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FIRST ISSUE OF THIS EDITION
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19 08
1911, 1915, 19 21
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION-
PRELIMINARIES ... ix
VILLEHARDOUIN . . X
J OINVILLE. .. xxvii
EXISTING TRANSLATIONS AND GENERAL OBSER-
VATIONS
.
.
.
xxxiv
VILLEHARDOUIN'S CHRONICLE OF THE FOURTH CRUSADE
AND THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE .
.
I
JOINVILLE'S CHRONICLE OF THE CRUSADE OF ST_ LEWIS . 135
INDEX
.
.
.
.
.
,.
..
.
.
3 2 9
INTRODUCTION
PRELIMINARIES
POWERFUL and rich as English literature is, it has little to
place in line against the superb array of French memoirs.
Englishmen enough have done great things, or taken part in
the doing of them, or seen them done; but only a scanty few
have been moved to write-even fewer to write with any
approach to style-of what they had done and seen. Among
the French it has been otherwise. The French statesman, or
leader, his life's greater battle being fought, has more often
betaken himself to his pen, either-to use Guizot's image-
for the purpose of fighting the old fights once more, with that
weapon, in the smaller arena of letters, or simply for pure
indulgence in the pleasures of memory. Villehardouin,
J oinville-I exclude Froissart, beautiful as his work is, be-
cause he was a chronicler pure and simple and not an actor
in the world's affairs-Commines, Sully, Retz, the H Grande
Mademoiselle," Saint-Simon, Chateaubriand, Guizot,-here
is a fine list of exámples.
Of these French memoirs, the Memoirs of Villehardouin and
J oinville, here reproduced in an English form, are certainly
not the least interesting. They are the first in date, those of
Villehardouin having been written, probably, in the days of
our King John, early in the thirteenth century; while those
of J oinville were completed, about a century later, in October
13 0 9, shortly after our Edward II. had begun to reign. Both
are monuments of the French language, and of French prose,
at an early stage of development-giant lispings, as one may
say. Both are written by eye-witnesses who had taken an
important part, in the case of Villehardouin a very important
part, in what they describe. Both deal with stirring episodes
in one of the most stirring chapters in human history, the
chapter that tells how, for some three centuries, Christendom
put forth its power to capture, and again recapture,
* 333 ix
x
In trod uction
" Those holy fields
Over whose acres walked those blessed feet
Which, fourteen hundred years ago, were nailed,
For our advantage, on the bitter cross.)) 1
and both serve to illustrate the varied motives that went to
the initiation and maintenance of that great movement.
VILLEHARDOUIN
VILLEHARDOUIN'S story opens with the closing years of the
t,velfth century. In those years, as he tells, Fulk of Neuilly,
near Paris, a priest well known for his holiness and zeal,
began to preach a new Crusade; and Fulk's words, so men
thought, were confirmed by many signs and miracles; and
even apart from such supernatural aid, it is not difficult, I
think, to conjecture wherein lay the force of his appeal or to
imagine its nature. But while he was descanting on the
necessity for another attempt to recover the Holy
Land, and
setting forth the glories and spiritual advantages of the pro-
posed adventure, did he ever dwell at all, one wonders, on
the story of the Crusades that had already been undertaken?
Did he unfold for his hearers that tragic and terrible scroll
in the history of men-a scroll on which are recorded in
strange, intermingled, fantastic characters, tales of saintly
h
roism, and fraud, and greed, and cruelty, and wrong-of
sufferings at which one sickens, and foul deeds at which one
sickens more, and acts of devotion and high courage that
have found their place among the heirlooms and glories of
mankind?
Did he tell them of the First Crusade-tell them how, a
little more than a century before, the heart of Peter the
Hermit had been moved to fiery indignation at the indigni-
ties offered to pilgrims at the sacred shrines, and he had made
all Christendom resound to his angry eloquence; how at the
Council of Clermont, in 1095, Pope Urban II. had re-echoed
the hermit's cry; how the nations had responded to the call
to anTIS in so holy a cause, the noble selling or mortgaging his
land, the labourer abandoning his plough, the woman her
hearth and distaff, the very children forsaking their play;
how a great wave of humanity had thence been set rolling
eastward-a wave of such mighty volume, and so impelled
I The first part of King Henry IV., Act I. Sc. I.
Introduction
.
Xl
by fierce enthusiasm, that, notwithstanding every hindrance,
dissension within, utter disorganisation, misrulCi, famine,
plague, slaughter, wholesale desertions, treachery on every
side, wild fanatical hostility-notwithstanding all this, it had
yet rolled right across Europe, rolled on across the deserts
and defiles of Asia Minor, and swept the infidel from J eru-
salem and the fastnesses of Judæa? Did Fulk of Neuilly, one
wonders, tell his hearers the story of that First Crusade,
which, for all its miseries and horrors, accomplished the
mission on which it started, and placed its great and saintly
leader, Godfrey of Bouillon on the throne of Jerusalem, and
founded a Christian kingdom in the Holy Land? (1099).
Did he tell them the story of the Second Crusade? That
was the Crusade preached by one of very different mould
from Peter the Hermit, by one who was in many ,vays the
master-spirit of his time, St. Bernard. For to St. Bernard it
seemed a scandal and intolerable that the Christian kingdom
of Judæa, prayed for with so many prayers, purchased with
so much blood, should be dissolved. He held it as not to be
borne that the place where our Lord had been cradled in the
manger, the fields where He had taught, the hill where He
had died for men, the sepulchre in which He had lain, should
fall once more in to the unholy possession of the infidel. And
yet, ere fifty years had passed since the taking of Jerusalem,
this seemed an approaching consummation, so weakened was
the new kingdom by internal dissension, so fiercely attacked
from without. Already the Moslem were prevailing on every
side. The important position of Edessa had fallen into their
hands. So St. Bernard came to the rescue. By his para-
mount personal influence, he induced Lewis VII. of France,
and Conrad of Germany to take the cross. Again there was
a march across Europe; again treachery on the part of the
Greek Emperor at Constantinople; again most terrible
slaughter in Asia Minor; again unheard-of sufferings; again
folly, ineptitude, treachery. But not again the old ultimate
success. This time the great human wave, though it did
indeed reach Jerusalem, yet reached it spent and broken.
Edessa was not retaken. Damascus was besieged, only to
show the utter want of unity among the Crusaders. Conrad
returned to Germany. Lewis, a year later, returned to
France (1149); and of the Second Crusade there remained
small immediate trace.. save" in France and GermanYI de-
XII
Introduction
populated hamlets, and homes made desolate, and bones
bleaching in the far Syrian deserts.
Could Fulk have turned, in the retrospect, with better
heart to the Third Crusade ?-Somewhat unquestionably.
That Third Crusade is the one in which we Englishmen have
Inost interest, for its central figure is our lion-hearted king,
Richard. And it is, probably, the Crusade of which the
main incidents are best known to the English reader, for they
have been evoked from the past, and made, as it were, to re-
enact themselves before us, by the magic of Sir vValter Scott.
What boy has not read the Talisman 'I And so it will not be
necessary for me to dwell at length on the history of that
Crusade: the rivalries of Richard and Philip Augustus; the
siege and surrender of Acre; the return of Philip Augustus
to France; the bitter feud with the Duke of Austria; the
superb daring and personal prowess of Richard; the abortive
march on Jerusalem-which must have been retaken save
for the insane rivalries in the Christian host; the interchange
of courtesies with the chivalrous Saladin; the abandonment
of the Crusade; the return of the English king westward,
and his imprisonment in an Austrian dungeon (1192).
Not a story of success, n10st certainly. Richard left the
Holy Land pretty well where he found it. His object in
going thither had been the recovery of Jerusalem, which, in
1187, after being nearly ninety years in Christian hands, had
fallen a prey to Saladin. And that object was as far as ever
from attainment. But still there rested about the Third
Crusade a glamour of courage and heroic deeds, so that when
scarce nine years after its conclusion, Fulk went about
preaching new efforts for the expulsion of the Saracens, he
may possibly have sought to raise the courage of his '\varlike
hearers by dwelling on the doughty deeds of Richard and his
knights.
Otherwise, if he referred to the past at all-for the latest
German expedition of 1196-1197 had just come to an in-
glorious close,-his message can scarcely have been one of
confidence as he addressed the nobles and lesser men as-
sembled at Ecri, towards the end of November 1199, to take
part in the great tournament instituted by Thibaut III.,
Count of Champagne. No, the past was against them. It
spoke little of success, and much of misery, disorganisation,
disaster; while as to the future, if Fulk and his hearers had
Introduction
XIII
seen into that, one doubts if they could have been moved to
much enthusiasm. Whatever admixture of worldly motives
there may have been, the Fourth Crusade was vehemently
advocated by Pope Innocent III., proclaimed by Fulk, joined
by multitudes of devout pilgrims, for the express purpose
of recapturing Jerusalem, and driving the heathen out of
Palestine. But it never reached Palestine at all. It did far
less than nothing towards the recovery of the Holy City. It
delivered its blow with immense force and shattering effect
upon a Christian, not a 1vloslem, state. It contributed not a
little, in ultimate result, to break down Europe's barrier
against the Turk. Thus, from the Crusading point of view,
it was a gigantic failure; and, as such, denounced again and
yet again by the great Pope who had done so much to give it
life.
mow did this come about? What were the real influences
that led the Fourth Crusade to change its objective from
Jerusalem to Constantinople? The question has been many
times debated. It is, as one may almost say, one of the stock
questions of history; and I can scarcely altogether give it the
go-by here-as I should like to do-because in that question
is involved the more personal question of Vil"lehardouin's own
good faith as a historian. If there were wire-pullers at work,
almost from the beginning, who laboured to deflect the
movement to their own ends; if the Venetians throughout
played a double game,l and betrayed the Christian cause to -
the Saracens, then it is necessary, before we accept- him
altogether as a witness of truth, to inquire why he makes no
mention of the 1\Iarquis of Montferrat's intrigues, or the
Republic's duplicity. Did he write in ignorance? or did he,
while possessing full knowledge, banish ugly facts from his
narrative, and deliberately constitute himself, as has been
said, the" official apologist" of the Crusade?
For, as he tells the story, all is simplicity itself. There is
scarcely anything to explain. The Crusade has a purely
religious origin: "Many took the cross because the indul-
gences were so great." Villehardouin himself, and his five
brother delegates from the great lords assembled in parlia- ·
ment at Compiègne, go to Venice, and engage a fleet to take
1 " The unchristian cupidity of the banausically-minded Republic of
St.
fark," is the quaint description given bv Pope Innocent's latest
biographer. Innocent the Grea.t, by C. H. C. Pirie-Gordon, 1907.
.
XIV
Introduction
the host of the pilgrims "oversea" -an ambiguous term
which meant Syria for the uninitiated, but " Babylon" or
Cairo for the Venetian Council-" because it was in Babylon,
rather than in any other land, that the Turks could best be
destrLJed." Then comes the death of Count Thibaut of
Champagne, who would have been the natural leader of the
Crusade, and the selection, in his stead, of the Marquis of
Montferrat, "a right worthy man, and one of the most
lûgWy esteemed that ,vere then alive." Afterwards the pil-
grims begin to assemble in Venice; but owing to numerous
defections, their number is so reduced that the stipulated
passage money is not forthcoming, and the Venetians
naturally refuse to move. The blame, up to tills point, lies
entirely with the pilgrims who had failed to keep their tryst.
Meanwhile, what is to be done? Some, who in their heart
of hearts wish not well to the cause, would break up the
host and return to their own land. Others, who are better
affected, would proceed at all hazards. Then the Doge pro-
poses a compromise. If, says he, addressing his own people,
we insist upon our pound of flesh, we can, no doubt, claim to
keep the moneys already received, as some consideration for
our great outlay; but, so doing, we shall be greatly blamed
throughout Christendom. Let us rather agree to forego the
unpaid balance and carry out our agreement, provided the
pilgrims, on their part, will help us to recapture Zara, on the
Adriatic, of which we have been wrongfully dispossessed by
the King of Hungary. To this the Venetians consent, and
likewise the Crusaders, notwithstanding the remonstrances
of the evil-disposed party aforesaid. So the blind old Doge
assumes the cross, with great solemnity, in the Church of St.
Mark, and many Venetians assume it too, and all is got ready
for departure.
Then, and not till then, do we get any hint of an attack on
the Greek empire. "Now listen," says Villehardouin, " to
one of the greatest marvels and greatest adventures that
ever you heard tell of," and he procceeds to narrate how the
young Greek prince Alexius, having escaped from the hands
of that \vicked usurper, his uncle, and being at Verona on
the way to the court of his brother-in-law, " Philip of Ger-
many," makes overtures to the Crusaders, and how the latter
are not unprepared to help him to recover his father's throne"
provided he in turn will help them to re-conquer Jerusalem.
Introduction
xv
Whereupon envoys are sent to accompany the youth into
Germany, for further negotiation with Philip, and the host,
Crusaders and Venetians together, set sail for their attack on
Christian Zara.
And here for the first time Villehardouin makes mention of
the reiigious objection to the course that the Crusade is
taking. The inhabitants of Zara are prepared to capitulate,
but are dissuaded by the party which, according to Ville-
hardouin, were anxious to break up the host, and while the
matter is under discussion, the abbot of Vaux, of the order
of the Cistercians, rises in his place and says, "Lords, on
behalf of the Apostle of Rome, I forbid you to attack this
city, for it is a Christian city, and you are pilgrims." Never-
theless the Doge insists that the Crusaders shall fulfil their
contract, and Zara is besieged and taken.
While the host is waiting, after the capture, they are
joined by the envoys from Philip, and from Philip's
brother-in-law, Alexius, the son of the deposed Emperor of
Constantinople. These envoys bring definite and very ad-
vantageous proposals. The Crusaders are to dispossess the
treacherous and wicked emperor, also called Alexius, and
reinstate the deposed Isaac; and in return for this great
service, Alexius the younger promises, "in the very first place,"
that the Greek empire shall be brought back into obedience
to Rome, and then-seeing that the pilgrims are poor-that
they shall receive 200,000 marks of silver, and provisions for
small and great, and further that substantial help sball be
afforded towards the conquest of the" land of Babylon,"
oversea.
The hook was well baited. The reunion of Christendom,
gold and stores in plenty, active co-operation from the near
vantage ground of Constantinople in the dispossession of
the infidel, a splendid adventure to be achieved-no \vonder
the Crusaders were tempted. Villehardouin himself never
falters in his expressed conviction that the course proposed
was the right course, tbat he and his companions did well in
following, at this juncture, the fortunes of the younger
Alexius. Nevertheless it is clear, even from his narrative,
that a great, almost overwhelming, party in the host were
unconvinced and bitterly opposed to the deflection of the
Crusade. Hotly was the question debated. The laymen
were divided. The clergy, even of the same religious order,
.
XVI
Introduction
were at bitter strife. When it came to the ratification of the
convention with Alexius, only twelve French lords could be
induced to swear. Thereafter came defection on defection-
the deserters, as Villehardouin is always careful to note, not
without a certain complacency, coming mainly to evil ends.
" Now be it known to you, lords," says he, " that if God had
not loved that host, it could never have kept together, seeing
how many there were who wished evil to it." Even the
Pope's forgiveness for the attack on Zara, and his exhorta-
tion to the pilgrims to remain united, did not avail to prevent
further disintegration.
Nevertheless the host ultimately reaches Constantinople,
routs the Greeks, who have no stomach for the fight, sends
the usurping Emperor Alexius fiying, reinstates the blinded
Isaac, and seats the younger Alexius, by the side of Isaac, on
the imperial throne. But naturally the position of Isaac and
Alexius is precarious, and when the latter asks the Crusaders
to delay their departure, the adverse party tries once more to
obtain an immediate descent on Syria or Egypt. They are
overborne. Soon, however, it becomes clear that Isaac and
Alexius either cannot, or will not, fulful their promises. As a
matter of fact Alexius has placed himself and his father in an
impossible position, of which death, in cruel forms, is to be
the outcome, and they become, in turn, the objects of attack,
and their empire a field of plunder. Hencefor\vard the die is
cast. The Crusade ceases to be a Crusade, and becomes as
purely an expedition of conquest as William's descent on
England. Whatever may be their occasional qu alms 1
Franks and Venetians have enough to do in the Greek
Empire, without giving very much thought to Judæa.
But to all this there is another side. Thus, if we are to
believe the chronicle 1 compiled in 1393, by order of Heredia,
Grand Master of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, Ville-
hardouin first proposed the Crusade to his lord, the Count of
Champagne, not on any specially religious grounds, but be-
cause, after the peace between the kings of France and Eng-
1 Libra de IDS F echos et Conqttistas del P1'incipado de la Morea, trans-
lated from Spanish into French by Alfred Morel-Fatio, and published
at Geneva in 1885 for the Société de l'O"ient Latin. See p. I. I am
bound, however, to say that this chronicle, which assigns to Ville-
hardouin a very important part in the organisation of the Crusade, was
compiled long after date, and seems clearly apocryphal in many of its
details,
Introduction
.
XVÍI
land, there were a great many idle men-at-anns about, whom
it would be desirable to employ. So also Emoul, a contem-
porary, after telling how the barons of France, who had sided
with Richard against Philip Augustus, cast off their armour
at the tournament at Ecri, and ran to take the cross, adds:
" There are certain persons ,vho say that they thus took the
cross for fear of the King of France, and so that he might not
punish them because they had sided against him." 1
This, however, is relatively unimportant. Mixed motives
may at once be conceded as probable and natural. What is
of greater significance is the attitude of the Venetians and
the question of their good faith. Villehardouin here hints no
doubt. According to him, the Republic made a bargain to
provide freight and food for an expedition to the Holy Land
or to " Babylon," and provided both amply, and it was only
on the failure of the pilgrims to carry out their side of the
bargain that the Venetians fell back on Zara. They were
prepared to take the Crusade to its original destination.
But the same Ernoul, from whom I have just quoted, tells
another story. He relates how Saphardin, the brother of the
deceased Saladin, hearing that the Crusaders had hired a
fleet in Venice, sends envoys to the Venetians, with great
gifts and promises of commercial advantage, and entreats
them to " turn away the Christians," and how the Venetians
accept the bribe, and use their influence accordingly; 2 while
certain modern historians discover, or think they have dis-
covered, that it was the Venetians who took the initiative in
this act of treachery, and that after making the treaty with
Villehardouin and his fellow delegates in 1201, they sent
envoys to Saphardin and virtually gave the Crusaders away
by a specific treaty-of which, however, the date, and with
it the relevancy, has been contested.
So again, with regard to the evil influences at work within
the host itself, certain historians have endeavoured to show
that the misdirection of the Crusade was but an episode in
the long struggle bet,veen Guelf and Ghibelline. For the
Crusade was the pet child of Innocent III. It was the
dearest object of his heart. It was to crown his pontificate.
What more natural than that the Ghibelline, Philip of
1 Chron'z"que d' Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, published by M. L. de
Mas Latrie fot" the Société de l'histoire de France. Paris, 1871. See
p. 337. I See ibid. pp. 345, 346, and 361, 362.
XVIII
In trod uction
Swabia, the son of Barbarossa, himself just then lying under
a solemn excommunication, should endeavour, by all the
means in his power, to thwart the expedition, to turn it to
his own ends-one of which was the conquest of Constanti-
nople-for on Constantinople he had pretensions. Thus,
according to this view, when Villehardouin suggested the
Marquis of Montferrat for the leadership, he was, indirectly
indeed, acting as the mouthpiece of Philip. And the Mar-
quis, from the date of his election, did but become Philip's
agent, and had in view only one object-an attack on the
Greek emperor. 1 All his actions and movements are to be
1 See M. Riant's articles quoted below. The curious reader who
would follow this controversy is referred to the following works among
many others, French and German. I place them, as will be seen, in
the chronological order of publication:-
Histoire de l'Isle de Chypre sous Ie Règne des Princes de la Maison de
Lusignan, par M. L. de Mas Latrie, etc. Paris, 1861, Vol. I. pp. 161-
165.-GeoUroy de Villehardouin, Conquéte de Constantinople, etc., par 1\1:.
NataIis de Wailly, etc. Second edition, Paris, 1874, pp. 429-439.
Up to this point only the conduct of Venice is in question. With the
following enters as protagonist Philip of Swabia, and we are asked to
consider the part which he took in deflecting the Crusade from Egypt
or the Holy Land to Constantinople, and the action taken, under his
influence, by the Marquis Boniface of Montferrat.
Innocent III., PhiliPpe de Swabe et Boniface de Montlerrat. Examen
des Ca
tses qui modifièrent au détriment de l' EmPire Grec, le plan primit
1
de la 4e Croisade, published in Revue des Questions H istoriqu.es, Vol.
XVII., April 1875, pp. 3 21 -374, and Vol. XVII!., July 1 8 75, pp. 5-75.
Signed, Comte Riant.
These two articles contain an elaborate and most learned indictment
against Philip of Swabia and the Marquis of Montferrat, and, in a minor
degree, against Villehardouin, as their accomplice and apologist.
Comte Riant is most careful in giving reference to chapter and verse to
support his conclusions, and so enable the student to verify and control,
and-on occasion-to dissent.
A short note, signed M. de Wailly, on the above articles of Comte
Riant, expressing dissent. Revue des Questions Historiques, Vol. XVII!.,
October 1875, pp. 578 and 579 (not p. 576 as stated in index).
Quatrième Croisade. La diversion sur Zara et Constantinople, par
Jules Tessier, professeur à la faculté des lettres de Caen. Paris, 1884.
In this volume, with an equal learning, M. Tessier contests the posi-
tion taken up by M. Riant, and defends Philip of Swabia and Venice.
The Fall 01 Constantinople, by Edwin Pears. London, 1885.
The Notice, extending to 309 pages in Vol. II. of 1\1:. Emile Bouchet's
Geogroi de V illehardouin. La Conqu
te de Constantinople, tene et
traduction nouvelle, avec notice, notes, et glossaire, par Emile Bouchet.
Paris, 1891.
M. Bouchet mainly accepts Comte Riant's facts and conclusions with
reg
rd to Philip and Venice, but exonerates Villehardouin, and defends
him from the charge of having constituted himself the official apologist
of the Crusade-pp. 289-297 and pp. 3 08 , 309. M. Boucbet's manner
is rather that of the historical narrator than of the erudite dissertator,
and his notes are few. In this he differs from M. Riant and M. Tessier
Introduction
.
XIX
explained on the grounds that he cared nothing about J eru-
salem, and very much about Constantinople.
To go at length into all the pros and cons of this contro-
versy, would take, not the comparatively short space allotted
to an introduction, but a very considerable volume. And,
indeed, the latest historian who has dealt with the subject,
the very learned M. Luchaire, of the French Institute, l
declares that, on the available data, the questions involved
are insoluble. Having placed the two views before the
reader, I shan not therefore go into the matter further here,
beyond saying that after a great deal of reading, and re-
search, I have come to the conclusion, FirstJy, that the Vene-
tians were not as bad as they have been painted. They were
a commercial people, and they had made a bargain, and they
kept to it. The Crusaders did not. To expect the Vene-
tians, for the good of the cause, to forego repayment for the
large sums expended on a superb fleet and what must have
been, temporarily at least, a great disturbance of their com-
merce, is absurd. Why should the main expense of the ex-
pedition fall on them? As to the treacherous arrangements
with the Saracens, they seem to me not proven. Therefore
I hold myself justified in asking the reader to look, without a
smile of sarcasm and incredulity, at the great scene in which
Dandolo, the grand old Doge, blind and bearing gallantly his
ninety years, goes up into the reading-desk of St. Mark, and
there, before all the people-who wept seeing him-places
the sign of the cross in his bonnet. Surely his bearing in
council, and afterwards in battIe, was not that of a vulpine
old impostor.
Secondly, I own to very great doubts as to the elaborate
Machiavellian schemes of Philip of Swabia, and the Marquis
of Montferrat, and the after-participation therein, to a
greater or less degree, of the leaders of the Crusade. Web-
spinning so successful would imply gifts of foresight verging
on prophesy. Let us " look at things more simply," as M.
Luchaire says. And disbelieving, to a very great extent, in
M. Luchaire, as I have noted in the text (1907) declares the questions
raised to be insoluble on the available data.
The matter is referred to, but with no additional evidence or further
discussion, in Sir Rennell Rodd's The PrinciPalities 01 A chaia and the
Chronicles of l'vIorea, 1907, Chap. I, and Mr. Pirie-Gordon's Innocent
the Great, an Essay on his Life and Times, 1907, Chap. IV.
I Innocent I I I.: La Question d'Orient. 1907. See pp. 85, 86,91, and 97
xx
Introduction
the plot, I am bound to exonerate Villehardouin from the
charge of endeavouring to disguise its existence. Nay, I go
-further. What we see as the past was to Villehardouin the
present and the future. We know that the Crusade came to
nothing, ultimately H fizzled out," as one may say. But
Villehardouin, looking for\vard from day to day, may quite
honestly have believed that the course he consistently advo-
cated was the course best calculated, all the circumstances
being given, to ensure success. Shut up in the island of St.
Nicholas, near Venice, without the necessary means for
advance or retreat, or even for the provision of daily subsis-
tence, the Crusading host was in helpless case. The advance
,on Zara had no alternative. Afterwards, leaders and men
were without the sinews of war. When Alexius came with
his definite proposals, one cannot wonder that men of strong
political instinct, like our hero, should have thought that the
best coign of vantage for an attack on Jerusalem, was Con-
stantinople. The ignorant commonalty were for a direct
descent on the Holy Land. The wiser chiefs \vould have
preferred to first break the power of the Saracens in Egypt.
The politicians of still larger outlook might naturally hold
that with the Greek empire at their back, and with coffers full
of Greek gold, they had the best chance of re-establishing the
Christian kingdom of Jerusalem.
Nay, shall I go further still? The Franks defeated the
Greeks with ease, defeated them as Pizarro and Cortes de-
feated the Peruvians and Mexicans, as Clive defeated the
armies of India. What if they had not only conquered
Roumania, but had also revivified the Greek empire; if, in-
stead of giving themselves to the greed, and rapine, and
unstatesmanlike oppression, which Villehardouin deplored,
and so losing within sixty years (1261) what they had held
unworthily-what if, instead of this, they had administered
wisely and well, had mingled in blood and interest with the
conquered, had breathed with the breath of a new life over
the dry bones of that dead race and nationality, had created
a virile state at this specially important point of the world's
surface, and so barred the way against the entrance of the
Turk into Europe? When the Frank fleet set sail from
Venice, these things were on the knees of the gods. Should
we have been misdoubting Villehardouin if they had come to
pass?
Introduction
.
XX1-
And having said so much for Villehardouin's good faith
and essential political honesty, one is the more free" to
admire the force and effectiveness of the man. What was his
exact age at the date of the tournament at Ecri (November
1199), is not known. Probably he was then about forty, and
in the fulness of his strength, and, as one may fairly con-
jecture, well-knit, and possessing a frame fitted to endure
hardship and fatigue. Even if we regard as doubtful the
statement of Heredia's chronicler, that it was he who first
proposed the Crusade to Count Thibaut,1 yet it is clear that,
from the very beginning, he took a leading part in the enter-
prise, and that, as one may conclude, on purely personal
grounds, for the Villehardouins were of no imposing noblesse.
Thus he is chosen by the assembled chiefs as one of the SLX
envoys sent to Venice to negotiate for the transport of the
host; and it is he who stands forth as spokesman for the
Crusaders in the first memorable assembly at St. Mark's.
When Count Thibaut dies, he seems to take the most active
part in the choice of a successor, and proposes the leader
ultimately nominated. When, afterwards, the pilgrims
begin to avoid Venice, and travel eastwards by other routes,
he is one of the two delegates despatched to bring them to a
better mind, succeeding, to some extent, by " comfort and
prayers." To him is entrusted the task of explaining to the
restored Emperor Isaac what are the conditions on which the
Crusaders have consented to come to his help at Constanti-
nople. Again he is selected for the perilous office of bearing
to the Emperors Isaac and Alexius, in full court, the haughty
defiance of the host. He is selected once more for the parti-
cularly delicate mission of reconciling the Marquis of Mont-
ferrat with the Emperor Baldwin, and he is afterwards
deputed to bring the Marquis to Constantinople. Thus we
see him
king a prominent part wherever there is a task of
difficulty or danger to be undertaken; and finally, in one of
the darkest, direst hours of the expedition, he stands forth
heroically, and masters circumstance. The Crusaders, con-
trary to all preconcerted plans, have left their ranks and
followed the lightly-armed Comans into the field, whereupon
the Comans attack in turn, and cut the Crusaders to pieces,
killing Count Lewis of Blois, and taking the Emperor Bald-
win prisoner. A broken remnant of the host comes flying.
1 See ante, p. xvi.
XXII
Introàuction
into the camp. "When he sees this, Geoffry, the Marshal of
Champagne, who is keeping guard before one of the gates of
the city, issues forth from the camp as quickly as he can, and
with all his men, and sends word to Manasses of the Isle, who
is keeping another gate, to follow." One can almost see it
all, as he tells the story: the advance in serried ranks, rapid
but in strict order, and with all the pomp of war-à grande
allure,-and the long line of mailed riders fonning across the
plain; the fugitives in full flight, for the most part too panic-
stricken to stop short of the camp itself, but those of better
heart staying to strengthen the immovable breakwater of
men. Towards that break\vater, but still keeping a re-
spectful distance, surges the scattered host of Comans, Wal-
lachians, Greeks, who do such mischief as they can with
bows and arrows. It was between nones and vespers, as
Villehardouin tells us, that the rout was stayed. It is not till
nightfall that the enemy retire. Then, under cover of night,
and in council with the Doge, he leads off the beaten remnant
of the host, leaving, as he records váth just pride, not one
wounded man behind-and effects a masterly retreat to the
sea and safety.
A man, evidently like Scott's William of Deloraine, " good
at need "-a man trusted of all and trustworthy-honoured
by the Doge, honoured by the Emperor Bald\vin, honoured
and beloved by the Marquis of l\Iontferrat. Nor should it be
imagined, because this is the impression left by a study of the
chronicle, that Villehardouin's method of telling the story of
the Crusade has in it anything of personal boastfulness or
vainglory. When he speaks of himself, in the course of his
narrative, he does so quite simply, and just as he speaks of
others. There is no attempt to magnify his own deeds or in-
fluence. If he has taken part in any adventure or delibera-
tion, he mentions the fact without false modesty, but does
not dwell upon it unduly. And, indeed, as I read the man's
character, a certain honourable straightforwardness seems to
me one of its most important traits. He is a religious man,
no doubt. The purely religious side of the Crusade has its
influence upon him. He is not unaffected by the greatness
.of the pardon offered by the Pope. He believes that the
expedition is righteous, and that God approves of it. He
holds that God looks with a favouring eye upon all who are
doing their best for its furtherance. "Listen," he cries after
Introduction
XXII1
some great deliverance, "how great are the miracles of our
Lord whenever it is his pleasure to perforn1 them. . . .
Well may we say that no man can harm those whom God
favours." And he stands in no manner of doubt that the
Divine justice will deal in a very exemplary manner with
those who separate themselves from the host, and pursue
their own paths to Palestine. But if he is a religious man, he
is in no sense an enthusiast. He stands in marked contrast
to such Crusaders as Godfrey of Bouillon and St. Lewis. The
worldly side of the whole thing-its policy and business, and
fighting and conquests-these are very habitually present to
his thoughts. And withal, as I have said-and notwith-
standing the doubts referred to in the earlier pages of this
introduction-there is a ring about him of honesty and sin-
cerity. His utterances are such as may be counted honour-
able to all time. He never forbears to inveigh against
dishonesty, double-dealing, covetousness. It is not only as
a politician, but as an upright man that he denounces the
rapacious mishandling to which the Greeks are subjected.
Of such a man, as I repeat, one hesitates to believe that he
lent himself to a long course of intrigue, and afterwards con-
stituted himself the " official apologist" of what he knew to
be indefensible.
And as the man is, so is his book. When judging that
book, it has to be borne in mind that it is the first work of
importance and sustained dignity written in the French
tongue. At the time that he dictated it, therefore, Ville-
hardouin had no precedents to go by, no models to imitate.
He was in all respects-language, narrator's art, style-a
pioneer. And this being so, it marks him as a born writer,
and a writer of a very high order, that his narration should be
so lucid and distinct. He marshals his facts well, proceeds
from point to point with order and method, brings important
matters into due prominence} keeps accessories properly in
the background. Nor, notwithstanding the usual sobriety
of his method, is he incapable, on due occasion, of rendering
the moral aspect of a scene, or even the physical aspect of
what has passed before his eyes. In proof of this I may refer
to the two great scenes in St. Mark's,! to the account of the
attack on Constantinople, 1 to the story of the battle in which
Baldwin was taken prisoner.!
1 See pp. ,-8, 16-17, 37-44, and 94-96.
.
XXIV
Introduction
Still I admit that as a word-painter his powers are em-
bryonic rather than fully developed-a fact which Sainte-
Beuve, the great critic, accounts for by saying that" the
descriptive style had not yet been invented." But here, I
venture to think, Sainte- Beuve was nodding. For if Ville-
hardouin himself depicts soberly, yet he had a contemporary
and fellow-Crusader, Robert of Clan by name, who also wrote
a chronicle, and Robert of Clan has left a description of the
scene when the Crusading fleet set sail from Venice on the
feast of St. Remigius, 1202, which is not wanting in pic-
turesqueness and colour: "The Doge," he says, " had with
him fifty galleys, all at his own charges. The galley in which
he himself sailed was all vermilion, and there "vas a pavilion
of red satin stretched above his head. And there were before
him four trumpets of silver that trumpeted, and cymbals
that made joy and merriment. And all the men of note, as
well clerks as lay, and whether of small condition or great,
made such joy at our departure, that never before had such
joy been made, or so fine a fleet been seen. And then the
pilgrims caused all tbe priests and clerks there present to get
up into the castles of the ships, and sing the Veni Creator
Spiritus, and all, both the great and the small folk, \vept for
great joy and happiness. . .. It seemed as if the "vhole sea
swarmed with ants, and the ships burned on the water, and
the water itself were aflame with the great joy that they
had." 1
It was in colours like these that Turner saw Venice suffused
when he painted such pictures as the Sun of Venice going
out to sea. It was in terms almost identical that Shake-
speare described Cleopatra's barge" burning" upon the Nile.
Surely when Robert of Clari, a writer not otherwise compar-
able with Villehardouin, mixed such hues upon his palette, it
cannot be said that the descriptive style was unborn. And
if Villehardouin makes use of it but soberly, the reason is
rather, I conceive, to be found in .this, that his interest was
but little concerned with the outward shows of things. He
was a politician and soldier who had played an important
part in the drama of history. What he cared to remember,
in after days, was the deeds of the men who had played their
parts with him, their passions and objects. Their dress, the
1 The reader may compare this passage with Vi11ehardouin's descrip-
tion of the same event, p. 19, or of the departure from Corfu, p. 29.
In trod uction
xxv
pomp and circumstance by which they were surrounded, the
look of the stage, and appearance of the side-scenes, all this
had, comparatively, faded from his memory. His chronicle
is that of a statesman, like the chronicle in which, some two
centuries and a half later, Philippe de Commines enthroned,
or gibbeted, the craft of his master Lewis XI.
As to his style, why style is the man's own self, according
to Buffon's oft-quoted saying, and Villehardouin's style is
simple, strong, and direct-like himself, and like his narra-
tion. Now and again, but very seldom, it bears a blossom,
" puts forth a flower," as the French say when some bright
image, some smiling fancy, breaks like a crocus or snowdrop
through the cold aridity of prose. Thus, when the fleet is
leaving Abydos-these vessels in full sail seem wonderfully
to have stirred the hearts of the pilgrim host-he says that
the Straits of St. George were" in flower" ,vith ships. But
e
pressions like this, which suffuse with imagination the
plain statement of a fact, are rare with him. Usually he is
sober in his use of image, as in his descriptions. He says
what he has to say, and no more; and he says it in a short,
plainly-constructed sentence which can be " construed," as a
schoolboy would say, without difficulty. Compared with the
sentence of most English and French writers of the fifteenth
or sixteenth centuries, or even of most German \vriters of
to-day, his sentence is simplicity itself.
"The modern literature of the West they might justly
despise," says Gibbon, speaking of the Greeks of Ville-
hardouin's time. Is that quite true? In Villehardouin we
have a literature of the quite early spring-vigorous, full of
sap, unforced, spontaneous, unsophisticated. Take, by way
of contrast, and as illustrating the literature of autumn and
decay, such a passage as the following from his contemporary,
the Greek historian Nicetas: "What shall I say of the statue
of Helen, of the perfection of her form, the alabaster of her
arms and of her breast, of her perfect limbs ?-of that Helen
who brought all Greece beneath the walls of Troy? Had
she not softened the savage inhabitants of Laconia? All
seemed possible to her \vhose looks enchained every heart.
Her vesture was without artifice, but so ingeniously disposed
that the greedy eye couìd see all the freshness of her charms
scarce hidden by her light tunic, her veil, her crown, and the
tresses of her hair. Her hair, bound only to her neck, floated
.
XXVI
Introduction
according to the fancy of the winds, and fell to her feet in
waving tresses; her mouth, half-opened like the calix of a.
young flower, seemed to offer a passage to the tender accents
of her voice, and the sweet smile of her lips filled the soul
of the spectator with delicious feeling. N ever will it be
possible to express, and posterity will seek vainly to feel or
depict, the grace overspreading this divine statue. But, 0
daughter of Tyndareus, 0 masterpiece of love, 0 rival of Venus,.
where is the omnipotence of thy charms? Why didst thou
not exercise them to subdue those barbarians as thou didst
exercise them amiably of yore? Has Fate condemned theC"
to burn in the same fire with which thou wert wont to con-
sume all hearts? Díd the descendants of Æneas wish to con-
demn thee to the same flames that thou didst light erewhile in
Ilion? "1 Was Nicetas, the author of this artificial rhetoric,
really in a position to "despise" Villehardouin? In this
matter, and with all due respect for Gibbon, one may say
that the Frank represents the twilight of dawn, and the Greek
the twilight of night.
And what became of Villehardouin at last? How and
when did he die? All here is obscurity. We know, as I have
said, next to nothing about hís birth and earlier years. We
know next to nothing about his later life and end. He
emerges into the half-light of history with the beginning of
his chronicle. He passes back into the darkness of the years
with its close. Of what happened to him after the date in
120 7, when, as he tells us-it is his latest record, as if his pen
had faltered at that point-how the Marquis of Montferrat had
been miserably slain-of what, I say, happened to him after
that year we are almost ignorant. He had left his wife, his,
daughters, his two sons, to follow the cross. There is no.
evidence to suggest that he ever rejoined them in his native
Champagne. M. Bouchet conjectures 2 that, replete with
honour and rewards, weary of life's battle, saddened by the
loss of so many of his old companions in arms, he retired to
end his days in his castle of Messinopolis on the enemy's
marches, and there composed his history; but much of this
can be no more than conjecture. That the man lived to any
1 I am translating from a French version which I happen to have
before me - Bibliothèque des Croisades, by M. rvIichaud, third part
1829, p. 428.
. La Conqu
e de Constantinople, texte et t,.aduction nouvelle, l89l, Vol..
11., pp. 286 and following.
Introduction
XXVII
great age is improbable, and indeed the year 1213 has usually
been assigned as the year of his death. That he wrote, or
rather dictated, his Chronicles when the hand of time lay
heavy upon him seems to me, from the internal evidence of
style and spirit, to be quite unlikely. Rather do I fancy that
he composed them, in the halls of Messinopolis indeed,
but with spirit unsubdued, and during some brief lull in the
great strife between the Greeks and their Frank conquerors.
J OINVILLE
WITH J oinville we pass into a different atmosphere. J oin-
ville was born, it is believed, in 1224. He embarked with St.
Lewis for the Crusade on the 28th August 1248; he returned
to France in the July of 1254. His Memoirs, as he himself
tells us, were ,vritten, i.e. concluded, in the month of October,.
1309, that is to say, when he was eighty-five years of age, and
more than half a century after the events he had set himself
to narrate. Thus while Villehardouin writes as a middle-
aged soldier, succinctly, soberly, with eye intent on important
events, and only casually alive to the passing show of things,
J oinville writes as an old man looking lovingly, lingeringly, at
the past-garrulous, discursive, glad of a listener. Nothing
is beneath his attention. He lingers here, lingers there, picks
up an anecdote as he goes along, tells how people looked,
and what they wore, describes the manners and customs of
the outlandish folk with whom he is brought into contact;
has his innocent superstitions, his suspicions of spiritualistic
influence, stops to tell you about a tumbler's tricks, about a
strange fossil that has struck his fancy; illustrates, discusses,
moralises; reports at length his conversations, especially
with the king; and would have a tendency to repeat himself
in any case, even if he had not adopted, to begin with, a
defective plan of narration, that involved much repetition.
And with such a charm in it all! The man is so simple, so
honest, so lovable. Fine fellow as he undoubtedly is, he
makes claim to no heroic sentiments-tells you how he was
afraid to turn his eyes towards his castle as he went a,vay,
leaving wife and children behind him-how he trembled,
partly with fear, when he fell into the hands of the enemy.
And his judgments upon his fellows are so essentially the
. . .
Introduction
XXVIII
judgments of a gentleman. Then be has the graphic gift:
,ve see what he sees, and \ve know the people that he brings
before us. All that \vorId of the Crusade lives in his pages.
Not even in Chaucer's immortal" Prologue" do we get so
near to the life of the Middle Ages.
Yes, as one reads the chronicle, it is impossible not to love
the chronicler. If a snob be, according to Thackeray's defini-
tion, one who meanly admires mean things, then surely one
who grandly admires heroic things may be pronounced a
hero. And J oinville had before him in St. Le,vis a high ideal
of Christian manhood, and all his heart went out in love and
veneration for the friend, long dead when he v/rote, who had
been to him king and saint. He looks back with pride at
that great figure which had loomed so large in his earlier
manhood. He sees him once more as he rode in the fie1rl
among his knights, flashing in arms, overtopping them all,
the goodliest presence there. 1 He dwells upon his old chief's
fearlessness, his courage before the enemy, his undaunted
fortitude under the combined assault of disaster, defeat,
and sickness unto death. He marks his refusal to selfishly
abandon the people God had committed to his charge and
secure his own safety. He notes that neither the prospect of
death, nor torture, has power to move hin1 one hair's-breadth
from what he holds to be right, and notes also how, in his
unswerving rectitude, he will keep to his word, even though
that word has been given to the infidel, and though the in-
fidel are far from keeping a reciprocal faith. Then, in more
peaceful times, in the ordinary course of justice, he shows the
king's determination that right shall be done, with no respect
eOf persons, between man and man, and as between monarch
and subject, and his passionate desire for a pure adminis-
tration. And when, finally, St. Lewis is canonised-when
Rome sets its seal and mark upon him for all time-then the
loyal, loving servant seems to utter a kind of Nunc dimittis.
Joinville feels that he himself may now depart in peace.
Not that there is any Bos,vellism about him. All that St.
I J oinville is here quite lyrical. He brings to mind Sir Richard
Vernon's speech on the royal army, in the first part of King Hen1')'
.1 V. :-
" I saw young Harry with his beaver on,
His cuisses on his thighs, gallantly arm'd,
Rise from the ground like feather'd Mercury," etc.
In trod uction
.
.
XXIX
Lewis does Is not of necessity good in J oinville's eyes. The
servant keeps his own judgment quite clear even when judg-
ing of his master's acts, and is unduly swayed neither by love
nor reverence. Thus, when the Abbot of Cluny gives the
king two costly palfreys as a preliminary to a discussion on
certain business matters pending between them, Joinville
does not hesitate to ask the king ,vhether the gift had in-
clined him to listen with greater favour to what the abbot
had to say, and to push home the obvious moral-a moral,
be it said, in view of certain municipal facts, which the
twentieth century might lay to heart with the same advan-
tages as the contemporaries of St. Le\vis.
Again, when some fifteen years after the return from
Palestine, St. Lewis, prematurely old and broken in health,
determines to turn Crusader once again (1270), Joinville not
only refuses to accompany him, but evidently does all he can
to dissuade his master from a policy so disastrous. "I
thought that those committed a mortal sin who advised him
to undertake that journey," says the upright counsellor, who
vIas no parasite; and he thanks God he had no part or lot in
that expedition.
And so too J oinville is not satisfied of the king's " good
manners" in his relations with the queen. The queen, after
being brought to bed of my lady Blanche, journeys by sea
from Jaffa to rejoin the king at Sayette. Joinville goes to
the shore to meet her-there is nothing to show why the king
did not lovingly perform this office himself-and brings her
up to the castle, reporting her arrival to the king, who is in
his chapel. The king knew where J oinville was going, and
has delayed the sermon till his return, and asks whether his
wife and children are in good health. "And I bring these
things to your notice," says J oinville, " because I had been
in his company five years, and never yet had he spoken a
,vord to me about the queen, or about his children-nor to
anyone else, so far as I ever heard. And, so it seems to me,"
adds the good chronicler, "there was some want of good
manners" (mores in the Latin sense, I take it), "in being
thus a stranger to one's wife and children."
To this the reader will, no doubt, be inclined to subscribe.
Indeed, the want of more obviously cordial relations between
the king and queen \vhich may almost be inferred from J oin-
ville's book, affords matter for surprise, seeing who and what
xxx
Introduction
that king and queen both were. For if Lewis was a hero and
a saint, Margaret of Provence, the " falcon-hearted dove" of
Mrs. Hemans' poem, was a heroine, and not all unfit, as men
and women go, for canonisation. When she figures in J oin-
ville's narrative it is as a woman altogether brave and lovable,
and possessing a sense of humour withal. There are few
more striking scenes in history than those in which she
appears as a queen, about to become a mother, her husband
and his host prisoners, the city in which she is, beleaguered
and likely to fall-and kneels before the good old knight,
and asks him to strike off her head or ever she falls into the
enemy's hands; or that second scene, on the day after the
birth of the child-Tristram they called mm for sorrow-
when she summons round her bed those who would basely
surrender the city, and appealing to the babe's weakness and
her own womanhood, seeks to inspire them with her own
courage.
