blindness of an absurd prejudice, has the author consented to
spread upon his pages all the malignant invective of this man
against Cabot — to make it a part of the History of the Indies
— and yet he winds up, at last, by telling us of Garcia's fraud,
and of the falsehood by which it was sought to be disguised !
The Portuguese, in order to break the force of indignation against
himself, evidently laboured to turn the resentment of his em-

* He speaks of the marriage of the Emperor with the sister of the King of
Portugal which took place in March 1526.

•f* " Para dar color a esta codicia, dixo que havia protestado al Conde Don
Fernando de Andrada que no le diese esta nave porque era mui grande e inutil
para la navegacion i descubrimiento del Rio de la Plata." Herrera, Dec. iv,
lib. i. cap. i.

130

ployers on Cabot, by whom they supposed their views to have
been thwarted. One reflection is obvious. If this man could be
seduced from his duty by the Portuguese Bachelor, we may pre
sume that the agents of Portugal had no great difficulty in nego
tiating with him and inducing him to give his voyage a turn to
suit their purposes. Even supposing his employers, then, honest
and sincere, we have no assurance that he did not act from
sinister motives. We shall meet Garcia again in the La Plata.

There is another circumstance, somewhat posterior in point of
time, but which serves to shew the anxious expedients to which
Portugal did not disdain to resort, even at the expense of its dig
nity. A Portuguese, named Acosta, returned with Cabot from
Brazil, and immediately afterwards the king of Portugal was de
tected in an unworthy correspondence with him.* It is remark
able, also, that the complaints of the mutineers whom Cabot put
ashore were brought to Spain by a Portuguese vessel.f

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. x. cap. vi.
t Ib. Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.

131

CHAP. XVIII.

INTERFERENCE WITH THE ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE VOYAGE MENDEZ AP
POINTED SECOND IN COMMAND CONTRARY TO THE WISHES OF CABOT

DE ROJAS THE SEALED ORDERS PREJUDICES OF THE SPANISH HIS
TORIANS EXPEDITION SAILS.

IN a letter dated November, 1525, Peter Martyr* speaks of the
expedition as at length about to sail. It was doomed, how
ever, to yet further delays ; and even in matters of detail the pre
sence of an evil spirit is but too obvious.

Three ships were provided by the Emperor, to which a small
caravel was added by an individual. %f* The principal authority
over the arrangements would seem to have been exercised by
certain agents or deputies (disputados) named by the freighters.
They controlled Cabot, in every particular ; and it is obvious,
therefore, that the fate of the expedition lay in their integrity or
corruptibility. The whole sum which the company had at stake
is stated to have been only ten thousand ducats.

The leading subject of difference between Cabot and these
persons, as appears by the meager accounts left to us, was as to
the person who should fill the office of Lieutenant-General.
Cabot was anxious for the appointment of his friend De Rufis ;
but the choice of the agents fell on Martin Mendez who had
been in one of Magellan's ships as Treasurer, (contador) a situa
tion bearing, it may be presumed, an analogy to the present office

* Decade viii. cap. ix.

•f* Such is the account of Herrera, confirmed by Robert Thorne. Writers
who make a different statement (Charlevoix, for example, in his Histoire du
Paraguay, torn. i. p. 25) have been misled by looking to the original requisition
of Cabot instead of the limited force finally placed under his command.

132

of Purser. They are said to have made the selection on account
of their differences with Cabot.* These disputes rose to such
a height that the Emperor was urged to appoint another com
mander. When it is stated that this same Martin Mendez was
one of those expelled from the squadron, for mutiny, by Cabot,
who afterwards justified himself to the Emperor for having
done so, we not only see the irksome position in which he was
placed, but will, probably, deem the efforts to get rid of him the
highest compliment to his energy and incorruptibility. A hollow
compromise was at length effected by a provision, on paper, that
Mendez should take part in nothing which was not expressly
committed to him by Cabot, and never act except in the absence
or disability of the chief. ^ Thus, with regard to an officer to
whom the commander should be able to look, at every turn, for
confidential counsel and cordial co-operation, the utmost that
Cabot could procure was a stipulation that he should preserve a
sullen indifference, and not be actively mischievous.

A number of young men of family, animated by the love of ad
venture Joined the Expedition, and amongst them three brothers
of Balboa.

There are two personages destined to act, with Mendez, a con
spicuous part, and who may therefore be here mentioned. The
first was Miguel de Rodas, a sort of supernumerary, to whom no
particular post was assigned, but who is stated to have -been a
man of great valour and nautical experience, and to have enjoyed
the favour of the emperor.J The other was Francisco de Rojas,
captain of one of the ships, the Trinidad. Though a slight

* " Los disputados de los armadores por diferencias que con el General avian
tenido quisieron que fuesse Martin Mendez y no Miguel de Rufis a quien pre-
tendia llevar en este cargo Sebastian Gaboto." Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix.
cap. iii.

•f " Que no se occupasse sino en las cosas que el General le cometiese, y
estando ausente o impedido, y no de otra manera porque le llevaba contra su
voluntad." Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. oiiv

J Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.

133

difference is perceptible in the names, they would seem to have
been brothers, for, at a subsequent period,* in speaking of the
leading conspirators, these two are described, with a yet further
variation, as " los dos hermanos Roxas i Martin Mendez," (" the
two brothers Roxas and Martin Mendez.")

The most extraordinary part, however, of the arrangement, con
sisted of the Sealed Orders, of which a copy was given to each
vessel.^ We are not informed at what time they were to be
opened, but from the nature of their contents we may infer that it
was to be done immediately on getting to sea, and from the sequel
we may infer how idle would have been any injunction of for
bearance. Provision was therein made for the death of Cabot,
and eleven persons were named on whom, in succession, the com
mand in chief was to devolve. Should this list be exhausted, a
choice was to be made by general vote throughout the squadron,
and in case of an equality of suffrages the candidates were to de
cide between themselves by casting lots ! At the head of the list
are found the three individuals just mentioned . It is remarkable
that Gregario Caro, the captain of one of the ships and who is
afterwards found in command of the fort in the La Plata when
Cabot ascended further up the river, stands last on this list, after
all the treasurers and accountants. This person is subsequently
stated J to have been a nephew of the Bishop of Canaria, and
seems to have acted throughout with integrity.

It would be difficult to imagine a scheme better calculated
to nourish disaffection. Each individual of note found a pro
vision by which he might be brought into the chief command,
and was invited to calculate the chances of its reaching him
through the successive disappearance of his predecessors on the
list ; and the crews, while under the pressure of severe discipline,
not only saw a hope of bettering their condition by a change,

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i.
t Ib. Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.
J Ib. Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. I.

134

but at each step approached nearer to the clause which placed
the supreme power in their own gift. A contingency thus pro
vided for they knew must have been deemed, at home, within
the range of possible occurrences, and they would have little dis
position to let the precaution be found a superfluous one.

While there exist so many causes for misunderstanding Cabot's
conduct, and motives for misrepresenting it, the writer, unfortu
nately, whose statements have since been adopted, almost without
question, prepared his history under circumstances little inclining
him to impartiality. The Decades of Peter Martyr terminate
before the sailing of the expedition, and the venerable author
complains, at the close, of the infirmities which then pressed on
him in his seventieth year. The next work — that of Gomarra —
appeared in 1552, shortly after Cabot had abandoned the service
of Spain, and returned to his native country. Charles V., in 1549,
had made a formal, but ineffectual, demand on Edward VI. for
his return.* That Gomarra had his eye on him in this new and
invidious position is evident, because in speaking of the conference
at Badajos he incidentally mentions Cabot as one of the few sur
vivors of those who had been present on that occasion, (cap. C.)
In a work, therefore, dedicated to the Emperor, we are not to look
for a vindication of our navigator from the calumnies which
might be current to his disadvantage; and we find, accordingly,
every allusion to him deeply tinctured with prejudice. The mu
tineers, of whom a severe example was made, had enjoyed a high
reputation at home, and were doubtless able to raise a clamorous
party. Those who fitted out the expedition of Garcia, were led to
regard Cabot invidiously, and when it is added that the mercan
tile loss of his own employers would unavoidably lead, on the part
of some, to reproachful criticism, however unmerited, we see at
once that his reputation lay at the mercy of a writer ready and
eager to embody the suggestions of disappointment or male
volence.

* Stryp«'s Memorials of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 190.

135

But our patience is exhausted by the long detention of the
expedition. It sailed at length in the beginning of April, 1526.*

* Gomara, cap. Ixxxix. Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii. Robert Thome
(1 Hakluyt, p. 215.) There has been a general misconception on this point in
English compilations, attributable, probably, to the wretched version of Her
rera by Stevens, which names April 1525, (Stevens' Translation, vol. iii. p.
380,) in defiance of the work it professes to translate. The same mistake is
found in Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, and the source of the author's error
becomes manifest by his incautious citation of Herrera. The reference given
is totally inapplicable to the original work, but corresponds exactly with the
new and arbitrary distribution of Decades, books, and chapters by Stevens.
In most recent works the date is misstated, amongst the rest by Mr. Southey,
(History of Brasil, p. 52,) and by the Quarterly Review (vol. iv. p. 459.)
The former writer, speaking of this voyage in 1526, infers from Cabot's being
called Pilot- Major, that Americus Vespucius who had held that office was
" probably" then dead, (p. 52,) a singular remark, as it is well known that
Vespucius died fifteen years before. He was succeeded, as we have seen, by
Juan Dias de Solis. Cabot's appointment as Pilot-Major in 1518, his atten
dance at Badajos, &c., are altogether unnoticed in the pretended translation of
Stevens !

136

CHAP. XIX.

COMPLAINTS IN THE SQUADRON PRETENDED CAUSES OF DISSATISFACTION-
MUTINY QUELLED BY THE ENERGY OF CABOT HAPPY RESULTS HIS

CONDUCT JUSTIFIED TO THE EMPEROR RIDICULOUS CHARGES SUGGESTED

BY THE PORTUGUESE, DIEGO GARCIA.

WE look for an explosion as the vessels quit the shore. It would
seem, however, that the train was prepared to burn more slowly.
The Squadron is seen to move on steadily and in silence, but
beneath the fair and smiling canvass we know there is dark
treachery.

In attempting to pierce the obscurity which veils the scenes
that follow, and to place ourselves by the side of Cabot, we have
unfortunately to rely on those whose very purpose is disparage
ment. Yet to that quarter we do not fear to turn, and have at
least an assurance that we shall find whatever the most malig
nant industry could collect.

Something is said by Herrera as to a scarcity of provisions,
owing, as far as he will speak out, to their injudicious distribution
amongst the vessels. Now it is quite inconceivable that in an ex
pedition prepared for the circumnavigation of the globe there should
have been found this deficiency on the coast of Brasil, and the fact,
moreover, would be disgraceful to the commanders of the other
vessels, and to the agents at home. It is obvious that while
nothing is more unlikely than such improvidence on the part
of Cabot, it would be easy for disaffected officers to circulate
amongst the men complaints of scarcity, and thus refer the odium
of a limited allowance to the Commander-in-Chief.

We hear, also, that he did not take sufficient pains to soothe

137

the angry feelings which had been excited at Seville.* Then it
seems that dissatisfaction arose not from any thing occurring
during the voyage, but from continued brooding over antece
dent griefs. Doubtless, Martin Mendez, of whose unfitness
Cabot had made a representation, and against whose mischievous
intermeddling he had been forced to obtain a stipulation, was
in no very complacent mood, even if we put out of view the
probability of his having been tampered with by the Portuguese.
The complaint, too, that Cabot did not sufficiently exert himself
to make others forget the late angry discussions, comes from
the very persons who broke out into open mutiny, and whose state
ments, embittered by a recollection of the severe punishment in
flicted on them, compose our evidence. It might be superfluous
to add a word to this explanation, yet the remark cannot be for
borne, that if there be one trait in the character of Cabot more
clearly established than another, it is the remarkable gentle
ness of his deportment ; and in every reference to him, by those
who had enjoyed a personal intercourse, there breaks forth some
endearing form of expression that marks affectionate attach
ment.

But pretexts will never be wanting where a mutinous temper
exists. The squadron was running down the coast of Brasil when
it seems to have been thought necessary to bring matters to a
crisis. Murmurs became general and vehement. The Lieute-
nant-General Mendez, De Rojas, and De Rodas were louder than
the rest, in blaming the government of Cabot.f In a word, rely
ing on the clamour they had raised, it is plain that these men now

* The whole passage has that air of vagueness so characteristic of falsehood.
" Porque le falto la victualla por ser mal repartida y como por las diferencias
de Sevilla, iban algunos animos mal satisfechos y el tuvo poco cuydado en
sossegarlos nacieron murmuraciones y atrevimientos en el armada." Herrera,
Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.

t " Teniente de General, Martin Mendez, al Capitan Francisco de Rojas
y a Miguel de Rodas porque demas que les tenia mala voluntad, con libertad
reprehendian su govierno." (Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.)

138

broke out into open insolence, presuming that disaffection would
thus reach its height, and a new arrangement take place confor
mably to the indication of the Sealed Orders.

The situation of Cabot would to one of ordinary stamp have been
appalling. The three persons highest in authority, and to whom
he ought to have been able to look for support at such a crisis,
had artfully, and in concert, fomented discontent, and were now
ready to place themselves at its head. He was in the midst of
those who disliked and undervalued him as a foreigner. There
were but two of his own countrymen on board. De Rojas, he
might anticipate, had made sure of his own crew of the Trinidad,
and De Rodas, a man of varied service and high reputation, was
likely to rally round him the confidence and enthusiasm of the
spirited young cavaliers, volunteers in the expedition. Cabot had
performed no memorable service for Spain. There now comes
over us, too, almost with dismay, what before had scarcely ex
cited attention. The Spaniards, Peter Martyr said, denied that
Cabot had achieved what he pretended, even in the service
of England. Such an insinuation could not have escaped the
eager malevolence of those now around him. Here then was
exercised, harshly and haughtily, over Castilians, an authority
yielded, incautiously, to the adroit falsehoods of the English
adventurer !

But Cabot belonged to that rare class of men whose " powers
unfold at trying moments. There seems to belong to command
on the Ocean a peculiar energy, the offspring of incessant
peril and of that very isolation which throws the brave man
on himself, and leads him to muse habitually over all the exi
gencies that may, on a sudden, task to the uttermost his forti
tude or his intrepidity. Cabot saw that his only safety lay in
extreme boldness. He was no longer, as with Sir Thomas Pret,
a mere guide in the career of discovery. A high responsibility
was on him. He knew that by a daring exercise of that rightful
authority, to which habit lends a moral influence, men may be
awed into passive instruments, who, but the moment before, medi-

139

tated fierce mutiny. His determination was instantly made, and
well justified that reputation for dauntless resolution borne back
to Spain and to England from this expedition. He seized De
Rojas — took him out of his ship the Trinidad — and placing him
with Mendez and de Rodas in a boat, ordered the three to be put
on shore. The scene was one of deep humiliation ; and these men
long afterwards are found dwelling with bitterness on the indig
nity, in their memorial to the Emperor.* The effect was instant.
Discord vanished with this knot of conspirators. During the five
years of service through which the expedition passed, full as they
were of toil, privation, and peril, we hear not the slighest murmur;
on the contrary, every thing indicates the most harmonious action
and the most devoted fidelity.

Curiosity runs eagerly forward to learn the view taken by the
Emperor of this high-handed measure. It can only be inferred
from circumstances, for there is no account of any formal trial.
That a thorough investigation took place cannot be doubted.
Miguel de Rodas had been in the Victory, the ship of Magellan's
squadron which effected the circumnavigation of the globe, had
received from the Emperor a large pension for life, and a device
for his Coat of Arms, commemorative of that achievement^
Martin Mendez had been in the same ship, and the device
prepared for him is of a yet more flattering description. J It
was doubtless found, without going into the question of Portu
guese bribery, that their accidental association with so memorable
an enterprise, had given to them a reputation quite beyond their
merit, and that these very marks of distinction, and a certain
feeling as veterans, had led to an insolent assumption which
rendered it indispensable for Cabot to vindicate the ascen
dancy due to his station and to his genius. By a Portuguese
vessel the three mutineers gave notice of their situation, and com-

* " Con tanta afrenta suia." Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.
t Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. xiv.

140

plained in the bitterest terms of the conduct of Cabot.* The
Emperor sent orders to have them conveyed to Spain in order that
justice might be done. Hernando Calderon and Jorge Barlo
despatched by Cabot, afterwards reached Toledo, and made
report of all that had taken place. The Emperor yielded to the
solicitations of Cabot for succour and permission to colonise the
country, (Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.) and the merchant
adventurers declining to co-operate in what had ceased to be a
mercantile speculation, the Emperor undertook to bear the whole
expense himself, (Dec. iv. lib. viii. cap. xi.) As we never hear of
any censure on Cabot, and know that he afterwards resumed his
high and honourable office in Spain ; and that when, long after,
he went to England, the Emperor earnestly solicited his return,
we cannot doubt that his vindication was complete.

A singular proof here occurs of the disingenuousness of the
Spanish historians. It is manifest, that Cabot could not have
escaped the sharpest rebuke, and punishment, without making
out a clear justification of his conduct; yet, while not a syllable
is given of his statement, which must, from the result, have tri
umphed, all the disparaging suggestions that malignity could
invent, and the falsehood of which must have been established at
the time, are eagerly detailed. There can only be wrung from
Gomara a cold acknowledgement that the voyage was frustrated,
" not so much, as some say, by his fault, as by that of his asso
ciates.'^

It might be superfluous, under such circumstances, to examine
these allegations, yet they are on their face so improbable, that
we may safely advert to them, even in the absence of Cabot's
Defence.

It is asserted, that at the island of Patos, (the present St.
Catherine's,) where he was treated with the utmost kindness by

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.

t " No tanto, a lo quc algunos dicen, por su culpa como por la de su gente."
Gomara, cap. Ixxxix.

141

the inhabitants, and took in refreshments, he basely seized the
sons of some of the principal chiefs and carried them forcibly
away.^ This story is taken from the report of the Portuguese,
Diego Garcia, who, although denounced for fraud on his own
employers, is considered a good witness against Cabot. He re
presents himself to have subsequently visited the island, and to
have been very graciously received, notwithstanding the recent
outrage. This last circumstance is not the least of the improba
bilities involved in his tale, for putting that out of view, as well
as the polluted source from which the charge proceeds, let us
consider its claims to credit. The seizure is represented to have
taken place not on the return, but on the outward, voyage.
What, then, was the object of so wanton a piece of cruelty?
But further, the orders of the Council of the Indies were
peremptory that no violence should be used. Peter Martyr,
(Dec. viii. cap. x.) speaking of the expedition of Gomez in
1524, adverts with indignation to his having brought away a
number of natives, and expressly states it to be in violation of the
standing orders of the Council. Now, Cabot had been, as early as
1515, a member of that Council, was familiar with the orders, and
instrumental in framing them. He was in Spain when Gomez
returned, and knew of the indignation excited by the abduction.
Is it at all likely, then, that he would subject himself to a similar
rebuke without any conceivable motive ? It is remarkable, that
in Cabot's own instructions to Sir Hugh Willoughby, long after
wards, we recognise the analogy to those of the Council of the
Indies, for while he enjoins every effort, by gentleness, to get a
thorough knowledge of the natives, he expressly forbids the use
of " violence or force," (§. 23 of Instructions, Hakluyt, vol. i.
p. 228.)

We must advert again, more particularly, to the indignation
which, in 1524, Peter Martyr expresses at the conduct of Go
mez.

" Contrary to the laws made by us, that no violence should be
offered to any nation, he freighted his ship with people of both

142

sexes taken from certain innocent half-naked nations, who con
tented themselves with hovels instead of houses."*

It is with this historian that Cabot is found onterms of intimacy
more than ten years before, and the good old man speaks of him
as one of a congenial temper, or as Eden and Hakluyt have it
" Cabot is my very friend whom I use familiarly and delight to
have him sometimes keep me company in mine own house." At
the moment of his penning the denunciation of Gomez, Cabot
was his associate with the ripened friendship of the intermediate
years. Yet Mr. Southey (History of Brazil, p. 52) has not only con
sented to echo the calumny of a vile Portuguese convicted of fraud
and falsehood, but adds this coarse and cruel invective — " Cabot
touched at an island on the coast called Ilha dos Patos, or Duck
Island, and there took in supplies ; requiting the good will which
the natives had manifested with the usual villany of an old disco
verer, by forcibly carrying away four of them." And the same
writer (ib.) denounces, as "an act of cruelty," the energetic pro
ceeding by which Cabot quelled the mutiny, and probably saved
his own life.

Another item of criticism is derived from the report of the same
Portuguese, Diego Garcia. He sailed from the Canaries on the
first September, and before he reaches the Cape de Verd Islands
a boast is uttered of his superior skill in the choice of a route.
So earnest is the wish to make this impression that we are again told
he proceeded from the Cape de Verds " for Cape St. Augustine,
[on the coast of Brazil] which he places in eight degrees ten mi
nutes of Southern latitude, and this route, on account of the great
currents from the rivers of Guinea, which drive the ships to the
North-West, is perilous, and Sebastian Cabot did not know how
to take advantage of it, (as has been already said,) because

* " Contra Leges a nobis dictatas ne quis ulli gentium vim afferat, ab innoc-
cutibus quibusdam seminudis populis magalibus pro domibus contends/' &c.
(Dec. viii. cap. x.)

143

though he was a great Cosmographer, he was not so great a
Seaman."*

Now first as to the facts. Garcia's criticism seems to be that
Cabot stood across the Atalantic before he got as far South as the
Cape de Verd Islands. That this very point had been the subject
of anxious deliberation we learn from Peter Martyr, (Dec. vii.
cap. vi.) " Cabot will set off in the next month of August,
1525. He departs no earlier, because things necessary for an
enterprise of such importance cannot be prepared, nor by the
course of the heavens ought he to begin his voyage before that
time ; as he has to direct his course towards the Equinoctial when
the sun," &c.f

It might be supposed, perhaps, that the vexatious delays had
caused some change of the route originally projected; but so far
is this from the fact, Herrera tells us expressly —

" After many difficulties Sebastian Cabot departed in the be
ginning of April of this year (1526) &c. He sailed to the Cana
ries and the Cape de Verd Islands, and thence to Cape St. Au
gustine," &c.J

Thus he took the very route in which Garcia followed ! Even
supposing Herrera to be mistaken, and to have described the
course originally resolved on at Seville, instead of that which

* " Fue en demanda del Cabo de San Agustin, que este Piloto pone en ocho
Grades, i un sesmo de Grado de la Vanda del Sur, de la otra parte de la Equi
noctial. Y este Camino, por la grandes corrientes que salen de los Rios de
Guinea, que baten los Navios a la Vanda del Norueste es peligroso ni le supo
tomar Sebastian Gaboto (como se ha dicho) porque aunque era gran Cosmografo,
no era tan gran Marinero." Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. x. cap. i.

t " Est Cabotus, Augusto mense proximo anni MDXXV. discessurus, nee
citius quidem quia nee prius queunt ad rem tanturn necessaria parari nee per
coelorum cursus debet prius illud iter inchoari ; oportet quippe tune versus
Equinoctium vela dirigere quando Sol," &c.

I " Despues de muchas dificultades partio Sebastian Gaboto a los primeros
de Abril de este ano, (1526,) &c. Fue navegando a las Canarias y a las Islas
de Cabo Verde, y despues al Cabo de San Agustin." Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. ix.
cap. iii.

144

Cabot actually pursued, the latter would only be found, in
avoiding the Cape de Verds, opening a path which is more gene
rally followed in modern times. Take it either way, the im
pudence and absurdity of the cavil are palpable. Yet note the
manner in which an English writer of reputation has caught it up.*

" Cabot's conduct in this voyage did not give satisfaction, and
was thought unequal to the high reputation he had acquired.
The Spanish writers say of him (!) that he was a better cosmo-
grapher than a mariner or commander."

Wearied as the reader may be, we must advert to another sneer
of this Portuguese. In ascending the La Plata, Cabot proceeded
with deliberation, examining carefully the country, and opening a
communication with the different tribes on its banks. This was
of course a work of time as well as of labour and peril. When
Garcia arrived, he proceeded hastily up the river, and boasts that
" in 26 days he advanced as far as Sebastian Cabot had done in
many months"-^ The folly of this idle vaunt has not deterred
Herrera from making it a part of the History of the Indies ; and
it has found a ready place with English writers.

We might, indeed, be almost led to believe in a concerted plan,
on the part of his countrymen, to defame this great navigator
were not the causes of misconception obvious. To some the
perfidious translation of Stevens has prqved a snare, and the few
who proceeded further have been led, by an imperfect knowledge
of the language, to catch at certain leading words and phrases,
readily intelligible, and thus to present them apart from the con
text which, in the original, renders the calumny harmless and
even ridiculous.

* " A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific
Ocean, &c. By James Burney, Captain in the Royal Navy," vol. i. p. 162.
t Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i.

14.5

CHAP. XX.

CABOT ENTERS THE LA PLATA NECESSITY FOR CAUTION HIS PREDECESSOR

AS PILOT-MAJOR KILLED IN ATTEMPTING TO EXPLORE THAT RIVER —

CARRIES THE ISLAND OF ST. GABRIEL HIS PROGRESS TO ST. SALVADOR

WHERE A FORT IS ERECTED ITS POSITION LOSS IN TAKING POSSESSION.

CABOT was left in the neighbourhood of the La Plata at the moment
when, by a determined effort, he shook to air the mutiny that
sought to fasten on him.

It is plain, that after expelling the three individuals who, in
the event of his death, were named, in succession, to the com
mand in chief, he would not have been justified in proceeding,
with the Squadron which the Emperor had confided to him, on
the long and perilous voyage originally contemplated. He deter
mined, therefore, to put into the La Plata and send advice of what
had occurred. His predecessor in the office of Pilot-Major, Diego
de Solis, had been slain in attempting to explore this river ; Cabot
now resolved to renew the experiment.

An additional reason for postponing, until further orders, the
prosecution of the enterprise was the loss, by shipwreck, of
one of the vessels. This fact is mentioned by Richard Eden,
(Decades, fol. 316,) who has a chapter on the region of the La
Plata in which he adverts to the expedition, in terms* that
bespeak the reports conveyed to England, probably, by Robert
Thorne, then at Seville, and his two friends who were engaged in
it. He states the loss of the vessel, and that " the men that
saved their lyves by swymmynge were receaved into the other
shyppes."

* " The Emperoure's Majestic and Kynge of Spayne Charles the fifte, sente
forthe Sebastian Cabot (a man of great courage and sky] full in Cosmographie,
and of no lesse experience as concernynge the starres and the sea) with com
mandment," &c.

146

It is the more necessary to understand the considerations by
which Cabot was influenced, as in a recent work, (Dr. Lardner's
Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and Inland Discovery, vol. ii.
p. 89,) the following strange assertion is found amidst a tissue of
errors : " On touching at the mouth of the river in which Solis
had lost his life, Cabot found two Spaniards who had deserted from
that Commander, besides fifteen other stragglers from subsequent
expeditions. All these men concurred in representing the country
up the river as singularly rich in the precious metals, and easily
persuaded Cabot to proceed in that direction !" Not the slightest
allusion is made to the mutiny, or to the loss of one of the vessels.
Thus, an Officer in command of the Emperor's squadron with
specific orders, and under bond, moreover, to the merchants of
Seville, is represented as abandoning his duty and becoming an
easy dupe to the idle stories of some runaways !

At this point we have again to deplore the loss of Cabot's
Maps. One of them described his course up the La Plata, and
would seem to have been made public, for Eden (Decades,
fol. 316) says, " From the mouth of the river, Cabot sayled up
the same into the lande for the space of three hundreth and fiftie
leagues, as he wryteth in his own Carde." This statement is the
more important, as the extent of his progress has been singularly
misrepresented.

In the Conversation reported by Ramusio, and usually con
nected with the name of Butrigarius the Pope's legate, Cabot is
made to say that he sailed up the La Plata more than six hundred
leagues.* This is the passage, it may be remembered, which
the Biographic Universelle could not find in Ramusio. Eden
correctly translates it, (Decades, fol. 255,) but Hakluyt, who
adopts his version with anxious servility, up to this point, has
" more than six score leagues" ! (vol. iii. p. 7,) thus furnishing
a new proof of his utter faithlessness. The exaggeration of the

* " Et andai all' inau per quello piu de secento leyhe." Ramusio, torn. i.
fol. 415.

147

original, as honestly given by Eden, prepares us for Ramusio's
remark, to which reference has already been made, that he could
not pretend to trust his memory about the exact terms of the Con
versation. Hakluyt, by an arbitrary and absurd reduction, not
only obscures this presumptive evidence of general error, but leads
us to infer — as such matters are usually over-rated — that, in point
of fact, Cabot did not proceed so far. It will appear, presently,
that there was no exaggeration in the statement of the " Card."

The career on which Cabot was now entering demanded cir
cumspection as well as courage. De Solis with a party of fifty
men had been fiercely assailed and cut off, the bodies of himself
and his companions devoured by the ferocious natives, and the
survivors of the expedition, who witnessed the scene from the ships,
had left the river in dismay, and returned to Spain writh the
horrid news.* In accompanying Cabot we take Herrera as our
principal guide, (Dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. iii.) Running boldly up
the river, which is to this day the dread of navigators, he reached
a small island about half a league from the Northern shore, nearly
opposite the present Buenos Ayres, and gave to it the name of
Gabriel, which it yet bears. It is a short distance from Martin
Garcia's island, so called after the Pilot of De Solis who was
buried there, (Eden Decades, fol.316.) The natives had collected
and made a very formidable show of resistance, but Cabot, accord
ing to Eden, " without respect of peril, thought best to expugne
it by one meanes or other, wherein his boldness tooke good effecte
as oftentymes chaunceth in great affayres." (Eden, fol. 316.)

At this island Cabot left his ships, and proceeding seven leagues
further in boats, reached a river, to which he gave the name
of St. Salvador. As it offered a safe and commodious harbour,
he returned and brought up the ships, but was obliged to lighten
them at the entrance of the river. Here he erected a Fort.

* Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. i. cap. vii. Peter Martyr, Dec. iii. cap. x. Go-
marra, cap. Ixxxix. " Lo mataron ; i comieron con todos las Espanoles que
saco, i aun quebraron el batel. Los otros que de los Navios miraban, alcaron
anclas i velas, sin osar tornar venganca de la muerte de su Capitan."

148

It is obvious, on looking at a map of this reign, and comparing
it with the statement of Herrera, that the river spoken of might be
either the Uruguay, which, on the right, takes a northern direc
tion, or one of the various streams into which the Parana is broken
by the islands at its mouth. Cabot would hardly follow the
Uruguay, because it evidently struck into Brasil, and, at a much
higher point of ascent, he is found avoiding, expressly for that
reason, a great river on the right hand. In speaking of the posi
tion occupied by his ships he states it, according to Herrera, to be
on the Brasil, meaning the northern side of the river, a mode of
designation, which, supposing him, as we reasonably may, to have
been aware of the general course of the great stream discovered
by De Solis, would not distinguish any position up the Uruguay,
both sides of which were equally within that region, according to
the distribution with reference to which he spoke. But the posi
tion of St. Salvador is conclusively settled by information from
another quarter. In Hakluyt, (vol. iii. p. 729,) is "a Ruttier for
The River Plate." The pilot who prepared it gives the various
methods of striking the mouths of the Parana in proceeding from
the island of Martin Garcia. A caution is interposed — " and if
you fall into the mouth of the river which is called the Uruay you
must leave it on the right hand." He adds that all the mouths
of the Parana, which are five in number, have their eastern ter
mination infested with shoals for an extent of more than* two
leagues. Describing one of the routes more particularly, he says,
" From the isle of Martin Garcia unto St. Salvador is nine or ten
leagues. This is an island which stand eth two leagues within the
first mouth, where Sebastian Caboto took possession." The pilot,
it will be seen, gives the name of St. Salvador, not to the river,
but to a port. Cabot himself does the same, for in describing the
assault finally made on the upper fort by the natives, he speaks
of a similar attack on the port of St. Salvador, where the ships
lay.* It seems certain, then, that the first position fortified by

* " Lo mesmo hizieron de la poblacion que avian hecho en el puerto que
llaman de S. Salvador adonde estaban los navios." (Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. viii.
cap. xi.)

149

Cabot was in the most northern mouth of the Parana, on an island
about two leagues from where it reaches the La Plata. On the
map of Louis Stanislaus d'Arcy de la Rochette,* this most
northern avenue is divided into two parts, the upper of which is
designated as " Rio Paca," and the lower, that issues into the La
Plata, as " Rio Naranjos." St. Salvador was, of course, situated on
the latter, or perhaps on the stream next in order to the south which
also communicates with the Rio Paca and thus forms with the
Rio Naranjos a considerable delta. In a Memoir drawn up by
Lopez Vaz, a Portuguese, and taken with the author by the fleet
sent forth in 1586 by the Earl of Cumberland, the fort where
Cabot left his ships is said to be then standing. Its distance
from the sea is, however, misstated either by him or the translator.
(Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 788.)

It is desirable to fix this first point of occupation, not only as
a matter curious in itself, but because Charlevoix, (Histoire du
Paraguay, torn. i. p. 27,) with his usual wild inaccuracy, would
throw the whole subject into confusion. He represents Cabot
to have finally left the ships at the island of St. Gabriel, and pro
ceeded in boats up the Uruguay, by mistake, and he imagines
two reasons why such a blunder was committed. He doos not
even allow the Uruguay to have been the St. Salvador, but makes
it one of the tributaries of that river a considerable distance up
the stream.

In order to avoid the tedious interruption of the narrative, one
other probable misconception was not adverted to at the moment.

* " Colombia prima or South America, in which it has been attempted to
delineate the extent of our knowledge of that continent, extracted chiefly from
the original manuscript Maps of His Excellency, the late Chevalier Pinto ; like
wise from those of Joao Joaquim da Rocha, Joao da Costa Ferreira, El Padre
Francisco Manuel Sobreviela, &c. And from the most authentic edited accounts
of those countries. Digested and constructed by the late eminent and learned
Geographer, Louis Stanislas D'Arcy de la Rochette. London, published by
William Faden, Geographer to His Majesty and to His Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales, June 4th, 1807." This Map is in the Topographical Depart
ment of the King's Library, British Museum.

150

It has been assumed, with Herrera, that Cabot left his vessels at the
island of St. Gabriel, and proceeded thence in boats. More pro
bably, however, the island of Martin Garcia was the one intended.
Eden says expressly, (fol. 316,) that De Solis was killed in at
tempting to take possession of the island of Martin Garcia, and
that it was the same afterwards carried by Cabot. We must bear
in mind that Herrera is giving, somewhat loftily and reluctantly,
the details of an expedition to which he attaches little importance,
and he might not care for minute accuracy. He saw the name
of Gabriel conferred by Cabot, and did not choose, perhaps, to
occupy the page of his History with describing the further pro
gress of six leagues before the ships were quitted. The account
of Eden, who approached the subject in a different temper, is
confirmed by other considerations. The island is spoken of by
Herrera as one standing by itself. Now the St. Gabriel is a group
of small islets, correctly stated in the "Ruttier" to be five in
number. But still more conclusively : Cabot's report, as given
by Herrera, states that seven leagues from the island at which he
left his ships, he came to the mouth of a river, which he called
St. Salvador, and to which he afterwards brought up his ships.
Now the " Ruttier" speaks of the position at St. Salvador, as nine
leagues in all from the island of Martin Garcia, two of which being
up the St. Salvador, there is, of course, an exact correspondence.
The St. Gabriel group, on the contrary, is correctly stated in the
" Ruttier" to lie six leagues lower down than the island of Martin
Garcia. While the statement of Eden produces greater harmony
in the accounts, the position of the fort is not contingent on
success in this reconciliation, but seems conclusively settled by
the language of the " Ruttier."

An incident is mentioned by Gomarra,* but without the atten
dant circumstances, as occurring at this point, from which it would

* Gomarra, cap. Ixxxix. " En el puerto de San Salvador que es otro Rio
quarenta Icguas arriba, que entra en el de la Plata, le mataron los Indies dos
Espanoles i no los quisieron comer diciendo que eran Soldados que ia los
havian probado en Solis i sus compafieros."

151

appear that the position was not gained without resistance. The
natives killed and carried off two Spaniards, but declared, in a
spirit of fierce derision, that they would not eat them, as they were
soldiers, of whose flesh they had already had a specimen in De
Soils and his followers !

152

CHAP. XXI.

CABOT PROCEEDS UP THE PARANA ERECTS ANOTHER FORT CALLED SANTUS

SPIRITUS, AND AFTERWARDS FORT CABOT ITS POSITION CONTINUES TO

ASCEND— CURIOSITY OF THE NATIVES AS TO THE EXPEDITION PASSES

THE MOUTH OF THE PARANA ENTERS THE PARAGUAY SANGUINARY

BATTLE THIRTY-FOUR LEAGUES UP THAT RIVER THREE HUNDRED OF

THE NATIVES KILLED, WITH A LOSS TO CABOT OF TWENTY -FIVE OF HIS
PARTY MAINTAINS HIS POSITION GARCIA ENTERS THE RIVER INTER
VIEW WITH CABOT MISTAKES OF CHARLEVOIX, &C. CABOT RETURNS TO

THE FORT "SANTUS SPIRITUS."

HAVING completed the Fort, and taken every precaution for the
safety of the ships at St. Salvador, Cabot resolved to ascend the
Parana. Leaving, therefore, a party under the command of
Antonio de Grajeda, he proceeded in the boats and a caravel
cut down for the purpose. The point at which he next paused,
and built a second Fort, is not a matter of doubt. It was on the
south bank of the Parana, near a river called by the natives
Zarcaranna or Carcaranna. This name was subsequently
changed by the Spaniards into Terceiro. On the map of De la
Rochette, already referred to, and also on that of Juan de la Cruz
Canoy Olmedilla,* it is designated at the early stages as Terceiro,
but lower down, gathering strength, it reassumes the aboriginal

* " Mapa Geografica de America Meridional dispuesto y gravado por de Juan
de la Cruz Canoy Olmedilla, Geogf°- Pensdo- de S. M. Individuo de la Rl. Aca-
demia de Sn. Fernando, y de la Sociedad Bascongada de los Amigos del Pais ;
teniendo presentes varios raapas y noticias originales con arreglo a observaciones
astronomicas Ano de 1775. Este Mapa de los Dorainios Espanoles y Por
tugueses en America Meredional, es una copia literal y exacta de un Mapa
Espanol mui raro ; compuesto y gravado en Madrid, ano 1775, de orden del
Key Espana, por Dn« Juan de la Cruz Cano y Olmedilla, Geofo- Pedo- de S.
M. C. Londres Publicardo por Guillermo Faden, Geografo del Rey, y del
Principe de Gales, Enero 1. de 1799."

153

title. The Fort stood not immediately on the bank of this
river but some miles further up the Parana, as appears by the
earliest maps, and by the small but admirable one of D'An-
ville, in vol. xxi. of the " Lettres, Edifiantes et curieuses."* On
the great map of De la Rochette its position is marked with much
precision. There is laid down the " Cart Road" from Buenos
Ay res to Sante Fe, which passes through El Rosario and S. Mi
guel; then comes " el Rincon de Caboto, Fort destroyed;" then
Calcachi, and, a little beyond this last, the river Monge. The
same representation is made, substantially, by Juan de la Cruz
Canay Olmedilla. The only remark of Cabot with regard to the
natives of this quarter which Herrera repeats is, that they were
intelligent (" gente de buena razon.")

He left in this fort a garrison under the command of Gregorio
Caro, who had commanded the Maria del Espinar one of the
ships of the squadron, and proceeded in person further up the
river. His force must now have been inconsiderable, consisting,
as it did, originally, of only one hundred and fifty men, increased
perhaps by the gentlemen volunteers. Besides the loss of three
principal officers, and inevitable mortality, he had weakened his
numbers by leaving garrisons in two forts. Yet his plan was, un
doubtedly, a prudent one of thus forming points on which he could
fall back, in case of disaster, and break the force and rapidity of
a rush towards the vessels. Herrera furnishes no account of his
intermediate movements until he reaches the Parana. The inci
dents which occurred during that long and interesting route are
therefore unknown, except from a slight glimpse given in the Con
versation reported in Ramusio. In ascending the river, Cabot is
there represented as " fyndynge it every where verye fayre and
inhabited with infinite people which with ad my ration came runn-
ynge dayly to oure shyppes."f

* " Lettres Edifiantes et curieuses ecrites des Missions Etrangers par quel-
ques Missionaires de la Campagnie de Jesus." The work is in. the King's
Library, British Museum, (title in Catalogue Epistola.}

t Richard Eden's Decades, fol. 255. The original in Ramusio, torn. i. fol.

154

On reaching the junction of the Parana and Paraguay, he saw
that the direction of the former was to Brasil, and, therefore,
leaving it on his right he ascended thirty-four leagues up the
other.

The region on which he was now entering presented a new
aspect. For the first time, the natives were found engaged
in the cultivation of the soil, and, with the feeling that springs
from exclusive property, they regarded the strangers with jealousy.
The tribes in this quarter are marked, both on the old and the
recent maps, as distinguished for ferocity and as the deadliest
enemies of the Spaniards and Portuguese. A collision soon took
place. Three of Cabot's men having, incautiously, strayed from
the main body to gather the fruit of the palm tree, were seized
by the natives. There followed a fierce and very sanguinary
battle. Three hundred of the natives were killed, and Cabot lost
twenty-five of his party.5* He would seem to have maintained
his position, for, among the incidents occurring below, to which it
is time to turn, we find the commander of the lower fort apprised,
by letter, of what had taken place.

The Portuguese Diego Garcia now re-appears in the narrative
of Herrera. That personage, who had left Spain in August 1526,
after touching at the Canaries and Cape de Verds proceeded to
the coast of Brasil, and is found in January 1527-f- at the Abrol-
hos shoals. He visits the Bay of All Saints, the Island of Patos,
(now St. Catherine) all places at which Cabot had touched, and
finally the La Plata. We are now without dates, except that in
ascending the river Good Friday is mentioned as the day of his
departure from Santus Spiritus.J Of his previous history no
thing is known, except from the anecdote told by Herrera of the
fraud on his employers in hiring the principal vessel to the slave-
dealer at Cape Vincent. We might charitably conclude that he

415. " Trovandolo sempre bellissimo et habitato da infiniti popoli che per
maraviglia correvano a vedermi."

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i. -f lb., Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i,

I Ib., Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i.

155

was looking for Juan de Cartagena and the French priest ; but,
unfortunately for his fair fame, those persons were put on shore
by Magellan, at Port St. Julien, in Patagonia, some fifteen de
grees to the southward of the La Plata.

He found the ships of Cabot at St. Salvador, as we left them,
under the charge of Antonio de Grajeda, whose anxious vigilance
was increased by a letter just received from Cabot, announcing the
bloody affair above, and probably sent down with the wounded.
Grajeda, seeing strangers approach, supposed that they were the
mutineers whom Cabot had put on shore, the two brothers Roxas
and Martin Mendez.* Under this impression, he manned his
boats, and proceeded in force against them. At the moment of
collision, Diego Garcia caused himself to be recognized, and the
parties returned amicably together to St. Salvador. Garcia here
sent away his ship to fulfil the contract about the slaves, and
brought his remaining small vessels to St. Salvador, which was
found, on examination, to offer the most secure harbour. Proceed
ing up the river with two brigantines and sixty men, he reached
the Fort of Santus Spirit us, and required the commander, Gre-
gorio Caro, to surrender it, as the right of discovery belonged not
to Cabot, but to himself, under the orders of the Emperor. The
answer of Caro was, that he held the Fort in the name of the
Emperor and of Sebastian Cabot ; but that he was willing to ren
der it useful, in any way, to the new-comers. He begged, as a
favour, of Garcia that if, on ascending the river, he found that any
of the Spaniards had been taken, he would use his efforts to ran
som them, " because although he knew that Cabot had defeated
the Indians, yet it was impossible but that some must have been

* Here occurs the expression from which it is inferred, that the two
mutineers whose names are so nearly alike were brothers, " vieron dos naos
de Sebastian Gaboto cuio Teniente era Anton de Grajeda que salio con ciertos
Canoas i un Batel armados pensando que eran los dos Hermanns R&xas i Martin
Mendez, que iban contra el porque Sebastian Gaboto, por inquietos, los havia
dexado en una isla desterrados entre los Indies. " Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. i.

156

taken."* It is plain, from these expressions, that Cabot was known
to have made good his stand. Caro personally pledged himself
to the repayment of whatever Garcia might find it necessary to
advance in the way of ransom; and he begged, if Cabot had fallen
that Garcia would not leave them in that country.f

On arriving at the junction of the Parana and Paraguay,
Garcia, instead of proceeding to support Cabot, turned into the
former river, about which he makes a report that Herrera declines
to insert, as Nunez Cabeca de Vaca had subsequently examined
it with greater care. At length, he reached the Port of Santa
Anaj the name given by Cabot to his last position. Herrera, al
though not accurate as to distances, determines the place of
meeting, by stating it to have been where the Indians had killed
twenty-five Spaniards; and having his own authority for fixing
that point thirty-four leagues up the Paraguay, we may suppose
that Cabot, after chastising the natives, had come to a good
understanding with them. He was employed, as we shall here
after have reason to conclude, in diligently collecting information
about the region from which had been brought the precious
metals that he saw in this quarter.

Of the circumstances attending the interview at Santa Ana
nothing is known ; but Garcia, doubtless, repeated the remon
strance which he had addressed to the commander of the fort. It
was not in the character of Cabot, or consistent with his standing
in Spain, to struggle for lawless, or even doubtful, power, and he
descended the river in company with Garcia.

In the absence of any evidence as to these points, imagination
has been drawn upon. Charlevoix, as has been already stated,
supposes Garcia to have been sent into the La Plata by the Cap
tain-General of Brasilj thus betraying an entire ignorance of the

* " Porque aunque sabia que Sebastian Gaboto havia dcsbaratado los Indios
era imposible que no huviesen peligrado algunos." Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. i.

t " Que si hallase muerto a Sebastian Gaboto le rogaba que no los dexasse
alii." Ib.

157

precise statement of Herrera, and of the fact that there was
no such officer as he speaks of, until many years after. To suit
this main fiction, he fabricates a series of collateral incidents
equally unfounded and ridiculous.^

* " Gabot vit arriver a son Camp un capitaine Portugais nomine Diegue
Garcias lequel avoit ete envoie par le Capitaine General de Bresil pour recon
noitre le pa'is et en prendre possession au nom de la Couronne de Portugal
mais qui n'avoit pas assez de monde pour executer sa Commission malgre les
Espagnols, qu'il ne s'etoit pas attendu de trouver en si grande nombre sur les
bords du Paraguay. Gabot de son cote fit reflexion qu'il ne pourroit jamais
empecher les Portugais de se rendre maitres du pays si ils y revenoient avec des
forces superieures que la proximite du Bresil leur donnoit le mo'ien d'y faire
entrer en peu de terns ; sur quoi il prit le parti de faire guelques presens a Gar
cias pour I'engager a le suivre au Fort du S. Esprit. II y reussit !" &c. &c.