One might have thought, primâ facie, that there would be
some record of the meeting between king and queen after
scenes like these, some written word to show how the queen
greeted the king when he came out of captivity and sore peril,
and how the king acknowledged her proud bearing in ex-
treme danger. But the chronicler, who loved them both, is
silent. And yet he stays to give us the picture of an earlier
time, and not so much earlier, when the relations between
the royal couple had been more loverlike. He tells how
Blanche, the queen-mother, had tyrannised over them, as the
maîtresse-femme, the woman accustomed to authority, will
tyrannise in all stations of life, and how, to secure some
privacy of intercourse, they had arranged a meeting-place on
a hidden stairway, each scuttling back like a rabbit at the
approach of the maternal enemy. And he tells of the
younger woman's passionate appeal-one of those appeals
that are so human that they ring through the ages, like the
appeal of Marie Antoinette to her motherhood-tells how
Margaret lay after child-birth, as all thought dying, and the
king hung over her, and the queen-mother ordered him away,
and the wife cried: "Alas! whether dead or alive, you will
not suffer me to see my lord!" "Whereupon she fainted,
and they thought she was dead, and the king, who thought
she was dying, came back." 1
I Should one smile or sigh? The same Margaret, in after years, tried.
Introduction
.
XXXl
It has been conjectured that politics came, to some extent,
between the king and queen, and that the king wished to be
unfettered by her influence in state affairs. l For Margaret
was no lay-figure. She played a not unimportant part in the
vvorld's affairs. Failing the arbitration of Lewis himself,
Henry III. and the English barons agreed to refer their
differences to her. That arbitration proving abortive, she
sided throughout and very actively with Henry, whose wife
Eleanor was her younger sister. All her life long she passion-
ately maintained her claims on Provence as against the king's
brother. Possibly, therefore, St. Lewis may, while agreeing
to allow her a certain independence of action, have preferred
to remain outside the sphere of her activities. One cannot
tell. The heart-relations between two human beings are
always difficult to unravel-often too tangled to be unravel1ed
even by the two persons most interested. At the same time,
as I said, one cannot but agree with J oinville, that the king's
" good manners" in relation to the queen are somewhat open
to question. For myself I confess that I should have thought
it better" manners," if, when the ship struck on the sand-
bank, and death seemed imminent, he had gone to encourage
his wife and children, instead of prostrating himself" cross-
wise, on the deck of the vessel . . . before the body of our
Lord."
To a man of St. Lewis's temperament, the cloister must
have offered attractions wellnigh irresistible; and it is re-
corded that, on one occasion at least, he expressed a deter-
mination to seek its retirement, when the queen effectually
combated his resolution by silently fetching his children, and
placing them before him. Had such monkish ideals any-
thing to do with his attitude towards his wife? Had he a
kind of feeling that marriage acted as a restraint, not cer-
tainly on his passions, but on his piety? Was he swayed, in
marriage, voluntarily or invoiuntarily, towards the celibate
life? I scarcely think so. For the man, with all his religious
fervour, was essentially sane of heart and head. His etlùcs
to exercise her Ïnßuence most unduly over her own son Philip, and in-
duced him to swear that he would remain subject to her authority till
be had attained the age of thirty-with other like stipulations. See
p. 422, Revue des Questions Historiques, 1867. Vol. III.
1 See the extreInely interesting article entitled J.llarguerite de Provence,
son caf'actère, son rôle politiqu" in the Revue des Questions Historiques,
Vol. III., 1867, pp. 417-458.
XXXII
Introduction
were those of a saint, but they were also those of a supremely
honest and upright man. N or was he in the least priest-
ridden. When the assembled bishops of France came to
him, and proposed a course which his own conscience did not
approve, he unhesitatingly refused to acquiesce, and give
them powers they might misuse. He offers the example,
rare at all times, and under every form of governmnet,
whether monarchic, aristocratic, or democratic, of a ruler
bent en ruling according to the moral law alone.
With such a guiding spirit, with pure religious zeal and
honesty at the helm, there can be no question as to the
aims and objects of the Crusade, nor any necessity, or
indeed excuse, for such a disquisition as that with which I
introduced Villehardouin's chronicle. Dandolo, Montferrat,
Baldwin, even Henry, nearly all the leading actors on Ville-
hardouin's stage, may have been s\vayed this \vay and that,
by motives not all avowabIe. St. Lewis had but one motive,
and that open as the day, from the time when, in his sore
sickness, and being then some thirty years of age (1244), he
vowed to take the cross. Broadly, the condition of affairs in
the Holy Land remained at that date pretty much what
they had been when Montferrat's host embarked at Venice
forty-two years before (1202). True, the intervening years
had been crowded with action. Apart from the constantly-
recurring local episodes of battle and siege, bloodshed and
famine, and slaughter, there had been a de
cent into Egypt,
with siege and sack of Damietta (1219), and a disastrous
advance on Cairo, an expedition curiously similar in its in-
cidents to that which St. Lewis was about to undertake.
There had been the expedition to the Holy Land of the bril-
liant and cultured Frederick II. of Germany, who by treaty
had obtained possession of Jerusalem (1229)-curiously
enough he \vas at the time under ban of excommunication-
and had been crowned there as king. There had been, also for
a time, a recrudescence of Christian power and influence. But
this had passed away. The tide had set against the West
and against the Cross. A few strongholds on the shore of
Judæa alone remained in Frank hands. As in 1202, so in
1248, when St. Lewis sailed from Aigues-Mortes, the task of
reconquering Jerusalem still remained to be accomplished.
That was the task to which St. Lewis set himself with all
singleness of heart and aim,-and he failed. His general-
Introduction
.
XXXIII
ship was clearly not on a level with his personal courage or
self-devotion. Jerusalem had finally passed into Moslem
hands. But the man himself, the story of him, the record of
his loving follower and friend-these live for all time.
As to Joinville's style, why, I fear I have done him some
wrong in speaking of his age and garrulity. No doubt he was
eighty-five when he finished his book, and like most old men,
he liked to hear himself talk. But those whom the gods
love die young, and they die young not because their span of
life is short: but because they carry into extreme age, nay to
the very grave itself, the fresh youth of their spirit. And, in
this sense, J oinville was young at four score years and five.
Wi th all his garrulity, his readiness to turn aside and be be-
guiled from the forward path by incident or episode, his love
for going over the past lingeringly-with all this, his outlook
is as keen, as full of interest, as blithe, as the outlook of a boy.
Re sees clearly, he describes well, and his touch is light
and bright-not perhaps, to speak with perfect accuracy, the
touch of a writer in the French tradition, because the French
tradition was scarcely formed, but of a writer who occupies
his due place in the formation of that tradition. Here again
" the style is the man himself."
" And what good came of it at last? " the reader may per-
haps be tempted to ask, like the little Peterkin of Southey's
verse. What advantage has the world reaped from the seed
sown by the Crusades? Has anything commensurate been
gained by the blood spilt in that great contest between the
West and East? Did the good in it all, contemporary and
prospective, outweigh the evil? As to this the judgments of
posterity have been very varied. The eighteenth century,
which was an age of not very profound reason, and possessed
but little of the historic sense, regarded the whole movement
mainly as an outbreak of fanaticism. The nineteenth cen-
tury, the present century, with their deeper feeling for the
complexities of human life, are more tolerant. Here, for
instance, is what that sober historian, Bishop Stubbs, says:
"The Crusades are not, in my mind, either the popular
delusions that our cheap literature has determined them to
be, nor papal conspiracies against kings and peoples, as they
appear to the Protestant controversialist, nor the savage out-
breaks of expiring barbarism thirsting for blood and plunder,
B 333
.
XXXIV
Introduction
nor volcanic explosions of religious intolerance. I believe
them to have been, in their deep sources, and in the minds of
their best champions, and in the main tendency of their
results, capable of ample justification. They were the first
great effort of mediæval life to go beyond the pursuit of
selfish and isolated ambitions; they were the trial-feat of the
young world, essaying to use, to the glory of God and the
benefit of man, the arms of its new knighthood. That they
failed in their direct object is only what may be alleged
against almost, every design which the Great Disposer of
events has moulded to help the world's progress; for the
world has grown wise by the experience of failure, ra ther
than by the winnings of high aims. That the good they did
was largely leavened with evil may be said of every war that
has ever been waged; that bad men rose by them while good
men fell, is and must be true wherever and whenever the
race is to the swift and the battle to the strong. But that,
in the end, they were a benefit to the world no one who reads
can doubt; and that in their course they brought out a love
for all that is heroic in human nature-the love of freedom, the
honour of prowess, sympathy with sorrow, perseverance to
the last, and patient endurance without hope-the chronicles
of the age abundantly prove; proving, moreover, that it
was by the experience of those times that the former of those
virtues were realised, and presented to posterity. . .. The
history of the Crusades has always had for me an interest that
quite rivals all the interest I could take in the history of the
Greeks and Romans." 1 These are wise and sober words, and
I quote them, partly because they carry weight, as coming
from such an authority as Bishop Stubbs, and partly because
they will, I think, provide the reader, as it were, with an
atmosphere in which to study these fine old Chronicles of
Villehardouin and J oinville.
EXISTING TRANSLATIONS AND GENERAL OBSERVATIONS
IT is scarcely necessary that I should enter here into a dis-
quisition on the l\fSS. of Villehardouin and J oinville, and the
various French editions of their chronicles. Suffice it to
say, that with regard to Villehardouin I have used, for the
1 Seventeen Lectures on the study of M ediæval and )J:fodern History, etc..
by William Stub
s. Oxford, 1874, pp. 1?7- I 5 8 .
Introduction
.
xxxv
present translation, the learned and admirable editions of
M. Natalis de Wailly 1 and the equally excellent edition of
Th1. Emile Bouchet. 2 Both these editions contain an excel-
lent text-that of l\{. de 'VVailly containing also notes of the
various readings in the leading MSS., while
L Bouchet's
second volume embraces an elaborate and very valuable dis..
sertation on the Crusade. With regard to J oinville, I have
similarly used the edition of M. Natalis de Wailly, which is
similar in form and character and excellence to that of his
V illehardouin. 3
As to English versions, a word more is necessary. Ville-
hardouin's book has only, so far as I know, been once trans-
lated into English, and that was by a certain T. Smith, not
otherwise known to me, whose version was published in 1829,
by Pickering. 4 The book is comparatively rare, so that I
think I may assume to be the first to place Villehardouin's
Chronicle before the English reader in a popular form. T.
Smith, whoever he may have been, was a scholar, and his
work, subject to a slight criticism I shall have to make here-
after, was well done.
J oinville's Chronicle has, so far as I know, been translated
three times. It was translated, in the early part of last
century, by JaImes of Hafod. ó Now Johnes of Hafod,
though not an inspired translator, is a translator by no means
to be despised. His version of Froissart has not the six-
teenth-century charm, the old-world power and picturesque-
ness of Lord Berner's version, published in 1523-25; it is
perforce less near to Froissart in language and spirit; but still
1 GeoO,yoi de V illehardouin, Conqutte de Constantinople, avec la Con-
tinuation de Henri de V alencien'
es, texte origi,
al, accompagné d' une
traduction, par M. Natalis de Wailly, IYlembrc de l'Institut. Seconde
Edition, Paris, 1874.
2 GeoOroi de V illehardouin. La Conqu
te de ConstantinoPle. T extc
et t1'aduction nouvelle, avec notes, notice, et glossaire, two vols. Paris, 18 9 1 .
8 Jean, Sire de J oinville. Histoire de Saint Louis, C1'edo, et Lettre à
Louis X. T exte original accompagné d' une traduction, par M. N atalis
de \VaiHy, Membre de l'Institut. Paris, 1874. The Credo and Letter
to Louis X. I have not translated, They are beautiful in their own
way, but scarcely of general interest.
Th
Chronicle of GeoOry de V illehardouin, Marshal 01 Champagne
and Routnania, concerning the conquest 01 ConstantinoPle by the P,ench
and Venetians, anno MCCIV., translated by T. Smith. London
William Pickering, 182 9. '
6 Memoirs of John, Lord de J oinville, Grand M areschal 01 Champagne
written by bimself,
tc.. the whole translated by Thomas] ohnes, at th
Hafod Press of J ames Henderson, 1807.
.
XXXVI
Introduction
it is a good translation. When, however, he came to deal
with J oinville, he was seriously handicapped. For the French
version, on which he relied,! was that of Du Cange, published
in 1668, which itself was founded on an earlier version, that of
Ménard-Du Cange expressly regretting that he had had
access to no MSS., and observing, \vith perfect candour, that
he " finds a difficulty in believing that the Sire de J oinville
had written in such polished language" as that which
Ménard attributes to him. In other words J ohnes' trans-
lation-which is that adopted in Bohn's series-is based on
an edited and corrupt translation into modem French, and
has, strictly, scant historical value.
For the translations published by James Hutton 2 in 1868, .
and Ethel Wedgwood 3 in 1906, I have no desire to speak with
anything but civility. Both, however, possess what I cannot
but regard as a defect, viz., that they do not reproduce J oin-
ville's book as he wrote it. In both there is abridgment, and,
in Miss Wedgwood's book at least, rearrangement. No\v I
am not denying that for " editing" of this kind there is, in
J oinville's case, considerable excuse. J oinville, as I have
already said, was garrulous; he dicta ted largely, freely,
probably at intervals, as a great lord would; he divided his
book into two parts, dealing, one, with the king's religious
life and the other with the king's secular life-a division that
even in more practised literary hands would have involved
repetition, and he repeats himself without scruple. He had
clearly never studied the art of composition in any polite
academy. The most ordinary magazine writer of to-day
could put him up to certain " tricks of the trade" of which
he knew nothing. But-and here is the real point-all this
garrulity, literary nonchalance, naiveté, simplicity, absence
of the author's pose-all this goes to make up the real J oin-
ville, who was an old man with a boy's heart, and a grand
seigneur, and a gentleman, and a Christian, and a very fine
1 Though a far better version, for this purpose, was even then avail-
able viz. the version, founded on
ISS. texts, published by Capperon-
nier' in ;7610 Anyone comparing the first parts, for instance, of
J oh
es' translation with that here Plfblished will see how seriously the
original J oinv
e h.as been played with. . ..
i Saint Lew
s, K
ng 01 France, by the SIre de J olnvllle, translated by
James Hutton. Sampson Low, Marston and Co. The sixth edition
published in 1892 is before me.
a The 1.11 emoirs oj the Lord of J o'inville, a new English version, by
Ethel Wedgwood, 1906. John
llU"ray.
Introduction
.
XXXVII
fe!tow. Even apart from the strict historical respect for a
text, we lose by trying to improve upon the work of a man
of this individuality and force. So I make no apology, nay,
I claim credit, for presenting J oinville's Chronicle to the
English reader, for the first time, as J oinvil1e dictated it,! so far
as the differences between the English and French languages
will allow.
And this brings me to the question of translation. Now
the translator, I take it, should endeavour to place himself,
as it were, inside the author's mind, and reproduce the
author's work in the same fonn which the author himself
would use if he were writing in the language of the transla-
tion. But when the translator attempts to carry out this
principle in dealing with such works as the chronicles of
Villehardouin or J oinville, he is at once confronted with a
great difficulty. Villehardouin writes at the beginning of
the thirteenth century, and J oinville a t the beginning of
the fourteenth, and to translate their old French into the
language spoken in these islands circa 1209 and 1309, would
-even if I could claim the ability for such a task, and this I
am far indeed from doing-be a work of at least doubtful
utility. The English reader of to-day would thank me very
little for plunging him into a vernacular very much more
archaic than that of Chaucer. (Canterbury Tales circa 1383.)
What, then, is the alternative? To frankly adopt the quite
modern English in use among our contemporaries?
I do not think so. But in order to explain why I think
otherwise, it will be necessary to go somewhat farther afield,
and make an excursus into a question of literary æsthetics.
Why do we read such books as the chronicles in question?
For the facts recorded? Certainly, in a measure. Both
Villehardouin and J oinville were eye and ear witnesses of
much that they recorded, and in a general history of the
1 This, however, must be said with just a little qualification. Scribes
in the days anterior to printing, and editors in the days after printing
was invented, have rejuvenated and restored J oinvil1e's text much as
a succession of over-zealous rectors have dealt with some of our old
parish churches. The first MSS. of the Chronicles, made at J oinville's
own dictation, cannot be found. The earliest 1\1SS. that can be found
are not contemporary, and have been clearly doctored, so far as the
language is concerned. The text on which the present translation is
based is that of M. de Wailly, itself based on a careful comparison
of the available sources. As regards all this question of 1\ISS. and
editions, I cannot do better than refer to the elaborate introduction to
his edition of the Chronicle.
XXXVIII
Introduction
great events they helped to fashion, they have a claim to be
heard and consider
d. But they did not know all that took
place. No contemporary ever kno\vs that. He sees what
he sees, the strand, more or less slender, that he holds in his
own hand, or that comes within his purview-not the other
strands that the future will gather together and fashion into
the great fabric of history. Villehardouin and Joinville
were, in a sense, only the special war correspondents-
though specially well-informed no doubt-of their own time.
If we want a full account of the attack on the Greek empire,
or St. Lewis's Crusade, and want no more, we shall do better
to go to one of the histories in which the whole story has been
quintessentiated from all the chronicles and contemporary
records.
Why, then, again, do we read such books as those of Ville-
hardouin and Joinville? Partly, as I have said, for the
facts, but much more for the spirit. These books take us
back, and take us back delightfully, among" old forgotten
far-off things;" and they take us back, not as a history,
however graphic, takes us back, consciously, by effort, with
inevitable modem sidelights, to-day perforce throwing some
of its gleams and shado\vs back upon yesterday-but simply,
naturally, by placing us in the company of the men who
lived of old time, and enabling us, for the nonce, to see with
their eyes and hear with their ears. The very imperfection
of those older writers has a charm. They repeat the same
forms of expression freely. Their vocabulary is simple, often
to monotony. Of adjectives they possess but a small pro-
vision. The literary tricks now performed quite freely by
any tyro in journalism they have not acquired. They are
essentially of their time-a lisping time-but the lisping
time of giants. And to take their speech, their large and
simple utterance, and mould it afresh into the language of
modernity, dispels an illusion, jars us, brings us back too
suddenly, like a diver rashly and over hastily coming out of
the deep sea, into" the light of common day."
Let me briefly illustrate. \Tillehardouin returns from
Venice, and gives an account of his rnission to Thibaut of
Champagne. These are his words, which I translate quite
literally: "So rode Geoffry the 1\Iarshal, day by day, that he
came to Troyes in Champagne, and found his lord, the Count
Thibaut, sick and languishing; and he (Count Thibaut) was
Introduction
.
XXXIX
greatly rejoiced at his coming. And when he (Geoffry) told
him the news how they had fared, he was so rejoiced that he
said he would mount horse, which he had not done of a long
time; and he arose and rode forth. Alas! how great the
pity 1 For never more did he mount horse, save that once."
Now this is how T. Smith, for whom, I repeat, I have every
respect, translates the passage into the English of his genera-
tion: "GeofIry the 1farshal continued his journey until he
arrived at Troyes in Champagne, where he found his lord,
Count Thibaut sick and dispirited, but notwithstanding
greatly rejoiced at his return. And when the count under-
stood the good success of his embassy, he ,vas so elated that
he called for his horse to ride forth which for a long time past
he had not done. He arose from his bed and mounted his
horse for the last time." Here we have, no doubt, the sub-
stance. - T. Smith tells us, practically, what Villehardouin
tells us. But he gives us no more than dry bones. The soul,
the thirteenth-century spirit, the feudatory's burst of sorrow
over his beloved feudal lord, the predestined chief of a great
expedition in which they ,vere both to take part, the stern
soldier's "Alas! "-for the" great pity" of it-all this has
vanished. Weare not with Villehardouin in the thirteenth
century at all. Weare, a very different thing for the present
purpose, in the year 1829.
So the alternative is, unless I greatly deceive myself, a
version that shall follow the old French idiom as closely as
possible ,vithout ceasing to be genuinely English, and the use,
in that version, of turns of speech, and a vocabulary, that
are either archaic, or suggest archaism, and that in any case
seek to avoid a too modem ring.
Whereupon I imagine that some
" Brisk little somebody,
Critic and whippersnapper, in a rage
To set things right,"-
such an one as animadverted on Balaustion's recitation-will
object, " such language as you suggest was not in use during
the thirteenth or fourteenth centuries, nor has it ever been in
use since. It is Wardour Street English "-that was, if I
remember right, the term applied to vVilliam Morris's prose
romances,-" it is a sham, or at best a convention."
A sham-no. There is not any pretence about it. A con-
vention-yes. But then how essentially convention underlies
xl
Introduction
all artl We say of Shakespeare that he is natural. And so
he is, if you will accept the convention that human beings
speak in blank verse, and possess the imperial sway over
language that he, the great word-monarch, attributes to his
characters. Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper, now fading on
the old wall in Milan, touches the highest truth, the supreme
of nature, in the faces and forms of Christ and the Apostles.
But is it to be supposed that our Lord and His Apostles sat
at their meal in that superb rhythmic order, which is almost
suggestive of music? Did they even sit with as much
arrangement as in M. Dagnan-Bouveret's fine picture of the
same subject? If we possessed a photograph of the scene, as
it actually took place in the upper chamber at Jerusalem,
that photograph would have inestimable value historically
and, maybe, devotionally. But its artistic value would
probably be none at all. Or take again another art: M.
Coquelin is, to my mind, the most" natural II great actor
living. But M. Coquelin, quite obviously, would not speak
off the stage as he does on the stage-he would not speak so
loud, nor with the same elaborateness of elocution; nor
would his gestures possess the same point and emphasis. As
an actor he adopts perforce the stage conventions, and suc-
ceeds, not because he is really natural-which would entail
failure-but because he produces the illusion of nature.
And so I contend that the translator of such old chronicles
as those of Villehardouin and J oinville should aim at produc-
ing, in a similar way, an illusion of the past. He should
place his readers in a congenial atmosphere-a conventional
atmosphere, if you like, but one in which, if his work has been
well done, there is nothing to jar and distract-no obtrusion
of the winds and zephyrs, nay, possibly the fogs and miasma,
of to-day.
While if precedents be wanted, are they not to hand?
Rightly understood, is not Spenser's Shepherd's Calendar
a series of poems in which the poet has reproduced, not the
past, but its simulacrum 7 Kingsley's admirable Greek
Heroes come exactly within my meaning. 1 So do William
Morris's prose romances, and very large portions of his verse.
1 It is interesting from the point of view under discussion to compare
Kingsley's book with Hawthorne's Tanglewood Tales. Hawthorne was
a man of genius, no doubt, but the modem note injures his book. It
.will not stand beside Kingsley's.
Introduction
xli
So does Lady Gregory's Cuchulain of Muirthemne. So, to
pass to another literature, does Balzac's Contes Drolatiques,
very foolishly attacked, from the linguistic side, by certain
pedants of his generation. Nay, Esmond itself-fully as
Thackeray, by study, by the character of his own genius, had
identified himself with the days of Queen Anne, so that he
was all but the contemporary of Addison, and Steele, and
Swift-are there not parts of Esmond itself when the modern
speaks a speech that is not really that of the Augustinian age,
but only-l am far from complaining-give us its illusion?
Or, going further still, that monument of the English tongue,
the authorised version of the Bible-let every Englishman
salute at the mention of it I-does it represent the language
as spoken and written in Great Britain when James I. was
king? No doubt it approaches nearer to that language than
it approaches to ours. But even then, with Tyndale at the
back of it, it had, more or less, an archaic form. It obtained
force and solemnity by being somewhat out of date. It ,vas,
if you like to call it so, written in the English of " Wardour
Street," or of whatever street it was that displayed objects
of doubtful antiquity in King James's London!
But here my precedents are clearly ovenvhelming. Who
am I to stand in such company? And if the reader says',
" Your arguments are sound, your principles cannot be im-
peached, your intentions are excellent, but-your version is
deplorable," I can only reply, " Don't visit my shortcomings
on Villehardouin and J oinville. They are worthy of any
reader's regard."
FRANK T.
IARZIALS.
LONDON, February I9os..
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
GEOFFROY DE VILLEHARDOUIN, b. (uncertain) cir. 1160-1165; d.
(uncertain) cir. 1212-18.-De la Conqueste de Constantinople par les
Barons François associez aux Venitiens, l'an 1204, first edition, 1585;
ed. with translation into modern French and continuation by Henr
de Valenciennes; by N. de 'Vailly, 1872, 1874; Texte et traduction
nouvelle, by E. Bouchet, 1891.
English Translation.-T. Smith, 1829.
Lile.-A. Debidour, " Les Chroniqueurs," with analysis of his work,
1888, etc. See also editions of N. de Wailly and Bouchet quoted above,
and works quoted in Introduction.
JEAN, SIRE DE J OINVILLE, b. cir. 1224; d. 1317-18.-Credo: A
:!Vlanual of Faith, composed 1250, and revised by author nearly forty
years later; ed. facsimile, 'with translation into modern French,
Mé1anges de la Société des Bibliophiles français, 1837; Mémoires, ou
IIistoire et Chronique du très Chrétien roi Saint-Louis, 1309; first
published edition, 1547.
The other extant work is a letter from the historian to Louis X., 1315.
Works.-Ed. F. Michel, 1859; by N. de Wailly, with translation
into modem French, 1874.
English. Translation 01 lIf emoirs.-By J ohnes, 1807, reproduced in
Bohn's Antiquarian Library; by J. Hutton, 1868; by Ethel \Vedg-
wood, 1906.
L1
/e.-A. F. Didot, " Etudes sur la vie et les travaux de Jean, Sieur
de J oinville, 1870; A. Debidour, "Les Chroniqueurs," with analysis
of his l'vIémoires, 1888, etc; H. F. Delaborde, 1894-
There are cheap editions in French of both Villehardouin and
Join ville.
MEMOIRS OF THE CRUSADES
VILLEHARDOUIN'S CHRONICLE OF
FOURTH CRUSADE AND THE
QUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE
THE
CON-
THE FIRST PREACHING OF THE CRUSADE 1
BE it known to you that eleven hundred and ninety-seven
years after the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the
time of Innocent Pope of Rome, and Philip King of J....rance,
and Richard King of England, there was in France a holy
man named Fulk of N euilly-which N euilly is between Lagni-
sur-Marne and Paris-and þe was a priest and held the cure
of the village. And this said Fulk began to speak of God
throughout the Isle of France, and the other countries round
about; and you must know that by him the Lord \vrought
many miracles.
Be it known to you further, that the fame of this holy man
so spread, that it reached the Pope of Rome, Innocent; 2 and
the Pope sent to France, and ordered the right worthy man
to preach the cross (the Crusade) by his authority. And
afterwards the Pope sent a cardinal of his, Master Peter of
Capua, who himself had taken the cross, to proclaim the In-
dulgence of which I now tell you, viz., that all who should take
the cross and serve in the host for one year, would be de-
l In these divisions and headings I mainly follow, but not slavishly,
M. N. de \Vailly.
I Elected Pope on the 8th January 1198, at the early age of thirty-
seven, Innocent III. was one of the leading spirits of his time-in every
sense a strong man and great Pope. From the beginning of his ponti-
ficate he turned his thoughts and policy to the recovery of J erusalern.
I. Achille Luchaire has recently published four volumes dealing re-
spectively with Innocent in his relations to Rome and Italy, The
Crusade against the Albigenses, The Papacy and the Empire, The Eastern
Question. Mr. Pirie-Gordon has also just published a volume entitled
Innocent the Great, an Essay on his Life and TÙnes.
T
2
Memoirs of tl1e Crusades
livered from all the sins they had committed, and acknow-
ledged in confession. And because this indulgence was so
great, the hearts of men were much moved, and many took
the cross for the greatness of the pardon.
OF THOSE vrHO TOOK THE CROSS
The other year after that right worthy man Fulk had so
spoken of God, there was held a tourney in Champagne, at a
castle called Ecri, and by God's grace it so happened that
Thibaut, Count of Champagne and Brie, took the cross, and
the Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres likewise; and this was
at the beginning of Advent (28th November 1199). Now
you must know that this Count Thibaut was but a young
man, and not more than twenty-two years of age, and the
Count Lewis not more than t,venty-seven. These two counts
were nephews and cousins-german to the King of France,
and, on the other part, nephews to the King of England.
With these two counts there took the cross two very lúgh
and puissant barons of France, Simon of Montfort,1 and
.... , Renaud of
lontmirail. Great was the fame thereof through-
out the land when these two high and puissant men took the
cross.
In the land of Count Thibaut of Champagne took the cross
Garnier, Bishop of Troyes, Count Walter of Brienne, Geoffry
of J oinville,2 who was seneschal of the land, Robert his
brother, Walter of Vignory, Walter of Montbèliart, Eustace
of Conflans, Guy of Plessis his brother, Henry of Arzillières,
Oger of Saint-Chéron, Villain of Neuilly, Geoffry of Vill
har-
clouin, Marshal of Champagne, Geoffry his nephew, William
of Nully, Walter of Fuligny, Everard of Montigny.,.M
asses
of l'Isle, Macaire of Sainte-Menehould, Miles the Brebant, Guy'
of Chappes, Clerembaud his nephew, Reginald of Dampierre,
J oIm Foisnous, and many other right worthy men whom this
book does not here mention by name.
With Count Lewis took the cross Gervais of Châtel, Hervée
his son, John of Virsin, Oliver of Rochefort, Henry of Mont-
I This was the Simon de Montfort who afterwards ruthlessly crushed
the Albigenses. It was his son who led the barons against Henry III.
defeated the royal army at Lewes, and was killed at Evesham (I2 6 5).
2 Thi
was the father of the J oinville whose Chronicle forms the
second portion of this volume.
Villehardouin's Chronicle
"
"
.reuil, Payen of Orléans, Peter of Bracieux, Hugh his brother,
William of Sains, John of Friaize, vValter of Gaudonville,
Hugh of Cormeray, Geoffry his brother, Hervée of Beauvoir,
Robert of Frouville, Peter his brother, Orri of l'Isle, Robert
of the Quartier, and many more whom this book does not
here mention by name.
In the Isle of France took the cross Nevelon, Bishop of
Soissons, Matthew of Montmorency, Guy the Castellan of
Couey, his nephew, Robert of Ronsoi, Ferri of Yerres, John
his brother, Walter of Saint-Denis, Henry his brother,
William of Aunoi, Robert Manvoisin, Dreux of Cressonsacq,
Bernard of Moreuil, Enguerrand of Boves, Robert his brother,
and many more right worthy men with regard to whose
names this book is here silent.
At the beginning of the following Lent, on the day when
folk are marked with ashes (23rd February 1200), the cross
was taken at Bruges by Count Baldwin of Flanders and
Hainault, and by the Countess Mary his wife, who was sister
to the Count Thibaut of Champagne. Afterwards took the
cross, Henry his brother, Thiem his nephew, who was the son
of Count Philip of Flanders, William the advocate of Béthune,
Conan his brother, John of Nêle Castellan of Bruges,
Reginald of Tnt, Reginald his son, 1vlatthew of Wallincourt,
James of Avesnes, Baldwin of Beauvoir, Hugh of Beaumetz,
Girard of Mancicourt, Odo of Ham, William of Gommegnies,
Dreux of Beaurain, Roger of Marek, Eustace of Sobruic,
Francis of Colemi, Walter of Bousies, Reginald of Mons,
Walter of the Tombes, Bernard of Somergen, and many more
right worthy men in great number, with regard to whom this
book does not speak further.
Afterwards took the cross, Count Hugh of St. Paul. With
him took the cross, Peter of Amiens his nephew, Eustace of
Canteleu, Nicholas of Mailly, Anseau of Cayeaux, Guy of
Houdain, Walter of Nê1e, Peter his brother, and many other
men who are unknown to us.
Directly afterwards took the cross GeofIry of the Perche,
Stephen his brother, Rotrou of Montfort, Ives of la Jaille,
Aimery of Villeroi, Geoffry of Beaumont" and many otheri
whose names I do not know.
4
Memr)irs of the Crusades
THE CRUSADERS SEND SIX ENVOYS TO VENICE
Afterwards the barons held a parliament at Soissons, to
settle when they should start, and whither they should wend.
But they could come to no agreement, because it did not seem
to them that enough people had taken the cross. So during
all that year (1200) no two months passed without assem-
blings in parliament at Compiègne. There met all the counts
and barons who had taken the cross. Many were the opinions
given and considered; but in the end it was agreed that
envoys should be sent, the best that could be found, with full
po"\vers, as if they were the lords in person, to settle such
ma tters as needed settlement.
Of these envoys, Thibaut, Count of Champagne and Brie,
sent two; Bald\vin, Count of Flanders and Hainault, two;
and Lewis, Count of Blois and Chartes, two. The envoys
of the Count Thibaut were Geoffry of Villehardouin, Marshal
of Champagne, and Miles the Brebant; the envoys of Count
Baldwin were Conon of Béthune, and Alard Maquereau, and
the envoys of Count Le\vis were John of Friaise, and Walter
of Gaudonville.
To these six envoys the business in hand was fully com-
mitted, all the barons delivering to them valid charters, with
seals attached, to the effect that they would undertake to
maintain and carry out whatever conventions and agree-
ments the envoys might enter into, in all sea ports, and
whithersoever else the envoys might fare.
Thus were the six envoys despatched, as you have been
told; and they took counsel among themselves, and this was
their conclusion: that in Venice they might expect to find a
greater number of vessels than in any other port. So they
journeyed day by day, till they came thither in the first week
of Lent (February 1201).
THE ENVOYS ARRIVE IN VENICE, AND PROFFER THEIR
REQUEST
The Doge of Venice, whose name was Henry Dandolo,l and
1 That Henry Dandolo was a very old man is certain, but there is
doubt as to his precise age, as also as t
the cause of his 1:>lindness.
According to one account he had been blinded, or all but blInded. by
Villehardouin's Chronicle
5..,
wt.o was very wise and very valiant, did them great honour,
both he and the other folk, and entertained them right will-
ingly, marvelling, however, when the envoys had delivered
their letters, what might be the matter of import that had
brought them to that country. For the letters were letters
of credence only, and declared no more than that the bearers
were to be accredited as if they were the counts in person,
and that the said counts would make good whatever the
six envoys should undertake.
So the Doge replied: "Signors, I have seen your letters;
well do we know that of men uncrowned your lords are the
greatest, and they advise us to put faith in what you tell
us, and that they will maintain whatsoever you undertake.
Now, therefore, speak, and let us know ,vhat is your pleasure."
And the envoys answered: "Sire, we would that you
should assemble your council; and before your council we
will declare the \vishes of our lords; and let this be to-
morrow, if it so pleases you." And the Doge replied asking
for respite till the fourth day, when he would assemble his
council, so that the envoys might state their requirements.
The envoys waited then till the fourth day, as had been
appointed them, and entered the palace, which was passing
rich and beautiful; and found the Doge and his council in a
chamber. There they delivered their message after this
manner: "Sire, we come to thee on the part of the high
barons of France, who have taken the sign of the cross to
avenge the shame done to Jesus Christ, and to reconquer
Jerusalem, if so be that God will suffer it. And because they
know that no people have such great power to help them as
you and your people, therefore we pray you by God that you
take pity on the land oversea, and the shame of Christ, and
use diligence that our lords have ships for transport and
battle."
"And after what manner should we use diligence?"
the Greeks, and in a treacherous manner, when sent, at an earlier date,
on an embassage to Constantinople-whence his bitter hostility to the
Greek Empire. I agree, however, \vith Sir Rennell Rodd that, if this
had been so, Villehardouin would scarcely have refrained from men-
tioning such an act of perfidy on the part of the wicked Greeks. (See
p. 41 of Vol. I. of Sir Rennell Rodd's Princes 01 Achaf
a.) It is hardly
to be imagined that he would keep the matter dark because, if he men-
tioned it, people would think Dandolo acted throughout from motives
of personal vengeance. This would be to regard Villehardouin as a
very astute controversial historian indeed.
6
Memoirs of the Crusades
said the Doge. cc After all manners that you may advise a.nd
propose," rejoined the envoys, "in so far as what you ;>ro-
pose may be within our means." "Certes," said the Doge,
" it is a great thing that your lords require of us, and ,,'ell it
seems that they have in view a high enterprise. We will
give you our answer eight days from to-day. And marvel
not if the term be long, for it is meet that so great a matter
be fully pondered."
CONDITIONS PROPOSED BY THE DOGE
When the term appointed by the Doge was ended, the
envoys returned to the palace. Many were the words then
spoken which I cannot now rehearse. But this was the con-
clusion of that parliament: "Signors," said the Doge, " we
win tell you the conclusions at which we have arrived, if so be
that we can induce our great council and the commons of the
land to allow of them; and you, on your part, must consult
and see if you can accept them and carry them through.
" We will build transports 1 to carry four thousand five
hundred horses, and nine thousand squires, and ships for
four thousand five hundred knights, and t\venty thousand
sergeants of foot. And we will agree also to purvey food for
these horses and people during nine months. This is what
we undertake to do at the least, on condition that you pay
us for each horse four marks, and for each man two marks.
" And the covenants we are now explaining to you, we
undertake to keep, wheresoever we may be, for a year,
reckoning from the day on which we sail from the port of
Venice in the service of God and of Christendom. Now the
sum total of the expenses above named amounts to 85,000
marks.
" And this will we do moreover. For the love of God, we
will add to the fleet fifty armed galleys on condi tion that, so
long as we act in company, of all conquests in land or money,
whether at sea or on dry ground, we shall have the half, and
vou the other half. Now consult together to see if you, on
your parts, can accept and fulfil these covenants."
1 The old French term is Vuissiers, and denotes a kind of vessel,
flat-bottomed, with large ports, specially constructed for the trans-
port of horses. T. Smith translates" palanders," but I don't know
that U palander" conveys any very clear idea to the English reader.
Villehardouin's Chronicle
7
The envoys then departed, and said that they would con-
sul
together and give their answer on the morrow. They
cOIDulted, and talked together that night, and agreed to
acce?t the terms offered. So the next day they appeared'
befoIe the Doge, and said: cc Sire, we are ready to ratify this
coverlant." The Doge thereon said he would speak of the
matter to his people, and, as he found them affected, so would
he let the envoys know the issue.
On the morning of the third day, the Doge, who was very
wise and valiant, assembled his great council, and the
council was of forty men of the wisest that were in the land.
And the Doge, by his wisdom and wit, that were very clear
and very good, brought them to agreement and approval.
Thus he wrought with them; and then with a hundred
others, then two hundred, then a thousand, so that at last
aU consented and approved. Then he assembled well ten
thousand of the people in the chapel of St. Mark, the most
beautiful chapel that there is, and bade them hear a mass of
the Holy Ghost, and pray to God for counsel on the request
and messages that had been addressed to them. And the
people did so right willingly.
CONCLUSION OF THE TREATY, AND RETURN OF THE
ENVOYS
When mass had been said, the Doge desired the envoys to
humbly ask the people to assent to the proposed covenant.
The envoys came into the church. Curiously were they
looked upon by many who had not before had sight of them.
Geoffry of Villehardouin, the Marshal of Champagne, by
will and consent of the other envoys, acted as spokesman
and said unto them: "Lords, the barons of France, most
high and puissant, have sent us to you; and they cry to you
for mercy, that you take pity on Jerusalem, which is in
bondage to the Turks, and that, for God's sake, you help to
avenge the shame of Christ Jesus. And for this end they
have elected to come to you, because they know full well that
there is none other people having so great power on the seas,
as you and your people. And they commanded us to fall at
your feet, and not to rise till you consent to take pity on the
Holy Land which is beyond the seas."
8
Memoirs of the Crusades
Then the six envoys knelt at the feet of the people, weeping
many tears. And the Doge and all the others burst into
tears of pity and compassion, and cried with one voice, and
lifted up their hands, saying: "We consent, we consent! "
Then was there so great a noise and tumult that it seemed as
if the earth itself were falling to pieces.
\ And when this great tumult and passion of pity-greater
\ did never any man see-were appeased, the good Doge of
Venice, who was very wise and valiant, went up into the
reading-desk, and spoke to the people, and said to them:
" Signors, behold the honour that God has done you; for the
best people in the world have set aside all other people, and
chosen you to join them in so high an enterprise as the
deliverance of our Lord! "
All the good and beautiful words that the Doge then spoke,
I cannot repeat to you. But the end of the matter was, that
the covenants were to be made on the following day; and
made they were, and devised accordingly. When they were
concluded, it was notified to the council that we should go to
Babylon (Cairo), because the Turks could better be destroyed
in13abylon than in any other land; but to the folk at large
it was only told that we were bound to go overseas. We
were then in Lent (March 1201), and by St. John's Day, in
the following year-which would be twelve hundred and two
years after the Incarnation of Jesus Christ-the barons and
pilgrims \vere to be in Venice, and the ships ready against
their c0111ing.
When the treaties were duly indited and sealed, they were
brought to the Doge in the grand palace, where had been
assembled the great and the little council. And when the
Doge delivered the treaties to the envoys, he knelt greatly
weeping, and swore on holy relics faithfully to observe the
conditions thereof, and so did all his council, which numbered
fifty-six persons. And the envoys, on their side, swore to
observe the treaties, and in an good faith to maintain their
oaths and the oaths of their lords; and be it known to you
that for great pity many a tear was there shed. And forth-
with \vere messengers sent to Rome, to the Pope Innocent,
that he might confirm this covenant-the which he did right
willingly.
Then did the envoys borrow five thousand marks of silver J
and gave them to the Doge so that the building of the ships
Villehardouin's Chronicle
9
might be begun. And taking leave to return to their own
land, they journeyed day by day till they came to Placentia
in Lombardy. There they parted. Geoffry, the Marshal of
Champagne and Alard ?vlaquereau went straight to France,
and the others went to Genoa and Pisa to learn what help
might there be had for the land oversea.
When GeofIry, the Marshal of Champagne, passed over
Mont Cenis, he came in with Walter of Brienne, going into
Apulia, to conquer the land of his wife, whom he had married
since he took the cross, and who was the daughter of King
Tancred. With him went Walter of Montbéliard, and
Eustace of Conflans, Robert of J oinville, and a great part of
the people of worth in Champagne who had taken the cross.
And when he told them the news how the envoys had fared,
great was their joy, and much did they prize the arrange-
ments made. And they said, " Weare already on our way;
and when you come, you will find us ready." But events
fall out as God wills, and never had they po,ver to join the
host. This was much to our loss; for they were of great
prowess and valiant. And thus they parted, and each went
on his way.
So rode Geoffry the
Iarshal, day by day, that he came
to Troyes in Champagne, and found his lord the Count
Thibaut sick and languishing, and right glad was the count
of his coming. And when he had told the count how he had
fared, the count was so rejoiced that he said he would mount
horse, a thing he had not done of a long time. So he rose
from his bed and rode forth. But alas, how great the pity!
For never again did he bestride horse but that once.
His sickness waxed and grew worse, so that at the last he
made his will and testament, ánd divided the money which
he would have taken with him on pilgrimage among his
followers and companions, of whom he had many that were
very good men and true-no one at that time had more. And
he ordered that each one, on receiving his money, should
swear on holy relics, to join the host at Venice, according
as he had promised. Many there were who kept that oath
badly, and so incurred great blame. The count ordered that
another portion of his treasure should be retained, and taken
to the host, and there expended as might seF -'best.
Thus died the count; and no man in tMis world made a .......
better end. And there were present at that time a very
I 0 Memoirs of the Crusades
great assemblage of men of his lineage and of his vassals 2
But of the mourning and funeral pomp it is unmeet tbat I
should here speak. Never was more honour paid to any man.
And right well that it was so, for never was man of his age
more beloved by his own men, nor by other folk. Buried he
was beside his father in the church of our lord St. Stephen at
Troyes. He left behind him the Countess, his wife, whose
name was Blanche, very fair, very good, the daughter of the
King of Navarre. She had borne him a little daughter, and
was then about to bear a son.
THE CRUSADERS LOOK FOR ANOTHER cmEF
When the Count was buried, Matthew of Montmorency,
Simon of Montfort, Geoffry of J oinville who was seneschal,
and Geo:ffry the Marshal, went to Odo, Duke of Burgundy,
and said to him, " Sire, your cousin is dead. You see what
evil has befallen the land oversea. We pray you by God
that you take the cross, and succour the land oversea in his
stead. And we will cause you to have all his treasure, and
will swear on holy relics, and make the others swear also, to
serve you in all good faith, even as we should have served
him."
Such was his pleasure that he refused. And be it known
to you that he might have done much better. The envoys
charged Geoffry of J oinville to make the self-same offer to
the Count of Bar-Ie-Due, Thibaut, who was cousin to the
dead count, and he refused also.
Very great was the discomfort of the pilgrims, and of all
who were about to go on God's service, at the death of Count
Thibaut of Champagne; and they held a parliament, at the
beginning of the month, at Soissons, to determine what they
should do. There were present Count Baldwin of Flanders
and Hainault, the Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres, the
Count Geoffry of Perche, the Count Hugh of Saint-Paul, and
many other men of ,vorth.
Geoffry the Marshal spake to them and told them of the
offer made to the Duke of Burgundy, and to the Count of
Bar-Ie-Due, and how they had refused it. "My lords,"
said he, " listen, I will advise you of somewhat if you will
Villehardouin's Chronicle
I I
consent thereto. The 1'Iarquis of Montferrat 1 is very worthy
and valiant, and one of the most highly prized of living men.
If you asked him to come here, and take the sign of the cross,
and put himself in place of the Count of Champagne, and you
gave him the lordship of the host, full soon would he accept
. thereof."
. Many were the words spoken for and against; but in the
end all agreed, both small and great. So were letters written,
and envoys chosen, and the marquis was sent for. And he
came, on the day appointed, through Champagne and the
Isle-de-France, where he received much honour, and specially
from the King of France, who was his cousin.
BONIFACE, MARQUIS OF MONTFERRAT, BECOMES CHIEF OF THE
CRUSADE-NEW CRUSADERS-DEATH OF GEOFFRY COUNT
OF PERCHE
So he came to a parliament assembled at Soissol1s; and
the main part of the counts and barons and of the other
Crusaders were there assembled. When they heard that the
marquis was coming, they went out to meet him, and did him
much honour. In the moming the parliament was held in
an orchard belonging to the abbey of our Lady of Soissons.