158

CHAP. XXII.

CABOT'S REPORT TO CHARLES v. — ITS PRESUMED CONTENTS — PROSPECT WHICH

IT HELD OUT — PERU CONTEMPLATED IN HIS ORIGINAL PLAN OF 1524

SPECIMENS FOUND BY CABOT OF THE PRECIOUS METALS OBTAINED THENCE

BY THE GUARANIS EMPEROR RESOLVES ON A GREAT EXPEDITION HIS

PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENTS P1ZARRO OFFERS TO MAKE THE CONQUEST

OF PERU AT HIS OWN EXPENSE REFLECTIONS THE NAME RIO DE LA

PLATA NOT CONFERRED BY CABOT—MISREPRESENTATION ON THIS AND
OTHER POINTS.

ON returning to the Fort of Santtis Spiritus, Cabot made arrange
ments to convey to the Emperor intelligence of his discoveries.
He prepared, also, a comprehensive statement of the incidents
which had occurred since he left Seville, and of the circumstances
which compelled him to abandon the expedition originally con
templated. This report is referred to by Herrera ;* but while all
the calumnies of Cabot's enemies are repeated, he furnishes, as
has been before remarked, no part of the vindication which must
have been conclusive. This document is probably yet in existence
amongst the archives of Spain.

The bearers of the communication were Hernando Calderon,
and an individual designated by Herrera in one place as Jorge
Barlo, and in another as Jorge Barloque, conjectured to have
been one of the two English gentlemen, friends of Thome, who
accompanied the expedition, and whose name, probably George
Barlow, has undergone a slighter transformation than might have
been anticipated.

Of the hopes and prospects which this communication held out
we are ignorant ; and only know that the Emperor resolved to fit

* Dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. i.

159

out a great expedition, but that the execution of his intention was
unfortunately too long delayed.

It may well be imagined that the expectations of Cabot had
been raised to a high pitch, and that he eagerly solicited permis
sion and means to follow up the enterprise. He had reached the
waters which, rising in Potosi, fall into the Paraguay, and had,
doubtless, ascertained the quarter to which the natives were in
debted for those ornaments of the precious metals which he saw
about their persons. Even from the fort on the Parana, the ob
stacles between him and Peru present no very formidable difficulty
to the modern traveller. That he had his eye on that empire, the
riches of which Pizarro was enabled, a few years afterwards, to
reach by a different route, may be inferred from the care with
which he is found collecting information, and the obvious facilities
which they disclose. In an abstract given by Herrera of Ca
bot's final report to the emperor, there occur the following pas
sages : —

" The principal tribe of Indians in that region are the Guaranis, a people war
like, treacherous, and arrogant, who give the appellation of slaves to all who
speak a different language/' " In the time of Guynacapa, King of Peru, father
of Atabilipa, these people made an irruption into his dominions, which extend
more than five hundred leagues, and reached Peru, and after a most destructive
progress, returned home in triumph," &c. " Cabot negotiated a peace with
this tribe. By friendly intercourse he came to learn many secrets of the coun
try, and procured from them gold and silver which they had brought from
Peru," &c.*

It had been a part of Cabot's original plan, as stated by Peter

* " La relacion que hiyo al Key fue que la mas principal generacion de Indies
de aquella tierra son los Guaranis, gente guerrera, traydora y sobervia, y que
llaman esclavos a todos los que no son de su lengua." Herrera, Dec. iv. lib.
viii. cap. xi. " Entiempo de Guaynacapa, Rey de el Peru Padre de Atabilipa,
salieron grandes companias y caminando por todos las tierras de su nacion,
que se estenden mas de quinientas leguas llegaron a tierra del Peru y despues
de aver hecho grandes destruyciones se bolvieron vitoriosos a su naturalega."
— Ib. " Y haviendo hecho Sebastian Goboto la Paz con esta generacion, &c. con
el amitad destos supo muchos secretes de la tierra y huvo de ellos oro y plata de
la que traian del Peru,"

160

Martyr, to visit the western coast of America ; " Having passed
the winding Strait of Magellan, he is to direct his course to the
right hand in the rear of our supposed Continent." " He will
scour along all the South side of our supposed Continent, and
arrive at the Colonies of Panama and Nata erected on those
shores, the bounds of the Golden Castile, and whosoever at that
time shall be governor of that province called Golden Castile is
to give us intelligence of his success."* Cabot now found him
self within striking distance of these regions, and the intelligence
received quickened his eagerness to reach them. The intervening
obstacles were nothing to his restless activity and indomitable
spirit, and the opposition to be encountered not worth a thought
when he knew that a war-party of the savages, whom his own
little band had so severely chastised, were able to overrun the
Empire of Peru and carry off its treasures.

But however well disposed the Emperor might be to yield a
ready belief to the representations of Cabot, the means were
absolutely wanting to furnish the promised aid. The only key
to this part of the history of Charles V., is a recollection of his
struggles with pecuniary embarrassment. The soldiers of Bour
bon had mutinied for want of pay, and were brought back
to duty only by the great personal exertions and influence of
their chief, and by the hope of plunder ; and even after the sack
of Rome, they refused to quit that city until the arrears due to
them should be discharged, " a condition," says Dr. Robertson,f
" which they knew to be impossible." During the very year
in which Cabot's messengers arrived, the Cortes had refused
the grant of money solicited by the Emperor. J We have already
had occasion to advert to the mortgage of the Moluccas to
Portugal in 1529, as security for a loan, to the infinite chagrin
of his Castilian subjects. Pizarro had the advantage of being
able to employ personal importunity, and he asked no money.

* Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. vi.
t Life of Charles V., book v.
Jib.

161

On 26th July 1528, the Emperor yielded to that adventurer a
grant of the entire range of coast, which it had been part of
Cabot's plan of 1524 to visit. At his own expense Pizarro en
gaged to raise a large force, " and to provide the ships, arms,
and warlike stores requisite, towards subjecting to the Crown of
Castile the country of which the government was allotted to him."*
He proceeded at once to the task, though it was not until
February 1531 that he was enabled to set out from Panama on
his successful, but infamous, career.

It were idle to indulge the imagination, in speculating on the
probable result had the expedition to Peru been conducted by
Cabot. With all the better qualities of Pizarro, it is certain that
the very elevation of his moral character must have stood in the
way of that rapid desolation, and fierce exaction, which have
made the downfal of the Peruvian Empire a subject of vulgar
admiration. In following Pizarro, the heart sickens at a tissue
of cruelty, fraud, treachery, and cold-blooded murder, unrelieved
even by the presence of great danger, for after the resistance at
the island of Puna, which detained him for six months, no se
rious obstacles were encountered. Even the Guaranis, who had
achieved an easy conquest over the unwarlike Peruvians, in the
preceding reign, were guiltless of the atrocities which marked
his progress. Of one thing we may be certain. Had the conquest
fallen to the lot of Cabot, the blackest page of the History of
Spanish America would have been spared. The murder of the
Inca to gratify the pique of an illiterate f ruffian, forms one of the

* Robertson's History of America, book vi.

f " Among all the European Arts, what he admired most was that of read
ing and writing ; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he should
regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine this, he de
sired one of the soldiers, who guarded him, to write the name of God on the
nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to several Spaniards, asking
its meaning ; and to his amazement, they all, without hesitation, returned the
same answer. At length Pizarro entered ; and on presenting it to him, he
blushed, and with some confusion was obliged to acknowledge his ignorance.
From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as a mean person, less instructed

162

most horrid images of History. It was no less impolitic than
atrocious, and roused the indignation even of the desperadoes who
accompanied Pizarro. The career of Cabot who, at the Council
Board of the Indies, had been a party to the order forbidding even
the abduction of a Native, could not have been stained by crimes
which make us turn with horror from the guilty splendour of the
page that records them.

Reverting to the Despatch of Cabot to the Emperor, it remains
to notice a charge against him of having conferred the name Rio
de La Plata, or River of Silver, with a view to colour his failure,
and to encourage deceptive hopes. Now Gomara, who wrote
half a century before Herrera, tells us expressly that this designa
tion was given by the original discoverer, De Solis. (cap. Ixxxix.)

" Topo con un grandissimo Rio que los Natuiales llaman Paranagua£a, que
quiere decir Rio como Mar o Agua grande ; vido en el muestra de Plata, t
nombrolo de ella." (" He fell in with an immense river which the natives
called Paranayuaca, that is to say, a river like the sea or great water ; he saw
in it specimens of silver, and named it from t/tat circumstance.")

Thus in a work dedicated to the Emperor, we find the origin of
that name which Cabot is represented to have fraudently con
ferred so long afterwards for the purpose of misleading him !

The same statement is made by Lopez Vaz, (Hakluyt, vol. iii.
p. 788,) " The first Spaniard that entered this river and inha
bited the same, was called Solis, who passed up a hundred leagues
into it, and called it by the name of Rio de La Plata, that is'to say.
The River of Silver."

Herrera gives a somewhat different account. In the chapter
devoted to Garcia's expedition, he says, after speaking of the pre
cious metals obtained by Cabot,

" Tambien Diego Garcia huvo alguna cantidad de Plata de los Indies, desde

than his own soldiers ; and he had not address enough to conceal the senti
ments with which this discovery inspired him. To be the object of a barba
rian's scorn, not only mortified the pride of Pizarro, but excited such resentment
in his breast, as added force to all the other considerations whicli prompted
him to put the Tnca to death." (Robertson's Hist. America.)

163

donde se llaino este Rio de la Plata porque fue la primera que se traxo a Cas-
tilla de las Indios, i era de la que los Indios Guaranis traian en planchas i
otras pie£as grandes de las Provincias del Peru."*

Let us, then, for a moment, suppose Gomara and Lopez Vaz
in error ; and further, that the title was not a device of Garcia
who was struggling to connect himself ostentatiously with this
region — who boasts of his superior activity in exploring it — and
with whose name, previously rendered infamous, Herrera more
immediately associates the appellation. After all these conces
sions it would then appear that the epithet was one popularly ap
plied, (like Brazil, the Spice Islands, the Sugar Islands, &c.)
from the article, — the Silver of Potosi, — which had been brought
thence and attracted general attention and interest. There is not
the least reason to suppose that it was conferred by Cabot, or that
he concealed the quarter whence the treasure came — a fact which
Herrera is found correctly stating from his Report. That docu
ment was doubtless full and explicit ; giving a prominent place to
the hopes which had been excited, but with a statement, also, of
the great fertility of the country, its healthy climate, and general
advantages for colonization, aside from the avenue it offered to
those regions of the precious metals embraced in the plan of
1524.

But while of the Spanish writers, evil-disposed as they are to
Cabot, no one has ventured to put forth any such charge of de
ception, his own countrymen have exhibited an eager anxiety
to fasten on him the odious accusation. Two specimens may
suffice : —

" Cabot, in the mean time, contrived to send home to the Emperor an account
of his proceedings ; and as he had found among the savages of the interior
some ornaments of gold and silver, which he easily obtained in exchange for

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. i. cap. i. " Diego Garcia also obtained some por
tion of silver from the Indians, whence it was called Rio de La Plata, or River
of Silver, because this was the first of that metal brought to Spain from the
Indies, and it was part of that which the Guaranis Indians obtained in plates
and other large pieces from the Provinces of Peru."

164

various trinkets, he took advantage of this slender circumstance to represent
the country as abounding in those metals ; and in conformity with his descrip
tion, he gave the river the name of La Plata."*

" Juan Dias de Solis had discovered a prodigious river to which he gave his
own name, and where he was killed and eaten by an ambush of savages. In
1525, [this error has already been exposed] Cabot, following the tract of
Magalhaens, arrived at the same stream, and explored it as high as the Para
guay. A little gold and silver, which had been obtained from the natives,
raised his opinion of the importance of the country; the river was named Rio
de la Plata, and many an adventurer was lured to his destruction by this
deceptive title. "\

It is scarcely necessary to add that the statement that Cabot
was "sent to the coast of Brasil, where he made the important
discovery of the Rio de la Plata/*J advances for him an unfounded
claim. Some difference of opinion exists as to the time of the
discovery by De Solis. Herrera, in the " Description de las Indias
Occidentals," (cap. xxiv.) prefixed to his History, says, " Juan
Diaz de Solis descubrio el Rio de la Plata aflo de 1515 i Sebas
tian Gaboto Ingles iendo con armada por orden del Emperador,"
8cc. (" Juan Diaz de Solis discovered the Rio de la Plata, and
Sebastian Cabot, an Englishman, proceeding afterwards with a
squadron by order of the Emperor," &c.) According to some ac
counts, the discovery of De Solis took place a few years before
the date here mentioned ; but no doubt exists as to the fact of an
antecedent visit by him. It is not necessary to inquire here into
the yet earlier claims of others.

* Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and Inland Discovery,
vol. ii. p. 89.

f Quarterly Review, vol. iv. p. 459-

J Historical Account of Discoveries, &c. by Hugh Murray, Esq. (Vol. i.
p. 65.) The same idle assertion is made by Mr. Barrow, in the Chronological
History of Voyages, &c. p. 35.

165

CHAP. XXIII.

CABOT'S RESIDENCE IN THE LA PLATA — SUBJECTION OF REMOTE TRIBES —

CLAIMS OF SPAIN RESTED ON THIS EXPEDITION TREATY WITH THE

GUARANIS DETAILED REPORT TO THE EMPEROR AS TO THE PRODUC
TIONS, ETC. OF t THE COUNTRY MISCONDUCT OF THE FOLLOWERS OF

GARCIA LEADS TO A GENERAL ATTACK FROM THE NATIVES RETURN

TO SPAIN.

CABOT'S residence in the La Plata, though measured tediously
by hope deferred, and finally blasted, was not passed inactively.
The small force which remained, after one of the vessels had been
despatched to Europe, might be supposed insufficient to en
able him to maintain his position ; yet it is certain that his ope
rations were of a very bold and adventurous character. He seems
to have pushed his researches as far as could be done without
quitting the waters which enabled him to be promptly advised
of the arrival of the expected reinforcement.

Of these operations we are left to gather the extent rather from
circumstances than any direct information afforded by the Spanish
historians. In a Memoir prepared by the Court of Spain, to resist
the pretensions of Portugal, in this quarter, it is made the leading
argument, after an enumeration of a vast number of tribes, that
Sebastian Cabot erected forts in the country, administered justice
there in civil and criminal cases, and reduced all these Nations
under the obedience of the Emperor.*

It is impossible not to be struck by the reflection which this

* Hen-era, Dec. iv. lib. viii. cap- xi. " Que Sebastian Gaboto avia edificado
en aquellas tierras fortalezas y exercitado justicia civil y criminal y traido a la
obediencia Real todas las sobredichas generaciones."

166

passage suggests, as to what may almost be termed the ubiquity of
this adventurous and indefatigable seaman in the new world.
While England has rested her claim at one extremity of it, and
Spain at the other, on the personal agency of the same Native of
Bristol, we have an assurance that he was found at the interme
diate point, with a party of Englishmen, on the first visit of the
individual whose name now overspreads the whole.

Some of the tribes referred to are named in the following pas
sage of Herrera — •

" The Guaranis occupy the islands. The principal nations are the C/iarruas
and the Quirondis. On a river on the left-hand are the Carcaras, and yet fur
ther up the Trimbus the Ourundas and Camis. Yet higher are the Quilbasas,
Calchines, and Chanas who are savages. After these come the Mecoretas and
the Mepenes, who continue for an extent of 100 leagues. Beyond these are
twenty-seven nations of different appellations, and languages and customs
almost dissimilar, the names of which are omitted for fear of being tedious
(" Que por no darmolestia se dexan de nombrar."*)

The incursion of the Guaranis into Peru, has been adverted to.
On their return, some of the fierce invaders lingered on the way
and permanently occupied the mountains, whence they annoyed
the CharcaSy. their mode of warfare being to make night attacks,
and after sweeping every thing before them, to retire to their fast
nesses quite secure from pursuit. The Nation subjected to these
vexatious attacks is found to occupy the same position on the
modern maps.

As no supplies were received from Spain, subsistence must
have been drawn from the labours of the party. Experiments
were made on the fertility of the soil and the results carefully
noted.f Cabot's final report to the Emperor described, with great
minuteness, the various productions of that region, and spoke also
of the wonderful increase of the hogs, horses, &c. brought out
from Spain.J This Memoir would be, even at the present day,
highly curious and interesting. It is, doubtless, preserved in

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. viii. cap. xi.

f Gomarra, cap. Ixxxix. Eden, fol. 255, and again, foi. 317.

\ A brief abstract is found in Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. viii. cap. xi.

167

Spain, and there was probably a copy of it amongst the papers
left with Worthington,

In the midst of his labours the same evil spirit which had pur
sued him to the La Plata was preparing a final blow. The Por
tuguese, Diego Garcia, would seem to have quitted the country
immediately, with the specimens he had obtained of the precious
metals, but he left behind a party of his followers. These men
were guilty of some act which roused the wildest resentment of
the Guaranis with whom Cabot had made a treaty. It is ex
pressly declared that the latter had no concern with the cause of
exasperation,5^ but the vengeance of this fierce and sanguinary
people made no distinction, and it was determined to sacrifice
every white man in the country. Secret meetings were held, and
a plan of action deliberately concerted.

A little before day-break the whole nation burst upon the feeble
garrison of Santus Spiritus. It was carried, and the other position,
at St. Salvador, furiously assaulted. We have no particulars, but
know that Cabot must have repelled the shock, for he was enabled
to prepare for sea and to put on board the requisite supplies.
This done, he quitted the ill-omened region.

Amongst the wild tales which have passed into the traditions of
the La Plata, one would represent Cabot to have fallen in the
course of the sanguinary conflicts with the natives. This mis
conception is embodied in the " Argentina y Conquista Del Rio
de la Plata," a poem on its early history, written by Don Martin
de el Barco, and which finds a place in the Historiadores Primi
tives, (vol.iii.) —

" La muerte, pues, de aqueste ia sabida
El gran Carlos embia al buen Gaboto
Con una flata al gusto proveida
Como hombre que lo entiende i que es piloto ;
Entro en el Paranna, i ia sabida
La mas fuerc.a del Rio ha sido roto

* Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. viii. cap. xi. " For algunas occasiones que dieron
los soldados que fueron con Diego Garcia en que Sebastian Gaboto ne tuvo
culpa."

168

Del Guarani, dejando fabricada

La Torre de Gaboto bien nombrada

Algunos de los suios se escaparon

De aquel Rio Timbuz do fue la guerra

A Sant Salvador Rio se bajaron

A do la demas gente estaba en tierra

A nuestra dulce Espana se tornaron, &c."*

* Another story, but too obviously false to screen the writer from the charge
of fabrication, is found in Techo and embellished by Charlevoix (Histoire du
Paraguay, Tom. i. p. 29.) It represents Cabot to have left behind a force of
one hundred and twenty men, under the command of Nuno de Lara ; and a series
of romantic and tragic adventures is framed out of the attachment of a savage
chieftain to the wife of Hurtado, one of the principal officers of the Garrison !

169

CHAP. XXIV.

EMPLOYMENT OF CABOT AFTER HIS RETURN RESUMES HIS FUNCTIONS AS

PILOT-MAJOR MAKES SEVERAL VOYAGES HIS HIGH REPUTATION VISIT

OF A LEARNED ITALIAN CABOT'S ALLUSION TO COLUMBUS.

CABOT must now, in 1531, have begun to feel the influence of
advancing years, of which thirty-five had passed since the date of
that patent from Henry VII. under which he made the great dis
covery in the north. The interval had been replete with toil,
anxiety, and peril. Yet though he resumed, as we shall see, the
functions of Pilot-Major, an unbroken spirit of enterprise drew
him afterwards, repeatedly, on the Ocean. We turn now to the
only evidence which remains, scanty as it is, of the occupations of
this part of his life.

Enough has been already said of the circumstances which prove
that the defence submitted to the Emperor must have been com
pletely successful. The Conversation in Ramusio, heretofore so
often referred to, now offers its testimony as to the general opinion
in Spain, of his conduct during the eventful period through which
he has just been conducted.

The reputation brought from the La Plata could not have been
equivocal, for in the scenes through which Cabot had passed the
most latent particle of fear, or indecision, must have started fa
tally into notice. The survivors of the expedition had seen
Danger assume before him every terrifying form. In command of
Spaniards he stood alone — an obnoxious stranger — in a fierce
mutiny headed by brave and popular Spanish officers. He had
been seen amidst sanguinary encounters, hand to hand, with
hordes of ferocious savages, and extricating himself, on one occa
sion, only by the slaughter of more than three times the number of

170

his own force. And finally, in the face of the blood-thirsty Guaranis,
breaking furiously against his defences, he had calmly completed
his arrangements and brought off all his people in safety. As the
sail was spread, and they found themselves once more on the
Ocean, the overwrought anxieties of his companions would seem
to have melted into gratitude to their brave and ever-faithful
commander. In the last look at that scene, for years, of toil and
peril, how many incidents thronged before them all associated
memorably with Him who now stood on the deck guiding them
back to their country ! And the feelings of attachment and admi
ration with which they bade adieu to the La Plata, found an
eager expression, as we shall see, in the earliest report, at home,
of their eventful story.

In reverting to the Conversation in Ramusio, which discloses
the popular fame that henceforward attached itself to Cabot, we
must not be accused of inconsistency for deeming it worthy of
credit. The errors established heretofore were those in matter of
detail, with regard to which the memory might well be unfaithful.
The speaker is now to tell of the circumstances that led to the in
terview, and of general remarks better calculated to make a vivid
impression.

As this is the Conversation which the Biographic Universelle
could not find in Ramusio, we may be the more minute in our
quotations.

The learned speaker, after a long discussion on the subject of
cosmography, turns to the subject of the North- West Passage,
and asks Fracastor and Ramusio if they had not heard of Sebas
tian Cabot, " so valiant a man and so well practised in all things
pertaining to navigation and the science of cosmography, that at
this present he hath not his like in Spain, insomuch that for his
virtues he is preferred above all other pilots that sail to the West-
Indies, who may not pass thither without his license, and is there
fore called Piloto-Mayor, that is, the Grand Pilot."*

* Eden's Decades, fol. 255. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6. The original in Ra
musio (torn. i. fol. 414 D. Ed. of 1554) " Cosi valente ct pratico dclle cose

171

Receiving a reply in the negative, he proceeds to state, that
finding himself at Seville, and being anxious to learn something
of the .maritime discoveries of the Spaniards, the public voice
directed him to Sebastian Cabot as a very valiant man, (" un
gran valent huomo") then living in that city, who had the charge
of those things, (" che havea T carico di quelle.") A wish seized
him to see Cabot, ("subito volsi essere col detto.") He called,
and we are now, for the first time, brought into a direct personal
interview with this celebrated man.

" I found him a most gentle and courteous person, who treated me with
gieat kindness and shewed me a great many things ; amongst the rest a great
Map of the World, on which the several voyages of the Portuguese and
Spaniards were laid down."*

The conversation then turned on the voyage from England in
the time of Henry VII. and the subsequent events in the La Plata.
Speaking of his return from the latter expedition, Cabot says —

" After this I made many other voyages, which I now pretermit, and grow
ing old I give myself to rest from such labours, because there are now many
young and vigorous seamen of good experience, by whose forwardness I do
rejoice in the fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office as
you see/'f

It is delightful to notice the manner in which he refers to
Columbus. No paltry effort is made to despoil that great man of
any portion of his fame. He speaks of the effect which the news
produced in England; " All men with great admiration affirmed

pertinenti alia Navigatione et all Cosmographia che in Spagna al presente non
v'e suo pari et la sua virtu 1'ha fatto preporre a tutti li Pilotti che navigano
all' Indie Occidental!, che senza sua licenza non possono far quel essercitio et
per questo lo chiamano Pilotto Maggiore."

* " Lo trovai una gentilissima persona et cortese che mi fece gran carezze et
mostrommi molte cose et fra Taltre un Mapamondo grande colle navigation!
particolari, si di Portaghesi, come di Castigliani."

f " Feci poi molte altre navigation! le quali pretermetto et trovandomi alia
fine vecchio volsi riposare essendosi allevati tanti pratichi et valenti marinari
giovanni et hora me ne sto con questo carico che voi sapete, godendo il frutto
delle mie fatiche."

172

it to be a thing more divine than human."* The influence on
his own ardent temperament is well described, " by this fame and
report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to
attempt some notable thing. "f While such expressions would
rebuke an attempt to connect his name with the disparagement
of Columbus, they heighten the gratification with which we re
cognise his claim to the place that a foreign poet of no con
temptible merit — the companion of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his
voyage to the North, and writing from that region — has assigned
to him : —

Hanc tibi jamdudum primi invenere Britanni
Turn cum magnanimus nostra in regione Cabotus
Proximus a magno ostendit sua vela Columbo.%

* Eden's Decades, fol. 255. The original " dicendosi che era stata cosa piu
tosto divina che hurnana, &c." Ramusio, torn. i. fol. 415.

•f " Mi nacque un desiderio grande, anzi un ardor nel core di voler far an-
chora io quakhe cosa segnalata, 8fc." Ib.

I Budeius — in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143.

173

CHAP. XXV.

PERVERSION OF FACTS AND DATES BY HARRIS AND PINKERTON CABOT'S

RETURN TO ENGLAND PROBABLE INDUCEMENTS ERRONEOUS REASON

ASSIGNED BY MR. BARROW CHARLES V. MAKES A DEMAND ON THE KING

OF ENGLAND FOR HIS RETURN 'REFUSED PENSION TO CABOT DUTIES

CONFIDED TO HIM MORE EXTENSIVE THAN THOSE BELONGING TO THE

OFFICE OF PILOT-MAJOR INSTANCES.

OF the manner in which the order and nature of Cabot's services
have been misrepresented by English writers, some idea may be
formed from the following passage of Harris transplanted into
Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages, (vol. xii. p. 160.)

" Sebastian Cabot was employed by their Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand
and Isabella, [Isabella having been dead twenty-two years, and Ferdinand ten
years before he sailed] on a voyage for the discovery of the coasts of Brazil (!)
in which he had much better success than Americus Vespucius, who missed the
River of Plate, whereas Cabot found it, and sailed up it 360 miles [Hakluyt's
six score leagues] which gave him such a character at the court of their Ca
tholic Majesties, that on his return [in 1531] he was declared piloto maggiore
or grand pilot of Spain, and resided several years at Seville with that character,
and had the examination and approbation of all the pilots intrusted by that
government. Yet after some years, he thought fit to return into England,
and was employed by King Henry VIII. in conjunction with Sir Thomas Pert,
who was Vice-Admiral of England, and built a fine house near Blackwall,
called Poplar, which name still remains, though the house is long ago de
cayed. This voyage of his was in 1516', [fifteen years before the return from
the La Plata !] on board a ship of 250 tons with another of the like size."
[mistaken reference to the English Expedition of 152/.]

The motives which really induced Cabot to abandon a situation
of high honour and emolument in Spain, as well as the exact pe
riod of his return to England, we have no means of determining.
It is plain, from what will presently appear, that he had experi
enced no mortifying slight of his services, or attempt to withdraw
the ample provision for his support. We are permitted, therefore,

174

to believe that he was drawn to England by an attachment,
strengthening with the decline of life, to his native soil and the
scene of his early associations and attachments. The ties were
not slight or likely to decay. Born in Bristol and returning from
Venice whilst yet a boy, he had grown up in England to man
hood, and it was not until sixteen years after the date of the first
memorable patent that he entered the service of Spain, from which
again he withdrew in 1516.

A reasonable presumption must, however, be distinguished from
rash and absurd assertion. Mr. Barrow supposes (Chronological
History of Voyages, p. 36) that Cabot returned on the invitation
of Robert Thorn« of Bristol. Unfortunately for this hypothesis it
appears* that Thorne died in 153'2, sixteen years before the period
at which Cabot quitted Spain.

The same writer remarks, (p. 36,) " His return to England
was in the year 1548, when Henry VIII. was on the throne."
Surely Mr. Barrow cannot seriously think that, at this late day,
his bare word will be taken against all the historians and chroni
clers who declare that Henry VIII. died in January 1547.f

At his return Cabot settled in Bristol,^ without the least anti
cipation, in all probability, of the new and brilliant career on which
he was shortly to enter, fifty-three years after the date of his first
commission from Henry VII.

Whatever may have been the motives of the Emperor for con
senting to the departure of the Pilot-Major he would seem to have
become very soon alarmed at the inconvenience that might result
from his new position. The youth who then filled the throne of
England had already given such evidence of capacity as to excite
the attention of Europe ; and anticipations were universally ex
pressed of the memorable part he was destined to perform. Naval

* Fuller's Worthies, Somersetshire ; and Stow's Survey of London.

•f This blunder is gravely copied into Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia, History of
Maritime and Inland Discovery, vol. ii. p. 138, together with Mr. Barrow's
assertion, that the pension of £lG6 13s. 4d. was equal to Jive hundred Marks !

J Strype's Historical Memorials, vol.ii. p. 190.

175

affairs had seized his attention as a sort of passion. Even when
a child " he knew all the harbours and ports both of his own
dominions and of France and Scotland, and how much water
they had, and what was the way of coming into them."* The
Emperor saw how perilous it was that a youthful monarch
with these predispositions, should have within reach the greatest
seaman of the age, with all the accumulated treasures of a
protracted life of activity and observation. A formal and urgent
demand, therefore, was made by the Spanish ambassador that
" Sebastian Cabote, Grand Pilot of the Emperor's Indies then
in England," might be sent over to Spain, te as a very necessary
man for the Emperor, whose servant he was, and had a Pension
of him."f Strype, after quoting from the documents before him,
drily adds, " Notwithstanding, I suspect that Cabot still abode
in England, at Bristol, (for there he lived) having two or three
years after set on foot a famous voyage hence, as we shall men
tion in due place." It is a pleasing reflection, adverted to be
fore, and which may here be repeated, that Cabot was never
found attempting to employ, to the annoyance of Spain, the mi
nute local knowledge of her possessions, of which his confidential
station in that country must have made him master. J

* Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 225.

•f Strype's Historical Memorials, v. ii. p. 190.

I Amongst the Harleian MSS. (No. 523, art. 2,) is a letter to Sir Philip
Hoby, then on an embassy to Flanders, from the Council, dated Greenwich,
21st April, 1550, in which is communicated the result of the application made
by the Ambassador of Charles V., for the return of Cabot. It seems to prove
that there had been no quarrel with the Emperor. The Council, in its own
anxiety to retain Cabot, does less than justice to his dignified and fitting re
ply, when pointedly and somewhat rudely interrogated as to what he would be
willing to do at the command of his Sovereign or the Council.

" And as for Sebastian Cabot, answere was first made to the said Ambassador
that he was not deteined heere by us, but that he of himself refused to go either
into Spayne, or to the Emperor, and that he being of that mind and the King's,
subiecte, no reason nor equitie wolde that he shude be forced or compelled to
go against his will. Upon the which answere, the said Ambassador said, that
if this were Cabot's answere, then he required that the said Cabot, in the pre
sence of some one whom we coud appoint might speke with the said Ambas
sador, and declare vnto him this to be his mind and answere. Whereunto
we condescended, and at the last, sent the said Cabot with Richard Shelley
to the ambassador, who as the said Shelley hathe made report to us, affirmed to

176

The Public Records now supply us with dates. On the 6th
January, in the second year of Edward VI., a pension was granted
to him of two hundred and fifty marks, (£166 13s. 4d.)

The precise nature of the duties imposed on him does not
appear. It is usually stated, and amongst others by Hakluyt,
that the office of Grand Pilot of England was now created, and
Cabot appointed to fill it ; but this is very questionable.*
Certain it is that his functions were far more varied and exten
sive than those implied in such a title. He would seem to have
exercised a general supervision over the maritime concerns of the
country, under the eye of the King and the Council, and to have
been called upon whenever there was occasion for nautical skill
and experience. One curious instance occurs of the manner in
which the wishes of individuals were made to yield to his opinion
of what was required by the exigencies of the public service. We
find (Hakluyt, vol. ii. part ii. p. 8) one James Alday offering, as
an explanatation of his not having gone as master on a proposed
voyage to the Levant, that he was stayed

" By the prince's letters, which my master, Sebastian Gabota,
had obtained for that purpose to my great grief."

He is called upon (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 719) to be present at
the examination of a French pilot who had long frequented the
coast of Brasil, and there is reason to believe that the minute
instructions for the navigation of the La Plata (ib. p. 728) are
from himself.

the said Ambassador, that he was not minded to go neither into Spayne nor
to the Emperor. Nevertheles having knowlege of certein things verie neces-
sarie for the Emperor's knowlege, he was well contented for the good will he
here the Emperor to write his minde vnto him, or declare the same here to
anie such as shude be appointed to here him. Whereunto the said Ambassa
dor asked the said Cabot, in case the King's Majestie or we shude command
him to go to the Emperor, whether then he wold not do it ; whereunto Cabot
mad aunswere, as Shelley reportethe, that if the King's Highnes or we did
command him so to do, then he knew welinoughe what he had to do. But it
semeth that the Ambassador tooke this answere of Cabot to sound as though
Cabot had answered, that being comanded by the King's Highnes or vs, that
then he wolde be contented to go to the Emperor wherein we reken the said Am
bassador to be deceived, so that the said Cabot had divers times before de
clared vnto vs that he was fullie determined not to go hens at all."
* See Appendix (C.)

177

CHAP. XXVI.

PUBLIC EXPLANATION BY CABOT TO EDWARD VI. OF THE PHENOMENA OF

VARIATION OF THE NEEDLE— STATEMENT OF LIVIO SANUTO— POINT OF " NO
VARIATION " FIXED BY CABOT— ADOPTED AFTERWARDS BY MERCATOR FOR
HIS FIRST MERIDIAN— REFERENCE TO CABOT'S MAP— EARLY TESTIMONIALS
—ALLUSION TO THE ENGLISH DISCOVERIES IN THE EDITION OF PTOLEMY
PUBLISHED AT ROME IN 1508— FOURNIER— ATTENTION TO NOTE THE VARIA
TION BY THE SEAMEN OF CABOT'S SCHOOL-HIS THEORY, IF A NARROW ONE
WOULD HAVE BEEN THUS EXPOSED.

ALLUSION was made, on a former occasion, to the fact stated by
the noble Venetian, Livio Sanuto, that Cabot had explained to the
King of England the whole subject of the variation of the needle.
There is reason to suppose, from what we know of Sanuto 's
life, that the incident to which he alludes must have occurred at
the period now reached. His statement* is that many years
before the period at which he wrote, his friend Guido Gianeti
da Fano informed him that Sebastian Cabot was the first dis
coverer of this secret of nature which he explained to the King
of England, near whom the said Gianeti at that time resided
and was held, as Sanuto understood from others, in the highest
esteem. Cabot also shewed the extent of the variation, and that
it was different in different places.^

Sanuto being engaged in the construction of an instrument in

* The Geographia is in the Library of the Bristish Museum, title in Cata
logue " Sanuto." It was published at Venice, 1588, after the author's death.

•j- " Fu di tal secreto il riconoscitore, qual egli paleso poi al serenissimo Re
d' Inghilterra, presso al quale (come poi da altri intesi) esso Gianetti all' hora
honoratissimo si ritrovaa ; et egli dimostro insieme, quanta fusse questa distanza,
e die non appareva in ciascun luogo la medesima." Lib. prim. fol. 2.

*,,

178

reference to the longitude, it became with him a matter of eager
interest to ascertain a point of no variation.

" Conversing on this subject with Gianeti, he undertook to ob
tain for me, through a gentleman named Bartholomew Compagni,
then in England, this information which he himself had not
gathered."*

The person thus addressed sent word of what he had learned
from Cabot, and Sanuto remarks that he had, subsequently, further
assurance of the accuracy of the report thus made to him. He
saw a chart of navigation, executed by hand with the greatest
care, and carefully compared with one by Cabot himself, in which
the position of this meridian was seen to be one hundred and ten
miles to the west of the island of Flores, one of the Azores.f

It is scarcely necessary to add that the First Meridian on the
maps of Mercator, running through the most western point of
the Azores, was adopted with reference to the supposed coinci
dence in that quarter of the true and magnetic poles.

In the course of the same memoir, Sanuto refers repeatedly to
the Map, and adverts to the observations as to the variation of the
compass made by Cabot at the Equator. The disappearance of this
Document becomes at every turn a matter equally of astonishment
and regret. Aside from the mass of papers left with Worthington,
we have not only seen that the published map was hung up in the
Gallery at Whitehall, but have actually traced a copy to Ortelius,
to the Earl of Bedford, and now to Sanuto.

The assertion is found in almost all the old writers that Cabot
was the first who noticed the variation. He was, at least, the
first who gave to it an earnest attention, marked its degrees in

* " Ragionatone io di questo col detto Gianneti, fece egli, che da un gentil*
huomo nominate Bartolomeo Compagni, che in Inghilterre si tratteneva,
s'intese cio, ch' egli dal detto Caboto ne seppe."

'f* " Et a quello ancora, che io dapoi vidi con gli occhi miei in una carta da
navigare diligentissima fatta a mano, e tutta ritratta a punto da una propria
del detto Caboto ; nella quale si riconosce il luogo del detto Meridiano esser
per miglia cento e dieci lontano verso Occidente dalla Isola detta Fiori di quelle
pur delli Azori."

179

various parts of the world, and attempted to frame a theory on
the subject. His earliest transatlantic voyage carried him to the
very quarter where it is exhibited in a manner so sudden and
striking, that modern Navigators seem to concur in placing
there one of the magnetic poles. The La Plata, too, is another
theatre of its most startling appearance ; and Cabot's long resi
dence in that region must have secured his deliberate attention
to the subject with the advantage of thirty years of intermediate
observation and reflection.

There is a curious piece of evidence to shew how early the
Northern region discovered by Cabot was associated with the
alarm which this phenomenon must, in the first instance, have
excited.

On the great Map of the World which accompanies the edition
of Ptolemy published at Rome in 1508, is the following inscription,
commencing far beyond Terra Nova and the Insula llacalaurus —
" Hie compassus navium non tenet nee naves quse ferrum tenent
revertere valent."*

It is impossible to doubt that the reference is to the well-known
effect produced there on the compass. Beneventus, who prepared
the supplemental matter for this edition of Ptolemy, professes to
have a knowledge of the discoveries made by Columbus, by the
Portuguese, and by the English (" Columbi et Lusitanorum atque
Britannorum quos Anglos nunc dicimus.")

Founiier, in his old, but yet highly-esteemed, Treatise on Hydro
graphy, (Liv. xi. cap. x.) says, it was understood that Sebastian
Cabot had noted with great exactness the variation in the places
he had discovered on the Northern Coasts of America.f

As to Cabot's theory on the subject of the Variation, we are
unable, in the absence of his Maps and Discourses, to offer even
a conjecture. His exposition to the king would evidently seem

<{ Here the ship's-compass loses its property, and no vessel with iron on
board is able to get away/'

t "Que Cabot remarqua/or£ exactement les declinaisons quel'aymantfaisoit
en divers endroits des costes Septentrionales de 1'Amerique qu'il decouvrit."

180

to have been something more than a mere statement of isolated
facts, and from the general recollection of the Venetian ambas
sador that he represented it as different in different places, it may
be inferred that he did not treat it as absolutely regulated by mere
distance from a particular meridian. There is another satisfac
tory reason for believing that he could not have placed it on any
narrow ground. The Seamen brought up in his school, and sailing
under his instructions, were particularly attentive to note the va
riation. Thus Stephen Burrough reports to us, (Hakluyt, vol. i.
p. 290, &c.) within a short space, the degrees of it at three dif
ferent points ; and, where this was habitually done, an error of the
great nautical Oracle — if we suppose one to have cheated his long
experience and profound observation — would have been speedily
detected and exposed.

181

CHAP XXVII.

MISTAKE OF PURCHAS, PINKERTON, DR. HENRY IN HIS HISTORY OF GREAT
BRITAIN, CAMPBELL IN THE LIVES OF THE ADMIRALS, AND OTHER WRI
TERS, AS TO THE " KNIGHTING" OF JOHN OR SEBASTIAN CABOT.

THE present may be a fit occasion to notice an absurd miscon
ception on the part of many authors of reputation, some of whom
represent Sebastian Cabot to have received the honour of knight
hood, while others confer it on the father.

Purchas, (vol. iv. p. 1812) in his " English just Title to Vir
ginia," refers to a Portrait of Sebastian Cabot which he had seen
hung up in the King's Palace at White-Hall with this inscription;
" Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Joannis Caboti militis aurati,
&c." Here was a fair opening for controversy. Does the de
scription " militis aurati" apply to the father or to the son ? The
same difficulty occurs, with a curious coincidence in the epithets,
as that which Quinctilian (Inst. Orat. lib. vii. cap. 9) mentions,
with regard to the Will of a Roman who directed that there should
be put up " statuam auream hastam tenentem," and the puzzle was
whether the statue or the spear was to be of gold. After the un
pardonable blunders which it has been necessary to expose, we may
look with some complacency on the pursuit of this perplexing matter.

Purchas assumes that the words apply to the son, and accor
dingly we have " Sir Sebastian Cabot" running through his vo
lumes. In a copy of verses addressed to "his friend Captain
John Smith," and prefixed to the account of Virginia by the latter^
Purchas exclaims —

" Hail, Sir Sebastian ! England's Northern Pole
" Virginia's finder !"

and in a marginal note it is added, " America, named of Americus

14*2

Vesputius which discovered less than Colon or Sir Sebastian
Cabot, and the Continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492,
the Continent 1498, above a year after Cabot had done it. He
was set forth by Henry VI I., and after by Henri/ VIII. knighted,
and made Grand Pilot of England by Edward VI." Captain
Smith himself repeats all this — " Sebastian Cabot discovered much
more than these all, for he sailed to about 40° South of the line,
and to 67° towards the North, for which King Henry VIII.
knighted him and made him Grand Pilot of England." In the
general Index to Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages and Travels,
the eye is caught, under the title, Cabot, with the alluring refe
rence " anecdotes of," and on turning to the place, (vol. xiii. p. 4,)
the same statements are found. Now the difficulties are insur
mountable as to Sebastian Cabot. In the last renewal of his
pension in the reign of Mary, (Rymer, vol. xv. p. 427 and 466,)
he is stiled " Armiger," which shews that he had not, even up to
that period, been knighted. In the Cotton MSS. (Claudius, C. iii.)
is a paper, giving " the names and arms of such as have been
advanced to the order of knighthood in the reigns of Henry VII.,
Henry VIII., Edward VL, Mary and Elizabeth," in which no
notice is taken of him.

The point being thus clear with regard to the son, other writers
have assumed, as a matter of course, that the distinction must
have been conferred on John Cabot. Accordingly, Campbell
(Lives of the Admirals, art. Sir John Cabot) says of the father,
" He then returned with a good cargo and three savages on board
to England, where it seems he was knighted for this exploit, since,
on the map of his discoveries drawn by his son Sebastian, and cut
by Clement Adams, which hung in the Privy Gallery at White
hall, there was this inscription under the author's picture — "Effi
gies Seb. Caboti Angli filii lo. Caboti Venetiani Militis aurati."
Thus Campbell derives his fact from Purchas, but draws a dif
ferent inference from that writer. According to him, too, the
knighting must have been, not by Henry VIII. as Purchas and
Captain Smith have it, for there is reason to believe that the

183

senior Cabot died before the commencement of that reign, but by
Henry VII., particularly as it took place on Cabot's return, and
the monarch last named lived thirteen years after the "exploit."
Campbell, therefore, has a " Memoir of Sir John Cabot," and
speaks again, with enthusiasm, of that " celebrated Venetian, Sir
John Cabot."

This version has been the more generally adopted, and amongst
the rest by Dr. Henry, (History of Great Britain, vol. vi. p. 618,)
who informs us, on the authority of Campbell, that " John Cabot
was graciously received and knighted on his return." The same
statement is made in the Biographia Britannica, &c.

To the utter confusion of all these grave authorities, a moment's
consideration will shew, that the words relied on do in themselves
prove that knighthood had not been conferred. It is scarcely
necessary to follow up this suggestion, by stating that in reference
to one who had received that honour, they would have been not
"Militis aurati," but " Equitis aurati." Though the term
miles is sometimes applied, in old documents, even to Peers,
yet, as a popular designation, the language of the inscription nega
tives the idea of knighthood. In the very works immediately
connected with the subject of the present volume, the appropriate
phrase perpetually occurs. Thus " Eques auratus" is used to
designate Sir Humphrey Gilbert, (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 137.) Sir
Hugh Willoughby, (ib. p. 142.) Sir Martin Frobisher, (ib. p.
142.) Sir Francis Drake, (ib. p. 143.) In the dedication of
Lok's translation of Peter Martyr, it is in like manner used, and
we see it, at this moment, on the " effigies" of Sir Walter Raleigh
prefixed to the first edition of his History of the World. It will
probably be deemed very superfluous to refer to Selden's Titles of
Honour, (p. 830,) for a confirmation of what has been stated.

The weight of censure must fall on Purchas, who was originally
guilty of the blunder. The others assumed the fact of the knight
ing, and only exercised their ingenuity in deciding whether the
honour was conferred on the Father or the Son.

J84

CHAP. XXVIII.

STAGNATION OF TRADE IN ENGLAND CABOT CONSULTED BY THE MERCHANTS

URGES THE ENTERPRISE WHICH RESULTED IN THE TRADE TO RUSSIA

PRELIMINARY DIFFICULTIES — STRUGGLE WITH THE STILYARD THAT

MONOPOLY BROKEN DOWN EARNESTNESS OF EDWARD VI. ON THE SUB
JECT HIS MUNIFICENT DONATION TO CABOT AFTER THE RESULT WAS

DECLARED.

IT is only from detached notes, such as those already referred to,
and which meet the eye as it were by accident, that we can now
form an idea of the diffusive nature of Cabot's services. One
Great Enterprise, however, stands by itself, and was destined to
exercise an important influence on the commerce and naval great
ness of England.

An opportunity was afforded to Cabot of putting in execution
a plan " which he long before had had in his mind,"* by its hap
pening, incidentally, to fall in with the purposes of the London
merchants. The period was one of great commercial stagnation
in England.

" Our merchants perceived the commodities and wares of England to be in
small request about us and near unto us, and that those merchandises which
strangers, in the time and memory of our ancestors, did earnestly seek and
desire were now neglected and the price thereof abated, although they be car
ried to their own parts. "f

In this season of despondency Cabot was consulted, and the
suggestions which he made were adopted:

" Sebastian Cabota, a man in those days very renowned, happening to be in

* Eden's Decades, fol. 256.
f llakluyt, vol. i. p. 243.

185

London, they began first of all to deal and consult diligently with him, and
after much search and conference together, it was at last concluded, that three
ships should be prepared and furnished out for the search and discovery of
the northern part of the world, to open a way and passage to our men, for
travel to new and unknown kingdoms."*

Such is the authentic history of the impulse given to English
commerce at this interesting crisis. The influence of Cabot is
not only attested by the passage quoted, but in the Letters Patent
of Incorporation it is declaredfthat, in consideration of his having
"been the chiefest setterforth of this journey or voyage, therefore
we make, ordain, and constitute him, the said Sebastian, to be the
first and present Governor of the same fellowship and community
by these presents, to have and enjoy the said office of governor to
him, the said Sebastian Cabota, during his natural life, without
amoving or dismissing from the same room."

But a difficulty was encountered in the alleged exclusive pri
vileges of a very powerful body, whose odious monopoly had long
exercised its baneful influence on English commerce and manu
factures :

" The time was now at length come, that the eyes of the English nation
were to be opened, for their discovering the immense damage which was sus
tained, by suffering the German merchants of the house or college in London,
called, the Steelyard, so long to enjoy advantages in the duty or custom of
exporting English cloths, far beyond what the native English enjoyed ; which
superior advantages possessed by those foreigners began, about this time, to
be more evidently seen and felt, as the foreign commerce of England became
more diffused. The Cities of Antwerp and Hamburgh possessed, at this time,
the principal commerce of the northern and middle parts of Europe ; and their
factors, at the Steelyard, usually set what price they pleased on both their
imports and exports ; and having the command of all the markets in England,
with joint and united stocks, they broke all other merchants. Upon these
considerations, the English company of merchant adventurers made pressing
remonstrances to King Edward the Sixth's Privy Council. These Hanseatics
were, moreover, accused (and particularly the Dantzickers) of defrauding the
customs, by colouring, or taking under their own names, as they paid little or
no custom, great quantities of the merchandise of other foreigners not intitled
to their immunities. They were also accused of having frequently exceeded

* Voyage of Richard Chancellor, Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 243.
t Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 268.

186

the bounds of even the great privileges granted to them by our Kings ; yet, by
the force of great presents, they had purchased new grants."*

" Having, for the last forty-five years, had the sole command of our com
merce, (says the author,) they had reduced the price of English wool to one
shilling and six-pence per stone. The Steelyard merchants were also ex
cused from aliens duties, and yet all their exports and imports were made in
foreign bottoms ; which was a very considerable loss to the nation. "f

" This is the substance of the whole business during King Edward the
Sixth's reign, of reversing the privileges of the Steelyard merchants, taken
from our histories, but more particularly from I. Wheeler's Treatise of Com
merce, published in quarto, in the year 1601 ; and, as he was then Secretary
to the Merchant Adventurers' Company, it may be supposed to be, in general, a
true account, and is surely an useful part of commercial history. Wheeler
adds, that by reversing these privileges, our own merchants shipped off in this
year forty thousand cloths for Flanders. Rapin, in his History of England,
observes, that the Regent of Flanders, as well as the City of Hamburgh,
earnestly solicited to have the Steelyard merchants re-instated ; but to no pur
pose."}

The extraordinary interest felt by Edward himself on this sub
ject is manifest from his Journal, in which the incidents are noted. §

" 18th January, 1551, this day the Stiliard put in their answer to a certain
complaint, that the merchant adventurers laid against them."

" 25th January, 1551. The answer of the Stiliard was delivered to certain
of my learned Counsel" to look on and oversee."

" 18th February, 1551. The merchant adventurers put in their replication
to the Stiliards answer."

" 23rd February, 1551. A decree was made by the Board, that upon know
ledge and information of their charters, they had found ; First, that they were
no sufficient Corporation. 2. That their number, names, and nation, was un
known. 3. That when they had forfeited their liberties, King Edward IV. did
restore them on this condition, that they should colour no strangers' goods,
which they had done. Also, that whereas in the beginning they shipped not
past 8 clothes, after 100, after 1000, after that 6000 ; now in their name was
shipped 44000 clothes in one year, and but 1100 of all other strangers. For
these considerations sentence was given, that they had forfeited their liberties,
and were in like case with other strangers."

* Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 90. M'Pherson's Annals of
Commerce, vol. ii. p. 109.

t Ibid. J Ibid.

§ Published in Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. from the
Cotton MSS.

187

The difficulties which had to be struggled with, may be inferred
from the pertinacity with which the defeated party followed up
the matter, even after a decision had been pronounced. Thus, the
following entries are found in the Journal of the young King :

" 28th February, 1551. There came Ambassadors from Hamburg and
Lubeck, to speak on the behalf of the Stiliard merchants."

" 2d March, 1551. The answer for the Ambassadors of the Stiliard was
committed to the Lord Chancellor, the two Secretaries, Sir Robert Bowes, Sir
John Baker, Judge Montague, Griffith Sollicitor, Gosnold, Goodrich, and
Brooks."

" 2d May, 1551. The Stiliard men received their answer ; which was, to
confirm the former judgment of my Council."

The important agency of Cabot, in a result so auspicious not
merely to the interests of commerce but to the public revenue,
may be judged of from a donation bestowed on him, a few days
after the decision.*

"To Sebastian Caboto, the great seaman, 200 pounds, by way
of the king's majesty's reward, dated in March, 1551."

* Strype's Historical Memorials, vol. ii. p. 495.

188

CHAP. XXIX.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE EXPEDITION PRECAUTIONS AS TO TIMBER SHEATH
ING OF THE VESSELS NOW FIRST RESORTED TO IN ENGLAND EXAMINA
TION OF TWO TARTARS CHIEF COMMAND GIVEN TO SIR HUGH WILLOUGHBY

RICHARD CHANCELLOR — STEPHEN BURROUGH WILLIAM BURROUGH

ARTHUR PET THIS EXPEDITION CONFOUNDED WITH ANOTHER BY STRYPE

AND CAMPBELL.

A TRIUMPH having been obtained over the obstacles which had
heretofore impeded the career of English commerce, preparations
were diligently made for the Expedition.

The measures adopted for the safety of the ships indicate the
presence of great skill and providence; " strong and well-seasoned
planks for the building" were provided, and the historian of
the expedition is struck with one novel precaution. To guard
against the worms "which many times pearceth and eateth
through the strongest oak/' it was resolved to " cover a piece of
the keel of the shippe with thinne sheets of leade."* This is the
first instance in England, of the practice of sheathing, but it had
long before been adopted in Spain, and had thus engaged the at
tention of Cabot. It may, indeed, have been originally suggested
by him, as the first use of it is referred to 1514, two years before
which time we find him passing into the service of Ferdinand,
and advancing rapidly to posts of distinction as his value became
apparent.

Information was eagerly sought in every quarter as to the coun
tries which the Expedition might visit. There were " two Tarta-
rians" employed about the young king's stables. These persons
were hunted up and an interpreter provided, "by whom they were

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 243.

189

demanded, touching their country and the manners of their na
tion." But the poor creatures had no story to tell, and betrayed
plainly their addiction to strong drink. There was waggery in the
City even at that early day. "They were able to answer nothing
to the purpose, being indeed more acquainted (as one there merily
and openly said) to toss pots, than to learn the states and dispo
sitions of people."*

The command of the expedition was an object of high ambi
tion. Amongst those who pressed " very earnestly" for the post
was Sir Hugh Willoughby, " a most valiant gentleman and well
borne." He came recommended by a high reputation for " skill
in the services of war," and it seems to have been thought no slight
recommendation that he was of tall and commanding stature.
The choice finally fell on him.

In command of one of the ships, and with the title of Pilot-
Major, was Richard Chancellor. He had been bred up in the
household of Henry Sydney, father of Sir Philip Sydney. His
character and merits, coupled with his brilliant success on this
occasion, and subsequent untimely fate, seem to have made, a
deep impression on his contemporaries. He not only proved a
skilful and intrepid seamen, but his remarks on the customs, reli
gion, laws, and manners of the countries visited, shew him to have
possessed a cultivated intellect, as well as great shewdness and
powers of observation. He would seem to have attracted the at
tention and enjoyed the friendship of Cabot ; for Eden, (Decades,
fol. 357,) in adverting to one of the phenomena of the ocean men
tions that the fact he relates was communicated to him by Chan
cellor who derived it from Cabot. His was the only ship that
succeeded in doubling the North Cape, and making her way to
Russia.

" For the government of other ships although divers men seemed willing,
and made offers of themselves thereunto, yet by a common consent one Richard
Chanceler, a man of great estimation for many good parts of wit in him, was
elected, in whom alone great hope for the performance of this business rested.

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 244.

190

This man was brought up by one Master Henry Sidney, a noble young gentle
man and very much beloved of King Edward."

The master of Chancellor's ship was Stephen Burrough, after
wards Chief Pilot of England, and of high rank in the navy.
There was, also, on board his ship, apparently as a common sea
man, William Burrows,* afterwards Comptroller of the Navy,
and author of a work on navigation, and who in after years
conducted a squadron to the same quarter, f Arthur Pet, also,
whose name is associated with a subsequent voyage, was in the
same ship.J

Some obscurity has been occasioned by confounding this me
morable enterprise with another, entirely distinct and to a dif
ferent quarter. Thus there is found in Strype§ the following
passage : —

" In this month of May did the King grant letters of commendation, or safe
conduct, for the three ships that were enterprising that noble adventure of
seeking for a passage into the Eastern parts of the world, through the unknown
and dangerous seas of the North. Of this expedition Sebastian Gabato, an
excellent mariner of Bristow, but of Italian parentage, was a great mover, to
whom the King, as a gratuity, had given 200 pounds. For this voyage, in
February last, the King lent two ships, the Primrose and the Moon, a pinnace,
to Barns, Lord Maior of London, Garret, one of the Sheriffs, York, and Wind-
ham, adventurers, binding themselves to deliver to the King two ships of the
like burden, and good condition, in Midsummer, anno 1554. Sir Hugh
Willoughby, a brave knight, was the chief Captain in this enterprise : to whom
the King granted a passport to go beyond the seas, with four servants, forty
pounds in money, his chain, &c."

Campbell (Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 319) says,

" The accounts we have of this matter differ widely ; but as I observe there
is a variation in the dates of a whole year ; so I am apt to believe, that there
must have been two distinct undertakings ; one under the immediate protection
of the court which did not take effect ; and the other by a joint stock of the
merchants which did. Of the first, because it is little taken notice of, I will
speak particularly here ; for the other will come in properly in my account of
Sir Hugh Willoughby. When, therefore, this matter was first proposed, the
King lent two ships, the Primrose and the Moon, to Barnes, Lord Mayor of
London, Mr. Garret, one of the Sheriffs, and Mr. York, and Mr. Wyndham,

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 233. t Ibid. vol. i. p. 401.

} Ibid. vol. i. p. 233. § Historical Memorials, vol. ii. p. 402.

191

two of the adventurers, giving bond to the King to deliver two ships of like
burden, and in as good condition, at Midsommer, 1554."

Thus has the Maritime History of England been written !
The vessels in question made part of the Expedition to Guinea,
of which an account is given, at length, by Richard Eden,
(Decades, fol. 345.)

" In the yeare of oure Lorde MLIII the XII day of August sayled from
Porchemouth two goodly shyppes the Primrose and the Lion, with a Pynnesse
cauled the Moon, being all well furnysshed," &c.

It seems that the enterprise was frustrated by the misconduct
of " Captayne Wyndham." The persons spoken of as having
given bond to the King, were members of the company of mer
chant adventurers.* The expedition to Guinea, thus obscured
by Strype, Campbell, and succeeding writers, is that of which
Eden, against the remonstrances of his Publishers, inserted an
account, consenting to swell his volume " that sum memorie
thereof might remayne to our posteritie, if ey ther iniquitie of tyme,
consumynge all things, or ignorance creepyng in by barbarousness
and contempte of knowledge should hereafter bury in oblivion so
worthy attempts!" (fol. 343.)

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 269.

CHAP. XXX.

INSTRUCTIONS FOR SIR HUGH WILLOUGHBY.

THE Instructions prepared by Cabot for the government of this
Expedition, have been justly regarded as a model, and as reflecting
the highest credit on his sagacity, good sense, and comprehensive
knowledge. They relate not only to the conduct to be observed
in reference to the great object in view, but descend to minute
suggestions, drawn from his long experience, for the interior
arrangements and discipline. They are called " Ordinances, In
structions, and Advertisements of, and for the direction of the
intended voyage for Cathay, compiled, made, and delivered by
the right worshipful M. Sebastian Cabota, Esq. Governour of the
Mysterie and Companie of the Merchants Adventurers for the
discoverie of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and places unknowen,
the 9th day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1553, and in the
7th yeere of the reigne of our most dread sovereigne Lord,
Edward VI., by the grace of God, King of England, France,
and Ireland, defender of the faith and of the Church of England
and Ireland, in earth supreme head."*

They were made up in the form of a Book which was ordered
to be publicly read once every week, " to the intent that every
man may the better remember his oath, conscience, duty, and
charge." These instructions are too voluminous to be here intro-

duced, but a few extracts, while they indicate the cast of Cabot's
mind, must fill us with renewed regret that all the records of such
a man's own labours should have been unfortunately lost to us :

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 220.

193

" 7. Item, that the merchants, and other skilful persons in writing shall
daily write, describe, and put in memorie the navigation of each day and night,
with the points, and observations of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the
sunne, course of the moon and starres, and the same so noted by the order of
the Master and Pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the Captaine-generall
assembling the masters together once every weeke (if winde and weather shall
serve) to conferre all the observations, and notes of the said ships, to the intent
it may appeare wherein the notes do agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon
good debatement, deliberation, and conclusion determined, to put the same
into a common leger, to remain of record for the company : the like order to
be kept in proportioning of the Gardes, Astrolabes, and other instruments pre
pared for the voyage, at the charge of the Companie."*

" 27. Item, the names of the people of every Island, are to be taken in
writing, with the commodities and incommodities of the same, their natures,
qualities, and dispositions, the site of the same, and what things they are most
desirous of, and what commodities they will most willingly depart with, and
what mettals they have in hils, mountains, streames, or rivers, in, or under
the earth, "f

Attention to moral and religious duties is strictly enjoined.

" 12. Item, that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be used in
anv ship, nor communication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or ungodly talke to be
suffered in the company of any ship, neither dicing, tabling, nor other divelish
games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not onely povertie to the players, but
also strife, variance, brauling, fighting, and oftentimes murther, to the utter
destruction of the parties, and provoking of God's most just wrath, and sworde
of vengeance. These, and all such like pestilences, and contagions of vices,
and sinnes to be eschewed, and the offenders once monished, and not reform
ing, to be punished at the discretion of the captaine and masters, as apper-

"13. Item, that morning and evening prayer, with other common services
appointed by the King's Maiestie, and lawes of this realme, to be read and
saide in every ship daily by the minister in the admirall, and the marchant or
some other person learned in other ships, and the bible or paraphrases to be
read devoutly and Christianly to God's honour, and for his grace to be ob
tained, and had by humble and heartie praier of the navigants accordingly."^

There is much good sense in the following hints :—

" 22. Item, not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion, but to
passe it over in silence, without any declaration of it, seeming to bear with
such laws and rights as the place hath where you shall arrive. "||

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 226. t Ibid. p. 228.

} Ibid. vol. i. p. 227- § Ibid. || Ibid. vol. i. p. 228.

1D4

" 23. Item, for as much as our people and shippe may appear unto them
strange and wonderous, and theirs also to ours ; it is to be considered, how
they may be used, learning much of their natures and dispositions, by some
one such person, as you may first either allure, or take to be brought aboord
your ships, and there to learn as you may, without violence or force, and no
woman to be tempted, or intreated to incontinence, or dishonestie."*

" 26. Item, every nation and region is to be considered advisedly, and not to
provoke them by any disdaine, laughing, contempt, or such like, but to use
them with prudent circumspection, with all gcntlenes, and curtesie, and not to
tarry long in one place, untill you shall have attained the most worthy place
that may be found in such sort as you may returne with victuals sufficient,
prosperously, "f

The difficulties experienced, from timidity and incredulity, are
apparent from a passage of the 32nd item, in which he speaks
of the obstacles which had " ministered matter of suspicion in
some heads, that this voyage could not succeed for the extremitie
of the North Pole, lacke of passage, and such like, which have
caused wavering minds, and doubtful heads, not only to with
draw themselves from the adventure of this voyage, but also dis
suaded others from the same, the certainte whereof, when you shall
have tried by experience, 8cc."J

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 228. f Ib.

t Ibid. vol. i. p. 229.

195

CHAP. XXXI.

THE EXPEDITION DROPS DOWN TO GREENWICH — SALUTES— ANIMATING SCENE

' — PROCEED TO SEA VESSELS SEPARATED FATE OF SIR HUGH WIL-

LOUGHBY— CHANCELLOR BEACHES WARDHOUSE EARNESTLY DISSUADED

FROM PROCEEDING FURTHER HIS GALLANT RESOLUTION CONFIDENCE

OF THE CREW IN HIM — REACHES ARCHANGEL EXCELLENT EFFECT OF

OBSERVING CABOT'S INSTRUCTIONS AS TO DEPORTMENT TOWARDS THE
NATIVES SUCCESS OF CHANCELLOR.

ON the 20th May, the squadron, consisting of three ships, dropped
down to Greenwich : —

" The greater Shippes are towed downe with boates, and oares, and the
Mariners being all apparelled in Watchet or skie-coloured cloth, rowed amaine,
and made way with diligence. And being come neere to Greenewich, (where
the Court then lay) presently upon the newes thereof, the Courtiers came run-
ning out, and the common people flockt together, standing very thicke upon
the shoare : the privie Counsel, they lookt out at the windowes of the Court,
and the rest ranne up to the toppes of the towers : the shippes hereupon dis
charge their Ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the manner of warre,
and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the
valleys and the waters gave an Eccho, and the Mariners, they shouted in such
sort, that the skie rang againe with the noyse thereof. One stood in the poope
of the ship, and by his gesture bids farewell to his friendes in the best maner
hee could. Another walkes upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowds,
another stands upon the maine yard, and another in the top of the shippe. To
be short, it was a very triumph (after a sort) in all respects to the beholders.
But (alas) the good King Edward (in respect of whom principally all this was
prepared) hee only by reason of his sicknesse was absent from this shewe, and
not long after the departure of these Ships, the lamentable and most sorrowful
accident of his death followed."*

There was some delay at Harwich ; " yet at the last with
a good winde they hoysted up sayle, and committed them-

* Hakluyt,vol. i. p. 245.
o2

196

selves to the sea, giving their last adieu to their native countrey,
which they knew not whether they should ever returne to see
againe or not. Many of them looked oftentimes backe, and could
not refraine from teares, considering into what hazards they were
to fall, and what uncertainties of the sea they were to make triall
of."* Chancellor himself was moved. " His natural and fatherly
affection, also, somewhat troubled him, for he left behinde him
two little sonnes, which were in the case of orphanes if he spedde
not well."f

After touching at Rost Island, and at a group called the Cross
of Islands, it was agreed that in the event of a separation the
ships should rendezvous at the Castle of Ward house in Norway.
On the very day of the council at which this arrangement was
made a furious tempest arose that dispersed the vessels.

The story of the gallant Chief of the Expedition is brief and
horrible. Failing to make the contemplated progress to the
eastward, it was resolved to winter in Lapland, and arrange
ments for that purpose were commenced on the 18th September.
The rigour of the climate proved fatal to all. The two ships
were long afterwards discovered with no living thing on board.
A Journal was found of the incidents of the voyage, and a Will
of Gabriel Willoughby, attested by Sir Hugh, dated as late as
January, 1554. Over the frightful scenes witnessed by him
who was reserved as the last victim of the elements there is
thrown, like a pall, impenetrable darkness. As he stiffened into
death, by the side of his unburied messmates, he saw the savage
region yielded back, without further struggle, to the " unknown
and also wonderful" wild beasts whose fearful numbers about the
ships are noted in the last entry of the Journal. J

Chancellor was more fortunate. He reached Wardhouse in
safety, and having remained there several days resolved to pro-

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 245. f Ib.

I Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 236. The Will found on board witnessed by Sir Hugh
Willoughby was in the possession of Purchas ; (Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 463.)

197

ceed, notwithstanding the disheartening representations made to
him.

" Remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution, he determined
either to bring that to passe which was intended or els to die the death.*

"And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his Shippe, although
they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie (whom the
foresaid tempest had separated from them) and were not a little troubled with
cogitations and perturbations of minde, in respect of their doubtful course:
yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of minde with
Master Chanceler, that they were resolute, and prepared under his direction
and government, to make proofe and triall of all adventures, without all feare
or mistrust of future dangers. Which constancie of minde in all the companie
did excedingly increase their Captain's carefulnesse/'t

In this resolute spirit he again put to sea. " Master Chan
celer held on his course towards that unknowen part of the world,
and sailed so farre, that he came at last to the place where he
found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of
the sunne shining clearly upon the huge and mightie sea. And
having the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at
the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great bay,
which was one hundreth miles or thereabout over. Whereinto
they entered somewhat farre and cast anchor."

He had now reached the Bay of St. Nicholas. Landing near
Archangel, then only a castle, there becomes visible the in
fluence of Cabot's injunction, as to gentleness of deportment
towards the natives, and its happy result.

" And looking every way about them it happened that they espied a farm
off a certain fisher boate which Master Chancellor, accompanied with a fewe
of his men, went towards to commune with the fishermen that were in it, and
to knowe of them what countrey it was, and what people, and of what ma1
of living they were : but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his
shippe (for in those parts before that time they had never seen the like) be-
ganne presently to avoyde and to flee : but hee still following them at last
overtooke them, and being come to them, they (being in greate feare, as men
halfe dead) prostrated themselves before him, offering to kisse his feete : but
hee (according to his great and singular courtesie) looked pleasantly upon them,
comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those dueties and reverences

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 246. t Ib.

198

of theirs, and taking them up in all loving sort from the ground. And it is
strange to consider how much favour afterwards in that place, this humanitie
of his did purchase to himself. For they being dismissed spread by and by a
report abroad of the arrival of a strange nation of a singular gentleness and
courtesie ; whereupon the common people came together offering to these newe-
come ghests victuals freely."*

We may not follow further the movements of this intrepid
navigator, or repeat the circumstances of his overland journey to
Moscow, and his very curious and interesting account of Russia.
He was received in the most cordial manner, and the foundation
laid of a safe and extensive commercial intercourse between the
two countries.

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 246.

199

CHAP XXXII.

CHARTER TO THE COMPANY OF MERCHANT ADVENTURERS SEBASTIAN CABOT

NAMED GOVERNOR FOR LIFE GRANT OF PRIVILEGES BY THE EMPEROR

OF RUSSIA TO CABOT AND OTHERS— AN AMBASSADOR FROM THE EMPEROR

EMBARKS WITH RICHARD CHANCELLOR SHIPWRECK CHANCELLOR

PERISHES RECEPTION AND ENTERTAINMENT OF THE AMBASSADOR IN

LONDON.

THE success of Chancellor gave a new impulse, and the dignity
of a Charter, to the Association of Merchant Adventurers.*

In the instrument of incorporation Sebastian Cabot is named,
as has been stated, Governor for Life, as " the chiefest setter forth*'
of the Enterprise.

There is preserved^ " A copie of the first privileges granted
to the English merchants, by John Vasilivich,by the Grace of God,
Emperor of Russia, Great Duke of Novogrode Moscovia," &c.
After the recital it grants " unto Sebastian Cabota, Governor,
Sir George Barnes, Knight, 8cc. Consuls, Sir John Gresham, &c.,
assistants, and to the communaltie of the afore-named fellowship,
and to their successors for ever, and to the successors of every of
them, these articles, graunts, immunities, franchises, liberties, and
privileges, and every of them hereafter following expressed and
declared, videlicet." Then follow ten clauses or articles placing
the contemplated commercial intercourse on the most liberal and
secure footing.

Passing a little onward we find an Ambassador from the Em
peror arriving in England. This incident is connected with the

* Dr. Robertson (History of America, book ix.) heedlessly represents the
Charter to have preceded the voyage of Sir Hugh Willoughby.
t Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 265.

200

melancholy death of Richard Chancellor, in \vhose ship the Am
bassador had embarked. That intrepid navigator was doomed to
perish when almost within reach of those beloved " two little
sonnes," the thoughts of leaving whom "in the case of orphanes
if he spedde not well," had saddened his departure. The ship
was driven ashore at Pitsligo in the North of Scotland, and by the
fury of the tempest was broken to pieces on the rocks. Chancellor

"using all carefulness for the safetie of the bod ie of the said Ambassa-
dour and his trayne, taking the boate of the said Ship trusting to attaine
the shore and so to save and preserve the bodie and seven of the companie
or attendants of the same Ambassadour, the same boat by rigorous waves of
the seas, was by darke night overwhelmed and drowned, wherein perished
not only the bodie of the said grand pilot, with seven Russes, but also divers
of the Mariners of the said Ship : the noble personage of the said Ambassa
dour with a fewe others (by God's preservation and speciall favour) only with
much difficultie saved."*

A long account is given of the Ambassador's reception and
entertainment at London. The following is an extract:—

"On the 27th of February, 1557, he approached to the Citie of London
within twelve English miles, where he was received with fourscore merchants
with chaines of Gold and goodly apparell, as well in order of men-servants in
one uniforme liverie, as also in and upon good horses and geldings, who con
ducting him to a marchant's house foure miles from London, received there a
quantitie of Gold, velvet and silke, with all furniture thereunto requisite, where
with he made him a riding garment, reposing himself that night. The next
day being Saturday and the last day of Februarie, he was by the Merchants
Adventuring for Russia, to the number of one hundred and fortie persons, and so
many or more servants in one liverie, as abovesaid, conducted towards the citie
of London, where by the way he had not onely the hunting of the Foxe and
such like sports shewed him, but also by the Queenes Maiesties commandment
was received and embraced by the right honorable Viscount Montague, sent
by her grace for his entertainment : he being accompanied with divers lustic
Knights, esquiers, gentlemen and yeomen to the number of three hundred
horses, led him to the North partes of London, where by foure notable Mer
chants richly apparelled was presented to him a right faire and large gelding
richly trapped, together with a foot cloth of orient crimson velvet enriched with
gold laces, all furnished in most glorious fashion, of the present and gifte of
the saide Merchants : whereupon the Ambassador at instant desire mounted,
riding on the way towards Smithfield barres, the first li mites of the liberties of

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 286. f Ibid, vol. i. p. 287.

201

the Citie of London. The Lord Maior accompanied with all the Aldermen in
their Skarlet did receive him, and so riding through the Citie of London in the
middle, betweene the Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, a great number of
Merchants and notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of servants
and apprentices following, was conducted through the Citie of London (with
great admiration and plausibilitie of the people running plentifully on all sides,
and replenishing all streets in such sort as no man without difficultie might
passe) into his lodging situate in Fant church streete, where were provided for
him two chambers richly hanged and decked, over and above the gallant fur
niture of the whole house, together with an ample and rich cupboard of Plate
of all sortes, to furnish and serve him at all meales, and other services during
his abode in London, which was, as is underwritten, until the third day of
May : during which time, daily, divers Aldermen and the gravest personages
of the said companie did visit him, providing all kind of victuals for his table
and his servants, with all sorts of officers to attend upon him in good sort
and condition, as to such an Ambassadour of honour doeth and ought to
appertained'

He remained in London until the third May, when he

" departed from London to Gravesend, accompanied with divers Aldermen and
Merchants, who in good gard set him aboord the Noble shippe the Primrose,
Admiral to the Fleete, where leave was taken on both sides and parts, after
many imbracements and divers farewels not without expressing of teares."

202

CHAP. XXXIII.

VIEW OF THE TRADE OPENED WITH RUSSIA FROM THE LETTERS OF THE COM
PANY TO THE AGENTS PRICES OF ENGLISH MANUFACTURES ARTICLES

OBTAINED IN RETURN EXTENSIVE ESTABLISHMENT OF ENGLISHMEN AT

MOSCOW WHEN THAT CITY WAS DESTROYED BY THE TARTARS.

IT is not a little curious to look back into the early history of the
Trade with Russia. The Letters which passed between the Com
pany and its Agents apprise us of the nature and prices of the
commodities interchanged, and furnish, probably, the earliest
specimens extant of the English mercantile style. In one Letter
it is said :*

"You shall understand we have fraighted for the parts of Russia foure good
shippes to be laden there by you and your order : That is to say, the Primrose
of the burthen of 240 Tunnes, Master under God John Buckland : The John
Evangelist of 170 Tunnes, Master under God Laurence Roundal : The Anne,
of London of the burthen of 160 Tunnes, Master under God David Philly, and
the Trinitie of London of the burthen of 140 Tunnes, Master under God John
Robins, as by their Charter parties may appeare : which you may require to
see for divers causes. You shall receive, God willing, out of the said good
ships, God sending them in safety for the use of the Company, these kinds of
wares following, all marked with the general marke of the company as follow-
eth, 25 fardels containing 207 sorting clothes, one fine violet in graine, and one
skarlet, and 40 cottons for wrappers, beginning with number 1 . and ending
with number 52. The sorting clothes may cost the first peny 51. Qs. the cloth
one with the other. The fine violet I8L 6s. 6d. The Skarlet 17J. 13s. 6d. the
cottons at Ql. 10s. the packe, accompanying 7 cottons for a packe more 500
pieces of Hampshire Kersies, that is 400. watchets, 43 blewes, 53 reds. 15
greenes. 5 ginger colours, and 2 yellowes which cost the first penny 41. 6s. the
piece, and 3 packes containing 21 cottons at 91. 10s the packe, and part of the
clothes is measured by Arshines. More 9- barrels of Pewter of Thomas Hasels
making, &c. Also the wares bee packed and laden as is aforesayde, as by an
invoyce in every shippe more plainly may appeare. So that when it shall

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 297.

203

please God to send the saide good shipps to you in safetie, you are to receive
our said goods, and to procure the sales to our most advantage either for ready
money, time or barter : having consideration that you doe make good debts,
and give such time, if you give any, as you may employ and returne the same
against the next voyage ; and also foreseeing that you barter to a profit, and
for such wares as be here most vendible, as waxe, tallowe, traine oile, hempe
and flaxe. Of furres we desire no great plentie, because they be dead wares.
And as for Felts we will in no wise you send any. And whereas you have
provided tarre, and as we suppose, some hempe ready bought, our advise is,
that in no wise you send any of them hither unwrought because our fraight is
41. a tunne or little less : which is so deare, as it would not beare the charges :
and therefore we have sent you 7. ropemakers, as by the copies of their cove
nants here inclosed shall appeare. Whom we will you set to worke with all
expedition in making of cables and ropes of all sorts, from the smallest rope to
xii inches : And that such tarre and hempe as is already brought to the water
side, they may there make it out, and after that you settle their work in Vo-
loghda or Colmogro as you shall think good, where their stuffe may be neerest
to them : at which place and places you doe assigne them a principall over
seer as well to see the deliverie of the stuffe unwrought, as also to take charge
of the stuffe wrought, and to forsee that neither the yarne be burnt in tarring,
nor the hempe rotted in the watering ; and also to furnish them so with la
bourers, workmen and stuffe, as hereafter when these workmen shall come
away, we be not destitute of good workmen, and that these may dispatch as
much as possible they may, doing it substantially, for we esteeme it a prin-
dpall commoditie, and that The Counsel of England doth well allowe. Let all
diligence be used that at the returne of these shippes we may see samples of
all ropes and cables if it be possible, and so after to continue in worke, that we
may have good store against the next yeere. Therefore they have neede to
have a place to work in, in the winter : and at any hand let them have hempe
ynough to spinne their stuffe : for seeing you have great plentie of hempe there,
and at a reasonable price, we trust we shall be able to bring as good stuffe
from thence, and better cheape then out of Danske : if it be diligently used,
and have a good overseer.

"Let the chiefest lading of these foure shippes be principally in wexe, flaxe,
tallowe and trayne oyle. And if there be any more wares then these ships be
able to take in, then leave that which is least in valeu and grossest in stowage
until the next shipping : for wee do purpose to ground our selves chiefly upon
those commodities, as wexe, cables and ropes, traine oyle, flaxe and some linen
yarne. As for Masts, Tarre, Hempe, Feathers, or any such other like, they
would not beare the charges to have any considering our deere fraight. We
have sent you a skinner to be there at our charges for meate, drinke and lodg
ing, to view and see such furres as you shall cheap or buye, not minding never-
thelesse, that you shall charge yourselves with many, except those which be
most vendible, as good marterns mimures, otherwise called Lettis, andMynkes.
Of these you may send us plentie, finding them good and at a reasonable price.
As for sables and other rich furres, they bee not every mans money : therefore

204

you may send the fewer, using partly the discretion of the Skinner in that
behalfe.

" We heare that there is great plentie of Steele in Russia and Tartarie,
whereof wee would you sent us part for an example, and to write your mindes
in it what store is to be had : for we heare say there is great plentie, and that
the Tartars steele is better than that in Russia. And likewise we be informed
that there is great plentie of Copper in the Emperours Dominions : we would
be certified of it what plentie there is, and whether it be in plates or in round
flat cakes, and send us some for an example. Also we would have you to cer-
tifie us what kind of woollen cloth the men of Llie and Reuel, and the Poles
and Lettoes doe bring to Russia, and send the scantlings of them with part of
the lists, and a full advice of the lengths and breadths, colours and prices, and
whether they be strained or not : and what number of them may be uttered in
a yeere, to the intent that we may make provision for them for the like sorts,
and all other Flemish wares which they bring thither and be most vendible
there. And to certifie us whether our set clothes be vendible there or not :
and whether they be rowed and shorne : because ofttimes they goe undrest.
Moreover, we will you send us of every commodity in that Country part,
but no great quantity other than such as is before declared. And likewise every
kind of Lether, whereof we be informed there is great store bought yeerely
by the Esterlings and Duches for hie Almaigne and Germanie.

" More, that you doe send us for proofe a quantity of such Earth, hearbes, or
what thing soever it be, that the Russes do die, and colour any kind of cloth
linen or wollen, Lether or any other thing withall : and also part of that which
the Tartars and Turkes doe bring thither, and how it must be used in dying
and colouring. Moreover that you have a special foresight in the chusing of
your Tallowe, and that it may be well purified and tried, or els it will in one
yeere putrifie and consume.

" Also that you certifie us the trueth of the weights and measures, and howe
they do answere with ours, and to send us 3 robles in money, that we may try
the just value of them.

" Also we doe send you in these ships ten yong men that be bound Prentises
to the Companie whom we will you to appoint every of them as you shall
there find most apt and meete, some to keep accompts, some to buy and sell by
your order and commission, and some to send abroad into the notable cities of
the Countrey for understanding and knowledge."

The spirit of commercial enterprise was fully kindled, and an
eager desire appears to become the Carriers of the world. What
a change from the utter prostration which led, just before, to the
appeal to Him whose genius had been thus successfully invoked
to quicken and to guide !

" We would you bought as much waxe principally as you may get. For if
there be in that country so great quantity, as we be informed there is, it will
be the best commodity we may have : for having that wholly in our hands, we

205

may serve our ovm Country and others. Therefore seeing the Emperour doth
minde, that such commodities as bee in his dominions shall not passe to Rie
and Revel and Poland as they have done, but be reserved for us : therefore we
must sT) lay for it, that it may not be upon their hands that have it to sell,
always having consideration in the price and time as our next dispatch may
correspond.

" Also we doe understand that in the countrey of Permia or about the river
of Pechora is great quantitie of Ye we, and likewise in the countrey of Ugory,
which we be desirous to have knowledge of, because it is a special com-
moditie for our Realme. Therefore wee have sent you a yong man, whose
name is Leonard Brian, that hath some knowledge in the wood, to shew you
in what sorte it must be cut and cloven. So our minde is if there be any store,
and that it be found to be good, that there you doe provide a good quantitie
against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes. And because wee bee
not sure what timber they shall finde there to make Casks, we have laden in
these ships 140 Tunnes emptie Caske, that is 94 tunnes shaken Casks and 46
tunnes whole, and ten thousand hoopes, and 480 wrethes of twigs ; they may
be doing with that till they can provide other timber, which wee would be
glad to heare of. They have an example with them of the bignesse of the
Caske they shall make. Neverthelesse, all such Buttes and Hoggesheads as
may be found to serve we will shal be filled with traine Oyle.

" It shalbe very needeful that you doe appoynt certaine to see the romaging
of the ships, and to give the master or Botswaine, or him that will take upon
him to romage, a good reward for his labour to see the goods well romaged.
If it be iij d. or iiij d. the tunne, it shall not be amisse. For if it be not sub
stantially well looked into, it may be a great deale of money out of our wayes.

" Also because we reckon that from the Mosco will bee alwayes better con
veyance of letters to us by land : our minde is that from time to time as occa
sion shall serve, our Agents shall write to him that shall lie at Mosco of all
things that shall passe, that he may give us large instructions, aswel what is
solde and bought, as also what lading we shall take, and what quantitie and
kinde of goods wee shall send. For we must procure to utter good quantitie of
wares, especially the commodities of our Realme, although we afford a good
penyworth, to the intent to make other that have traded thither, wearie, and
so to bring ourselves and our commodities in estimation, and likewise to pro
cure and have the chiefe commodities of that Country in our hands, as waxe
and such others ; that other Nations may be served by us and at our hands.
For wee doe understand that the greatest quantitie of waxe that commeth to
Danske, Lubeck, and Hambourgh, commeth out of Russia, Therefore if wee
should buy part, and they also buy, it would raise the price there, and would
be little worth here. And all such letters of importance and secrecie as you
doe send by land for any wares or otherwise, you must write them in Cyphers
after the order of a booke sent you in the shippes : alwayes taking good heede
in placing of your letters and cyphers, that we may understand them by the
same booke here, and to send them in such sort, that we may have them here

206

by Christmas or Candlemas if it be possible. And because you cannot so cer
tainly advertise us by letters of your doings, but some doubt may arise whereof
we would most gladly be certified : our minde is therefore that with these
ships you send us home one such yong man as is most expert in knowledge of
that Countrey, and can best certifie vs in such questions as may be demanded,
whome we will remit unto you againe in the next ships. We think Arthur
Edwards wil be fittest for that purpose : neverthelesse use your discretion in
that matter.

" The prices of wares here at this present, are, bale flaxe twenty pound the
packe and better, towe flaxe twentie-eight pounds the hundred, traine oyle at
nine pounds the tunne, waxe at foure pound the hundred, tallow at sixteene
shillings the hundred, cables and ropes very deare ; as yet there are no shippes
come out of Danske."

Though matters passed off so smoothly in public with the
Ambassador, we are let here behind the curtain, and note some
misgivings as to the character of himself and his countrymen :

" Also if the Emperour bee minded to deliver you any summe of money,
or good waxe at as reasonable price as you may buye for readie money, wee
will that you shall take it and lade it for our accomptes, and to come at our
adventure, and hee to be payed at the returneof the shippes in velvets, sattens,
or any other kinde of silke, or cloth of golde, cloth of tissue, or according as
his commission shalbe that he shall send us in the shippes, and according to
such paternes as hee shall send. Wee doe not finde the Ambassadour nowe
at the last so conformable to reason as wee had thought wee shoulde. Hee
is very mistrustfull, and tldnketh everie man will beguile him. Therefore you
had neede to take heede howe you have to doe with him or with any such, and
to make your bargains plaine, and to set them downe in writing. For they be
subtill people, and doe not alwaies speaJce the trueth, and thinke other men to bee
like themselves. Therefore we would have none of them to send any goods in
our ships at any time, nor none to come for passengers, unlesse the Emperour
doe make a bargaine with you, as is aforesaid, for his owne person.

" Have consideration how you doe take the roble. For although we doe
rate it after sixteen shillings eight-pence of our money, yet it is not worth
past 12 or 13 shillings sterling."*

The Agent at Vologda writes thus to the Agent at Colmogro :

" Worshipfull Sir, heartie commendations premised. These may bee to
advertise you, that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert
Best, and brought with him two hundred Robles, that is one hundred for
this place, and one hundred for you at Colmogro. As forhempe which is here
at two robles and a halfe the bercovitie, master Gray has written to buy no

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 297.

207

more at that price ; for John Sedgewicke hath bought for sixe or seven hun
dred robles worth at Novogrode for one roble and a halfe the bercovite, and
better cheape : and white Novogrode flaxe is there at three robles the berco
vite. " I trust he will doe much good by his going thither. As I doe under
stand Richard Johnson is gone to Novogrode with money to him, I doubt not
but master Gray hath advertised you of all their doings, both at the Mosco
and at Novogrod. And touching our doings heere, you shall perceive that
wee have solde wares of this fourth voyage of one hundred and fortie robles,
besides fiftie robles, of the second and third voyage since the giving up of my
last account, and for wares of the countrey, you shall understand that I have
bought, tried and untried, for 77 robles, foure hundred podes of tried tallowe,
beside four hundred podes that I have given out money for, whereof God
graunt good receipt when the time cometh, which is in Lent. And in browne
flaxe and hempe I have bought seventeen bercovites, sixe podes and sixteene
pound, which cost 28 robles, eleven altines two-pence. And as for other
kindes of wares I have bought none as yet. And for Mastes to bee provided,
you shall understand that I wrote a letter to Totma the 28 of this present for
fiftie mastes, to wit, for 25 of fifteene fathoms, and 25 of fourteene fathoms, to
be an arshine and a halfe at the small ende. And more, I have written for 30
great trees to be two archines and a half at the small end, and for the other
that were provided the last yeere, I trust they shalbe sent downe in the spring
of the yeere. And as concerning the Ropemakers, you shall understand that
their abiding place shall be with you at Colmogro, as I do thinke Master Gray
hath advertised you. For, as Roger Boutinge, Master of the woorkes, doeth
say, there is no place more meete for their purpose then with you ; and there
it will be made with lesser cost, considering that the pale is the one-halfe of
it : which is to set one pale more to that, and so for to cover it over, which as
they say will be but little cost. They doe pray that it may be made sixteene
foote broade, and one hundred and eighty fathoms long ; and that in the
middle way twentie foote from the pale towarde the water-side there may be
a house made to tarre in, standing alone by itselfe for danger of fire. The
Tarre house that they would have made, is to be fifteen fathoms long, and ten
fathoms broade, and they would that house should be made first ; for I thinke
they will not tarre before they come there. And further they desire that you
will provide for as much tarre as you may, for heere we have small store, but
when the time cormneth that it should be made ; I will provide as much as I
can here, that it may be sent downe when the nasade commeth. The stuffe
that they have reddie spunne is about five thousand weight, and they say that
they trust to have by that time they come downe yarn ynough to make 20
cables. As concerning a copie of the alphabet in ciphers Master Gray hath
written hither that Robert Austen had one, which he willed that he shoulde
deliver to you. Thus I surcease, beseeching God to preserve you in health,
and send you your hearts desire."*

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 302.

208

Another letter from the Company :

" This letter before written is the copie on one sent you by Thomas Alcock,
trusting that hee was with you long since. The 26 day of the last moneth
wee received a letter from him, dated in Stockholme in Sweden the 14 day of
January, and we perceive by his letter that he had talked with a Dutchman
that came lately from Mosco, who informed him that our friend Master An
tony Jenkinson was returned to the Mosco in September last past, but how
farre he had beene, or what he had done, he could not tell. Also he wrote
that one John Lucke, a joyner, was taken by the Liefelanders, and put in prison.
As yet we have not heard from the sayd John Lucke, nor know not whether
he be released out of prison or not. We suppose that by him you wrote some
letter which as yet is not come to our hands : so that we thinke he is yet in
prison, or otherwise dispatched out of the way. The fifteenth day of Decem
ber wee received a letter from Christopher Hodson dated in the Mosco the
29 of July, by the way of Danske ; which is in effect a copie of such another
received from him in our shippes. You shall understand that wee have laden
in three good shippes of ours these kind of wares following : to wit, in the
Swallowe of London, master under God Stephen Burrow, 34 fardels No. 136
broad short clothes, and four fardels No. 58 Hampshire Kersies : and 23
pipes of bastards and seckes, and 263 pieces of Raisins, and four hogsheds
No. 154 pieces of round pewter, and ten hogsheds and poncheons of prunes,
and one dryfatte with almonds. And in the Philip and Marie, Master under
God Thomas Wade, 25 fardels No. 100 broad cloths, and three fardels No. 42
Hampshire Kersies, and thirtie pipes of seckes and bastards and 100 pieces of
raisins. And in the Jesus of London, Master under God Arthur Pette, 10
fardels No. 40 broade shorte clothes, and twenty-seven pipes of bastards and
seckes, as by the invoices herewith inclosed may appeare ; also you shall re
ceive such necessaries as you did write to bee sent for the rope-makers ;
trusting that you shall have better successe with them which you shall send
us in these ships, then with the rest which you have sent us yet : fer we as
yet have solde none of them. And whereas we wrote unto you, in our for
mer letter, that we would send you a hundred tunnes of salte, by reason it is
so deare here we doe sende you but nine tunnes and a halfe, for it cost here
ten-pence the bushel the first pennie : namely in the Swallow 6 tunnes and a
halfe, in the Philip and Marie one tunne and a halfe, and in the Jesus one
tunne and.a halfe. The 4 hogsheads of round pewter goe in the Swallow, and
in the Philip and Marie No. 154 pieces as is aforesaid. We send you three
ships, trusting that you have provided according to our former writing good
store of lading for them. If yee have more wares than will lade the ships, let
it be traine oyle that you leave behinde ; the price is not here so good as it
was : it is worth here 9 pound the tunne. We thinke it good you should let
the smaller ship bring as much of the traine as she can carry. And that the
masters of the ships do looke well to the romaging, for they might bring away
a great deale more than they doe, if they would take paine in the romaging ;

209

and bestowe the traine by it selfe, and the waxe and tallowe by it selfe : for the
leakage of the traine doth fowle the other wares much.