There they besought the marquis to do as they had desired
of him, and prayed him, for the love of God, to take the cross,
and accept the leadership of the host, and stand in the place
of Thibaut Count of Champagne, and accept of his money
1 Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, was one of the most accomplished
men of the time, and an approved soldier. His little court at lVlont-
ferrat was the resort of artist and troubadour. His family was a family
of Crusaders. The father, William of Montferrat, had gone oversea,
and fought valiantly against the infidel. Boniface's eldest brother,
William of the Long Sword, married a daughter of the titular King of
Jerusalem, and their son became titular king in turn. Another brother..
Conrad, starting for the Holy Land, stopped at Constantinople, and
did there such good service that the Greek emperor gave his sister to
him in marriage; but afterwards, fearing the perfidy of his brother-in-
law, Conrad fled to Syria, and there battled against Saladin. Yet another
brother, Renier, also served in the Greek Empire, married an Emperor's
daughter, and received for guerdon of his deeds the kingdom of Salonica.
Boniface himself had fought valiantly against Saladin, been made
prisoner, and afterwards liberated on exchange. It was no mean and
nameless knight that Villehardouin was proposing as chief to the as-
sembled Crusaders, but a princely noble, the patron of poets, versed in
state affairs, and possessing personal experience of Eastern warfare. 1
extract these details from M. Bouchet's Notice.
I 2 Memoirs of the Crusades
and of his men. And they fell at his feet, with many tears;
and he, on his part, fell at their feet, and said he would do it
right willingly.
Thus did the marquis consent to their prayers, and receive
the lordship of the host. Whereupon the Bishop of Soissons,
and Master Fulk, the holy man, and two white monks whom
the marquis had brought with him from his o'\vn land, led
him into the Church of Notre Dame, and attached the cross
to his shoulder. Thus ended this parliament, and the next
day he took leave to return to his own land and settle his own
affairs-telling them all to settle their own affairs likewise,
for that he would meet them at Venice.
Thence did the marquis go to attend the Chapter at
Qteaux, which is held on Holy Cross Day in September
(14th September 1041). There he found a great number of
abbots, barons and other people of Burgundy; and Master
Fulk went thither to preach the Crusade. And at that place
took the cross Odo the Champenois of Champlitte, and William
his brother, Richard of Dampierre, Odo his brother, Guy of
Pesmes, Edmund his brother, Guy of Conflans, and many
other good men of Burgundy, whose names are not recorded.
Afterwards took the cross the Bishop of Autun, Guignes
Count of Forez, Hugh of Bergi (father and son), Hugh of
Colemi. Further on in Provence took the cross Peter
Bromont, and many others whose names are unknown to us.
Thus did the pilgrims make ready in all lands. Alas! a
great mischance befell them in the following Lent (March
1202) before they had started, for the Count Geoffry of
Perche fell sick, and made his will in such fashion that he
directed that Stephen, his brother, should have his goods,
and lead his men in the host. Of this exchange the pilgrims
would willingly have been quit, had God so ordered. Thus
did the count make an end and die; and much evil ensued,
for he was a baron high and honoured, and a good knight.
Greatly ,vas he mourned throughout all his lands.
FIRST STARTING OF THE PILGRIMS FOR VENICE, AND OF
SOME WHO 'VENT NOT THITHER
After Easter and towards Whitsuntide (June 1202) began
the pilgrims to leave their own country. And you must
know that at their departure many were the tears shed for
Villehardouin's Chronicle I 3
pity and sorrow, by their own people and by their friends.
So they journeyed through Burgundy, and by the mountains
of Mont-Joux (? Jura) by Mont Cenis, and through Lom-
bardy, and began to assemble at Venice, where they were
lodged on an island which is called St. Nicholas in the port.
At that time started from Flanders a fleet that carried a
great number of good men-at-arms. Of this fleet were
Captains John ofBêle, Castellan of Bruges, Thiem, who was
the son of Count Philip of Flan.gers, and Nicholas of Mailly.
And these promised Cou nt B aldwin, and swore on holy
relics, that they would go through the straits of Morocco,
and join themselves to him, and to the host of Venice, at
whatsoever place they might hear that the count was faring.
And for this reason the Count of Flanders and Henry his
brother had confided to them certain ships loaded with
cloth and food and other wares.
Very fair was this fleet, and rich, and great was the reliance
that the Count of Flanders and the pilgrims placed upon it,
because very many of their good sergeants were journeying
therein. But ill did these keep the faith they had sworn to
the count, they and others like them, because they and such
others of the same sort became fearful of the great perils
that the host of Venice had undertaken.
1'hus did the
ishop of .A.utun fail us, and CiEignes the
Count of Forez, and Peter Bromont, and many people
besides, who were greatly blamed therein; and of little
worth were the exploits they performed there where they did
go. And of the French failed us Bernard of Moreuil, Hugh
01 Chaumont, Henry of Araines, John of Villers, Walter of
Saint-Denis, Hugh his brother, and many others, who
avoided the passage to Venice because of the danger, and
went instead to Marseilles-whereof they received shame,
and much were they blamed-and great \vere the mishaps
that afterwards befell them.
OF THE PILGRIMS WHO CAME TO VENICE, AND OF
THOSE WHO WENT TO APULIA
Now let us for this present speak of them no further, but
speak of the pilgrims, of whom a great part had already come
to Venice. Count Baldwin of Flanders had already arrived
there, and many o4-hers, and thither were tidings brought to
14 Memoirs of the Crusades
them that many of the pilgrims were travelling by other
ways, and from other ports. This troubled them greatly,
because they would thus be unable to fulfil the promise made
to the Venetians, and find the moneys that were due.
So they took counsel together, and agreed to send good
envoys to meet the pilgrims, and to meet Count Lewis of
Blois and Chartres, who had not yet arrived, and to put them
in good heart, and beseech them to have pity of the Holy
Land beyond the sea, and show them that no other passage,
save that from Venice, could be of profit.
For this embassage they made choice of Count Hugh of
Saint-Paul and Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne, and
these rode till they came to Pavia in Lombardy. There they
found Count Lewis with a great many knights and men of
note and worth; and by encouragements and prayers pre-
vailed on many to proceed to Venice who would otherwise
have fared from other ports, and by other ways.
Nevertheless from Placentia many men of note proceeded
by other ways to Apulia. Among them were Villain of
N euilly, who was one of the best knights in the world, Henry
of Arzillières, Renaud of Dampierre, Henry of Longchamp,
and Giles of Trasegnies, liegeman to Count Baldwin of
Flanders and Hainault, who had given him, out of his
own purse, five hundred livres to accompany him on this
journey. With these went a great company of knights and
sergeants, whose names are not recorded.
Thus was the host of those who went by Venice greatly
weakened; and much evil befell them therefrom, as you shall
shortly hear.
THE PILGRIMS LACK MONEY WHEREWITH TO PAY
THE VENETIANS
Thus did Count Lewis and the other barons wend their
way to Venice; and they were there received with fcasting
and joyfully, and took lodging in the Island of St. Nicholas
with those who had come before. Goodly was the host,
and right worthy were the men. Never did man see goodlier
or worthier. And the Venetians held a market, ri'ch and
abundant, of all things needful for horses and men. And the
fleet they had got ready was so goodly and fine that never
did Christian man see one goodlier or fi:t}er; as well galleys
Villehardouin's Chronicle 15
as transports, and sufficient for at least three times as many
men as \vere in the host.
Ah! the grievous harm and loss when those who should
have come thither sailed instead from other ports! Right
well, if they had kept their tryst, would Christendom have
been exalted, and the land of the Turks abased! The Vene-
tians had fulfilled all their undertakings, and above measure,
and they now summoned the barons and counts to fulfil
theirs and make payment, since they \vere ready to start.
The cost of each man's passage was now levied throughout
the host; and there were people enough who said they could
not pay for their passage, and the barons took from them
such moneys as they had. So each man paid what he could.
When the barons had thus claimed the cost of the passages,
and when the payments had been collected, the moneys
came to less than the sum due-yea, by more than one half.
Then the barons met together and said: "Lords, the
Venetians have well fulfilled all their undertakings, and
above measure. But we cannot fulfil ours in paying for our
passages, seeing we are too few in number; and this is the
fault of those who have journeyed by other ports. For God's
sake therefore let each contribute all that he has, so that \ve
may fulfil our covenant; for better is it that we should give
all that we have, than lose what we have already paid, and
prove false to our covenants; for if this host remains here,
the rescue of the land oversea comes to naught."
Great was then the dissension among the main part of the
barons and the other folk, and they said: "We have paid
for our passages, and if they will take us, we shall go willingly;
but if not, we shall inquire and look for other means of
passage." And they spoke thus because they wished that
the host should fall to pieces and each return to his own land.
But the other party said, " Much rather would we give all
that we have and go penniless with the host, than that the
host should fall to pieces and fail; for God '\\ill doubtless
repay us when it so pleases Him."
Then the Count of Flanders began to give all that he had
and all that he could borrow, and so did Count Lewis, and
the !vlarquis, and the Count of Saint-Paul, and those who
were of their party. Then might you have seen many a fine
vessel of gold and silver borne in payment to the palace of
the Doge. And when all had been brought together, there
I 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
was still wanting, of the sum required, 34,000 marks of
silver. Then those who had kept back their possessions and
not brought them into the common stock, were right glad,
for they thought now surely the host must fail and go to
pieces. But God, who advises those who have been ill-
advised, would not so suffer it.
THE CRUSADERS OBTAIN A RESPITE BY PRO
IISING TO
HELP THE VENETIANS AGAINST ZARA
Then the Doge spoke to his people, and said unto them:
" Signors, these people cannot pay more; and in so far as
they have paid at all, we have benefited by an agreement
which they cannot no,v fulfil. But our right to keep this
money would not everywhere be acknowledged; and if we
so kept it we should be greatly blamed, both us and our land.
Let us therefore offer them terms.
"The King of Hungary has taken from us Zara in
Sclavonia, which is one of the strongest places in the world;
and never shall we recover it with all the power that we
possess, save with the help of these people. Let us therefore
ask them to help us to reconquer it, and '\ve will remit the
payment of the debt of 34,000 marks of silver, until such
time as it shall please God to allow us to gain the moneys
by conquest, ,ve and they together." Thus was agreement
made. Much was it contested by those who wished that the
host should be broken up. Nevertheless the agreement was
accepted and ratified.
THE DOGE AND A NUMBER OF VENETIANS TAKE
THE CROSS
Then, on a Sunday, was assemblage held in the Church of
St.
lark. It was a very high festival, and the people of the
land were there, and the most part of the barons and pilgrims.
Before the beginning of High Mass, the Doge of Venice,
who bore the name of Henry Dandolo, went up into the
reading-desk, and spoke to the people, and said to them:
" Signors, you are associated with the most worthy people in
the \vorld, and for the highest enterprise ever undertaken;
and I am a man old and feeble, who should have need of rest,
and I am sick in body; but I see that no one could command
Villel1ardouin's Chronicle 17
and lead you like myself, who am your lord. If you will
consent that I take the sign of the cross to guard and direct
you, and that my son remain in my place to guard the land,
then shall I go to live or die with you and with the pilgrims."
And vlhen they had heard him, they cried with one voice:
cc We pray you by God that you consent, and do it, and that
you come with us! "
Very great was then the pity and compassion on the part
of the people of the land and of the pilgrims; and many were
the tears shed, because that worthy and good man would
have had so much reason to remain behind, for he was an old
man, and albeit his eyes were unclouded, yet he saw naught,
having lost his sight through a wound in the head. He was
of a great heart. Ah! how little like him ,vere those who
had gone to other ports to escape the danger.
Thus he canle down from the reading-desk, and ,vent
before the altar, and knelt upon his knees greatly weeping.
And they sewed the cross on to a great cotton hat, which he
wore, in front, because he wished that all men should see it.
And the Venetians began to take the cross in great numbers,
a great multitude, for up to that day very few had taken the
cross. Our pilgrims had much joy in the cross that the Doge
took, and were greatly moved, because of the wisdom and
the val our that were in him.
Thus did the Doge take the cross, as you have heard.
Then the Venetians began to deliver the ships, the galleys,
and the transports to the barons, for departure; but so much
time had already been spent since the appointed term, that
September drew near (1202).
MESSAGE OF ALEXIUS, THE SON OF ISAAC, THE DETHRONED
EMPEROR OF CONSTANTINOPLE-
DEATH OF FULK OF
NEUILLY-ARRIVAL OF THE GERMANS
Now give ear to one of the greatest marvels, and most
wonderful adventures that you have ever heard tell of. At
that time there was an emperor in Constantinople, whose
name was Isaac, and he had a brother, Alexius by name, whom
he had ransomed from captivity among the Turks. This
Alexius took his brother the emperor, tore the eyes out
of his head, and made himself emperor by the aforesaid
18 Memoirs of the Crusades
treachery. He kept Isaac a long time in prison, together
with a son whose name was Alexius. This son escaped from
prison, and fled in a ship to a city on the sea, which is called
Ancona. Thence he departed to go to King Philip of Ger-
many, who had his sister for wife; and he came to Verona in
Lombardy, and lodged in the town, and found there a number
of piJgrims and other people "rho were on their way to join
the host.
And those who had helped him to escape, and were with
him, said: "Sire, here is an army in Venice, quite near to us,
the best and most valiant people and knights that are in the
world, and they are going oversea. Cry to them therefore
for mercy, that they have pity on thee and on thy father, who
have been so wrongfully dispossessed. And if they be
willing to help thee, thou shalt be guided by them. Per-
chance they will take pity on thy estate." And Alexius said
he would do this right willingly, and that the advice was good.
Thus he appointed envoys, and sent them to the Marquis
Boniface of Montferrat, who was chief of the host, and to the
other barons. And when the barons saw them, they mar-
velled grea tly, and said to the envoys: ""V e understand
right well what you tell us. We will send an envoy with the
prince to King Philip, whither he is going. If the prince
will help to recover the land oversea, we will help him to re-
cover his own land, for we know that it has been wrested from
him and from his father wrongfully." So were envoys sent
into Germany, both to the heir of Constantinople and to
King Philip of Germany.
Before this happened, of wruch I have just told you, there
came news to the host which greatly saddened the barons and
the other folk, viz., that Fulk, the good man, the holy man,
who first preached the Crusade, had made an end and was
dead.
And after this adventure, there came to the host a com-
pany of very good and worthy people from the empire of
Germany, of whose arrival they of the host were full fain.
There came the Bishop of Halberstadt, Count Bertrand of
Katzenelenbogen, Garnier of Borland, Thiem of Loos,
Henry of Gnne, Thierri of Diest, Roger of Suitre, Alexander
of Villers, Ulric of Tone, and many other good folk, whose
names are not recorded in this book.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 19
THE CRUSADERS LEAVE VENICE TO BESIEGE ZARA
Then were the ships and transports apportioned by the
barons. Ah, God! what fine war-horses were put therein.
And when the ships were fulfilled with arms and provisions,
and knights and sergeants, the shields \vere ranged round the
bulwarks and castles of the ships, and the banners displayed,
many and fair.
And be it known to you that the vessels carried more than
three hundred petraries and mangonels, and all such engines
as are needed for the taking of cities, in great plenty. Never
did finer fleet sail from any port. And this was in the octave
of the Feast of St. Remigius (October) in the year of the In-
carnation of Jesus Christ twelve hundred and two. Thus
did they sail from the port of Venice, as you have been told.
On the Eve of St. Martin (loth November) they came
before Zara in Sclavonia, and beheld the city enclosed by
high walls and high towers; and vainly \vould you have
sought for a fairer city, or one of greater strength, or richer.
And when the pilgrims saw it, they marvelled greatly, and
said one to another, "How could such a city be taken by
force, save by the help of God himself? "
The first ships that came before the city cast anchor, and
waited for the others; and in the moming the day was very
fine and very clear, and aU the galleys came up with the
transports, and the other ships which were behind; and they
took the port by force, and broke the chain that defended it
and was very strong and well-wrought; and they landed in
such sort that the port \vas between them and the town.
Then might you have seen many a knight and many a ser-
geant swarming out of the ships, and taking from the trans-
ports many a good war-horse, and many a rich tent and
many a pavilion. Thus did the host encamp. And Zara
was besieged on St. Martin's Day (11th November 1202).
At this time all the barons had not yet arrived. Thus the
Marquis of Montferrat had remained behind for some business
that detained him. And Stephen of the PeFche had re-
mained at Venice sick, and Matthew of Montmorency.
When they were healed of their sickness Matthew of l.1:ont-
morency came to rejoin the host at Zara; but Stephen of the
Perche dealt less worthily, for he abandoned the host, and
20 Memoirs of the Crusades
went to sojourn in Apulia. With him went Rotrou of Mont-
fort and Ives of the Jaille, and many others, who were much
blamed therein; and they journeyed to Syria in the follow-
ing spring. 1
THE INHABITANTS OF ZARA OFFER TO CAPITULATE,
AND THEN DRAW BACK-ZARA IS TAKEN
On the day following the feast of St. Martin, certain of the
people of Zara came forth, and spoke to the Doge of Venice,
,vho was in his pavilion, and said to him that they would
yield up the city and all their goods-their lives being
spared-to his mercy. And the Doge replied that he would
not accept these conditions, nor any conditions, save by con-
sent of the counts and barons, with whom he would go and
confer.
While he went to confer with the counts and barons, that
party, of whom you have already heard, who wished to dis-
perse the host, spoke to the envoys and said, " Why should
you surrender your city? The pilgrims will not attack you
-have no care of them. If you can defend yourselves
against the Venetians, you will be safe enough." And they
chose one of themselves, whose name was Robert of Boves,
who went to the walls of the city, and spoke the same words.
Therefore the envoys returned to the city, and the negotia-
tions were broken off.
The Doge of Venice, when he came to the counts and
barons, said to them: "Signors, the people who are therein
desire to yield the city to my mercy, on condition only that
their lives are spared. But I will enter into no agreement
with them-neither this nor any other-save with your con-
sent." And the barons answered: "Sire, we advise you to
accept these conditions, and we even beg of you so to do."
He said he would do so; and they all returned together to
the pavilion of the Doge to make the agreement, and found
that the envoys had gone away by the advice of those who
wished to disperse the host.
Then rose the abbot of Vaux, of the order of the Cister-
cians, and said to them: "Lords, I forbid you, 'on the part
of the Pope of Rome, to attack this city; for those within it
1 Literally, U in the passage of Marc
," i.e. among the pilgrims who
periodically started for the Holy Land In l'rIarch.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 21
are Christians, and you are pilgrims." When the Doge
heard this, he was very wroth, and mu
h disturbed, and he
said to the counts and barons: "Signors, I had this city, by
their own agreement, at my mercy, and your people have
broken that agreementj you have covenanted to help me to
conquer it, and I summon you to do so."
"Thereon the counts and barons all spoke at once, together
with those who were of their party, and said: "Great is the
outrage of those who have caused this agreement to be
broken, and never a day has passed that they have not tried
to break up the host. Now are we shamed if we do not help
to take the city." And they came to the Doge, and said:
" Sire, we \vill help you to take the city in despite of those
who would let and hinder us."
Thus was the decision taken. The next morning the host
encamped before the gates of the city, and set up their
petraries and mangonels, and other engines of war, which
they had in plenty, and on the side of the sea they raised
ladders from the ships. Then they began to throw stones at
the \valls of the city and at the towers. So did the assault
last for about five days. Then were the sappers set to mine
one of the towers, and began to sap the wall. When those
within the city saw this, they proposed an agreement, such
as they had before refused by the advice of those who wished
to break up the host.
THE CRUSADERS ESTABLISH THEMSELVES IN THE CITY-
AFFRAY BETWEEN THE VENETIANS AND THE FRANKS
Thus did the city surrender to the mercy of the Doge, on
condition only that all lives should be spared. Then came
the Doge to the counts and barons, and said to them:
" Signors, we have taken this city by the grace of God, and
your own. It is now winter, and we cannot stir hence till
Eastertide; for we should find no market in any other place;
and this city is very rich, and well furnished with all supplies.
Let us therefore divide it in the midst, and we will take one
half, and you the other."
As he had spoken, so was it done. The Venetians took
the part of the city towards the port, where were the ships,
and the Franks took the other part. There were quarters
22 Memoirs of the Crusades
assigned to each, according as was right and convenient.
And the host raised the camp, and went to lodge in the city.
On the third day after they were all lodged, there befell a
great misadventure in the host, at about the hour of vespers;
for there began a fray, exceeding fell and fierce, between the
Venetians and the Franks, and they ran to arms from all
sides. And the fray was so fierce that there were but few
streets in which battle did not rage with swords and lances
and cross-bows and darts; and many people were killed and
\vounded.
But the Venetians could not abide the combat, and they
( began to suffer great losses. Then the men of mark, who did
not want this
11o ..Þefall, came fully armed into the strife,
and began t5Sepã'rà:te the combatants; and when they had
separated them in one place, they began again in another.
This lasted the better part of the night. Nevertheless with
great labour and endurance at last they were separated.
And be it known to you that this was the greatest misfortune
that ever befell a host, and little did it lack that the host was
not lost utterly. t God uld n suffer it.
Great was the loss on eIther side. There was slain a high
lord of Flanders, whose name was Giles of Landas: he was
struck in the eye, and with that stroke he died in the fray;
and many another of whom less was spoken. The Doge of
Venice and the barons laboured much, during the whole of
that week, to appease the fray, and they laboured so effectu-
ally that peace was made.
or.
ON WHAT CONDITIONS ALEXIUS PROPOSES TO OBTAIN THE
HELP OF THE CRUSADERS FOR THE CONQUEST OF CON-
STANTINOPLE
A fortnight after came to Zara the
Iarquis Boniface of 4
Montferrat, who had not yet joined, and Matthew of Mont-
morency, and Peter of Bracieux, and many another man of .
note. And after another fortnight came also the envoys
from Germany, sent by King Philip and the heir of Con-
itantinople. Then the barons, and the Doge of Venice
assembled in a palace where the Doge was lodged. And the
envoys addressed them and said: "Lords, King Philip sends
us to you, as does also the brother of the king's wife" the. son
of the Emperor of Constantinople.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 23
" , Lords,' says the king, 'I will send you the brother of
my wife; and I Ç91E _!!lit him int
the hand!i\ of God-may He
keep him from death I -an d i nto your hands. And because
you have fared forth for God, and for right, and for justice,
therefore you are bound, in so far as you are able, to restore
to their own inheritance those who have been unrighteously
despoiled. And IIfY wife's brother will make with you the
best terms ever o:ßered tG
aiìy people, and give you the most
puissant help for the recovery of the land oversea.
" , And first, if God grant that you restore him to his in-
heritance, he will place the whole empire of Roumania in
obedience to Rome, fróm which it has long been separated.
Further, he knows that you have spent of your substance, and
that you are poor, and h
will give YOl) 200,000 marks ..of
silver, and food for all those of the host, both small and great.
And he, of his own person, will go with you into the land of
Babylon, or, if you hold that that will be better, send thither
10,000 men, at his own charges. And this service he will
perform for one year. And all the days of his life he will
maintain, at his own charges, five hundred knights in the land
oversea, to guard that land.' "
" Lords, we have full power," said the envoys, " to con=--
elude this agreement, if you are ,villing to conclude it on your
parts. And be it known to you, that so favourable an agree-
ment has never before been offered to anyone; and that he
tha t would refuse it can have blt t small desire of glory and
conquest."
The barons and the Doge said they would talk this over;
and a parliament was called for the morrow. When all were
assembled, the matter was laid before them.
DISCORD AMONG THE CRUSADERS-OF THOSE WHO ACCEPT
THE PROPOSALS OF THE YOUNG ALEXIU
'f
1U
Then arose much debate. The abbot of Vaux, of thF order
of the Cistercians, spoke, and that party that wished for the
dispersal of the host; and they said they would never con-
sent: that it was not to fall on Christians that they had Ie
their homes, and that they would go to Syria.
And the other party replied: "Fair lords, in Syria you will
be able to do nothing; and that you may right well perceive
by considering how those have fared who abandoned us, and
24 Memoirs of the Crusades
sailed from other ports. And be it known to you that it is
only by way of Babylon, or of Greece, that the land oversea
can be recovered, if so be that it ever is recovered. And if
we reject tills covenant we shall be shamed to all time."
There was discord i.n the host, as you hear. Nor need you
be surprised if there was discord among the laymen, for the
white monks of the order of Cîteaux were also at issue
among themselves in the host. The abbot of Loos, who was
a holy man and a man of note, and other abbots who held
with him, prayed and besought the people, for pity's sake,
a nd the sake of God, to ke
p the host together, and agree
to the proposed convention, in that "it aff ord ed the best
means by which the land oversea might be recovered;"
while the abbot of Vaux, on the other hand, and those who
held with him, preached full oft, and declared that all this
was naught, and that the host ought to go to the land of Syria,
and there do what they could.
Then came the Marquis of Montferrat, and Baldwin Count
of Flanders and Hainault, and Count Lewis, and Count Hugh
of St. Paul, and those who held with them, and they de-
clared that they ,vould enter into the proposed covenant, for
that they should be shamed if they refused. So they went
to the Doge's hostel, and the envoys were summoned, and
the covenant, in such terms as you have already heard, was
confirmed by oath, and by charters with seals appended.
And the book tells you that only twelve persons took the
oaths on the side of the Franks, for more (of sufficient note)
could not be found. Among the twelve were first the Mar-
quis of Montferrat, the Count Baldwin of Flanders, the Count
Lewis of Blois and of Chartres, and the Count of St. Paul,
and eight others who held with them. Thus was the agree-
ment made, and the charters ,prepared, and a term fixed for
the arrival of the heir of Constantinople; and the term so
fixed was the fifteenth day
fter the following Easter.
,
OF THOSE WHO SEPARATED THEMSELVES FROM THE HOST TO
GO TO SYRIA, AND OF THE FLEET OF THE COUNT OF
FLANDERS
Thus did the host sojourn at Zara all that winter (1202-
120 3) in the face of the IGng of Hungary. And be it known
to you that the hearts of the people were not at peace, for
Villehardouin's Chronicle 25
the one party used all efforts to break up the host, and the--j
other to make it hold together. I
Many of the lesser folk escaped in the vessels of the mer-
chants. In one ship escaped wellnigh five hundred, and they
were all drowned, and so lost. Another company escaped
by land, and thought to pass through Sclavonia; and the
peasants of that land fell upon them, and killed many, so
that the remainder came back flying to the host. Thus did
the host go greatly dwindling day by day. At that time a
great lord of the host, who was from Germany, Garnier' of
Borlande by name, so wrought that he escaped in a merchant
vessel, and abandoned the host, whereby
curred great
blame.
Not long afterwards, a great baron of France, Renaud of
Montmirail by name, besought so earnestly, with the counten-
ance of Count Lewis, that he ,vas sent to Syria on an embas-
sage in one of the vessels of the fleet; and he swore with his
right hand on holy relics, he and all the knights who went
with him, that within fifteen days after they had arrived in
Syria, and delivered their message, they would return to the
host. On this condition he left the host, and with hin1
Hervée of the Chastel, his nephew, William the vidame of
Chartres, Geoffry of Beaumont, John of Frouville, Peter his
brother, and many others. And the oaths that they swore
were not kept; for they did not rejoin the host.
Then came to the host news that was heard right willingly,
viz., that the fleet from Flanders, of which mention has been
made above, had arrived at Marseilles. And John of Nêle,
Castellan of Bruges, who was captain of that host, and
Thierri, who was the son of Count Philip of Flanders, and
Nicholas of l\iailly, advised the Count of Flanders, their lord,
that they would winter at Marseilles, and asked him to let
them know what was his will, and said that whatever was his
will, that they would do. And he told them, by the advice
of the Doge of Venice and the other barons, thât they should
sail at the end of the following March, and con1e to meet him
at the port of Moton in Roumania. Alas! they acted very
_
vill
, for never did they keep their word, but went to Syria,
where, as they well knevv, they would achieve nothing.
Now be it known to you, lords, that if God had not loved
the host, it could never have held together, seeing how many
people wished evil to it!
26 Memoirs of the Crusades
THE CRUSADERS OBTAIN THE POPE'S ABSOLUTION FOR
THE CAPTURE OF ZARA
Then the barons spoke together and said that they would
send to Rome, to the Pope, because he had taken the capture
of Zara in evil part. And they chose as envoys such as they
knew were fitted for this office, two knights, and two clerks.
Of the two clerks one was Nevelon, Bishop of Soissons, and
the other Master John of N oyon, who was chancellor to Count
Baldwin of Flanders; and of the knights one was John of
Friaize, the other Robert of Boves. These swore on holy
relics that they would perform their embassage loyally and
in good faith, and that they would come back to the host.
Three kept their oath right well, and the fourth evilly, and
this one was Robert of Boves. For he executed his office as
badly as he could, and perjured himself, and went away to
Syria as others had done. But the remaining three executed
their office right well, and delivered their message as the
barons had directed, and said to the Pope: "The barons cry
mercy to you for the capture of Zara, for they acted as people
who could do no better, owing to the default of those who had
gone to other ports, and because, had they not acted as they
did, they could not have held the host together. And as to
this they refer themselves to you, as to their good Father,
that you should tell them what are your commands, which
they are ready to perform."
And the Pope said to the envoys that he knew full well
that it was through the default of others that the host had
been impelled to do this great mischief, and that he had them
in great pity. And then he notified to the barons and pilgrims
that he sent them his blessing, and absolved them as his
sons, and commanded and besought them to hold the host
together, inasmuch as he well knew that without that host
God's service could not be done. And he gave full powers to
Nevelon, Bishop of Soissons, and Master John of Noyon, to
bind and to unloose the pilgrims until the cardinal joined the
host.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 27
1
J-
DEPARTURE OF THE CRUSADERS FOR CORFU--ARRIVAL
OF THE YOUNG ALEXIUS--CAPTURE OF DURAS
SO much time had passed, that it was EOW L ent, and the
host prepared their fleet to sail at Easter. When the ships
\vere laden on the day after Easter (7th April 1203), the
pilgrims encamped by the port, and the Venetians destroyed
the city, and the walls and the towers.
Then there befell an adventure which weighed heavily
upon the host; for one of the great barons of the host, by
name Simon of Montfort, had made private covenant withJ
the King of Hungary, who was at enmity with those of th
host, and went to him, abandoning the host. With him
went Guy of Montfort his brother, Simon of Nauphle and
Robert Mauvoisin, and Dreux of Cressonacq, and the abbot
of Vaux, who was a monk of the order of the Cistercians, and
many others. And not long after another great lord of the
host, called Enguerrand of Boves, joined the King of Hun-
gary, together with Hugh, Enguerrand's brother, and such
of the other people of their country as they could lead away.
These left the host, as you have just heard; and this was
a great misfortune to the host, and to such as left it a great
disgrace.
Then the ships and transports began to depart; and it was
settled that they should take port a t Corfu, an island of
Roumania, and that the first to arrive should wait for the
last; and so it was done.
Before the Doge, the Marquis, and the galleys left Zara,
Alexius, the son of the Emperor Isaac of Constantinople, had
arrived thither. He was sent by the King Philip of Ger-
many, and received with great joy and great honour; and
the Doge gave him as many galleys and ships as he required.
So they left the port of Zara, and had a fair wind, and sailed
onwards till they took port at Duras. And those of the land,
when they saw their lord ielded up the city right willingly
and sware fe lty to him
And they departed thence and came to Corfu, and found
there the host encamped before the city; and those of the
host had spread their tents and pavilions, and taken the
horses out of the transports for ease and refreshment. When
they heard that the son of the Emperor of Constantinople
28 Memoirs of the Crusades
had arrived in the port, then might you have seen many a
good knight and many a good sergeant leading many a good
war-horse and going to meet him. Thus they received him
with very great joy, and much high honour. And he had his
tent pitched in the midst of the host; and quite near was
pitched the tent of the Marquis of Montferrat, to whose ,vard
he had been commended by IGng Philip, who had his sister
to wife.
HOW THE CHIEFS OF THE CRUSADERS HELD BACK THOSE
WHO WANTED TO ABANDON THE HOST
The host sojourned thus for three weeks in that island,
\vhich was very rich and plenteous. And while they
-Sojourned, there happened a misadventure fell and grievous.
For a great part of those who wished to break up the host,
and had aforetÎIne been hostile to it, spoke together and said
that the adventure to be undertaken seemed very long and
very perilous, and that they, for their part, would remain in
the island, suffering the host to depart, and that-when the
host had so departed-they would, through the people of
Corfu, send to Count Walter of Brienne, who then held
Brandis, so that he might send ships to take them thither.
I cannot tell you the names of all those who wrought in
this matter, but I will name some among the most notable
of the chiefs, viz., Odo of Champlitte, of Champagne, James
of Avesnes, Peter of Amiens, Guy the Castellan of Couey,
Oger of Saint-Chéron, Guy of Chappes and Clerembeau his
nephew, William of Aunoi, Peter Coiseau, Guy of Pesmes
and Edmund his brother, Guy of Conflans, Richard of
Dampierre, Odo his brother, and many more who had
promised privily to be of their party, but who dared not for
shame openly so to avow themselves; in such sort that the
book testifies that more than half the host were in this mind.
And when the Marquis of Montferrat heard thereof, and
Count Baldwin of Flanders, and Count Lewis, and the Count
of St. Paul, and the barons who held ,vith them, they were
greatly troubled, and said: "Lords, we are in evil case. If
these people depart from us, after so many who have departed
from us afore time, our host is doomed, and we shall make no
conquests. Let us then go to them, and fall at their feet, and
cry to them for mercy, and for God's sake to have compas-
Villehardouin's Chronicle 29
sion upon themselves and upon us, and not to dishonour
themselves, and ravish. from us the deliverance of the land
oversea." ......
Thus did the council decide; .and they went, all together,
to a valley where those of the other part were holding their
parliament; and they took with them the son of the Emperor
of Constantinople, and all the bishops and all the abbots of
the host. And when they had come to the place they dis-
mounted and went forward, and the barons fell at the feet of
those of the other part, greatly weeping, and said they would
not stir till those 'of the other part had promised not to depart
from them. .
And when those of the other part saw this, they were filled
with very great compassion; and they wept very bitterly at
seeing their lords, and their kinsmen, and their friends, thus
lying at their feet. So they said they would consult to-
gether, and drew somewhat apart, and there communed.
And the sum of their communing was this: that they would
rem
ith the host till
Iichaelmas, on condition that the
other part would s,vear, loyally, on holy relics, that from
that day and thenceforward, at whatever hour they might
be summoned to do so, they would in all good faith, and
without guile, within fifteen days, furnish ships wherein the
non-contents might betake themselves to Syria.
Thus was covenant made and sworn to; and then was
there great joy throughout all the host. And all gat them-
selves to the ships, and the horses were put into the trans-
ports.
DEPARTURE FROM CORFU--CAPTURE OF ANDROS
AND ABYDOS
Then did they sail from the port of Corfu on the eve of
Pentecost (24th May), which was twelve hundred and three
years after the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. And
there were all the ships assembled, and all the transports,
and all the galleys of the host, and many other ships of mer-
chants that fared with them. And the day was fine and
clear, and the wind soft and favourable, and they unfurled
all their sails to the breeze.
And Geofiry, the Marshal of Champagne, who dictates this
work, and has never lied therein by one word to his know..
30 Memoirs of the Crusades
ledge, and who was moreover present at all the councils held
-he bears witness that never was yet seen so fair a sight.
And well might it appear that such a fleet would conquer
and gain lands, for, far as the eye could reach, there was no
space without sails, and ships, and vessels, so that the hearts
of men rejoiced greatly.
Thus they sailed over the sea till they came to Malea, to
straits that are by the sea. And there they met two ships
with pilgrims, and knights and sergeants returning from
Syria, and they were of the parties that had gone to Syria by
Marseilles. And when these saw our fleet so rich and well-
appointed, they conceived such shame that they dared not
-show themselves. And Count Baldwin of Flanders sent a
boat from his ship to ask what people they were; and they
said who they were.
And a sergeant let himself down from his ship into the
boat, and said to those in the ship, " I cry quits to you for
any goods of mine that may remain in the ship, for I am
going with these people, for well I deem that they will
.conquer lands." Much did we make of the sergeant, and
gladly was he received in the host. For well may it be said,
that even after following a thousand crooked ways a man
may find his way right in the end.
The host fared forward till it came to Nigra (Negropont).
Nigra is a very fair island, and there is on it a very good city
called Negropont. Here the barons took council. Then
went forward the
farquis Boniface of lvlontferrat, and Count
Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault, with a great part of the
transports and galleys, taking with them the son of the
Emperor Isaac of Constantinople; and they came to an
island called Andros, and there landed. The knights took
their arms, and over-rode the country; and the people of
the land came to crave mercy of the son of the Emperor of
Constantinople, and gave so much of their goods that they
made peace with him.
Then they returned to the ships, and sailed over the sea;
when a great mishap befell, for a great lord .of the host,
whose name was Guy, Castellan of Coucy, died, and ,vas cast
into the sea.
The other ships, which had not sailed thitherward, had
-entered the passage of Abydos, and it is there that the
straits of St. George (the Dardanelles) open into the great
Villehardouin's Chronicle 3 I
sea. And they sailed up the straits to a city caned Abydos,
which lies on the straits of St. George, towards Turkey, and
is very fair, and well situate. There they took port and
landed, and those of the city came to meet them, and sur-
rendered the city, as men ,vithout stomach to defend them-
selves. And such guard was established that those of the
city lost not one stiver current.
They sojourned there
ight days to wait for the ships
transports and galleys that had not yet come up. And while
they thus sojourned, they took com from the land, for it vias
the season of harvest, and great was their need thereof, for
before they had but little. And within those eight days all
the ships and barons had come up. God gave them fai r
weather. ---
-
ARRIVAL AT ST. STEPHEN-DELIBERATION AS TO PLAN
OF ATTACK
All started from the port of Abydos together. Then
might you have seen the Straits of St. George (a,s it were) in
flower with ships and galleys sailing upwards, and the beauty
thereof was a great marvel to behold. Thus they sailed up
the Straits of St. George till they came, on St. John the
Baptist's Eve, in June (23rd June 1203) to St. Stephen, an
abbey that lay three leagues from Constantinople. There
had those on board the ships and galleys and transports full
sight of Constantinople; and they took port and anchored
their vessels.
Now you may know that those who had never before seen
Constantinople looked upon it very earnestly, for they never
thought there could be in all the world so rich a city; and
they marked the high walls and strong towers that enclosed
it round about, and the rich paJaces, and mighty churches-
of which there were so many that no one would have believed
I it who had not seen it with his eyes-and the height and the
length 9f that city which above all others was sovereign.
And be it known to you, that no man there was of such hardi-
hood but his flesh trembled; and it was no wonder, for
never was so great an enterprise undertaken by any people
since the creation of the world.
Then landed the counts and barons and the Doge of
Venice, and a parliament was held in the church of St.
32 Memoirs of the Crusades
Stephen. There were many opinions set forth, this way and
that. AIl the words then spoken shall not be recorded in this
book; but in the end the Doge rose on his feet and said:
" Signors, I know the state of this land better than you do,
for I have been here erewhile. We have undertaken the
greatest enterprise, and the most perilous, that ever people
have undertaken. Therefore it behoves us to go to work
warily. Be it known to you that if we go on dry ground,
the land is great and large, and our people are poor and ill-
provided. Thus they will disperse to look for food; and the
people of the land are in great multitude, and "ve cannot
keep such good watch but that some of ours will be lost.
N or are we in case to lose any, for our people are but few
indeed for the work in hand.
" Now there are islands close by which you can see from
here, and these are inhabited, and produce corn, and food,
and other things. Let us take port there, and gather the
com and provisions of the land. And when we have col-
lected our supplies, let us go before the city, and do as our
Lord shall provide. For he that has supplies, wages war
with more certainty than he that has none." To this counsel
the lords and barons agreed, and all went back to their ships
and vessels.
THE CRUSADERS LAND AT CHALCEDON AND SCUTARI
They rested thus that night. And in the morning, on the
day of the feast of our Lord St. John the Baptist in June
(24 th June 1203), the banners and pennants were flown on
the castles of the ships, and the coverings taken from the
shields, and the bulwarks of the ships garnished. Everyone
looked to his arms, such as he should use, for well each man
knew that full soon he would have need of them.
- The sailors \veighed the anchors, and spread the sails to
the wind, and God gave them a good vvind, such as was con-
venient to theine Thus they passed before Constantinople,
and so near to the walls and towers that we shot at many of
their vessels. There were so many people on the walls and
towers that it seemed as if there could be no more people (in
the world).
Then did God our Lord set to naught the counsel of the day
\ before, and keep us from sailing to the islands: that counsel
Villehardouin's Chronicle 33
fell to naught as if none ha ve eard thertQf . For 10, our
ships made for the mainland as straight as ever they could,
and took port before a palace of the Emperor Alexius, at a
place called Chalcedon. This was in face of Constantinople,
on the other side of the straits, towards Turkey. The palacL
,vas one of the most beautiful and delectable that ever eyes
could see, with every delight therein that the heart of man
could desire, and convenient for the house of a prince.
The counts and barons landed and lodged themselves in
the palace; and in the city round about, the main part
pitched their tents. Then were the horses taken out of the
transports, and the knights and sergeants got to land with an
their arms, so that none remained in the ships save the
mariners only. The country was fair, and rich, and well,
supplied with all good things, and the sheaves of corn (which
had been reaped) were in the fields, so that all-and they
stood in no small need-might take thereof.
They sojourned thus in that palace the following day; and
on the third day God gave them a good wind, and the
mariners raised their anchors, and spread their sails to the
wind. They went thus up the straits, a good league above
Constantinople, to a palace that belonged to the Emperor
Alexius, and was called Scutari. There the ships anchored,
ançl the transports, and all the galleys. The horsemen who
had lodged in the palace of Chalcedon went along the shore
by land.
The host of the French encamped thus on the straits of
St. George, at Scutari, and above it. And when the Emperor
Alexius saw this, he caused his host to issue from Constanti-
nople, and encamp over against us on the other side of the
straits, and there pitched his tents, so that we might not
take land against him by force. The host of the French
sojourned thus for nine days, and those obtained supplies
who needed them, and that was every one in the host.
THE FORAGERS DEFEAT THE GREEKS
During this time, a company of good and trustworthy men
issued (from the camp) to guard the host, for fear it should
be attacked, and the foragers searched the country. In
the said company were Odo of Champlitte, of Champagne,
and William his brother, and Oger of Saint-Chéron, and
34
I\Ilemoirs of the Crusades
Manasses of l'Isle, and Count Girard, a count of Lombardy,
a retainer of the Marquis of Montferrat; and they had \vith
them at least eighty knights who were good men and true.
And they espied, at the foot of a mountain, some three
leagues distant from the host, certain tents belonging to the
Grand Duke of the Emperor of Constantinople, who had \vith
him at least five hundred Greek knights. When our people
saw them, they formed their men into four battalions, and
decided to attack. And when the Greeks sa,v this, they
formed their battalions, and arrayed themselves in rank
before their tents, and waited. And our people went for-
ward and fell upon them right vigorously.
By the help of God our Lord, this fight lasted but a little
while, and the Greeks turned their backs. They were dis-
comfited at the first onset, and our people pursued them for
a full great league. There they won plenty of horses and
stallions, and palfreys, and mules, and tents and pavilions,
and such spoil as is usual in such case. So they returned to
the host, where they were right well received, and their
spoils were divided, as was fit.
MESSAGE OF THE EMPEROR ALEXIUS-REPLY OF THE
CRUSADERS
The next day after, the Emperor .LL\lexius sent an envoy
with letters to the counts and to the barons. This envoy
was called Nicholas Roux, and he was a native of Lombardy.
He found the barons in the rich palace of Scutari, where they
were holding council, and he saluted them on the part of the
Emperor Alexius of Constantinople, and tendered his letters
to the Marquis of Montferrat-who received them. And the
letters were read before all the barons; and there were in
them words, written after various manners, \vhich the book
does not (here) relate, and at the end of the 0ther words so
written, came words of credit, accrediting the bearer of the
letters, whose name was Nicholas Roux.
" Fair sir," said the barons, " we have seen your letters,
and they tell us that we are to give credit to what you say,
and we credit you right well. N ow speak as it pleases you."
And the envoy \vas standing before the barons, and spoke
thus: "Lords," said he, " the Emperor Alexius \vould have
you know that he is well aware that you are the best people
Villehardouin's Chronicle 35
uncrowned, and come from the best land on earth. And he
marvels much why, and for what purpose, you have come
into his land and kingdom. For you are Christians, and he
is a Christian, and well he knows that you are on your way to
deliver the Holy Land oversea, and the Holy Cross, and the
Sepulchre. If you are poor and in want, he will right will-
ingly give you of his food and substance, provided you depart
out of his land. Neither would he otherwise wish to ào you
any hurt, though he has full power therein, seeing that if you
were twenty times as numerous as you are, you would not be
able to get away without utter discomfiture if so be that he
wished to harm you."
By agreement and desire of the other barons, and of the
Doge of Venice, then rose to his feet Conon of Béthune, who
was a good knight, and wise, and very eloquent, and he re-
plied to the envoy: "Fair sir, you have told us that your
lord marvels much why our signors and barons should have
entered into his kingdom and land. Into his land they have
not entered, for he holds this land wrongfully and wickedly,
and against God and against reason. It belongs to his
nephew, who sits upon a throne among us, and is the son of
his brother, the Emperor Isaac. But if he is willing to throw
himself on the mercy of his nephew, and to give him back his
crown and empire, then we will pray his nephew to forgive
him, and bestow upon him as much as will enable hÏ1n to live
wealthily. And if you come not as the bearer of such a
message, then be not so bold as to come here again." So
the envoy departed and went back to Constantinople, to the
Emperor Alexius. ......-
THE CRUSADERS SHOW THE YOUNG ALEXIUS TO THE PEOPLE
OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND PREPARE FOR THE BATTLE
The barons consulted together on the morrow, and said
that they would show the young Alexius, the son of the
Emperor of Constantinople, to the people of the city. So
they assembled all the galleys. The Doge of Venice and the
Marquis of Montferrat entered into one, and took with them
Alexius, the son of the Emperor Isaac; and into the other
galleys entered the knights and barons, as many as would.