" We send you now but 100 Kersies : but against the next yeere, if occasion
serve, wee will send you a greater quantitie, according as you shall advise us :
one of the pipes of seckes that is in the Swallow, which hath two round com
passes upon the bung is to be presented to the Emperour : for it is speciall
good. The nete weight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds
1 Pound. It is written particularly upon the head of every Puncheon : and
the nete weight of the fatte of Almonds is 500 li. two quarters. The raisins,
prunes, and almonds you were best to dispatch away at a reasonable price,
and particularly the raisins, for in keeping of them will be great loss in the
waight, and the fruit will decay. We thinke it good that you provide against
the next yeere for the comming of our shippes 20 or 30 bullockes killed and
salted, for beefe is very deare here. Therefore you were best to save some of
this salt that we doe send you in these ships for the purpose. The salte of
that countrey is not so good. In this you may take the opinion of the Masters
of the shippes. Foxe skins, white, blacke, and russet, will be vendible here.
The last yere you sent none : but there were mariners that brought many.
If any of the mariners doe buy any trifling furres or other commodities, we
will they shall be registered in our purser's bookes, to the intent we may know
what they be."*

In a subsequent communication it is said :

" The ware that we would have you provide against the comming of the
shippes are, Waxe, Tallowe, trayne Oyles, Flaxe, Cables and Ropes, and
Furres such as we have written to you for in our last letters by the shippes :
and from hencefoorth not to make any great provision of any riche Furres ex
cept principall Sables and Lettes : for now there is a Proclamation made that
no furres shall be worne here, but such as the like is growing here within this
our Realme. Also we perceive that there might be a great deale of tallowe
more provided in a yeere than you send. Therefore our minde is, you should
enlarge somewhat more in the price, and to send us if you can three thousand
podes a yeere for we do most good in it. And likewise the Russes, if you
would give them a reasonable price for their wares, woulde be the willinger to
buy and sell with you, and not to carie so much to Novogrode as they doe,
but woulde rather bring it to Vologda to you, both Waxe, Tallowe, Flaxe,
Hempe, and all kinde of other wares fitte for our countrey. Our minde is you
should provide for the next ships five hundred Loshhides, of them that be large
and faire, and thickest in hande, and to be circumspect in the choosing, that
you buy them that be killed in season and well dried and whole. If they be
good we may sell them here for sixteen shillings and better the piece, wee
would have the whole skinnes, that is the necke and legges withall, for these

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 308.
P

210

that you sent now lacke their neckes and legges. Neverthelesse for this time
you must send them as you may get them : If you coulde finde the meanes
that the haire might be clipped off them, they woulde not take so much roome
in the shippes as they doe. We perceive by your letters that the prices of
waxe doe rise there with you, by reason that the Poles and Lifelanders doe
trade into Russia by licence : which, if there should bee peace betweene them,
woulde rise to a bigger price, and not be sufficient to serve them and us too,
and likewise woulde bring downe there the prices of our commodities. There
fore we thinke it good you shoulde make a supplication to the Emperour in the
name of The Companie to returne the trade from Rye and Revel to us, espe
cially for such wares as wee doe buy : promising that we will be bounde to
take them at a reasonable price, as wee have bought them in times past : and
likewise that wee will bring to them such wares of ours, as are thought fitte
for the Countrey, and to sell them at such reasonable prices as wee have
done."*

There would seem to have been very soon an extensive esta
blishment at Moscow, and many Englishmen in the service of the
Merchant Adventurers perished when that city was destroyed by
the Tartars :

" Mosco is burnt every sticke by the Crinime the 24 day of May last, and
an innumerable number of people : and in the English house was smothered
Thomas Southam, Tofild, Waverley, Greene's wife and children, two children
of Rafe, and more to the number of 25 persons were stifled in our beere seller :
and yet in the same seller was Rafe, his wife, John Browne, and John Clarke
preserved, which was wonderful. And there went into that seller Master
Glover and Master Rowley also : but because the heate was so great, they
came foorth again with much perill, so that a boy at their heeles was taken with
the fire, yet they escaped blindfold into another seller, and there as God's will
was they were preserved. The Emperour fled out of the field, and many of
his people were carried away by the Crimme Tartar : to wit, all the yong
people, the old they would not meddle with, but let them alone, and so with
exceeding much spoile and infinite prisoners, they returned home againe.
What with the Crimme on the one side, and with his crueltie on the other, he
hath but few people left."f

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 306. f Ib- vol. i. p. 402.

CHAP. XXXIV.

THE CHARTER OF INCORPORATION RECITES PREPARATIONS ACTUALLY MADE

FOR VOYAGES TO THE NORTH, NORTH-EAST, AND NORTH-WEST HOW

FRUSTRATED WHALE FISHERY NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERY THE AM
BASSADOR OF THE SOPHY OF PERSIA AT MOSCOW HIS EXPLANATION TO

THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA AS TO ENGLAND FOLLOWED UP BY A MES
SENGER TO PERSIA FROM ENGLAND WITH A LETTER TO THE SOPHY PRO
POSING A COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.

IT is only by looking closely to the terms of the Charter that we
become aware of the extensive schemes of Commerce and Disco
very which were contemplated, far beyond the scope of that of
which the result has just been stated. The recital is as follows : —

"Whereas we be credibly informed, that our right trustie, right faith-
full, and welbeloved Counsailors, William Marques of Winchester Lord
high Treasurer of this our Realme of England, Henrie Earle of Arundel
Lord Steward of our housholde, John Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of
our Privie Scale, William Earle of Pembroke, William Lorde Howard of
Effingham Lorde High Admirall of our saide Realme of England &c.
Have at their owne adventure, costs and charges, provided, rigged and
tackled certaine ships, pinnesses, and other meete vessels, and the same fur
nished with all things necessary have advanced and set forward, for to discover,
descrie, and finde Isles, landes, territories, Dominions, and Seigniories un-
knowen, and by our subjects before this not commonly by sea frequented,
which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God, it shall chaunce them
sailing Northwards, Northeastwards, and Northwestwards, or any partes thereof,
in that race or course which other Christian Monarches (being with us in league
and amitie,) have not heretofore by sea traffiqued, haunted, or frequented, to
iinde and attaine by their said adventure, as well for the glorie of God, as for
the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall, in the increase of the reve
nues of our crowne, and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and
Dominions, and of our subjects of the same, and to this intent our subjects
above specified and named, have most humbly beseeched us, that our abundant
grace, favour and clemencie may be gratiously extended unto them in this
behalfe. Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaule our coun
sailors, subiects and Marchants, and willing to animate, advance, further and

212

nourish them in their said Godlie, honest and good purpose, and, as we hope,
profitable adventure, and that they may the more willingly, and readily atchieve
the same, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, have
graunted, and by these presents do graunt, for us, our heires and successors,
unto our said right trustie, and right faithfull, and right wellbeloved Coun-
sailors, and the other before named persons that they by the name of Mar-
chants Adventurers of England, for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles,
Dominions and Seigniories unknowen, and not before that late adventure or
enterprise by Sea or Navigation, commonly frequented as aforesaid, shalbe
from henceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communitie of them
selves, both in deede and in name, and them by the names of Marchants Ad
venturers for the discoverie of lands, territories, Isles, and Seigniories un
knowen, and not by the Seas, and Navigations, before their said late adven
ture or enterprise by Sea or Navigation commonly frequented. We doe incor
porate, name, and declare by these presents, and that the same fellowship or
communalty from henceforth shalbe, and may have one Governor of the said
Fellowship and Communitie of Marchants Adventurers."*

The prospects thus opened to England were doubtless over
shadowed by the domestic turmoil which followed, and which
separated the Noble Adventurers into virulent opposing factions.
The war, too, with France, into which the country was plunged,
to serve the purposes of Philip, called their attention and resources
elsewhere, and it only remained to follow up the success which
had dawned on the first mercantile speculations.

When we know that the extensive views of Cabot were thus
controlled, and recall the sanguine expressions of his letter to Ra-
musio, how must our indignation kindle anew at such cruel and
absurd misstatements as those of Mr. Ellis, who thus follows up
the blunder on his part, already exposed, which converts the
Butrigarius Conversation into a Letter from Sebastian Cabot.

" From this account we see plainly the true reason why all thoughts of a
North-West passage were laid aside for near fourscore years. For the greatest
part of this time Sebastian Cabot, Esq., in quality of governor of the Russia
Company, was the great director and almost the sole manager of all our ex
peditions for discovery, as appears as well from the instructions drawn by him,
for the direction of those who wrere employed to look for a North-East pas
sage, as from several charters, commissions, and other public instruments, in
which we find him mentioned with great honour, and treated as the father

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 267.

213

and founder of the English navigation. It does not indeed appear, that he
ever declared in express terms, against making any further searches to the
North- West ; but as it is evident from the Letter of his before-mentioned that he
absolutely despaired of finding such a passage, it may be fairly presumed, that
during his life time, and considering the great influence he had in matters of
this nature, no project for such a discovery would have met with any en
couragement ; and therefore we need not wonder, that even in that age, when
hardly a year passed but some design or other, for promoting commerce and
navigation, was set on foot, this remained as silent and unthought of, as if it
never had been proposed ; or as if a single unsuccessful attempt upon a coast
never before visited, had been sufficient to extinguish all hopes, and produce abso
lute despair of doing any good in a matter of such importance, the consequences
of which were so well known to the enterprising navigators of those times."*

One of the results of the Northern Voyages was the opening
the way to the Whale Fishery at Spitzbergen.f

An important Statute, 2nd and 3rd Edward VI. cap. 6, occurs
to Newfoundland. J After reciting that within the few years last
past, there had been exacted by certain officers of the admi
ralty divers great sums of the merchants and fishermen resorting
to Newfoundland and other places, " to the great discouragement
and hinderance of the same merchants and fishermen, and to
no little damage of the whole commonwealth," it is forbidden,
"to demand of any such merchants or fishermen any sum or sums
of money, doles, or shares of fish, or any other reward, benefit,
or advantage whatsoever it be for any licence to pass this realm
to the said voyages or any of them."

The claims of Cabot on the gratitude of his country for having
opened to it this source of wealth and power have been freely
recognised : —

" To come," says Sir William Monson, writing in 1610, " to the particulars
of augmentation of our trade, of our plantations, and our discoveries, because
every man shall have his due therein, I will begin with Newfoundland, lying
upon the main continent of America, which the King of Spain challenges as

* Voyage to Hudson's Bay, &c., to which is prefixed an Historical Account,
&c. by Henry Ellis, Gent. p. 8.

f Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 83. M'Pherson's Annals of
Commerce, vol. ii. p. 115.

vol. ii. p. 412.

214

first discoverer ; but as we acknowledge the King of Spain the first light of
the West and South-West parts of America, so we, and all the world must
confess, that we were the first who took possession, for the crown of England,
of the north part thereof, and not above two years difference betwixt the one
and the other. And as the Spaniards have, from that day and year, held their
possession in the West, so have we done the like in the North ; and though
there is no respect, in comparison of the wealth betwixt the countries, yet
England may boast, that the discovery from the year aforesaid to this very
day, hath afforded the subject annually, one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds, and increased the number of many a good ship, and mariners, as our
western parts can witness, by their fishing in Newfoundland."

" If this worthy man," says Campbell, " had performed nothing more, his
name ought surely to have been transmitted to future times with honour, since
it clearly appears, that Newfoundland hath been a source of riches and naval
power to this nation, from the time it was discovered, as well as the first of
our plantations ; so that, with strict justice, it may be said of Sebastian Cabot,
that he was the Author of our Maritime Strength, and opened the way to those
improvements which have rendered us so great, so eminent, so flourishing a
people."*

" By his knowledge and experience, his zeal and penetration, he not only
was the means of extending the Foreign Commerce of England, but of keeping
alive that Spirit of Enterprise which, even in his life time, was crowned with suc
cess, and which ultimately led to the most happy results for the nation, &c."f

Another branch of Commerce which grew out of the North-
Eastern Voyages, is connected with some very curious circum
stances.

Richard Chancellor informed Eden, (Decades, fol. 298,) that
at Moscow, he met the ambassador of the " Kinge of Persia,
called the great Sophie," and was indebted to him for substan
tial favours. " The ambassador was appareled all in scarlet, and
spoke much to the Duke in behalf of our men, of whose kingdom
and trade he was not ignorant." It may excite a smile, at the
present day, to find an Ambassador of the Sophy of Persia vouch
ing for the commercial respectability of England ; and the Russia
Company itself, yet in existence, is probably not aware of the
extent to which it may have been indebted to his good offices.
The complacent feeling thus indicated led shortly after to the

* Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, art. Sebastian Cabot,
t Barrow's Chronological History, &c. p. 30.

215

mission of Anthony Jenkinson. The Company writing to the
Agent in Russia, say,* " We have a further hope of some good
trade to be found out by Master Anthonie Jenkinson by reason
we do perceive, by your letters, that raw silk is as plentiful in
Persia as flax is in Russia, besides other commodities that may
come from thence." One of the earliest acts of Elizabeth, after
her accession, was to address a letter " To the right mightie and
right victorious Prince, the Great Sophie, Emperor of the Per
sians, Medes, Parthians, Hircans, Carmanians, Margians, of the
people on this side and beyond the river of Tigris, and of all
men and nations between the Caspian Sea and the Gulfe of
Persia." She asks his good offices towards the Agent of the
Company :

" For that his enterprise is onely grounded upon an honest intent, to establish
trade of merchandise with your subjects, and with other strangers trafficking
in your Realms." " We do hope that the Almightie God will bring it to pass,
that of these small beginnings greater moments of things shall hereafter spring
both to our furniture and honors, and also to the great commodities and use of
our peoples, so that it will be knowen that neither the Earth, the Seas, nor
the Heavens have so much force to separate us, as the godly disposition of
natural humanity and mutual benevolence have to joyne us strongly together."^

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 30?. f Ib. p. 341.

216

CHAP. XXXV.

THE SEARCH-THRIFT DESPATCHED TO THE NORTH IN 1556 UNDER STEPHEN
BURROUGH — CABOT'S ENTERTAINMENT AT GRAVESEND — INFLUENCE OP

THE DEATH OP EDWARD VI. ON HIS PERSONAL FORTUNES REVIVING

HOPES OF THE STILYARD MERCHANTS THEIR INSOLENT REFERENCE TO

THE QUEEN IN A MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO PHILIP THE LATTER

REACHES LONDON, 20TH MAY, 1557 NEW ARRANGEMENT AS TO CABOT's

PENSION ON 2QTH MAY 1557 WILLIAM WORTHINGTON IN POSSESSION

OF HIS PAPERS ACCOUNT OF THAT PERSON MANNER IN WHICH THE

MAPS AND DISCOURSES HAVE PROBABLY DISAPPEARED CABOT*S ILLNESS

AFFECTING ACCOUNT OF HIS LAST MOMENTS BY RICHARD EDEN.

AMIDST the stir and bustle of these commercial enterprises con
certed by Cabot, or due to the impulse he had communicated,
there occurs a remarkable anecdote of himself. Stephen Bur-
rough, afterwards Chief Pilot of England and one of the four
Masters having charge of The Royal Navy at Chatham, &c.,*
had been with Richard Chancellor, on the first voyage, and was

J O '

again despatched to the North in 1556, in a pinnace called the
Search-thrift. His copious journal of the incidents of the voyage is
preserved,f and an entry at the outset strikingly exhibits the an
xious supervision of Cabot, and the apparent unwillingness to quit,
up to the latest moment, the object of so much solicitude. At the
Entertainment, too, provided at Gravesend, his countenance to
the joyous amusements of the company not only shews the un-
unbroken spirits of this wonderful man, but the terms in which
Burrough records these minute incidents prove how well Cabot
understood the character of those around him, and knewr that he
was leaving, to cheer them amidst their perils, a grateful impres
sion of kind and familiar sympathy at home.

* See his Commission from Queen Elizabeth, dated 3rd January, 1563,
amongst the Lansdowne MSS. No. 116, art. Hi.
t Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 274.

217

"The 27 April being Munday, the Right Worshipful Sebastian Cabuto came
aboord our Pinnesse at Gravesende, accompanied with divers Gentlemen, and
Gentlewomen, who after that they had viewed our Pinnesse and tasted of such
cheere as we could make them aboord, they went on shore, giving to our ma
riners right liberall rewards : and the good olde Gentleman Master Cabota gave
to the poore most liberall almes, wishing them to pray for the good fortune,
and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift, our Pinnesse. And then at the
signe of the Christopher, he and his friends banketted, and made me, and them
that were in the company great cheere : and for very joy that he had to see the
towardness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himselfe, amongst
the rest of the young and lusty company : which being ended, hee and his
friends departed most gently, commending us to the Governance of Almighty
God."

A gloom now overspreads the history of Cabot, and we ap
proach the closing scenes of his life with a painful conviction that
they exhibit a signal instance of ingratitude and bad faith.

The untimely death of Edward VI. while it operated as a se
vere check on the advancing commercial prosperity of England,
was no less inauspicious to the personal fortunes of him who had
given the first great impulse. The generosity of the youthful
monarch, — his ingenuous and enterprising spirit, — and his fond
ness for the studies and enquiries connected with sea affairs — are
in melancholy contrast with the close and sullen bigotry of Mary.
It would form no recommendation to her that Cabot had been a
personal favourite with a brother whom she regarded as a heretic
and as her own persecutor. With her husband he was still less
likely to find favour. Jealous of the growing commerce and
maritime enterprise of England, Philip saw in Sebastian Cabot
the man who had left his father's service, had refused perempto
rily to return, and who was now imparting to others the benefit
of his vast experience and accumulated stores of knowledge.

Edward died on the 6 July, 1553. On the 27 November,
1555, the pension to Cabot was renewed, (Ryrner, Fcedera, vol. xv.
p. 427,) but there is no clause having a retrospective character,
to cover the intervening period, such as would be necessary if, as
the fact of renewal implies, the pension made payable for life by
the king and his successors was deemed to expire on the death of
the reigning monarch.

218

The most alarming indication of the complete change in the
aspect of affairs is the fact that the Stilyard merchants, by the
influence of Charles V., through the marriage of his son with
Mary, were enabled to obtain relief from the Act of the late King.
" This," says Rapin, " was the first fruit of the Queen's alliance
with the Emperor."

Their insolent confidence is strikingly apparent in one Docu
ment which shews, at the same time, their knowledge of Philip's
brutal disregard of the feelings of his wife.

" At an assembly of the Hansps at Lubeck, an Edict was published against
all Englishmen, forbidding all trade or commerce with them, and staying the
carrying out of Corne, which was provided for the service and necessitie of the
Realme : yet for all these indignities, the said Queene was contented that Com
missaries on both parts should meet in England, and agree upon, and set downe
a certaine and immutable manner of Trade to be held, and observed on both
sides : but the Hanses were so farre from accepting of this gracious offer,
that they wholly refused it, as by a Petition of theirs exhibited to King Philip,
the third of June 1557 appeareth, wherein they declare the cause of that their
refusall to bee, for that they coulde not have in this Realme anie other iudges
of their cause, but such as were suspected, not sparing or excepting the Queene
herself e of whose good will and favour they had received so often experience
and triall.*

A crisis approaches. Philip reached London on the 20th May,
1557, and the formal declaration of war against France took place
immediately after.f The period was one of great pecuniary em
barrassment with Mary, and she saw the dreaded necessity ap
proaching for a demand on Parliament of money to enable her
to promote the schemes of her husband. J We recall, at such a

* Treatise of Commerce, by Wheeler, Ed. of 1601. p. 97.

f " Philip had come to London in order to support his partizans ; and he
told the Queen, that if he were not gratified in so reasonable a request, he
never more would set foot in England. This declaration extremely heightened
her zeal for promoting his interests, and overcoming the inflexibility of her
Council." Hume, anno 1557-

} " Any considerable supplies could scarcely be expected from Parliament,
considering the present disposition of the nation ; and as the war would sen
sibly diminish that branch arising from the customs, the finances, it was fore-

219

moment, with alarm, the almost incredible baseness and ingrati
tude of this man who, the year before, had withheld from his fa
ther, Charles V., the paltry pittance reserved on surrendering a
mighty empire.*

On the 27th May, 1557, Cabot resigned his pension.f On the
29th, a new grant is made, but in a form essentially different. J
It is no longer to him exclusively, but jointly with William Worth-
ino-ton : " eidem Sebastiano et dilecto servienti nostro Willielmo

O '

Worthington."

On the face of this transaction Cabot is cheated of one-half of
the sum which had been granted to him for life. This was done,
no doubt, on the pretence that age prevented an efficient discharge
of his duties, forgetting that the very nature of the grant for life
had indulgent reference to such a contingency, and that Cabot
by refusing to quit England had forfeited his pension from the
Emperor.

That Worthington — probably a favourite of that dark hour —
was thus provided for on pretence of aiding in the discharge of
Cabot's functions seems placed beyond doubt by evidence found
in Hakluyt. The Dedication of the first volume of the greater
work to the Lord High Admiral of England contains these re
markable expressions :

" King Edward VI., that Prince of peerless hope, with the advice of his

seen, would fall short even of the ordinary charges of government ; and must
still more prove unequal to the expenses of war. But though the Queen owed
great arrears to all her servants, besides the loans extorted from the subjects,
these considerations had no influence with her." Ib.

* Robertson's Charles V. anno 1556. "But though he might have soon
learned to view with unconcern the levity of his subjects, or to have despised
their neglect, he was more deeply afflicted with the ingratitude of his Son,
who, forgetting already how much he owed to his father's bounty, obliged him
to remain some weeks at Burgos, before he paid him the first moiety of that
small Pension, which was all that he had reserved of so many kingdoms. As
without this sum Charles could not dismiss his domestics with such rewards
as their services merited, or his generosity had destined for them, he could not
help expressing both surprise and dissatisfaction."

t Rymer, vol. xv. p. 42?. J Ib. p. 466.

220

sage and prudent counsel, before he entered into the North-Eastern discovery,
advanced the Worthy and Excellent Sebastian Cabota to be Grand Pilot of Eng
land, allowing him a most bountifull Pension of £166 by the year, during his
life, as appeareth in his letters Patent, which are to be seen in the third part of
my work. And if God had granted him longer life, I doubt not but as he
dealt most royally in establishing that office of Pilot Major, (which not long
after, to tlie great hindrance of the common-wealth, was miserably turned to other
private uses) so his Princely Majesty would have shewed himself no niggard in
erecting, &c. &c."

The high functionary thus addressed was then in the service of
Queen Elizabeth. The gross abuse, therefore, so indignantly de
nounced has no reference, we may be assured, to her, and we
know that amongst the early acts of her reign was the appoint
ment of Stephen Burrough to the office in question. The allusion,
therefore, is to some dark tale of perversion between the death of
Edward in 1553 and the accession of Elizabeth in 1558, and we
can have little difficulty in coupling it with this mark of royal
bounty at the expense of Cabot.

The allusion was, doubtless, well understood by the person ad
dressed, for his father, then Lord High Admiral of England, is
named, as we have seen, in the Charter of the Merchant Adven
turers, (at the head of whom Cabot is placed) as one of the asso
ciates who had fitted out the vessels to prosecute discoveries in
the North, North-West, and North-East.* Hakluyt alludes to
this circumstance in his Dedication to the son.

We look round with some interest for information as to. William
Worthington. The only notice of him discovered is in a pas
sage of Strype's Historical Memorials, (vol. ii. p. 506,) where
amongst the Acts of Edward VI. the youthful monarch is found,
with an easy liberality, forgiving him a large debt on his allegation
that a servant had run away with the money.

" A Pardon granted to William Worthington, being indebted to the King for
and concerning the office of Bailiff and Collector of the Rents and Revenues of
all the Manors, Messuages, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments within the
City of London, and County of Middlesex, which did belong to Colleges , Guilds,
Fraternities, or Free Chappels, in the sum of 392 pounds 10 shillings 3 pence, as

* See the Charter in Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 268.

221

upon the foot of his account, made by the said William before Thomas Mild-
may auditor of the said Revenues, manifestly it doth appear : In consideration
of his service both in France and Scotland, and also his daily service and at
tendance, being one of the ordinary Gentlemen and Pensioners ; and for that
the Dent grew by the unfaithfulness of his servant, who ran away with the same.
Granted in March, but the Patent signed in April."

It will be remembered* that in Hakluyt's earliest work, pub
lished in 1582, he speaks of all Cabot's Maps and Discourses
written with his own hand as then in the possession of William
Worthington. The facts disclosed may, perhaps, assist to account
for their disappearance. It is obvious that such documents would
be secured, at any price, by the Spanish Court, at the period of
Hakluyt's publication, when English enterprise was scattering
dismay amongst the Spanish possessions in America. The work
of Hakluyt (six years before the Armada) shewed where they
were to be found. The depositary of them was the very man who
had been the object of Philip's bounty during his brief influence
in England. Were they not bought up ? There can be now
only a conjecture on the subject, yet it seems to gather strength
the more it is reflected on.

Suspicion may even go back farther, and suggest that a main
object in associating this man with Cabot was to enable him to
get possession of the papers that they might be destroyed or sent
to Spain. The fact that Worthington had received them was
probably too well known to be denied by him ; and his remark to
Hakluyt may have been a mere mode of evading that person's
prying curiosity. The same alarm which dictated the demand on
Edward VI. for the return of Cabot would lead Philip to seize,
with eagerness, an opportunity of getting hold of these documents,
so that the author's dreaded knowledge might expire with him
self. Of one thing we may feel assured. Hakluyt, who is found
attaching so much importance to an " Extract" from one of Cabot's
Maps, was not turned aside from efforts to get a sight of this pre
cious Collection, but by repeated and peremptory refusals, for which,
if i t really remained in Worthington's hands, there occurs no ade-

*See p. 41.

222

quate motive. The language of the Dedication seems to betray
something of the sharpness of a personal pique.

Sixty-one years had now elapsed since the date of the first com
mission from Henry VII. to Sebastian Cabot, and the powers of na
ture must have been absolutely weaned out. We lose sight of him
after the late mortifying incident; but the faithful and kind-hearted
Richard Eden beckons us, with something of awe, to see him die.
That excellent person attended him in his last moments,* and fur
nishes a touching proof of thestrength of the Ruling Passion. Cabot
spoke flightily, " on his death bed," about a divine revelation to
him of a new and infallible method of Finding the Longitude which
he was not permitted to disclose to any mortal. His pious friend
grieves that" the good old man," as he is affectionately called, had
not yet, "even in the article of death, shaken off all worldlie vaine
glorie." When we remember the earnest religious feeling exhi
bited in the Instructions to Sir Hugh Willoughby, and which
formed so decided a feature of Cabot's character,it is impossible to
conceive a stronger proof of the influence of long cherished habits
of thought, than that his decay ing faculties, at this awful moment,
were yet entangled with the problem which continues to this day
to vex, and elude, the human intellect. The Dying Seaman was
again, in imagination, on that beloved Ocean over whose bil
lows his intrepid and adventurous youth had opened a pathway, and
whose mysteries had occupied him longer than the allotted span of
ordinary life. The date of his death is not known, nor, except pre
sumptively, the place where it occurred. From the presence of
Eden we may infer that he died in London. It is not known
where his Remains were deposited. The claims of England in the
new world have been uniformly, and justly, rested on his disco-

* See the Epistle Dedicatory to " A very necessarie and profitable book con
cerning Navigation compiled in Latin by Joannes Taisnerus, a publike Professor
in Rome, Fen aria and other Universities in Italic, of the Matheinaticalles
named a Treatise of Continual Motions. Translated into English by Richard
Eden, Imprinted at London by Richard Jugge." There is a copy of the work
in the King's Library, British Museum, (title in Catalogue, Eden.}

223

veries. Proposals of colonization were urged, on the clearness of
the Title thus acquired, and the shame of abandoning it. The
English Language would probably be spoken in no part of Ame
rica but for Sebastian Cabot. The Commerce of England and
her Navy are admitted to have been deeply — incalculably — his
debtors. Yet there is reason to fear that in his extreme age
the allowance which had been solemnly granted to him for life
was fraudulently broken in upon. His birth-place we have seen
denied. His fame has been obscured by English writers, and
every vile calumny against him eagerly adopted and circulated.
All his own Maps and Discourses " drawn and written by himself"
which it was hoped might come out in print, " because so worthy
monuments should not be buried in perpetual oblivion/' have been
buried in perpetual oblivion. He gave a Continent to England :
yet no one can point to the few feet of earth she has allowed him
in return !

BOOK II.

CHAP. I.

VOYAGES SUBSEQUENT TO THE DISCOVERY BY CABOT PATENT OF 1QTH MARCH

1501, NOW FIRST PUBLISHED, IN FAVOUR OF THREE MERCHANTS OF

BRISTOL AND THREE PORTUGUESE NATIVES BROUGHT TO ENGLAND AND

EXHIBITED AT COURT ERRONEOUS REFERENCE OF THIS INCIDENT TO

CABOT — HAKLUYT'S PERVERSION — SECOND PATENT QTH DECEMBER 1502
— DR. ROBERTSON'S MISCONCEPTIONS — PROBABLE REASONS FOR THE
ABANDONMENT OF THE ENTERPRISE.

IT is now proposed to pass in review the efforts which have been
made at different periods, and under various auspices, to follow
up the project of Cabot, so as far as may be necessary to exhibit
the pervading influence of the original enterprise. This part of
the subject has in it little of an attractive, or popular, character ;
yet the close and minute enquiry which it involves will, it is
hoped, be sufficiently relieved by its high purpose of rendering
an act of tardy justice to the fame of this great seaman. The same
ignorance, or malevolence, which has so long obscured the evi
dence of what he himself achieved, has been even yet more suc
cessful in effecting its object by an absurd exaggeration of the
merit of subsequent navigators.

Attention is naturally turned, in the first place, to the country
in which the scheme had its origin ; and here we recognize dis
tinctly the quickening impulse of its partial success, though ren-

226

dered unavailing by accidental causes. The page of Lord Bacon
which states the public exhibition by Cabot, on his return, of a
" Card," shewing his progress to 67° and-a-half, apprises us
that " again in the sixteenth year of his reign, and likewise in
the eighteenth, the King granted new commissions for the dis
covery and investing of unknown lands."

Singular as it may appear, the first of these interesting and cu
rious documents has never yet been made public, and the reference
to it in a subsequent paper printed by Rymer, (vol. xiii. p. 42,)
has a mistake as to the date. After a tedious search at the Rolls
Chapel, it has at length been discovered, and though, from un
pardonable carelessness, a part of it has become illegible, yet no
material portion is lost.

It was granted during the brief Chancellorship of the Bishop
of Salisbury, and bears date 19th March, in the 16th year of
Henry VII. (19th March 1501,) and is in favour of Richard
Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, " Merchants of
the Towne of Brystowe," and John Fernandas, Francis Fernandas
and John Gunsolus, " borne in the Isle of Surrys, under the
obeisance of the Kyng of Portugale." The following are its
leading provisions.

Authority is given to these persons, their heirs, factors and de
puties, to sail to and explore, at their own expense, all Islands,
Countries, regions, and provinces whatever, in the Eastern,
Western, Southern, and Northern Seas heretofore unknown to
Christians, and to set up the Royal Banner in such places as they
may discover, and to subdue and take possession of the same in
the name of the King of England. They are permitted to employ
as many vessels as they may think proper, and of any burden.

The King's subjects, male and female, are permitted to go to and
inhabit the regions which may be discovered, to take with them
their vessels, servants, and property of every description, and to
dwell there under the protection and government of the patentees
who are empowered to frame Laws and to enforce their execution.
Theft, homicide, robbery, and violation of the female natives of

227

the newly-discovered countries, are specially recited as offences
to be provided against.

The exclusive privilege of trading to the newly-discovered
countries is secured to the Patentees for ten years ; and they may
import thence gold, silver, precious stones, and all other products.

In special consideration of the great expense attending the en
terprise, they are authorised to import for the term of four years in
one vessel of any burden, all articles duty-free; but a proviso is
eagerly added that this shall not affect the claim to duties on ar
ticles imported in other vessels.

All persons presuming to visit the newly-discovered regions
without permission of the Patentees, even though subjects of a
power in friendship and alliance with England, may be treated as
enemies, and expelled, or imprisoned and punished at the discre
tion of the Patentees.

They may appoint deputies for the government of all cities,
towns, and other places, in the countries discovered.

The office of King's Admiral in those regions is conferred on
them, and the survivors and survivor of them.

Lands are to be held by them, their heirs and assigns, by fealty
only, without further or other claim or demand on the part of the
King or his heirs.

The next clause forbids any interference with the Patentees by
any foreigner under any grant before made, or which should af
terwards be made, under the Great Seal.

The writing on the original parchment is then carefully erased
from a considerable space which had been occupied, as we may
conjecture, with the case of Cabot.

The three Portuguese are made denizens ; yet even this act of
grace is coupled w ith a qualification strikingly characteristic of
the Monarch whose sign manual is affixed to the instrument. It
is provided that they shall continue liable to pay duties as aliens
on all merchandise exported or imported !*

* As this document has not heretofore been made public, it is given at large
in the Appendix (D).

228

The subsequent Patent bears date 9th December, in the eigh
teenth year of Henry VII. that is 9th December, 1502, and is found
in Rymer (vol. xih. p. 37.) Of the original Patentees, the names
of Richard Warde, John Thomas, and John Fernandus are
dropped, and to those retained (Thomas Ashehurst, John Gun-
solus and Francis Fernandus) is now added Hugh Elliott. The
powers given to these four persons are essentially the same with
those conferred on the former six ; and in matters of detail a
temper evidently less churlish is displayed. The exclusive right
of trade to the new regions is extended to a period of forty years,
and the exemption from duty on merchandise imported in one
vessel, of whatever burden, to fifteen years ; and before the instru
ment closes, the additional privilege is given of importation, duty
free, for five years, in one other vessel of 120 tons. The last in
dulgence is seemingly wrung from the King, after a partial prepa
ration of the instrument. The ungracious proviso which accom
panied the original denization is also withdrawn, and they are to
pay no higher duties than natural-born subjects.

It is specially provided that any discoveries made by the new
patentees shall not be for the benefit of the former without an
express agreement to that effect,

At this late period, we cannot pretend to ascertain, with cer-
cainty, what was done under these Patents which evidently look
to an extensive scheme of colonization.

That one voyage at least was made, may be inferred from vari
ous circumstances.

The provisions of the second Patent, of the 9th December, 1502,
have reference to the discovery of regions " not before discovered
by the King's subjects under authority from the Great Seal,"
(" quse antehac ab aliis subdilis nostrisj aut ab aliquibus hseredum
et successorum suorum, potestatem, per alias Literas Patentes sub
Magno Sigillo Nostro in ea parte a Nobis habentibus, reperta, in-
venta,investigataetrecuperata non fuerunt") No such expressions
are found in the Patent of 19th March, 1501, the reference there
being only to a former authority to a foreigner (extraneus), that is,

229

the Venetian, John Cabot. We may therefore fairly infer, that
the allusion is to some intermediate discovery by the Patentees of
the 19th March, 1501, two of whom, Richard Warde and John
Thomas, merchants of Bristol, are omitted in the second Patent.

The presumption is further strengthened by the following pas
sage in S tow's Annals, under the year 1502 —

" This year were brought unto the King three men taken in the Newfound
Ilandes by Sebastian Gabato before named in anno 1498 ; these men were
clothed in beast skins and did eate raw flesh, but spake such a language as no
man could understand them, of the which three men two of them were seen in
the King's Court at Westminster two years after clothed like Englishmen and
could not be discerned from Englishmen.0

Stow quotes as his authority Robert Fabyan, though, as has
been remarked on a former occasion, no such passage is to be
found in the printed work of that Annalist.

The coupling of Cabot's name here with the year 1498, may,
perhaps, be supposed to refer merely to what had been said of him
before, as the finder of the new region, and to be a mode of de
signating a country which had, as yet, received no familiar appel
lation. One obvious consideration arises on the face of the ac
count to negative the idea that the savages exhibited in 1502, had
been brought off by him in 1498. The author speaks, it will be
seen, of the complete change in their aspect and apparel, after a
lapse of two years. Now had they arrived with Cabot, they must
have been in England four years prior to the exhibition. Where
had they been kept in the intermediate period, and would they
not, long before, have cast their skins and lost something of the
savageness which afterwards disappeared so rapidly ? To sup
pose that they had been recently " brought unto the King" by
Cabot is against probability, when, while nothing is found with
regard to him, the Records shew a treaty with Henry VII. by
others, executed a sufficient time before to fall in with this
exhibition. These considerations would countervail even a positive
statement,had one been made,by the old Annalist who, in a memo
randum as to the strange sight he had witnessed at Westminster,
would naturally refer it, without minute enquiry, to the discovery

230

and the person he had before named. It is satisfactory to disen
gage Cabot from the cruel trick of bringing off the aborigines ;
this was plainly the first tribute to popular wonder from the
New World. They had evidently just arrived, and were
doubtless brought up to London to excite general curiosity
and interest as to the new region preparatory to an effort which
was successfully made in December, to obtain a relaxation of the
terms of the original Patent. We may remark further, aside
from the improbability of the three Portuguese remaining idle in
England for nearly two years, that they would have come with an
ill grace to ask for a new Patent had they made no experiment to
ascertain how far the original one might be turned to account.
Doubtless the modification was urged on the ground that the
country was found, on examination, to offer none of the rich com
modities specially referred to in the first patent, — neither gold,
silver, nor precious stones, — and that it was impossible to expect,
under the original terms, even a reimbursement of the expense
incurred. We require some such explanation of the sudden ex
tension from ten to forty years of the privilege of exclusive traffic.
Another instance of treachery on the part of Hakluyt is here to
be noted, which may shew how undeserving he is of confidence.
The early part of the year 1502 falls within the seventeenth of
Henry VII.* On turning to Hakluyt's original work, published in
1582, there will be found this same passage of Fabyan, as derived
from " John Stowe Citizen a diligent searcher and preserver of
Antiquities," and he there, with the recent communication before
him, actually states the seventeenth year of Henry VII. as the date
of this exhibition of savages. But when he came to publish his
larger, and more ambitious, work, he seems to have paused over the
several scraps of information he had collected, and which ap-

* The following entries in the Account of the Privy Purse Expenses of
Henry VII. are obviously to be connected with these Patents : —

" 7 January 1502 To men of Bristol that found TV Isle £5

" 30 September 1 502 To the Merchants of Bristol that

have bene in the Newe founde Launde . £'20

231

peared so little to harmonise. There is no evidence, it may be
remarked, that he had any knowledge of the two Patents to the
Bristol Merchants and the Portuguese. He thought it, then,
unaccountable how Cabot should be found, at so late a period,
exhibiting savages evidently just from the woods. He deter
mined, therefore, to set the matter right, and the "seventeenth"
year of his original work is actually converted into " four
teenth," so as to correspond with the date of Cabot's voyage. In
the work of 1582, the passage is headed " Of three savage men
which he brought home and presented unto the King in the XVII
yeere of his raigne," but in 1600, (vol. iii. p. 9,) " Of three sa
vages which Cabot brought home and presented unto the King
in the fourteenth yeare of his raigne mentioned by the foresaid
Robert Fabian." Thus the names of Stowe and Fabyan, cited, in
1582, for the statement then made, are retained to sanction his
own perversion eighteen years after !

Whatever may have been the result of these Commissions, a
mere glance at their dates, and contents, will suffice to shew how
idle are the speculations by which respectable writers have
sought to account for what they term the apathy of Henry
VII. The following passage from Dr. Robertson's History of
America may serve as a specimen : —

" But by the time that Cabot returned to England, he found both the state
of affairs and the King's inclination unfavourable to any scheme, the execution
of which would have required tranquillity and leisure. Henry was involved in
a War with Scotland, and his Kingdom was not yet fully composed after the
commotion excited by a formidable insurrection of his own subjects in the
West. An Ambassador from Ferdinand of Arragon was then in London : and
as Henry set a high value upon the friendship of that Monarch, for whose
character he professed much admiration, perhaps from its similarity to his own,
and was endeavouring to strengthen their union by negotiating the marriage
which afterwards took place between his eldest Son and the Princess Catha
rine, he was cautious of giving any offence to a Prince jealous to excess of all
his rights.

" From the position of the Islands and Continent which Cabot had dis
covered, it was evident that they lay within the limits of the ample donative
which the bounty of Alexander VI. had conferred upon Ferdinand and Isabella.
No person, in that age, questioned the validity of a paper grant ; and Ferdt-

232

nand was not of a temper to relinquish any claim to which he had a shadow
of title. Submission to the authority of the Pope, and deference for an ally
whom he courted, seem to have concurred with Henry's own situation, in de
termining him to abandon a scheme, in which he had engaged with some de
gree of ardour and expectation.

"No attempt towards discovery was made in England during the remainder
of his reign ; and Sebastian Cabot, finding no encouragement for his active
talents there, entered into the service of Spain."

The four Commissions from Henry VII. bear date, respectively,
5th March 1496, 3rd February 1598, 19th March 1501, and
9th December 1502. Of these, the second was granted to John
Cabot after the close of the war in Scotland, and the putting
down of Perkin Warbeck's Insurrection in the West. The others
follow at such intervals as shew a continued patronage of the
project, and there is not the slightest evidence of refusal, or
even of hesitation, from the considerations suggested by Dr.
Robertson. At the very moment when, according to that writer,
Henry was influenced by a dread of ecclesiastical censure,
and a timid deference to foreign powers, he is found conferring
under the Great Seal authority to make discoveries and to
treat as enemies, and pursue to condign punishment, all who
should presume to visit the countries discovered without permis
sion, even though subjects of a monarch in alliance with England.
As to the suggestion that the enterprise was finally abandoned
on account of the contemplated marriage between Prince
Arthur and Catherine, not only do we find the dates above-
mentioned running over the period of negotiation, but it happens
that the last patent (the one in Rymer) is dated seven months
after the Prince's death. The indisposition of Henry to give way
to arrogant pretensions, is abundantly clear. The Patentees are
to respect the prior discoveries of Portugal and other countries
only where actual possession had been maintained, " in terris
prius repertis et in quarum possessione ipsi Principes jam
existunt"

Dr. Robertson had seen the title of the last Patent, as given by
Rymer, but assuredly could not have read it, or he must have

233

struck out the whole of the passage quoted. The reader will
smile at the indolent credulity of the following sentence : "If
any attempt had been made in consequence of this Patent, it
would not have escaped the knowledge of a compiler so indus
trious and inquisitive as Hakluyt." We have just seen, that
the writer on whose accuracy and research Dr. Robertson relies
so implicitly as to waive any examination for himself, has
contrived, by a nefarious perversion, to obscure the very fact
in question.

The real character of Henry VII. seems to have been that of a
thrifty, calculating, man of business. Caring little about the
niceties of the point of honour, he was inclined to submit to many
slights, and some injustice, rather than go to War, which he
shunned as the same prudent personage would, in private life,
have deprecated a lawsuit, as a remedy involving, necessarily,
much trouble and expense, and being, at last, of uncertain issue.
He often obtained by negotiation what a more proud and im
petuous spirit would have vindicated by the sword. But where-
ever the obvious interests of the country, or of his own coffers,
were concerned, he was sturdy, persevering, fearless. The in
fluence of his reign on the commercial history of England has
never been adequately appreciated, because no one, since the time
of Bacon, has taken up the subject in a temper to do him justice.
There is nothing in his character to dazzle or excite, and Treaties
of Commerce are a poor substitute for Battles to the light reader
or brilliant historian.

In reference to the projects under consideration, it is plain that
Henry did not, for one moment, suffer the Pope's Bull, or the
remonstrances of Spain, to interfere with the eager and resolute
pursuit of what seemed a profitable speculation. But when he
found that the only quarter of the new world which remained un
occupied held out no prospect of speedy or rich returns, and that the
prosecution of these enterprises, instead of proving a mine of wealth,
only, perhaps, furnished an appeal to his princely generosity for

234

pecuniary aid, his interest naturally languished.* The Foreigners
who had resorted to his Court were obliged to seek, elsewhere, for
Patrons either more ambitious of the mere glory of discovery or more
longsighted, in looking patiently to ultimate, though tardy, results.
John Gunsolus, is doubtless the " Juan Gonzales, Portugais,"
whose name appears as a witness in the celebrated trial of the
Fiscal with Diego Columbus, (Navarette, Viages, torn. iii. p. 553.)
Of his own fair standing some proof is, perhaps, found in his being
called on to testify to the estimation in which Alonzo Pinzon was
held by the seamen of that period, (Ib. p. 569.) He mentions
his having sailed with Diego de Lepe, and probably proceeded to
England about the date (May, 1500) of the letter of the King and
Queen of Spain to Dorvelos, which Navarette (torn. iii. p. 42)
refers to a project on the part of Spain to follow up the discoveries
of Cabot. Lepe himself, after his return, is found in the Novem
ber of the same year at Palos, entangled in some vexatious law
proceedings, (Navarette, torn. iii. p. 80.)

Repeated reference is found in Herrera to John and Francis
Gongalez, but as there are several individuals thus designated it is
impossible to know what incidents to refer to the English pa
tentees.

* That an intercourse was kept up for several years with the newly-discovered
region, is apparent from the following entries in the account of the Privy Purse
Expenses of Henry VII.

"17 November, 1503. To one that brought hawkes from the Newfounded
Island, 11.

" 8 April, 1504. To a preste [priest] that goeth to the new Islande, 21.

" 25 August, 1505. To Clays going to Richmount with wylde catts and
popyngays of the Newfound Island, for his costs, 13s. 4d.

" To Portugales [Portuguese] that brought popyngais and catts of the moun-
taigne with othei stuff to the King's grace, 51."

Can it have been that Sebastian Cabot, meanwhile, was attempting to
colonize the new region ? The Mission of the Priest would seem to coun
tenance the idea of a settlement ; and we might thus account for the long dis
appearance of our Navigator, as well as for the language of Thevet, (see p. 89
of the present volume.)

235

CHAP. II.

FIRST VISIT OF COLUMBUS TO TERRA FIRMA ON HIS THIRD VOYAGE APPRISED

BEFORE LEAVING SPAIN OF CABOT's DISCOVERIES PROJECTED EXPE
DITION TO THE NORTH FROM SPAIN.

IT cannot be supposed that the two great maritime contemporaries
of Henry, would regard with indifference the enterprise of Cabot,
since the " Card," which that navigator exhibited on his return,
according to Lord Bacon, plainly shewed how little respect was
paid to the arrogant meridian line which had received the highest
ecclesiastical sanction.

The Continent of America was first visited by Columbus in
August 1498, in the course of what is called his Third Voyage,
on which he sailed 30 May 1498. The bare mention of these
dates will establish the impossibility that he could have been igno
rant of the great discoveries of Cabot which, commencing at the point
seen on the 24 June 1497, had extended over the " Londe and Isle,"
recited in the second patent. Not only had the first expedition
returned, and the manners been dispersed in every direction, but a
new expedition, with the King at its head, is subsequently planned,
and the royal authority, of 3rd February 1498, for its sailing pre
cedes, by nearly four months, the departure of Columbus. To
suppose him ignorant of events so momentous would involve an ab
surdity which becomes the more glaring in proportion as the cir
cumstances are considered. The court of Henry VII. was filled
with the agents of foreign powers,* through whom the news would

* " It grew also from the airs which the princes and states abroad received
from their ambassadors and agents here ; which were attending the court in
great number," &c. " So that they did write over to their superiors in high
terms concerning his wisdom and art of rule; nay, when they were returned,
they did commonly maintain intelligence with him." Bacon's Henry VII.

236

not fail to be spread, at once, over Europe. With regard to
Spain, as she would feel the deepest interest on the subject, so the
circumstances are strongest to shew a continued communication
between the two countries. The authority in reference to the pro
posed marriage of Prince Arthur with Catharine, bears date 3rd
January, 1496, and the negotiation runs through the whole of the
period to 14th November, 1501, when the ceremony took place. It
was by the intervention of the resident Spanish Ambassador, Don
Pedro d'Ayola, that the Truce between England and Scotland of
30 September, 1497, was brought about, and certain matters being
left to the arbitrament of Ferdinand and Isabella, Henry's assent
to the reference bears date 13 December, 1497.* That d'Ayola,
in the active communications going on at such a period, omitted
to speak of events so memorable in themselves, and which Spain
must have regarded with such especial interest, is a proposition
that it is superfluous to combat.

A project was soon formed to visit the region actually explored
by Cabot. Navarette (viages, torn. iii. p. 77) gives us a letter
dated Seville, 6th May 1500, from the king and queen to a certain
" Juan Dornelos 6 Dorvelos," touching a voyage of discovery, and
supposes (ib. p. 42) that it had for its object to explore the seas,
from the discovery of which Sebastian Cabot had returned, ("que
el plan dirigiese a renoncer los mares que acababa de descubrir
Sebastian Caboto.") Nothing further appears with regard to it.