They went thus quite close to the walls of Constantinople
and showed the youth to the people of the Greeks, and said"
36 Memoirs of the Crusades
D-'tLl t 4 (Jl '-
" Behold your natural lord; and be it known to you that we
have not come to do you harm, but have come to guard and
defend you, if so be that you return to your duty. For he
whom you now obey as your lord holds rule by wrong and
wickedness, against God and reason. And you know full
well that he has dealt treasonably with him who is your lord
and his brother, that he has blinded his eyes and I:eft from
him his empire by wrong and wickedness. N ow behold the
rightful heir. If you hold with him, you will be doing as
you ought; and if not we will do to you the very worst that
we can." But for fear and terror of the Emperor Alexius, not
one person on the land or in the city made show as if he held
for the prince. So all \vent back to the host, and each
sought his quarters.
On the morrow, when they had heard mass, they assembled
in parliament, and the parliament was held on horseback in
the midst of the fields. There might you have seen many a
fine ,var-horse, and many a good knight thereon. And the
council was held to discuss the order of the battalions, how
many they should have, and of what strength. Many were
the words said on one side and the other. But in the end it
was settled that the advanced guard should be given to
Baldwin of Flanders, because he had a very great number of
good men, and archers and crossbowmen, more than any
other chief that was in the host.
And after, it was settled that Henry his .brother, and
Matthew of Walincourt, and Baldwin of Beauvoir, and many
other good knights of their land and country, should form
the second division. ·
The third division was formed by Count Hugh of St. Paul,
Peter of Amiens his nephew, Eustace of Canteleu, Anselm of
Cayeux, and many good knights of their land and country.
The fourth division was formed by Count Lewis of Blois
and Chartres, and was very numerous and rich and redoubt-
able; for he had placed therein a great number of good
knights and men of worth.
The fifth division was formed by Matthew of Montmorency
and the men of Champagne. Geoffry the :rvrarshal of Cham-
pagne formed part of it, and Oger of Saint-Chéron, Manasses
of l'Isle, Miles the Brebant, Macaire of Sainte-Menehould,
John Foisnons, Guy of Chappes, Cleremband his nephew,
Robert of Ronsoi: all these people formed part of the fifth
Villehardouin's Chronicle 37
division. Be it known to you that there was many a good
knight therein.
The sixth division was formed by the people of Burgundy.
In this division were ado the Champenois of Champlitte,
'Villiam his brother, Guy of Pesmes, Edmond his brother,
Otho of la Roche, Richard of Dampierre, ado his brother,
Guy of Conflans, and the people of their land and country.
The seventh division, which was very large, was under the
command of the 1iarquis of Montferrat. In it ,vere the
Lombards and Tuscans and the Germans, and all the people
who were from beyond Mont Cenis to Lyons on the Rhone.
All these formed part of the division under the marquis J and
it was settled that they should form the rearguard.
THE CRUSADERS SEIZE THE PORT
The day was fixed on which the host should embark on
the ships and transports to take the land by force, and either
live or die. And be it known to you that the enterprise to be
achieved was one of the most redoubtable ever attempted.
Then did the bishops and clergy speak to the people, and tell
them how they must confess, and make each one his testa I
ment, seeing that no one knew what n1ight be the will of God
concerning him. And this was done right willingly through-
out the host, and very piously.
The term fixed was no\v come; and the knights went on
board the transports with their war-horses; and they were
fully armed, with their helmets laced, and the horses covered
with their housings, and saddled. All the other folk, who
,vere of less consequence in battle, were on the great ships;
and the galleys were fully armed and made ready.
The morning was fair a little after the rising of the sun;
and the Emperor Alexius stood waiting for them on the other
side, with great forces, and everything in order. And the
trumpets sound, and every galley takes a transport in tow, so
as to reach the other side more readily. None ask who shall
go first, but each makes the land as soon as he can. The
knights issue from the transports, and leap into the sea up to
their waists, fully armed, with helmets laced, and lances in
hand; and the good archers, and the good sergeants, and the
good crossbo\vmen, each in his company, land so soon as they
touch ground.
38 Memoirs of the Crusades
The Gr_eeks made a goodly show of resistance; but when
it came to the lowering of the lances, they turned their backs,
and went aViay flying, and abandoned the shore. And be it
known to you that never was port more proudly taken.
Then began the mariners to open the ports of the trans-
ports, and let down the bridges, and take out the horses; and
the knights began to mount, and they began to marshal the
divisions of the host in due order.
CAPTURE OF THE TOWER OF GALATA
Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault, with the ad-
vanced guard, rode forward, and the other divisions of the
host after him, each in due order of march; and they came
to where the Emperor Alexius had been encamped. But he
had turned back towards Constantinople, and left his tents
and pavilions standing. And there our eople had much
spoil. 'Ið-
Oùr barons were minded to encamp by the port before the
tower of Galata, where the chain was fixed that closed the
port of Constantinople. And be it known to you, that any
one must perforce pass that chain before he could enter into
the port. Well did our barons then perceive that if they did
not take the tower, and break the chain, they were but as
dead men, and in very evil case. So they lodged that night
before the tower, and in the Jewry that is called Stenon,
where there was a good city, and very rich.
Well did they keep guard during the night; and on the
morrow, at the hour of tierce, those who were in the tower of
Galata made a sortie, and those who were in Constantinople
came to their help in barges; and our people ran to arms.
There came first to the onset James of Avesnes and his men
on foot; and be it known to you that he ,vas fiercely charged,
and wounded by
lance in the face, and in peril of death.
And one of his knights, whose name was Nicholas of J enlain,
gat to horse, and came to his lord's rescue, and succoured
him right well, and so won great honour.
Then a cry was raised in the host, and our pe.)ple ran to-
gether from all sides, and drove back the foe with great fury,
so that many were slain and taken. And some of them did
not go back to the tower, but ran to the barges by ,vhich they
had come, and there many were drowned, and some escaped.
V illehardouin' s Chronicle
---
39
As to those who went back to the tower, the men of our host
pressed them so hard that they could not shut the gate.
Then a terrible fight began again at the gate, and our people
took it by force, and made prisoners of all those in the tower.
Many were there killed and taken. \.-
ATTACK ON THE CITY BY LAND AND SEA
1
So was the tower of Galata taken, and the port of Con-
stantinople won by force. Much were those of the host com-
forteathereby, and much did they praise the Lord GQ..d; and
greatly were those of the city discomforted. And on the
next day, the ships, the vessels, the galleys and the trans-
ports were drawn into the port.
Then did those of the host take council together to settle
what thing they should do, and whether they should attack
the city by sea or by land. The Venetians were firmly
minded that the scaling ladders ought to be planted on the
ships, and all the attack made from the side by the sea. The
French, on the other hand, said that they did not know so
well how to help themselves on sea as on land, but that when
they had their horses and their arms they could help them-
selves on land right well. So in the end it was devised that
the Venetians should attack by sea, and the barons and
those of the host by land.
They sojourned thus for four days. On the fifth day, the
whole host were anned, and the divisions advanced on horse-
back, each in the order appointed, along the harbour, till
they came to the palace of Blachernæ; and the ships drew
inside the harbour till they came over against the self-same
place, and this was near to the end of the harbour. And
there is at that place a river that flows into the sea, and can
only be passed by a bridge of stone. The Greeks had broken
down the bridge, and the barons caused the host to labour
all that day and all that night in repairing the bridge.
Thus was the bridge repaired, and in the morning the divi-
sions were armed, and rode one after the other in the order
appointed, and came before the city. And no one came out
from the city against them; and this was a great marvel,
seeing that for every man that was in the host there were
over t\VO hundred men in the city.
Then did the barons decide that they should quarter them-
40 Memoirs of the Crusades
selves between the palace of Blachemæ and the castle of
Boemond, which was an abbey enclosed with walls. So the
tents and pavilions were pitched-which was a right proud
thing to look upon; for of Constantinople, which had three
leagues of front towards the land, the whole host could attack
no more than one of the gates. And the Venetians lay on
the sea, in ships and vessels, and raised their ladders, and
mangonels, and petraries, and made order for their assault
fight well. And the barons for their part made ready their
petraries and mangonels on land.
And be it known to you that they did not have their time
in peace and quiet; for there passed no hour of the night or
day but one of the divisions had to stand armed before the
gate, to guard the engines, and provide against attack.
And, notwithstanding all this, the Greeks ceased not to attack
them, by this gate and by others, and held them so short
that six or seven times a day the whole host was forced to
run to arms. Nor could they forage for provisions more
than four bow-shots' distance from the camp. And their
stores were but scanty, save of flour and bacon, and of
those they had a little; and of fresh meat none at all, save
what they got from the horses that were killed. And be it .
known to you that there was only food generally in the host
for three weeks. Thus \vere they in very perilous case, for
never did so few people besiege so many people in any city.
FIRST INCIDENTS OF THE ASSAULT
Then did they bethink themselves of a very good device;
for they enclosed the whole camp with good lists, and good
palisades, and good barriers, and were thus far stronger and
Inuch more secure. The Greeks meanwhile came on to the
attack so frequently that they gave them no rest, and those
of the host drove them back with great force; and every
time that the Greeks issued forth they lost heavily.
One day the Burgundians were on guard, and the Greeks
made an attack upon them, with part of the best forces that
they had. And the Burgundians ran upon the Greeks and
drove them in very fiercely, and followed so close to the gate
that stones of great weight were hurled upon them. There
was taken one of the best Greeks of the city, whose name ,vas
Constantine Lascarisj \Villiam of Neuilly took him all
Villehardouin's Chronicle 41
mounted upon his horse. And there did \Villiam of Champ-
litte have his arm broken with a stone, and great pity it was,
for he was very brave and very valiant.
I cannot tell yqu of all the good strokes that were there
stricken, nor of all the wounded, nor all the dead. But before
the fight was over, there came into it a knight of the following
of Henry, the brother of Count Baldwin of Flanders and
Hainault, and his name was Eustace of the
Iarchais; and
he was armed only in padded vest and steel cap, with his
shield at his neck; and he did so well in the fray that he won
to himself great honour. Few were the days on which no
sorties were made; but I cannot tell you of them all. So
hardly did they hold us, that we could not sleep, nor rest, nor
eat, save in arms.
Yet another sortie was made from a gate further up; and
there again did the Greeks lose heavily. And there a knight
was slain, whose name was William of the Gi; and there
Matthew of \Valincourt did right well, and lost his horse,
which was killed at the drawbridge of the gate; and many
others who were in that fight did right well. Fron1 this gate,
which was beyond the palace of Blachernæ, the Greeks issued
most frequently, and there Peter of Bracieux gat himself
more honour than any, because he was quartered the nearest,
and so came most often into the fray.
ASSAULT OF THE CITY .
Thus their peril and toil lasted for nearly ten days, until,
on a Thursday morning (17th July 1203) all things were
ready for the assault, and the ladders in trim; the Venetians
also had made them ready by sea. The order of the assault
was so devised, that of the seven divisions, three were to
guard the camp outside the city, and other four to give the
assault. The Marquis Boniface of 1.fontferrat guarded the
camp towards the fields, with the division of the Burgundians,
the division of the men of Champagne, and Matthew of Mont-
morency. Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault went
to the assault with his people, and Henry his brother; and
Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres, and Count Hugh of St.
Paul, and those who held with them, went also to the assault.
They planted two ladders at a barbican near the sea; and
the wall was well defended by Englishmen and Danes; and
42 Memoirs of the Crusades
the attack was stiff and good and fierce. By main strength
certain knights and two sergeants got up the ladders and
made themselves masters of the wall; and at least fifteen
.got upon the wall, and fought there, hand to hand, with
axes and swords, and those within redoubled their efforts,
and cast them out in very ugly sort, keeping two as prisoners.
And those of our people who had been taken were led before
the Emperor Alexius; much was he pleased thereat. Thus
.did the assault leave matters on the side of the French.
Many were wounded and many had their bones broken, so
that the barons were very wroth.
Meanwhile the Doge of \T enice had not forgotten to do his
part, but had ranged his ships and transports and vessels
'in line, and that line was well three crossbow-shots in
length; and the Venetians began to draw near to the part of
the shore that lay under the walls and the towers. Then
might you have seen the mangonels shooting from the ships
and transports, and the crossbow bolts flying, and the bows
letting fly their arrows deftly and well; and those within
.defending the walls and towers very fiercely; and the
ladders on the ships coming so near that in many places
'swords and lances crossed; and the tumult and noise were so
great that it seemed as if the very earth and sea were melting
together. And be it known to you that the galleys did not
dare to come to the shore.
CAPTURE OF TWENTY-FIVE TOWERS
l Now may you hear of a strange deed of prowess; for the
\ Dõ'ge of Venice, who was an old man, and saw naught (seeing
-\ne was blind), stood, fully armed, on the prow of his galley,
and had the standard of St. Mark before him; and he cried
to his people to put him on land, or else that he would do
justice upon their bodies with his hands. And so they did,
for the galley was run aground, and they leapt therefrom,
and bore the standard of St. Mark before him on to the land.
\ And when the Venetians saw the standard of St. Mark on
land, and the galley of their lord touching ground before
them, each held himself for shamed, and they all gat to the
land; and those in the transports leapt forth, and landed;
and those in the big ships got into barges, and made for the
shore, each and all as best they could, Then might you have
seen an assault, great and marvellous; and to this bears \
witness Geoffry of Villehardouin, who makes this book, I
that more than forty people told him for sooth that they saw
the standard of St. Mark of Venice at the top of one of the
towers, and that no man knew who bore it thither.
Now hear of a strange miracle: those who are within the
city fly and abandon the wàlls, and the Venetians enter in,
each as fast and as best he can, and seize twenty-five of the
to\vers, and man them with their people. And the Doge
takes a boat, and sends messengers to the barons of the host
to tell them that he has taken twenty-five towers, and that
they may know for sooth that such towers cannot be re-
taken. The barons are so overjoyed that they cannot
believe their ears; and the Venetians begin to send to the
host in boats the horses and palfreys they have taken.
When the Emperor Alexius saw that our people had thus
entered into the city, he sent his people against them in such
Jilumbers that our people saw they would be unable to endure
the onset. So they set fire to the buildings between them and
the Greeks; and the wind blew from our side, and the fire
began to wax so great that the Greeks could not see our
people, who retired to the towers they had seized and con.
quered.
V illehardouin' s Chronicle
43
THE EMPEROR ALEXIUS COMES OUT FOR BATTLE, BUT
RETIRES WITHOUT ATTACKING
Then the Emperor Alexius issued from the city, with all his
forces, by other gates which were at least a league from the
camp; and so many began to issue forth that it seemed as if
the whole world were there assembled. The emperor mar-
shalled his troops in the plain, and they rode towards the
camp; and when our Frenchmen saw them coming, they ran
to arms from all sides. On that day Henry, the brother of
Count Baldwin and Flanders, was mounting guard over the
engines of war before the gate of Blachernæ, together with
Matthew of Walincourt, and Bald\vin of Beauvoir, and their
followers. Against their encampment the Emperor Alexius
had made ready a great number of his people, who \vere to
issue by three gates, while he himself should fall upon the
host from another side.
Then the six divisions issued from our camp as had been
44 Memoirs of the Crusades
devised, and were marshalled in ranks before the palisades:
the sergeants and squires on foot behind the horses, and the
archers and crossbowmen in front. And there was a division
of the knights on foot, for we had at least two hundred who
were without horses. Thus they stood still before the
palisades. And this showed great good sense, for if they had
moved to the attack, the numbers of the enemy were such
that they must have been overwhelmed and, (as it were,)
drowned among them.
It seemed as if the whole plain ,vas covered with troops,
and they advanced slowly and in order. Well might we
appear in perilous case, for we had but
divisions, while
the Greeks had full fort , and there was not one of their
divisions but was larger than any of ours. But ours were
ordered in such sort that none could attack them save in
front. And the Emperor Alexius rode so far forward that
either side could shoot at the other. And when the Doge of
Venice heard this, he made his people come forth, and leave
the towers they had taken, and said he would live or die with
the pilgrims. So he came to the camp, and was himself the
first to land, and brought with him such of his people as he
could.
Thus, for a long space, the armies of the pilgrims and of
the Greeks stood one against the other; for the Greeks did
not dare to throw themselves upon our ranks, and our
people would not move from their palisades. And when the
Emperor Alexius sa,v this, he began to ,vithdraw his people,
and when he had rallied them, he turned back. And seeing
this, the host of the pilgrims began to march towards him
with slow steps, and the Greek troops began to move back-
wards, and retreated to a palace called Philopas.
-- And be it known to you, that never did God save any
people from such peril as He saved the host that day; and
be it known to you further that there was none in the host so
hardy but he had great joy thereof. Thus did the battle
remain for that day. As it pleased God nothing further was
done. The Emperor Alexius returned to the city, and those
of the host to their quarters-the latter taking off their
ann our, for they were weary and overwrought; and they ate
and drank little, seeing that their store of f()od was but
scanty.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 45
ALEXIUS ABANDONS CONSTANTINOPLE-HIS BROTHER ISAAC
IS REPLACED ON THE THRONE-THE CRUSADERS SEND
HIM A MESSAGE
Now listen to the miracles of our Lord-how gracious are
they whÏthersoever it pleases Him to perform them! That
very night the Emperor Alexius of Constantinople took of his
treasure as much as he could carry, and took ,vith him as
many of his people as would go, and so fled and abandoned
the city. And those of the city remained astonied, and they
drew to the prison in which lay the Emperor Isaac, ""hose
eyes had been put out. Him they clothed imperially, and
bore to the great palace of Blachernæ, and seated on a high
throne; and there they did to him obeisance as their lord.
Then they took messengers, by the advice of the Emperor
Isaac, and sent them to the host, to apprise the son of the
Emperor Isaac, and the barons, that the Emperor Alexius had
fled, and that they had again raised up the Emperor Isaac
as emperor.
vVhen the young man knew of this he summoned the
Marquis Boniface of Montferrat, and the marquis summoned
the baron
throughout the host. And when they were met
in the pavilion of the Emperor Isaac's son, he told them the
news. And when they heard it, their joy was such as cannot
be uttered, for never was greater joy in all this world. And
greatly and most devoutly was our Lord praised by all, in
that He had succoured them within so short a term, and
exalted them so high from such a low estate. And therefore
well may one say: "Him whom God will help can no man
injure."
Then the day began to dawn, and the host to put on their
annour; and all gat them to their arms throughout the host,
because they did not greatly trust the Greeks. And messengers
began to come out from the city, two or three together, and
told the same tale. The barons and counts, and the Doge
of \Tenice had agreed to send envoys into the city, to kno,,,,
how matters really stood; and, if that was true which had
been reported, to demand of the father that he should ratify
the covenants made by the son; and, if he would not, to
declare that they on their part should not suffer the son-
to elltcr into the city. So envoys were chosen: one was
4 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
Matthew of Montmorency, and Geoffry the Marshal of
Champagne was the other, and two Venetians on the part of
the Doge of Venice. .
The envoys were conducted to the gate, and the gate was
opened to them, and they dismounted from their horses.
The Greeks had set Englishmen and Danes, with their axes,
at the gate and right up to the palace of Blachernæ. Thus
were the envoys conducted to the great palace. There they
found the Emperor Isaac, so richly clad that you would seek
in vain throughout the world for a man more richly apparelled
than he, and by his side the empress, his wife, a most fair
lady, the daughter of the King of Hungary; and of great men
and great ladies there were so many, that you could not stir
foot for the press, and the ladies were so richly adorned that
richer adornment might not be. And all those who, the day
before, had been against the emperor were, on that day,
subject in everything to his good pleasure.
THE EMPEROR ISAAC RATIFIES THE COVENANTS
ENTERED INTO BY HIS SON
The envoys came before the Emperor Isaac, and the
emperor and all those about him did them great honour.
And the envoys said that they desired to speak to him privily,
on the part of his son, and of the barons of the host. And
he rose and entered into a chamber, and took with him only
the empress, and his chancellor, and his dragoman (inter-
preter) and the four envoys. By consent of the other envoys,
GeofIry of Villehardouin, the 1farshal of Champagne, acted
as spokesman, and he said to the Emperor Isaac: "Sire,
thou seest the service we have rendered to thy son, and how
we have kept our covenants with him. But he cannot come
hither till he has given us surety for the covenants he has
made with us. And he asks of thee, as thy son, to confirm
those covenants in the same form, and the same manner,
that he has done." "vVhat covenants are thev? " said the
emperor. "They are such as we shall tell you;" replied the
envoys: "In the first place to put the whole empire of
Roumania in obedience to Rome, from which it has been
separated this long while; further to give 200,000 marks of
silver to those of the host, with food for one year for small
and great; to send 10,000 men, horse and foot-as many on
Villehardouin's Chronicle 47
foot as we shall devise and as many mounted-in his own
ships, and at his own charges, to the land of Babylon, and
keep them there for a year; and during his lifetime to keep,
at his own charges, five hundred knights in the land oversea,
so that they may guard that land. Such is the covenant
that your son made with us, and it was confirmed by oath,
and charters \vith seals appended, and by King Philip of
Germany who has your daughter to wife. This covenant we
desire you to confirm."
" Certes," said the emperor, " this covenant is very oner-
ous, and I do not see how effect can be given to it; neverthe-
less, you have done us such service, both to my son and to
myself, that if we bestowed upon you the whole empire, you
would have deserved it well." Many words were then
spoken in this sense and that, but, in the end, the father con-
firmed the covenants, as his son had confirmed them, by -
oath and by charters with gold seals appended. These
charters were delivered to the envoys. Then they took
their leave of the Emperor Isaac, and went back to the host,
and told the barons that they had fulfilled their mission.
ENTRY OF THE CRUSADERS INTO CONSTANTINOPLE-
CORONATION OF THE YOUNG ALEXIUS
Then did the barons mount their horses, and led the young
man, with great rejoicings, into the city, to his father; and
the Greeks opened the gate to him, and received him with
very much rejoicing and great feasting. The joy of the
father and of the son was very great, because of a long time
they had not seen one another, and because, by God's help
and that of the pilgrims, they had passed from so great
poverty and ruin to such high estate. Therefore the joy was
great inside Constantinople; and also without, among the "-
host of the pilgrims, because of the honour and victory that
God had given them.
And on the morrow the emperor and his son also besought
the counts and the barons, for God's sake, to go and quarter
themselves on the other side of the straits, toward Estanor
and Galatas; for, if they quartered themselves in the city, it
was to be feared that quarrels would ensue between them
and the Greeks, and it might well chance that the city would
be destroyed. And the counts and barons said that they had
.
48 Memoirs of the Crusades
already served him in so many ways that they would not now
refuse any request of his. So they went and quartered
themselves on the other side, and sojourned there in peace
and quiet, and with great store of good provisions.
Now you must know that many of those in the host went
to see Constantinople, and the rich palaces and great
churches, of which there were many, and all the great wealth
of the city-for never was there city that possessed so much.
Of relics it does not behove me to speak, for at that day there
were as many there as in all the rest of the world. Thus did
the Greeks ánd French live in good fellowship in all things,
both as regards trafficking and other matters.
By common consent of Franks and Greeks, it was settled
that the new emperor should be crowned on the feast of our
Lord St. Peter (1st August 1203). So was it settled, and so
it was done. He was cro\vned full worthily and with honour
according to the use for Greek emperors a
that time. .Lt\fter-
wards he began to pay the moneys due to the host; and such
moneys were divided among the host, and each repaid what
had been advanced in Venice for his passage.
ALEXIUS BEGS THE CRUSADERS TO PROLONG THEIR STAY
The new emperor went oft to see the barons in the camp,
and did them great honour, as much as he could; and this
was but fitting, seeing that they had served him right well.
And one day he came to the calnp, to see the barons privily
in the quarters of Count Baldwin of Hainault and Flanders.
Thither were summoned the Doge of Venice, and the great
barons, and he spoke to them and said: "Lords, I am
emperor by God's grace and yours, and you have done me
the highest service that ever yet \vas done by any people to
Christian man. No,v be it known to you that there are folk
enough who show me a fair seeming, and yet love me not;
and the Greeks are full of despite because it is by your help
that I have entered into mv inheritance.
" Now the tenn of your departure is nigh, and your fellow-
ship with the Venetians is timed only to last till the feast of
St. Michael. And ,vithin so short a term I cannot fulfil our
covenant. Be it known to you therefore, that, if you
abandon me, the Greeks hate me because of you: I shall lose
my land, and they will kill me. But now do this thing that
Villehardouin's Chronicle 49
I ask of you: remain here tin 1vfarch, and I will entertain
your ships for one year fTom the feast of St. Michael, and
bear the cost of the Venetians, and will give you such thÎlags
as you may stand in need of till Easter. And within that
tenn I shall have placed my land in such case that I cannot
lose it again; and your covenant will be fulfilled, for I shall
have paid such moneys as are due to you, obtaining them
from all my lands; and I shall be ready also with ships
either to go with you myself, or to send others, as I have
covenanted; and you will have the summer from end to end
in which to carryon the war against the Saracens."
The barons thereupon said they would consult together
apart; kno\ving full well that what the young man said was \
sooth, and that it would be better, both for the emperor and \
for themselves, to consent unto hin1. But they replied that
they could not so consent save \vith the common agreement
of the host, and that they would therefore lay the matter
before the host, and then give such ans\ver as n1ight be
devised. So the Emperor Alexius departed from them, and
went back to Constantinople. And they remained in th
camp and assembled a parliament the next day. To this I
parliament \vere summoned all the barons and the chieftains
of the host, and of the knights the greater part; and in their
hearing were repeated all the \vords that the emperor had
spoken.
DEBATE AMONG THE CRUSADERS-DEATH OF MATTHEW
OF :MONTMORENCY
Then was there much discord in the host, as had been
ofttimes before on the part of those who wished that the host
should break up; for to them it seemed to be holding to-
gether too long. And the party that had raised the discord
at Corfu reminded the others of their oaths, and said: "Give
us ships as you swore to us, for we purpose to go to Syria."
And the others cried to them for pity and said: "Lords,
for God's sake, let us not bring to naught the great honour
that God has given us. If we go to Syria at this present, we
shall come thither at the beginning of winter and so not be
able to make war, and the Lord's work wi hus Ie :1in un-
done. But if we \vait till March, we shall leave tlùs emperor
in good estate, and go hence rich in goods and in food. Thus
50 Memoirs of the Crusades
shall we go to Syria, and over-run the land of Babylon. And
the fleet will remain with us till Michaelmas, yes, and on-
wards from Michaelmas to Easter, seeing it will be unable to
leave us because of the winter. So shall the land oversea
fall into our hands."
Those who \vished the host to be broken up, cared not for
reasons good or bad so long as the host fell to pieces. But
those who wished to keep the host together, wrought so
effectually, with the help of God, that in the end the Vene-
tians made a new covenant to maintain the fleet for a year,
reckoning from Michaelmas, the Emperor Alexius paying
them for so doing; and the pilgrims: on their side, made a
new covenant to remain in the same fellowship as theretofore,
and for the same term. Thus were peace and concord
established in the host.
Then there befell a very great mischance in the host; for
latthew of Montmorency, who was one of the best knights
in the kingdom of France, and of the most prized and most
honoured, took to his bed for sickness, and his sickness so
increased upon him that he died. And much dole was made
for him, for great was the loss-one of the greatest that had
befallen the host by any man's death. He was buried in a
church of my Lord St. John, of the Hospital of Jerusalem.
PROGRESS OF THE YOUNG ALEXIUS THROUGH THE
EMPIRE
Afterwards, by the advice of the Greeks and the French"
the Emperor Alexius issued from Constantinople, ,vith a very
great company, purposing to quiet the empire and subject it
to his will. With him went a great part of the barons; and
the others remained to guard the camp. The Marquis Boni-
face of J\lontferrat went with him, and Count Hugh of St.
Paul, and Henry, brother to Count Baldwin of Flanders and
Hainault, and James of Avesnes, and William of Champlitte,
and Hugh of Colemi, and many others whom the book does
not here mention by name. In the camp remained Count
Baldwin of Hainault and Flanders, and Count Le\vis of Blois
and Chartres, and the greater part of the pilgrims of lesser
note.
And you must know that during this progress all the
Greeks, on either side of the straits, came to the Emperor
Villehardouin's Chronicle 5];
Alexius, to do his will and commandment, and did him fealty
and homage as to their lord-all except John, who was King
of Wallachia and Bulgaria. This John was a Wallachian, who
had rebelled against his father and uncle, and had warred
against them for t,venty years, and had won from them so
much land that he had be
cme a very wealthy king. And
be it known to you, that of the land lying on the west side of
the Straits of St. George, he had conquered very nearly the
half. This John did not come to do the will of the emperor,
nor to submit himself to him.
CONFLICT BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND LATINS IN
CONSTANTINOPLE-BURNING OF THE CITY
While the Emperor Alexius was away on this progress, there
befell a very grievous misadventure; for a conflict .arose
between the Greeks and the Latins who inhabited Constanti-
nople, and of these last there were many. And certain
people-who they were I know not-out of malice, set fire to
the city; and the fire waxed so great and horrible that no
man could put it out or abate it. And when the barons of
the host, who were quartered on the other side of the port,
saw this, they were sore grieved and filled with pity-seeing
the great churches and the rich palaces melting and falling in,
and the great streets filled with merchandise burning in the
flames; but they could do nothing.
Thus did the fire prevail, and win across the port, even to
the densest part of the city, and to the sea on the other side,
quite near to the church of St. Sophia. It lasted two days
and two nights, nor could it be put out by the hand of man.
And the front of the fire, as it went flaming, was well over
half a league broad. What was the damage then done,
what the possessions and riches swallowed up, could no man
tell-nor what the number of men and women and children
who perished-for many were burned.
All the Latins, to whatever land they might belong, who
were lodged in Constantinople, dared no longer to remain
therein; but they took their wives and their children, and
such of their possessions as they could save from the fire, and
entered into boats and vessels, and passed over the port and
came to the camp of the pilgrims. N or were they few in
number, for there were of them some fifteen thousand, small
52 Memoirs of the Crusades
and great; and afterwards it proved to be of advantage to the
pilgrims that these should have crossed over to them. Thus
was there division between the Greeks and the Franks; nor
were they ever again as much at one as they had been before,
for neither side knew on whom to cast the blame for the fire;
and this rankled in men's hearts upon either side. r
At that time did a tiling befall whereby the barons and
those of the host were greatly saddened; for the Abbot of
Laos died, who was a holy man and a worthy, and had
wished well to the host. He was a n10nk of the order of the
Cistercians.
THE YOUNG ALEXIUS RETURNS TO CONSTANTINOPLE-
HE FAILS IN HIS PROMISES TO THE CRUSADERS
The Emperor Alexius remained for a long time on pro-
gress, till St. Martin's Day, and then he returned to Con-
stantinople. Great was the joy at his home-coming, and
the Greeks and ladies of Constantinople went out to meet
their friends in great cavalcades, and the pilgrims went
out to meet their friends, and had great joy of them. So
did the emperor re-enter Constantinople and the palace of
Blachernæ; and the Marquis of Montferrat and the other
barons returned to the camp.
The emperor, who had managed his affairs right well and
thought he had now the upper hand, was filled with arro-
gance towards the barons and those who had done so much
for him, and never came to see them in the camp, as he had
done aforetime. And they sent to him and begged him to
pay them the moneys due, as he had covenanted. But he led
them on from delay to delay, making them, at one time and
another, payments small and poor; and in the end the pay-
ments ceased and came to naught.
The 1\Iarquis Boniface of Montferrat, who had done more
for him than any other, and stood better in his regard, went
to him oftentimes, and sho\ved him what great services the
Crusaders had rendered him, and that greater services had
never been rendered to anyone. And the emperor still
entertained them with delays, and never carried out such
things as he had promised, so that at last they saw and knew
.clearly that his intent was wholly evil.
Then the barons of the host held a parliament with the
Villehardouin's Chronicle 53
Doge of Venice, and they said that they now knew that the
emperor would fulfil no covenant, nor ever speak sooth to
them; and they decided to send good envoys to demand the
fulfilment of their covenant, and to show what services they
had done him; and if he would now do what was required)
they were to be satisfied; but, if not, they were to defy him,
and fight well might he rest assured that the barons would.
by all means recover their due.
THE CRUSADERS DEFY THE EMPERORS
For this embassage were chosen Canon of Béthune and'
Geoffry of Villehardouin, the Marshal of Champagne, and
Miles the Brabant of Provins; and the Doge also sent three
chief men of his council. So these envoys mounted their
horses, and, with swords girt, rode together till they came to
the palace of Blachernæ. And be it known to you that, by
reason of the treachery of the Greeks, they went in great
peril, and on a hard adventure.
They dismounted at the gate and entered the palace, and
found the Emperor Alexius and the Emperor Isaac seated on,
two thrones, side by side. And near them was seated the-.
empress, who was the wife of the father, and stepmother of
the son, and sister to the King of Hungary-a lady both fair
and good. And there were with them a great company of
people of note and rank, so that well did the court seem the-
court of a rich and mighty prince.
By desire of the <?ther envoys Canon of Béthune, who was
very wise and eloquent of speech, acted as spokesman: "Sire,
we have come to thee on the part of the barons of the host
and of the Doge of Venice. They would put thee in mind of
the great service they have done to thee-a service known
to the people and manifest to all men. Thou hast sworn,
thou and thy father, to fulfil the promised covenants, and,
they have your charters in hand. But you have not ful-
filled those covenants well, as you should have done. 1\{any
times have they called upon you to do so, and now again we'
call upon you, in the presence of all your barons, to fulfil the'
covenants that are between you and them. Should you'.
do so, it shall be well. If not, be it known to you that from
this day forth they will not hold you as lord or friend, but
WIll endeavour to obtain their due by all the means in their
.54 Memoirs of the Crusades
power. And of this they now give you warning, seeing that
they would not injure you, nor anyone, without first de-
fiance given; for never have they acted treacherously, nor in
their land is it customary to do so. You have heard what
we have said. It is for you to take counsel thereon according
to your pleasure."
Much were the Greeks amazed and greatly outraged by
this open defiance; and they said that never had anyone
been so hardy as to dare defy the Emperor of Constantinople
in his own hall. Very evil were the looks no\v cast on the
envoys by the Emperor Alexius and by all the Greeks, who
aforetime were wont to regard them very favourably.
Great was the tumult there within, and the envoys turned
about and came to the gate and mounted their horses.
When they got outside the gate, there was not one of them
but felt glad at heart; nor is that to be marvelled at, for they
had escaped from very great peril, and it held to very little
that they were not all killed or taken. So they returned to
the camp, and told the barons how they had fared.
THE WAR BEGINS-THE GREEKS ENDEAVOUR TO SET
FIRE TO THE FLEET OF THE CRUSADERS
Thus did the war begin; and each side did to the other as
much harm as they could, by sea and by land. The Franks
and the Greeks fought often; but never did they fight, let
, God be praised therefor! that the Greeks did not lose more
than the Franks. So the war lasted a long space, till the
heart of the winter.
Then the Greeks bethought themselves of a very great
device, for they took seven large ships, and filled them full
of big logs, and shavings, and tow, and resin, and barrels, and
then waited until such time as the ,vind should blow strongly
from their side of the straits. And one night, at midnight,
they set fire to the ships, and unfurled their sails to the wind.
And the flames blazed up high, so that it seemed as if the
whole world were a-fire. Thus did the burning ships come
towards the fleet of the pilgrims; and a great cry arose in
the host, and all sprang to arms on every side. The Vene-
tians ran to their ships, and so did all those who had ships in
possession, and they began to dra,v them away out of the
flames very vigorously.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 55
And to this bears witness Geoffry the Marshal of Cham-
pagne, who dictates this work, that never did people help
themselves better at sea than the Venetians did that night;
for the): sprang into the galleys and boats belonging to the
ships, and seized upon the fire ships, all burning as they were,
with hooks, and dragged them by main force before their
enemies, outside the port, and set them into the current of
the straits, and left them to go burning down the straits. So
many of the Greeks had come down to the shore that they
were without end and innumerable, and their cries were so
great that it seemed as if the earth and sea would melt to-
gether. They got into barges and boats, and shot at those
on our side who were battling with the flames, so that some
,vere wounded.
All the knights of the host, as soon as they heard the
clam our, armed themselves; and the battalions marched
out into the plain, each according to the order in which they
had been quartered, for they feared lest the Greeks should
also attack them on la.nd.
They endured thus in labour and anguish till daylight;
but by God's help those on our side lost nothing, save a
Pisan ship, which was full of merchandise, and was burned
with fire. Deadly was the peril in which we stood that night,
for if the fleet had been consumed, all would have been lost,
and we should never have been able to get away by land or
sea. Such was the guerdon which the Emperor Alexius ,vould
have bestowed upon us in return for our services.
l
\
\
MOURZUPHLES USURPS THE E1\fPIRE-ISAAC DIES, AND
THE YOUNG ALEXIU'S IS STRANGLED
Then the Greeks, being thus embroiled with the Franks,
;aw that there was no hope of peace; so they privily took
ounsel together to betray their lord. Now there was a
:;reek who stood higher in his favour than all others, and
lad done more to make him embroil himself with the :Franks
:han any other. This Greek was named 110urzuphles.
With the advice and consent of the others, one night
:o\vards midnight, when the Emperor Alexius \vas asleep in
lis chamber, those who ought to have been guarding him-
Lnd specially Mourzuphles-took him in his bed and threw
urn into a dungeon in prison. Then 1Iourzuphles assumed
n 333
56
)
. ,
MemoIrs of the Crusades
the scarlet buskins with the help and by the counsel of the
other Greeks (January 1204). So he made himself emperor.
1 Afterwards they crowned him at St. Sophia. Now see if
ever people were guilty of such horrible treachery !
When the Emperor Isaac heard that his son was taken
and Mourzuphles crowned, great fear came upon him, and
he fell into a sickness that lasted no long time. So he died.
And the Emperor Mourzuphles caused the son, whom he had
in prison, to be poisoned two or three times; but it did not
please God that he should thus die. Afterwards the emperor
went and strangled him, and when he had strangled him
he caused it to be reported everywhere that he had died a
natural death, and had him mourned for, and buried honour-
ably and as an emperor, and made great show of grief.
But murder cannot be hid. Soon was it clearly known.
both to the Greeks and to the French, that this murder ha(j
been committed, as has just been told to you. Then did tht
barons of the host and the Doge of Venice assemble in par-
liament, and with them met the bishops and the clergy
And all the clergy, including those who had powers from tht
Pope, showed to the barons and to the pilgrims that an)
one guilty of such a murder had no right to hold lands, anc
that those who consented thereto were abettors of tht
murder; and beyond all this, that the Greeks had .with
drawn themselves from obedience to Rome. "Wherefon
we tell you," said the clergy, "that this war .s lawful an(
just, and that if you have a right intention in conquering thi
land, to bring it into the Roman obedience, all those who di.
after confession shall have part in the indulgence granted b
the Pope." And you must know that by this the barons an<
pilgrims were greatly comforted.
THE CRUSADERS CONTINUE THE WAR-DEFEAT OF
MOURZUPHLES
Dire was the war between the Franks and the Greeks, fo
it abated not, but rather increased and waxed fiercer, so tha
few were the days on which there was not fighting by se:
or land. Then Henry, the brother of Count Baldwin 0
Flanders rode forth, and took with him a great part of tho
good men in the host. With him went James of Avesnes, an(
Baldwin of Beauvoir, Odo of Champagne of Champlitte
I
Villehardouin's Chronicle 57
William his brother, and the people of their country. They
started at vesper time and rode all IÚght, and on the
morro\v, when it was full day, they came to a good city,
called Phile, and took it; and they had great gain, beasts,
and prisoners, and clothing, and food, which they sent in
boats down the straits to the camp, for the city lies on the
sea of Russia.
So they sojourned two days in that city, with food in great
plenty, enough and to spare. The third day they departed
with the beasts and the booty, and rode back towards the
camp. Now the Emperor Mourzuphles heard tell how they
had issued from the camp, and he left Constantinople by
night, with a great part of his people, and set himself in
ambush at a place by which they must needs pass. And he
watched them pass with their beasts and their booty, each
division, the one after the other, till it came to the rear-
guard. The rear-guard was under the command of Henry,
the brother of Count Baldwin of Flanders, and formed 0& his
people, and the Emperor Mourzuphles fell upon them at the
entrance to a wood; whereupon they turned against him.
Very fiercely did the battle rage there.
By God' s help the Emperor Mourzuphles was discomfited,
and came near to being taken captive; and he lost his im-
perial banner and an Eikon that was borne before him, in
which he and the other Greeks had great confidence-it was
an Eikon that figured our Lady-and he lost at least twenty
knights of the best people that he had. Thus was discom-
fited the Emperor Mourzuphles, as you have just heard; and
fiercely did the war rage bet,veen him and the Franks; and
by this time a great part of the winter had already passed, I
and it was near Candlemas (2nd February 1204), and Lent
was approaching.
'--L a
OF THE PILGRIMS WHO HAD GONE TO SYRIA
Now we will leave off speaking of the host before Con-
;tantinople, and speak of those who sailed from other ports
than Venice, and of the ships of Flanders that had sojourned
juring the winter at Marseilles, and had all gone over in the
;ummer to the land of Syria; and these were far more in
[lumber than the host before Constantinople. Listen now,
lnd you shall hear what a great mischance it was that they
\
58 Memoirs of the Crusades
had not joined themselves to the host, for in that case would
Christendom have been for ever exalted. But because of
their sins, God would not so have it, for some died of the
sickness of the land, and some turned back to their own
homes. Nor àid they perform any great deeds, or achieve
" aught of good, in the land oversea.
And there started also a company of very good men to go
to Antioch, to join Boemond, prince of Antioch and Count of
Tripoli, who was at war with King Leon, the lord of the
Armenians. This company was going to the prince to be in
his pay; and the Turks of the land knew of it, and made an
ambuscade there where the men of the company needs must
pass. And they came thither, and fought, and the Franks
were discomfited, so that not one escaped that was not
killed or taken.
There were slain Villain of N euilly, who was one of the best
knights in the world, and Giles of Trasegnies, and many
others; and were taken Bernard of Moreuil, and Renaud of
Dampierre, and John of Villers, and William of Neuilly.
And you must know that eighty knights were in this com-
pany, and every one was either killed or taken. And well
does this book bear witness, that of those who avoided the
host of Venice, there was not one but suffered harm or shame.
He therefore must be accounted wise who holds to the better
course.
AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE FRANKS AND VENETIANS
BEFORE ATTACKING CONSTANTINOPLE
Now let us leave speaking of those who avoided the host,
and speak of those before Constantinople. Well had these
prepared all their engines, and mounted their petraries, and
mangonels on the ships and on the transports, and got ready
all such engines of war as are needful for the taking of a city,
and raised ladders from the yards and masts of the vessels,
so high that they were a marvel to behold. 1
And when the Greeks saw this, they began, on their side,
to strengthen the defences of the city which was enclosed
with high walls and high towers. Nor was any tower so high
that they did not raise thereon two or three stages of wood
to heighten it still more. Never was city so well fortified.
1 This passage is obscure in the original.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 59
Thus did the Greeks and the Franks bestir themselves on the
one side and the other during the greater part of Lent.
Then those of the host spoke together, and took counsel
what they should do. Much was advanced this way and
that, but in the end, they _ e vis eg thatjf God granted them
entry into the city by force, all the booty taken ,vas to be
brought together, and fittingly distributed; and urther, if
the city fell into their power, six men should b taken from
among the Franks, and six from among the enetians, and
thëSë t,velve should swear, on holy relics, t elect as emperor
the man who, as they deemed, would rule with most profit to
the land. And whosoever ,vas thus elected emperor, would
have one quarter of whatever- ,vas cap tûte4, yvhether within
the city or without, and moreover would possess the palace
of Bucoleon and that of Blachemæ; and the remaining three
parts \vould be divided into two, and one of the halves
a \varded to the Venetians and the other to those of the host.
And there should be taken twelve of the wisest and most
exp ieñëëd men am
g the host of the pilgrims, and twelve
among the Ven
iaJ;;ls, nd tþose twenty-four ,vould divide
fiefs and honours, and appoint the service to be done therefor
to the em pe
or. .. t '.,,"
This covenant was made sure and sworn to on the one side
and the othèr by the Franks and the Venetians; with pro-
vision that at the end of March, a year thence, any who so
desired might depart hence and go their way, but that those
who remained in the land would be held to the service of the
emperor in such manner as might be ordained. Thus was
the covenant devised and made sure; and such as should not
observe it were excommunicated by the clergy.
ATTACK OF THE CRUSADERS REPULSED-THEY
IAKE
READY FOR ANOTHER ASSAULT
The fleet was very \vell prepared and armed, and provi-
sions were got together for the pilgrims. On the Thursday
after mid-Lent (8th April 1204), all entered into the vessels,
and put their horses into the transports. Each division had
its own ships, and all were ranged side by side; and the ships
were separated from the galleys and transports. A mar-
vellous sight it was to see; and well does this book bear
60 Memoirs of the Crusades
witness that the attack, as it had been devised, extended
over full half a French league.
On the Friday morning the ships and the galleys and the
" other vessels drew near to the city in due order, and then
began an assault most fell and fierce. In many places the
'>.1 pilgrims landed and went up to the walls, and in many
places the scaling ladders on the ships approached so close,
that those on the towers and on the walls and those on the
ladders crossed lances, hand to hand. Thus lasted the
assault, in more than a hundred places, very fierce, and very
dour, and very proud, till near upon the hour of nones.
But, for our sins, the pilgrims were repulsed in that
assault, and those who had landed from the galleys and trans-
ports were driven back into them by main force. And you
I must know that on that day those of the host lost more than
" the Greeks, and much were the Greeks rejoiced thereat.
And some there were who drew back from the assault, \vith
the ships in which they were. And some remained with
their ships at anchor so near to the city that from either side
they shot at one another with petraries and mangonels.
Then, at vesper time, those of the host and the Doge of
Venice called together a parliament, and assembled in a
church on the other side of the straits-on the side where
they had been quartered. There were many opinions given
and discussed; and much were those of the host moved for
the mischief that had that day befallen them. And many
advised that they should attack the city on another side-
the side where it was not so ,veIl fortified. But the Vene-
tians, who had fuller knowledge of the sea, said that if they
went to that other side, the current would carry them down
the straits, and that they would be unable to stop their ships.