* Rymer, vol. xii. p. 672.

237

CHAP. III.

EXPEDITION FROM PORTUGAL— CORTEREAL THE WORK ENTITLED " PAESI

NOVAMENTE RITROVATI," &C. LETTER OF THE VENETIAN AMBASSADOR

AT LISBON ELEVEN DAYS AFTER THE RETURN OF CORTEREAL REFERENCE

TO THE PREVIOUS VOYAGE OF CABOT TRINKETS FOUND AMONGST THE

NATIVES TRANSLATION OF THE " PAESI," &C. IN 1516.

THE voyage from Spain may not have taken place, but in another
quarter a more decided result was produced ; and we reach now
an enterprise of some celebrity, undertaken directly from that
country whose adventurers have been traced to England animated
with the hope of turning to account the discoveries of Cabot.

After the recent shame to Portugal of the rejection of Colum
bus, her enterprising and sagacious monarch could not but take
alarm at the departure of his subjects to seek the shelter, and to
advance the glory, of a foreign flag. He had, moreover, the
strongest motives of interest for wishing to anticipate the efforts
of others to reach by a shorter route those regions of which
he had heretofore monopolised the lucrative and envied com
merce. Nor could the attempt be now deemed a very arduous
one. The dispersion of a force of three hundred men, which,
according to Peter Martyr, accompanied Cabot on the voyage
spoken of by that historian, would leave not a single sea-port
without many mariners eager to describe, and to exaggerate, the
wonders of the region they had visited, and anxious, as well as com
petent, to act as guides in the prosecution of a new enterprise.
We are quite prepared, therefore, to believe that the ready assent,
and liberal countenance, of Emanuel might enable those who en
joyed them to get the start of such of his own subjects as had,
perhaps, earlier conceived the project and repaired to England,

238

but whose proposals had there to encounter all the delays pro
duced by the cautious and penurious temper of the personage to
whom they were addressed. It does not seem probable that Gun-
solus and Fernandus would have resorted to England after an
Expedition for a similar purpose, and likely to cross their path,
had been fitted out under the auspices of their own Sovereign.
The voluminous treaty between them and Henry VII. may, per
haps, sufficiently explain the apparent tardiness of their subsequent
movements. It wears, in every line, a character of anxious and
elaborate preparation, and its terms are so harsh and narrow that
they could not have been assented to without reluctance, and were
found so impracticable that in the second patent, as we have seen,
the necessity of a relaxation is conceded. The conduct of Emanuel
presents an honourable contrast in every particular. He contri
buted largely from his own purse, and all the arrangements were
marked by that spirit of liberality which constitutes on such
occasions the truest economy.

The command of the Expedition was confided to Gaspar Corte-
real, who had been brought up under the immediate eye of the
king while Duke de Beja.* Of its result we happen, very for
tunately, to possess an account from a disinterested quarter, re
markably clear and minute.

As early as the year 1507 there was published at Vicenza a
Collection of Voyages and Travels under the title, " Paesi nova-
mente retrovati et Novo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentine
intitulato" The extreme scarcity of the work may be inferred
from the circumstance that Camus, having all the libraries of
Paris within his reach, deplores the absence of the original edition,
(Memoire sur la Collection des Grands et Petits Voyages, &c.,p.5,)
and Navarette (Colecion de losViages,8cc.,tom. iii. p. 187) knew of
it only through an acquaintance who had been in London. Haym
(Bibliotheca Italiana o sia notizia de Libri rari Italiani) had not
seen the Vicenza publication. In this precious volume is preserved

* Damiano Goes Chronico del Key D. Manoel, cap. Ixvi.

239

a letter from the Venetian ambassador in Portugal to his brothers,
written eleven days after the return of Cortereal. The writer's
opportunities for obtaining correct information were abundant.
He saw the natives whom Cortereal had brought with him — heard
from the adventurers themselves all the particulars of the voyage
— and speaks of the hopes and speculations to which it gave rise
at the Court to which he was accredited. When it is stated that
of this Letter there was a most flagitious perversion in a Latin trans
lation which appeared at Milan the next year, and which has
poisoned all the subsequent accounts, the importance will be
seen of noting carefully the language of the original. The letter
appears, lib. vi. cap. cxxvi. and bears date 19th October 1501,
seven months, it may here be remarked, subsequent to Henry
VII. 's Patent to the three Portuguese. After a few remarks
irrelative to the expedition, the writer thus continues —

"Adjr. VIII. del presente arivo quiunade le doe Caravelle quale questo se-
renissimo Re lanno passato raando a discoprire terra verso tramontana Capi-
taneo Caspar Corterat : et referissi havere trouato terra ii M. miglia lonzi
da qui tra maestro & ponente qual mai per avanti fo cognita ad alcun ; per la
costa de la qual scorseno forsi miglia DC in DCC. ne mai trovoreno fin : per el che
credeno che sia terra ferma la qual continue in una altra terra che lano passato,
fo discoperta sotto la tramontana, le qual caravelle non posseno arivar fin la per
esser el mare agliazato & infinita copia de neue ; Questo in stesso li fa credere
la moltitudine de fiumare grossissime che anno trovate la che certo de una
Insula none havia mai tante & cosi grosse : Dicono che questa terra e molto po-
pulata & le case de li habitant! sonno de alcuni legni longissimi coperte de
foravia de pelle de passi. Hanno conducti qui VII. tra homini & femene &
putti de quelli : & cum laltra Caravella che se aspecta d hora in hora ne vien
altri cinquanta."

" On the 8th of the present month one of the two Caravels which his most
Serene Majesty dispatched last year on a voyage of discovery to the North,
under the command of Caspar Corterat, arrived here, and reports the finding of
a country distant hence West and North-West two thousand miles, heretofore
quite unknown. They proceeded along the coast between six and seven hundred
miles without reaching its termination, from which circumstance they conclude
it to be of the mainland connected with another region which last year was disco
vered in the North, but which the Caravel could not reach on account of the ice
and the vast quantity of snow ; and they are confirmed in this belief by the
multitude of great rivers they found which certainly could not proceed from an
island. They say that this country is very populous, and the dwellings of the

240

inhabitants are constructed with timber of great length and covered with
the skins of fishes. They have brought hither of the inhabitants, seven in all,
men, women, and children, and in the other Caravel which is looked for every
hour there are fifty more."

Describing the captives the Ambassador says —

" Questi sono de equal colore, figura, statura, et aspecto, similimi a cingani,
vestiti de pelle de diversi animali, ma precipue de ludre ; de instade voltano el
pello i suso, et de in verno el contrario ; et queste pelle non sonno cusite insieme
in alcun modo, ne couze, ma cosi como sonno tolte da li animali se le meltono
intorno lespalle et braze ; et le parte pudibunde Igate cum alcune corde facte de
nervi de pesse fortissime. Adeo che pareno homini salvatichi : sono molto
vergognosi et mansueti ; ma tanto ben facti de brazi & gambe & spalle che
non se potria dire : Hanno signata la faza in modo de Indiani : chi da vi chi
da viii. chi da manco segni. Parlano ma non sonno intesi dalcuno : Ampo
credo chi sia sta facto parlare in ogni lenguazo possibile : Nela terra loro non
hano ferro : ma fanno cortelli de alcune pietre : & similmente ponte de freze :
^t quilli anchora hanno porta de la uno pezo de spada rotta dorata laqual certo
par facta in Italia : uno putto de questi haveva ale orechie dui todini de ar-
zento, che senza dubio pareno sta facti a Venetia : ilche mi fa creder che sia
terra ferma, perche non e loco, che mai piu sia andato nave, che se haveria
hauto notitia de loro. Hanno grandissima copia de salmoni, Arenge, Stochafis,
& simil pessi : Hanno etiam gran copia de legnami, & fo sopra tutto de Pini da
fare arbori 8f antenne de nave, per el che questo Serenissimo Re desegna ha-
vere grandissimo utile cum dicta terra si per li legni de nave, che ne haveva
debesogno como per li homini ch seranno per excellentia da fatiga, & gli
meglior schiavi se habia hauti sin hora."

"They are of like colour, figure, stature, and aspect, and bear the greatest re
semblance to the Gypsies ; are clothed with the skins of different animals, but
principally the otter ; in summer the hairy side is worn outwards, but in winter
the reverse ; and these skins are not in any way sewed together or fashioned
to the body, but just as they come from the animal are wrapped about the
shoulders and arms : over the part which modesty directs to be concealed is a
covering made of the great sinews of fish. From this description they may
appear mere savages, yet they are gentle and have a strong sense of shame and
are better made in the arms, legs, and shoulders, than it is possible to describe.
They puncture the face, like the Indians, exhibiting six, eight, or even more
marks. The language they speak is not understood by any one though every
possible tongue has been tried with them. In this country there is no iron,
but they make swords of a kind of stone, and point their arrows with the same
materiaL There has been brought thence a piece of a broken sword which is
gilt, and certainly came from Italy. A boy had in his ears two silver plates,
which beyond question, from their appearance, were made at Venice, and this
induces me to believe that the country is a Continent ; for had it been an

241

Island and visited by a vessel we should have heard of it. They have great
plenty of salmon, herring, cod, and similar fish ; and an abundance of timber,
especially the Pine, well adapted for masts and yards, and hence His Serene Ma
jesty contemplates deriving great advantage from the country, not only on
account of the timber of which he has occasion, but of the inhabitants who are
admirably calculated for labour, and are the best slaves I have ever seen."

When it is known from Lord Bacon, (History of Henry VII.)
and the earlier annalists, that the vessels which sailed with Cabot
were "fraught with gross and slight wares fit for commerce
with barbarous people," we can have no difficulty in deciding
whither to refer the ear-rings and the fragments of the showy
sword. Aside from the commercial relations of the father with
his native city, such articles would naturally, at that period, have
been drawn from Venice. It would be absurd to offer arguments
to prove that the country further north, which Cortereal could not
reach, but of which he rightly conjectured he had found a con
tinuation, was that discovered by Cabot.

An early French translation of the " Paesi,8cc. "appeared at Paris,
without date, but usually referred by bibliographers to the year 1516.
After the quaint old introductory " Sensuyt," its title is, " Le Nou-
veau Monde et navigations faictes par Emeric de Vespuce." It
states the year 1500, instead of 1501, as the date of Pasquiligi's
letter, and the 7th, instead of the 8th, October as the day on which
Cortereal returned ; but these errors are unimportant, as the edi
tions in the original are unanimous, and even the fraudulent trans
lation which remains to be noticed does not falsify the date of
the letter. Dr. Dibdin (Library Companion, vol. i. p. 370, note,)
has fallen into a singular mistake with regard to this work, fol
lowing Meusel, who was in his turn misled (Bibl. Hist. vol. iii.
p. 265) by the prominence given on the title-page to the name
" Emeric Vespuce." They suppose it to be a translation of another
curious volume, of early date, occupied with the voyages of Ame-
ricus Vespucius, and Dr. Dibdin is, consequently, amazed at the
" unaccountable" price given for it by Mr. Heber. Its contents
are precisely those of the " Paesi," the three first books being de
voted to Cadamosto, &c., and the three last to various voyages

242

and enterprises in the old and the new world. The name of
Vespucius occurs only in the fifth book. The passages in italics,
in which it follows correctly the original, are noted for the pur
pose of contrast hereafter with the Latin perversion. In compa
ring the following passages of Pasquiligi's letter (ch. cxxv.
feuil. 78) with the original, it will be borne in mind that the
league is of four miles.

Le septiesme jour du diet moys d'Octobre arriva icy vne des deux caravelles
de cestuy roy de Portugal ; lesquelles 1'an passe il avoit envoyez pour des-
couvrir la terre vers transmontane et en estoit capitaine Gaspard Cotrad. Et
a rapporte avoir trouve, entre maistral et ponent, vne terre qui est loingtaine
d'icy de cinq cens lieues. Laquelle auparavant iamais d'aucun n'avoit este
congneue. Et par la coste d'icelle terre ilz allerent environ CL lieues, et iamais
ne trouverent fin perquoy ils croyent que ce soit terre ferme laquelle cst voisine
d'une aultre terre laquelle I'annee passes fut descouverte soulz la transmontane les
quelles caravelles ne peurent arriver jusques la pourceque la mer estoit glacee et
pleine de neige. Et la out trouve vne multitude de tres gros fleuves ; ilz disent
que cest terre est molt populee et les maisons des habitans sont d'aucuns bois
tres longs couvertes par dehors de peaulx de poisson. Ilz ont amene de ce pays
la tant hommes que femmes et petis enfans huyt personnages : & dedans 1'autre
caravelle qui se attend d'heure en heure en vient aultre cinquante. Les gens icy
sont de esgalle couleur, figure, stature, regard et semblable de egiptiens ; vestus
de peaulx de diverses bestes, mais principallement de louves. En 1'este ilz tour-
nent le poil par dehors et iver le contraire. Et cestes peaulx en aulcune ma-
niere ne sont point consues ensemble ni acoustrees, mais tout ainsi que elles
sont ostees de la peau des bestes ilz les mettent tout alentour de leur espaulles
et des bras. Les parties vergogneuses sont liez avec auscunes cordes faictes des
nerfz de poisson tres fortes. En facon qu'ilz semblent hommes saulvaiges.
Ilz sont moult honteulx et doulx mais si bien faitz de bras et de jambes et
d'espaulles qu'ils ne pourroyent estre mieulx^ Leur visage est marquee en la
maniere des Indiens ; auscuns ont VI. marques auscuns VIII. et que plus moins.
Ils parlent mais ilz ne sont entendus d'aulcuns et croy qu'il leur a este parlc
de tous langaiges qu'il est possible de parler. En leur pays il n'est point de
for, mais le cousteaulx sont d'aulcunes pierres, et semblablement leurs poinctes
de leurs flesches ; et ceulx des d'caravelles ont encores apporte d'icelle terre
une piece d'espee rompue que estoit doree laquelle certainement semble avoir
este faicte en Italie ; un petit enfant de ces gens la avoit dedans les oreilles
certaines pieces d'argent lesquelles sans doute sembloyent estre faitz a Venise
laquelle chose me fait croire que ce soit terre ferme parceque ce n'est pas lieu
que iamais plr y ayt este aulcunes navires car il eust este notice d'elles — Ilz
ont tres grande habondance de saulmons harens, stoquefies et semblables pois-
sons. Ilz ont aussi grande habondance de bois : & surtoutes de Pins povr

243

faire arbres et matz de navires parquoy ce roy a delibere de avoir grant profit de
la terre a cause des bois pour faire des navires car il en avait grant besoign et
aussi des horaraes lesquils seront per excellence de grant peine et les meilleurs
esclaves qu'on saiche jusques a ceste heure."

The French translation, it will be seen, calls the Gypsies Egyp
tians, of which the English word is a corruption. They are styled
^Egyptians in the Statute 22 Henry VIII. cap. x. but the
designation of the Venetian Ambassador is that by which they
were universally known in Italy. In the Dissertation of Grellman
on this singular race, he remarks, (chap, i.)

" The name of Zigeuner has extended itself farther than any
other ; these people are so called not only in all Germany, Italy,
and Hungary (tzigany)^ but frequently in Transilvania, Wallacia,
and Moldavia (ciganis). Moreover, the Turks and other Eastern
Nations have no other than this name for them (tschingenes)."

The characteristics of the race are stated by Swinburne, (Travels
through Spain, p. 230) —

" Their men are tall, well-built, and swarthy, with a bad scowl
ing eye, and a kind of favourite lock of hair left to grow down be
fore their ears, which rather increases the gloominess of their
features ; their women are nimble, and supple-jointed ; when
young they are generally handsome, with very fine black eyes;
when old, they become the worst-favoured hags in nature."

It is remarkable that the early settlers in New-England were
struck with the resemblance. Purchas (vol. iv. p. 1842) has "a
Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plimouth in New-
England and proceedings thereof: Printed 1622, and here abbre
viated." At p. 1849, we find in the month of March, the follow
ing entry : —

" Saturday in the morning we dismissed the savage and gave him a knife,
and bracelet, and a ring ; he promised within a night or two to come again
and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts our neighbours with such
beaver skins as they had, to truck with us. Saturday and Sunday reasonable
fair days. On this day came again the Savage and brought with him five
other tall proper men ; they had every man a deer's skin on him, and the prin-

* Is not here the original of zany ?
R2

244

cipal of them had a wild cat's skin or such like on one arm &c. They are of
complexion like our English Gypsies, 8fc."

On the same page it is stated, that an Englishman named Hunt
had practised the same infamous deception as Cortereal :

" These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,
a master of a Ship who deceived the people and got them under color of
trucking with them twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and
seven men from the Nausites and carried them away and sold them for slaves,
like a wretched man (for twenty pounds a man) that care not what mischief he
do them for his profit."

The passage in the Letter of the Venetian Ambassador answers,
incidentally, an important purpose. A doubt has been suggested
by Thomasius, Griselini, and the English geographer Salmon,
whether Munster and Spelman do not err in naming 1417, in
stead of 1517, as the era at which the gypsies made their appear
ance in Europe, and important inferences are connected with the
rectification of the supposed mistake.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica (Edinburgh Edition 'of 1810,)
under the title " Gypsies" remarks —

" Munster, it is true, who is followed and relied upon by Spelman, fixes the
time of their first appearance to the year 1417, but as he owns that the first
whom he ever saw were in 1529, it is probably an error of the press for 1517,
especially as other historians inform us that when Sultan Selim conquered
Egypt in the year 1517 several of the Nations refused to submit to the Turkish
yoke and revolted under Zinganeus, whence the Turks call them Zinganees."

The same suggestion is found in The London Cyclopaedia.- It
must disappear, with its train of conjectures, before this Letter,
written in 1501, which assumes the characteristics of the race to
be so familiarly known as even to furnish a convenient illustration
and save the necessity of a particular description. To those who
hold the Hindostan origin of this people, and have been struck
with the admirable Memoir of Captain Richardson in the Seventh
volume of The Asiatic Researches, this item of evidence will be
deeply interesting.

245

CHAP. IV.

THE REGION VISITED BY CORTEREAL STATEMENTS OF THE THREE PORTUGUESE

HISTORIANS, DAMIANO GOES, OSORIUS, AND GALVANO OF GOMARA, HER-

RERA, AND FUMEE EDITION OF PTOLEMY PUBLISHED AT BASLE 1540—

THE NAME " LABRADOR/' I. C. " LABORER."

THE inquiry now arises as to the point at which Cortereal reached
the American Continent, and followed the coast northwards for a
space of between six and seven hundred miles.

Damiano Goes, a writer of the highest credit, the contemporary
of Emanuel, and historiographer of Portugal, says, (Chronica
del Rey D. Manoel, cap. Ixvi.) that it was —

" A region which on account of its great freshness, and the
vast groves of trees all along the coast, he called Greenland,"
(terra que por ser muito fresca et de grandes arvoredos como o
sam todas as que jazem per a quella banda Ihe pos nome Terra
Verde.)

Another Portuguese writer, Osorius, (De rebus Emanuelis, &c.
lib. ii.) says, that Cortereal conferred the Tiame on account of
the singular amenity of the region (" ad terram tandem pervenit
quam propter singularem amcenitatem Viridem appellavit.")

There is a third writer of that country, Galvano, of whom a
translation by Hakluyt appeared in 1601. He says, (p. 35,)

" In the year 1500, it is reported that Gasper Cortereal craved a general
license of the King Emanuel, to discover the New Foundland. He went from the
Island Terceira with two ships well appointed at his own. cost, and he sailed
into that climate which standeth under the North in 50 degrees of latitude,
which is a land now called after his name, and he came home in safety unto
the City of Lisbon."

246

It is abundantly clear that Cortereal began his career to the
southward of the St. Lawrence ; and he may have reached the
Gulf, and perhaps the southern extremity of Labrador.

Gomara, who, as we have seen, limits Cabot to 58 degrees, says
of Cortereal (ch. 37) — " Dexo su nombre a las ylas que estan a
la boca del Golfo Qudrado y en mas de 50 grados," a passage
translated by Richard Eden, (Decades, fol. 318,) "he named the
Quadrado after his name, Cortesreales, lyinge in the L degrees and
more."

Herrera, who conducts Cabot to 68, says of Cortereal (Dec. i.
lib.vi. ch. 16,) " No higo mas que dexar su nombre a las Islas
que estan a la boca del Golfo Quadrado en mas de 50 grados."
(u He did nothing more than give his name to the islands which
are in the mouth of the Gulph Quadrado in upwards of 50 de
grees.") Fumde (Histoire Generale des Indes,ch. xxxvii. fol. 48)
makes the same statement.

In the edition of Ptolemy, published at Basle in 1540, the first
of the Maps is entitled " Typus Orbis Universalis," on which is
seen in the extreme North of the New World, " Terra Nova sive
de Bacalhos," and below it, to the southward, is an island desig
nated " Corterati," with a great stream in its rear, evidently in
tended for the St. Lawrence and thus characterised " Per hoc
fretum iter patet ad Molucas."

There can be no difficulty in understanding why the region
whence it was supposed the fifty-seven unfortunate natives so
well adapted for Labour had been stolen received its present name.
It was talked of as the Slave Coast of America, and the com
mercial designation which thus entered into the speculations of
adventurers seems to have quickly supplanted the appellation
conferred on it by Cortereal. A similar triumph of the vocabu
lary of the mart is found at the same period, and amongst the
same people, in the case of Brazil. Barros (Decade i. lib. v.
chap. 2) is indignant that the name of Santa- Cruz, given by
Cabral, should have yielded to one adopted " by the vulgar/'
from the wood which constituted, at first, its great export.

247

So, in most of the old works, we find the Asiatic possessions of
Portugal, designated as the Spice Islands, &c. It cannot be
doubted that the objects of Corte real's second voyage were Timber
and Slaves. Twenty years before, there had been erected on
the shores of Africa the Fort of D'Elmina, to follow up the
suggestion of Alonzo Gonzales pointing out the southern Africans
as articles of commerce. We readily comprehend, then, the ex
ultation with which a new region was heard of, where the inha
bitants seemed to be of a gentle temper, and of physical powers
such as to excite the admiration of the Venetian Ambassador.
That Cortereal on the subsequent visit fell a sacrifice to the just
exasperation of the people whose friends and relatives — men,
women, and children — he had perfidiously carried off, is very
probable, and the shores of America wTere thus saved from wit
nessing all the horrors that have marked the accursed traffic in
the other hemisphere.

The impressions made on the natives, of dread and detestation,
seem not to have been speedily effaced. Verrazani, twenty-two
years afterwards, passed along the coast from Florida to the lati
tude of 50 degrees, and it is curious to follow his narrative in con
nexion with our knowledge of CortereaPs base conduct, and its
probable consequences to himself, and the brother who went to
seek him. Verrazani speaks, in warm terms, of the kind and cor
dial reception he every where experienced in the first part of his
route, and in the latitude of 41° 40' he remained for a consi
derable time, (see his Narrative in Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 420.)
As he proceeds further North, we recognise the coincidence of his
description of the country with that of Cortereal.

" Piena di foltissime selve ; gli alberi dellequali erano abeti,
cipressi et simili chi si generano in regioni fredde," ("full of thick
woods, consisting of fir, cypress, and other similar trees of cold
countries.") And so of the dress of the inhabitants, " Vestono
di pelli d'orso et lupi cervieri et marini et d'altri animali," ("they
clothe themselves with the skins of the bear, the lucerne, the seal,
and other animals.") He is struck with the change of character,

248

" Le genti tutte sons difformi dall' altre et quanto i passati erano
d'apparenza gentili tanto questi erano di rozzezza et vitii pieni,"
(" the people differ entirely from the others, and in proportion as
those before visited were apparently gentle, so were these full of
rudeness and malevolence.") With vehement cries they forbade
him to land, (" continuamente gridando che alia terra non ci ap-
prossimassimo,") and a party which went on shore was assailed
with the war-whoop and a flight of arrows, ("etquandoscendevamo
al lito ci tiravano con li loro archi mettendo grandissimi gridi.")

CHAP. V.

CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH HAVE LED TO ERRORS AS TO THE VOYAGE OF CORTEREAL

—THE PORTUGUESE MAPS ISLE OF DEMONS THE FRAUD OF MADRIGA-

NON IN THE " ITINERARIUM PORTUGALLENSIUM" MR. BARROW'S CHRO
NOLOGICAL HISTORY OF VOYAGES, &C.— DR. LARDNER's CYCLOPAEDIA—
THE EDINBURGH CABINET LIBRARY.

HAVING determined the extent of Cortereal's progress to the
North, it is time to advert to the circumstances which have con
spired to pervert the history of his voyage.

There is yet extant a letter from Robert Thorne of Bristol,
addressed from Seville, as early as the year 1527, to the
English Ambassador, Doctor Ley, (Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 214,) in
which he sends to the ambassador " a little Mappe or Garde of
the World," with a great many curious remarks. It is here that
he speaks of his father as one of those who had set forth the ex
pedition of England, and of the happy consequences, " if the
mariners would then have been ruled and followed their pilot's
mind," (p. 219.) Adverting to the controversy pending between
Portugal and Spain, he declares that the islands in dispute be
long to Spain, " as appeareth by the most part of all the Gardes
made by the Portingals, save those which they have falsified of
late purposely," (p. 218.) After speaking of the possessions of
Spain in the new world, he says, " which maine land or coast
goeth northwards, and finisheth in the land that we found which
is called here Terra de Labrador," (p. 216.)

Thus a quarter of a century before the time of Ramusio, and
half a century before that of Ortelius, we find the map-makers of
the country most renowned for nautical skill, and the sciences

250

connected with it detected in falsification as national interest, or
vanity, might prompt. It appears, further, that in the very quar
ter to which attention is now directed there had been, already, an
invasion of the English pretensions so well concerted as to give
currency to the spurious appellation, even among the rivals of the
Portuguese, though it excited the indignation of Thorne who was
old enough to remember all about the voyages of discovery set
forth from his native city.

Another source of the absurdities which deform the early maps
of this region, is found in that love of the marvellous and the terrible
which, in all ages, has delighted to people remote and unknown
countries with monsters and prodigies. The first discoveries of
the Portuguese gave a new direction to vulgar wonder, and
the exaggerations and falsehoods which ministered to it ; and
amongst other fictions it was pretended that there existed an
Island, the peculiar residence of Demons and fatal to all who
approached it. No Map could venture to refuse this tribute to
popular credulity, and, accordingly, in the celebrated edition of
Ptolemy, published at Ulme in 1482, we find the " Insula De-
monum" occupying a place in the Sexta Tabula Asia.

Just as these regions were becoming so well known, as rather
to bring discredit on such tales, the New World was discovered,
and abundant scope allowed to the fancy, particularly in the North,
without much peril of detection. A difficulty seems to have been
experienced at first in selecting a judicious site for the interesting
emigrants. The island, saved from the wreck of their fortunes
in the old world, is bandied about in all directions by Cos-
mographers with little regard to that good old saying which,
without recommending unnecessary commerce with the Evil One,
yet makes it a point of honesty to give him his due in unavoidable
transactions. Ortelius, on whose map the " Insula DaBmonum"
figures with St. Brandon, Frisland, and all the other silly, or frau
dulent, fabrications of that day, places it not very far from Hud
son's Strait. Ramusio, in his text, would give it a local habitation
about half-way between that Strait and Newfoundland, but in

251

constructing the map which accompanies his third volume, he
seems to have thought a great Gulf a much fitter place, and it>
therefore, occupies a conspicuous station in the " Golfo Quad-
rado," or St. Lawrence. It is about five times as large as New
foundland, from which it is divided by a narrow strait. On it
demons are seen, as well flying as on foot, with nothing to protect
them from a climate so little suited to their former habits but a
pair of wings and a ridiculously short tail ; yet they are made,
poor devils, to appear happy and even sportive.

It is time, however, to turn from this, comparatively harmless,
foolery to the deliberate fraud, already adverted to, on the part of
Madrignanon, in his pretended translation of the " Paesi, &c." into
Latin, in a book entitled " Itinerarium Portugallensium," pub
lished at Milan in 1508, (cap. cxxvi. fol. Ixxx.)

" Ut igitur nova anni praesentis intelligatis scitote hie esse earn triremem
quam superiore anno Rex Portugallise Serenissimus expediverat versus Aqui-
lonem preefecto Gaspare Corterato qui nobis refert continentem invenisse dis-
tantem ad M. duo milia inter Chorum et Favonium hactenus toti pene orbi
incompertam terram ; cujus latus aiunt ad milliaria prope DCCC percurrisse,
nee tamen finis compertus est quispiam ; ideo credunt Continentem non Insu-
lam esse, regioque videtur esse conjuncta cuidam plagee alias a Nostris pervgrataz
quasi sub ipso Septentrione eousque celox tamen non pervenit ob congelatum
asquor et ingruentes cselo nives. Argumento sunt tot flumina quae ab illis
montibus derivantur quod videlicet ibi magna vis nivium existat : arguunt
propterea insulam non posse tot flumina emittere : Aiunt praeterea terram esse
eximie cultam. Domos subeunt ligneas quas cooperiunt pellibus ac coriis pis-
cium : Hue adduxerunt viros septem sexus utriusque. In celoce vero altera
quam praestolamur in horas advehuntur quinquaginta ejus regionis incolse.
Hi si proceritatem corporis, si colorem si habitudinem, si habitum spectes cin-
ganis non sunt absimiles. Pellibus piscium vestiunt et lutrarum et eorum
imprimis qui instar vulpium pillosas habent pelles ; eisque utuntur hieme pilo
ad carnes verso ut nos ; at aestate ritu contrario ; neque eas consuunt aut
concinant quovis modo, verum uti fert ipsa bellua eo modo utuntur, eis armos
et brachia praecipue tegunt ; inguina vero fune ligant multiplici, confecto ex
piscium nervis. "Videntur propterea silrestres homines, non sunt tamen invere-
cundi et corpora habent habilissima si brachia, si armos, si crura respexeris, ad
simetriam sunt omnia. Faciem stigmate compungunt inuruntque notis multi-
iugis instar indorum, sex vel acto stigmatibus prout libuerit ; hunc morem
sola voluptas moderatur : Loquntur quidem sed haud intelliguntur, licet adhi-
biti fuerint fere omnium linguarum interpraetes : Eorum plaga caret prorsus

252

ferro ; gladios tamcu habcnt sed ex acuminate lapide. Pari modo cuspidairi
sagittas qua nostris sunt acuminatiores : Nostri inde attulerunt ensis confracti
partem inauratam ; quse Italise ritu sabrifacta videbatur : Quidam puer illic
duos orbes argenteos auribus appensos circumferebat qui baud dubie coelati more
nostro visebantur : ccclaturam Venetam imprimis praseferentes ; quibis rebus non
difficulter adducimur Continentem esse potius quam Insulan, quia si eo naves
aliquando applicuissent de ea comperti aliquid habuissemus. Piscibus scatet
regio salmonibus videlicet et alecibus [Stockfish omitted, probably, from scanti
ness of vocabulary] et id genus compluribus. Silvas habent omnifariam
perinde ut omni lignorum genere abundet regio : propterea naves fabricantur
antennas et malos, tramtra et reliqua qua pertinent ad naviyia : ob id hie Noster
Rex instituit inde multum emolument! summere : turn ob ligna frequentia
pluribus rebus baud inepta, turn vel maxime ob hominum genus Laboribus
assuetum : quibus ad varia eis uti qui bit, quandoquidem siiapte natura hi viri
nati sunt ad Labores suntque meliora mancipia quam unquam viderim."

The principal perversions are noted in italics. Instead of " a
region discovered last year/' we have " a region formerly visited
by our countrymen" The distance sailed along the coast becomes
almost eight hundred miles. There is created amongst the natives
a preference of Venetian manufactures. This region " very popu
lous" according to the original, is converted into one " admirably
cultivated," and instead of the Pine, &c. well suited for the spars
of vessels, we have the natives actually engaged in ship building !
The captives " adapted" to labour become " habituated" to it, and
at length " born" to it ; and in speaking of the king of Portugal,
the ambassador is made to call him " our King." And this is a
professed translation, by an ecclesiastic, dedicated to a. high
public functionary !

In order to comprehend fully the 'extensive influence which
this fraud has exercised on the modern accounts of Cortereal's
voyage, it will be necessary to advert briefly to a subsequent piece
of imposture of which more will be said in another place.

In the year 1558, there was published, at Venice, a little volume
containing the adventures of two brothers, Nicholas and Antonio
Zeno, in which an effort is made to shew that they were acquainted
with the New World long before the time of Columbus. It is
not necessary to give more of the story at present, than that these
persons, about the year 1380, were in an island somewhere in the

253

Atlantic, designated as Frisland. They there conversed with a
fisherman, who, twenty-six years before, had been carried by a
tempest far to the westward, and been cast ashore, with a few
companions, on a place called Estotiland, plainly designed, by
the framer of the story, for the Northern Coast of America. After
remaining a number of years in this country, the fisherman,
with the aid of his transatlantic friends, built a vessel and recrossed
the ocean to Frisland. The editor of the work gives the following
digest of the information gathered as to the inhabitants of this
newly-discovered region — " It is credible that in time past they
have had traffic with our men, for he said that he saw Latin
books in the king's library." Again, " They sow corn and make
beer and ale," &c. &c. An expedition was fitted out by the Prince
of the Island, and sailed towards the west, but returned, as it
would appear, without having reached Estotiland, so that the only
visiter was the fisherman driven off his station and cast away
there one hundred and forty seven years, by computation, before
the time of Cortereal's voyage.

It will be seen that this story, promulgated in 1558, is so framed
as exactly to fall in with the perversion by the Itinerarium, half
a century before, as to the probable intercourse with Venetians —
the cultivation of the soil by the natives — and their building
vessels fit to navigate the ocean. The only difference is, that the
Itinerarium merely makes the supposed traffic precede generally
the visit of Cortereal, but the author of the Zeni voyages carries
it back beyond the disaster to the fisherman which must have
occurred about the year 1354.

We are now prepared for the following passages from Mr. Bar
row, and another more recent writer. The parts enclosed in pa
renthesis appear as Notes in the works quoted.

" In the first collection of voyages which is known to have been published
in Europe, and printed in Vicenza, by Francazano Montaboldo, (Mundo Nuovo
e Paesi nuovamente retrovati, &c. Vicenza, 1507 ; a very rare book ; translated
into Latin, by Madrigano, under the title of Itinerarium Portugalensium e Lu-
sitania in Indiam, &c.") there is inserted a Letter from Pedro Pascoal, ambas
sador from the republic of Venice to the court of Lisbon, addressed to his

254

brotlier in Italy, and dated 29th October, 1501, in which he details the voyage
of Cortereal, as told by himself on his return.

" From this authority, it appears that having employed nearly a year in this
voyage, he had discovered between West and North-West, a Continent until
then unknown to the rest of the world, that he had run along the coast upwards
of eight hundred miles ; that according to his conjecture this land lay near a
region formerly approached by the Venetians Nicholo and Antonio Zeno ! almost at
the North Pole ! and that he was unable to proceed farther on account of the
great mountains of ice which encumbered the sea, and the continued snows
which fell from the sky. He further relates that Cortereal brought fifty-seven
of the natives in his vessel — he extols the country on account of the timber
which it produces, the abundance of fish upon its coasts, and the inhabitants
being robust and laborious." (Barrow, Chronological History, p. 40, 41.)

" From his own account it appears that having employed nearly a year in
this voyage, he had discovered between West and North-West, a Continent
till then unknown to the rest of the world ; that he ran along the coast upwards
of eight hundred miles ; that according to his conjecture this land lay near a
region formerly approached by the Venetians, (an allusion to the voyages of the
Zeni,) and almost at the North Pole, and that he was unable to proceed further,
&c." (Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia, Hist, of Maritime and Inland Discovery,
vol. ii. p. 1390

Our criticism on this epitome of errors is confined to the original
wrong-doer. Not only does Mr. Barrow fall an unresisting victim
to the treachery of the monk, but, such is the influence of bad
company, he himself is found taking, in his turn, rather dishonest
liberties with his own guide. In the original, Cortereal is said to
have passed along between six and seven hundred miles of the
newly-discovered coast without reaching its termination. Mad-
rignanon stretches out the distance to almost eight hundred, while
Mr. Barrow insists on "upwards" of eight hundred. For all this,
too, he vouches the wretched monk, whereas his audacity, as we
have seen, did not quite enable him to reach the point over which
the Secretary of the Admiralty, with the gathered impetus of so
rapid a progress, takes a fearless leap.

In happy ignorance of the host of authorities which fix conclu
sively the limit of the voyage, this gentleman evinces an amiable
anxiety to frame an apology for one of Cortereal's countrymen
whose statement he found in Hakluyt's translation :

" Galvam places it, although with little accuracy, in 50° ; misprinted probably
for GO", which would be correct f" (Barrow, p. 390

255

We have forborne, as has been said, to press a censure of the
writer in Dr. Lardner's Cyclopsedia, because he is merely a piti
able martyr to faith in his predecessor ; but another work, pub
lished on the 1st of October last, does not merit the same forbear
ance, as it sets at equal defiance the genuine and the spurious
authorities. The reference is to the " Narrative of Discovery and
Adventure in the Polar Seas and Regions, &c. ; by Professor
Leslie, Professor Jameson, and Hugh Murray, Esqre. F.R.S.E."
forming vol. i. of The Edinburgh Cabinet Library. By this work
it appears (p. 158) that Cortereal " immediately upon the discovery
oftlie Western World, resolved to follow in the steps of Columbus"
We are informed further (ib.) " Respecting the details of this voy
age, there remain only detached shreds which Mr. Barrow has col
lected with equal learning and diligence /" The character of a work
put forth under such auspices, may be gathered from the follow
ing passage, (p. 159) —

" The natives are correctly described as of small stature — a simple and labo
rious race ; and no less than fifty-seven being allured or carried on board were
conveyed to Portugal. After a run along this coast estimated at 800 miles
Cortereal came to a region which appeared to some (!) as lying almost beneath the
Pole, and similar to that formerly reached by Nicolo and Antonio Zeno ! Ra-
musio more explicitly states &c. &c."

All the rest is in a similar strain. Only one part of the passage
quoted calls for particular remark, — that as to the stature of the
inhabitants. The writer is evidently anxious to give a sanction
to his own absurd hypothesis that the natives whose wonderful
symmetry and aptitude for labour extorted the admiration of the
Venetian Ambassador — whose " goodly corporature" is specially
mentioned byRichard Eden (Decades, 318) — were the Esquimaux
of Labrador. Now, without relying on the circumstances already
stated, we mention one fact. Ramusio, whose name is here
invoked, devotes to the voyage of Cortereal about half a page,
and expressly declares that the inhabitants were large and well
proportioned, " gli habitant! sono huomini grandly ben propor-
tionati."

256

CHAP. VI.

DIFFUSIVE MISCHIEF OF THE ITIXERARIUM PORTUGALLENSIUM — GRYNJEUS

MEUSEL FLEUR1EU HUMBOLDT, &C.

THE perversion by Madrignanon has passed into the earliest and
most esteemed Collections of Voyages and Travels, and thus ex
ercised a mischievous influence on more recent works.

In the Novus Orbis of Grynaeus published at Basle, in
1532, the Letter of Pasquiligi is given (p. 138) according to
the version of the Itinerarium ; and so in the edition of that
work published in the same year at Paris, (p. 121,) and in the
Basle Edition of 1555 (p. 99.) Everywhere, indeed, we are pre
sented with lamentable proofs of the blind confidence reposed in
it, even as to other matters. Thus, the " Biographic Universelle"
(art. Cadamosto) sharply rebukes Grynseus for having stated
1504, instead of 1454, as the year in which Cadamosto represents
himself to have been at Venice previous to his voyage. The Iti
nerarium (cap. ii.) is the source of this error. The explanation
does not, it is true, relieve Gryneeus from censure. The mistake
appears in the Basle Edition of the Novus Orbis, of 1532, (page 5,)
in the Paris Edition of the same year, (p. 3,) and is not corrected
in that of Basle in 1555, (p. 2.)

So implicitly has Madrignanon been followed, that Meusel
(Biblioth. Hist., original Leipsic Ed. vol. ii. part, ii p. 318)
not only gives the year 1 504 but finding a statement, on the
same page, by Cadamosto as to his age, makes a calculation
accordingly, and gravely informs us that the voyager must
have been born in the year 1483 — just, in fact, twenty-nine years
after the expedition ! Meusel finds out afterwards, in some

257

way, that he was wrong, and throws the blame (vol. iii. p. 159,
160), like the " Biographic Universelle", on Grynaeus.

Even in translating the title of that chapter of the " Paesi,"
(book 6. cap. cxxvi.) which contains the letter of Pasquiligi,
the Itinerarium commits a blunder, that has been, in the same
manner, perpetuated. In the original it runs thus: "Copiade
una Lettera de Domino Pietro Pasqualigo Oratore della Illustris-
sima Signoria in Portugallo scripta (a soi fratelli) in Lisbona
adj. xix. Octobrio, 8cc." The words indicating the address we
have placed within a parenthesis, in order to mark, with more dis
tinctness, the manner in which it is plain they must be read and
understood. The place, as well as the time, mentioned are parts
of the date of the letter, for Pasquiligi is obviously conveying in
telligence from Lisbon, where Cortereal had arrived, to his brothers
in Italy. Not attending to a matter so obvious, the Itinerarium
(fol. Ixxix.) represents the personages addressed as residing in
Lisbon, " ad germanos suos in Ulisbona commor antes /" This ab
surdity also is copied into the Novus Orbis (Basle Ed. of 1532.
p. 138. Paris Ed. same year, p. 121, and the Basle Ed, of 1555,
p. 99.)

Such, then, is the unhappy fate of a modern reader. By the
writers who minister to his instruction it is deemed a wonderful
effort to go back to the Novus Orbis of 1555. To consult the
earlier editions of 1532 would be considered quite an affectation
of research. Yet on reaching that distant point, it is plain we
cannot read a single line without a distressing uncertainty whe
ther it may not merely reflect the dishonesty, or ignorance, of an
intermediate translator, instead of the meaning of the original
work.

The question how far the author of the " Paesi" was indebted
to previous publications, now finally lost, for part of his materials,
particularly as to the first four books, is one of much curiosity,
and with regard to which a great deal has been said by many
learned critics who had plainly never examined .any one of its
pages ; but the enquiry would here be irrelavant, as it is not pre-*

258

tended that the Letter of Pasquiligi and the others addressed to
persons in Italy, given in Book Sixth, had ever before appeared
in print. The remarks prepared on that point are, therefore,
withheld as they would unwarrantably swell a part of the subject
which has already expanded beyond its due proportion.

The name Labrador or Laborer, connected with the perversion
by the Itinerarium of " very populous" into " admirably culti
vated," has led to a singular medley of errors in all the accounts
of Cortereal's voyage, tt would require a volume to exhibit them,
but a reference to a few of the more recent writers will shew how
completely all the sources of information within their reach had
been poisoned. Thus M. Fleurieu, in his Introduction to the
Voyage de Marchand, (torn. i. p. 5,) says : —

"En 1500 ou 1501 Caspar de Cortereal, Portugais, homme de naissance
partit de Lisbone, arriva a Terre Neuve, en visita la cote orientale, se presenta
a 1'embouchure du fleuve Saint Laurent, decouvrit au-dessus du cinquantieme
Parallile une Terre qu'il nomma de Labrador parce qu'il la jugea jiropre ait la-
bourage et a la culture, parvint, enfin, remontant vers le Nord a Pentree d'un
^Detroit auquel il imposa le nora de Detroit d'Anian et qui plus de cent ans apres
fut appelle Detroit de Hudson* &c."

It is to be regretted that Baron Humboldt (Essai Politique sur
le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Lib. iii. ch. viii.) should
have hastily given an incidental sanction to a passage replete
with errors of every description.

Mr. Barrow, with that wary caution which is generally die re
sult of long official training, does not dwell on this perplexing
point, but others have rushed in where he dared not tread :

" That part of it which being on this side of the 50th degree of N. latitude he
thought was still fit for tillage and cultivation he named Terra de Labrador,"
(Forster, p. 460.) " He arrived at Conception Bay, in Newfoundland, ex
plored the East Coast of that Island, and afterwards discovered the River St.
Lawrence, To the next country which he discovered he gave the name of La
brador, because from its latitude and appearance it seemed to him better fated

* So the Biographic Universelle (art. Cortereal) " Ce detroit auquel il donna
le nom d'Anian a recu depuis celui d'Hudson."

259

for culture than his other discoveries in this part of America/' (Kerr's Collection
of Voyages, &c. vol. xviii. p. 354.) "He appears first to have reached New
foundland, whence pushing to the North he came to that great range of Coast
to which from some very superficial observation he gave the name of Labrador or
the Laborers Coast," (Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in North
America, &c. by Hugh Murray, Esq. vol. i. p. 69.)

Mr. Barrow must have a further hearing, (p. 41.)

" To this evidence may also be added that of Ramusio, whose accuracy in
such matters is well known. The following extract is taken from his discourse
on Terra Firma and the Oriental Islands : — ' In the part of the New World
which runs to the North- West, opposite to our habitable Continent of Europe,
some navigators have sailed, the first of whom, as far as can be ascertained,
was Gaspar Cortereal, a Portugueze, who arrived there in the year 1500 with
two Caravels, thinking that he might discover some straight through which he
might pass by a shorter voyage than round Africa, to the Spice Islands. They
prosecuted their voyage in those seas until they arrived at a region of extreme
cold ; and in the latitude of 60° North they discovered a river filled with Ice,
[such is Mr, Barrow's translation of Ramusio's word neve,'] to which they gave
the name of Rio Nevado, — that is, Snow River. They had not courage how
ever to proceed farther, all the coast which runs from Rio Nevado to Porto das
Malvas (Mallow Port), which lies in 56° and which is a space of two hundred
leagues, &c. &c."

The claims of Ramusio (who has merely put into words the re
presentation of the Portuguese maps) to extraordinary accuracy,
may be judged of by the assertion made at the outset of the fore
going Extract. He states Cortereal to be the first of whom he
had heard as penetrating into this Northern region ; yet on the
very same page which thus conducts that navigator to 60° he re
presents Cabot to have advanced to 67°, and in the previous vo
lume he had fixed the date of the latter enterprise as even earlier
than the truth will warrant. Thus he is convicted of the plainest
inconsistency, without drawing to our aid the fact just established,
from the earliest and best authority, that Cortereal was defeated
in an effort to reach that very Northern Region which had been
discovered the year before.

The force of the other proofs establishing the discrepance
between Ramusio's account and that of the Venetian Ambassador,
is obscured by Mr. Barrow's method of presenting the subject.