And you must know that there were those who would have
been well pleased if the current had borne them down the
straits, or the wind, they cared not wlúther, so long as they
left that land behind, and went on their way. Nor is this to
be wondered at, for they were in sore peril.
Enough was there spoken, this way and in that; but the
conclusion of their deliberation was this: that they would
repair and refit on the follo\ving day, which was Saturday,
and during the whole of Sunday, and that on the Monday
they would return to the assault; and they devised further
that the ships that carried the scaling ladders should be
Villehardouin's Chronicle 6 I
bound together, two and two, so that two ships should be in
case to attack one tower; for they had perceived that day
how only one ship had attacked each tower, and that this
had been too heavy a task for the ship, seeing that those in
the tower were more in number than those on the ladder.
For this reason was it wen seen that two ships would attack
each tower with greater effect than one. As had been
settled, so was it done, and they waited thus during the
Saturday and Sunday.
THE CRUSADERS TAKE A PART OF THE CITY
Before the assault the Emperor Mourzuphles had come to
encamp, with all his power, in an open space, and had there
pitched · sarI t n s. Thus matters remained till the
Monday morning, when those on the ships, transports, and
galleys were all armed. And those of the city stood in much
less fear of them than they did at the beginning, and were in
such good spirits that on the walls and towers you could see
nothing but people. Then began an assault proud and mar-
vellous, and every ship went straight before it to the attack.
The noise of the battle was so great that it seemed to rend
the ear .
Thus did the assault last for a long while, till our Lord
raised a ind called Boreas which drove the ships and vessels
further up on to the shore. And two ships that were bound
together, of which the one ,vas called the Pilgrim and the
other the Paradise, approached so near to a tower, the one
on the one side and the other on the other-so as God and
the wind drove them-that the ladder of the Pilgr'im joined
on to the tower. Immediately a Venetian, and a knight of
France, ,vhose name was Andre,v of Urboise, entered into the
tower, and other people be;jan to enter after them, and
those in the tower were discomfited and fled. l
,
1 I should like to quote here another feat of arms related by Robert
of Clari, one of those feats that serve to explain how the Crusaders
obtained mastery-the mastery of perfect fearlessness-over the
Greeks. Robert of Clari, then, relates how a small body of the
besiegers, ten knights and nine serge an ts, had come before a postern
which had been newly bricked up. U Now there was there a clerk,
Aleaume of Clari by name, who had shown his courage whenever there
was need, and was always first in any assault at which he might be
( present; and when the tower of Galata was taken, this same clerk had
l performed more deeds of prowess with his body, man for man, than
62
Memoirs of the Crusades
\Vhen the knights see this, who are in the transports, they
land, and r
ise their ladders against the wall, and scale the
top of the wall by main force, and so take four of the towers.
l\nd all begin to leap out of the ships and transports and
galleys, helter-skelter, each as best he can; and they break
in some three of the gates and enter in; and they dra,v the
horses out of the transports; and the knights mount and
ride straight to the quarters of the Emperor Mourzuphles.
I-!e had his battalions arrayed before his tents, and when his
men see the mounted knights coming, they lose heart and fly ;
and so goes the emperor flying through the streets to the
castle of Bucoleon.
Then might you have seen the Greeks beaten down; and
horses and palfreys captured, and mules, and other booty.
Of killed and \vounded there was neither end nor measure.
A great part of the Greek lords had fled towards the gate of
anyone in thè host, save only the Lord Peter of Bracuel; for the Lord
Peter it was who surpassed all others, whether of high or low degree, so
tbat there was none other that performed such feats of arms, or acts of
prowess with his body, as the Lord Peter of Bracuel. So when they
came to the postern they began to hew and pick at it very hardily;
but the bolts flew at them so thick, and so many stones were hurled at
them from the wall, that it seemed as if they would be buried beneath
the stones-such was the mass of quarries and stones thrown from
above. And those who were below held up targes and shields to cover
those who were picking and hewing underneath; and those above
threw down pots of boiling pi tch, and Greek fire, and large rocks, so
that it was one of God's miracles that the assailants were not utterly
confounded; for my Lord Peter and his men suffered more than enough
of blows and grievous danger. However, so did they hack at the
postern, both above and below, with their axes and good swords, that
they made a great hole therein; and when the postern was broken
through, they all swarmed to the aperture, but saw so many people
above and below, that it seemed as if half the world were there, and
they dared not be so bold as to enter.
" Now when Aleaume, the clerk, saw that no one dared to go in, be
sprang forward, and said that go in he would. And there was there
present a knight, a brother to the clerk (the knight's name was Robert
of Clari), who forbade him, and said he should not go in. And the clerk
said he would, and scrambled in on his hands and feet. And when the
knigh t saw this, he took hold upon him, by the foot, and began to drag
him back. But in his brother's despite, and whether his brother
would or not, the clerk went in. And when he was within, many were
the Greeks who ran upon him, and those on the walls cast big stones
upon him. And the clerk drew his l{nife, and ran at them; and he
drave them before him as if they had been cattle, and cried to those
who were without, to the Lord Peter of Amiens and his folk, · Sire, come
in boldly, I see that they are falling back discomfited and flying.'
\Vhen my Lord Peter heard this, he and tis people who were without,
they entered in; and there were no more than ten knights with him,
but there were some sixty sergeants, and they were all on foot. And
Villehardouin's Chronicle 63
Blachemæ. And vesper-time was already past, and those
of the host vvere weary of the battle and of the slaying. And
they began to assemble in a great open space that was in
Constantinople, and decided that they would take up their
quarters near the ,valls and towers they had captured.
Never had they thought that in a whole month they should
be able to take the city, with its great churches, and great
palaces, and the people that were in it.
FLIGHT OF MOURZUPHLES-SECOND FIRE IN
CONSTANTINOPLE
As they had settled, so ,vas it done, and they encamped
before the ,valls and before the towers by their ships. Count
Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault quartered himself in the
scarlet tents that the Emperor Mourzuphles had left stand-
ing, and Henry his brother before the palace of Blachemæ;
and Boniface, Marquis of NIontferrat, he and his men,
towards the thickest part of the city. So were the host en-
camped as you have heard, and Constantinople taken on the
Monday after Palm Sunday (12th April 1204).
Now Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres had languished all
the winter with a quartan fever, and could not bear his
armour. And you must know that this was a great misfor-
when those who were on the wall at that place saw them, they had
such fear that they did not dare to remain there, but avoided a great
space on the wall, and fled helter-skelter.
" Now the Emperor Mourzuphles, the traitor, was near by, at less
than a stone's throw of distance, and he caused the silver horns to be
sounded, and the cymbals, and a great noise to be made. And when
he saw my Lord Peter, and his people, who had entered in on foot, he
made a great show of falling upon them, and spurring forward, came
about half-way to where they stood. But my Lord Peter, when. he saw
him coming, began to encourage his people, and to say: 'N ow, Lord
God, grant that we may do 'well, and the battle is ours. Here comes
the emperor I Let no one dare to think of retreat, but each bethink
himself to do well.' Then Mourzuphles, seeing that they would in no
wise give way, stayed where he was, and then turned back to his tents."
After this, according to Robert of Clad, Lord Peter's men break open a
gate, and the Crusaders enter into the city. See Li Estoires de chiaus
qui conquisent Constantinoble, de Robert de Clari en aminois, chevalie1
pp. 60-62. The volume in the British Museum is undated, and ther
is this note in the catalogue, "No more printed." The volume itself
is noteless, though there are printed marks here and there which would
suggest that notes were intended. The Chronicle of Robert of Clari
will also be found in Hopf's t;hroniques Gréco-romanes inédites ou peu
ronnues, etc., pp. 1-85. Berlin, 1873.
64 Memoirs of the Crusades
tune to the host, seeing he was a good knight of his body;
and he lay in one of the transports.
Thus did those of the host, who were very weary, rest that
night. But the Emperor Mourzuphles rested not, for he
assembled all his people, and said he would go and attack the
Franks. Nevertheless he did not do as he had said, for he
rode along other streets, as far as he could from those held
by the host, and came to a gate which is called the Golden
Gate, whereby he escaped, and avoided the city; and after-
wards all who could fled also. And of all this those of the
host knew nothing. -----
t \ V" '-
, Duri ng that night, towards the quarters of Boniface,
:Marquis of 1Iontferrat, certain people, whose names are un-
known to me, being in fear lest the Greeks should attack
them, set fire to the buildings between themselves and the
Greeks. And the city began to take fire, and to bum very
direfully; and it burned all that night and all the next day,
till vesper-time. And this was the third fire there had been
in Constantinople since the Franks arrived in the land; and
more houses had been burned in the city than there are
houses in any three of the greatest cities in the kingdom of
France.
That night passed and the next day came, which was a
Tuesday morning (13th April 1204); and all armed them-
selves throughout the host, both knights and sergeants, and
each repaired to his post. Then they issued from their
quarters, and thought to find a sorer battle than the day
before, for no word had come to them that the emperor had
fled during the night. But they found none to oppose them.
THE CRUSADERS OCCUpy THE CITY
The Marquis Boniface of Montferrat rode all along the
shore to the palace of Bucoleon, and when he arrived there
it surrendered, on condition that the lives of all therein
should be spared. At Bucoleon were found the larger
number of the great ladies who had fled to the castle, for
there were found the sister 1 of the King of France, who had
been empress, and the sister I of the King of Hungary, who
Agnes, sister of Philip Augustus, married successively to Alexius II.,
to Andronicus, and to Theodore Branas.
· Margaret, sister of Emeric, King of Hungary, married to tho
Emperor Isaac, and afterwards to the Marquis of Montferrat.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 65
had also been empress, and other ladies very many. Of the
treasure that was found in that palace I cannot well speak,
for there was so much that it was beyond end or counting.
At the same time that this palace was surrendered to the
Marquis Boniface of Montferrat, did the palace of Blachernæ
surrender to Henry, the brother of Count Baldwin of
Flanders, on condition that no hurt should be done to the
bodies of those who were therein. There too was found
much treasure, not less than in the palace of Bucoleon.
Each garrisoned with his own peopJe the castle that had been
surrendered to him, and set a gtJard over the treasure. And
the other people, spread abroad throughout the city, alsò "-
gained much booty. The booty gained was so great that.,-. \
none could tell you the en-d of it: gold and silver, and vessels
and precious stones, and samite, and cloth of silk, and robes .
vair and grey, and ermine, and every choicest thing found
upon the earth. And well does Geoffry of Villehardouin,
the Marshal of Champagne, bear witness, that never, since
the world was created, had so much booty been won in any
city .
Every one took quarters where he pleased, and of lodgings
there was no stint. So the host of the pilgrims and of the
Venetians found quarters, and greatly did they rejoice and
give thanks because of the victory God had vouchsafed to
them-for those who before had been poor were no\v in
wealth and luxury. Thus they celebrated Palm Sunday and
the Easter Day following (25th April 1204) in the joy and
honour that God had bestowed upon them. And well might
they praise our Lord, since in all the host there were no more
than twenty thousand armed men, one with another, and
with the help of God they had conquered four hundred
thousand men, or more, and in the strongest city in all the
world-yea, a great city-and very well fortified. _
DIVISION OF THE SPOIL
Then was it proclaimed throughout the host by the Mar..
quis Boniface of Montferrat, who was lord of the host, and by \
the barons, and by the Doge of Venice, that all the booty \
sho.11ld be collected and brought together, as had been
"rtanted under oath and pain of excommunication.
Joe o
rh""'
hes were appointed for the receiving of the ..
66 Ivlemoirs of the Crusades
spoils, and guards were set to have them in charge, both
Franks and ,r enetians, the most upright that could be found.
f' Then each began to bring in such booty as he had taken,
I and to collect it together. And some brought in loyally, and
- some in evil sort, because covetousness, which is the root of
all evil, let and hindered them. So from that time forth
the covetous began to keep things back, and our Lord began
to love them less. Ah God! how loyally they had borne
themselves up to now! And well had the Lord God shown
them that in all things He was ready to honour and exalt
them above all people. But full oft do the good suffer for
the sins of the wicked.
The spoils and booty \vere collected together, and you
must know that all was not brought into the common stock,
for not a few kept things back, maugre the excommunication
of the Pope. That which was brought to the churches was
collected together and divided, in equal parts, bet,veen the
Franks and the Venetians, according to the s,vorn covenant.
And you must know further that the pilgrims, after the divi-
sion had been made, paid out of their share fifty thousand
marks of silver to the Venetians, and then divided at least
one hundred thousand marks between themselves, among
their own people. And shall I tell you in what wise? Two
sergeants on foot counted as one mounted, and two sergeants
mounted as one knight. And you must know that no man
received more, either on account of his rank or because of his
deeds, than that \vhich had been so settled and ordered-
save in so far as he may have stolen it.
, I And as to theft, and those who were convicted thereof,
v
.
1"' you must know that stern Justice was meted out to such as
,vere found guilty, and not a few were hung. The Count of
À St. Paul hung one of his knights, who had kept back certain
J.
, with his shield to his neck; but many there were,
t," both great and small, who kept back part of the spoils, and
'\
\, it was never knovvn. Well may you be assured that the
spoil was very great, for if it had not been for what was
stolen, and for the part given to the Venetians, there would
have been at least four hundred thousand marks of silver,
and at least ten thousand horses-one ,vith another. Thus
were divided the spoils of Constantinople, as you have
:ard.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 67
:BALDWIN, COUNT OF FLANDERS, ELECTED EMPEROR
Then a parliament assembled, and the commons of the
host declared that an emperor must be elected, as had been
settled aforetime. And they parliamented so long that the
matter was adjourned to another day, and on that day
would they choose the twelve electors who were to make the
election. N or was it possible that there should be lack of
candidates, or of men covetous, seeing that so great an
honour was in question as the imperial throne of Constanti-
nople. But the greatest discord that arose was the discord
concerning Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault and the
Marquis Boniface of Montfe
at; for all the people said that
either of those two should be elected.
And when the chief men of the host saw that all held
either for Count Baldwin or for the Marquis of Montferrat,
they conferred together and said: "Lords, if we elect one
of these two great men, the other will be so filled with envy
that he will take a\vay with him all his people. And then
the land that we have won may be lost, just as the land of
Jerusalem came nigh to be lost when, after it had been con-
quered, Godfrey of Bouillon ,vas elected king, and the Count
of St. Giles became so fulfilled with envy that he enticed the
other barons, and whomsoever he could, to abandon the host.
Then did many people depart, and there remained so few
that, if God had not sustained them, the land of Jerusalem
would have been lost. Let us therefore beware lest the same
mischance befall us also, and rather bethink ourselves how
we may keep both these lords in the host. Let the one on
whom God shall bestow the empire so devise that the other
is well content; let him grant to that other all the land on the
further side of the straits, towards Turkey, and the Isle of
Greece, and that other shall be his liegeman. Thus shall
we keep both lords in the host."
As had been proposed, so was it settled, and both con-
sented right willingly. Then came the day for the parlia- )-
ment, and the parliament assembled. And the twelve
electors were chosen, six on one side and six on the other;
and they swore on holy relics to elect, duly, and in good faith,
whomsoever would best meet the needs of the host, and bear
rule over the empire most worthily.
tc"'768 Memoirs of the Crusades
flt...... l. .,
f Thus were the twelve chosen, and a day appointed for the
." ·
lection of the emperor; and on the appointed day the
twelve electors met at a rich palace, one of the fairest in the
world, where the Doge of Venice had his quarters.. Great
and marvellous was the concourse, for every one wished to
see who should be elected. Then were the twelve electors
called, and set in a very rich chapel within the palace, and the
door was shut, so that no one remained with them. The
barons and knights stayed without in a great palace.
The council lasted till they were agreed; and by consent
of all they appointed Névelon, Bishop of Soissons, who was
one of the twelve, to act as spokesman. Then they came out
to the place where all the barons were assembled, and the
Doge of Venice. Now you must know that many set eyes
upon them, to know how the election had turned. And the
bishop, lifting up his voice-while all listened intently-
spoke as he had been charged, and said: cc Lords, we are
agreed, let God be thanked! upon the choice of an emperor;
and you have all sworn that he whom we shall elect as
emperor shall be held by you to be emperor indeed, and that
if anyone gainsay him, you will be his helpers. And we
name him now at the self-same hour when God was born,
THE COUNT BALDWIN OF FLANDERS AND HAINAULT! "
A cry of joy was raised in the palace, and they bore the
count out of the palace, and the Marquis Boniface of Mont-
)..."ferrat bore him on one side to the church, and showed him all
-..ft. -the honour he could. So was the Count Baldwin of Flanders
, and Hainault elected emperor, and a day appointed for his
coronation, three weeks after Easter (16th May 1204). And
you must know that many a rich robe was made for the
coronation; nor did they want for the wherewithal.
BONIFACE WEDS ISAAC'S WIDOW, AND AFTER BALDWIN'S
CORONATION OBTAINS THE KINGDOM OF SALONIKA
Before the time appointed for the coronation, the Marquis
Boniface of Montferrat espoused the empress who had been
the wife of the Emperor Isaac, and was sister to the King of
Hungary. And within that time also did one of the most
noble barons of the host, who bore the name of Odo of
Champlitte of Champagne, make an end and die. Much was
he mourned and bewept by William his brother, and by his
Villehardouin's Chronicle 69
cthet friends; and he was buried in the church of the Apostles
with great honour.
The time for the coronation drew near, and the Emperor
Baldwi.n was crowned with great joy and great honour in the
Church of St. Sophia, in the year of the Incarnation of Jesus
Christ one thousand twelve hundred and four. Of the re-
joicings and feasting there is no need to speak further,
for the barons and knights did all they could; and the Mar-
quis Boniface of Montferrat and Count Lewis of Blois and
Chartres did homage to the emperor as their lord. After the
great rejoicings and ceremonies of the coronation, he was
taken in great pomp, and with a great procession, to the rich
palace of Bucoleon. And when the feastings were over he
began to discuss his affairs.
Boniface the 'Marquis of Montferrat called upon him to
carry out the covenant made, and give him, as he was bound
to do, the land on the other side of the straits towards
Turkey and the Isle of Greece. And the emperor acknow-
ledged that he was bound so to do, and said he would do it
right willingly. And when the Marquis of Montferrat saw
that the emperor was willing to carry out this covenant so
debonairly, he besought him, in exchange for this land, to
bestow upon him the kingdom of Salonika, because it lay
near the land of the King of Hungary, whose sister he had
taken to wife.
Much was this matter debated in various ways; but in the
end the emperor granted the land of Salonika to the marquis,
and the marquis did homage therefor. And at this there was
much jo:v throughout the host, because the marquis was one
of the knights most highly prized in all the world, and one
whom the knights most loved, inasmuch as no one dealt with
them more liberally than he. Thus the marquis remained in
the land, as you have heard.
BALDWIN MARCHES AGAINST MOURZUPHLES
The Emperor Mourzuphles had not yet removed more than
four days' journey from Constantinople; and he had taken
with him the empress who had been the wife of the Emperor
.Alexius, who aforetime had fled, and his daughter. This
Emperor Alexius was in a city called Messinople, \vith all his
people, and still held a great part of the land. And at that
7 0 Memoirs of the Crusades
time the men of note in Greece departed, and a large number
passed over the straits towards Turkey; and each or.e, for
his own advantage, made himself master of such lands as he
could lay hands upon; and the same thing happen
d also
throughout the other parts of the elnpire.
The Emperor Mourzuphles made no long tarrying before
he took a city which had surrendered to my lord the Emperor
Baldvlin, a city called Tchorlu. So he took it and sacked it,
and seized whatever he found there. When the news thereof
came to the Emperor Baldwin, he took counsel with the
barons, and with the Doge of Venice, and they agreed to this,
that he should issue forth, with all his host, to make con-
quest of the land, and leave a garrison in Constantinople to
keep it sure, seeing that the city had been newly taken and
was peopled with the Greeks.
So did they decide, and the host was called together, and
decision made as to who should remain in Constantinople,
and who should go in the host with the Emperor Baldwin.
In Constantinople remained Count Lewis of Blois, and
Chartres, who had been sick, and ,vas not yet recovered, and
the Doge of Venice. And Conon of Béthune remaineçl in the
palaces of Blachernæ and Bucoleon to keep the city; and
with him Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne, and Miles the
Brabant of Provins, and J\ianasses of l'Isle, and all their
people. All the rest made ready to go in the host with the
emperor.
Before the Emperor Baldwin left Constantinople, his
brother I-Ienry departed thence, by his command, with a
hundred very good knights; and he rode from city to city,
and in every city to which he came the people swore fealty to
the emperor. So he fared forward till he came to Adrianople,
which ,vas a good city, and wealthy; and
þose of the city
received him right willingly and swore fealty to the emperor.
Then he lodged in the city, he and his people, and sojourned
there till the Emperor Baldwin came thither.
MOURZUPHLES TAKES REFUGE WITH ALEXIUS, THE
BROTHER OF ISAAC, WHO PUTS OUT HIS EYES
The Emperor Mourzuphles, when he heard that they thus
advanced against him, did not dare to abide their coming,
but remained always two or three days' march in advance.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 7 I
So re fared for\vard tiU he came near 1\fessinople, where the
Emperor Alexius \vas sojourning, and he sent on messengers,
telling Alexius that he ,vould give him help, and do all his
behests. And the Emperor Alexius answered that he should
be as welcome as if he were his own son, and that he would
give him his daughter to wife, and make of him his son. So
the Emperor Mourzuphles encamped before Messinople, and
pitched his tents and pavilions, and Alexius was quartered
within the city. So they conferred together, and Al.exius gave
him his daughter to wife.. and they entered into alliance, and
said they should be as one.
They sojourned thus for I know not how many days, the
one in the camp and the other in the city, and then did the
Emperor Alexius invite the Emperor 1iourzuplùes to come
and eat with him, and to go with him to the baths. So were
matters settled. The Emperor Mourzuphles came privately,
and with fe\v people, and when he was within the house, the .
Emperor Alexius called him into a privy chamber, and had
him thrown on to the ground, and the eyes drawn out of his ' ;
head. And this was done in such treacherous wise as you
have heard. Now say whether this people, who wrought
such cruelty one to another, were fit to have lands in posses- (
sion ! And when the host of the Emperor Mourzuphles
heard what had been done, they scattered, and fled this
way and that; and some joined themselves to the Emperor
Alexius, and obeyed him as their lord, and remained with him.
BALDWIN :MARCHES AGAINST ALEXIUS-HE IS JOINED
BY BONIFACE
Then the Emperor Baldwin moved from Constantinople,
\vith all his host, and rode forward till he came to Adrianople.
There he found Henry his brother, and the men with him.
All the people whithersoever the emperor passed, came to
him, and put themselves at his mercy and under his rule.
And while they were at Adrianople, they heard the ne\vs
that the Emperor Alexius had pulled out the eyes of the
Emperor 1Iourzuphles. Of this there was much talk among
them; and well did all say that those who betrayed one
another so disloyally and treacherously had no right to hold
land in possession.
Then was the Emperor Baldwin minded to ride straight to
72 Memoirs of the Crusades
Messinople, where the Emperor Alexius was. And the Greeks
of Adrianople besought him, as their lord, to leave a garrison
in their city because of Johannizza, King of Walachia. and
Bulgaria, who ofttimes made war upon them. And the
Emperor Baldwin left there Eustace of Saubruic, who was a
knight of Flanders, very worthy and very valiant, together
with forty right good knights, and a hundred mounted
sergeants.
So departed the Emperor Baldwin from Adrianople, and
rode towards Messinople, where he thought to find the
Emperor Alexius. All the people of the lands through which
he passed put themselves under his role and at his mercy;
and when the Emperor Alexius saw this, he avoided Messi-
no pIe and fled. And the Emperor Baldwin rode on till he
came before Messinople; and those of the city went out to
meet him and surrendered the city to his commandment.
Then the Emperor Baldwin said he would sojourn there,
waiting for the arrival of Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat,
who had not yet joined the host, seeing he could not move as
fast as the emperor, because he was bringing with him the
empress, his wife. However, he also rode forward till he
came to Messinople, by the river, and there encamped, and
pitched his tents and pavilions. And on the morro\v he went
to speak to the Emperor Baldwin, and to see him, and re-
minded him of his promise.
" Sire," said he, " tidings have come to me from Salonika
that the people of the land would have me know that they
are ready to receive me willingly as their lord. And I am
your liegeman, and hold the land from you. Therefore, I
pray you, let me go thither; and when I am in possession
of my land and of my city, I will bring you out such supplies
as you may need, and come ready prepared to do your
behests. But do not go and ruin my land. Let us rather,
if it so pleases you, march against J ohannizza, the King
of \Valachia and Bulgaria, who holds a great part of the
land wrongfully."
RUPTURE BETWEEN BALDWIN AND BONIFACE-THE ONE
1:lARCHES ON SALONIKA, THE OTHER ON DEMOTICA
I know not by whose counsel it was that the emperor
replied that he ,vas determined to march towards Salonika,
Villehardouin's Chronicle .,5
and would afterwards attend to his other affairs. U SirfJ
said Boniface, 1farquis of Montferrat, " I pray thee, since.
am able without thee to get possession of my land, that tho,
wilt not enter therein; but if thou dost enter therein, I shah
deem that thou art not acting for my good. And be it
known to thee that I shall not go with thee, but depart from
among you." And the Emperor Baldwin replied that, not-
withstanding all this, he should most certainly go.
Alas! how ill-advised were they, both the one and the
other, and how great was the sin of those who caused this
quarrel! For if God had not taken pity upon them, no,v
would they have lost all the conquests they had made, and
Christendom been in danger of ruin. So by ill fortune was
there division between the Emperor Baldwin of Constanti-
nople and Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, - and by ill-
advice.
The Emperor Baldwin rode towards Salonika, as he de-
vised, with all his people, and with all his power. And
Boniface, the Marquis of Montferrat, went back, and he took
with him a great number of right worthy people. With him
went James of Avesnes, William of Champlitte, Hugh of
Co1emi, Count Berthold of Catzenellenbogen, and the greater
part of those who came from the Empire of Germany and held
with the marquis. Thus did the marquis ride back till he
came to a castle, very goodly, very strong, and very rich,
which is called Demotica; and it was surrendered by a Greek
of the city, and when the marquis had entered therein he
garrisoned it. Then because of their knowledge of the
empress (his wife), the Greeks began to turn towards him,
and to surrender to his rule from all the country round
about, within a day or two's journey.
The Emperor Baldwin rode straight on to Salonika, and
came to a castle called Christopolis, one of the strongest in
the world. And it surrendered, and those of the city did
homage to him. Afterwards he came to another place called
Blache, which was very strong and very rich, and this too
surrendered, and the people did homage. Next he came to
Cetros, a city strong and rich, and it also came to his rule and
order, and did homage. Then he rode to Salonika, and en-
camped before the city, and was there for three days. And
those within surrendered the city, which was one of the best
and wealthiest in Christendom at that day, on condition that
7 2 4- Memoirs of the Crusades
e
would maintain the uses and customs theretofore observed
? y the Greek emperor.
m
T --
l\.JESSAGE OF THE CRUSADERS TO BONIFACE-HE
SUSPENDS THE SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE
While the Emperor Baldwin ,vas thus at Salonika, and the
land surrendering to his good pleasure and commandment,
the Marquis Boniface of 1vlontferrat, with all his people and
a great quantity of Greeks who held to his side, marched to
Adrianople and besieged it, and pitched his tents and
pavilions round about. Now Eustace of Saubruic was
therein, with the people \vhom the emperor had left there,
and they mounted the walls and towers and made ready to
defend themselves.
Then took Eustace of Saubruic two messengers and sent
them, riding night and day, to Constantinople. And they
came to the Doge of Venice, and to Count Le,vis, and to those
who had been left in the city by the Emperor Bald\vin, and
told them that Eustace of Saubruic would have them know
that the emperor and the marquis \vere embroiled together,
and that the marquis had seized Demotica, which ,vas one of
the strongest castles in Roumania, and one of the richest, and
that he was besieging them in Adrianople. And when those
in Constantinople heard this they were moved \vith anger,
for they thought most surely that all their conquests would
be lost.
Then assembled in the palace of Blachernæ the Doge of
Venice, and Count Le\vis of Blois and Chartres, and the other
barons that ,vere in Constantinople; and much were they
distraught, and greatly were they angered, and fiercely did
they complain of those who had put enmity between the
emperor and the marquis. At the prayer of the Doge of
Venice and of Count Le,vis, Geoffry of Villehardouin, the
Marshal of Champagne, was enjoined to go to the siege of
Adriano pIe, and appease the war, if he could, because he
was well in favour with the marquis, and therefore they
thought he would have more influence than any other. And
he, because of their prayers, and of their great need, said he
would go willingly; and he took with him Manasses of
l'!sle, who was one of the good knights of the host, and one
of the most honoured.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 7 5
So they departed from Constantinople, and rode day by
day till they came to Adrianople, where the siege was going
on. And when the marquis heard thereof, he came out of
the camp and went to meet them. \Vith him came James
of Avesnes, and William of Champlitte, and Hugh of Colemi,
and Otho of la Roche, who were the chief counsellors of the
marquis. And when he saw the envoys, he did them much
honour and showed them much fair seeming.
Geoffry the Marshal, with whom he was on very good
terms, spoke to him very sharply, reproaching him with the
fashion in which he had taken the land of the emperor and
besieged the emperor's people in Adrianople, and tþat with-
out apprising those in Constantinople, who surely would have
obtained such redress as \vas due if the emperor had done him
any wrong. And the marquis disculpated himself much, and
3aid it was because of the wrong the emperor had done him
that he had acted in such sort.
So wrought Geoffry, the
Iarshal of Champagne, with the
help of God, and of the barons who were in the confidence of
the marquis, and who loved the said Geoffry well, that the
marquis assured lùm he would leave the matter in the hands
of the Doge of Venice, and of Count Lewis of Blois and
Chartres, and of Conon of Béthune, and of Geoffry of Ville-
hardouin, the Marshal-all of whom well knew what was the
covenant made between himself and the emperor. So was a
truce established between those in the camp and those in
the city.
And you must know that Geofiry the Marshal, and
Manasses of l'!sle, were right joyously looked upon, both by
those in the camp and those in the city, for very strongly
did either side wish for peace. And in such measure as the
Franks rejoiced, so were the Greeks doIent, because right
willingly would they have seen the Franks quarrelling and
at war. Thus was the siege of Adrianople raised, and the
marquis returned with all his people to Demotica, where
was the empress his wife.
MESSAGE OF THE CRUSADERS TO BALDWIN-
DEATH OF SEVERAL KNIGHTS
The envoys returned to Constantinople, and told what they
had done. Greatly did the Doge of Venice, and Count Lewis
7 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
of Blois, and all besides, then rejoice that to these envoys
had been committed the negotiations for a peace; and they
chose good messengers, and wrote a letter, and sent it to the
Emperor Baldwin, telling him that the marquis had referred
himself to them, with assurances that he would accept their
arbitration, and that he (the emperor) was even more
strongly bound to do the same, and that they besought him
to do so-for they would in no wise countenance war-and
promise to accept their arbitration, as the marquis had
done.
While this was in progress the Emperor Baldwin had
settled matters at Salonika and departed thence, garrisoning
it with his people, and had left there as chief Renier of
Mons, who was a good knight and a valiant. And tidings
had come to him that the marquis had taken Demotica, and
established himself therein, and conquered a great part of the
land lying round about, and besieged the emperor's people
in Adrianople. Greatly enraged was the Emperor Baldwin
when these tidings came to him, and much did he hasten so
as to raise the siege of Adrianople, and do to the marquis all
the harm that he could. Ah God! what mischief their
discord might have caused! If God had not seen to it,
Christendom would have been undone.
So did the Emperor Baldwin journey day by day. And a
very great mischance had befallen those who were before
Salonika, for many people of the host were stricken down
with sickness. Many who could not be moved had to remain
in the castles by which the emperor passed, and many were
brought along in litters, journeying in sore pain; and many
there were who died at Cetros (La Serre). Among those who
so died at Cetros was Master John of Noyon, chancellor to
the Emperor Bald,,"in. He was a good clerk, and very wise,
and much had he comforted the host by the word of God,
which he well knew how to preach. And you must know
that by his death the good men of the host were much
discomforted.
Nor was it long ere another great misfortune befell the
host, for Peter of Amiens died, who was a man rich and
noble, and a good and brave knight, and great dole was made
for him by Hugh of St. Paul, who was his cousin-gennan;
and heavily did his death weigh upon the host. Shortly
after died Gerard of Mancicourt, who was a knight much
Villehardouin's Chronicle 77
prized, and Giles of Aunoy, and many other good people.
Forty knights died during this expedition, and by their death
was the host greatly enfeebled.
BALDWIN'S REPLY TO THE MESSAGE OF THE
CRUSADERS
The Emperor Baldwin journeyed so day by day that he
met the messengers sent by those of Constantinople. One
of the messengers was a knight belonging to the land of Count
Lewis of Blois, and the count's liegeman; his name was
Bigue of Fransures, and he was wise and eloquent. He
spoke the message of his lord and the other barons right
manfully, and said: "Sire, the Doge of Venice, and Count
Lewis, my lord, and the other barons ,vho are in Constanti-
nople send you health and greeting as to their lord, and they
complain to God and to you of those who have raised discord
between you and the Marquis of Montferrat, whereby it
failed but little that Christendom was not undone; and they
tell you that you did very ill when you listened to such coun-
sellors. Now they apprise you that the marquis has referred
to them the quarrel that there is between him and you, and
they pray you, as their lord, to refer that quarrel to them
likewise, and to promise to abide by their ruling. And be it
known to you that they will in no wise, nor on any ground,
suffer that you should go to war."
The Emperor Baldwin went to confer with his council, and
said he would reply anon.
1:any there were in the emperor's
council who had helped to cause the quarrel, and they were
greatly outraged by the declaration sent by those at Con-
stantinople, and they said: "Sire, you hear what they de-
clare to you, that they will not suffer you to take vengeance
of your enemy. Truly it seems that if you will not do as they
order, they will set themselves again.st you."
Very many big words were then spoken; but, in the end,
the council agreed that the emperor had no wish to lose the
friendship of the Doge of Venice, and Count Lewis, and the
others ,vho were in Constantinople; and the emperor replied
to the envoys: "I will not promise to refer the quarrel to
those who sent you, but I will go to Constantinople without
doing aught to injure the marquis." So the Emperor Bald..
win journeyed day by day till he came to Constantinople, and
78 Memoirs of the Crusades
the barons, and the other people, went to meet him, and
received him as their lord with great honour.
RECONCILIATION OF BALDWIN AND BONIFACE
On the fourth day the emperor knew clearly that he had
been ill-advised to quarrel with the marquis, and then the
Doge of Venice and Count Lewis came to speak to him and
said: "Sire, we would pray you to refer this matter to us, as
the marquis has done." And the emperor said he would do
so right \villingly. Then were envoys chosen to fetch the
marquis, and bring him thither. Of these envoys one was
Gervase of the Châtel, and the second Renier of Trit, and
GeofIry, Marshal of Champagne the third, and the Doge of
Venice sent two of his people.
The envoys rode day by day till they came to Demotica,
and they found the marquis with the empress his wife, and a
great number of right worthy people, and they told him how
they had come to fetch him. Then did Geoffry the Marshal
desire him to come to Constantinople, as he had promised,
and make peace in such wise as might be settled by those in
whose hands he had remitted his cause; and they promised
him safe conduct, as also to those who might go with him.
The marquis took counsel with his men. Some there were
\vho agreed that he should go, and some who advised that he
should not go. But the end of the debate was such that he
went with the envoys to Constantinople, and took full a
hundred knights with him; and they rode day by day till they
came to Constantinople. Very gladly ,vere they received in the
city; and Count Lewis of Blois and Chartres, and the Doge
of Venice went out to meet the marquis, together with many
other right worthy people, for he was much loved in the host.
Then was a parliament assembled, and the covenants were
rehearsed between the Emperor Baldwin and the Marquis
Boniface; and Salonika was restored to Boniface, with the
land, he placing Demotica, which he had seized, in the hands
of Geoffry the 1Iarshal of Champagne, who undertook to keep
it till he heard, by accredited messenger, or letters duly sealed,
that the marquis was seized of Salonika, when he would give
back Demotica to the emperor, or to whomsoever the emperor
might appoint. Thus was peace made between the emperor
and the marquis, as you have heard. And great was the joy
Villehardouin's Chronicle 79
thereof throughout the host, for out of this quarrel might
very great evil have arisen. '
THE KINGDOM OF SALONIKA IS RESTORED TO BONIFACE-
DIVISION OF THE LAND BETWEEN THE CRUSADERS
The marquis then took leave, and went towards Salonika
\vith his people, and with his \vife; and with him rode the
envoys of the emperor; and as they went from castle to
castle, each, with all its lordship, was restored to the marquis
on the part of the emperor. So they came to Salonika, and
those who held the place for the emperor surrendered it.
Now the governor, whom the emperor had left there, and
whose name was Renier of Mons, had died; he was a man
most worthy, and his death a great mischance.
Then the land and country began to surrender to the mar-
quis, and a great part thereof to come under his rule. But a
Greek, a man of great rank, whose name was Leon Sgure,
would in no wise come under the rule of the marquis, for he
had seized Corinth and Napoli, two cities that lie upon the
sea, and are among the strongest cities under heaven. He
then refused to surrender, but began to make war against
the marquis, and a very great many of the Greeks held with
him. And another Greek, whose name was Michael, and
\vho had come with the marquis from Constantinople, and
\vas thought by the marquis to be his friend, he departed,
\vithout any word said, and \vent to a city called Arthe
(? Durazzo) and took to \vife the daughter of a rich Greek,
who held the land from the emperor, and seized the land, and
began to make war on the marquis.
Now the land from Constantinople to Salonika was quiet
and at peace, for the ways were so safe that all could come
and go at their pleasure, and from the one city to the other
there ,vere full t\velve long days' journey. And so much
time had now passed that we were at the beginning of
September (1204). And the Emperor Baldwin was in Con-
stantinople, and the land at peace, and under his rule. Then
died two right good knights in Constantinople, Eustace of
Canteleu, and Aimery of Villeroi, whereof their friends had
great sorrow.
Then did they begin to divide the land. The Venetians
had their part, and the pilgrims the other. And when each
80 Memoirs of the Crusades
on
Wa..45 able to go to his own land, the covetousness of this
world, -rNhich has worked so great evil, suffered them not to be
at peace, for each began to deal wickedly in his land, some
m.ore, and some less, and the Greeks began to hate them and
to nourish a bitter heart. .
Then did the Emperor Baldwin bestow on Count Lewis the
duchy of Nice, which was one of the greatest lordships in
the land of Roumania, and situate on the other side of the
straits, towards Turkey. Now all the land on the other side
of the straits had not surrendered to the emperor, but was
against him. Then afterwards he gave the duchy of Philip-
popolis to Renier of Trit.
So Count Lewis sent his men to conquer his land-some
hundred and twenty knights. And over them were set
Peter of Bracieux and Pay en of Orleans. They left Con-
stantinople on All Saints Day (1st NO\í"ember 1204), and
passed over the Straits of St. George on ship-board, and
me to Piga, a city that lies on the sea, and is inhabited by
Latins. And they began to war against the Greeks.
EXECUTION OF MOURZUPHLES AND IMPRISONMENT
OF ALEXIUS
In those days it happened that the Emperor Mourzuphles;
whose eyes had been put out-the same who had murdered
his lord, the Emperor Isaac's son, the Emperor Alexius, whom
the pilgrims had brought \vith them to that land-i1
happened, I say, that the Emperor
Iourzuphles fled privily,
and with but few people, and took refuge beyond the straits,
But Thiem of Loos heard of it, for Mourzuphles' flight wa
revealed to him, and he took Mourzuphles and brought him tc
the Emperor Bald\vin at Constantinople. And the EmperoJ
Baldwin rejoiced thereat, and took counsel with his mer
what he should do with a man who had been guilty of suct
a murder upon his lord.
And the council agreed to this: There was in Constanti-
nople, towards the middle of the city, a column, one of th{
highest and the most finely wrought in marble that eye hac
ever seen; and Mourzuphles should be taken to the top 0:
that column and made to leap down, in the sight of all tht
_. people, because it was fit that an act of justice so notablt
Ïf(.should be seen of the whole ,vorid. So they led the Emperol
Villehardouin's Chronicle 8 I
Mourzuphles to the column, and took him to the top, and all
he people in the city ran together to behold the event.
Then they cast him down, and he fell from such a height that
Nhen he came to the earth he was all shattered and broken
Now hear of a great marvel! On that column from which'
1e fell were images of divers kinds, wrought in the marble.
d among these images was one, worked in the shape of an
peror, falling headlong; for of a long time it had been
?rophesied that from that column an emperor of Constanti-
10ple should be cast down. So did the semblance and the
?rophecy come true.
It came to pass, at this time also, that the Marquis Boni-
ace of Montferrat, who was near Salonika, took prisoner the
mperor Alexius-the same who had put out the eyes of the
Emperor Isaac-and the empress his wife with him. And
Ie sent the scarlet buskins, and the imperial vestments, to the
mperor Baldwin, his lord, at Constantinople, and the
mperor took the act in very good part. Shortly after the
narquis sent the Emperor Alexius and the empress his wife,
:0 Montferrat, there to be imprisoned.
::=APTURE OF ABYDOS, OF PHILIPPOPOLIS, AND OF NICOMIA-
THEODORE LASCARIS PRETENDS TO THE EMPIRE
At the feast of St. Martin after this (11th November 1204),
Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin, went forth
Iom Constantinople, and marched down by the straits to the
Douth of Abydos; and he took with him some hundred and
twenty good knights. He crossed the straits near a city
which is called Abydos, and found it well furnished with good
things, with corn and meats, and \vith all things of which
man has need. So he seized the city, and lodged therein,
a.nd then began to war with the Greeks who were before him.
And the Armenians of the land, of whom there were many,
began to turn towards him, for they greatly hated the Greeks.
At that time Renier of Trit left Constantinople, and went
to\vards Philippopolis, which the emperor had given him;
and he took with him some hundred and twenty very good
knights, and rode day by day till he passed beyond Adria-
nople, and came to Philippopolis. And the people of the
land received him, and obeyed him as their lord, for they
beheld his coming very willingly. And they stood in great
82 Memoirs of the Crusades
need of succour, for Johannizza, the King of Wallachia, had
mightily oppressed them with war. So Renier helped them
right well, and held a great part of the land, and most of
those who had sided ,vith J ohannizza, now turned to him.
In those parts the war with Johannizza raged fiercely.
The emperor had sent some hundred knights over the straits
of Saint George opposite Constantinople. Macaire of Sainte-
Marehould was in command, and with him went Matthew of
Wallincourt, and Robert of the Ronsoi. They rode to a city
called Nicomedia, which lies on a gulf of the sea, and is well
two days' journey from Constantinople. When the Greeks
saw them coming, they avoided the city, and went away;
so the pilgrims lodged therein, and garrisoned it, and enclosed
it with walls, and began to wage war before them, on that
side also.
The land on the other side of the straits had for lord a
Greek named Theodore Lascaris. He had for wife the
daughter of the Emperor Alexis, through whom he laid claim
to the land-this was the Alexius whom the Franks had driven
from Constantinople, and who had put out his brother's eyes.
The same Lascaris maintained the war against the Franks on
the other side of the straits, in whatsoever part they might be.
In Constantinople remained the Emperor Bald,vin and
Count Lewis, with but few people, and the Count of St. Paul,
who was grievously sick with gout, that held him by the
knees and feet; and the Doge of Venice, who saw naught.
REINFORCEMENTS FROM SYRIA-DEATH OF MARY,
THE WIFE OF BALDWIN
After this time came from the land of Syria a great com-
pany of those who had abandoned the host, and gone thither
from other ports than Venice. With this company came
Stephen of the Perche, and Reginald of Montmirail, who was
cousin to Count Lewis, and they were by him much honoured;
for he ,vas very glad of their coming. And the Emperor
Baldwin, and the rest of the people also received them very
gladly, for they were of high rank, and very rich, and brought
very many good people with them.
From the land of Syria came Hugh of Tabarie, and RaouJ
his brother, and Thierri of Tenremonde, and very many
people of the land, knights and light horse
en, and sergeants.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 83
And the Emperor Baldwin gave to Stephen of the Perche the
duchy of Philadelphia.
Among other tidings came news at this time to the Emperor
Baldwin whereby he ,vas made very sorro,vful; for the
Countess Mary 1 his wife, vvhom he had left in Flanders, see-
ing she could not go with him because she was ,vith child-
he was then but count-had brought forth a daughter-and
after,vards, on her recovery, she started to go to her lord
oversea, and passed to the port of Marseilles, and coming to
Acre, she had but just landed, when the tidings came to her
from Constantinople-told by the messengers ,vhom her lord
had sent-that Constantinople \vas taken, and her lord made
emperor, to the great joy of all Christendom. On hearing
this the lady was minded to come to him for
hwith. Then l
a sickness took her, and she made an end and died, ,vhereof
there was great dole throughout all Christendom, for she was
a gracious and virtuous lady and greatly honoured. And
those who came in this company brought the tidings of her
death, whereof the Emperor Baldwin had sore affliction, as
also the barons of the land, for much did they desire to have
her for their S&.
.....
DEFEAT OF THEODORE AND CONSTANTINE LASCARIS
At that time those who had gone to the city of Piga-
Peter of Bracieux and Payen of Orleans being the chiefs-
fortified a castle called Palormo; and they left therein a
garrison of their people, and rode forward to conquer the
land. Theodore Lascaris had collected all the people he
could, and on the day of the feast of our Lord St. Nicholas
(6th December 1204), '\vhich is before the Nativity, he joined
battle in the plain before a castle called Poemaninon. The
battle ,vas engaged with great disadvantage to our people,
for those of the other part ,vere in such numbers as was mar-
vellous; and on our side there were but one hundred and
forty knights, without counting the mounted sergeants.