260

He quotes, at first, as will be seen on referring to his volume, just
enough to exhibit a progress, in seeming coincidence with Pas-
quiligi's Letter, and then turns to other matters. He does not
revert to Ramusio until the reader's attention is diverted from the
measurement of distances, which occurs as the first test, and even
in the end he suppresses a part of Ramusio's statement on that sub
ject. The limited distance is exhausted, as we see, between 60°
and 56°, and here then would seem to be that region which Corte-
real, on account of its amenity and smiling groves, denominated
Greenland. But Mr. Barrow's theory, and all the authorities,
require that Cortereal should visit the River St. Lawrence. What
ever scepticism may exist as to his having penetrated into Hud
son's Bay, no doubt can

" occur in regard to the St. Lawrence. Even without specific evidence, it
might safely have been concluded, that as a passage to India was the grand
object of research, so large an opening as is presented by the mouth of this
river could not have escaped examination. Independent, however, of this gene
ral reasoning, the evidence furnished by Ramusio is decisive. In describing
the principal places on that coast he says, that beyond Capo de Gabo (Cattle
Cape), which is in 54°, it runs two hundred leagues to the Westward, to a
great river called St. Lawrence, which some considered to be an arm of the
sea, and which the Portuguese ascended to the distance of many leagues."
(Barrow, p. 43.)

Thus we find the distance between 56° and 54° entirely thrown
out of view, arid yet there remains a computation of four hundred
leagues of coast examined by Cortereal, viz., two hundred from
Rio Nevado to 56°, and two hundred more from 54° to the St.
Lawrence. To meet this demand we have in the original only
between six and seven hundred miles, increased by Madrigognon
to almost eight hundred !

The river laden with snow, (carico de Neve) and hence called
Rio Nevado, is, doubtless, the St. Lawrence, if indeed the name
and the circumstances be not mere fiction. Mr. Barrow, however,
considers it to be Hudson's Strait, and finds a probability in
" all the collateral circumstances of the Narrative," that the
Portuguese on this occasion " actually entered Hudson's Bay."
(p. 42.) Now it will surely be considered rather singular that

261

a person familiar with the miniature streams of Portugal, should
thus misapply epithets, even if we suppose him to have erroneously
regarded the Strait as terminating in itself, and as thus forming
a great Bay or Gulf; yet Mr. Barrow, is persuaded that Corte-
real called the Strait Snoiv River, after he had ascertained it to
be neither River, Bay, nor Gulf, but a mere medium of com
munication between different parts of the ocean !

On the map of Ortelius the Northern coast of America is
studded with Portuguese names. The Letter of Thorne furnishes
a satisfactory clew to this nomenclature. The fidelity of the re
presentation of Hudson's Bay is too striking to have been the
result of chance. Having, then, negatived the possibility that Cor-
tereal could have penetrated into it, we revert, with perfect con
fidence, to the belief that Cabot's Map, which the geographer ex
pressly states to have been before him, must have been made use
of. No difficulty remains if we suppose that Ortelius was anxious
to employ all his materials, so as not to appear behind the know
ledge of his time, and that having adopted the configuration of
the English Navigator he affixed, conjecturally, the names found
in profusion on the maps got up at Lisbon.

However this may have been, we quit the voyage of Cortereal
with the certainty that he claimed for it neither originality of pur
pose nor success of execution, but admitted, on the contrary, that
he had completely failed in an effort to reach the point attained
by his predecessor.

262

CHAP. VII.

PROJECT OF CORTES IN 1524.

A considerable interval now occurs without any materials for
the present review ; and the second Expedition of Cabot from
England, in 1517, has already been considered at large.

Proceeding to the year 1524 we reach the project of the cele
brated Cortes, of which the history is, fortunately, much less in
volved than that of Cortereal. As it was attended, indeed, with no
interesting results, even a passing notice would be superfluous
were it not that the spirit of misrepresentation has here also been
perversely active and successful.

We must be indebted again to Mr. Barrow, whose work, indeed,
is invaluable in reference to our present task, as it not only em
bodies, in a cheap and convenient form, all the mistakes of its
predecessors, but generally supplies a good deal of curious original
error :

" Cortez, the conqueror and viceroy of Mexico, had received intelligence of
the attempt of Cortereal to discover a Northern passage from the Atlantic into
the Pacific, and of his having entered a strait to which he gave his name.
Alive to the importance of the information, he lost not a moment in fitting out
three ships well manned, of which he is said to have taken the command in
person, though nominally under the orders of Francisco Ulloa, to look out for
the opening of this strait into the Pacific, and to oppose the progress of the
Portuguese and other Europeans who might attempt the passage. Little is
known concerning this expedition of Cortez, but that it soon returned without
meeting with Cortereal, fyc."*

From all this the reader naturally infers, that while the eyes of
Europe were turned, at that period, on Cortereal, no one had heard

* Barrow's Chronological History of Voyages, p. 54.

263

of the discoveries of Cabot, or at least that they were deemed of
minor importance. After what has been said, in the preceding
Chapter, of the subordinate and unsuccessful character of the Por
tuguese enterprise, it will no doubt be thought extraordinary that
such an erroneous estimate should have been made at that early
day. There is no difficulty in clearing the matter up from the
very letter of Cortes himself, in which he apprises the Emperor
of his views on the subject. The letter, dated 15th of Octo
ber, 1524, will be found in Barcia's Historiadores Primitivos,
torn. i. p. 151, and is faithfully rendered by Ramusio, (vol. iii.
fol. 294.) After expressing great zeal for the service of the
Emperor, he remarks that it seemed to him no other enterprise
remained by which to manifest his devotion than to examine
the region between the river Panuco (in Mexico) and Florida
recently discovered by the Adelantado Ponce de Leon, and
also the Coast of the said Florida towards the North] until it
reaches the Baccalaos, holding it for certain that along this coast
is a Strait conducting to the South Sea, (" descubrir entre el Rio
de Panuco i la Florida, que es lo que descubrio el Adelantado
Juan Ponce de Leon, i de alii la Costa de la dicha Florida por la
parte del Norte hasta llegar a los J3acallaos ; porque se tiene cierto
que ien aquella costa ai estrecho que pasa a la Mar del Sur.") He
states as a part of his plan that certain vessels in the Pacific should
sail concurrently along the western coast of America, while the
others, " as I have said, proceed up to the point of junction with
the Baccalaos, so that on the one side or the other we cannot fail to
ascertain this secret," (" como he dicho hasta la juntar con los
Bacallaos ; asi por una parte i por otra no se deja de saber el se-
creto.")

The reader can now judge of Mr. Barrow's correctness. The
Viceroy " receives intelligence of the attempt of Cortereal ;"
of his having " entered a strait" which Mr. Barrow pronounces
Hudson's Strait, and " loses not a moment" in endeavouring to
follow up that alarming success, when it appears that in point of
fact the interval thus measured by a " moment" was at least

264

twenty-three years, and the proposed survey of Cortes from Florida
point expressly stops short at the Baccalaos. There is not the
slightest reason for supposing that Cortes had ever heard of Cor-
tereal's voyage which amounted, as we have seen, to an unsuc
cessful effort, at first, to tread in the steps of Cabot, and was
afterwards turned into a mere kidnapping speculation. But it is
material to remark that Cortes has no other designation for the
region in the North than that which Peter Martyr, in his Decades,
published eight years before, had stated to have been conferred on
it by Cabot.

We will not fatigue and disgust the reader by quoting from
other writers passages having the same tendency to obscure the
just fame of the English Navigator.

265

CHAP. VIII.

VOYAGE OF STEPHEN GOMEZ IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN.

THE expedition next in order, in point of time, is that of Stephen
Gomez, fitted out by order of the Emperor Charles V. There is
a very slight and unsatisfactory notice of it in Purchas who, in
stead of resorting to the original sources of information which are
many and copious, contents himself with referring to a small tract
by Gaspar Ens, published at Cologne in 1612. It would be un
generous to treat this obscure writer with harshness, for he very
modestly states that the accounts at large being in foreign lan
guages or in bulky volumes, (" peregrinis linguis aut magnis vo-
luminibus") his humble object was to prepare a brief digest of the
principal heads, ("quocirca operse pretium putavi si pr&cipua
variorum navigationum et descriptionum Occidentalis Indies Ca
pita lectori communicarem.") Such is the authority on which
Purchas gravely relies, and it is curious to note how completely
Mr. Barrow has, in consequence, been misled, (p. 52.)

" In point of time, however, there is one solitary voyage on record though
the particulars of it are so little known as almost to induce a suspicion whether
any such voyage was ever performed, which takes precedence of any foreign
voyage on the part of English Navigators (!) it is that of a Spaniard, or rather
perhaps, judging from the name, of a Portuguese. To what part of the coast
of America or (!) Newfoundland or Labrador he directed his course is not at all
known. It is evident, however, that he returned without bringing back with
him any hope of a passage into the Eastern Seas, having contented himself
with seizing and bringing off some of the natives of the coast on which he had
touched. It is said that one of his friends, accosting him on his return, en
quired of him with eagerness what success he had met with and what he had
brought back, to which Gomez replying shortly " esclavos," (slaves) the friend

266

concluded he had accomplished his purpose and brought back a cargo of cloves
(clavos) . On this, says Purchas, he posted to the court to carry the first news
of this spicy discovery, looking for a great reward, but the truth being known
caused hereat great laughter. Gaspar, in his History of the Indies, is the only
authority for this voyage!"

Some surprise may be felt that Mr. Barrow should designate
this writer in a familiar way, by his Christian name, evidently on
a slight acquaintance, while his own countrymen are quoted not
as " Richard" or " Samuel," but as " Hakluyt," and « Purchas."
The difference of manner seems to proceed from no want of
respect for the German, but from really supposing that in the
reference found in Purchas to " Gasparus Ens. 1. ii. c. xxv." the
marked word probably alluded, in some quaint way, to the con
tents of the book, and made no part of the name. But aside
from this singular misconception, the whole scope of the Secre
tary's remarks betrays a more comprehensive ignorance of the
subject than could have been thought possible. Nothing can be
more erroneous than to say, that " Gaspar" is the only writer
who speaks of this voyage. There is, on the contrary, not a
single author of reputation on the history of the New World who
does not give an account of it, and of those who wrote prior to
1612 we may particularly mention Peter Martyr (Decade vi.
ch. x., and again Decade viii. ch. x.) Oviedo (Somm. de la
natural y general historia, &c. ch. x.) Ramusio (vol. iii. fol. 52.
in Index title " Stefano".) Gomara (ch. xl.) De Bry (Gr. Voy.
part iv. p. 69.) Fumee (Hist. Gen. des Indes, fol. 49.) Herrera
(Dec. iii. lib. viii. ch. viii.) the Portuguese writer, Galvano, trans
lated by Hakluyt (Ed. of 1601, p. 66.) Eden (Decades, fol. 213,)
and Sir William Monson (Naval Tracts, Book iv.)

The first named of these writers, who was himself a member of
the Council of the Indies, is more than usually minute with
regard to this voyage. After describing the conference at Badajos
in 1524, he says, " Decretum quoque est ut Stephanus quidam
Gomez artis et ipse maritiinse peritus alia tendat via qua se inquit
reperturum inter Baccalaos et F/oridas jamdiu nostras terras iter

267

ad Cataiam," (Dec. vi. ch. x.)* He then proceeds to describe the
equipment, and the Instructions given by the Council. In the
8th Decade, ch. x. we have an account of the return of Gomez —
of the country visited by him — and of his having, in violation of
the standing orders on that subject, forcibly brought off some of
the inhabitants, (" contra leges a nobis dictatas ne quis ulli gentim
vim afferat.") The jest arising out of the mistake of the word
" esclavos" for " clavos" is not forgotten. All this is faithfully
rendered in Lok's translation, (fol. 317.) In Oviedo (Sommario,
ch. x. fo. xiv.) we have the report made to the Emperor on the
return of Gomez : —

" Despues que V. M. esta en esta cibdad de Toledo llego a qui en el mes de
Novierabre el Piloto Estevan Gomez el qual en el anno passado de Mil y qui-
nientos y veynte y quatro par mandado de V. M. fue ala parte del Norte y
hallo mucha tierra continuada con la que se llama de los Baccalaos discurriendo al
occidente et pues en XL. yrados y XLI. y assi algo mas y algo menos de
donde traxo algunos Indios y los ay de llos al presente enesta cibdad los quales
son de mayor estatura quel los de la tierra firma segun lo que dellos paresce
comun y porque el dicho piloto dize que vido muchos de llos y que son assi
todos : la colores assi como los de tierra firma, y son grandes frecheros y andan
cubiertos de cueros de venados y otros animates y ay en aquella tierra excel-
lentes martas, zebellinas y otros ricos enforros y d'stas pieles truxo algunas
el dicho Poloto, &c."

This passage is copied from the edition of Oviedo in The Library
of the British Museum, published at Toledo on the 15th February,
1526, eighty-six years before "Gaspar's" time. It will be found
in Ramusio at the place indicated above, and is thus translated
by Richard Eden in his "Decades" (fol. 213), published at Lon
don in 1555.

" Shortly after that Your Majestic came to theCitie of Toledo there arryved
in the moneth of November Stephen Gomez the Pilot, who the yeare before,
of 1524, by the commandement of Your Majestic sayled to the Northe partes
and founde a greate parte of Lande continuate from that which is called Baccalaos
discoursynge towarde the West to the 40th and 4lst degree whense he brought

* " It is decreed that one Stephanus Gomez (who also himself is a skilful
navigator) shall go another way, whereby, betweene the Baccalaos and Florida,
long since our countries, he saith he will finde out awayeto Cataia," (M. Lok's
translation, London, 1612, fol. 246.)

268

certeyn Indians (for so caule wee all the nations of the new founde landes) of the
which he brought sum with him from thense who are yet in Toledo at this pre
sent, and of greater stature than other of the firme lande as they are commonly.
Theyr coloure is much lyke the other of the firme lande. They are great
archers and go covered with the skinnes of dyvers beasts both wild and tame.
In this lande are many excellent furres, as marterns, sables, and such other rych
furres of the which the sayde Pylot brought some with him into Spayne, &c."

It is of a voyage set forth under such auspices, and the results
of which are thus minutely detailed, that Mr. Barrow declares
" to what part of the Coast of America, or (!) Newfoundland, or
Labrador he directed his course is not at all known." In vain
has the Father of this portion of History given us the Decree of a
Council at which he was personally present — and in vain has an
other Historian preserved the official report to the Emperor; Mr.
Barrow will have it, that " so little is known as almost to induce
a suspicion whether any such voyage was ever performed." While
the writers of every language in Europe are full of its details —
while JEJe/z,who wrote half a century before the time of Caspar
Ens, gives us, in plain English, the very degrees of latitude visited by
Gomez — while an account of the voyage is supplied by Sir William
Monson, with whose writings it may be considered the official
duty of a Secretary of the Admiralty to be familiar — that gentle
man insists that " the only authority for the voyage" is the paltry
cornpend published in 1612 ! Such is the mode in which The
British Public is ministered to on the History of Maritime Enter
prise, and such the character of a book which Dr. Dibdin pro
nounces, in his Library Companion, " a work perfect in its
kind !"

Mr. Barrow, it has been seen, throws out a suggestion that
Gomez, from his name, was probably a native of Portugal, and
finding it somewhere stated that he sailed with Magellan, appeals,
in another passage of the book, to that fact with some compla
cency as countenancing his shrewd conjecture. A writer on
such subjects ought surely to have known that in the brief
narrative which we have of Magellan's memorable, but tragic,
expedition, Gomez occupies a prominent, though not very ere-

269

ditable place, and that both Herrera (Dec. ii. lib. ix. ch. xv.)
and Purchas(vo\. i. book ii. ch. ii. p. 34) expressly state him to have
been a Portuguese. The " Biographic Universelle", on the other
hand," not only pronounces Gomez a Spaniard, but asserts, in the
mere wantonness of rounding off a sentence, that his misconduct
towards Magellan is to be attributed to impatience at being placed
under the command of a Portuguese ! (Art. Gomes.)

Keeping in view our leading purpose, it is proper to note, em
phatically, that in every account of this voyage distinct reference
is made to the antecedent discoveries of Cabot — to the " Bacca-
laos" which had been rendered universally known by the work of
Peter Martyr, published eight years before.

It must be evident that if the Historian just named confided in
Cabot's veracity he could not have anticipated a successful result
to the enterprise of Gomez, for he had described our navigator as
ranging along the coast of America with the same object in view,
as far south as the latitude of Gibraltar. True, he tells us at
the same time that the Spaniards were inclined to speak slight
ingly of Cabot, (Dec. iii. c. 6,) but his own language of respect,
and even affection, shews that he himself cherished no disparaging
suspicions, and we are, therefore, curious to know what part he
took in the Council of the Indies when Gomez submitted his offer
to find a passage in the very quarter which Cabot had carefully
explored in vain. To the surprise of all those who have not looked
closely into the subject, there will be found in the 8th Dec.,c. 10,
the following expressions : —

"Nunc ad Stephanum Gomez quern in calce porrecti libelli (incipientis " Pri-
usquam") cum una missum caravela dixi ad fretum aliud inter Floridam tellurem
et Baccalaos satis tritos quaerendum. Is nee freto neque a se promisso Cataio
repertis regressus est intra mensem decimum a discessu. Inanes hvjm boni ho-
minis fore cogitatus existimavi ego semper etpraposui; non defuere in ejus favo-
rem suffragia."*

* " Now I come to Stephanus Gomez, who, as I have said in the ende of
that Booke presented to your Holiness beginning (" Before that"), was sent
with one Caravell to seeke another Straight between the land of Florida and
the Bacalaos sufficiently known and frequented. He neither findinge the Straight

270

The good old man tells, .with great glee, the jest about
" esclavos," and chuckles at the momentary triumph of Cabot's
enemies : —

" Ubi accessit in portum Clunium unde vela fecerat unus quidara audito
navis ejus adventu et quod esclavos (id est servos) adveheret nil ultra vestigans
citatissirao equorum cursu ad nos venit anhelo spiritu inquiens clavis et pre-
ciosis gemmis onustam affert navim Stephanus Gomez, opimam se habiturum
strenam arbitratus est. Ad hanc hujus horainis ineptiam erecti qui rei fave-
rent, universam obtunderunt cum ingenti applausu curiam per apheeresim dic-
tione detruncata pro esclavis clavos esse advectos prseconando (esclavos enim
Hispanum idioma servos appellat et gariophyllos nuncupat clavos) postea vero
quam a clavis in esclavos fabulam esse transformatam Curia cognovit cum
fautoramjubilantium erubescentia risum excitavit."*

Of Gomara's account it might be superfluous to say any thing;
but he was Cabot's contemporary, and the passage illustrates what
has been said, in another place, as to his narrow feeling of jealousy
towards that Navigator who had a few years before abandoned
the service of Spain to rejoin that of his native country, and whom
the King of England had refused, as we have seen, to send back
on the requisition of Charles V. After stating the departure of
Gomez in pursuit of the strait (" en demanda de un estrecho
que se ofrecio de hallar en tierra de Baccalaos'), his return

nor Cataia which he promised, returned backe within tenn Monethes after his
departure. I always thought and presupposed this good man's imaginations were
vayne and frivolous. Yet wanted he no suffrages and voyces in his favour and
defence," (Lok's translation, fo. 317.)

* " And when he came into the haven of Clunia from whence he set sayle,
a certayne man hearing of the arrivall of his Shippe and that hee had brought
Esclavos, that is to say slaves, seekinge no further, came postinge unto us with
pantinge and breathless spiiit sayinge that Stephanus Gomez bringeth his
Shippe laden with cloves and precious Stones : arid thought thereby to have
received some rich piesent or reward : They who favoured the matter, attentive
to this mann's foolish and idle report, wearied the whole Court with exceedinge
great applause, cutting of the word by apharesis proclayminge that for esclavos
hee hadd brought clavos (for the Spanish tongue calleth slaves esclavos and
cloves clavos) but after the Court understoode that the tale was transformed
from clavos to slaves they brake foorth into a great laughter to the shame and
blushinge of the favourers who had shouted for joy." (Lok's translation,
fol. 317.)

271

without success, and the jest about the " esclavos," he says (c. xl.)
that Gomez visited a region " que aun no estaba par otro vista ;
bien que dicen como Sebastian Gabato la tenia primero tanteada,"
(" which had never before been seen by any one, though they say
that it was first discovered by Sebastian Cabot") These are his
churlish expressions at a moment when he has no other epithet
by which to designate the country visited, but that conferred on
it by the very man whose merits he strives, in this despicable
temper, to depreciate !

In the " Narrative of Discovery and Adventure in the Polar
Seas, &c. by Professor Leslie, Professor Jameson, and Hugh
Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E." published on the 1st October last, there
is found (p. 161) the following passage : —

" Only one very early voyage (from Spain to the North) is mentioned, that
namely, which was undertaken in 1524 by Gomez, with a view of discovering
a shorter passage to the Moluccas. He is said to have brought home a few of
the natives ; but no record is preserved either of the events which attended his
enterprise or even of the coast on which he arrived. There remains of it, as
has been observed, only a jest, and one so indifferent as not to be worth
repeating."

The writer might be excused, perhaps, for not knowing that
Oviedo, in 1526, and Richard Eden, in 1555, name 40 and 41
degrees of latitude as points visited by Gomez, but what shall we
say of his overlooking the following passage in a popular work,
published in 1817 ?

" Une ancienne carte manuscrite dressee en 1529 par Diego Ribeiro, cos-
mographe Espagnol, a conserve le souvenir du voyage de Gomez : on y lit au
dessous de I'emplacement occupe par les etats de New York, de Connecticut et
de Rhode-Island Terre D'Etienne Gomez qu'il decouvrit en 1525 par I'ordre de
S. M. Hy a beaucoup d'arbres, beaucoup de rodoballas, de saumons, et de. soles ;
on n'y trouve pas d'or." (Biographic Universelle, tit. Gomes.)

The Diego Ribeiro here named had been, on 10th June, 1523,
appointed Royal Cosmographer, with a large salary, and the duty
committed to him of preparing charts, astrolabes, and other nau
tical instruments (Navarette, Introd. torn. i. p. cxxiv. note 2.)
The Map, with a valuable memoir, published at Weimar in 1795,
is in the Library of The British Museum.

272

CHAP. IX.

EXPEDITION FROM ENGLAND IN 1527-
ERRONEOUS STATEMENT THAT ONE OF THE VESSELS WAS NAMED " DOMINUS

VOBISCUM" — THEIR NAMES " THE SAMSON" AND " THE MARY OF
GUILFORD" — LETTERS FROM THE EXPEDITION DATED AT NEWFOUND
LAND, ADDRESSED TO HENRY VIII. AND CARDINAL WOLSEY THE ITALIAN

NAVIGATOR, JUAN VERRAZANI, ACCOMPANIES THE EXPEDITION AND IS

KILLED BY THE NATIVES — LOSS OF THE SAMSON THE MARY OF GUIL-

FORD VISITS BRAZIL, PORTO-RICO, &C. ARRIVES IN ENGLAND, OCTOBER

1527 ROBERT THORNE OF BRISTOL HIS LETTER COULD NOT HAVE LED

TO THIS EXPEDITION.

THE Second Expedition under the auspices of Henry VIII. in
1527, to discover a North-West Passage, has not been more for
tunate than the First, in 1517, in escaping perversion. The state
ment of Hakluyt(vol. iii. p. 129) is this : —

" Master Robert Thorne of Bristol!, a notable member and ornament of his
Country, as wel for his learning as great charity to the poore, in a letter of his
to King Henry the 8th and a large discourse to Doctor Leigh, his Ambassador
to Charles the Emperor (which both are to be seene almost at the beginning of
the first volume of this my Work) exhorted the aforesaid King, with very
weighty and substantial reasons, to set forth a discovery even to the North
Pole. And that it may be known that this his motion took present effect, I
thought it good herewithall to put down the testimonies of two of our Chroni
clers, M. Hall and M. Grafton, who both write in this sort- 'This same
moneth' (say they) ' King Henry the 8th sent two faire Ships wel manned and
victualled, having in them divers cunning men to seek strange regions, and so
they set forth out of the Thames the 20th day of May in the 19th yeere of his
raigne, which was the yeere our Lord 1527-'

"And whereas Master Hall, and Master Grafton say, that in those Ships
there were divers cunning men, I have made great enquiry of such as, by their
yeeres and delight in Navigation, might give me any light to know who those
cunning men should be, which were the directors in the aforesaid Voyage.

273

And it liath been tokle me by Sir Martine Frobisher, and M. Richard Allen, a
Knight of the Sepulchre, that a Canon of Saint Paul in London, which was a
great Mathematician, and a Man indued with wealth, did much advance the
actiop, and went therein himselfe in person, but what his name was I cannot
learne of any. And furthur they tolde that one of the ships was called the
Dominus Vobiscum, which is a name likely to be given by a religious man of
those dayes : and that say ling very farre Northwestward, one of the Ships was
cast away as it entered into a dangerous Gulph, about the great opening, be-
tweene the North parts of Newfoundland, and the Country lately called by
her Majestie, Meta Incognita. Whereupon the other ship shaping her course
towards Cape Briton, and the Coastes of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their
men on land to search the state of those unknown regions, returned home
about the beginning of October, of the yere aforesayd. And thus much (by
reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times, who should have
used more care in preserving of the memories of the worthy actes of our Nation)
is all that hitherto I can learne or finde out of this voyage."

This is copied into every History of Discovery since that period
down to Mr. Barrow, Dr. Lardner, and the Edinburgh Cabinet
Library, with the same expression of regret and indignation that
no record should have been preserved of the persons and vessels
employed in the enterprise.

Incredible as it may appear, after what has been said, there
is found in Purchas, (vol. iii. p. 809,) the very Letter written
by John Rut, the commander of one of the vessels engaged in this
expedition, to Henry VIII. from Newfoundland, and an account
of another Letter written from the same place by Albert de Prato,
an Ecclesiastic, to Cardinal Wolsey. The Letter to the King
thus appears in Purchas, with some obvious imperfections : —

" Pleasing your Honorable Grace to heare of your Servant John Rut, with
all his company here, in good health, thanks be to God and your Graces ship,
The Mary of Guilford, with all her [a blank in Purchas] thanks be to
God ; and if it please your honourable Grace, we ranne in our course to the
Northward, till we came into 53 degrees, and there we found many great Hands
of Ice and deepe water, we found no sounding, and then we durst not goe no
further to the Northward for feare of more Ice, and then we cast about to the
Southward, and within foure dayes after we had one hundred and sixtie fathom,
and then we came into 52 degrees and fell with the mayne Land, and within
ten leagues of the mayne Land we met with a great Hand of Ice, and came
hard by her, for it was standing in deepe water, and so went in with Cape do

274

Bas, a good Harbor, and many small Hands, and a great fresh River going up
farre into the mayne Land, and the Mayne Land all wildernesse and moun-
taines and Woods, and no naturall ground, but all raosse, and no inhabitation
nor no people in these parts : and in the woods we found footing of divers
great breasts, but we saw none not in ten leagues. And please your Grace, The
Samson and wee kept company all the way till within two dayes before we met
with all the Hands of Ice, that was the first day of July at night, and there
rose a great and a marvailous great storme, and much foule weather ; I trust
in Almightie Jesu to heare good newes of her. And please your Grace, we
were considering and a writing of all our order, how we would wash us and
what course we would draw and when God do and foule weather that with the
Cape de Sper shee should goe, and he that came first should tarry the space of
sixe weeks one for another, and watered at Cape de Bas ten dayes, ordering of
your Graces ship and fishing, and so departed toward the Southward to seeke
our fellow : the third day of August we entered into a good Haven, called St.
John, and there we found eleven saile of Normans, and one Brittaine, and two Por-
tunall Barkes, and all ajtshing, and so we are readie to depart toward Cape de
Bas, and that is twentie five leagues, as shortly we have fished, and so along
the Coast till we may meete with our fellow, and so with all diligence that
lyes in me toward parts to that Hands that we are commanded by the Grace of God
as we were commanded at our departing : and thus Jesu save and keepe your
Honorable Grace, and all your honorable Rever. in the Haven of Saint John,
the 3 day of August, written in haste. 152/.

"By your Servant John Rut to his uttermost of his power/'

The Letter to Cardinal Wolsey from Albert de Prato was thus
addressed : —

" Reverend, in Christo Patri Domino Cardinali et Domino Le
gato Angliae." It began

" Reverendissime in Christo Pater Salutem. Reverendissime
Pater, placeat ReverendissimsB paternitati vestrae scire, Deo fa-
vente postquam exivimus a Plemut quse fuit X Junii," See.

Purchas says, " the substance is the same with the former, and
therefore omitted." The date is "apud le Baya Saint Johan in
Terris Novis die X Augusti 1527 Revr. Patr. vest, humilis servus,
Albertus de Prato."

We have here the name of the master of the vessel, and also
that, it is to be presumed, of the Canon of St. Paul's, and learn,
further, that neither of the vessels was called the " Dominus Vo-
biscum," but that one was " The Mart/ of Guilford" and the
other " The Samson." We may infer that the latter perished in

275

the " marvellous great Storm," by which the two vessels were se
parated.

The direct Correspondence with the King and the Cardinal suf
ficiently assure us of the interest taken by these personages in the
enterprise, and the commands of which Rut speaks " at our de
parting" as to the ultimate destination of the vessels were doubt
less from the Monarch to whom the letter is addressed.

We have to state, in reference to this enterprise, a conviction
that there went in it the celebrated Italian Navigator, Juan Ver-
razani, over whose fate a singular mystery has existed. The cir
cumstances which seem to establish the fact are the following : —

In the year 1524, Verrazani, employed by Francis the First,
coasted North America from the latitude of 34° to 50°. The ac
count of his voyage, found in Ramusio, is dated at Dieppe, 8th
July, 1524. From this period we have no distinct intelligence of
him. It is said that he made a subsequent voyage, but whence
or whither is unknown, for the French arid Italian writers do not
offer even a conjecture as to the circumstances under which it took
place. That he made it in the service of France will appear
improbable when we look at the history of that period.

On the 24th February 1525 the disastrous battle of Pavia was
fought, and Francis was conducted a prisoner to Madrid. The
deplorable condition of the country is thus described: —

" Meanwhile France was filled wich consternation. The King himself had
early transmitted an account of the rout at Pavia in a letter to his Mother de
livered by Pennalosa which contained only these words, ' Madam, all is lost
except our Honour.' The officers who made their escape when they arrived
from Italy brought such a melancholy detail of particulars as made all ranks
of men sensibly feel the greatness and extent of the calamity. France without
its Sovereign, without money in her Treasury, without an Army, without Generals
to command it, and encompassed on all sides by a victorious and active enemy, seemed
to be on the very brink of destruction."*

On the 5th Jur*», 1525, the mother of Francis appointed com
missioners to seek relief from Henry VIII. (Rymer's Fcedera,
vol. xiv. p. 37,) and ultimately a loan was obtained of two mil-

* Robertson's Charles V. Book iv.

276

lions of crowns, (ib. p. 130.) Every document of that period serves
to shew the utter prostration of France, and the anxiety to exhibit
a sense of gratitude to England for having suddenly become from
an enemy a preserver. Thus, there appears (Rymer, vol. xiv.
p. 232) a document from the King of France, dated 25 Sep
tember 1527, having reference to the inconvenience to which the
commerce of England might be subject in Flanders in con
sequence of her new position, and appointing Commissioners
to secure to English merchants equivalent privileges in his do
minions. It closes thus :

" Caeteraque denique omnia et singula agere, promittere et concludere in
hoc negotio suisque circumstantiis et dependentiis quibuscunque qua; nosmet-
ipsi si prsesentes agere et concludere posseraus, etiam si talia forent qua man-
datum requirerunt magis speciale, promittentes bona fide et verbo nostro regio
Nos omnia et singula per dictos oratores et Procuratores nostros pacta pro-
missa et conclusa impleturos et praestituros, nee ullo unquam tempore quovis
qucesito colore, infracturos aut contraventuros sed perpetuo observaturos."

Under such circumstances it would be no matter of surprise to
find the impatient navigator turning to the same country to which
his late employers had become supplicants, and tendering his ser
vices to a Monarch whose means were as abundant as his spirit
was sanguine and enterprising. An expedition, then, is fitted
out at this precise period under the auspices of the King and Car
dinal Wolsey. If the slightest evidence could be discovered of
communication with Verrazani, we would feel quite assured that
the one party would be as anxious to secure his aid as the other
to proffer it.

This link is supplied by Hakluyt. In that early work, of 1582,
the " Divers Voyages," we find the following statement :—

" Master John Verarzanus, which had been thrice on that
coast, in an old excellent Map which he gat", to Henry VIII.,
and is yet in the custodie of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as
is to be scene in the Map annexed to the end of this boke being
made according to Verarzanus' plot."

It is impossible to withstand a conviction that Henry while

277

intent on this enterprise would eagerly enlist the services of such
a navigator as Verrazani fortunately thrown out of employment,
and so well acquainted with the American Coast, that Hakluyt,
more than half a century afterwards, found his Map to exhibit
the most accurate representation of it.

The rumours which remain as to the fate of this navigator
must now be examined.

Ramusio (torn. iii. fol. 417) does not state in whose service the
last voyage was made, though from its connexion with that of
1524 the reader might be hastily led to suppose that both were
from the same country. It is needless to repeat what has been
said as to the improbability that France, during a period of dis
may and beggary, engaged in fitting out exploratory voyages.
So soon after the peace of Cambray as she could recruit her ex
hausted resources, we find the well-known expedition of Cartier,
in 1534. When such clear and authentic information exists with
regard to this last voyage, as well as of the previous one of 1524
under Verrazani, is it at all likely that not the slightest trace,
would be found of an intermediate expedition, had one been dis
patched ? The circumstances attending the death of Verrazani,
are thus given by Ramusio : —

" Et neir ultimo viaggio che esso fece havendo voluto smontar in terra con
alcuni compagni furono tutti morti da quei popoli et in presentia di coloro
che erano rimasi neile navi furono arrostiti et mangiati."*

Such was the horrible tale which Ramusio found current in
Italy. It is plain, then, that the survivors who beheld the cruelties
practised on the unfortunate captives must have got back in safety,
and made report of the dreadful scene. Yet in the annals of no
other country but England is the slightest allusion found to the
departure, or return, of any such expedition.

There will now be perceived the importance of having settled

* " In the last voyage which he made, having gone on shore with some com
panions, they were all killed by the natives, and roasted and eaten in the sight
of those who remained on board."

278

on a former occasion,* that Oviedo, in his history of the West
Indies, represents the visit of an English ship at Porto Rico, &c.,
to have occurred not in 1517, but in 1527. It was then shewn
that Herrera, in subsequently stating the same transaction, had
given in greater detail the testimony of Gines Navarro, the Cap
tain of the Caravel, who had incautiously gone off to the English
ship. Let us now turn again to Navarro's statement : —

" They said that they were Englishmen, and that the ship was from England,
and that she and her consort had been equipped to go and seek the land of the
Great Cham, that they had been separated in a tempest, and that the ship pur
suing her course had been in a frozen sea and found great islands of ice, and
that taking a different course they came into a warm sea which boiled like
water in a kettle, and lest it might open the seams of the vessel,, they pro
ceeded to examine the Baccalaos where they found fifty sail of vessels, Spanish,
French, and Portuguese, engaged in fishing, that going on shore to communi
cate with the natives, the Pilot, a native of Piedmont, was killed; that they pro
ceeded afterwards along the coast to the river Chicora, and crossed over thence
to the Island of St. John. Asking them what they sought in these islands,
they said, that they wished to explore in order to make report to the King of
England, and to procure a load of the Brazil wood."/f>

Comparing this with the letter of Rut, is it necessary to enforce
the coincidence in the year — the sailing of the two ships from
England — the separation by tempest — the struggle with the ice in
the North — the return to Baccalaos — the vessels found there en
gaged in fishing ?

Mark too the death of the Italian pilot, under circumstances

* See page 114.

t Dixeron que eran Ingleses, i que la nao era de Inglaterra, i que aquella i
otra se avian armado, para ir a buscar la Tierra del gran Can, i que un temporal
las havia apartado : i que siguiendo esta nao su viage dieron en un mar elado, i
que hallaban grandes Islas de ielo : i que tomando otra derrota, dieron en otra
mar caliente, que hervia como el agua en una caldera ; i porque no se les
derritasse la brea, fueron a reconocer a los Bacallos, adonde hallaron cinquenta
Naos Castellanas Francesas, i Portuguesas, pescando, i que alii quisieron
salir en tierra, para tomar lengua de los Indios, i les mataron al Piloto, que era
Piamontes i que desde alii avian costeado hasta el Rio de Chicora, i que
desde este Rio atravesaron a la Isla de san Juan ; i preguntando les le que bus-
caban en aqucllas Islas, dixeron, que las querian ver, para dar rclacion al Rci
de Inglaterra i cargar de Brazil. (Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iii.)

279

which correspond so well with the sad tale reported to the friends
of Verrazani and recorded by Ramusio !

It was probably the death of Verrazani, and despair of being
rejoined by the Samson, that induced Rut, the main object being
frustrated, to seek the only market which remained for the mer
chandise with which the Mary of Guilford was freighted.

Navarro says, that the English spoke of having proceeded along
the coast as far South as the River of Chicora. Now, in describing
the movements of the expedition to Florida under Ayllon, in 1523,
Peter Martyr (Dec. vii. ch. ii.) says, " They affirm that these
provinces lie under the same parallel of latitude with Andalusia
in Spain. They thoroughly examined the principal countries,
Chicora and Duhare." Peter Martyr supposes these regions to
"join the Baccalaos discovered by Cabotus from England."
Amongst the provinces connected with the two first described, he
(ib.) expresslymentions Arambe, and when we find Frobisher stating
to Hakluyt, (3 Hakl. 129) a tradition that the surviving ship of
the Expedition of 1527, after the disaster in the North, " shaped
her course towards Cape Breton and the Coasts of Arambec" we
find a degree of harmony pervading these unconnected accounts
that is truly surprising.

It would be too much, however, to expect a minute accuracy in
every particular of Navarro's report as to what he heard on board
the English ship. An error is probably committed by misplacing
one of the incidents. The alarm about the opening of the seams
of the vessel from extreme heat, which appears so absurd as re
ferred to the North, becomes quite intelligible, when we recollect
that the English are represented by Oviedo to have attempted to
run down the coast of Brazil. The effect produced on the Mary
of Guilford was, doubtless, the same as that experienced during
the third voyage of Columbus, in 1498, when precisely the same
apprehensions are represented to have seized his crew.

The name of Robert Thome is associated by Hakluyt and sub
sequent writers with this Expedition, but evidently without due
consideration. Thome, a native of Bristol, was a merchant-tailor

280

of London,* who went to Spain and is said, without further par
ticulars as to date, to have addressed the letter found in Hakluyt
to Henry VIII. from Seville "in 1527." As the Expedition left
the Thames on the 20th May, 1527, it is plainly absurd to suppose
that a letter written during that year could have been forwarded
—its suggestions considered and adopted — the course resolved
on — the commanders selected — vessels suitable for such an enter
prise prepared — and all the arrangements completed so as to
admit of this early departure. Nor is there any evidence that
the letter in question was ever forwarded. It was handed to
Hakluyt, as he states in his work of 1582, by Cyprian Lucar, a
son of Thome's executor. No doubt Verrazani proceeded to Eng
land immediately on discovering that in the confused and ex
hausted state of France he had no chance of employment ; and
not more than sufficient time would thus be allowed for maturing
all the necessary arrangements. Aside from the enterprising
temper of Henry VIII., Verrazani was, perhaps, in some measure
indebted for success in his application to the mood of Wolsey,
whose resentment at the supposed treachery of Charles V. as to
the election of a Pope had at this time passed into the politics of
England. The Cardinal's zeal on behalf of the Expedition may
have been quickened by knowing how much its success would
startle and annoy the Emperor. We have already seen, in con
sidering the voyage of 1517 with which this has been confounded,
what alarm was created by intelligence of the visit of the Mary of
Guilford to the Islands. The Emperor was struck with the incon
veniences likely to result,^ and gave strict orders to seize and
make an example of any future intruders.

The abrupt termination of the enterprise prevents our being
able to trace distinctly the influence on it of Cabot's previous
voyages. Verrazani, in 1524, did not get further North than 50°,
and so far as the Mary of Guilford advanced beyond that point we see

* Stow's Survey of London; Fuller's Worthies.

t "Los inconvenientcs quo podiia haver de la navigation de esta Nacion a
los Indias." llorrcra, Dec. ii. lib. v. c. iii.

281

only an effort to reach Hudson's Strait. It would be absurd to
suppose that the King who is found possessed of Verrazani's more
limited map had not before him the bolder one of Cabot. In ad
dition to " the Card" which Lord Bacon speaks of as having been
exhibited by Cabot, the history of the more recent voyage of 1517
must have been perfectly well known. Thorne speaks familiarly
to Henry VIII. of the discoveries made on that occasion by " your
Grace's subjects," and the very mariners employed ten years be
fore would of course be sought for and eno'ao-ed anew.*

O DO

A future part of the subject will be understood more readily by
noting here, that Frobisher was aware of the course taken on this
occasion and of the loss of one of the ships in " a dangerous gulf
between the North parts of Newfoundland and the country lately
called by her Majesty, Meta Incognita."

It is impossible to turn from this Expedition without adverting,
in terms of indignation, to those who, instead of looking into the
evidence which strikingly evinces the earnest and continued ex
ertions of Henry VIII. in reference to this project, prefer the easier
task of stringing together such paragraphs as the following : —

" Neither was the turbulent, voluptuous, proud, and cruel disposition of
Henry VIII. any great encouragement to men of abilities and enterprise to un
dertake voyages of discovery, and thereby expose themselves to the king's fickle
and tyrannical temper in case of miscarriage/''!'

" But it is more difficult to discover what prevented this scheme of Henry
VII. from being resumed during the reigns of his son and grandson, and to
give any reason why no attempt was made either to explore the Northern Con
tinent of America more fully, or to settle in it. Henry VIII. was frequently
at open enmity with Spain : the value of the Spanish acquisitions in America
had become so well known, as might have excited his desire to obtain some
footing in those opulent regions ; and during a considerable part of his reign,
the prohibitions in a papal bull would not have restrained him from making
encroachments upon the Spanish dominions. But the reign of Henry was not
favourable to the progress of discovery. During one period of it, the active part
which he took in the affairs of the Continent, and the vigour with which he
engaged in the contest between the two mighty rivals, Charles V. and Francis
I. gave full occupation to the enterprising spirit both of the King and his No-

* See Appendix (E).

f Forstcr, Northern voyages, p. 268.

282

bility. During another period of his administration, his famous controversy
with the Court of Rome kept the nation in perpetual agitation and suspense :
engrossed by those objects, neither the King nor the Nobles had inclination or
leisure to turn their attention to new pursuits ; and without their patronage and
aid, the commercial part of the nation was too inconsiderable to make any
effort of consequence."*

"That prince, (Henry VIII.) full of bustle, needy of money, and not devoid
of intelligence, might have been supposed rather prompt to embark in such en
terprises : but involved in so many disputes, domestic and theological, and
studying, though with little skill, to hold the balance between the two great
Continental rivals, Charles and Francis, he was insensible to the glory and ad
vantages to be derived from Maritime Expeditions."^

* Dr. Robertson's America, book ix.

"\- Edinburgh Cabinet Library, (vol. i. p. 98,) by Professors Leslie and
Jameson, and Hugh Murray, Esq.

283

CHAP. X.

VOYAGE FROM ENGLAND IN 1536.

IT has been thought unnecessary to speak in detail of the Expe
dition of Verrazani in 1524, or of that of Cartier in 1534, as they
did not advance beyond the points which former Navigators had
rendered quite familiar. Of a subsequent voyage from England,
in 1536, our information, derived altogether from Hakluyt, is
quite meagre, but there was evidently contemplated a more ad
venturous range of search. The scheme originated with " one
Master Hore of London, a man of goodly stature and of great
courage, and given to studie of cosmography."* Amongst the
company, it is stated, were " many gentlemen of the Inns of
Court, and of the Chancerie." One of the persons particularly
spoken of, is " M. Rastall, Serjeant RastalFs brother," a name
familiar in the Law, from the well-known " Entries" of the bro
ther here alluded to. After a tedious passage, the gentlemen
reached Cape Breton and proceeded Northward, but seem to have
made little progress when they were arrested by famine, which
became so pinching that one individual killed his companion
" while he stooped to take up a root for his relief/'f and having
appeased the pangs of hunger, hid the body for his own future
use. It beins; ascertained that he had somewhere a concealed

store of animal food, he was reproached for his base selfishness,
" and this matter growing to cruel Speeches "$ he stated plainly
what he had done. The Chief of the Expedition was greatly
shocked at this horrible discovery, " and made a notable oration,

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 129. flbid. vol. iii. p. 130. J Ib.

284

containing how much these dealings offended the Almightie, and
vouched the Scriptures from first to last what God had in cases
of distresse done for them that called upon Him, and told them
that the power of the Almighty was then no lesse than in all for
mer time it had bene. And added, that if it had not pleased God
to have holpen them in that distresse, that it had bene better to
have perished in body, and to have lived everlastingly, than to
have relieved for a poore time their mortal bodyes, and to be con
demned everlastingly both body and soul to the unquenchable
fire of hell."* But in vain did this good man, who was not him
self of the Profession, entreat his associates to combat the unhappy
tendency to prey on their fellow-creatures; and they were about
to cast lots to ascertain who should be killed, when a French vessel
unexpectedly arrived " well furnished with vittaile." Notwith
standing the amity of the two nations, it was decided, in the mul
titude of Counsellors, to consult their own safety at the expense of
the new comers. The case being one of plain necessity, they
resolved to act on the familiar maxim which permits the law to
slumber in such emergencies, and to get possession of the French
vessel, viewing it, doubtless, if any argument was had, in the
light of the tabula in naufragio spoken of in the books.

The thing would seem to have been managed with fair words

O O

and characteristic adroitness. Hakluyt got his information from
Mr. Thomas Buts, of Norfolk, whom he rode two hundred miles
to see, " as being the only man now alive that was in this disco-
verie." Buts must have been very young at the time of the Ex
pedition — probably in London as a student of law or articled to
an attorney — and it can hardly be supposed that he was trusted
with a prominent part at this interesting crisis, when there were
on board men of the experience of Rastall and the others. Yet
there was evidently a touch of vain-glory about his narrative to
Hakluyt — something of the " pars fui" — and the old man, though
long retired from business, kindled up at the reminiscence :

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 130.

285

" Such was the policie of the English that they became masters
of the same, and changing Ships and vittailing them they setsayle
to come into England !"* The despoiled Frenchmen followed
these harpies of the law, and made complaint to Henry VIII.

" The King causing the matter to be examined and finding the great distresse
of his subjects, and the causes of the dealing with the French, was so moved
with pitie that he punished not his subjects, but of his own purse made full and
royal recompence unto the French. "t

It had been stated at the outset that the adventurers were
"assisted by the King's favour and good countenance," which,
with his subsequent clemency and generosity, may furnish a suit
able answer to the silly tirade of Forster.

* Hakluyt, vol. iii.p. 131. t Ib.

286

CHAP. XI.

EXPEDITION OF CORTEREAL IN 15/4, AND RETROSPECT TO A PRETENDED
VOYAGE BY A PERSON OF THE SAME NAME IN 1464.

THE long interval between the voyage of 1536 and that of Fro-
bisher supplies nothing worthy of particular notice. One inci
dent, however, may be glanced at, because it is probably connected
with a misconception as to a pretended expedition of much
earlier date.