But our Lord orders battles as it pleases Him. By His
grace and by His will, the Franks vanquished the Greeks and
discomfited them, so that they suffered very great loss. And
within the week, they surrendered a very large part of the
land. They surrendered Poemaninon, which was a very
1 She was the daughter of Henry Count of Champagne and of Mary -
daughter of Philip Augustus, King of Fran
e.
r
I
84 Memoirs of the Crusades
strong castle, and Lopadion, which was one of the best cities
of the land, and Polychna, which is seated on a lake of fresh
water, and is one of the strongest and best castles that can
be found. And you must know that our people fared very
excellently, and by God's help had their will of that land.
Shortly after, by the advice of the Armenians, Henry, the
brother of the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, started
from the city of Abydos, leaving therein a garrison of his
people, and rode to a city called Atramittium, which lies on
the sea, a two days' journey from Abydos. This city yielded
to him, and he lodged therein, and a great part of the land
surrendered; for the city was well supplied with corn and
meats, and other goods. Then he maintained the war in
those parts against the Greeks.
Theodore Las caris, who had been discomfited at Poe-
maninon, collected as many people as he could, and as-
sembled a very great anny, and gave the command thereof
to Constantine, his brother, who was one of the best Greeks
in Roumania, and then rode straight towards Atramittium.
And Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin, had know-
1edge, through the Armenians, that a great host was march-
ing against him, so he made ready to meet them, and set
his battalions in order; and he had with him some very
good men, as Baldwin of Belvoir, and Nicholas of 1rlailly,
and Anseau of Cayeux, and Thierri of Laos, and Thierri of
Tenremonde.
So it happened that on the Saturday which is before mid-
Lent (19th March I20S), came Constantine Lascaris with his
great host, before Atramittium. And Henry, when he knew
of his coming, took counsel, and said he would not suffer
himself to be shut up in the city, but would issue forth. And
those of the other part came on with all their host, in great
companies of horse and foot, and those on our part went out
to meet them, and began the onslaught. Then was there a
dour battle and fighting hand to hand; but by God's help the
Franks prevailed, and discomfited their foes, so that many
1 \ were killed and taken captive, and there was much booty.
( Then were the Franks at ease, and very rich, so that thè\
people of the land turned to them, and began to bring in their)
rents.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 85
BONIFACE ATTACKS LEON SGURE; HE IS JOINED BY
GEOFFRY OF VILLEHARDOUIN, THE NEPHEW
Now let us leave speaking further (for the nonce), of those
at Constantinople, and return to the };Iarquis Boniface of
Montferrat. The marquis had gone, as you have heard,
towards Salonika, and then ridden forth against Leon Sgure,
who held Napoli and Corinth, two of the strongest cities in
the world. Boniface besieged both cities at once. James
of Avesnes, with many other good men, remained before
Corinth, and the rest encamped before Napoli, and laid siege
to it.
Then befell a certain adventure in the land. For Geoffry
of Villehardouin, who was nephew to Geoffry of Villehardouin,
Marshal of Roumania and Champagne, being his brother's
son, was moved to leave Syria with the I company tha
came
to Constantinople. But,wd and chancè
ed"'ffi"m;to the
port of Modon, and there hThSIíìp miSinjured, so that, of
necessity, it behoved him to winter in that country. And
a Greek, who was a great lord of the land, knew of it, and
came to him, and did him much honour, and said: "Fair sir,
the Franks have conquered Constantinople, and elected an
emperor. If thou wilt make alliance with me, I will deal
with thee in all good faith, and we together will conquer
much land." So they made alliance on oath, the Greek an
Geoffry of Villehardouin, and conquered together a grea.-
part of the country, and Geoffry of Villehardouin foun
mp ch good faith in the Gree k. ..
Jlt a ve nt
en as. Go d "ilJ s, and sickness laid hold
Qf the Greek, and he made an end and died. And the Greek's
son rebelled against Geoffry of Villehardouin, and betrayed
him, and the castles in which Geoffry had set a garrison
turned against him. Now he heard tell that the marquis was I
besieging Napoli, so he went towards him with as many men
as he could collect, and rode through the land for some six '
days in very great peril, and thus came to the camp, where )
he was received right willingly, and much honoured by the
marquis and all who were there. And this was but right,
seeing he was very honourable and valiant, and a good
knight.
86 Memoirs of the Crusades
EXPLOITS OF WILLIAM OF CHAMPLITTE AND GEOFFRY
OF VILLEHARDOUIN, THE NEPHEW, IN MOREA
The marquis would have given him land and possessions
50 that he might remain with him, but he would not, and
spoke to William of Champlitte, who was his friend, and
said: "Sir, I come from a land that is very rich, and is called
Morea. Take as many men as you can collect, and leave this
host, and let us go and conquer that land by the help of God.
And that which you v;ill give me out of our conquests, I will
hold from you, and I ,viII be your liegeman." And William
of Champlitte, who greatly trusted and loved him, went to
the marquis, and told him of the matter, and the marquis
allowed of their going.
So \Villiam of Champlitte and Geoffry of Villehardouin
(the nephew) departed from the host, and took with them
about a hundred knights, and a great number of mounted
sergeants, and entered into the land of
1:orea, and rode
onwards till they came to the city of Modon.
Iichael heard
that they were in the land '\vith so few people, and he collected
together a great number of people, a number that was mar-
vellous, and he rode after them as one thinking they were an
no better than prisoners, and in his hand.
And when they heard tell that he was coming, they reforti-
fied Modon, where the defences had long since been pulled
down, and there left their baggage, and the lesser folk.
Then they rode out a day's march, and ordered their array
with as many people as they had. But the odds seemed too
great, for they had no more tha.n five hundred men mounted,
. ,vhereas on the other part there ,vere '\vell over :five thousand.
"7t - But events happen as God pleases; for our people fought
with the Greeks, and discomfited and conquered them. And
the Greeks lost very heavily, ,vhile those on our side gained
horses and arms enough, and other goods in very great
plenty, and so returned very happy, and very joyously, to
the city of lvlodon.
Afterwards they rode to a city caned Coron, on the sea:
and besieged it. And they had not besieged it long before it
surrendered, and William gave it to Geoffry of Villehardouin
(the nephew) and he became his liegeman, and set therein a
garrison of his men. ,N ext they went to a castle called Cha
e-
Villehardouin's Chronicle 87
mate, which was very strong and fair, and besieged it. This
castle troubled them for a very long space, but they re-
mained before it till it was taken. Then did more of the
Greeks of that land surrender than had done aforetime.
SIEGE OF NAPOLI AND CORINTH; ALLIANCE BETWEEN
THE GREEKS AND JOHANNIZZA
The Marquis of Montferrat besieged Napoli, but he could
there do nothing, for the place was too strong, and his men
suffered greatly. James of Avesnes, mean,vhile, continued
to besiege Corinth, where he had been left by the marquis.
Leon Sgure, who was in Corinth, and very wise and wily, saw
that James had not many people ,vith him, and did not keep
good watch. So one morning, at the break of day, he issued
from the city in force, and got as far as the tents, and killed
many before they could get to their annour.
There was killed Dreux of Estruen, who was very honour-
able and valiant, and greatly was he lamented. And James
of Avesnes, who was in command, waxed very wroth at the
death of his knight, and did not leave the fray till he was
wounded in the leg right grievously. And well did those who
were present bear witness that it was to his doughtiness that
they owed their safety; for you must know that they came
very near to being all lost. But by God's help they drove
the Greeks back in to the castle by force.
N ow the Greeks, who were very disloyal, still nourished
treachery in their hearts. They perceived at that time that
the Franks were so scattered over the land that each "had
his own matters to attend to. So they thought they could
the more easily betray them. They took envoys therefore
privily, from all the cities in the land, and sent them to
J ohannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria, who was still
at war with them as he had been aforetime. And they told
]ohannizza they would make him emperor, and give them-
selves wholly to him, and slay all the Franks. So they
swore that they would obey him as their lord, and he swore
that he would defend them as though they were his own
people. Such was the oath sworn.
88 Memoirs of the Crusades
UPRISING OF THE GREEKS AT DEMOTICA AND ADRIANOPLE;
THEIR DEFEAT AT ARCADIOPLIS
At tbat time there happened a great misfortune at Con-
stantinople, for Count.. H
h of St. Paul, who had long been
in bed, sick of the goÍtt, m
e an-end and died; and this
caused great sorro\v, and ,vas a great mishap, and much was
he bewept by his men and by his friends. He was buried
with great honour in the church of our Lord St. George of
Mangana.
Now Count Hugh in his lifetime had held a castle called
Demotica, which ,vas very strong and rich, and he had
therein some of his knights and sergeants. The Greeks, who
had made oath to the King of Wallachia that they would kill
and betray the Franks, betrayed them in that castle, and
slaughtered many and took many captive. Few escaped,
and those who escaped went flying to a city called Adrianople,
which the Venetians held at that time.
N at long after the Greeks in Adrianople rose in arms; and
such of our men as were therein, and had been set to guard
it, came out in great peril, and left the city. Tidings thereof
came to the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, who had
but few men with him, he and Count Lewis of Blois. Much
were they then troubled and dismayed. And thenceforth,
from day to day, did evil tidings begin to come to them,
that everywhere the Greeks were rising, and that wherever
the Greeks found Franks occupying the land, they killed
them.
And those who had left Adrianople, the Venetians and
the others who were there, came to a city called Tzurulum,
that belonged to the Emperor Baldwin. There they found
William of Blanvel, who kept the place for the emperor. By
the help and comfort that he gave them, and because he
accompanied them with as many men as he could, they
turned back to a city, some twelve leagues dIstant, called
Arcadiopolis, wruch belonged to the Venetians, and they
found it empty. So they entered in, and put a garrison there.
On the third day the Greeks of the land gathered together,
and came at the break of da\Vll before Arcadiopolis; and then
began, from all sides, an assault, great and marvellous. The
Franks defended themselves right well, and opened their
Villehardouin's Chronicle 89
gates, and issued forth, attacking vigorously. As was God's
will, the Greeks were discomfited, and those on our side
began to cut them down and to slay them, and then chased
them for a league, and killed many, and captured many
horses and much other spoil.
So the Franks returned with great joy to Arcadiopolis, and
sent tidings of their victory to the Emperor Baldwin, in Con-
stantinople, who was much rejoiced thereat. Nevertheless
they dared not hold the city of Arcadiopolis, but left it on
the morrow, and abandoned it, and returned to the city of
Tzurulum. Here they remained in very great doubt, for
they misdoubted the Greeks who were in the city as much as
those who were without, because the Greeks in the city had
also taken part in the oath sworn to the King of Wallachia, .
and were bound to betray, the Franks. And many there
were who did not dare to abide in Tzurulum, but made their
way back to Constantinople I
v" '" ,
THE CRUSADERS ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE STkAITS ARE
RECALLED TO MARCH ON ADRIANOPLE-EXPEDITION OF
GEOFFRY OF VILLEHARDOUIN
Then the Emperor Baldwin and the Doge of Venice, and
Count Lewis took counsel together, for they saw they were
losing the whole land. And they settled that the emperor
should tell his brother Henry, who was at Adramittium, to
abandon whatsoever conquests he had made, and come to
their succour.
Count Lewis, on his side, sent to Payen of Orleans, and
Peter of Bracieux, who were at Lopadium, and to all the
people that were with them, telling them to leave whatsoever
conquests they had made, save Piga only, that lay on the sea,
where they were to set a garrison-the smallest they could-
and that the remainder were to come to their succour.
The emperor directed Macaire of Sainte-Menehould, and
Matthew of Wallincourt, and Robert of Ronsoi, who had
some hundred knights with them in Nicomedia, to leave
Nicomedia and come to their succour.
By command of the Emperor Baldwin, Geoffry of Ville-
hardouin, Marshal of Champagne and of Roumania, issued
from Constantinople, with Manasses of l'Isle, and with as many
men as they could collect, and these were few enough, seeing
90 Memoirs of the Crusades
that all the land was being lost. And they rode to the city
of Tzurulum, which is distant a three days' journey. There
they found William of Blanvel, and those that were ,vith
him, in very great fear, and much were these reassured at
their coming. At that place they remained four days. The
Emperor Baldwin sent after Geoffry the Marshal as many as
he could, of such people as were coming into Constantinople,
so that on the fourth day there were at Truzulum eighty
knights.
Then did Geoffry the Marshal move for,vard, and Manasses
of }'Isle, and their people, and they rode on, and came to
the city of Arcadiopolis, and quartered themselves therein.
There they remained a day, and then moved to a city called
Bulgaropolis. The Greeks had avoided this city and the
Franks quartered themselves therein. The following day
they rode to a city called Neguise, ,vhich was very fair and
strong, and well furnished with all good things. And they
found that the Greeks had abandoned it, and were all gone
to Adrianople. Now Adrianople was distant nine French
leagues, and therein were gathered all the great multitude
of the Greeks. And the Franks decided that they should
wait where they were till the coming of the Emperor Baldwin.
RENIER OF TRIT ABANDONED AT FINEPOPOLIS BY illS
SON AND THE GREATER PART OF ms PEOPLE
Now does this book relate a great marvel: for Renier of
Trit, who was at Finepopolis, a good nine days' journey from
Constantinople, with at least one hundred and twenty
knights, was deserted by Renier his son, and Giles his
brother, and James of Bandies, who was his nephew, and
Achard of Verdun, who had his daughter to wife. And they
had taken some thirty of his knights, and thought to come
to Constantinople; and they had left him, you must kno\v, in
great peril. But they found the country raised against them,
"and were discomfited; and the Greeks took them, and after-
vvards handed them over to the King of Wallachia, who had
their heads cut off. And you must know that they were but
little pitied by the people, because they had behaved in such
evil sort to one whom they were bound to treat quite other-
WIse.
And when the other knights of Renier de Trit saw that he
Villehardouin's Chronicle 9 I
was thus abandoned by those ,vho were much more bound to
him than themselves, they felt the less shame, and some
eighty together left him, and departed by another way. So
Renier of Trit remained among the Greeks with very few
men, for he had not more than fifteen knights at Philippo-
polis and Stanimac-which is a very strong castle which he
held, and where he was for a long time besieged.
BALDWIN UNDERTAKES THE SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE
We will speak no further now of Renier of Trit, but return
to the Emperor Baldwin, who is in Constantinople, with but
very fe,v people, and greatly angered and much distracted.
He was ,vaiting for Henry his brother, and all the people on
the other side of the straits, and the first ,vho came to him
from the other side of the straits came from Nicomedia,
viz.: Macaire of Sainte-l\ienehould J and 11atthewof Wallin-
court, and Robert of Ronsoi, and with them full a hundred
knights.
When the emperor saw them, he ,vas right glad, and he
consulted with Count Lewis, who was Count of Blois and
Chartres. And they settled to go forth, with as many men
as they had, to follow Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne,
who had gone before. Alas! what a pity it was they did not
wait till all had joined them who ,vere on the other side of
the straits, seeing how few people they had, and how perilous
the adventure on which they were bound.
So they started from Constantinople, some one hundred
and forty knights, and rode from day to day till they came
to the castle of N eguise, ,vhere Geoffry the Marshal ,vas
quartered. That night they took counsel together, and the
decision to which they came was, that on the morrow they
should go before Adrianople, and lay siege to it. So they
ordered their battalions, and did for the best with such
people as they had.
When the morning came, and full daylight, they rode as
had been arranged, and came before Adrianople. And they
found it very well defended, and saw the flags of Johannizza, .
King of Wallachia and Bulgaria, on the walls and to,vers; and
the city was very strong and very rich, and very full of
people. Then they made an assault, with very few people,
before two of the gates, and this was on the Tuesday of
92 Memoirs of the Crusades
j Palmtide (29th March 1205). So did they remain before
the city for three days, in great discomfort, and but few in
number.
THE SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE CONTINUED WITHOUT
RESULT
Then can1e Henry Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, who was
an old man and saw naught. And he brought with him as
many people as he had, and these were quite as many as the
Emperor Baldwin and Count Le,vis had brought, and he en-
camped before one of the gates. On the morrow they were
joined by a troop of mounted sergeants, but these might well
have been better men than they proved themselves to be.
And the host 1 had small store of provisions, because the
merchants could not come with them; nor could they go
foraging because of the many Greeks that were spread
throughout the land.
Johannizza, King of Wallachia, was coming to succour
Adrianople with a very great host; for he brought with him
"'Tallachians and Bulgarians, and full fourteen thousand
Comans who had never been baptised.
Now because of the d
arth of provisions, Count Lewis of
Blois and Chartres weñt foraging on Palm Sunday. With
him went Stephen of the Perche, brother of Count Geoffry of
the Perche, and Renaud of Montmirail, who was brother of
Count Hervée of Nevers, and Gervase of the Châtel, and
more than half of the host. Thev went to a castle called
Peutace, and found it well garrIsoned with Greeks, and
assailed it with great force and fury; but they were able to
\r.. achieve nothing, and so retreated without taking any spoils.
Thus they remained during the week of the two Easters
(Palm Sunday to Easter Day), and fashioned engines of
divers sorts, and set such miners as they had to work under-
ground and so undennine the wall. And thus did they cele-
brate Easter (loth April) before Adrianople, being but few
in number and scant of provisions.
1 Meaning here a little obscure. I think, however, the intention of
the original is to state that the host, and not only the sergeants, lacked
supplies.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 93
]OHANNIZZA, KING OF WALLACHIA, COMES TO RELIEVE
ADRIANOPLE
Then came tidings that Johannizza, King of WalIachia, was
coming upon them to relieve the city. So they set their
affairs in order, and it was arranged that Geoffry the Marshal,
and Manasses of l'Isle should guard the camp, and that the
Emperor Baldwin and all the remainder of the host should
issue from the camp if so be that Johanizza came and offered
battle. .
Thus they remained till the Wednesday of Easter week;
and J ohannizza had by that time approached so near that he
encamped at about five leagues from us. And he sent his
Comans running before our camp, and a cry was raised
throughout the camp, and our men issued therefrom helter-
skelter, and pursued the Comans for a full league very
foolishly; for when they wished to return, the Comans began
to shoot at them in grievous wise, and wounded a good many
of their horses.
So our men returned to the camp, and the barons were
summoned to the quarters of the Emperor Baldwin. And
they took counsel, and all said that they had dealt foolishly in
thus pursuing people who were so lightly armed. .And in the
end they settled that if J ohannizza came on again, they would
issue forth, and set themselves in array of battle before the
calnp, and there wait for him, and not move from thence. And
they had it proclaimed throughout the host that none should
be so rash as to disregard this order, and move from his post
for any cry or tumult that might come to his ears. And it
was settled that Geoffry the 1vlarshal should keep guard on
the side of the city, ,vith Manasses of l'Isle.
So they passed that night till the Thursday morning in
Easter week, when they heard mass and ate their dinner.
And the Comans ran up to their tents, and a cry arose, and
they ran to arms, and issued from the camp with all their
battalions in array, as had afore been devised.
94 Memoirs of the Crusades
DEFEAT OF THE CRUSADERS-BALDWIN TAKEN
PRISONER
.....
Count Lewis went out first with his battalion, and began
to follow after the Comans, and sent to urge the emperor to
come after him. Alas! how ill did they keep to what had
been settled the night before! For they ran in pursuit of
the Comans for at least two leagues, and joined issue with
them, and chased them a long space. And then the Comans
turned back upon them, and began to cry out and to
shoot.
On our side there ,vere battalions made up of other people
than knights, people having too little knowledge of arms,
and they began\I"J- to wax afrai anq be discomfited. And
Count Lewis, who had been the first to attack, was wounded
in two places full sorely; and the Comans and \Vallachians
began to invade our ranks; and the count had fallen, and
one of his knights, whose name was John of Friaise, dis-
mounted, and set him on his horse. Many were Count
Lewis' people who said: "Sir, get you hence, for you are too
sorely wounded, and in t,vo places." And he said: "The
Lord God forbid that ever I should be reproached with flying
from the field, and abandoning the emperor." 7'
The enlperor, who was in great straits on his side, recalled
his people, and he told them that he would not fly, and that
they were to remain with him: and well do those '\vho were
there present bear witness that never did knight defend
himself better with his hands than did the emperor. Tins
combat lasted a long time. S
e were there \vho did well,
and some were there who fled.
n the end, for so God suffers
misadventures to occur, they were discomfited. There on
the field remained the Emperor Baldwin, '\vho never would
fly, and Count Lewis; the Emperor Baldwin was taken alive
and Count Lewis was slain
Alas! how woful was our loss! There was lost the Bishop
Peter of Bethleem, and Stephen of the Perche, brother to
Count Geoffry, and Renaud of Montmirail, brother of the
Count of Nevers, and Matthew of 'Vallincourt, and Robert of
Ronsoi, John of Friaise, Walter of Neuilli, Ferri of Yerres,
John his brother, Eustace of Heumont, John his brother,
Baldwin of Neuville, and many more of whom the book does
"
Villehardouin's Chronicle 95
not here make mention. Those who were able to escape,
they came back flying to the camp.
THE CRUSADERS RAISE THE SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE
When Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne, who was keep-
ing guard at one of the gates of the city, saw this he issued
from the camp as soon as he could, with all the men that were
with him, and gave command to Manasses of l'Isle, who
was on guard at another gate, that he should follow after
him. And he rode forth with all his force at full speed, and
in full array, to meet the fugitives, and the fugitives all
rallied round him. And Manasses of l'Isle foIlo,ved as soon
as he was able, with his men, and joined himself to him,
so that together they formed a very strong body; and all
those who came out of the rout, and whom they could stop,
were taken into their ranks.
The rout was thus stayed between Nones and Vespers.
But the most part of the fugitives were so afeared that they
fled right before them till they came to the tents and quarters.
Thus was the rout stayed, as you have heard; and the
Comans, with the vVallachians and Greeks, who were in full
chace, ceased their pursuit. But these still galled our force
with their bows and arrows, and the men of our force kept
still with their faces turned towards them. Thus did both
sides remain till nightfall, when the Comans and Wallachians
began to retire.
Then did Geoffry of Villehardouin, the
!arshal of Cham-
pagne and Roumania, summon to the camp the Doge ot
Venice, who was an old man and saw naught, but very wise
and brave and vigorous; and he asked the Doge to come to
him there where he stood with his men, holding the field;
and the Doge did so. And when the
Iarshal saw him, he
called him into council, aside, all alone, and said to him:
" Lord, you see the misadventure that has befallen us. v
have lost the Emperor Baldwin and Count Lewis, and the
larger part of our people, and of the best. N ow let us be-
think ourselves ho,v to save ,vhat is left. For if God does
not take pity of them, we are but lost."
And in the end they settled it thus: that the Doge would
return to the camp, and put heart into the people, and order
that every one should arm and remain quiet in his tent or
96 Memoirs of the Crusades
. pavilion; and that Geoffry the Marshal would remain in full
order of battle before the camp till it was night, so that their
enemies might not see the host move; and that when it was
night all would move from before the city; the Doge of
Venice would go before, and GeofIry the Marshal would form
the rear-guard, with those who were with him.
RETREAT OF THE CRUSADERS
Thus they waited till it was night; and when it was night
the Doge of Venice left the camp, as had been arranged, and
Geoffry the Marshal formed the rear-guard. And they de-
parted at foot pace, and took with them all their people
mounted and dismounted, the wounded as well those who
,vere whole-they left not one behind. And they journeyed
to,vards a city that lies upon the sea, called Rodosto, and
that was full three days' journey distant. So they departed
from Adrianople, as you have heard; and this adventure
befell in the year of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ twelve
hundred and five.
And in the night that the host left Adrianople, it happened
that a company started to get to Constantinople earlier, and
by a more direct way; and they were greatly blamed there-
for. In this company was a certain count from Lombardy
named Gerard, who came from the land of the marquis, and
Odo of Ham, who was lord of a castle called Ham in Ver-
mandois, and John of Maseroles, and many others to the
number of twenty-five knights, whom the book does not
name. And they went away so fast after the discomfiture,
,vhich had taken place on the Thursday evening, that they
came to Constantinople on the Saturday night, though it was
ordinarily a good five days' journey. And they told the ne,vs
to the Cardinal Peter of Capua, who was ther
by the
,authority f Jpnocent Pope of Rome, and to Conon of
Bethune, who guarded the city, and to Miles the Brabant;
and to the other good men in the city. And you must know
that these were greatly affeared, and thought of a certainty
that all the rest, who had been left before Adrianople, wert
lost, for they had no news of them.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 97
PETER OF BRACIEUX AND PAYEN OF ORLEANS MEET
THE RETREATING HOST
Now ,vill we say no more about those at Constantinople,
who were in sore trouble, but go back to the Doge of Venice
and Geoffry the Marshal, who marched all the night that
they left Adrianople, till the dawn of the following day; and
then they came to a city called Pamphyle. Now listen and
you shall bear ho\v adventures befall as God ,vills: for in that
"'city had lain during the night
Peter of Bracieux and Paÿen
of Orleans.. and all the men belonging to the land of Count
Lewis, at least a hundred very good knights and one hundred
an fQrty mounted sergeants, and they were coming from the
other side of the straits to join the host at Adrianople.
"Vhen they sa,v the host coming, they ran to their anns
right nimbly, for they thought we ,vere the Greeks. So they
anned themselves, and sent to know what people we were,
when their messengers discovered that ,ye were the host re-
treating after our dis.comfiture.) So the messengers wen t
back, and tol . themt hat the Emperor Baldwin was lost, and
their lord Count Lewis, of \vhose land and country they were,
and of whose following.
Sadder ne,vs could they not have heard. There might you
have seen many tears '''ept, and many hands wrung for
sorrow and pity. And they went on, all anned as they were,
till they came to where Geoffry, the 1'Iarshal of Champagne,
was keeping guard in the rear, in very great anxiety and mis-
ease. For ohannizza, the ICing of Walla chi a and Bulgaria,
had come at the point of dáy beIore Adrianople with all his
lost, and found that we had departed, and so ridden after
us till it was full day; and when he foun us not, he was full
öf rì j and well was it that he found us not, for if he had
\ ound us ,ve must all have been lost beyond recovery.
"Sir," said Peter of Bracieux and Payen of Orleans to
Geoffry the JVlarshal, "what ,,"ould you have us do ? We
will do whatever you wish." And he ans,vered them: " You
see how matters stand with us. You are fresh and un-
wearied, and your horses also; therefore do you keep guard
in the rear, and I will go forward and hold in hand our
people, who are greatly dismayed and in sore need of com..
fort." To this they consented right willingly. So they
9 8 Memoirs of the Crusades
established the rear-guard duly and efficiently, and as men
who well knew how, for they were good knights and honour-
able.
THE HOST REACHES RODOSTO
Geoffry the
rarshal rode before and led the host, and rode
till he came to a city called Cariopolis. Then he saw that
the horses were weary with marching all night, and entered
into the city, and put then1 up till noon. And they gave
food to their horses, and ate themselves of what they could
find, and that "vas but little.
So they remained all the day in that city until night.
And J ohannizza, the King of Wallachia, had followed them
all the day with all his powers, and encamped about two
leagues from them. And when it was night, those in the city
all armed themselves and departed. Geoffry the Marshal
led the van, and those formed the rear-guard who had fonned
it during the day. So they rode through that night, and the
following day (16th April) in great fear and much hardship,
till they came to the city of Rodosto, a city very rich and
very strong, and inhabited by Greeks. These Greeks did not
dare to defend themselves, so our people entered in and took
quarters; so at last were they in safety.
Thus did the host escape from Adrianople, as you have
heard. Then was a council held in the city of Rodosto; and
it seemed to the council that Constantinople was in greater
jeopardy than they were. So they took messengers, and
sent them by sea, telling them to travel night and day, and
to advise those in the city not to be anxious about them-for
they had escaped-and that they would repair back to Con-
stantinople as soon as they could.
SEVEN THOUSAND PILGRIMS LEAVE THE CRUSADERS
At the time when the messengers arrived, there were in
Constantinople five ships of Venice, very large and very good,
laden with pilgrims, and knights and sergeants, who were
leaving the land and returning to their own countries. There
were at least seven thousand men at arms in the ships, and
one was William the advocate of Bethune, and there were
besides Baldwin of Aubigny, and John of Virsin, who be-
Villehardouin's Chronicle 99
longed to the land of Count Lewis, and was his liegeman, and
at least one hundred other knights, whom the book does not
here name. Master Peter of Capua, who was cardinal from
the Pope of Rome, Innoceñt, and Conon of Bethune, who
commanded in Constantinople, and Miles the Brabant, and a
greät number of other men of mark, went to the five ships,
and prayed those ,vho were in them, with sighs and tears, to
have mercy and pity upon Christendom, and upon their
liege lords who had been lost in battle, and to remain for the
love of God. But they would not listen to a single word, and
left the port. They spread their sails, and went their way,
as God ordained, in such sort that w.n took them to the
port of Rodosto; and this was. on the day following that on
which those who had escaped from the discomfiture came
thi ther.
The same prayers, with tears and weeping, that had been
addressed to them at Constantinople-those same prayers
were now addressed to them at Rodosto; and Geoffry the
Marshal, and those who were with him, besought them to
have mercy and pity on the land, and remain, for never
would they be able to succour any land in such dire need.
They replied that they would consult together, and give an
answer on the morrow. ___
And now listen to the adventure which befell that night in
the city. There was a knight from the land of Count Lewis,
called Peter of Frouville, who was held in honour, and of
great name. The same fled by night, and left all his baggage
and his people, and gat himself to the ship of John of Virsin,
who was from the land of Count Le"ris of Blois and Chartres.
And those on board the five ships, who in the morning were
to give their answer to Geoffry the Marshal and to the Doge
of Venice, so soon as they saw the day, they spread their
sails, and went their way without word said to anyone.
Much and great blame did they receive, both in the land
whither they went, and in the land they had left; and he
who received most blame of all was Peter of Frouville. FO
well has it b n said that he is but ] -advised who, rough
fear of death l does what \vil1 be a reproach to him for ever.
I 00 Memoirs of the Crusades
MEETING OF MANY OF THE CRUSADERS-HENRY, THE
BROTHER OF BALDWIN, IS MADE REGENT
Now let us speak of these last no farther, but speak of
Henry, brother to the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople,
who had left Atramittium, which he had conquered, and
passed the straits at the city of Abydos, and was coming
towards Adrianople to succour the Emperor Baldwin, his
brother. And with him had come the Armenians of the land,
who had helped him against the Greeks-some twenty thou-
sand with all their wives and children-for they dared not
remain behind.
Then came to him the news, by certain Greeks, who had
escaped from the discomfiture, that his brother the Emperor
Baldwin ,vas lost, and Count Lewis, and the other barons.
After\vards came the news of those who had escaped and
were at Rodosto; and these asked him to make all the haste
he could, and come to them. And because he wanted to
hasten as much as he could, and reach them earlier, he left
behind the Armenians, who travelled on foot, and had with
them chariots, and their wives and children; and inasmuch as
these could not come on so fast, and he thought they would
travel safely and without hurt, he went forward and en-
camped in a village called Cartopolis.
On that very day came thither the nephew of Geoffry the
Marshal, Anseau of Courcelles, whom Geoffry had summoned
from the parts of Macre, Trajanopolis, and the Baie, lands
that had been bestowed upon him; and with Anseau came
the people from Philippopolis, who had left Renier of Trit.
This company held full a hundred good knights, and full five
hundred mounted sergeants, who all were on their way to
Adrianople to succour the Emperor Baldwin. But tidings
had come to them, as to the others, that the emperor had
been defeated, so they turned to go to Rodosto, and came to
encamp at Cartopolis, the village where Henry, the brother
of the Emperor Baldwin, was then encamped. And when
Baldwin's men saw them coming, they ran to arms, for they
thought they were Greeks, and the others thought the same
of Bald\vin's men. And so they advanced till they became
known to one another, and each was right glad of the other's
Villehardouin's Chronicle 101
coming, and felt all the safer; and they quartered them-
selves in the village that night until the morrow.
On the morrow they left, and rode straight towardS' "
Rodosto, and came that night to the city; and there they
found the Doge of Venice and Geoffry the Marshal, and all
\vho had escaped from the late discomfiture; and right glad
were these to see them. Then ,vere many tears shed for
sorrow by those who had lost their friends. Ah, God! what
pity it was that those men now assembled had not been at
Adrianople with the Emperor Baldwin, for in that case ,vould
nothing have been lost. But such was not G d's pleasure.
So they sojourned there on the following day, and the day
after, and arranged matters; and Henry, the brother of the
Emperor Baldwin, was received into lordship, as regent of
the empire, in lieu of his brother.
And then misfortune came upon the Annenians, who were
com in-gãf ter Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin, for
the people of the land gathered together and discomfited the
Annenians, so that they were all taken, killed or lost.
RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE-APPEALS FOR HELP SENT TO
THE POPE, AND TO FRANCE AND TO OTHER LANDS-DEATH
OF THE DOGE
J ohannizza, King of '\Vallachia and Bulgaria, had with him
all his power, and he occupied the whole land; and the coun-
try, and the cities, and the castles held for him; and his
Comans over-ran the land as far as Constantinople. Henry
the regent of the empire, and the Doge of Venice, and
Geoffry the 1rlarshal, were still at Rodosto, which is a three
days' journey from Constantinople. And they took council,
and the Doge of Venice set a garrison of Venetians in Rodosto
-for it was theirs. And on the morrow they put their forces
in array, and rode, day by day, towards Constantinople.
When they reached Salymbria, a city which is two days' .
journey from Constantinople, and belonged to the Emperor
Baldwin, Henry his brother set there a garrison of his people,
and they rode with the rest to Constantinople, where they
were received right ,villingly, for the people ,vere in great
terror. Nor is that to be wondered at, for they had lost so
much of the country, that outside Constantinople they only
held Rodosto and Salymbria; the whole of the rest of the
102 Memoirs of the Crusades
country being held by J ohannizza, King of Wallachia and
Bulgaria. And on the other side of the straits of St. George,
they held no more than the castle of Spiga, while the rest of
the land was in the hands of Theodore Lascaris.
Then the barons decided to send to the Apostle of Rome,
Innocent, and to France and Flanders, and to other lands, to
ask for succour. And for this purpose were chosen as envoys
N evelon, Bishop of Soissons, and Nicholas of Mailly, and
John Bliaud. The rest remained in Constantinople, in great
distress, as men who stood in fear of losing the land. So
they remained till Pentecost (29th May 1205). And within
this time a very great misfortune happened to the host, for
Henry Dandolo was taken sick; so he made an end and died,
and was buried with great honour in the Church of St. Sophia.
When Pentecost had come, Johannizza, the King of Wal-
lachia and Bulgaria, had pretty well had his will of the land;
and he could no longer hold his Comans together, because
they were unable to keep the field during the summer; so
the Comans departed to their o\vn country. And he, with
all his host of Bulgarians and Greeks, marched against the
marquis towards Salonica. And the marquis, who had
heard the news of the discomfiture of the Emperor )3aldwin,
raised the siege of Napoli, and went to Salonica with as many
men as he could collect, and garrisoned it.
THE REGENT OBTAINS CERTAIN ADVANTAGES OVER THE
GREEKS
Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin of Constanti-
nople, with as many people as he could gather, marched
against the Greeks to a city called Tzurulum, which is a three
days' journey from Constantinople. This city surrendered,
and the Greeks swore fealty to him-an oath which at that
time men observed badly. From thence he marched to
Arcadiapolis, and found it void, for the Greeks did not dare
to await his coming. And from thence again he rode to the
city of Bizye, which was very strong, and well garrisoned
with Greeks; and this city too surrendered. Aferwards he
rode to the city of Napoli (....c\pros) which also remained well
garrisoned with Greeks.
As our people "rere preparing for an assault, the Greeks
within the city asked to negotiate for capitulation. But
Villehardouin's Chronicle 103
while they thus negotiated, the men of the host effected an
entrance into the city on another side, and Henry the Regent
of the empire and those who were negotiating knew nothing
of it. And this proved very disastrous to the Greeks. For
the Franks, who had effected an entrance, began to slaughter
them, and to seize their goods, and to take all that they had.
So were many killed and taken captive. In this ,vise was
Napoli (Apros) captured; and the host remained there
three days. And the Greeks were so terrified by this
slaughter, that they abandoned all the cities and castles of
the land, and fled for refuge to Adrianople and Demotica,
which were very strong and good cities.
SERES SURRENDERS TO JOHANNIZZA-HE FORlo"EITS HIS
WORD
At that time it happened that Johannizza, the King ofWal-
lachia and Bulgaria, with all his host, marched against the
marquis, towards a city called Seres. And the marquis had
set a strong garrison of his people in the city, for he had set
there Hugh of Colemi, who was a very good knight, and high
in rank, and William of ArIes, who was his marshal, and
great part of his best men. And J ohannizza, the King of
Wallachia besieged them; nor had he been there long before
he took the burgh by force. And at the taking of the burgh
a great misfortune befell, for Hug9 of Colemi was killed; he
was struck through the eye. <; " .
When he was killed, who was the best of them all, the rest
of the garrison were greatly afeared. They drew back into
the castle, which was very strong; and J ohannizza besieged
them, and erected his petraries and mangonels. Nor had he
besieged them long before they began to talk about surrender-
ing, for which they were afterwards blamed, and incurred
great reproach. And they agreed to yield up the castle to
J ohannizza, and J ohannizza on his side caused twenty-five of
the men of highest rank that he had to swear to them that
they should be taken, safe and sound, with all their horses,
and all their arms, and all their baggage, to Salonica, or
Constantinople, or Hungary-whichever of the three it liked
them best.
In this manner was Seres surrendered, and J ohannizza
! caused the besieged to come forth from the castle and en-
104 Memoirs of the Crusades
amp near him in the fields; and he treated them with much
fair seeming, and sent them presents. So he kept them for
three days, and then he lied and foreswore his promises; for
be had them taken, and spoiled of their goods, and led away
to Wallachia, naked, and unshod, and on foot. The poor
and the mean people, who were of little worth, he sent into
Hungary; and as for the others, he caused their heads to be
cut off. Of such mortal treachery was the King of Wallachia
guilty, as you have heard. Here did the host suffer grievous
loss, one of the most dolorous that ever it suffered. And
J ohannizza had the castle and city razed, and went on after
\the marquis.
THE REGENT BESIEGES ADRIANOPLE IN VAIN
Henry, the Regent of the empire, with all his power, rode
towards Adrianople, and laid siege to it; and he was in great
peril, for there were many, both ,vi thin and without the city
who so hemmed him in, he and his people, that they could
scantly buy provisions, or go foraging. Therefore they en-
closed their camp with palisades and barriers, and told off
part of their men to keep guard within the palisades and
.barriers, while the others attacked the city.
And they devised machines of divers kinds, and scaling
ladders, and many other engines, and wrought diligently to
take the city. But they could not take it, for the city was
very strong and well furnished for defence. So matters went
ill with them, and many of their people ,vere wounded; and
one of their good knights, Peter of Bracieux, was struck on
the forehead from a mangonel, and brought near to death;
but he recovered, by the will of God, and was taken a,vay in
a litter.
When they saw that they could in no wise prevail against
the city, Henry the Regent of the empire, and the French
host departed. And greatly ,vere they harassed by the
people of the land and by the Greeks; and they rode from
day to day till they came to a city called Pamphylia, and
lodged there, and sojourned in it for two months. And they
made thence many forays towards Delnotica and the country
round about, where they captured much cattle, and other
booty. So the host remained in those parts till the beginning
<>f winter; and supplies came to them from Rodosto, and
from the sea.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 105
DESTRUCTION OF PHILIPPOPOLIS BY JOIL
NNIZZA
Now let us leave speaking of Henry, the Regent of the
empire, and speak of Johannizza, the King of vVallachia and
Bulgaria, who had taken Seres, as you have already heard,
and killed by treachery those who had surrendered to him.
Afterwards he had ridden towards Salonica, and sojourned
thereby a long while, and ,vasted a great part of the land.
The Marquis Boniface of Montferrat was at Salonica, very
wroth, and sorrowing greatly for the loss of his lord the
Emperor Baldwin, and for the other barons, and for his castle
of Seres that he had lost, and for his men.
And when Johannizza saw that he could do nothing more,
he retired towards his own land, with all his force. And the
people in Philippopolis-which belonged to Renier of Tnt,
for the Emperor Baldwin had bestowed it upon him-heard
tell how the Emperor Baldwin was lost, and many of his
barons, and that the marquis had lost Seres; and they saw
that the relatives of Renier of Tnt, and his own son and his
nephew, had abandoned him, and that he had with him but
very few people; and they deemed that the Franks would
never be in power again. So a great part of the people, who
were Paulicians,l betook themselves to J ohannizza, and sur-
rendered themselves to him, and said: "Sire, ride to Philip-
popolis, or send thither thy host, and we will deliver the
whole city into thy hands."
When Renier of Trit, who was in the city, knew of
this, he doubted not that they would yield up the city to
J ohannizza. So he issued forth with as many people as he
could collect, and left at the point of day, and came to one
of the outlying quarters of the city where dwelt the Pauli-
clans who had repaired to Johannizza, and he set fire to that
quarter of the city, and burned a great part of it. Then he
went to the castle of Stanirnac, which was at three leagues'
distance, and garrisoned by his people, and entered therein.
And in this castle he lay besieged for a long while, some
thirteen months, in great distress and great pover
-, S
that
for famine they ate their horses. He was distant a tluie
1 An Eastern sect. They believed, among other things, that aU
matter is evil, and that Christ suffered in appearance only.
.
106 Memoirs of the Crusades
days' journey from Constantinople, and could neither obtain
tidings therefrom, nor send tidings thither.
Then did J ohannizza send his host before Philippopolis;
nor had he been there long before those who were in the city
surrendered it to him, and he promised to spare their lives.
I And after he had promised to spare their lives, he first caused
the archbishop of the city to be slain, and the men of rank to
be flayed alive, and certain others to be burned, and certain
others to have their heads cut off, and the rest he caused to
be driven away in chains. And the city he caused to be
pulled down, with its towers and walls; and the high palaces
I and rich houses to be burned and utterly destroyed. Thus
,vas destroyed the noble city of Philippopolis, one of the
three finest cities in the empire of Constantinople.
THE REGENT SETS GARRISONS IN SUCH PLACES AS HE
STILL HELD
Now let us leave off speaking of those who were at Philip-
popolis, and of Renier of Tnt, who is shut up in Stanimac,
and return to Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin,
who had sojourned at Pamphylia till the beginning of winter.
Then he took council with his men and with his barons; and
they decided to set a garrison in a city called Rusium, \vhich
was situate at a place rich and fertile in the middle of the
land; and the chiefs placed over this garrison were Thierri
of Laos, who was seneschal, and Thierri of Tenremonde, who
was constable. And Henry, the Regent of the empire, gave
to them at least seven score knights, and a great many
mounted sergeants, and ordered them to maintain the ,var
against the Greeks, and to guard the marches.
And he himself went with the rest of his people to the city
of Bizye, and placed a garrison there; and left in command
Anseau of Cayeux, and confided to him at least six score
knights, and a great many mounted sergeants. Another
city, called Arcadiopolis was garrisoned by the Venetians.
And the city of Napoli was restored by the brother of the
Emperor Baldwin to Vernas, who had to wife the sister 1 of
the Kin$!- of France, and was a Greek who sided with us; and
éxcept he, no other Greek was on our part. And those who
were in these cities maintained the war against the Greeks,
1 Agnes, sister to Philip Augustus, King of France.
Villehardouin's Chronicle I 07
a.nd made many forays. Henry himself returned to Con-
;tantinople with the rest of his men.
Now Johannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria,
though rich and of great possessions, never forgat his own
nterests, but raised a great force of Comans and Wal-
.achians. And when it came to three weeks after Christmas,
1e sent these men into the land of Roumania to help those at
drianople and Demotica; and the latter, being no\v in force,
rew bolder and rode abroad with the greater assur
nce.
DEFEAT OF THE FRANKS NEAR RUSIUM
Thierri of Tenremonde, who was chief and constable,
nade a foray on the fourth day before the feast of St. Mary
:andlemas (30th January 1206); and he rode all night,
laving six score knights \vith him, and left Rusium ,vith but
L small garrison. When it was dawn, he came to a village
:vhere the Comans and Wallachians were encamped, and sur-
)rised them in such sort that those \vho ,vere in the village
vere unaware of their coming. They killed a good many of
:he Comans and Wallachians, and captured some forty of
:heir horses; and when they had done this execution, they
:umed back towards Rusium.
And on that very night the Comans and Wallachians had
idden forth to do us hurt; and there \vere some seven
:housand of them. They came in the morning before
{usium, and \vere there a long space; and the garrison,
V'hich was but small, closed the gates, and mounted the walls;
Iond the Comans and \Vallachians turned back. They had
lot gone more than a league and a half from the city, \vhen
:hey met the company of the French under the command"of _
fhierri of Tenremonde. So soon as the French sa\v them
t.dvancing, they fonned into t heir four ba ttalions, with intent
:0 draw into Rusium in slow t im e; f or ffië'ÿK new that if, by
}od's grace, they could come thither, they would then be in
;afety.
The Comans, and the Wallachians, and the Greeks of the
and rode towards them, for they were in very great force.
d they came upon the rear-guard, and began to harass it
ull sorely. N ow the rear-guard was formed of the men of
Thiem of Loos, who was seneschal, and had returned to
Constantinople, and his brother Villain was now in command.
108 Memoirs of the Crusades
And the Comans and Wallachians and Greeks pressed them
very hard, and wounded many of their horses. Loud were
the cries and fierce the onslaught, so that by main force and
pure distress they drove the rear-guard back on the battalion
of Andrew of U rboise and John of Choisy; and in this manner
the Franks retreated, suffering greatly.
1'be enemy renewed their onslaught so fiercely that they
drove the Franks who were nearest to them back on the
battalion of Thierri of Tenremonde, the constable. Nor
was it long before they drove them back still further on to
the battalions led by Charles of the Frêne. And now the
Franks had retreated, sore harassed, till they were ,vi thin
half a mile of Rusium. And the others ever pressed upon
them more hardily; and the battle went sore against them,
and many were wounded, and of their horses. So, as God
,vill suffer misadventures, they could endure no further, b\l1:
were discomfited; for they were heavi1y
d a.t::Ml hei
en
mles 19 ltly; ând th
látter began to s aug t r them.
A1as! wen might Christendom rue that day! For of all
those six score knights did not more than ten escape who
were not killed or taken; and those who escaped came flying
into Rusium, and rejoined their own people. There was
slain Thierri of Tenremonde, the constable, Orri of l'Isle,
who was a good knight and highly esteemed, and John of
Pompone, Andrew of Urboise, John of Choisy, Guy of Con-
flans, Charles of the Frêne, Villain the brother of Thierri the
seneschal. Nor can this book tell the names of all who were
then killed or taken. On that day happened one of the
greatest mishaps, and the most grievous that ever befell to
the Christendom of the land of Roumania, and one of the
most pitiful.
The Comans and Greeks and Wallacruans retir,ed, having
done according to their will in the land, and won many good
horses and good hawberks. And this misadventure happened
on the day before the eve of our Lady St. Mary Candlemas
(3 1st January 1206). And the remnant who had escaped
from the discomfiture, together with those who had been
in Rusium, escaped from the city, so soon as it was night,
and went an night flying, and came on the morrow to the
city of Rodosto.
'"'
Villehardouin's Chronicle I I I
.ras
NE'V INVASION OF JOHANNIZZA; RUIN OF NAPOLI
This dolorous news came to Henry the Regent of the
empire, while he was going in procession to the shrine of our
Lady of Blachemæ, on the day of the feast of our Lady St.
Mary Candlemas. And you must know that many were
then dismayed in Constantinople, and they thought of a truth
that the land was but lost. And Henry, the Regent of the
empire, decided that he would place a garrison in Salymbria,
which was a two days' journey from Constantinople, and he
sent thither Macaire of Sainte-Menehould, with fifty knights
to garrison the city.
Now when tidings came to Johannizza, King of Wallachia,
as to how his people ha.d fared, he was very greatly rejoiced;
for they had killed or taken a very great part of the best men
in the French host. So he sent throughout all his lands to
collect as many people as he could, and raised a great host of
Comans, and Greeks and Wallachians, and entered into
Roumania. And the greater part of the cities held for him,
and all the castles; and he had so large a host that it was a
marvel.
When the Venetians heard tell that he was coming with so
great a force, they abandoned Arcadiopolis. And J ohannizza
rode with all his hosts till he came to Napoli, which was
garrisoned by Greeks and Latins, and belonged to Vernas,
\vho had to wife the empress, the sister of the King of
France; and of the Latins was chief Bègue of Fransures, a
knight of the land of the Beauvaisais. And J ohannizza,
the King of Wallachia, caused the city to be assaulted,
and took it by force.
There w as so great a slaughter of .eo Ie killed that it was
a - marvel. An d -ßèg1.re 0 ransures was taken elore
}ohannizZã;'who ha mm killed incontinently, together with
an, whether Greek or Latin, who were of any account; and
all the meaner folk, and women and children, he caused to
be led away éaptive tö-W-a:11achia. Then did he cause all the
city-which was very good and very rich, and in a good land,
to be cast down and utterly destroyed. Thus was the city
of Napoli rased to the ground as you have heard.
I 08 Memoirs of the Crusades
Ar ..
DESTRUCTION OF RODOSTO
Twelve leagues thence lay the city of Rodosto, on the sea.
It was very strong, and rich, and large, and very well garri-
soned by Venetians. And besides all this, there had come
thither a body of sergeants, some two thousand strong, and
they had also come to guard the city. When they heard
that Napoli had been taken by force, and that J ohannizza had
caused all the people that were therein to be put to death,
they fell into such terror that they were utterly confounded and
foredone. As God suffers misadventures to fall upon men, so
the Venetians rushed to their ships, helter-skelter, pell-mell,
and in such sort that they almost drowned one another; and
the mounted sergeants, who came from France and Flanders,
and other countries, went flying through the land.
.1. Tow listen and hear how little this served them, and what
a misadventure was their flight; for the city was so strong.,
and so well enclosed by good walls and good towers, that no
one would ever have ventured to assault it, and that Johan-
nizza had no thought of going thither. But when Johannizza,
who was full half a day's journey distant, heard tell that they
had fled, he rode thither. The Greeks who had remained in
the city, surrendered, and he incontinently caused them to
be taken, small and great-save those who escaped-and led
captive into Wallachia; and the city he ordered to be
destroyed and rased to the ground. Ah! the loss and
damage! for the city was one of the best in Roumania,
and of the best si tua ted.
-..J
JOHANNIZZA CONTINUES HIS CONQUESTS AND RAVAGES
Near there was another city called Paned or, which sur-
rendered to him; and he caused it to be utterly destroyed,
and the people to be led captive to WalIachia like the people
of Rodosto. Afterwards he rode to the city of Heraclea,
that lay by a good seaport, and belonged to the Venetians,
who had left in it but a weak garrison; so he assaulted it, and
took it by force. There again was a mighty slaughter, and
the remnant that escaped the slaughter he caused to be led
captive to Wallachia, while the city itself he destroyed, as
he had distroyed the others.
Villehardouin's Chronicle I I I
Thence he marched to the city of Daonium, which was
very strong and fine; and the people did not dare to defend
it. So he caused it to be destroyed and rased to the ground.
Then he marched to the city of Tzurulum, which had already
5urrendered to him, and caused it to be destroyed and rased
to the ground, and the people to be led away captive. And
thus he dealt with every castle and city that surrendered;
even though he had promised them safety, he caused the
buildings to be destroyed, and the men and women to be led
way captive:,; and no covenant tr
t he made did he ever
keep \'
J. '" .
"Then the Comans and Wallachians scoured the land up to
the gates of Constantinople, where Henry the Regent then
was, with as many men as he could command; and very
dolorous ,vas he and very wroth, because he could not get
men enough to defend his land. So the Comans seized the
cattle off the land, and took captive men, women, and
children, and destroyed the cities and castles, and caused
3uch ruin and desolation that never has man heard tell of
greater.
So they came to a city called Athyra, which was twelve
leagues from Constantinople, and had been given to Payen
of Orleans by Henry, the emperor's brother. This city held
a very great number of people, for the dwellers in the country
round about had fled thither; and the Comans assaulted it,
and took it by force. There the slaughter ,vas so great, that
there had been none such in any city where they had been.
And you must know that all the castles and all the cities that
surrendered to J ohannizza under promise of safety were
destroyed and rased to the ground, and the people led a,vay
captive to 'Vallachia in such manner as you have heard.
And you must know that within five days' journey from
Constantinople there remained nothing to destroy save only
the city of Bizye, and the city of Salymbria, which were
garrisoned by the French. And in Bizye abode Anseau of
Cayeux, with six score knights, and in Salymbria abode
Macaire of Sainte-Menehould with fifty knights; and Henry
the brother of the Emperor Bald\vin remained in Constanti-
nople with the remainder of the host. And you may know
tha t their fortunes were at the lowest, seeing that outside of
Constantinople they had kept possession of no more than
these two cities.
I 12 Memoirs of the Crusades
THE GREEKS ARE RECONCILED TO THE CRUSADERS-
JOHANNIZZA BESIEGES DEl\IOTICA
vVhen the Greeks who were in the host with J ohannizza-
the same who had yielded themselves up to him, and rebelled
against the Franks-when they saw how he de troyed their
castles and cities, and kept no_ venant with them, they held
themselves to be but dead men, and betrayed. They spoke
one to another, and said that as Johannizza had dealt with
other cities, so would he deal with Adrianople and Demotica,
when he returned thither, and that if these t,vo cities were
destroyed, then was Roumania for ever lost.
So they took messengers privily, and sent them to Vernas
in Constantinople. And they besought Vernas to cry for
pity to Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin, and to
the Venetians, so that they might make peace with them;
and they themselves, in turn, would restore Adrianople and
Demotica to the Franks; and the Greeks would all turn to
Henry; and the Greeks and Franks dwell together in good
accord.
So a council was held, and many words were spoken this
way and that, but in the end it was settled that Adrianople
and Demotica, with all their appurtenances, should be be-
stowed on Vernas and the empress his wife, who was sister
to the King Philip of France, and that they should do service
therefor to the emperor and to the empire. Such was the
convention made and concluded, and so ,vas peace established
between the Greeks and the Franks.
Johannizza, the King of vVallachia and Bulgaria, who
had sojourned long in Roumania, and wasted the country
during the whole of Lent, and for a good while after Easter
(2nd April 1206), now retired towards Adrianople and
Demotica, and had it in mind to deal with those cities as he
had dealt with the other cities of the land. And when the
Greeks who were with him sa"r that he turned towards
Adrianople, they began to steal away, both by day and by
night, some twenty, thirty, forty, a hundred, at a time.
When he came to Adrianople, he required of those that
were within that they should let him enter, as he had entered
elsewhere. But they said they would not, and spoke thus:
cc Sire, ,vhen we surrendered to thee, and rebelled against the
Villehardouin's Chronicle I 13
ìranks, thou didst s\vear to protoct us in all good faith, and
o keep us in safety. Thou hast not done so, but hast utterly
uined Roumania; and we know full well that thou wilt do
lnto us as thou hast done unto others." And when Johan-
lizza heard this, he laid siege to Demotica, and erected round
I t sixteen large petraries, and began to construct engines of
very kind for the siege, and to \vaste all the country round.
Then did those in Adrianople and Demotica take mes-
engers, and send them to Constantinople, to Henry, the
{egent of the empire, and to Vemas, and prayed them, for
;'od's sake, to rescue Demotica, which was being besieged.
\.nd when those at Constantinople heard these tidings, they
lecided to succour Demotica. But some there were who did
lot dare to advise that our people should issue from Con-
.tantinople, and so place in jeopardy the few Christian folk
:hat remained. Nevertheless, in the end, as you have heard,
t was decided to issue forth, and move on Salymbria.
The cardinal, who \vas there as legate on the part of the
?02
of Rome, preached thereon to the people, and promised
.. fUll indulgence to all such as should go forth, and lose their \
ives on th way. So Henry issuecL fr:QD1 Cons tan tinople
NÏth as many men as he could collect, and marched to the l(
ity of Salymbria; and he encamped before the city for full!
ight days. And from day to day came messengers from
drianople praying him to have mercy upon them, and come
to their relief, for if he did not come to their relief, they were ,
JU t lost.
..
"-
THE CRUSADERS :MARCH TO THE RELIEF OF DEJ\IOTICA
Then did Henry take council with his barons, and their
jecision was that they would go to the city of Bizye, which
was a fair city, and strong. So they did as they had devised, )
lnd came to Bizye, and encamped before the city on the eve
::>f the feast of our Lord St. John the Baptist, in June (23 rd
June 1206). And on the day that they so encamped came
messengers from Adrianople, and said to Henry, the brother
of the Emperor Baldwin: "Sire, be it known to thee that if
tbou dost not relieve the city of Demotica, it cannot hold
out more than eight days, for Johannizza's petraries have
breached the walls in four places, and his men have twice got
on to the walls."
J
1 14 Memoirs of the Crusades
Then he asked for counsel as to what he should do. Many
were the words spoken, to and fro; but in the end they said:
" Lord, we have come so far that we shall be for ever shamed
if we do not succour Demotica. L.et every man now confess
and receive the communion; and then let us set our forces in
array." And it was reckoned that they had ,vith them about
four hundred knights, and of a certainty no more. So they
summoned the messengers who had come from Adrianople,
and asked them how matters stood, and what number of men
J ohannizza had with him. And the messengers answered
that he had ,vith him at least forty thousand men-at-anns,
not reckoning those on foot, of whom they had no count.
Ah God! what a perilous battle-so few against so many I
In the morning, on the day of the feast of our Lord St. John
the Baptist, all confessed and received the communion, and
on the following day they marched forward. The van was
commanded by Geoffry, the Marshal of Roumania and
Champagne, and with him was Macaire of Sainte-1Ienehould.
The second division was under Conon of Bethune and Miles
the Brabant; the third under Payen of Orleans and Peter of
Bracieux; the fourth was under Anseau of Cayeux; the
fifth under Baldwin of Beauvoir; the sixth under Hugh of
Beaumetz; the seventh under Henry, brother of the Emperor
Baldwin; the eighth, with the Flemings, under Walter of
Escornai; Thierri of Loos, who was seneschal, commanded
the rear-guard.
So they rod e for three days, all in order; nor did any host
ever advance seeking battle so perilously. For they were in
peril on two accounts; first because they were so few, and
those they were about to attack so many; and secondly,
because they did not believe the Greeks, with whom they
had just made peace, would help them heartily. For they
stood in fear lest, when need arose, the Greeks would go over
to Johannizza, who, as you have already heard, had been so
near to taking Demotica.
JOHANNIZZA RETREATS, FOLLOWED BY THE CRUSADERS
When Johannizza heard that the Franks were coming, he
did not dare to abide, but burned his engines of war, and
broke up his camp. So he departed from Demotica; and
you must know that this was accounted by all the world as
Villehardouin's Chronicle I IS
great miracle. And Henry, the Regent of the empire, came
ön the ourth day (28th June) before Adrianople, and pitched
his camp near the river of Adrianople, in the fairest meadows
in the world. When those who were within the city saw his
host coming, they issued forth, bearing all their crosses, and
in procession, and showed such joy as had never been seen.
And well might they rejoice for they had been in evil case.
Then came tidings to the host that J ohannizza was lodged
at a castle called Rodosto. So in the morning they set forth
and marched to those parts to seek battle; and J ohannizza
broke up his camp, and marched back towards his own land.
The host followed after him for five days, and he as constantly
retired before them. On the fifth day they encamped at a
very fair and pleasant place by a castle called Fraim; and
there they sojourned three days.
And at this place there was a division in the host, and a
company of valiant men separated themselves therefrom
because of a quarrel that they had with Henry, the brother
of the Emperor Baldwin. Of this company Baldwin of Beau-
voir was chief; and Hugh of Beaumetz went with him, and
William of Gommegnies and Dreux of Beaurain. There
were some fifty knights who departed together in that com-
pany; and they never thought the rest would dare to remain
in the land in the midst of their enemies.
RENIER OF TRIT RELIEVED AND DELIVERED
Then did Henry, the Regent of the empire, take council
with the barons that were with him; and they decided to
ride forward. So they rode forward for two days, and en-
camped in a very fair valley, near a castle called Moniac.
The castle yielded itself to them, and they remained there
five days; and then said they would go and relieve Renier
of Trit, who was besieged in Stanimac, and had been shut up
therein for thirteen months. So Henry the Regent of the
empire, remained in the camp, with a great part of the host,
and the remainder went forward to relieve Renier of Tnt at
Stanimac.
And you must know that those who went forward went in
very great peril, and that any rescue so full of danger has but
seldom been undertaken, seeing that they rode for three days
through the land of their enemies. In this rescue took part
I I 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
Conon of Bethune, and GeofIry of Villehardouin, Marshal of
Roumania and Champagne, and Macaire of Sainte-Mene-
hould, and Miles the Brabant, and Peter of Bracieux, and
Payen of Orleans, and Anseau of Cayeux, and Thierri of
Laos, and William of the Perchoi, and a body of Venetians
under command of Andrew Valère. So they rode forward
till they came to the castle of Stanimac, and approached so
near that they could now see it.
Renier of Trit was on the walls, and he perceived the
advanced guard, which was under GeofIry the Marshal, and
the other battalions, approaching in very good order; and he
knew not what people they might be. And no wonder that
he was in doubt, for of a long time he had heard no tidings of
us ; and he thought we were Greeks coming to besiege him.
GeofIry the 11arshal of Roumania and Champagne took
certain Turcoples 1 and mounted cross-bowmen and sent them
forward to see if they could learn the condition of the castle;
for they knew not if those ,vithin it were alive or dead, seeing
that of a long time they had heard no tidings of them. And
when these came before the castle, Renier of Trit and his
men knew them; and you may well think what joy they had!
They issued forth and came to meet their friends, and all
made great joy of each other.
The barons quartered themselves in a very good city that
lay at the foot of the castle, and had aforetime besieged the
castle. Then said the barons that they had often heard tell
that the Emperor Baldwin had died in Johannizza's prison,
but that they did not believe it. Renier of Trit, however,
told them of a truth that the emperor was dead, and then
they believed it. Greatly did many then grieve; alas! if
only their grief had not been beyond remedy!
So they lay that night in the city; and on the morrow they
departed, and abandoned Stanimac. They rode for two
days, and on the third they came to the camp, below the
castle of Moniac, that lies on the river Arta, wher
Henry,
the Emperor's brother, was waiting for them. Greatly did
those of the host rejoice over Renier of Trit, who had thus
been rescued from durance, and great was the credit given to
those who had brought him back, for they had gone for him
in great peril.
1 Soldiers born of a Turkish father and a Greek mother.
Vil1ehardouin's Chronicle I 17
HENRY CROWNED EMPEROR-JOHANNIZZA RAVAGES THE
COUNTRY AGAIN-THE EMPEROR MARCHES AGAINST mM
The barons now resolved that they would go to Constanti-
nople, and crown Henry, the brother of the Emperor Bald
win as emperor, and leave in the country Vemas, and all the
Greeks of the land, together with forty knights, whom Henry,
the Regent of the empire, would leave with him. So Henry,
the Regent of the empire, and the other barons, went to-
wards Constantinople, and they rode from day to day till
they came thither, and right well were they received. They
crowned Hen:ry as em.pero
with great joy and great honour
in the Church o["'St. SophIa, on the Sunday (20th August)
after the festival of our Laqy St. 1'Iary, in August. And this.
was in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ
twelve hundred and six.
Now when Johannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bul-
garia, heard that the emperor had been crowned in Constanti-
nople, and that Vernas had remained in the land of Adria-
nople and Demotica, he collected together as large a force as
he could. And Vernas had not rebuilt the walls of Demotica
where they had been breached by Johannizza with his
petraries and mangonels, and he had set but a weak garrison
therein. So J ohannizza marched on Demotica, and took it,
and destroyed it, and rased the walls to the ground, and over-
ran the whole country, and took men, women, and children
for a prey, and wrought devastation. Then did those in
Adrianople beseech the Emperor Henry to succour them,
seeing that Demotica had been lost in such cruel sort.
Then did the Emperor Henry summon as many people as
he could, and issued from Constantinople, and rode day by
day towards Adrianople, with all his forces in order. And
J..ohannizza, the King of Wallachia who was in the land,
when he heard that the emperor ,vas coming, drew back into
his own land. And the Emperor Henry rode forward till he
came to Adrianop1e, and he encamped outside the city in a
meadow.
Then came the Greeks of the land, and told him that
Johannizza, the King of Wal1achia, was carrying off men and
women and cattle, and that he had destroyed Demotica, and
I wasted the country round; and that he was still within ð
I I 8 Memoirs of the Crusades
day's march. The emperor settled that he would follow
after, and do battle-if so be that J ohannizza would abide
his coming-and deliver the men and women ,vho were being
led away captive. So he rode after J ohannizza, and J ohan-
nizza retired as the emperor advanced, and the emperor
followed him for four days. Then they came to a city called
Veroi.
When those who were in the city saw the host of the
Emperor Henry approaching, they fled into the mountains
and abandoned the city. And the emperor came with all
his host, and encamped before the city, and found it well
furnished with com and meat, and such other things as were
needful. So they sojourned there for two days, and the
emperor caused his men to overrun the surrounding country,
and they obtained a large booty in beeves and cows and
buffaloes, and other beasts in very great plenty. Then he
departed from Veroi with all his booty, and rode to another
city, a day's journey distant, called Blisnon. And as the
other Greeks had abandoned Veroi, so did the dwellers in
Blisnon abandon their city; and he found it furnished with
all things necessary, and quartered himself there.
THE El\IPEROR l\IEETS ]OHANNIZZA, AND RECAPTURES
IDS PRISONERS
Then came tidings that in a certain valley, three leagues
distant from the host, were the men and women whom
J ohannizza was leading away captive, together with all his
plunder, and all his chariots. Then did Henry appoint that
the Greeks from Adrianople and Demotica should go and
recover the captives and the plunder, two battalions of
knights going with them; and as had been arranged, so was
this done on the morrow. The command of the one battalion
was given to Eustace, the brother of the Emperor Henry of
Constantinople, and the command of the other to 1vIacaire
of Sainte-Menehould.
So they rode, they and the Greeks, till they came to the
valley of which they had been told; and there they found
the captives. And J ohannizza's men engaged the Emperor
Henry's men, and men and horses were killed and wounded
on either side; but by the goodness of God, the Franks had
Villehardouin's Chronicle I 19
the advantage, and rescued the captives, and caused them
to turn again, and brought them away.
And you must know that this was a mighty deliverance;
for the captives numbered full twenty thousand men, women,
and children; and there were full three thousand chariots
laden with their clothes and baggage, to say nothing of other
booty in good quantity. The line of the captives, as they
came to the camp, was two great leagues in length, and they
reached the camp that night. Then was the Emperor Henry
greatly rejoiced, and all the other barons; and they had the
captives lodged apart, and well guarded, with their goods, so
that they lost not one pennyworth of what they possessed.
On the morrow the Emperor Henry rested for the sake of the
people he had delivered. And on the day after he left that
country, and rode day by day till he came to Adrianople.
There he set free the men and women he had rescued; and
each one went whithersoever he listed, to the land where he
was born, or to any other place. The booty, of which he had
great plenty, was divided in due shares among the host. So
the Emperor Henry sojourned there five days, and then rode
to the city of Demotica, to see how far it had been destroyed,
and whether it could again be fortified. He encamped before
the city, and saw, both he and his barons, that in the state in
which it then was, it were not well to refortify it.
PROJECTED MARRIAGE BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE
DAUGHTER OF BONIFACE-THE CRUSADERS RAVAGE THE
LANDS OF JOHANNIZZA
Then came to the camp, as envoy, a baron, Otho of La
Roche by name, belonging to the Marquis Boniface of Mont-
ferrat. He came to speak of a marriage that had been spoken
of aforetime between the daughter of Boniface, the
farquis
of Montferrat, and the Emperor Henry; and brought tidings
that the lady had come from Lombardy, whence her father
had sent to summon her, and that she was now at Salonica.
Then did the emperor take council, and it was decided that
the marriage should be ratified on either side. So the envoy,
Otho of La Roche, returned to Salonica.
The emperor had reassembled his men, who had gone to
place in safe holding the booty taken at Veroi. And he
marched day by day from Adrianople till he came to the land
120 Memoirs of the Crusades
v
of J ohannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria. They
came to a city called Fenne, and took it, and entered in, and
won much booty. They remained there for three days, and
overran all the land, got very much spoil, and destroyed a
city called Aquilo.
On the fourth day they departed from Fenne, which was
a city fair and well situated, with hot water springs for bath-
ing, the finest in the world; and the emperor caused the city
to be burned and destroyed, and they carried away much
spoil, in cattle and goods. Then they rode day by day till
they came back to the city of Adrianople; and they sojourned
in the land till the feast of All Saints (1st November 1206),
when they could no longer carry on the war because of the
winter. So Henry and all his barons, who were much aweary
of campaigning, turned their faces towards Constantinople;
and he left at Adrianople, among the Greeks, a man of his
named Peter of Radinghem, with ten knights.
THE EMPEROR RESUMES THE WAR AGAINST THEODORE
LAS CARIS
At that time Theodore Lascaris, who held the land on the
other side of the straits towards Turkey, was at truce ,vith
the Emperor Henry; but that truce he had not kept well,
having broken and vio ated it. So the emperor eTcfêo ,
and sent to the ot er sIde ôf the straits, to the city of Piga,
Peter of Bracieux, to whom land had been assigned in those
parts, and with him Payen of Orleans, and Anseau of Cayeux,
and Eustace, the emperor's brother, and a great part of
his best men to the number of seven score knights. These
began to make war in very grim and earnest fashion against
Theodore Lascaris, and greatly '\vasted his land.
They marched to a land called Skiza, which was surrounded
by the sea except on one side. And in old days the way of
entry had been defended with walls and towers, and moats,
but these were now decayed. So the host of the French
entered in, and Peter of Bracieux, to whom the land had been
devised, began to restore the defences, and built two castles,
and made two fortified ways of entry. From thence they
overran the land of Lascaris, and gained much booty and
cattle, and brought such booty and cattle into their island.
Theodore Las caris, on the other hand, harked back upon
Villehardouin's Chronicle 121
Skiza, so that there were frequent battles and skirmishes)
and losses on the one side and on the other; and the war in
those parts was fierce and perilous.
Now let us leave speaking of those who were at Skiza, and
speak of Thiem of Loos, who was seneschal, and to whom
Nicomedia should have belonged; and Nicomedia lay a day's
journey from Nìce the Great, the capital of the land of
Theodore Lascaris. Thiem then went thither, with a great
body of the emperor's men, and found that the castle had
been destroyed. So he enclosed an fo
ified the Church of
St. So Ilia. T . ge (\J;).d fair, and maintained
the war in that place.
ADVANTAGES OBTAINED BY BONIFACE-MARRIAGE OF
HIS DAUGHTER WITH THE EMPEROR
At that time the Marquis Boniface of Montferrat departed
from Salonica, and went to Seres, which J ohannizza had
destroyed; and he rebuilt it; and afterwards rebuilt a castle
called Drama in the valley of Philippi. All the country
round about surrendered to him, and came under his rule;
and he wintered in the land.
Meanwhile, so much time had gone by, th at Christmas w as
ow past. Then came messengers from the marquis to the
emperor at Constantinople to say that the marquis had sent
his daughter in a galley to the city of Abydos. So the
Emperor Henry sent Geoflry the Marshal of Roumania and
Champagne, and Miles the Brabant, to bring the lady; and
these rode day by day till they came to Abydos.
They found the lady, who was very good and fair, and
saluted her on behalf of their lord Henry, the emperor, and
brought her to Constantinople in great honour. So the
Emperor Henry was wedded to her in the Church of St.
Sophia, on the Sunday after the feast of our Lady St.
Iary
Candlemas (4th February 1207), with great joy and in great
pomp; and they both wore a crOWD; and high \vere the
marriage-feastings in the palace of Bucoleon. Thus, as you
have just heard, was the marriage celebrated between the
emperor and the daughter of the Marquis Boniface, Agnes
the empress by name.
122 Memoirs of the Crusades
THEODORE LASCARIS FORMS AN ALLIANCE WITH
JOHANNIZZA
Theodore Lascaris, who was warring against the Emperor
Henry, took messengers and sent them to Johannizza, the
King of Wallachia and Bulgaria. And he advised Johan-
nizza that all the forces of the Emperor Henry were fighting
against him (Lascaris) on the other side of the straits towards
Turkey; that the emperor was in Constantinople with but
very few people; and that now W8.;:) the time for vengeance,
inasmuch as he himself would be attacking the emperor on
the one side, and }ohannizza on the other, and the emperor
had so few men that he would not be able to defend himself
against both. Now Johannizza had already engaged a great
host of Comans, who were on their way to join his host; and
had collected together as large a force of Wallachians and
Bulgarians as ever he could. And so much time had now
gone by, that it was the beginning of Lent (7th March 1207).
Macaire of Sainte-Menehould had begun to build a castle
at Charax, which lies on a gulf of the sea, six leagues from
Nicomedia, towards Constantinople.. And William of Sains
began to build another castle at Cibotos, that lies on the gulf
of Nicomedia, on the other side, towards Nice. And you
must know that the Emperor Henry had as much as he could
do near Constantinople; as also the barons who were in the
land. And well does Geoffry of Villehardouin, the Marshal
of Champagne and Roumania, who is dictating this work,
bear witness, that never at any time were people so dis-
tracted and oppressed by war; this was by reason that the
host were scattered in so many places.
SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE BY JOHANNIZZA-SIEGE OF
SKIZA AND CIBOTOS BY LASCARIS
Then Johannizza left \tVallachia with all his hosts, and
with a great host of Comans who joined themselves to
him, and entered Roumania. And the Comans overran the
country up to the gates of Constantinople; and he himself
besieged Adrianople, and erected there thirty-three great
petraries, which hurled stones against the walls and the
towers. And inside Adrianople were only the Greeks and
Villehardouin's Chronicle 123
Peter of Radinghem, who had been set there by the emperor,
with ten knights. Then the Greeks and the Latins together
sent to tell the Emperor Henry how J ohannizza had besieged
them, and prayed for succour.
Much was the emperor distraught when he heard this; for
his forces on the other side of the straits were so scattered,
and were everywhere so hard pressed that they could do no
more than they were doing, while he himself had -but few
men in Constantinople. None the less he undertook to take
the field with as many men as he could collect, in the Easter
fortnight; and he sent word to Skiza, where most of his
people were, that they should come to him. So these began
to come to him by sea; Eustace, the brother of the Emperor
Henry, and Anseau of Cayeux, and the main part of their
men, and thus only Peter of Bracieux, and Payen of Orleans,
with but few men, remained in Skiza.
When Theodore Lascaris heard tidings that Adrianople
was besieged, and that the Emperor Henry, through utter
need, was recalling his people, and did not know which way
to turn-whether to this side or to that-so heavily was he
oppressed by the war, then did Lascaris with the greater
zeal gather together all the people he could, and pitched his
tents and pavilions before the gates of Skiza; and many
were the battles fought before Skiza, some lost and some won.
And when Theodore Lascarls saw that there were few people
remaining in the city, he took a great part of hís host, and
such ships as he could collect on the sea, and sent them to the
castle of Cibotos, which William of Sains was fortifying; and
they set siege to the castle by sea and land, on the Saturday
in mid-Lent (31st March 1207).
Within were forty knights, very good men, and Macaire of
Sainte-lvlenehould was their chief; and their castle was as
yet but little fortified, so that their foes could come at them
with swords and lances. The enemy attacked them by land
and by sea very fiercely; and, the assault lasted during the
whole of Saturday, and our people defended themselves ve
well. And this book bears witness that never did fifty
knights defend themselves at greater disadvantage against
such odds. And well may this appear, for of the knights
that were there, all were wounded save five only; and one
was killed, who was nephew to Miles the Brabant, and his
name was Giles.
124 Memoirs of the Crusades
THE EMPEROR ATTACKS THE FLEET OF THEODORE
LASCARIS, AND RESCUES CIBOTOS
Before this assault began, on the Saturday morning, there
came a messenger flying to Constantinople. He found the
Emperor Henry in the palace of Blachernæ, sitting at meat,
and spoke to him thus: "Sire, be it known t oÿõ'u that those
at Cibotos are being attacked by land and sea; and if you do
not speedily deliver them, they will be taken, and but dead
men."
With the emperor were Conon of Bethune, and Geoffry the
Marshal of Champagne, and Miles the Brabant, and but very
few people. And they held a council, and the council was
but short, and the emperor went down to the shore, and
entered into a galleon; and each one was to take ship such as
he could find. And it was proclaimed throughout the city
that all were to follow the emperor in the utter need wherein
he stood, to go and rescue his men, seeing that without help
they ,vere but lost. Then might you have seen the whole
city of Constantinople all a-swarm with Venetians and Pisans
nd other seafaring folk, running to their ships, helter-
skelter and pell-mell; and with them entered into the ships
the knights, fully armed; and whosoever was first ready, he
first left port to go after the emperor.
So they went rowing hard all the evening, as long as the
light lasted, and all through the night till the dawn of the
follo'\ving day. And the emperor had used such diligence,
that a little after sun-rising he came in sight of Cibotos, and
of the host surrounding it by sea and land. And those '\vho
were within the castle had not slept that night, but had kept
guard through the whole night, however sick or wounded
they might be, as men who expected nothing but death.
The emperor saw that the Greeks were close to the walls
and about to assault the city. Now he himself had but few
of his people with him-among them ,vere Geoffry the
{ar-
shal in another ship, and I\1iles the Brabant, and certain
. Pi sans, and other knights, so that he had some sixteen ships
great and small, while on the other side there were full sixty.
Nevertheless they saw that if they waited for their people,
and suffered the Greeks to assault Citobos, then those within
Villehardouin's Chronicle 125
must be all killed or taken; and when they saw this they
decided to sail against the enemy's ships.
They sailed thitherward therefore in line; and all those on
board the ships were fully armed, and with their helms laced.
And when the Greeks, who were about to attack the castle,
saw us coming, they perceived that help was at hand for the
besieged, and they avoided the castle, and came to meet us;
and all this great host, both horse and foot, drew up on the
shore. And the Greeks on ship-board 1 when they saw that
the emperor and his people meant to attack them in any case,
drew back towards those on shore, so that the latter might
give them help with bows and darts.
So the emperor held them close with his seventeen ships,
till the shouts of those coming from Constantinople began to
reach 1úm; and when the night fell so many had come up
that the Franks were everywhere in force upon tbe sea; and
they lay all anned during the night, and cast anchor. And
they settled that as soon as they saw the day, they would go
and do battle with the enemy on the shore, and also seize
their ships. But when it came to about midnight, the Greeks
dragged all their ships to land, and set fire to them, and
burned them all, and broke up their camp, and went away
flying.
The Emperor Henry and his host were right glad of the
victory that God had given them, and that they had thus
been able to succour their people. And when it came to be
morning, the emperor and his barons went to the castle of
Cibotos, and found those who were therein very sick, and for
the most part sore wounded. And the emperor and his
people looked at the castle, and saw that it was so weak as
not to be worth the holding. So they gathered all their
people into the ships, and left the castle and abandoned it.
Thus did the Emperor Henry return to Constantinople.
JOHANNIZZA RAISES THE SIEGE OF ADRIANOPLE
}ohannizza, the king of Wallachia, who had besieged
Adrianople, gave himself no rest, for his petraries, of which
he had many, cast stones night and day against the walls and
to,vers, and damaged the walls and towers very greatly.
I And he set his sappers to mine the walls, and made many
1 The meaning here is a little obscure in the original.
...
126 Memoirs of the Crusades
assaults. And well did those who were within, both Greeks
and Latins, maintain themselves, and often did they beg the
Emperor Henry to succour them, and warn him that, if he
did not succour them, they were utterly undone. The
emperor was much distraught; for when he wished to go and
succour his people at Adrianople on the one side, then
Theodore Lascaris pressed upon him so straitly on the other
side, that of necessity he ,vas forced to draw back.
So J ohannizza remained during the whole month of April
(1207) before Adrianople; and he came so near to taking it
that in two places he beat down the walls and towers to the
ground, and his men fought hand to hand, with swords and
lances, against those who were within. Also he made assaults
in force, and the besieged defended themselves well; and
there were many killed and wounded on one side and on the
other.
As it pleases God that adventures should be ordered, so
it befell that the Comans who had overrun the land, and
gained much booty, ãnd returned to the camp before Adria-
nople, with all their spoils, now said they would remain with
Johannizza no longer, but go back to their own land. Thus
the Comans abandoned J ohannizza. And without them he
dared not remain before Adrianople. So he departed from
before the city, and left it.
And you must know that this was held to be a great
miracle: that the siege of a city so near to the taking should
be abandoned, and by a man possessed of such power. But
as God wills, so do events befall. Those in Adrianople made
no delay in begging the emperor, for the love of God, to come
o them as soon as he could; for sooth it was that if Johan-
.zza, the King of Wallachia returned, they would all be
killed or taken. j
SKIZA AGAIN BESIEGED BY THEODORE LASCARIS-
THE EMPEROR DELIVERS THE CITY
The emperor, with as many men as he possessed, had pre-
pared to go to Adrianople, when tidings came, very grievous,
that Escurion, who was admiral of the galleys of Theodore
Lascaris, had entered with seventeen galleys into the straits
of Abydos, in the channel of St. George, and come before
Skiza, where Peter of Bracieux then was, and Payen of
Villehardouin's Chroricle 127
Orleans; and that the said Escurion was besieging the city
by sea, while Theodore Lascaris was besieging it by land.
Moreover, the people of the land of Skiza had rebelled against
Peter of Bracieux, as also those of Marmora, and had wrought
him great harm, and killed many of his people.
When these tidings came to Constantinople, they were
greatly dismayed. Then did the Emperor Henry take
council with his men, and his barons, and the Venetians also;
and they said that if they did not succour Peter of Bracieux,
and Payen of Orleans, they were but dead men, and the land
would be lost. So they armed fourteen galleys in all dili-
gence, and set in them the Venetians of most note, and all
the barons of the emperor.
In one galley entered CO:Q.on of Ji
1;þ.une and his people;
in another Geoffry of Villehardo.uin and his people; in the
third Macaire of Sainte-Menehould and his people; in the
fourth Miles the Brabant; in the fifth Anseau of Cayeux; in
the sixth Thierri of Loos, who was seneschal of Roumania;
in the seventh vVilliam of the Perchoi; and in the eighth
Eustace the emperor's brother. Thus did the Emperor
Henry put into all these galleys the best people that he had;"
and when they left the port of Cõnstantinople, well did all
say that never had galleys been better armed, nor manned
with better men. And thus, for this time, the march on
Adrianople was again put off.
Those who were in the galleys sailed down the straits, right
towards Skiza. How Escurion, the admiral of Theodore
Las caris' galleys, heard of it, I know not; but he abandoned
Skiza, and went away, and fled down the straits. And the
others chased him two days and two nights, beyond the
straits of Abydos, forty miles. And when they sa,v they
could not come up with him, they turned back, and came to
Skiza, and found there Peter of Bracieux and Payen pf
Orleans; and Theodore Lascaris had dislodged from before
the city and repaired to his own land. Thus was Skiza re-
lieved, as you have just heard; and those in the ganeys
turned back to Constantinople, and prepared once more to
march on Adrianople.
128 Memoirs of the Crusades
THE EMPEROR TWICE DELIVERS NICOMEDIA, BESIEGED
BY THEODORE LASCARIS
Theodore Lascaris sent the most part of his force into the
land of Nicomedia. And the people of Thierri of Loos, who
had fortified the Church of St. Sophia, and were therein,
besought their lord and the emperor to come to their relief;
for if they received no help they could not hold out, especially
as they had no provisions. Through sheer distress and sore
need, the Emperor Henry and his people agreed that they
must once more abandon thought of going to Adrianople,
and cross the straits of St. George, to the Turkish side, with
as many people as they could collect, and succour Nicomedia.
And when the people of Theodore Lascaris heard that the
emperor was coming, they avoided the land, and retreated
towards Nice the Great. And when the emperor knew of it,
he took council, and it was decided that Thierri of Loos, the
seneschal of Roumania, should abide in Nicomedia, with all
his knights, and all his sergeants, to guard the land; and
Macaire of Sainte-Menehould should abide at Charax, and
William of the Perchois in Skiza; and each defend the land
where he abode.
Then did the Emperor Henry, and the remainder of his
people return to Constantinople, and prepare once again to
go towards Adrianople. And while he was so preparing,
Thierri of Loos the seneschal, who was in Nicomedia, and
William of the Perchoi, and all their people, went out forag-
ing on a certain day. And the people of Theodore Lascaris
knew of it, and surprised them, and fell upon them. Now
the people of Theodore Lascaris were very many, and our_
people very few. So the battle began, and they fought hand
to hand, and before very long the few were not able to stand
against the many.
Thierri of Loos did right well, as also his people; he was
twice struck down, and by main strength his men remounted
him. And William of the Perchoi was also struck down, and
remounted and rescued. But numbers hemmed them in too
sore, and the Franks were discomfited. There was taken
Thiem of Loos, wounded in the face, and in peril of death.
There, too, were most of his people taken, for few escaped.
William of the Perchois fled on a hackney, wounded in the
Villehardouin's Chronicle
12 9 ,
hand. Those that escaped from the discomfiture rallied in
the Church of St. Sophia. .
He \vho dictates this history heard blame attached in this
affair-whether rightl or wrongly he knows not-to a certain
krng t named Ànseau of Remi, who was Hegeman of Thierri
of Laos the seneschal, and chief of his men; and who aban-
doned him in the fray.
Then did those who had returned to the Church of St.
Sophia in Nicomedia, viz. William of the Perchoi and Anseau
of Remi, take a messenger, and send him flying to Constanti-
nople, to the Emperor Henry; and they told the emperor
what had befallen, how the seneschal had been taken with his
men; how they themselves were besieged in the Church of
St. Sophia, in Nicomedia., and how they had food for no more
than five days; and they told him he must know of a cer-
tainty that if he did not succour them they must be killed or
taken. The emperor, as one hearing a cry of distress, passed
over the straits of St. George, he and his people, each as best
he could, and pell-mell, to go to the relief of those in Nico-
media. And so the march to Adrianople was put off once
more.
When the emperor had passed over the
tr
i ts of St.
..Geor.ge,l1 e set his troops in array, and rode day by &y tilf 1îe
came to Nicomedia. When the people of Theodore Lascaris,
and his brothers, who formed the host, heard thereof, they
drew back, and passed over the mountain on the other side,
towards Nice. And the emperor encamped by Nicomedia
in a very fair field that lay beside the river on this side of the
mountain. He had his tents and pavilions pitched; and
caused his men to overrun and harry the land, because the
people had rebelled when they heard that Thierri of Loos,
the seneschal, \vas taken; and the emperor's men captured
much cattle and many prisoners.
TRUCE 'VITH THEODORE LASCARIS-THE EMPEROR
INVADES THE LANDS OF JOHANNIZZA
The Emperor Henry sojourned after this manner for five
days in the meadow by Nicomedia. And while he was thus
sojourning, Theodore Lascaris took messengers, and sent
them to him, asking him to make a truce for two years, on
condition that the emperor would suffer him to demolish
130 Memoirs of the Crusades
Skiza and the fortress of the church of St. Sophia of Nico-
media, while he, on his side, would yield up all the prisoners
taken in the last victory, or at other times-of whom he had
a great many in his land.
Now the emperor took council with his people; and they
said that they could not maintain two wars at the same time,
and that it was better to suffer loss as proposed than suffer
the loss of Adrianople, and the land on the other side of the
straits; and moreover that they would (by agreeing to this
truce) cause division between their enemies, viz. J ohannizza,
the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria and Theodore Lascaris,
who were now friends, and helped one another in the war.
The matter was thus settled, and agreed to. Then the
Emperor Henry summoned Peter of Bracieux from Skiza; and
he came to him; and the Emperor Henry so wrought with
him that he gave up Skiza into his hands, and the emperor
delivered it to Theodore Lascaris to be demolished, as also
the Church of St. Sophia of Nicomedia. So was the truce
established, and so were the fortresses demolished. Thierri
of Loos was given up, and all the other prisoners.
Then the Emperor Henry repaired to Constantinople, and
undertook once more to go to Adrianople with as many men
as he could collect. He assembled his host at Selymbria;
and so much time had already passed that this did not take
place till after the feast of St. John, in June (1207). And
he rode day by day till he came to Adrianople, and en-
camped in the fields before the city. And those within the
city, who had greatly desired his coming, went out to meet
him in procession, and received him very gladly. And all
the Greeks of the land came with them.
The emperor remained only one day before the city to see
all the damage that Johannizza had done to the walls and
towers, with mines and petraries; and these had worked
great havoc to the city. And on the morrow he departed,
and marched towards the country of J ohannizza, and so
marched for four days. On the fifth day he came to the foot
of the mountain of Wallachia, to a city called Euloi, which
Johannizza had newly repeopled with his folk. And when
the people of the land saw the host coming, they abandoned
the city, and fled into the mountains.
Villehardouin's Chronicle 131
THE EMPEROR'S FORAGERS SUFFER LOSS
The Emperor Henry and the host of the French encamped \
before the city; and the foraging parties overran the land,
and captured oxen, and cows, and beeves in great plenty,
and other beasts. And those from Adrianople, who had
brought their chariots with them, and were poor and ill-
furnished with food, loaded their chariots with com and
other grain; and they found also provisions in plenty and
loaded with them, in great quantities, the other chariots that
they had captured. So the host sojourned there for three
days; and every day the foraging parties went foraging
throughout the land; but the land was full of mountains,
and strong defiles, and the host lost many foragers, who
adventured themselves madly. .... '
In the end, the Emperor Henry sent Anseau of Cayeux to
guard the foragers, and Eustace his brother, and Thiem of
Flanders, his nephew, and Walter of Escornai, and John
Bliaud. 'J;þeir fou
_ battalions went to guard the foragers,
and entered into a land rough and mountainous. And when
their people had overrun the land, and wished to return,
they found the de file s v
well guarded.
or the Walla-
chians of the country l].adBSSémbled, and fought against
them, and did them great hurt, both to men and horses.
Hardly were our men put to it to escape discomfiture; and
the knights had, of necessity, to dismount and go on foot.
B
t by God's he Tp-!ney returned to the camp, though not
WIthout great loss and damage. \tt
On the morrow the Emperor Henry, and the host of the
French departed thence, and marched day by day till they
came to Adrianople; and they stored therein the com and
other provisions that they brought with them. The emperor
sojourned in the field before the city some fifteen days.
HOMAGE RENDERED BY BONIFACE TO THE EMPEROR, AND
BY GEOFFRY OF VILLEHARDOUIN TO BONIFACE
At that time Boniface, the Marquis of Montferrat, who
",rag at Seres, which he had fortified, rode forth as far as
Messinopolis, and all the land surrendered to his will. Then
he took messengers, and sent them to the Emperor Henry
and told him that he would right willingly speak with
132 Memoirs of the Crusades
by the river that runs below Cypsela. Now they two had
never been able to speak together face to face since the con-
quest of the land, for so many enemies lay between them that
the one had never been able to come to the other. And when
the emperor and those of his council heard that the 1tlarquis
Boniface was at Messinopolis, they rejoiced greatly; and
the emperor sent back word by the messengers that he would
speak with the marquis on the day appointed.
So the emperor went thitherward, and he left Conon of
Bethune to guard the land near Adrianople, with one hundred
knights. And they came on the set day to the place of
meeting in a very fair field, near the city of Cypsela. The
emperor came from one side, and the marquis from the other,
and they met with very great joy; nor is that to be wondered
at, seeing they had not, of a long time, beheld one another.
And the marquis asked the emperor for tidings of his daughter
Agnes; and the emperor told him she was with child, and the
marquis was glad thereof and rejoiced. Then did the mar-
quis become liegeman to the emperor, and held from him his
land, as he had done from the Emperor Baldwin, his brother.
And the marquis gave to Geoffry of Villehardouin, Marshal
of Roumania and Champagne, the city of Messinopolis, and
all its appurtenances, or else that of Ceres, whichever he
liked best; and the Marshal became his liegeman, save in so
far as he owed fealty to the emperor of Constantinople.
They sojourned thus in that field for two days, in great
joy, and said that, as God had granted that they should
come together, so might they yet again defeat their enemies.