In the work of Hakluyt published in 1582, we find the follow
ing passage : —

" A verie late and great probabilitie of a passage by the North- West part of
America in 58 degrees of Northerly latitude. An excellent learned Man of
Portugal of singular gravety authoritie and experience tolde me very lately that
one Amis Cortereal Captayne qftheyle of Tercera about the yeare 1574 which is
not above eight years past sent a shippe to discover the North West Passage of
America and that the same shippe arriving on the Coast of the said America
in fiftie eyghte degrees of Latitude found a great entrance exceeding deepe
without all impediment of ice, into which they passed above twentie leagues
and found it alwaies to trende towards the South the lande lying low and plain
on either side. And that they persuaded themselves verily that there was a
way open into the South Sea. But their victuals fayling them and they beeing
but one Shippe they returned backe agayne with joy."

Nothing further is heard on the subject.

One of the idlest of the numerous efforts to detract from the
fame of those who led the way in the career of discovery, is the
assertion that Newfoundland was discovered by a person named
Cortereal as early as 1464, twenty-eight years before the Enter
prise of Columbus. The following passage on the subject is
found in Mr. Barrow's Chronological History of Voyages, (p. 37,)

"The first Navigator of the name of Cortereal, who engaged in this enter
prise, was John Vaz Costa Cortereal, a Gentleman of the Household of the

287

Infanta Don Fernando — who, accompanied by Alvaro Martens Hornea, ex
plored the northern seas, by order of King Alfonso the Fifth, and discovered
the Terra de Baccalhaos (the land of Cod Fish) afterwards called Newfoundland.

" This voyage is mentioned by Cordeiro, (Historia Insulana Cordeiro 1 vol.
fol.> but he does not state the exact date, which however is ascertained to have
been in 1463 or 1464; for on their return from the discovery of Newfound
land, or Terra Nova, they touched at the Island of Terceira, the Captaincy of
which Island having become vacant by the death of Jacome Bruges, they soli
cited the appointment, and in reward for their services the request was granted,
their patent commission being dated in Evora, 2nd April, 1464.

" Notwithstanding this early date of a voyage across the Atlantic, there ex
ists no document to prove that any thing further was done by the Portuguese,
in the way of discovery, till towards the close of the fifteenth century ; and if
the evidence of that in question rested on this single testimony of Cordeiro, and
on the fact of the Patent, it would scarcely be considered as sufficiently strong
to deprive Cabotas of the honour of being the first who discovered Newfound
land ; at the same time if the Patent should specify the service for which it was
granted, and that service is stated to be the discovery of Newfoundland, the evi
dence would go far in favour of the elder Cortereal."

Supposing, for a moment, the statement here made to be cor
rect, it must doubtless be received with astonishment. In all the
eager controversies between Spain and Portugal, growing out of
the discovery of America by the former power, not the slightest
reference is made to this antecedent voyage, although we are ap
prised, by the letter of Thome, of a resort even to the falsification
of maps. Is it possible that Portugal, during the most stirring
period of her history, would not attempt to follow up a discovery
which was yet deemed worthy of a signal reward ? The younger
Cortereal, moreover, we have seen, speaks of the country visited
by him in 1501 as before altogether unknown, and of that lying
further north as discovered only the year before. Would such
language have been used by him, or endured by his countrymen,
if he had merely revisited a region discovered thirty-seven years
before by a member of the same family?

We have in the work of the Portuguese writer Galvano, trans
lated by Hakluyt, a minute and copious History of Maritime Dis
covery, in which, though the voyage of Gaspar Cortereal is par
ticularly described, not the slightest allusion is found to this earlier
enterprise.

288

It will probably be considered, also, rather remarkable that
when Columbus, twenty years after this discovery, submitted to
the Court of Portugal his project for seeking land in the West,
it was referred to a learned Junto, who pronounced it extravagant
and visionary, and that on appeal to the Council this decision was
affirmed. To remove all doubt a Caravel was secretly sent to sea,
provided with the instructions of Columbus, and her return, not
long after, without success, was considered to establish, conclu
sively, the impracticable character of the scheme.

But it happens that Mr. Barrow, in putting forth the statement,
has not looked even into the work which he professes to cite as his
authority. The volume of Cordeyro was published in 1717, and
is entitled " Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal sugeytas no
Oceano Occidental." Of it, and of its author so little is known
that his name does not find a place even in the Biographic Univer-
selle. A greater part is occupied with adulation of some of the
principal families of the different islands; yet there is supplied
the very Document, at full length, to whose possible language Mr.
Barrow hypothetically attaches so much importance. A copy of
the work is found in the Library of the British Museum. The
Commission of Cortereal, as Governor of Terceira, bears date
(p. 246,) Evora, 12 April, 1464, and in the consideration recited for
the grant not the slightest reference is made to any such discovery.*
Thus does the evidence in support of this preposterous claim
disappear. The whole story had probably its origin in some-con
fused tradition which reached Cordeyro as to the voyage of 1574.
Yet mark how Error, " like to an entered tide, rushes by and
leaves" even Mr. Barrow " hindmost."

" There seems little reason to doubt that a Portuguese navigator had dis-

* " E considerando en de outra parte os servigos que Joao Vas Cortereal,
iidalgo da casa do dito Senhor meu filho, tern feyto ao Infante meu Senhor
seu padre que Dcos haja, & depois a mini & a elle, confiando em a sua bon-
daclc, & lealdadc, & vendo a sua disposigao, a qual he para poder servir o dito
Senhor & manter seu direyto, & justiga, em galardao dos ditos services Ihe fiz
meice da Capitania da Una Terceyra."

289

covered Newfoundland long before the time of Cabot. John Vaz Casta Corte-
real, a gentleman of the Royal Household had explored the Northern Seas by
order of Alphonso the V. about the year 1463, and discovered the Terra de
Baccalhaos or land of Codfish, afterwards called Newfoundland."*

As authority for these assertions, Mr. Barrow is cited !
Again :

" This house was that of Cortereal : for a member of which, John Vaz Cor-
tereal, claims are advanced as having discovered Newfoundland nearly a cen
tury (!) before the celebrated voyages of Columbus or Cabot."f

* Dr. Lardner's Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and Inland Discovery,
vol. ii. p. 138.

•j* Edinburgh Cabinet Library, by Professors Leslie and Jameson, and Hugh
Murray, Esq. vol. i. p. 158.

290

CHAP. XII.

SIR MARTIN FROBISHEK.

To exhibit a just estimate of the merits of this navigator, is one
of the gravest portions of the duty that remains to be performed.
There will here be found, probably, the most striking proof yet
presented of injustice to the fame of Sebastian Cabot.

Had Frobisher seen the tract of Sir Humphrey Gilbert? The
question may not, perhaps, be deemed one of essential importance,
when we know that Ramusio, twenty-two years before, had fur
nished a statement, which it is impossible to misunderstand, of
the course pursued, and of the point attained, by Cabot, and that
there was suspended in the Queen's Gallery the Map, exhibiting
his discoveries, referred to in that tract. Yet the evidence hap
pens to be so singularly conclusive as to invite the enquiry.

A doubt, indeed, on the subject has arisen only from the con
duct of Hakluyt, who in giving a place to the work of Sir Hum
phrey Gilbert has suppressed the very curious and interesting
explanation of its history ; and, owing to the blind confidence in
that compiler, no one has since thought of going beyond his
volumes. There is, fortunately, a copy of the original publica
tion in the Library of the British Museum, (title in catalogue
Gilbert.)

The tract was published on the 12 April, 1576, and is preceded
by an Address to the reader, from George Gascoigne, who thus
explains the manner in which it came into his possession : —

" Now it happened that myself being one (amongst many) beholden to the
said Sir Humphry Gilbert for sundry courtesies, did come to visit him in the
winter last past, at his house in Limehouse, and being very bold to demand of
him, how he spent his time in this loitering vacation from martial stratagems,
he courteously took me into his study, and there shewed me sundry profitable

291

and very commendable exercises which he had perfected painfully with his
own pen, and amongst the rest this present discovery. The which, as well
because it was not long, as also, because I understood that M. Forboiser, a kins
man of mine, did pretend to travel in the same discovery, I craved it at the said
Sir Humphrey's hand for two or three days."

Gascoigne retained possession of the tract, and subsequently
published it.

Frobisher (or Forboiser as he is more commonly called in the
old accounts) sailed from Gravesend, on his first voyage, 12 June,
1576. We thus find that the tract was obtained by a kinsman, for
his use, the preceding winter, and that it even appeared in print
two months before Frobisher left the Thames. The following is
an extract from it, (Hakluyt, vol. hi. p. 16,)

" Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and travel hath set forth and
described this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seen in the Queen's
Majesty's Privy Gallery at Whitehall, who was sent to make this discovery
by King Henry VII. and entered the same fret: affirming that he sailed very
far westward with a quarter of the North on the North side of Terra de Labra
dor the eleventh of June, until he came to the Septentrional latitude of 67° and-
a-half, and finding the sea still open said, that he might and would have gone
to Cataia if the mutiny of the master and mariners had not been."

There is another tract in Hakluyt (vol. iii. p. 24,) already re
ferred to, entitled " Certain other reasons or arguments to prove
a passage by the North-West, learnedly written by Mr. Richard
Willes, Gentleman." Here, also, a perilous discretion has been
exercised in the way of curtailment. The Essay appeared origi
nally in a new edition of Richard Eden's Decades, published by
Willes, in 1577.* The tract is addressed to the Countess of War
wick whose husband was the patron of Frobisher, and is headed
" For M. Captayne Frobisher, passage by the North-West." (fol.
230.) That Willes had been solicited to prepare it is apparent
from the conclusion, (fol. 236.)

" Thus much, Right Honorable, my very good Lady, of your question con
cerning your servant's voyage. If not so skilfully as I would, and was desirous
fully to do, at the least as I could and leisure suffered me, for the little know-

* " The History of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. by Richard
Eden. Newly set in order, augmented, and finished by Richarde Willes.
London, 1577-"

292

ledge God hath lent me, if it be any at all, in cosmography and philosophy,
and the small experience I have in travaile. Chosing rather in the clear judg
ment of your honourable mind to appear rude and ignorant, and so to be scene
unto the multitude, than to be found unthankful and careless in anything your
Honour should commande me. God preserve your Honor. At the Court the
20 of March, your Honor's most humbly at commandment Richard Willes."

This Tract was prepared after the first voyage of Frobisher, and
reference is made in it to a document now lost, viz., the Chart
drawn by Frobisher to exhibit the course he had pursued. The
account given by Willes of Cabot's description of the Strait cor
responds with that supplied by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, but it is,
as has been shewn on a former occasion, more explicit.

" Cabota was not only a Skilful Seaman but a long travailer, and such a one
as entered personally that Strait sent by King Henry VII. to make the aforesaid
discovery, as in his own Discourse of Navigation you may read in his Card
drawn with his own hand ; the mouth of the North -Western Strait lieth near
the 318 meridian [60° W. Long, from Greenwich] betwixt 61 and 64° in ele
vation continuing the same breadth about ten degrees West where it opcneth
Southerly more and more." (fol. 233.)

That Frobisher was considered as having done nothing more,
on his first voyage, than to act on the suggestions of Cabot, and
as far he went to confirm them, may be inferred from another pas
sage. It was plain that he had not penetrated to the extent men
tioned by Cabot, yet he had followed the instructions as to the
quarter where the Strait was to be found, and his partial success
inspired a hope that he might, in a second attempt, urge his way
through. That this was the extent of the merit claimed for the

recent voyage is plain from the language which Willes addresses to
a lady whose influence had been mainly instrumental in setting it
forth. After representing the Strait to be " betwixt the 61st and
64th degrees North," he adds, "So left by our countryman Se
bastian Cabote in his Table, the which my good Lord your father
[The Earl of Bedford] hath at Cheynies and so tried this last
year by your Honor's Servant as he reported and his Card and
Compass do witness." (fol. 232.)

The very history of the voyages themselves is stripped by Hak-
luyt of the evidence they furnish as to a knowledge of Cabot's

293

previous enterprise. Thus we have (vol. iii. p. 47) the account of
the three voyages " penned by Master George Best, a gentleman
employed in the same voyage," and find (p. 60) that this gentle
man was the Lieutenant of the Admiral's ship. There is a copy
in the King's Library (title in catalogue Frobisher) of his work as
originally published in 1578; and prefixed to it is a long and in
teresting Dedication to Sir Christopher Hatton, of which no part
is found in Hakluyt. Amongst other things he says, " And Se
bastian Cabote being an Englishman and born in Brystowe, after
he had discovered sundry parts of Newfoundland and attempted
the passage to Cataya by the North-West for the King of Eng
land, for lack of entertainment here (notwithstanding his good
desert) was forced to seek to the King of Spain."

There was another work published during the same year, en
titled " A Prayse and Reporte of Master Martyn Forbaisher's
voyage to Meta Incognita by Thomas Churchyard," (Library of
British Museum, title in catalogue Churchyardj) in which the
writer says, " Gabotha was the first in King Henry VII.'s days
that discovered this frozen land, or Seas/row Sixty-seven towards
the North, and from thence towards the South along the Coast of
America to 36° and-a-half, &c. But this Gabotha's labor robs
no piece of praysefrom Master Forboisher, for Gabotha made but
a simple rehearsal of such a soil, but Master Forboisher makes a
perfect proof of the mines and profit of the country." It is cu
rious to note, thus early, a disposition on the part of Frobisher's
admirers to cast into the shade the enterprise of Cabot. The claim
put forth to superior merit — 'sufficiently idle in itself — must have
appeared utterly ridiculous after the worthlessness of the ore had
been ascertained, and it seems to have been subsequently thought
safer to waive any allusion whatever to him who had gloriously
led the way in the career of discovery.

Thus, then, we have the most conclusive evidence of a knowledge
of what Cabot had done, and of its direct influence on Frobisher's
enterprise. Let us now see what the latter actually accomplished.

The First Expedition left Gravesend, as has been said, on the

294

12th June, 1576. No interest attaches to its movements until the
llth of August, at which point we take up the narrative of the
Master of the Gabriel, Christopher Hall, (Hakluyt, vol. iii.
p. 30)-

" The 1 1 we found our Latitude to be 63 degr. and 8 minutes, and this day
we entered THE STREIGHT.

"The 12 wee setsaile towardesan Island, called the Gabriel's Island, which
was 10 leagues then from us.

" We espied a Sound, and bare with it, and came to a sandie Baye, where
we came to an anker, the land bearing East- South-east off us, and there we
rode at night in 8 fathome water. It floweth there at the South-east Moone.
We called at Prior's sownd, being from Gabriel's Island, tenne leagues.

" The 14 we waied, and ranne into another sownd, where we ankered in 8
fathome water, faire sande and black oaze, and there calked our ship, being
weake from the wales upward and took in fresh water.

"The 15 day we waied, and sailed to Priors Bay, being a mile from thence.
"The 16 day wascalme and rode still without yce, but presently within two
houres it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an ynch thicke and
that day very faire, and calme.

"The 17 day we waied, and came to Thomas Williams Island.
"The 18 day we sailed North North West, and ankered again in 23 fa
thome, and tough oaze, vnder Burchers Island, which is from the former Island,
ten leagues.

"The 19 day in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the Captaine and
I tooke our boate, with eight men in her, to row us ashore, to see if there were
there any people, or no, and going to the top of the Island, we had sight of
seven boates, which came rowing from the East side, toward that Island :
whereupon we returned aboored againe : at length we sent our boate with five
men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one
of their boates with their men along the shoare, rowing after our boate, till
such time as they sawe our Ship, and then they rowed ashoare : then I went
on shoare myself, and gave every of them a threadden point, and brought one
of them aboored of me, where he did eate and drinke, and then carried him
ashore againe. Whereupon all the rest came aboored with their boates, being
nineteen persons, and they spake, but we understoode them not. They be like
to Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and tawnie in
color, wearing scale skins, and so doe the women, not differing in the fashion,
but the women are marked in the face with blewe streekes downe the cheekes,
and round about the eyes. Their boates are made all of scales skinnes, with a
keele of wood within the skin : the proportion of them is like a Spanish Shal
lop, save only they be flat in the bottome, and sharpe at both ends.

" The twentieth day we waied, and went to the East side of this Island, and
I and the Captaine, with foure men more went on shoare, and there we sawe

295

their houses, and the people espying vs, came rowing towards our boate :
whereupon we plied toward our boate ; and wee being in our boate and they
ashore, they called to us, and we rowed to them, and one of their company
came into our boate, and we carried him aboard, and gave him a Bell, and a
knife : so the Captaine and I willed five of our men to set him a shoare at a
rocke, and not among the company, which they came from, but their wilful-
ness was such, that they would goe to them, and so were taken themselves,
and our boate lost.

" The next day in the morning, we stoode in neere the shoare, and shotte off
a fanconet, and sounded our Trumpet, but we could heare nothing of our men :
this Sound we called the Five Mens Sound, and plyed out of it, but ankered
againe in thirtie fathome, and oaze, and riding there all night, in the morning,
the snow lay a foote thicke upon our hatches.

" The 22 day in the morning we wayed, and went againe to the place where
we lost our men, and our boate. We had sight of fourteen boates, and some
came neere to us, but we could learne nothing of our men : among the rest, we
enticed one boate to our ships side, with a Bell, and in giving him the Bell, we
tooke him, and his boate, and so kept him, and so rowed down to Thomas
Williams Island, and there ankered all night.

" The 26. day we waied, to come homeward and by 1 2. of the clocke at noone,
we were thwart of Trumpets Island."

Such was the result of Frobisher's Only Voyage, having in view
the discovery of a North-West Passage !

It is seen, at once, that he got entangled with the land by keep
ing, at the outset, too far North. Cabot had said, that the Strait
was between the 61st and 64th degree of latitude ; and Ramusio
tells us, from the navigator's Letter, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert
and Lord Bacon from his Card, that the course he took was " very
far Westward, with a quarter of the North on the North side of Terra
de Labrador.''' Frobisher's reasons for disregarding facts which
must have been known to him, can only be conjectured. One mo
tive may have been a puerile ambition to strike out a new route. We
learn from Best, (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 58,) "This place he named
after his name, Frobisher's Strait, like as Magellanus at the South-
West end of the World, having discovered the passage to the South
Sea, and called the same Straits Magellan's Straits." A more
indulgent explanation is suggested by recollecting the account
which he gave (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 129) of the fate of one of the
English ships engaged in the attempt at discovery in 1527. Fro-

296

bisher understood that the vessel had been " cast away as it en
tered into a dangerous gulf about the great opening between the
North parts of Newfoundland and the country lately called by her
Majesty Meta Incognita." (Ib.) It is not improbable that he may
have been induced by a dread of the fate of his predecessor ab
surdly to commence his examination on the very verge of the limit
fixed by Cabot, without the least reference to the course pursued
by that Navigator which had conducted him from 61° at the
commencement of the Strait to 64° at its termination. The pre
cise extent to which Frobisher threaded his way amongst rocks
and islands is not given by Hall, but is stated by Best, (Hakluyt,
p. 58) at fifty leagues, and again (p. 59) at sixty leagues.

The Second Voyage was prompted by mere cupidity. The inci
dent which stimulated the hopes of the adventurers is thus re
lated, (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 59,)

" Some of his company brought floures, some greene grasse : and one
brought a piece of blacke stone much like to a sea cole in colour, which by the
waight seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall. This was a thing of
no account in the judgment of the Captaine at the first sight, and yet for no
velty it was kept in respect of the place from whence it came. After his arrival
in London being demanded of sundry of his friends what thing he had brought
them home out of that country, he had nothing left to present them withal but
a piece of this blacke stone, and it fortuned a gentlewoman one of the adven
turers wives to have a piece thereof, which by chance she threw and burned in
the fire, so long that at the length being taken forth, and quenched in a* little
vinegar, it glistered with a bright marquesset of Golde. Whereupon the matter
being called in some question, it was brought to certaine Goldfiners in London
to make assay thereof, who gave out that it held Golde, and that very richly
for the quantity. Afterwards the same Goldfiners promised great matters
thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered themselves to adven
ture for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some
that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at her Ma
jesty's hands of those places, whereby to enjoy the masse of so great a public
profit vnto their owne private gaines.

" In conclusion, the hope of more of the same Golde ore to be found kindled a
greater opinion in the hearts of many to advance the voyage againe. Where
upon preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere following, and
the Captaine more especially directed by commission for the searching more of
this Golde ore than for the searching any further discovery of the passage."

297

All the movements of the Expedition had exclusive reference to
this new object of pursuit.

"Now had the Generall altered his determination for going any further into
the Streites at this time for any further discovery of the passage having taken
a man and a woman of that country, which he thought sufficient for the use of
language : and also having met with these people here which intercepted his
men the last yere (as the apparell and English furniture which was found in
their tents, very well declared) he knew it was but a labor lost to seeke them
further off, when he had found them there at hand. And considering also the
short time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend his whole endeavour for
the getting of myne, and to leave the passage further to be discovered hereafter."
(Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 70.)

On the 22nd August, having collected upwards of two hundred
tons of ore, they left the Island, whence it had been principally
obtained, on their return to England. " We gave a volley of shot
for a farewell in honour of the Right Honourable Lady Anne
Countess of Warwick, whose name it beareth, and so departed
aboard." (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 72.) They reached Bristol in
October.

The Third Voyage had the same objects in view with the pre
ceding, and we find it remarked at the close, (3 Hakluyt, p. 96,)
" Tho people are now become so wary and so circumspect by rea
son of their former losses, that by no means we can apprehend
any of them, although we attempted often in this last voyage.
But to say truth we could not bestow any great time in pursuing
them because of our great business in lading and other things."

There is little interest in pursuing the details of such an expe
dition. But one part of the account is too curious not to be no
ticed. By stress of weather, Frobisher was actually driven to the
southward into Hudson's Strait, and yet abandoned the route
which he saw plainly before him in order to resume the search
for ore.

" The seventh of July as men nothing yet dismayed, we cast about towards
the inward, and had sight of land, which rose in form like the Northerland of
the Straits, which some of the fleetes, and those not the worst mariners, judged
to be the North foreland : however other some were of contrary opinion. But
the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of thicke fogge which a long
time hung upon the Coast, and the new falling snow which yeerely altereth

298

the shape of the land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes. And
by reason of the darke mists which continued by the space of twentie days
together, this doubt grew the greater and the longer perilous. For whereas
indeed we thought ourselves to be upon the Northeast side of Frobisher's
Straits we were now carried to the Southwestwards of the Queens Foreland, and
being deceived by a swift current coming from the Northeast were brought to
the Southwestwards of our said course many miles more than we did think possible
could come to passe. The cause whereof we have since found, and it shall be
at large hereafter declared," (3 Hakl. 790

" The tenth of July the weather still continuing thicke and darke, some of
the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall, and the rest of the Fleete,
and wondering to and fro with doubtful opinion whether it were best to seeke
backe againe to seaward through the great store of yce, or to follow on a doubt
ful course in a Seas Bay or Straights they knew not, or along a coast, whereof
by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers if by chance
any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place, as commonly in those
parts it doth," (p. 80.)

" The General, albeit, with the first, perchance, he found out the error, and
that this was not the olde straights, yet he persuaded the Fleete alwayes that
they were in their right course, and knowen straights. Howbeit, I suppose,
he rather dissembled his course." " And as some of the companie reported, he
has since confessed that if it had not beene for the charge and care he had of the
fleete and freighted ships, he both would and could have gone through to the South
Sea, called Mar del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of the passage which we
seeke to fade to the richcountrey of Cataya," (p. 80.)

Having taken in a vast quantity of ore the vessels returned, and
it proving, on examination, utterly worthless, no further attempt
was made by Frobisher.

The preceding detail, while it has enabled us to draw some
facts from the rare and curious volumes in which they have
long slumbered, has effected incidentally, it is hoped, the pur
pose which connects them with these pages. It is evident, that
nothing but Frobisher's departure from the plain Instructions
laid down for his government, prevented his doing what was
achieved by Cabot so long before, and by Hudson in the next
century. But after his first blind experiment he was intent on
another object. We find him actually driven into the true Strait
and confessing that he saw his way quite clear. At this very
moment he had in his Cabin the Instructions drawn up, at the
instance of his patrons, by Willes, describing the Strait in a

299

manner not to be misunderstood, and strengthening all the hopes
suggested by his own observation. That pa per, as actually printed
in England the year before he sailed on the Third Expedition,
urges to this day its testimony against him. The Tract of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, procured in MS. for his use, and printed two
years before, offered the same cheering confirmation. It is diffi
cult to screen Frobisher altogether from reproach, for the dis
covery of the passage evidently continued a leading object with
those who had set forth the Expedition. When, therefore, he
voluntarily abandoned the route which he was convinced would
• conduct him through the Strait, we see that his own eager sym
pathies were with the more sordid objects of pursuit, and induced
him to turn away from the peril, and the glory, of the onward
course.

What must be thought, under such circumstances, of a writer
who refuses a place to the name of Cabot in a list of those who
had engaged in the enterprise ?

" The reign of George III. will stand conspicuous and proudly pre-eminent
in future history, for the spirit with which discoveries were prosecuted and the
objects of science promoted ; and a dawn of hope appears that ere its close the
interesting problem of a North- West passage will be solved, and this gieat
discovery, to which the Frobishers, the Hudsons, &c., so successfully opened
the way, be accomplished. Little, if any thing, has been added to the dis
coveries of these extraordinary men, who, in the early periods of navigation had
every difficulty to struggle against," &c. (Quarterly Review, vol. xviii. p. 213.)

300

CHAP. XIII.

VOYAGE OF HUDSON.

AFTER what has been said of the evidence that lay open as to the
success of Cabot, the task may be a superfluous one of tracing
a familiarity with it to each succeeding Navigator. Yet with re
gard to Hudson, his acquaintance is apparent even with the vo
lumes which collect and arrange the knowledge on the subject
existing at the time of that Expedition of 1610 which has given
to his name so much celebrity. In the voyage made by him two
years before, he is found conferring amongst other designations
that of " Hakluyt's Headland," (Purchas, vol. iii. p. 464.) It
would be absurd, then, to suppose him ignorant of the Volumes,
published in London eight years before, which constitute that
writer's claim to the gratitude of Seamen ; nor can we suppose
that in undertaking a voyage in search of the North-West pas
sage he would overlook the information which they supplied as to
his predecessors in the enterprise. He would find at p. 16," of
the third vol. the Treatise of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in which it
is said, "Furthermore, Sebastian Caboto, by his personal expe
rience and travel hath set forth and described this passage in his
charts, which are yet to be seen in the Queen's Majesty's Privy
Gallery at Whitehall, who was sent to make the discovery by
King Henry VII., and entered the same fret, affirming that he
sailed very far westward with a quarter of the North on the North
side of Terra de Labrador the llth of June, until he came to the
Septentrional latitude of 67° and-a-half." He would find at p. 26,
of the same volume, the yet more pointed statement of Willes,
that Cabot represented the strait through which he penetrated
to commence at about a longitude equivalent to 60° west from

301

Greenwich and between 61° and 64° of latitude, "continuing the
same breadth about ten degrees West, where it openeth southerly
more and more." It could hardly fail to arrest his attention at
p. 80, that Frobisher, in his last voyage, being driven by stress
of weather into the very Strait thus described " confessed that if
it had not been for the charge and care he had of the Fleet and
fraughted Ships he both would and could have gone through to
the South Sea." In the same volume, p. 9, is the passage from
Gomara, which represents Cabot to have proceeded by the route
of Iceland. At page 441 of the first volume occurs a special
recommendation of " Ortelius' Book of Maps." It has already
been stated that in this work the Bay is plainly exhibited, and
that the author had Cabot's Map before him. When, therefore,
it appears that Hudson, in 1610, touched at Iceland on his way
out, and finally penetrated into the Bay by following the In
structions so distinctly laid down, we cannot but suppose him
aware that he was merely attempting to retrace the course taken,
a century before, by Sebastian Cabot.

APPENDIX.

(A.)

(See page 43.)
FABYAN'S CHRONICLE — ALLUSION TO THE VOYAGE OF CABOT.

FA BY AN died, according to Stow, in 1511. Five years after, his
Chronicle was published by Pynson, but it then reached only to the
tenth year of Henry VII's reign, that is, 1495. A new edition of the
work was published by Rastall, in 1533, with the Continuation. It is
here, of course, that we look for the paragraphs referred to by Stow ;
yet, there is not to be found the slightest allusion to the expedition or
to either of the C/abots. Mr. Ellis, who gave to the public, some years
ago, an edition of Fabyan with notes, and has even furnished a copy of
Fabyan's Will occupying seven folio pages, does not seem to have been
aware of the importance of enquiry on this point. Stow, in the col
lections which he made for his Survey, speaks of a Continuation by
Fabyan himself, as low as the third year of Henry VIII. which book, he
adds, " I have in written hand," (Harleian MS. 538.) Mr, Ellis, in
his Preface to Fabyan (p. xvii.), supposes that the MS. thus referred to
may be the one now in the Cotton Manuscripts (Nero C, no. xi.), but
this comes down only to the beginning of the reign of Henry VII., and
though some of the last pages have been destroyed, yet it would seem
from an examination of the copious Index which fortunately precedes
it, and is evidently contemporary with the body of the work, that it
did not reach the period in question. Assuming, however, the correct
ness of Mr. Ellis's conjecture, the question would still remain open as to
the authenticity of the ordinary version. Mr. E. refers (ib.) to another
MS. copy which he had heard of, but had not, as it would seem, con
sulted. The point is worthy of attentive examination. Stow, of course,

306

in making the assertion, knew of the printed work of Fabyan. The Stow
MS. could be instantly recognised by its allusion, under the year 1502,
to the exhibition of the savages. We must strike out the reference to
Fabyan in Stow, Speed, and Purchas, or deny that any part of the Con
tinuation can be by him, for it is difficult to believe that he would prepare
two works relative to the incidents of the same reign differing essentially
from each other. It forms a presumption in favour of the Stow MS ,
and against the Continuation by Rastall, that while the worthy Alder
man, noting from time to time what fell under his observation, would
be likely to advert to the incident in question, it might readily escape
a compiler endeavouring to recall the leading events of the era after
curiosity about the Newfoundland had passed away.

It is remarkable, that the original edition of Fabyan, published by
Pynson, is accompanied by a single leaf, on which are noted the death of
Henry VII. and the accession of his son. As Mr. Ellis republishes this
(see his edition, p. 678) without any attempt to account for the dis
appearance of the intermediate matter, a conjecture may be hazarded.
Bale, in his " Scriptorum Illustrium Magni Brytanniae, &c." (Bas. Ed.
of 1557, fol. 642,) states that Cardinal Wolsey had caused some copies
of Fabyan's work to be burned, because it exposed the enormous reve
nues of the priesthood, " Ejus Chronicorum exemplaria nonnulla Cardi-
nalis Wolsius in suo furore comburi fecit quod cleri proventus pingues
plus satis detexerit." Mr. Ellis is of opinion (Preface, xviii.) that the ob
noxious passage " must" have have been that in which an abstract is
given of the Bill projected by the House of Commons in the llth
Henry IV. ; but this seems to furnish a very inadequate motive foe the
vehement indignation of the Cardinal. A more perilous epoch to the
Chronicler was that in which he had to record the death (in 1500) of
Cardinal and Chancellor Morton. Of this personage, Bacon says, in his
History of Henry VII.,

" This year also died John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury,
Chancellor of England and Cardinal. He was a wise man, and an
eloquent, but in his nature harsh and haughty; much accepted by the
King, but envied by the nobility, and hated of the people." " He
(Henry VII.) kept a strait hand on his nobility, and chose rather to
advance clergyman and lawyers which were more obsequious to him,
but had less interest in the people."

It is highly probable, that the popular sentiment would be reflected
from the page of Fabyan, and give umbrage to Wolsey, who may
be supposed anxious that Henry VIII. should pursue the very policy

307

attributed by Bacon to his Father. At this precise point, then, occurs
a chasm in the copies extant of Pynson's edition. Was not this
part sacrificed to the resentment of Wolsey, or suppressed from a dread
of his displeasure, and was it not afterwards supplied by Rastall?
The MS. which had, meanwhile, been lost sight of, could not elude so
indefatigable a collector as Stow. The single leaf referred to, of Pyn
son's edition, may be either part of the original work, or a hasty sub
stitute, got up on the withdrawal of the obnoxious matter, so as to give
to the work the appearance of being brought down to the latest period.

(B.)
(See page 96.)

ENGLISH EXPEDITION SAID TO HAVE BEEN FOUND BY HOJEDA AT CAQUIBACOA.

THE claims of Truth are so paramount to those of any Hypothesis,
however convenient and apparently well sustained, that a caution must
here be interposed. It might be presumed that Navarette (torn. iii.
p. 41) would not lightly hazard the unqualified assertion alluded to;
yet this consideration will, perhaps, occur with most force to those
who have not examined his volumes. He adduces no authority in
support of the position, and the Document which seems, at a hasty glance,
to countenance it, will be found, on examination, to suggest an opposite
conclusion.

Cabot had discovered a vast Continent along the coast of which he
proceeded to the South as far as Florida without reaching its termi
nation. Of this fact the Spanish Government was, of course, fully
aware in July 1500, the date of the agreement with Hojeda in which
allusion is made to the English, for we find (Navarette, torn. iii.
p. 77) a Letter from the Sovereigns dated 6th May, 1500, which Na
varette himself (ib. p. 42) connects with an intention to follow up the
discoveries of Cabot. The conduct of England was of course regarded
by the Court of Spain with indignation and alarm, as involving a vio
lation of the Papal Bull. Cabot followed the main land no further only
because his provisions were exhausted. When the Spaniards, then, sub
sequently discovered Terra Firma, nothing was more natural, or correct,
than to suppose it connected with the Great Continent coasted by the
English, and in resolving to take possession, their policy, and pretended

x 2

308

exclusive rights, would lead them to watch and repel all foreign compe
tition. It was as if, in after times, the Spanish commander at Pensacola
or St. Augustine had been advised of the colonization of Virginia by the
English.

On turning to the agreement with Hojeda it is found that he is en
joined to continue his examination of the region he had discovered on
the former voyage, and which seemed to run East and West, as it must
lead towards (hacia) the place where it was known the English were
making discoveries. He is directed to set up marks as he proceeds
with the Royal Arms, so that it might be known he had taken pos
session for Spain, and the English be thereby prevented from making
discoveries in that direction, (Navarette, torn. iii. p. 86.)

" Item : que vaes e sigaisaquella costa que descubristes quo se correleste — vuest,
segun parece, per razon que ta hdcia la parte donde se ha sabido que descubrian los
Ingleses e vais poniendo las marcas con las armas de SS. A. A. 6 eon otras senates
que sean conocidas, cuales vos pareciere porque se conozca como vos habes descu-
bierto aquella tierra, para que atages el descubrir de los Ingleses por aquella via.''

A Grant of Land is made to Hojeda in consideration prospectively
of his active exertions to prosecute discoveries and to check those of the
English, (ib.p.88.)

" Para que labrees, £ fagaes labrar, e vos aprovecheis e podais aprovecbar de alii,
para lo que habees de descubrir e en la costa de la tierra firme para el atajo de los
Ingleses."

The general direction of the region visited by Hojeda is correctly
described, and it is certain that had Cabot not been stopped by a^ failure
of provisions, but turned the Cape of Florida and followed the coast,
he must have reached Caquibacoa. The vast interval occasioned by
the Gulf of Mexico was then unknown.

It is quite plain that the injunction contained in Hojeda's in
structions, so far from assuming the identity of the spots visited by him
and the English, involves a conjecture as to their relative position towards
each other. It was by following up his discoveries that Hojeda was to
meet and check intrusion. The phraseology, too, discountenances
the idea that the person addressed had conveyed the information as to
the danger; it seems rather communicated to him in the way of cau
tion. Nor would the setting up of marks to let the English know, on
reaching them, of the Spanish claim be probably so much insisted on,
if, long before, Hojeda had personally given notice of it. The allusion
seems to be not so much to any one expedition of the English as

309

to a particular quarter from which their encroachment was to be appre
hended ; and Hojeda is, therefore, enjoined to spread out his party, as
soon as possible, over the intermediate region, so that it might be found
preoccupied. If Caquibacoa had been the scene of common discovery,
and of actual encounter, it is strange that Hojeda should now be told
by others of the direction which led towards the English.

Hojeda was examined on oath, at great length, in the law proceedings
between Don Diego Columbus and the Crown, and the very question
at issue was as to originality of discovery. He makes not the slightest
allusion to such a meeting, and yet, in the course of a trial before a
domestic tribunal, there would seem to have been no motive for omitting
to state what, if true, must have been known to so many. Nor is this all.
If Hojeda really found a party of Englishmen in that quarter he can
hardly escape the charge of perjury. He swears positively (Navarette,
torn. iii. p. 544) that he was the first who attempted to follow up the
discovery of Columbus, ('* el primero hombre que vino a descubrir des-
pues que el Almirante.") After speaking of his having found the marks
of Columbus he proceeds to detail his own discoveries, mentioning par
ticularly Caquibacoa; and he swears that no part of this had ever been
discovered or visited either by Columbus or any one else, (" nunca
nadie lo habia descubierto ni tocado en ello asi el Almirante como otra
persona/') The statement is repeated in another part of his testimony,
(p. 546,) ** e que toda esta costa y la tierra-firme, y el Golfo de Uraba
y el Darien el Almirante ni otra persona no lo habia descubierto."

One other forcible consideration will occur to those apprised of the
character of Hojeda. That fiery and daring adventurer would have
regarded the rival party as impudent trespassers on the dominions of the
King of Spain, and as setting at defiance the Papal Bull. A man who
gravely quotes this instrument in his manifesto to the poor Indians as
sufficient authority for subjugating them, would hardly have exacted
less deference to it from Christians. He was the last person in the world
to come home quietly with a report of the intrusion — not knowing when
he should return — and to throw on his Sovereign the necessity of giving
that direct authority for expulsion which it might be more agreeable
to find the officer taking for granted. Hojeda would have known his
cue without a prompter.

In a recent volume, (Lardner's Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and
Inland Discovery, vol. ii. p. 35,) the assertion is made that " Hojeda
met with English navigators near the Gulf of Maracaibo," and a suffi
cient authority is supposed to be found for it in the language of the

310

Document already quoted. Without repeating what has been said on
that point, it may be remarked that the writer in the Cyclopaedia does
not deal fairly with the original. He represents Hojeda as ordered " to
follow and examine the coast which he had already discovered, and
which appears to run East and West, as that is the part which the En
glish are known to be exploring," &c. It is obvious that the most im
portant words are here left unnoticed. The expression " por razon que
va hacia la parte donde se ha sabido que descubrian las ingleses" will
not bear the translation of the Cyclopsedia without the substitution in
dicated by brackets, " as that is [goes towards] the part, where the
English are known to be exploring."

Should it appear, in the end, that the assertion has no better foun
dation than the document in question, what a melancholy proof have
we of the perils to which Truth is subject when a writer like Navarette,
who was to clear up all difficulties, is found rashly starting new errors
to run their course through successive volumes !

It must be acknowledged that the remarks now submitted rather take
from the force of what appears, in the text, a plausible case. But a
frequent observation of the diffusive consequences of a single error
suggests that there is something of moral guilt in pressing too earnestly
a statement the truth of which is not sincerely confided in.

If deprived of the happy coincidence suggested by the assertion of
Navarette, it must be left to conjecture to determine in what quarter
the active and enterprising spirit of Cabot was employed during the
long interval between his undoubted voyages from England and the
time of his entering the service of Spain.

Another motive has its weight. The curious and important Docu
ments at the Rolls Chapel will probably one day be arranged and made
available to the purposes of history. Evidence may then come forth,
and it is desirable that no erroneous hypothesis should be found in the
way of Truth. Until that period we must be content to remain in the
dark. Where the Records are in such a state of confusion as to
warrant the charge which has been before mentioned for finding a
specific paper of which the exact date — the name of the party — the
purpose and general tenor — are given, it is obvious that no private for
tune would be adequate to meet the expense of a general search.

311

(C.)
(Seepage 176.)

WAS CABOT APPOINTED GRAND PILOT?

A DOUBT on this point is expressed in the text. Nothing is said on
the subject in the grant of the pension, and the circumstantial evidence
seems to negative the existence of such an office in his time. There is
preserved in the Lansdowne MSS. (No. 116 art. 3) a Memorial pre
sented by Stephen Burrough, an English seamen of considerable note,
the object of which is, to enforce the necessity of appointing such an
officer. It appears by an accompanying document that Burrough him
self was forthwith appointed " Cheyffe Pylot" for life, and also " one of
the foure masters that shall have the kepyng and oversight of our
shipps, &c." It is declared the duty of the Chief Pilot to " have the
examination and appointing of all such mariners as shall from this time
forward take the charge of a Pilot or Master upon him in any ship within
this our realm." This is the duty supposed to have been assigned to
Cabot, but it seems difficult to reconcile the language of Burrough with
the previous existence of any such office. His memorial recites "Three
especial causes and considerations amongst others, wherefore the office
of Pilot-Major is allowed and esteemed in Spain, Portugal, and other
places where navigation flourisheth." Had any such duties ever been
exercised in England, he would of course have referred to the fact, and
insisted on the advantages which had resulted, more particularly, as he
was educated in the school of Cabot, and expressly names " the good
olde andfamuse man Master Sebastian Cabota"

312

(D.)
(Seepage 227.)

LETTERS PATENT NOW FIRST PUBLISHED DATED 19 MARCH 1501, FROM HENRY VII.
TO RICHARD WARDED THOMAS ASHEHURST, AND JOHN THOMAS, OF BRISTOL, AND
JOHN FERNANDUS, FRANCIS FERNANDUS, AND JOHN GUNSOLUS OF PORTUGAL.

MEMORANDUM quod XIX die Marcii, anno regni Regis Henrici Sep-
timi XVI, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi Magni Sigilli Anglise
apud Westmonasterium exequenda.

TO THE KYNG OUR SOVEREYNE LORD.

Please it your Highness of your most noble and habundaunt Grace
to graunt unto your welbeloved subjects Richard Warde, Thomas
Asshehurst and John Thomas, merchants of your Towne of Bristowe,
and to John Fernandus, Francis Fernandus, and John Gunsolus,
Squyers, borne in the Isle of Surrys under the obeisaunce of the Kynge
of Portingale your gracious Lettres Patentis under your Create Scale
in due forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying,
and that this Byll sygned with your gracious hand may be to the Re
verend Fader in God Henry Byshop of Salesbury, Keeper of your
Greate Scale, sufficient and immediate warrant for the making, sealying,
accomplysshyng of your said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng
ther lyves pray to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most
noble and ryall astate.

H. R.

Rex universis et singulis ad quos prsesentes Literse Nostrse perverie-
rintSalutem: Notum sit vobis et manifestum quod ex certis conside-
rationibus nos moventibus de advisamento Consilii Nostri, concessimus
et Licentiam dedimus, prout per Praesentes Concedimus et Licentiam
damus, pro Nobis et Hoeredibus Nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis
subditis nostrio Ricardo Warde, Thomee Asshurst, et Johanni Tho
mas, mercatoribus Villae Nostrae Bristollioe ac dilectis nobis Johanni
Fernandus, Francisco Fernandus et Johanni Gunsolus, armigeris
in Insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Portugaliae oriundis, et
eorum cuilibet ac cujuslibet eorum haeredibus, attornatis, factoribus,
sen deputatis ac eis et eorum cuilibet plenam ac liberam auctorita-
tem, facultatem et potestatem committimus navigandi et se transfe-

313

rendi ad omnes partes, regiones et fines Maris Orientalis Occidentalis,
Australia, Borealis et Septentrionalis, sub Banneris, et Insigniis nos-
tris cum tot et tantis et talibus Navibus sive Batellis quot sibi pla-
cuerint et necessarise fuerint, cujuscunque portagii quilibet Navis
sive Batella extiterit, cum Magistris, contromagistris, marinariis pagettis
aliisque hominibus pro gubernatione, salva custodia et defensione Na-
vium et Batellarum praedictarum competentibus requisitis et necessariis,
ad custus et onera dicti Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum et pro hu-
jusmodi salariis vadiis et stipendiis prout inter eos poterunt concordare
ad inveniendum, recuperandum, discoperiendum et investigandum In-
sulas, patrias, Regiones sive provincias quascunque Gentilium et Infi-
delium in quacunque Mundi parte positas quae Christianis omnibus
ante haec tempora fuerunt et in pracsenti sunt incognita.

Ac hujusmodi Banneras et insignia nostra in quacunque villa, op-
pido, Castro insula seu terra-firma a se sic noviter inventis affigendi, ip-
sasque villas, oppida, castra, insulaset terras firmas pro nobis et nomine
riostro intrandi et capiendi et eatanquam Vasalli nostri ac Gubernatores
Locatenentes et Deputati nostri, eorumque dominio3 titulo, dignitate et
praeeminencia eorundem nobis semper reservatis, occupandi possidendi
et subjugandi.

Et insuper quandocumque, imposterum, hujusmodi Insulse Patrioe,
Terrae et Provinciae per praefatos Ricardum et ahos praevocatos adeptae
recuperates et iriventae fuerint, tune volumus et per praesentes concedi-
mus quod omnes et singuli tarn viri quam fceminse hujus regni nostri
coeterique subditi nostri et insulas hujusmodi sic noviter inventas visi-
tare et in eisdem inhabitare cupientes et desiderantes, possint et valiant
licite et impune ad ipsas patrias, insulas et loca cum eorum navibus,
hominibus et servientibus, rebus et bonis suis universis transire et in
eisdem sub protectione et regimine dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prse-
nominatorum morari et inhabitare, divitiasque, fructus et emolumenta
patriarum, terrarum et locorum praedictorum adqnierere et obtinere.

Dantes insuper et concedentes praefatis Ricardo, Thomaa et Johanni,
Johanni, Francisco et Johanni et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Prsc-
sentium potestatem et auctoritatem omnes et singulos homines mari-
narios cseterasque personas ad Insulas, Patrias, Provincias terras firmas
et loca prsedicta ex causa prsedicta se divertentes et confluentes tarn in
comitiva dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum quam in comi-
tiva aliorum iiiuc imposterum recursum habere contingentium tarn
supra Mare quam in Insulis, patriis, terris-firmis et locis hujusmodi
post quam inveuta et recuperata fuerint regendi et gubernandi Leges-

314

que Ordinationes, Statuta et Proclamationes pro bono et quieto regi-
mine et gubernatione dictorum hominum, magistrorum, marinariorum, et
aliarumpersonarumpreedictarumfaciendi,stabiliendi,ordinandietconsti-
tuendi et superinde proclamationes faciendi ac omnes et singulos quos in
liac parte contraries et rebelles ac Legibus, Statutis et Ordinacionibus
praedictis inobedientes invenerint ac omnes illos qui furtum, homicidia,
rapinas commiserint et perpetrariunt aut aliquas mulieres Insularum
seu Patriarum praedictarum, contra eorum voluntatem aut aliter, ra-
puerint et violaverint juxta leges et statuta per ipsos in hac parte ordi-
uata castigandi et puniendi. Ac etiam concessimus prcefatis Ricardo,
Thomse, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johanni heeredibus et assignatis
suis quod postquam aliquae insulse, provinciae, Terrae-firmae, regio seu
provincia imposlerum per ipsum Ricardum et alios proenominatos in-
venta fuerint tune non licebit alicui seu aliquibus subdito seu subditis
nostris durante termino decem annos proximo et immediate sequentes
ad ipsas villas Provincias, Insulas, Terras-firmas et Loca causa mercan-
disandi ac bona acquirendi absque licentia nostra regia et [the words
in italics illegible but supplied conjecturally from the corresponding
paragraph in the subsequent patent of 9th Dec. 1502] dictorum Ricardi
et aliorum praenominatorum haeredum et assignatorum suorum cum suis
navibus frequentare aut se divertere aut in eadem ingredi seu in eisdem
pro aliquibus bonis acquirendi intromittere.

Et post terminum dictorum decem annorum quod nullus ex nostris
subditis ad aliquamTerram-firmam, insulam, patriarn seulocaper ipsos
Ricardum etThomam et alios praedictos sic noviter iriventa navigare et fre
quentare praesumat absque licentia nostra prcedicta et [the words in italics
supplied as before] preedictorum Ricardi et coeterorum subpoena amissi-
oniset forisfacturae omnium Bonarum, mercandisarum, rerum et na-
vium quarumcunque ad ea loca sic noviter inventa navigare et in eadem
ingredi prassumentium (videlicet) una medietas inde erit ad opus nos
trum et alia medietas ad opus dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prsenomina-
torum et haeredum suorum.

Et ultius ex abundandanti gratia nostra concessimus et per Praesentes
concedimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris quantam in nobis est prae-
fatis Ricardo, Thomas, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johanni et eorum
cuilibet haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi et eorum quilibet mer-
candisas, mercimonia, aurum et argentum in massa, lapides preciosa et
alia bona qusecumque de crescentia patriarum, insularumque et locorum
prsedictorum per ipsos sic recuperandorum et inveniendorum tarn in
dictis navibus et batellis quam aliis quibuscunque navibus exteris a

315

dictis patriis insulis, terris-firmis et locis in hoc regnum nostrum An-
gliee ad quemcunque portum seu alium locum ejusdem adducere et
cariare et adduci seu cariari facere possit et valeat, eaque vendere et
distribuere ad eorum proficium et advantagium aliquo Statute aclu or-
dinatione seu provisione inde in contrarium factis sive ordinatis nonob-
stantibus.

Ac nos intime considerantes grandia custus et onera quse circa prse-
missa facienda et perimplendo requiruntur volentes igitur praefatis Ri-
cardo, Thomae et aliis memoratis personis gratiam provide facere speci-
alem Concessimus (prout} per Preesentes concedimus eisdem, haeredi-
bus et assignatis suis quod ipsi et eorum quilibet haeredes et assignati
sui prgedicti de tempore in tempus durante termino quatuor annorum
a tempore recuperationis et inventionis Insularum, et provinciarum prae-
dictarum proximo et immediate sequentes, rnercandisas, mercimonia
cseteraque bona in uno navi tantum cujuscunque portagii fuerit eskip-
pata etonustata ac in hoc regnum nostrum Angliae adducendaettrans-
portanda in portu seu loco prsedicto ad terram ponere, eaque vendere,
exponere et pro libito suo distribuere possint de tempore in tempus,
qualibet viaggio, durante termino, dictorum quatuor annorum absque
aliquibus custumis, subsidiis, seu aliis deveriis pro eisdem bonis merci-
moniis et caeteris prsemissis in dicta unica navi tantum contentis et
eskippatis nobis aut hseredibus nostris infra dictum regnum nostrum
Anglioe aliqualiter solvendis.

Proviso tamen quod nobis de custumis, subsidiis pondagiis et aliis
deveriis Nobis pro cseteris mercandisis, mercimoniis et bonis in omni
bus aliis navibus contentis debitis juxta consuetudinem in hoc regno
nostro Angliae hactenus usitatam fideliter respondeatur ut est justum.
Et Insuper volumus et concedimus per Praesentes quod quilibet Capi-
talis Magister, contra magister et Marinarius cujuslibet Navis ad ali-
quam Terram-firmam Insulam, patriam, provinciam et locum prdedic-
tum frequentantis et navigantis habeant gaudeant et percipiant de bo
nis et mercimoniis a dictis Insulis, Terris-firmis et Provinciis in hoc
regnum Angliae adducendis custumas et subsidia sequentia, videlicet.

Quod quilibet Magister habeat gaudeat et precipiat subsidia et cus
tumas, quolibet viagio, quatuor doliorum.

Et quilibet Contramagister vel Quarter-Magister custumas et subsi
dia duorum Doliorum.

Ac quilibet Marinarius custumas et subsidia unius Dolii.

Licet sint caveata et eskipputa [the words in italics supplied as be
fore] ut bona sua propria aut ut bona alicujus alterius personse cujus-

316

cunque et hoc absque aliquibus custumis, subditis debitis sen deveriis
infra hoc regnum nostrum Anglise ad opus nostrum authaeredum nostro-
rum pro eisdem doliis aliqualiter solvendis sen petendis.

Et si contingat aliquem vel aliquos mercatorem seu mercatores hujus
regni nostri ad dictas Insulas Patrias et Loca sub licencia dictorum
subdictorum nostrorum aut absque licencia causa habendi mercandisas
et mercimonia adventare et laborare ad bona et mercimonia ab eisdem
parlibus in hoc regnum nostrum adducere tune volumus et concedi-
mus, per praesentes, preefatis, Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, Johanni,
Francisco, Johanni haredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi durante ter-
mino decem annorum antedicto habeant de quolibet hujusmodi merca-
tore, solutis nobis custumis, subsidies et aliis deveriis nobis in hac parte
debilis et consuetis, vicesimum partem omnium hujusmodi bonarum et
mercimoniarum peripsos a dictis Insulis, patriis et Locis quolibet viagio
durante dicto termino decem annorum in hoc regnum nostrum Anglias
traducendorum et cariandorum habendarn et capiendam hujusmodi vi-
cesimam partem in portu ubi contigerit dicta bona discarcari et ex-
onerari.

Proviso Semper quod praedicti Ricardus et alii praedicti, haeredes et
assignati sui et non alii omnino imposterum durante dicto termino de
cem annorum sint Factores et Attornati in dictis Insulis Terris-fermis
et Patriis pro quibuscunque hujusmodi mercatoribus aliisque personis
illuc ex causa prsedictaconfluentibus in et pro eoruin Factis mercatoriis
in eisdem.

Proviso eliam quod nulla navis cum bonis et mercandisis a dictis
partibus sic noviter inventis carcata et onusta postquam in aliquam
portum hujus [the words in italics supplied as before] Regni nostri ad-
ducta fuerint non exoneratur de eisdem bonis et mercandisis nisi in
prscsentia praefatorum Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum eorumve haere-
dum seu deputatorum ad hoc assignandum sub poena forisfacturae eo-
rumdem bonarum et mercandisiarum; unde una medietas ad opus nos
trum et alia medietas praefatis Ricardo et aliis proenominatis et haere-
dibus suis applicentur.

Et si imposterum aliqui extran-ei aut alice [the part in italics sup
plied as before] personae ad ipsas partes contra voluntatem ipsorum
Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum causa habendi divitias navigare et
ea vi et armis ingredi ac dictos Ricardum et alios praedictos aut hae-
redes suos ibidem insultare ac cos expellere et debellare aut alias inqui-
etare presumpserint quod tune volumus ac eisdem subditis nostris tenore
Proesentiurn damus et committimus ipsos extraneos licet sint subditi et

317

vasalli alicujus Principis Nobiscum in liga et amicitia existentis totis
suis veribus tarn per terram quam per mare et aquas dulcesexpugnandi
resistendi et Gueriam contra eos levandi et faciendi casque capiendi,
subpeditandi et incarcerandi ibidem quousque Fines et Redemptiones
eisdem subditis nostris fecerint moratur aut alias secundum sanam
discretionem ipsorum subditorum nostrorum et heeredum suorum casti-
gandiet puniendi.

At etiarn pra&fatis subditis nostris caeterisque personis praedictis ple-
nam tenore Proesentium potestatem damns et committimus sub se
quoscunque Capitaneos, Locatenentes et Deputatos in singulis Civita-
tibus, villis, Oppidis et Locis dictarum Insularum Provinciarum, Patri-
arum et Locorum praedictorum ad regendum et gubernandutn omnes et
singulas personas in eisdem partibus sub regirnine et gubernatione dic-
torum subdictorum nostrorum ibidem commorantium ac ad justiiiam
eisdem secundum tenorem et efFectum Ordinationum Statutorum et
Proclamationum praedictorum debite exequendum et administrandum
per Literas suas Patentes sigillis eorum sigillandas, faciendi, consti-
tuendi nominandi et stibstituendi. Et insuper concessimus et per
Pisesentes concedimus praefatis Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, Johanrii,
Francisco et Johanni ad terminum vitae suae et cujuslibet eorum diutius
viventis officium Admiralli supra Mare in quibuscunque locis, patriis,
et provinciis a se sic noviter inventis et imposterum inveniendiset recu-
perandis, ipsosque Ricardum, Thomam, Johannem, Johannem, Fran-
ciscum, Johannem et eorum quemlibet conjunctim et divisim Admirallos
nostros in eisdem partibus facimus, constituimus, ordinamus et deputa-
mus, per Prsesentes dantes et concedentes eisdem et eorum cuilibet
plenam tenore Prsesentiarum potestatem et auctoritatem ea omnia et
singula quos ad officium Admirallitatis pertinent faciendi exercendi et
exequendi secundum legem et consuetudinem maritimam in hoc regno
nostro Anglise usitatam.

Ac etiam postquam prcefati Ricardus Warde, Thomas Ashhurst et
Johannes Thomas, ac Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus Fernandas et
Johannes Gunsolus aliquas terras-firmas, insulas, patrias et provincias,
oppida, castra, civitates et villas per assistentiam nostram sic invene-
rint, obtinuerint, et subjugaverint tune volumus et per Praesentes con
cedimus eisdem, haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi et haeredes sui
habeant, teneant et possideant sibi haeredibus et assignatis suis omriia
et singula talia et tanta, terras-firmas, insulas, patrias, provincial, cas
tra, oppida, fortallicia, civitates et villas qualia et quanta ipsi et ho
mines tenentes et servientes sui possunt inhabitare, custodire sustinere

318

et manutere: Habenda et Tenenda eadem Terras Insulas et loca prgedicta
sibi, heeredibus et assignatis suis et cujuslibet eorum de nobis et hsere-
bus nostris imperpetuum per Fidelitatem tantum absque aliquo Compoto
seu aliquo alio nobis aut hseredibus nostris proinde reddendo seu
faciendo, Dignitate Dominio, Regalitate, Jurisdictione, et pre-eminen-
tia in eisdem nobis semper salvis et omnino reservatis.

Et ultius concessimus proefatis Ricardo, Thomee, Johanni, Johanni,
Francisco, Johanni quod ipsi hseredes et assignati sui predicti dictas
terras-firmas, insulas et provincias ipsis et hseredibus suis prsedictis ut
prgemittitur sic concessas, postquam inventse et recuperatse sint, ac cum
in plena possessione earundem fuerint teneant possideant et gaudiant
libere, quiete, et pacifice absque impedimento aliquali nostri aut hsere-
dum nostrorum quarumcunque. Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris
eos eorum aliquem de et super possessione et titulo suis de et in dictis
terris-firmis, insulis et provinciis se aliqualiter contra voluntatem suain
expellat quovis modo seu aliquis extraneus aut aliqui extranei virlute
aut colore alicujus concessionis nostrce sibi Magno Sigillo Nostro per
anteafactce aut imposterumfaciendce cum aliquibus aliis tods et insu
lis et contiguis ac membris et Parcellis

prcefatis Insulis Terris-fermis Provinciis et loci*

absque licentia subditorum nostrorum

et aliorum pranominatorum aliquo modo intromittat nee intromittant
[Through the words in italics the pen is drawn in the original, and a
space then occurs, from which the writing has been carefully and com
pletely erased.]

Promittentes bona-fide et in verbo regio Nos ratum gratum et firmum
habituros totum et quicquid prsefati Ricardus, Thomas, Johannes, Jo
hannes, Franciscus et Johannes et eorum quilibet pro proemissorum
complement© fecerint fierique procuraverint in hac parte, Et quod
Nos aut hoeredes nostri nullo unquam tempore in future ipsos aut
eorum aliquam hseredes et assignatos suos in jure, titulo et posses
sione suis inquietabimus, impediemus aut molestium eis faciemus nee
per alios nostros subditos aut alios quoscunque quantum in nobis
fuerit fieri seu procurari permittemus seu procurabimus, nee ipsos hee-
redes et assignatos suos pro aliqua. causa imposterum emergente seu
contingente ab eisdem Terris-firmis, provinciis et locis nullo modo
amovebimus aut amoveri seu expelli per subditos nosttos procura
bimus. Et ultius ex uberiori gratia nostra et mero motu nostro con
cessimus et per Prsesentes concedimus pro Nobis et hseredibus quantum
in nobis est Johanni Johanni Fernandus, Francisco Fern and us et Jo-

319

hanni Gunsalos, Armigeris de Insulis de Surrys subditos Regis Portu-
galiae oriundis et eorum cuilibet quod ipsi et eorum quilibet ac omnes
liberi sui tarn procreati quam procreandi in perpetuam sint indigeni et
ligei nostri et hseredum nostrorurn et in omnibus causis, querelis, rebus
et materiis quibuscumque habeantur pertractarentur teneantur, repu-
tentur et gubernentur tanquam veri et fideles Ligei Nostri infra Reg-
num nostrum Angliae oriundi et non aliter nee alio modo. Et quod
ipsi et omnes liberi sui preedicti omnimodo actiones reales personales
et mixtas in omnibus Curiis, locis et jurisdictionibus nostris quibus-
cunque habere exercere eisque uti et gaudere ac eas in eisdem placitare
et implacitari respondere et responderi, defendere ac defendi possint
et eorum quilibet possit in omnibus sicuti veri et fideles Ligei nostri
infra Regnum nostrum preedictum oriundi. Et quod ipsi et eorum
quilibet Terras, Tenernenta, reditus, reversiones, servitia et alios pos-
sessiones queecunque tarn in dominio quam in reversioue infra dictum
regrium nostrum Angliae ac alia dominia et loca sub obedientia nostra
perquirere, capere, recipere, habere tenere possidere et hsereditare
sibi, haeredibus et assignatis sui imperpetuum vel alio modo quocun-
que ac ea dare, vendere, alienare et legare cuicunque personae sive
quibus cunque personiis sibi placuerit libere, quiete, licite et impune pos
sint et quilibet eorum possit ad libitum suum adeo libere integre et pa-
cifice sicut possit et valeat aliquis Ligeorum nostrorum infra regnum
nostrum Anglise oriundus. Ita tamen quod praedicti Johannes Fer-
naudus, Franciscus et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes liberi sui prae-
dicti solvant aut solvi faciant et eorum quilibet solvat sen solvi
faciat talia custumas, subsidia et alia demandia pro bonis, mer-
cibus, mercandisis et mercimoniis suis in Regnum nostrum An-
gliae adducendis vel extra idem Regnum educendis qualia alieni-
geni nobis solvant aut solvere deberent vel consueverunt. Et quod
idem Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes
liberi suiprsedicti de caetero in futuro colore seu vigore alicujus Statuti,
Ordinacionis sive concessionis in Parliamento nostro aut extra Parlia-
mentum nostrum facti vel fiendi non arcteantur seu compellantur nee
eorum aliquis arcteanetur teneatur seu compellatur ad solvendum, dan-
dum vel supportandum nobis vel alicui hseredum nostrorum seu cui
cunque alteri aliqua Taxas, Tallagia seu alia onera quaecunque pro
terris, tenementis, bonis vel personis suis praeterquam talia et tanta
qualia et quanta alii fideles Ligei nostri infra dictum Regnum nostrum
oriundi pro bonis, terris tenementis seu personis suis solvunt dant
faciunt vel supportant aut solvere, dare, facere vel supportare

320

consueverunt et teneantur sed quod praedicli Johannes Fornandus.
Franciscus et Johannes Gtmsolus et omnes liberi sui praedicti ha-
bere et possidere valeant et possint et eorum quilibet valeat et
possit omnia et omnimodo alia Libertates, privilegia, franchesias et
custumas ac eis uti et gaudere possint et eorum quilibet possit infra
dictum Regnum nostrum Anglise, jurisdictiones et dominia nostra
qusecunque adeo plene libere, quiete, integre et pacifice sicut cseteri
Ligei nostri infra idem Regnum nostrum oriundi habent utunt et gau-
dent aut habere, possidere, uti et gaudere debeant et valeant aliquo
statuto, acto, ordinacione vel aliqua alia causa, re, vel materia quacun-
que nonobstante.

Proviso semper quod prsefati Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus et
Johannes Gunsolus homagium ligeum nobis faciunt et eorum quilibet
faciat ac Lotto et Scotto et aliis oneribus in Regno nostro prsedicto de-
bitis et consuetis contribuant et eorum quilibet contribuat sicut alii
ligei nostri infra dictum regnum nostrum oriundi faciunt.

Proviso eiiam quod iidem Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus et Jo
hannes Gunsolus solvant et eorum quilibet solvat nobis et hseredibus
nostris tot et tanta custumas subsidia et alia deveria pro bonis et mer-
candisis suis prout alienigeni nobis solvere et reddere teneantur.

Et ulterius ex uberiori gratia nostra concessimus prsefatis Ricardo,
Thomse, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco, et Johanni quod ipsi habeant
Preesentes Literas Nostras in Cancellaria nostra absque aliquo fine seu
feodo aut aliquibus tinibus seu feodis pro eisdem Literis nostris aut
aliqua parte eorundem aut pro Magno Sigillo nostro ad opus nostrum
in Hannaperio dictae Cancellarise nostrse aliqualiter solvendis.

Et volumus et concedimus per Praesentes quod Reverendissimus in
Christo Pater Henricus Episcopus Salisb. Gustos Magni Sigilli nostri
auctoritate preesentis Concessionis nostrae fieri faciat et sigillari tot et
talia Brevia sub Magno Sigillo nostro sigillanda Custodi sive clerico
Hanaperii nostri dirigenda pro exoneratione dictorum Finium et Feodo-
rum quot et qualia in hac parte necessaria fuerint et requisita, absque
aliquo alio Warranto aut prosecutione penes Nos in hac parte faci-
endis.

In cujus &c.

321

(E.)
(See page 2$l.)

CONJECTURE AS TO THE NAME " DOMINUS VOBISCUJl" ERRONEOUSLY ASSOCIATED

WITH THE VOYAGE OF 1527 FORSTEK's MISTAKE AS TO NORUMBEOA NAVARETTE,

&C., AS TO THE PERIOD AT WHICH NEWFOUNDLAND WAS FIRST IREQUENTED FOR
FISHING.

WHENCE could have arisen the misconception of Frobisher as to the
words Dominus Vobiscum associated with this enterprise? Assured that
he was wrong, a conjecture may be hazarded. Were they the final
adieu and benediction of Wolsey to his ecclesiastical protege and cor
respondent — perhaps as the vessel passed Greenwich ? Such an excla
mation would linger on the popular ear. One of the ships was never
heard of, but all hopes of her could not have been abandoned for many
years, and the fate of those on board must have long been a subject of
painful speculation, and to their relatives of agonizing suspense. The
invocation of the odious Cardinal may have been recalled as little
likely to propitiate Heaven — in fact of evil omen — and the impression,
coloured highly at the time by the imagination, might be confusedly
traced by Frobisher, half a century afterwards, amidst the faded remi
niscences of the Expedition.

Forster (p. 436, note) is very much puzzled at the name of JVbrwm-
lega, which occurs in the heading of Hakluyt's account of the voyage,
and supposes " that some of the toys which were presented to the
savages, consisting of looking-glasses, bells, &c., were of Nuremberg
manufacture, and that by the name given to the country they meant to
preserve the memory of this fact!" The name is found distinguishing
the country immediately to the southward of Newfoundland on the
maps or descriptions of Ortelius, De Laet, Bertius, and Cluverius. In
another passage of Hakluyt, (vol. iii. p. 163,) reference is made to the
same Norumbega in connexion with the enterprise of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, and in a way not to be misunderstood. As to the origin of the
name, it might have occurred to Forster from, the termination Hochlega,
&c., and the usual custom of the French of preserving Indian names,

322

that it was aboriginal. He has not only overlooked these consi
derations, but something else of which his ignorance is less excusable.
The article which immediately follows the account of Verrazani's
voyage of 1524, in Ramusio, (torn. iii. fol. 423, F.) is " a Discourse by
a great Sea Captain of France," relative to these regions, written fifteen
years after the time of Verrazani. He describes the " terra di Norum-
bega" as lying where we have stated, and expressly states it to be so
called by the natives, "la terra e dettada pasani suai Norumbega." So,
too, Thevet, in his Cosmographie Universelle, (Paris ed. of 1575, torn,
ii. fol. 1010,) says of this region, " que aucuns ont appelee Terre Fran-
cayse et ceux dupays Norumbeque"

There is one incidental point which the Letter of Rut conclusively
settles. Navarette has a long dissertation to prove that the Newfound
land fishery was not pursued at so early a period as has been usually
supposed. This opinion is adopted by a recent writer, (Dr. Lardner's
Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and Inland discovery, vol. ii. p. 24,)
who says, " Don M. de Navarette, whose authority on this point seems
conclusive, is disposed to think that the Biscayans did not discover
Newfoundland till 1526, and he shews that they did not frequent the
Banks till 1540." Now we have the positive statement of the English
Commander to Henry VIII. that on entering St. John's on the 3rd of
August, 1527, he found " eleven sail of Normans, and one Brittaine,
and two Portugall Barkes, and all a fishing." Herrera (Dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. iii.) gives this same report by an English vessel which had touched
in the West-Indies, as to her having been at the Baccalaos, and found
there engaged in fishing fifty vessels, Spanish, French, and Portuguese.
The misfortune of Don M. Navarette is, that with no firm hold of the
History of the New World, even as found in the works of his own
countrymen, he attaches an importance altogether exaggerated, and
sometimes absurd, to the Documents over which he is incumbent, and
when he finds a scrap of manuscript exhibits it with a sort of triumph
and as quite decisive, when, in a majority of cases, it owes its origin to
ignorance or fraud. Thus, on this point, he gravely cites the negative
testimony of half-a-dozen masters of vessels taken on a trial of which
he has a MS. account. These persons, it seems, were unable to carry
back further the history of the fishery. Infinite discretion is necessary
on the part of a writer circumstanced like Don M. Navarette. The
eye quickly becomes diseased unless the microscope be often with
drawn, and a healthy look taken round the natural horizon.

323

(F.)

PORTRAIT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT BY HOLBEIN.

REFERENCE has already been made (page 181) to the Portrait of Se
bastian Cabot in considering- the singular misconception as to the mean
ing of the epithet " Militis aurati." The statement of Purchas (vol.
iv. p. 1812) is as follows: —

" Sir Seb. Cabota ; his Picture in the Privie Gallerie at White-Hall
hath these words, Effigies Seb. Caboli Angli, filii Joannis Caboti Veneii
militis aurati, fyc. ; he was born at Venice, and serving Henry VII.,
Henry VIII., Edward VI. was accounted English — Galpano saith he
was borne at Bristol."

This Picture now belongs to the Representatives of the late Charles
Joseph Harford, Esq. of Bristol. The inscription which Purchas cur
tails by an " &c." is this : —

" Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti Militis
Aurati, Primi Inventoris Terra Novce sub Henrico VII. Anglicc
Rege."

The manner in which the Portrait came to the knowledge of Mr.
Harford, and finally into his possession, is very minutely stated in a
Memoir prepared by him and left with his family. Without needlessly
introducing names it may suffice to state that whilst travelling in Scot
land, in 1792, he saw it for the first time at the seat of a nobleman;
and, many years afterwards, his friend the late Sir Frederick Eden was
enabled to gratify his anxious wishes by procuring it for him.

The work of Purchas was published in 1625, at the close of the reign
of James I. That the picture was not in the Gallery in the time of
Charles II., would appear from the following circumstances : —

There is a tract by Evelyn, the celebrated author of Sylva, &c., en
titled " Navigation and Commerce, their Original and Progress, con-
taing a succinct account of traffic in general, its benefits and improve
ments ; of discoveries, wars, and conflicts at sea, from the original of
Navigation to this day ; with special regard to the English nation ;
their several voyages and Expeditions to the beginning of our late dif
ferences with Holland ; in which his Majesty's Title to the Dominion

324

of the Sea is asserted against the novel and later pretenders, by J.
Evelyn, Esq. S.R.S. London, 1674." It is dedicated to Charles II.,
to whom the author expresses his gratitude for an appointment to the
Council of Commerce and Plantations. The object of it, as may be
inferred from the title, is to shew the early and diffusive influence of
England at sea. Referring to the triumphant conflicts with France in
the time of Henry VIII. he says, (p. 73,) " see also that rare piece of
Holbein's in his Majesty's Gallery at White-Hall." He adverts (p. 57)
to Sebastian Cabot, " born with us at Bristol," and hazards a con
jecture as to his having, with his father, " discovered Florida and the
shoars of Virginia with that whole tract as far as Newfoundland before
the bold Genoese." Had the portrait in question been in the Gallery
at White-Hall in Evelyn's time, he would not have omitted to notice
the remarkable assertion which its inscription conveys.

The disappearance of the picture, therefore, from White-Hall, and
its getting into private hands, may be referred to the intermediate period.
It was, probably, bought at the Sales which took place after the death
of Charles I., and of which the following account is found in Walpole's
Anecdotes of Painting in England : —

" Immediately after the death of the King, several votes were passed for sale of
his goods, pictures, statues, &c.

" Feb. 20, 1648. It was referred to the Committee of the Navy to raise money by
sale of the crown jewels, hangings, and other goods of the late King.

" In the ensuing month, the House proceeded to vote, that the personal estate of
the late King, Queen, and Prince should be inventoried, appraised, and sold. This
vote, in which they seem to have acted honestly, not allowing their own members to
be concerned in the sale, was the cause that the collections fell into a variety of low
hands, and were dispersed among the painters and officers of the late King's house
hold ; where many of them remained on sale with low prices affixed.

" All other furniture from all the King's Palaces was brought up and exposed to
sale ; there are specified, particularly, Denmark or Somerset-house, Greenwich,
Whitehall, Nonsuch, Oatlands, Windsor, Wimbleton-house, St. James's, Hampton-
court, Richmond, Theobalds, Ludlow, Carisbrook, and Kenilworth Castles ; Bewdley-
house, Holdenby-house, Royston, Newmarket, and Woodstock manor-house. One
may easily imagine that such a collection of pictures, with the remains of jewels and
plate, and the furniture of nineteen palaces, ought to have amounted to a far greater
sum than one hundred and eighteen thousand pounds.

" The sale continued to August 9, 1653. The prices were fixed, but if more was
offered, the highest bidder purchased ; this happened in some instances, not in many.
Part of the goods were sold by inch of candle. The buyers called contractors, signing
a writing for the several sums. If they disliked the bargain, they were at liberty to
be discharged from the agreement on paying one-fourth of the sum stipulated.
Among the purchasers of statues and pictures were several painters, as Decritz,

325

Wright, Baptist Van Leemput, Sir Balthazar Gerbier, &c. The Cartoons of
Raphael were bought by his Highness (Cromwell) for .£300."

The circumstances which refer this Portrait to Holbein seem to be
conclusive. Cabot is represented as in extreme age. Now he had not
been in England from 1517 until his return in 1548, The Portrait,
therefore, must have been taken after the last-mentioned date. Hol
bein enjoyed the continued patronage of Henry VIII. after Sir Thomas
More had introduced his works to the King's notice in the manner so
familiarly known. He lived through the reign of Edward VI., and
died at White-Hall of the plague, in 1554. It is not probable, under
such circumstances, that a Portrait of Cabot, destined for the King's
Gallery, would have been taken by any other hand.

Such seem to be the curious history of a Picture in itself so interest
ing. Painted for Edward VI., in compliment to this great seaman
and national benefactor, and the property, in succession, of two Queens,
and two Kings of England, its retirement to private life may probably
be dated from a Sale at which Oliver Cromwell was a bidder.

Cabot was evidently, as has been said, at a very advanced age when
the Portrait was taken. His stature, though somewhat lost in a slight
stoop, must have been commanding. Holbein would seem to have
wished to catch the habitual, unpremeditated expression which he had
doubtless, from engagements about the Court, had frequent oppor
tunities of remarking. It is that of profound, and even painful, thought;
and in the deeply-marked lines, and dark hazel eye, there yet linger
tokens of the force and ardour of character of this extraordinary man.
The right hand exhibits an admirable specimen of the painter's minute,
elaborate finish. Of the compasses which it holds one foot is placed on a
great globe resting on a table on which are an hour-glass and writing
materials. The rich robe, and massy gold chain, are probably badges
of his office as Governor of the Society of Merchant- Adventurers. It is
impossible not to gaze with deep interest on this memorial, heightened,
perhaps, by a reflection on its present humble position — emblematic,
indeed, of the slight on the closing years of the great original.*

* A Catalogue of the Pictures, &c., belonging to Charles I., drawn up in his life
time, and apparently for his use, is found amongst the Harleian MSS. No. 4718.
Amongst those enumerated as then in the Privy Gallery at White-Hall that of Cabot
is not mentioned. This might lead to the inference that it had got into private hands
sooner than is above suggested, particularly as it appears by the Catalogue that some
of the Pictures had been recently obtained in the way of exchange. Again, it may
have been sent, or taken, away by the King. In the MS. work of Richard Symonds,

326

(G.)

ERROR IN ATTRIBUTING TO CABOT THE WORK ENTITLED " NAVIGATIONS NELLE
PARTE SETTENTRIONALE," PUBLISHED AT VENICE IN 1583.

THERE has been universally referred to Sebastian Cabot a work en
titled " Navigatione nelle parte settentrionale," published at Venice in
1583; and in the Catalogue of the Bodleian Library, it is actually
announced under the title " Cabot." The Biographie Universelle,
adverting to this circumstance, says, in seeming despair, that this work,
unknown to all the bibliographers who had been consulted on the
subject, is perhaps imaginary.* An explanation may be given, though
somewhat at the expense of the Biographie Universelle, and of the Bod
leian Catalogue.

The work in question will be found in the second volume of Ramusio,
(ed. of 1583 and of 1606, fol. 212.) In the Memoir of Camus on the
Collection of De Bry and Thevenot, he takes occasion to furnish a list
of the contents of Ramusio, and in his account (p. 10) of the second
volume this tract is noticed as the 17th article. The Biographie Uni
verselle cites this memoir, (art. Ramusio,) but of course it could not
have been read attentively, or we should not have heard of the inef
fectual enquiries amongst the bibliographers. The authenticity of the

(Harleian MSS. No. 991.) it is said, " The Committee at Somerset-bouse valued the
King's pictures and other moveable goods at £ 200,000, nouvithstanding thai both
Itimself and the Queen had carried away abundance." The painting in question, is not
specially mentioned in a List of the Sales during the Protectorate, found in the
Harleian MSS. No. 7352, though this is by no means decisive, as several of the
entries are mere charges against individuals for " a picture," " two pictures,"
" three pictures," &c. (fol. 222, et seq.) Cabot's Portrait has recently been seen, in
London, by the most eminent artists, and instantly recognised as a Holbein. How
ever we may balance between probabilities as to its intermediate history, a doubt
as to its identity with the picture referred to by Purchas, seems to involve not
only the necessity of accounting for the disappearance of the latter, but also the
extravagant supposition that two Portraits of Cabot, bearing the same remarkable in
scription, were executed by the great Artist of his day.

* t( Ce livre inconnu atous les Bibliographes que nous avous consults est peut-
etre imaginaire.'1 (art. Cabot.)

327

work, wholly unknown to the bibliographers con suited by the Biographic
Universelle, is discussed by Foscarini in his Literatura Veneziana, and by
Tiraboschi in the Storia Delia Literatura Italiana. They denounce the
error of attributing it to Cabot, though not aware of its real history.
Tiraboschi supposes it a translation of some work now lost.

The truth happens to be, that it is nothing more than the Journal of
Stephen Burrough during his two voyages to the North-East, with an
absurd introduction from some anonymous writer at Venice ! The ac
count of the incident at Gravesend which probably suggested to the
Italian the name of Cabot is omitted, and the whole is disfigured, but
the identity may at once be detected by comparing the closing para
graph of the article in Ramusio as to the first voyage (fol. 216) with the
corresponding paragraph of the Journal of Stephen Burrough, (Hak-
luyt, vol. i. p. 283); and, again, the concluding paragraph of the second
voyage (fol. 219) with the corresponding part in Hakluyt, vol. i. p.
295.

It is proper to remark that in the work of Ramusio, as published by
himself, this tract is not to be found, but has been interpolated in the
subsequent editions. The voyage, indeed, was not completed until
after Ramusio's death. Yet this circumstance rather aggravates
the charge against the Biographic Universelle. That work (art.
Ramusio) earnestly advises the reader to consult Camus* in selecting a
copy of Ramusio, and Camus, following the Books on Bibliography,
specially recommends the perfidious editions. It is plain, therefore,
that the remarks of the Biographic Universelle were made without con
sulting the guide which is recommended to the reader.

* An instance of the carelessness of this writer ought to he mentioned injustice to
the Abhe Prevost. In the te Histoire et Description Generale de la Nouvelle
JFrance," by Charlevoix, (Ed. of 1744, torn. i. p. 100,) an account is given of the
memorable expedition of Dominique de Gourgue to Florida, and use is made of a
history of the expedition in the possession of the family of de Gourgue, drawn up by
the chivalrous Commander himself. This statement is repeated by the Abbe Prevost,
(Histoire Generale des Voyages, vol. xiv. p. 448, Paris Ed. in 4to.) with a reference,
such as he had before given, to Charlevoix as the Historian of New France. Camus
(p. 46) falls into the error of supposing that the reference of Prevost is to the old
work of Lescarbot, and remarks, " II cite pour garant de ce fait 1'auteur de 1'Histoire
de la Nouvelle France ; je n'ai pu 1'y trouver aumoins dans 1'edition de 1609 !" The
document referred to by Charlevoix is yet in the possession of the Family, and the
Viscount Gourgue was good enough recently, at the author's request, to permit the
collation of it with a copy of the MS. Narrative in the King's Library at Paris, sup
posed to have been transmitted by Dominique de Gourgue to Charles IX.

328

A remark cannot be forborne on the utter folly which has consented
to repeat the advice referred to as to the selection of a Ramusio. It is
obvious that the great value of such a work resides in the assurance
felt by the reader that the articles found there were subjected, at an
early period, to the honest judgment of the compiler, and that before
admitting them he satisfied himself that they had a fair claim to au
thenticity. The discrimination which Ramusio exercised has become
an important item of evidence. Thus he rejects the first and second of
the alleged voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, but republishes the two
last.* Though he speaks in respectful terms of Vespucci, we may
fairly infer that he considered the first voyage as a fiction, arid the ac
count of the second as suspicious on account of the unwarrantable im
portance assumed by Vespucci for himself at a time when he was known
to have been acting under the orders of Hojeda. Now what can be
more obviously absurd than to recommend an edition where this valu
able characteristic is completely lost sight of and new matter is inter
polated, on no avowed responsibility, yet in such a manner as to have
misled some of the most learned individuals and societies of the day,
and of course fatally deceptive to those who make only an occasional
hurried reference to the work ?

One example of the pernicious consequence of this proceeding is too
remarkable to be passed over. It relates to that memorable fraud, the
pretended voyage of Nicholas and Antonio Zeno.

The Dedication of this work, as originally published by Marcolini,
bears date December, 1558. Ramusio died in July 1557 ; and of course
it is impossible that it could have been published by him, or that he
could have marked it for insertion. It does not appear in the Ramusio
of 1559, but was interpolated into the second volume in 1574, seventeen
years after his death. This circumstance is decisive against its authen
ticity. Ramusio, a native of Venice, was not only a diligent and anxious
collector of voyages, but, it appears by his work, was familiar with the
family of the Zeno of that city, and he speaks with pride (Ed. of 1559,
torn. ii. fol. 65, D.) of the adventurous travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia.
Had the materials for such a narrative existed he would have eagerly
seized the opportunity of embodying them, and it is plain that the im
posture dared not make its appearance in his lifetime. Yet from the

* "In questo volume non si fa mentione delle navigation! fatte da Amerigo Vespucci
all' Indie Occidental! per ordine de gli Re de Castiglia, ma solamente di quelle due
che el foce di Commissionie del Re di Portogallo," (torn. i. fol. 130.)

329

subsequent interpolation this tract, by almost unanimous consent, has
been considered to bear the high sanction of Ramusio's name.

" This," says Forster (p. 1 80). " is the account given of the affair by
Ramusio." The Biographie Universelle (art. Zeno) says " Cette Re
lation a ete reimprime par Ramusio," And the Quarterly Review (vol.
xvi. p. 165, note) speaks of certain things known " before Ramusio pub
lished the Letters of the two Zeni." In short, the misconception has
been universal.

Nor is it merely from the silence of Ramusio that an inference is
drawn against this pretended voyage.

He declares in the Preface to the Third Volume, that he considers it
not only proper, but in the nature of a duty, to vindicate the truth in
the behalf of Columbus, who was the first to discover and bring to
light the New World.*

He answers in detail the calumny that the project was suggested to
Columbus by a Pilot who died in his house, and refers for a refutation
of the idle tale to persons yet living in Italy, who were present at the
Spanish Court when Columbus departed. He recites the circumstances
which had conducted the mind of Columbus, as an able and experi
enced mariner and Cosmographer, to the conclusion that his project
was practicable.

" Such," he declares in conclusion, " were the circumstances that led
to his anxiety to undertake the voyage, having fixed it in his mind that
by going directly West the Eastern extremity of the Indies woi>'.d be
discovered/'f

He breaks into an apostrophe to the rival city of Genoa which had
given birth to Columbus, a fact so much more glorious than that about
which seven of the greatest cities of Greece contended.]:

* " No pure e convenevole, ma par mi anco di essere obligate a dire alquate parole
accompagnate dallaveritaper diffesa delSignor Christoforo Colombo, ilqual fu ilprimo
inventore di disc oprir e et far venire in luce questa meta del mondo."

t " Tutte queste cose lo inducevano a voler far questo viaggio, havendo fisso nell'
animo che andando 4 dritto per Ponente esso troverebbele parti di Levanti ove sono
1'Indie."

$ "Genoua si vanti et glorii di cosi excellente huomo cittadin suo et mettasi a para-
gone di quatunque altra citta percioche costui non fu Poeta, come Homero del qual
sette citta dell maggiori che bavesse la Grecia contesero insieme affermando ciascuna
che egli era su Cittadino, ma fu un huomo il quale ha fatto nascer al mondo un altro
mondo che e effetto incomparabilment molto maggiore del detto di sopra." The terms
in which he denounces the effort to disparage Columbus, on the ground of pretended
hints from the Pilot, assure us of the manner in which he would have treated the

330

The full force of this evidence cannot be understood without advert
ing to the strength of Ramusio's prejudices in favour of his native City.
He honestly acknowledges that their influence may mislead him when
he is disposed to rank the enterprize of Marco Polo, of Venice, by land,
as more memorable than even that of the great Genoese by sea.*

Yet this is the writer who is said to have given to the world undeni
able evidence not only that the Venetian Zeno knew of these regions
upwards of a century before the time of Columbus, but that traces had
been discovered proving that the Venetians had visited them long be
fore the time of Zeno. And in a work of the present day we have these
monstrous assertions ;

They [the Zeni] " added a Relation which, whether true or false,
contained the positive assertion of a Continent existing to the West of
the Atlantic Ocean. This Relation was unquestionably known to Co-

The professed author of the book, Marcolini, was a bookseller and
publisher of Venice, It bears his well-known device, of which Dr.
DibdinJ has given a fac-simile. The motive for getting it up is pretty
well disclosed in the concluding remarks which allude to the prevailing
appetite of the public for such works. It is stated that the slight ma
terials extant had been put together that they might not be altogether
lost at a period " most studious of new narratives, and of the discove
ries of strange countries, made by the bold and indefatigable exertions
of our ancestors," (" studiosissima delle Narrationi nuovi etdelle disco-

subsequent imposture absurdly attributed to himself; " questa favola laqual mali-
tiosamente dopo suo ritorno fu per invidia finta dalla gente bassa et ignorante."
Again : " una favola pieno di malignita et di tristitia." He loftily denounces the
baseness with which a low envy had seized on and dressed up this tale, " ad ap-
provar la delta favola et dipingerla con mille colori."

* " Et se 1" affettione della patria non m'inganna, mi par che per ragion probabile si
possa affermare che questo fatto per terra debba esser anteposto a quello di mare,"
Pref. tom.ii.

t Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, History of Maritime and Inland Discovery,
vol.i. p. 225.

$ Bibliographical Decameron, vol. ii. p. 244-5. In Singer's learned " Researches
into the History of Playing Cards, with Illustrations of the origin of Printing and
Engraving on Wood," is an account (p. 64-65) of Marcolini's beautiful volume,
entitled Le Sorti. " The decorative woodcuts are very numerous, and many of them
very beautiful ; great numbers of them afterwards served to decorate the Capriccios
of that odd genius Doni, who seems to have been employed by Marcolini to write
some of his whimsical productions as vehicles for these Woodcuts."

331

perte de paesi non conosciuti fatte dal grande animo et grande indus-
tria de i nostri maggiori.")

A full exhibition of the evidence which establishes this production to
be a rank imposture would require more space than can here be justi
fiably devoted to a topic purely incidental. As it is likely to engage
attention, anew, in connexion with the rumoured discoveries in East or
Lost Greenland, such a degree of interest may be thrown round it as
to warrant, hereafter, in a different form, a detailed examination.

Reverting to the immediate subject under consideration — the altera
tions of Ramusio in recent editions— an example occurs in reference
to this voyage of the Zeni, which shews not only that new matter
has been unwarrantably introduced, but that the text has been cor
rupted, without hesitation, to suit the purposes of the moment.

It has been made a charge against Hakluyt, that in translating the
work of Marcolini, he has interpolated a passage representing Estotiland,
the Northern part of the new Region, as abounding in gold and other
metals :

" In Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages, it is added, they have mines of all manner
of metals, but especially they abound in gold. This passage, however, is not to be
found in the Italian original of Ramusio."*

The English Translator of Forster, referring (p. 189) to the alleged
infidelity of Hakluyt, says,

" From many circumstances, it appears, that Hakluyt's collection was made prin
cipally with a view to excite his countrymen to prosecute new discoveries in America,
and to promote the trade to that quarter of the globe. Considering it in this light,
and that hardly any thing was thought worthy of notice in that age but mines of
silver and mountains of gold, we need not wonder at the interpolation!"

Thus has Hakluyt been made, alternately, the theme of extravagant
eulogium and groundless denunciation ! The passage about gold is in
the original (fol. 52) precisely as he translates it : " Hanno lingua et
lettere separate et cavano Metalli d'ogni sorts et sopra tutto abondano
d'Oro ct le lor pratiche sono in Engroneland di dove traggono pellerecie,
&c." The misconception of later writers is due to a complex piece of
roguery running through the several editions of Ramusio.

The story of Nicolo and Antonio Zeno gains a footing, for the first
time, in the second volume of the Venice edition of 1574, of which
there is a copy in the Library of the British Museum. The passage of
the original representing Estotiland to abound in Gold is found there,

* Forster's Northern Voyages, p. 189, note.

332

(fol. 224 A.) But before the next edition came out, the well-known
result of Frobisher's magnificent hopes was calculated to throw ridicule
on such representations. The passage, therefore, disappears from the
editions of 1583 and 1606, (fol. 232 A.) The suppression is executed
in rather an awkward manner. On turning to the passage indicated of
the more recent editions, there will be discovered, at the eleventh line
from the top of the page, a chasm in the sense between " cavano" and
" di dove." The suppression of the intermediate words, which are
marked in italics in our quotation from the original, constitutes the
fraud, and renders what remains unintelligible. Hakluyt made his
translation from the Ramusio of 1574, and not from the original work
of Marcolini. This is evident from the fact, that in his translation
(vol. iii. p. 124) immediately after the death of Nicolo Zeno, there follows
a deduction of descent from him to " the other Zenos that are living
at this day," of which there is not a syllable in the original, (fol. 51,) but
it is interpolated into the Ramusio of 1574. He escaped the falsification
of the edition of 1583, because his translation was made prior to that
time, it having appeared in his early work " Divers Voyages, &c." pub
lished in 1582. The matter, then, stands thus. Hakluyt followed a
vicious copy, but one which had reached only the first stage of depra
vation. Those who denounce him merely happen to have got hold of
a subsequent edition which has been further tampered with. Neither
party went back to the Original, though by no means a rare book ; and
it is curious that the critics of Hakluyt, while talking of the " original,"
had before them neither the original Marcolini, nor the original Ra
musio, nor even, if the expression may be used, the original counterfeit
of Ramusio. In this last particular Hakluyt has the advantage over
them.

It has been ascertained from Oxford that the tract which figures in
the Catalogue of the Bodleian Library is not to be found in a separate
form, but only as an item of the second volume of Ramusio. The
person who prepared the Catalogue was doubtless caught by the attrac
tive name of Cabot, and unfortunately gave to it this deceptive pro
minence.

The erroneous citation by Hakluyt (vol. iii. p. 6) of the second volume
of Ramusio, instead of the first, was probably occasioned by this tract.
Eden had said that the passage containing the Conversation of Butri-
garius was to be found in the Italian History of Navigations. Hak
luyt, in looking over the first and third volumes of Ramusio, found
no leading title to catch his attention, whilst the spurious article in

333

the second volume has the name of Cabot running ostentatiously at
.the top of the paget He probably conjectured that it was to be found
there. Purchas (Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 807) implicitly follows Hakluyt,
and repeats the citation of the second volume.

It is remarkable that in " The History of Navigation," found in
Churchill's Collection (vol. i. p. Ixxiv.) and usually attributed to Locke,
there is an account of the contents of Ramusio, and this item of the
second volume is represented as a description of Cabot's Voyage " to
The North-West !"

Another instance of unwarrantable liberty taken with the text of
Ramusio, occurs in a passage which has already been cited. In that
Conversation, usually connected with the name of Butrigarius, the
speaker is described in the edition of 1554 (vol. i. fol. 413, A.) merely
as a gentleman, " un gentiPhuomo," but in the editions of 1583, 1606,
and 1613, (fol. 373,) the expression is altered to " un gentil'huomo
Mantovano" doubtless from mere conjecture.

The fact is remarkable, that owing to the deceptive instructions
given for the purchase of this work, there is rarely found in the most
carefully selected Libraries an uncorrupted copy — one which can be
taken up without peril to the reader, at every turn, of being the dupe
of rash, or fraudulent, alteration by an unknown editor.

THE END.

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