And they made agreement to meet at the end of the summer,
in the month of October, with all their forces, in the meadow
before the city of Adrianople, and make war against the
King of Wallachia. So they separated joyou dwell
content. The marquis went to Messinopolis, and the
Emperor Henry towards Constantinople.
BONIFACE IS KILLED IN A BATTLE AGAINST THE
BULGARIANS
When the marquis had come to Messinopolis, he did not
remain there more than five days before he rode forth, by
the advice of the Greeks of the land, on an expedition to the
mountain of Messinopolis, which was distant a long day's
Villehardouin's Chronicle 133
journey. And when he had been through the land, and was
aÌ'Îut to depart, the Bulgarians of the land collected and saw
that the marquis had but a small force with him. So they...
came from all parts and attacked the rear-guard. And when
the marquis heard the shouting, he leapt on a horse, all un-
acned as he was, with a lance in his hand. And when he
cadle thither, where the Bulgarians were fighting with the
rear-guard, hand to hand, he ran in upon them, and drove
them a great way back.
Then was the Marquis Boniface of Montferrat wounded
with an arrow, in the thick of the ann, beneath the shoulder,
mortally, and he began to lose blood. And when his men
saw it, they began to be dismayed, and to lose heart, and to
bear themselves badly. Those who were round the marquis
held him up, and he was losing much blood; and he began to
faint. And when his men perceived that he could give them
no farther help, they were the more dismayed, and began to
desert him. So were they discomfited by misadventure;
and those who remained by him-and they were but few-
were killed.
The head of the Marquis Boniface of Montferrat was cut
off, and the people of the land sent it to Johannizza; and
that was one of the greatest joys that ever Johannizza had.
.
as! what a dolorous mishap for the Emperor Henry, and
for all the Latins of the land of Roumania, to los ch a man
by such a misadventure-one of the bestõarons and most
liberal, and one of
þe' best knights in the world! And this
misadventure befell in the year of the Incanlation of Jesus
Christ, twelve hundred and seven.
. '1
.
t.
-
(.
.:
.
J
/
.
]OINVILLE'S CHRONICLE OF THE
CRUSADE OF ST. LEWIS
DEDICATION AND DIVISION OF THE WORK
To his good Lord Lewis,! son of the King of France,2 and, by
the grace of God, King of Navarre, Count Palatine of Cham-
pagne and of Brie, John, Lord of J oinvill..e, hJs seneschal of
Chay? .agne, gives gree nig, and-lôve, and honour, and loyal
5 rvIce.
Dear sire, I would have you know that our lady, the queen,
your mother,3 who loved me much-may God have her in
His grace I-prayed me, as earnestly as she could, to cause a
book to be ,vritten for her, containing the holy words and
good deeds of our King St. 'Lewis; and I covenanted to do so ;
and, with God's help, the book .is now comp.1
eted, in two
parts The first part tens how he governed himself, at all
times, according to the will of God and the Church, and for
the good of his kingdom. The second part speaks of his
chivalrous deeds, and of his great feats of arms.
Sire, because it is written: "Do first that which apper-
taineth to God, and He shall direct thee in all thine other
doings," 4 therefore have I first caused to be written that
which appertaineth to the three things above named, viz.
that which appertaineth to the good of the soul and the good
of the body, and that which appertaineth to the government
of the people.
And these things have I caused to be written also in honour
of this true saint, because by such things "ill men be able to
see c early that/no layman in our time lived so holily all his
days, even from the beginning of his reign to the end of his
life When the ena of his life came I myself was not present;
bu Count Peter of Alençon, his son-who loved me much-
1 Lewis, afterwards Lewis X., King of France.
2 Philip, called Philippe Ie Bel.
8 Joan of Navarre, then deceased.
f. The reference seems to be to Matt. chap. vi. ver. 33.
.
136 Memoirs of the .Crusades
was there, and told me what a good end he made, as you will !
find ,vritten at the end of this book.
And as to this, meseems that those honoured him insuffi-
ciently who did not place him among the martyrs, seeing the
great pains that he endured on the pilgrimage of th 'ross-
during the six years that I was in his company, eing-
in especial that he followed our Lord in the . te of the
cross. For if God died on the cross, so, did he, for he was a
Crusader wearing the cross when he diéd at Tunis.
The second book will speak to you of his great deeds of
chivalry, and acts of hardihood, which were such that I saw
him four times put his body in peril of death-as you s hall
be told hereinafter-to spare his people from hurt.
EXAMPLES OF THE DEVOTION OF ST. LEWIS
The first time he put his body in peril of death was when
we arrived before Damietta. And all his councillors, as I
heard tell, advised him to remain on board his ship till he saw
how his knights fared, who were going on land. The reason
why they so advised was that if he landed with them, and
they were slain and he likewise, the whole expedition must
come to naught; whereas if he remained on his ship, he
would, of himself, be able to recommence the conquest of
Egypt. But he would not listen, and leapt into the sea, all
armed, with his shield at his neck, and his spear in his hand,
and was one of the first to reach the shore.
The second time he put his body in peril of death, was
\vhen, on his departure from Mansourah to come to Damietta,
his councillors advised, as I have been given to understand,
that he should go to Damietta in a galley. And this advice
,vas given, as I have been told, because, if any mischance
happened to his people, he might thus, of himself, deliver
them from captivity. And also, in particular, because of the
condition of his body, which was affiicted by several diseases,
for he had a double tertian fever, and a very sore dysentery,
and the special sickness of the host in his mouth and legs.
But he would listen to none, and said he should never leave
his people, and should make such end as they made. So it
happened that owing to the dysentery that he had upon him,
it became necessary to cut off the lower part of his drawers;
and through the sore pain of the sickness of the host, he
Joinville's Chronicle
.
137
fainted several times in the evening, as shall be told to you
hereinafter.
Th e thir d time he put his body in peril of death :was when
he remained f our ÿeárs in the Holy Land after his brothers
had returne.Çl to Fra nce. Then \vere we i
great peril of
death, for during the time that t-he king ,vas lodged in Acre
he had but one man-at-arms in his company for every thirty
that the people of Acre had in after time when the city was
taken by the Saracens. And I know of no reason why the
Turks did not then come and take us.in -.the city, save for the ..
love th at,G od had for the k
& p
tting !
_
:Jnto t
e ;hea rts of
our enemies so that they did not dare to attack us, as it is
written: "If thou fearest God, all will fear thee." And the
king thus sojourned in the Holy Land against the advice of
l
uncillors, as you shall hear, putting his body in peril to
defend the people of the land, who would have been lost if he
had not remained with them.
The fourth time he put his body in peril of death was when
we were returning from the land oversea and came before
the island of Cyprus, and our vessel struck in such perilous
sort that the rock carried away three yards of the keel on
which the vessel was built. Then the king sent for fourteen
master mariners, who belonged either to that ship or the
others in its company, to advise what he should do. And
all advised him, as you shall be told hereafter, to enter into
another ship, for they did not see how the ship would be
able to stand the blows of the waves; inasmuch as the nails
with which her timbers were attached had all been loosened.
Þ.illd they showed the king by example in what peril the ship
stood, telling him pow, when we were sailing to the land
oversea, one of the ships had perished in like case (and I
myself had seen, at the Count of J oigny's, a woman and
child who alone had escaped out of that ship). To this the
king made answer: "Lords, I see that if I leave this ship, it
will be condemned; and I see that there are now in it eight
hundred persons and more; and in that each man loves his life
as much as I do mine, no one will dare to stay in the ship if I
abandon it, but all will remain in Cyprus. For this reason,
please God, I shall not place so many people as there are here
in peril of death, but shall remain where I am, to save my )
people." So he remained; and God, it! hOI}1 þe trusted,
kept us safe for six weeks from the dangers of the sea; and
13 8
Memoirs of the Crusades
I
we came at last to a fair haven, as you shall he\ar. Now it
chanced that Oliver of Tennes, who had behavq:d well and
valiantly oversea, abandoned the king, and sta yec'l in Cyprus;
and we saw him no more by the space of a year ',and a half.
Thus did the king save from harm the eight hund
red persons
that were in the ship. f
In the last part of this book we shall speak of JhÏs end, and
how he died in saintly wise. .
Now I tell you, my lord the King of Na\rarre, that I
promised my lady the queen,) your mother-t,o whom may
God show grace and mercy I-that I should wrii
this book;
and in order to acquit myself of my promise, I have caused
it to be written. And inasmuch as I see no one who has so
much right to it as you, who are her heir, I send it to you,
so that you and your brothers-and whosoever else shaH.
hear it read-may take examples therefrom, and put such'
examples to good use, and thereby obtain the favour of God.
-
t
FIRST BOOK
BEGINNING OF THE FIRST BOOK-PRINCIPAL VIRTUES
OF ST. LEWIS
In the name of God Almighty, I, John, Lord of Joinville,
;eneschal of Champagne, dictate the life of our holy King
LeID.s; that which I saw and heard by the space of six years
chat I was in his company on pilgrimage oversea, and that Y
Nhich I saw and heard after we returned. And before I tell
{OU of his great deeds, and of his prowess, I will tell you what
[ saw and heard of his good teachings and of his holy words,
.0 that these may be found here set in order for the edifying
)f those who shall hear thereof.
Tlùs holy man loved God with all his heart, and followêa
3Im in His acts; and this appeared in that, as God died for
:he love He bore His people, so did the king put his body in
)eril, and that several times, for the love he bore to his
)eople; and such peril he might well have avoided, as you
;hall be told hereafter.
The great love that e bore to his people appeared in what
le said during a very sore sickness that he had at Fontaine-
)leau, unto my Lord Lewis, his eldest son. "Fair son," he
.aid, " I pray thee to make thyself beloved of the people of
:hy kingdom; for truly I would rather that a Scot should
:ome out of Scotland and govern the people of the kingdom
;veIl and equitably than that thou shouldest govern it ill in
:he sight of all men." The holy king so loved truth, that,
, LS you shall hear hereafter, he would never consent to lie to
:he Saracens as to any covenant that he had made with them.
I Of his mOt!.:th he was so sober, that on no day of my life did ·
C ever hear him order special meats, as many rich men are
Ront to do; but he ate patiently whatever his cooks had
nade ready, and was set before mm. In his words he was
:emperate; for on no day of my life did I ever hear him speak
vil of anyone; nor did I ever hear him name the Devil-
which name is very commonly spoken throughout the king-
10m, whereby God, as I believe, is not well pleased.
139
..
140 Memoirs of the Crusades
He put water into his wine by measure, according as he
saw that the strength of the wine would suffer it. At
Cyprus he asked me why I put no water into my wine; and
I said this was by order of the physicians, who told me I haà
a large head and a cold stomach, so that I could not get
drunk. And he answered that they deceived me; for if I
did not learn to put water into my wine in my youth, and
wished to do so in myoId age, gout and diseases of the
stomach would take hold upon me, and I should never be in
health; and if I drank pure wine in myoId age, I should get
drunk every night, and that it was too foul a thing for a
brave man to get drunk.
He asked me if I wished to be honoured in this world, and
to go into paradise at my death? And I said" Yes." And
he said:/" Keep yourself then from knowingly doing or say-
ing anythíng which, if the whole world heard thereof, you
,vould be ashamed to acknowledge, saying' I did this,' or 'I
said that.'" He told me to beware not to contradict or
impugn anything that was said before me-unless indeed
silence would be a sin or to my own hurt-because hard words
often move to quarrelling, wherein men by the thousand
have found death.
He said that men ought to clothe and arm their bodies in
such wise that men of worth and age would never say, this
man has done too much, nor young men say, this man has
done too little. And I repeated this saying to the father of
the king that now is, when speaking of the embroidered
coats of arms that are made nowadays; and I told him that
never, during our voyage oversea, had I seen embroidered
coats, either belonging to the king or to anyone else. And
the king that now is told me that he had such suits, with
arms embroidered, as had cost him eight hundred pounds
parist"s. And I told him he would. have employed the money
to better purpose if he had given it to God, and had had his
suits made of good taffeta (satin) ornamented with his arms,
as his father had done.
ST. LEWIS'S HORROR OF SIN-HIS LOVE FOR THE POOR
He called me once to him and said: "Because of the
subtle mind that is in you I dare not speak to you of the
things relating to God; so I have summoned these twc
J oinville's Chronicle
14 1
monks that are here, as I want to ask you a question." Now
the question was this: "Seneschal," said he, " wbat manner
of thing is God?" And I said: "Sire, it is so good a thing
that there cannot be better." "Of a truth," said he, "you
have ans\vered well; for the ans\ver that you have given is
written in this book that I hold in my hand."
" Now I ask you," said he, "which you would the better
I like, either to be a leper, or to have committed a mortal sin? "
And I, who never lied to him, made answer that I would
rather have committed thirty mortal sins than be a leper.
Ana when the monks had departed, he called me to him
alone, and made me sit at his feet, and said, " How came you
to say that to me yesterday?" And I told him that I said
it again. And he answered, "You spoke hastily and as a
fool. For you should know that there is no leprosy so
hideous as the being in mortal sin, inasmuch as the soul that
is in mortal sin is like unto the Devil; wherefore no leprosy
:an be so hideous. And sooth it is that, when a man dies, he
is healed of the leprosy in his body; but when a man who
l1as committed mortal sin dies, he cannot know of a certainty
,
that he has, during his lifetime, repented in such sort that 1
God ha.s forgiven him; wherefore he must stand in great fear \
lest that l eprosy of sin should last as long as God is in
paradise. So I pray you," said he, " as strongly as I can, for
the love of God, and for the love of me, so to set your heart
that yo
prefer any evil that can happen to the body,
whether it be leprosy, or any other sickness rather than
that mortal sin should enter into your souL"
He asked me if I washed the feet of the poor on Holy
Thursday.1 "Sire," said I, " it would make me sick! The
feet of these villains will I not wash." , In truth," said he,
" that was ill said; for y
hould ne ver disdain what God t
did for our teaching. So I pra)"'yOu, fõí- the love of G oo firs f
iÎÌá then for th elove of me, that you accustom yourself t
wash the feet of the poor.'
REGARD OF ST. LEWIS FOR WORTH AND UPRIGHTNESS
He so loved all manner of people who had faith in God and
lovrd Him, that he gave the constableship of France to my
Lor j Giles Le Bmn, who was not of the kingdom of France,
1 Literally" the day of great Thursday."
142 Memoirs of the Crusades
because men held him in so great repute for his faith and for
love to God. And verily I believe that his good repute was
well deserved.
He caused Master Robert of Sorbon to eat at his table,
because of the great repute in which he was held as a man of
uprightness and worth. One day it chanced that Master
Robert was eating at my side, and \ve were talking to one
another. The king took us up, and said: "Speak out, for
your companions think you are speaking ill of them. If you
talk at table of things that can give us pleasure, speak out,
and, if not, hold your peace."
When the king would be mirthful he would say to me:
"Seneschal, tell me the reasons \vhy a man of upright-
ness and worth (prud' -homme 1) is better than a friar?"
Then would begin a discussion between me and Master
Robert. When we had disputed for a long while, the king
would give sentence and speak thus: "Master Robert,
willingly would I bear the title of upright and worthy (prod'-
homme) provided I were such in reality-and all the rest you
might have. For uprightness and worth are such great
things and such good things that even to name them fills the
mouth pleasantly."
On the contrary, he said it was an evil thing to take other
people's goods. "For," said he, "to restore is a thing so
grievous, that even in the speaking the word restore scratches
the throat by reason of the rs that are in it, and these rs are
like so many rakes with which the Devil would draw to him-
self those who wish to ' restore' what they have taken from
others. And very subtly does the Devil do this; for he
works on great usurers and great robbers in such sort that
they give to God what they ought to ' restore' to men."
1 This word prud' -homme, which is in constant use both by Ville-
hardouin and J oinville, is one of the words that are the despair of the
translator; they stand for so much that it is impossible to provide a
full equivalent. Sainte-Beuve returns to the term more fhan once.
Thus he says: "Prud'-homme represented for J oinville, and for St.
Lewis what the beautiful and the good represented for the Greeks, what
the word honnête-homme was to stand for in the seventeenth century.
It was a term large and of floating outline, coming into constant use, and
made to include the most beautiful meanings." And again: "The
word prud' -homme includes all the virtues, wisdom, prudence, courage,
craft within the measure which faith allows, civil worth, and what is
right and fitting in human intercours
as that ra
e of old Ch
i
ti.ans
understood the terms." See Causertes du Lund.", art. on J om ville,
VoL VIII. of edition of 1855, pp. 420 and 423-4 2 4.
Joinville's Chronicle
143
E
e told me to warn King Thibaut, from him, to beware of
the house of the Preachers of Provins, which he was building,
lest he should encumber his soul on account of the great
sums he was spending thereon. " For wise men," said he,
"should, while they live, deal with their possessions as
executors ought to do. Now the first thing a good executor
does is to satisfy all the claims upon the dead, and pay back
to others what is due to them, and it is only after having done
tthis that he should spend in alms what remains of the dead
man's possessions."
HOW ST. LEWIS THOUGHT l\fEN OUGHT TO CLOTHE
THEMSELVES
The holy king was at Corbeil one Pentecost day, and there
were there eighty knights. The king came down after dinner
into the court below the chapel, and was talking, at the en-
trance of the door, to the Count of Brittany, the father of the
count that now is-whom may God preserve I-when Master
Robert of Sorbon came to fetch me thither, and took me by
the skirt of my mantle and led me to the king; and all the
( !her knights came after us. Then I said to Master Robert,
" Master Robert, what do you want with me?" He said,
"I wish to ask you whether, if the king were seated in this
court, and you were to seat yourself on his bench, and at a
higher place than he, ought you to be greatly blamed?"
And I said, " Yes." And he said, "Then are you to be
blamed when you go more nobly apparelled than the king,
for you dress yourself in fur and green cloth, and the king
does not do so." And I replied: "Master Robert, saving
your grace, I do nothing blameworthy when I clothe myself
in green cloth and fur, for this gannent was left to me by my
father and mother. But you are to blame, for you are the
son of a common man and a common woman, and you have
abandoned the vesture worn by your father and mother, and
wear richer woollen cloth than the king himself." Then I
took the skirt of his surcoat, and of the surcoat of the king,
and said, " See if I am not speaking sooth." Then the king
set himself to defend Master Robert with all his power.
Mter this my lord the king called my Lord Philip, his son,
the father of the king that now is, and King Thibaut, and sat
himself at the entrance to his oratory, and put his hand to
144 Memoirs of the Crusades
the ground and said: cc Sit yourselves down here, quite elose
to me, so that we be not overheard." "Ahl sire," they
replied, "we should not dare to sit so close to you." And he
said to me, "Seneschal, sit you here." And I did so-so
close that my robe touched his. And he made theIIl sit
after me, and said to them: " You have done very ill, sE:eing
you are my sons, and have not, at the first word, done ,:vhat
I commanded you. See, I pray you, that this does not
happen again." . And they said it should not s
PJ)en"
Then he said to me that he had so called us together to con-1
fess that he had wrongly defended Master Robert against
me. "But," said he, "I saw that he was so discouraged
that h e
a
.great
eed of m y hel p.. Never theless, you must
not attach Import to anything I may have said to defend
Master Robert; for, as the seneschal says, you ought to
\ clothe yourselves well and suitably, so that your wives may
love you the better, and your people hold you in the greater
honour. For, as the sage tells us, our gannents should be of
such fashion as neither to cause the aged and worthy to say
" that too much has been spent upon them, nor the young to
say that too little has been spent."
,t:
c;..
THE WARNINGS OF GOD-HOW THEY ARE TO BE
TURNED TO ADVANTAGE
"'.r
You shall be told here of one of the lessons he taught me
at sea, when we were returning from the lands oversea. It
chanced that our ship struck before the island of Cyprus,
when a wind was blowing which is called garb an ,. and this
wind is not one of the four great winds. And at the shock
that our ship received, the mariners so despaired that they
rent their gannents and tore their beards. The king sprang
from his bed, barefoot, for it was night, and having on no
more than IDS tunic, and went and placed himself cross-wise
before the body of our Lord, as one who expected nothing but
death. The day after this happened, the king called me to
him alone, and said: "Seneschal, God has just showed us a
portion of His great power; for one of these little winds, a
wind so little that one can scarcely give it a name, came near
to drown the King of France, his children, his wife, and his
men. Now St. Anselm says that such are warnings from our
Lord, as if God meant to say to us, ' See how easily I could
J oinville' s Chronicle
.
145
lave compassed your death, had it been my will.' 'Lord
:;od,' says the saint, 'why dost Thou thus threaten us? For
vhen Thou dost threaten us, it is not for Thine own profit,
lor for Thine advantage-seeing that if Thou hadst caused
is all to be lost, Thou wouldst have been none the poorer,
Lnd if Thou hadst caused us all to be saved, Thou wouldst
lave been none the richer. Therefore, this Thy warning is
lot for Thine own advantage, but for ours, if so be that we
.uifer it do its work.' Let us therefore take the warning
:hat God has given us in such sort that, if we feel that we
lave, in our hearts or bodies, anything displeasing to God, we
hall remove it hastily; and if there be anything we think
vill please Him, let us try hastily to do it. If we so act, then
)ur Lord will give us blessi
s in this world, and in the next
)lessings greater than we can tell. And if we do not act thus,
Ie will deal with us as the good lord deals with his wicked
ervant ; for if the wicked servant will not amend after
:
arning given, the lord punishes him with death, or with
)ther great troubles that are worse than death."
Let the king that now is beware; for he has escaped from
)eril as great as that in which we then were, or greater.
fherefore let him amend from his evil deeds in such sort that
}od s
ite him not grievously, either in himself or in his
JOSSeSSlons.
WHAT ST. LEWIS THOUGHT ABOUT FAITH
The holy king endeavoured with all his po\ver-as you
;hall here be told-to make me believe firmly in the Christian
aw, which God has given us. He said that we ought to
believe so firmly the articles of faith that neither from fear
)f death, nor for any mischief that might happen to the body,
;hould we be willing to go against them in word or deed.
And he said that the Enemy is so subtle that, when people
3.re dying, he labours all he can to make them die doubting
a.s to some points of the faith. For he knows that he can in
no wise deprive a man of the good works he has done; and
he knows also that the man is lost to him if he dies in the faith.
Wherefore we should so guard and defend ourselves from
this snare, as to say to the Enemy, when he sends such a
temptation: "Away!" Yes," Away!" must one say to the
Enemy. "Thou shalt not tempt me so that I cease to be..
I 46 Memoirs of the Crusades
lieve firmly all the articles of the faith. Even if thou didst
cause all my members to be cut off, yet would I live and die
in the faith." And whosoever acts thus, overcomes the
Enemy with the very club and sword that the Enemy desired
to murder him withal.
He said that the Christian faith and creed were things in
which we ought to believe firmly, even though we might not
be certain of them except by hearsay. On this point he
asked me what was my father's name? And I told him his
name was Simon. And he asked how I knew it. And I said
I thought I was certain of it, and believed it finnly, because
my mother had borne witness thereto. Then he said, " So
ought you to believe all the articles of the faith, to which the
Apostles have borne witness, as also you chant of a Sunday
in the Creed."
WILLIAM, BISHOP OF PARIS, COMFORTS A CERTAIN
THEOLOGIAN
He told me that the bishop, William of Paris, had related
how a great master of divinity had come to him and told
him he desired to speak with him. And the bishop said to
him: "Master, say on." And when the master thought to
speak to the bishop, he began to weep bitterly. And the
bishop said: "Master, say on; be not discomfited; no one
can sin so much but that God can forgive him more." "And
yet I tell you," said the master, " that I cannot choose but
weep; for I fear me I am a miscreant, inasmuch as I cannot
so command my heart as to believe in the sacrifice of the
altar, like as holy Church teaches; and yet I know well that
this is a temptation of the Enemy."
"Master," said the bishop, "pray tell me, when the
Enemy sends you this temptation, does it give you
pleasure?" And the master said: "Sir, far from it; it
troubles me as much as anything can trouble me." "Now,"
said the bishop, " I will ask you whether, for gold or silver
you would utter anything out of your mouth that was against
the sacrament of the altar, or the other holy sacraments of
the Church?" "Sir!" said the master, "be it known to
you that there is nothing in the world that would induce me
so to do; I would much rather that every member were tom
from my body than that I should say such a thing."
Joinville's Chronicle
147
IC Now I will say something more," said the bishop. "You
know that the King of France is at war with the King of
England, and you know too that the castle that lies most
exposed in the border-land between the two is the castle of
Ia Rochelle in Poitou. Now I will ask you a question: If the
king had set you to guard la Rochelle, which is in the danger-
ous border-land, and had set me to guard the castle of
Montlhéri, which is in the heart of France, where the land is
at peace, to whom, think you, would the king owe most at
the end of the war-to you who had guarded la Rochelle
without loss, or to me, who had guarded the castle of 1\iont-
lhéri without loss?" "In God's name, sir," said the master,
" to me, who had guarded Ia Rochelle without losing it."
" Master," said the bishop, "my heart is like the castle of
Montlhéri; for I have neither temptation nor doubt as to
the sacrament of the altar. For which thing I tell you that
for the grace that God owes to me because I hold this finnly,
3.nd in peace, He owes to you four-fold, because you have
I guarded your heart in the war of tribulation, and have such
good-will towards Him that for no earthly good, nor for any
harm done to the body, would you relinquish that faith.
Therefore I tell you, be of good comfort, for in this your
;tate is better pleasing to our Lord than mine." When the
:naster heard this, he knelt before the bishop, and held him-
ielf for well appeased.
FAITH OF THE COUNT OF MONTFORT-ONE MUST NOT
ENTER INTO CONTROVERSY WITH JEWS
The sainted king told me that several people among the
bigenses came to the Count of Montfort, who was then
uarding the land of the Albigenses for the king, and asked
üm to come and look at the body of our Lord, which had
)ecome blood and flesh in the hands of the priest. And the
-:ount of Montfort said, " Go and look at it yourselves, you
vho do not believe it. As for me, I believe it finnly, holding
liS holy Church teaches of the sacrament of the altar. And
10 you know what I shall gain," said the count, "in that
luring this mortal life I have believed as holy Church
eaches? I shall have a crown in the heavens, above the
.ngels, for the angels cannot but believe, inasmuch as they
ee God face to face."
.
148 Memoirs of the Crusades
He told me that there was once a great disputation between
clergy and Jews at the monastery of Cluny. And there was
at Cluny a poor knight to whom the abbot gave bread at that
place for the love of God; and this knight asked the abbot to
suffer him to speak the first words, and they suffered him, not
without doubt. So he rose, and leant upon his crutch, and
asked that they should bring to him the greatest clerk and
most learned master among the Jews; and they did so.
'fhen he asked the Jew a question, which was this: "Master,"
said the knight, "I ask you if you believe that the Virgin
Mary, who bore God in her body and in her anns, was a
virgin mother, and is the mother of God? "
And the Jew replied that of all this he believed nothing.
Then the knight answered that the Jew had acted like a fool
when-neither believing in her, nor loving her-he had yet
entered into her monastery and house. "And verily," said
the knight, "you shall pay for it!" Whereupon he lifted
his crutch and smote the Jew near the ear, and beat him to
the earth. Then the Jews turned to flight, and bore away
their master, sore wounded. And so ended the disputation.
The abbot came to the knight and told him he had com-
mitted a deed of very great folly. But the knight replied
that the abbot had committed a deed of greater folly in
gathering people together for such a disputation; for there
\vere a great many good Christians there who, before the dis-
putation came to an end, would have gone away misbelievers
through not fully understanding the Jews. "4nd I tell
you," said the king, " that no one, unless he be a very learned
clerk, should dispute ,vith them; but a laym,n, when he
hears the Christian law mis-said, should not defend the
Christian law, unless it be with his sword, and '\vith that he
should pierce the mis-sayer in the midriff,
o far as the
sword will enter."
THE DEVOTIONS OF ST. LEWIS-HOW HE DID
JUSTICE IN HIS LAND
The rule of his land was so arranged that every day he
heard the hours sung, and a Requiem n1ass ,vithout song;
and then, if it was convenient, the mass of the day, or of the
saint, ,vith song. Every day he rested in his bed after
having eaten, and when he had slept and rested, he said,
Joinville's Chronicle
149
privily in his chamber-he and one of his chaplains together
-the office for the dead; and after he heard vespers. At
night he heard complines.
A gray-friar (Franciscan) came to him at the castle of
Hyères, there where we disenlbarked; and said in his sennon,
for the king's instruction, that he had read the Bible, and the
books pertaining to heathen princes, and that he had never
found, either among believers or misbelievers, that a kingdom
had been lost, or had changed lords, save there had first been
failure of justice. "Therefore let the king, who is going into
France, take good heed," said he, "that he do justice well
and speedily among his people, so that our Lord suffer his
kingdom to remain in peace all the days of his life." I t is
said that the right worthy man who thus instructed the king,
lies buried at Marseilles, where our Lord, for his sake, per...
forms many a fine miracle. He would never consent to
remain with the king, however much the king might urge it,
for more than a single day.
I The king forgat not the teaching of the friar, but ruled his
I land very loyally and godly, as you shall hear. He had so
lrranged th'at my Lord of Nesle, and the good Count of
I Soissons, and all of us who were about him, should go, after
we had heard our masses, and hear the pleadings at the gate
which is now called the gate of Requests.
And when he carne back from church, he would send for us
l.nd sit at the foot of his bed, and make us all sit round him,
l.nd ask if there ,vere any wþose cases could not be settled
;ave by himself in person. And we named the litigants; and
1e would then send for such and ask: "Why do you not
l.ccept what our people offer?" And they would make
eply, " Sire, because they offer us very little." Then would
le say, " You would do well to accept what is proposed, as
)ur people desire." And the saintly man endeavoured thus,
Nith all his power, to bring them into a straight path and a
easona bl e.
Ofttimes it happened that he would go, after his mass, and
.eat hi mself in the wood of Vincennes, and lean against an
)ak, and make us sit round him. And all those who had any
ause in hand came and spoke to him, without hindrance of
lshe
! an y othe
r son. en wo ..::. , .. oflllS \
)wn mouth ;'CI s t h ere anyone who has a cause in hand? "
d those who ha<L
c
e in han d s tood up. Then would
I SO Memoirs of the Crusades
he say, " Keep silence all, and you shall be heard in turn, one
after the other." Then he would call my Lord Peter of Fon-
taines and my Lord Geoffry of Villette, and say to one of
them, " Settle me this cause."
And when he saw that there was anything to amend in the
words of those who spoke on his behalf, or in the words of
those who spoke on behalf of any other person, he would
himself, out of his own mouth, amend what they had said.
Sometimes have I seen him, in summer, go to do justice
among his people in the garden of Paris, clothed in a tunic of
camlet, a surcoat of tartan without sleeves, and a mantle of
black taffeta about his neck, his hair well combed, no cap,
and a hat of white peaock's feathers upon his head. And
he would cause a carpet to be laid down, so that we might sit
round him, and all the people ,vho had any cause to bring
before him stood around. And then would he have their
causes settled, as I have told you afore he was wont to do in
the wood of Vincennes.
ST. LEWIS REFUSES AN UNJUST DE
{AND MADE BY
THE BISHOPS
I saw him, yet another time, in Paris, when all the prelates
of France had asked to speak with him, and the king went
to the palace to give them audience. And there was present
Guy of Auxerre, the son of my Lord William of Mello, and he
spoke to the king on behalf of all the prelates, after this
manner: "Sire, the lords \vho are here present, archbishops
and bishops, have directed me to tell you that Christendom,
which ought to be guarded and preserved by you, is perish-
ing in your hands." The king crossed himself ,vhen he heard
that word, and he said, " Tell me how that may be."
" Sire," said Guy of Auxerre, "it is because excommuni-
cations are at the present day so lightly thought of that
people suffer themselves to die before seeking absolution, and
will not give satisfaction to the Church. These lords require
you therefore, for the sake of God, and because it is your
duty to command your provosts and bailiffs to seek out all
such' as suffer themselves to remain excommunicated for a
year and day, and constrain them, by seizure of their goods,
to have themselves absolved."
And the king replied that he would issue such commands
Joinville's Chronicle 151
Nillingly whensoever it could be shown to him that the excom-
nunicate persons were in the wrong. The bishops said they
Nould accept this condition at no price whatever, as they
:ontested his jurisdiction in their causes. Then the king
:old them he would do no other; for it would be against God
\nd reason if he constrained p
ple to seek absolution when
:he clergy were doing them wrdBg. "And of this," said the
ring, "I will give you an example, viz., that of the Count of
Brittany, who, for seven years long, being excommunicated,
?leaded against the prelates of Brittany, and carried his
:Ruse so far that the Apostle (the Pope) condemned them all.
Nherefore, if I had constrained the Count of Brittany, at
:he end of the first year, to get himself absolved, I should
lave sinned against God and against him." Then the pre-
ates resigned themselves; nor did I ever hear tell that any
'urther steps were taken in the aforesaid matters.
THE UPRIGHTNESS OF ST. LEWIS
The peace that he made with the King of England was
nade against the advice of his council, for the council said to
rim: "Sire, it seems to us that you are giving away the land
.hat you make over to the King of England; 1 for he has no
ight thereto, seeing that his father lost it justly." To this
:he king replied that he knew well that the King of England
lad no right to the land, but that there was a reason why he
,hould give it him, " for," said he, " we have two sisters to
vife, and our children are cousins-german; wherefore it is
itting that there should be peace between us. Moreover a
,ery great honour accrues to me through the peace that I
lave made with the King of England, seeing that he is now
ny liegeman, which he was not aforetime."
The uprightness of the king may be seen in the case of my
ord Renaud of Trie, who brought to the saintly man a
:harter stating that the king had given to the heirs of the
:ountess of Boulogne, lately deceased, the county of Dam-
nartin in Gouelle. The seal on the charter was broken, so
,hat naught remained save half the legs of the image on the
ång's seal, and the stool on which the king set his feet. And
,he king showed the seal to all those who were of his council,
1 Henry III. Margaret, the wife of St. Lewis, and Eleanor, the wife
)f Henry III., were sisters, the daughters of the Count of Provence.
152 Memoirs of the Crusades
and asked us to help him to come to a decision. We all said,
without a dissentient, that he was not bound to give effect
to the charter. Then he told John Sarrasin, his chamber-
lain, to give him a charter which he had asked him to obtain.
When he held this charter in his hands, he said: "Lords,
this is the seal I used before I went' overseas, and you can
see clearly from this seal thA the impression on the broken
seal is like unto that of the seal that is whole; wherefore I
should not dare, in good conscience, to keep the said
county." So he called to him my lord Renaud of Trie, and
said, " I give you back the county."
"-
SECOND BOOK
BIRTH AND CORONATION OF ST. LEWIS
IN the name of God Almighty, we have, hereínbe
written out a part of the good words and of the good teach
ings of our saintly King Lewis, so that those who read may
find them set in order, the one after the other, and thus
derive more profit therefrom than if they were set forth
among his deeds. And from this point we begin, in the
name of God and in his own name, to speak of his deeds.
As I have heard tell he was born on the day of St. Mark
I the Evangelist, after Easter (25th April 1214). On that day
crosses are, in many places, carried in procession, and, in
France, these are called black crosses; and this was as it)
were a prophecy of the great number of people who were to
die in the two Crusades, viz., that of Egypt, and the other, in
which he himself died, at Carthage, whereby there were
great mournings in this world, and many great rejoicings Ú\
paradise for such as in these two pilgrimages died true
Crusaders.
He was crowned on the first Sunday in Advent (29th
November 1226). The beginning of the mass for that Sunday
runs: Ad te levavi animam meam, and what follows after;
a.nd this means, " Fair Lord God, I shall lift up my soul to
thee, I put my confidence in thee." In God had he great
confidence from his childhood to his death; for when he
:lied, in his last words, he caned upon God and His saints,
lnd specially upon my lord St. J ames and my lady St.
Geneviève.
FIRST TROUBLES IN THE REIGN OF ST. LEWIS
God, in whom he put his trust, kept him all his days from
rrls childhood unto the end; and specially, in his youth, did
He keep him, when great need was, as you shall shortly hear.
As to his soul, God kept it through the good teaclúngs of his
154 Memoirs of the Crusades
mother, who taught him to believe in God and to love Him,
and to gather round himself all good people of religion.
And, child as he was, she made him recite all the Hours, and
listen to the sennons on festival days. He recorded that his
mother had sometimes given him to understand that she
would rather he were dead than have committed a mortal sin.
Good need had he of God's help in his youth, for his
mother, who came from Spain, had neither relations nor
\ friends in all the kingdom of France. And because the
\ barons of France saw that the king was but a child, and the
queen, his mother, a foreign woman, they made the Count of
, Boulogne, who was uncle to the king, their chief, and held
him as their lord. Mter the king was crowned, there were
certain barons who demanded of the queen that she should
give them great lands, and because she would none of it, aU
the barons assembled at Corbeil.
And the saintly king told me that neither he, nor his
mother, who were at Montlhéri, dared return to Paris till
those in Paris came in arms to fetch them. And he told me
that all the way, from Montlhéri to Paris, was filled with
people, armed and unanned, and that all cried to our Saviour
to give him a good life, and a long, and to defend and guard
him from his enemies. And this God did, as you shall
presently hear.
In this parliament which the barons held at Corbeil, the
barons there present decided, so it is said, that the good
knight, the Count Peter of Brittany, should rebel against the
king, and they agreed besides that they would each in person,
and with two knights only, attend the count when he obeyed
the summons which the king would address to him. And
this they did to see if the Count of Brittany would be able to
master the queen, who was a foreign woman, as you have
heard. And many people say that the count would have
mastered the queen, and the king too, if God had not helped
the king in this his hour of need, as He never failed to do.
The help God gave him was such that Count Thibaut of
Champagne, who was afterwards King of Navarre, came
there to serve the king with three hundred knights; and
through the help that the eount gave to the king, the Count
of Brittany had to yield to the king's mercy, and when
making that peace, as it is said, to surrender to the king the
county of Anjou and the county of the Perehe. (
Joinville's Chronicle
155
CRUSADE OF RICHARD CCEUR-DE-LION-RIGHTS OF ALICE,
QUEEN OF CYPRUS, OVER CHAMPAGNE
Inasmuch as there are certain things of which you should
have knowledge, I hold it fitting here to depart somewhat
from my subject. We will tell you here, therefore, that the
good Count Henry the Large had by the Countess Mary-
who was sister to the King of France and sister to King
Richard of England-two sons, of whom the elder was called
Henry and the other Thibaut. This Henry, the elder, went
as a Crusader on pilgrimage to the Holy Land at the time
when King Philip and King Richard besieged Acre and
took it.
So soon as Acre was taken, King Philip returned to France,
for which he was greatly blamed; but King Richard re-
mained in the Holy Land, and did there such mighty deeds
that the Saracens stood in great fear of him; so much so, as
it is written in the book of the Holy Land, that when the
Saracen children cried, their mothers called out, " Wisht !
here is King Richard," in order to keep them quiet. And
I when the horses of the Saracens and Bedouins started at
I tree or bush, their masters said to the horses, "Do you
think that is King Richard? "
This King Richard wrought to such effect that he gave
for wife to Count Henry of Champagne, who had remained
with him, the Queen of Jerusalem, who was direct heiress to
the kingdom. By the said queen Count Henry had two
daughters, of whom the first was Queen of Cyprus, and the
other did my Lord Everard of Brienne have to wife, and
from them sprang a great lineage, as is known in France and
Champagne. Of the wife of my Lord Everard of Brienne I
will say nothing to you at this present; but I will speak to
you of the Queen of Cyprus, seeing she is related to the
matter I have in hand; and I speak, therefore, as follows.
THE BARONS ATTACK THIBAUT IV., COUNT OF
CHAMPAGNE
Mter the king had foiled Count Peter of Brittany, all the
barons of France were so wroth with Count Thibaut of
Champagne that they settled to sepd for the Queen of
156 Memoirs of the Crusades
Cyprus, who was the daughter of the eldest son of Cham-
pagne, so as to disinherit Count Thibaut, who was the son of
the second son of Champagne.
But some took steps to reconcile Count Peter with Count
Thibaut, and the matter was discussed to such effect that
Count Thibaut promised to take to wife the daughter of
Count Peter of Brittany. A day was fixed on which the
Count of Champagne should espouse the damsel; and she
was to be taken, for the marriage, to an abbey of Prémontré,
near Château-Thierry, and called, as I believe, Val-Secret.
The barons of France, who were nearly all related to Count
Peter, undertook this duty, and conducted the damsel to
Val-Secret to be married, and advised thereof the Count of
Champagne, who was at Château-Thierry.
And while the Count of Champagne Vias coming for the
marriage, my Lord Geoffry of la Chapelle came to him on
the part of the king, with a letter of credence, and spoke thus:
" My Lord Count of Champagne, the king has heard that you
have covenanted with Count Peter of Brittany to take his
daughter in marriage. Now the king warns you that, unless
you wish to lose everything you possess in the kingdom of
France, you will not do this thing, for you know that the
Count of Brittany has done more evil to the king than any
man living." Then the Count of Champagne, by the advice
of those he had with him, returned to Château-Thierry.
When Count Peter and the barons of France, who were
expecting him at Val-Secret, heard this, they were all like
men distraught, with anger at what he had done to them,
and they at once sent to fetch the Queen of Cyprus. And as
soon as she was come, they entered into a common agree-
ment to gather together as many men-at-arms as they could,
and enter into Brie and Champagne, from the side of France;
and the Duke of Burgundy, ,vho had to wife the daughter of
Count Robert of Dreux, ,vas to enter into Champagne from
the side of Burgundy. And they fixed a day on which they
should assemble before the city of Troyes, to take the city of
Troyes if they could accomplish it.
The duke collected all the people he could, and the barons
also. The barons came burning and wasting everything on
one side, and the Duke of Burgundy on another, and the
King of France came on yet another side to fight against
them. The evil plight of the Count of Champagne was such
Join ville' s Chronicle
157
that he himself burned his cities before the arrival of the
barons, so that they might not find supplies therein. Among
the other cities that the Count of Champagne burned, he
burned Epernay, and Vertus, and Sézanne.
SIMON OF JOINVILLE DEFENDS TROVES-PEACE BET\VEEN
THE COUNT OF CHAMPAGNE AND THE QUEEN OF CYPRUS
The citizens of Troyes, when they perceived that they h
d
lost the help of their lord, asked Simon, lord of J oinville, and
father of the lord of Joinville that now is, to come to their
help. And he, who had gathered together all his men-at-
anns, moved from J oinville by night, so soon as the tidings
were brought to him, and came to Troyes before it was day.
And thus were the barons foiled of their intent to take the
said city; wherefor the barons passed before Troyes without
! doing aught, and went and encamped in the meadow of l' Ie
I -there where the Duke of Burgundy already was.
The King of France, who knew they were there, at once
I addressed himself to go thither and attack them; and the
barons sent and begged him to withdraw in person from the
field, and then they would go and fight against the Count of
Champagne and the Duke of Lorraine and the rest of the
king's people, with three hundred knights less than the count
and duke had in their force. But the king told them they
should not so fight without him, for he would remain with his
people in person. Then the barons sent back to the king
and said that, if it so pleased him, they would willingly in-
cline the Queen of Cyprus to make peace. The king replied
that he would agree to no peace, nor suffer the Count of
Champagne to agree to any peace, till they had retired from
the county of Champagne.
They retired in such sort that from Isle, where they were,
they went and encamped below Jully, and the king en-
camped at Isle, from which he had driven them. And when
they knew that the king had come to Isle, they went and en-
camped at Chaource, and not daring to wait for the king,
they went and encamped at Laignes, which belonged to the
Count of Nevers, who was of their party. So the king caused
the Count of Champagne and the Queen of Cyprus to come
to terms, and peace was made in such sort that the Count of
Champagne gave to the Queen of Cyprus about two thousand
158 Memoirs of the Crusades
livres (yearly) in land, and forty thousand l'ivres, which latter
sum the king paid for the Count of Champagne. And the
Count of Champagne sold to the king, for the said forty
thousand l'ivres, the fiefs hereinafter named, viz.-the fief
of the county of Blois, the fief of the county of Chartres, the
fief of the county of Sancerre, the fief of the county of
Châteaudun. Now there are certain people who say that
the king only holds the said fiefs in pledge; but this is not so,
for I asked our saintly king of it when we were oversea.
The land that Count Thibaut gave to the Queen of Cyprus
is held by the Count of Brienne that now is, and by the Count
of Joigny, because the great-grandmother of the Count of
Brienne was daughter to the Queen of Cyprus and wife to
the great Count Walter of Brienne-
OF HENRY I., CALLED THE LARGE-HEARTED, COUNT
OF CHAMPAGNE
In order that you may learn whence came the fiefs that the
'Count of Champagne sold to the king, you must know that
the great Count Thibaut, who lies buried at Lagny, had
three sons. The first was called I-Ienry, the second Thibaut,
and the third Stephen. The aforesaid Henry was Count of
Champagne and of Brie, and was called Count Henry the
Large-hearted; and rightly was he so called, for he was large-
hearted both in his dealings with God and the world: large-
hearted towards God as appears in the Church of St. Stephen
of Troyes and the other fair churches which he founded in
Champagne, and large-hearted towards the world as appeared
in the case of Artaud of Nogent, and on many other occa-
sions, of which I would tell you if I did not fear to interrupt
my story.
This Artaud of Nogent was the citizen of all the world in
whom the count had the greatest faith; and he became so
rich that he built the castle of Nogent l' Artaud with his
moneys. Now it happened that Count Henry was coming
down from his halls at Troyes to go and hear mags at St.
Stephen's on the day of Pentecost. At the foot of the steps
there came before him a poor knight and knelt down before
hin1 and spoke thus: "Sire, I pray you, for the love of God,
to give me of what is yours, so that I may marry my two
daughters whom you see here." Artaud, who went behind
Joinville's Chronicle
159
him, said to the poor knight: U Sir knight, it is not courteous
on your part to beg of my lord, for he has given away so
much that he has nothing left to give." The large-hearted
count turned towards Artaud and said: U Sir villain, you
speak not sooth when you say I have nothing left to give; I
have you left. There, take him, sir knight, for I give him
to you, and moreover, I pledge myself for him." The knight
was not abashed, but took hold of Artaud's cloak, and said
he would not leave him till they had done business together.
And before he escaped, Artaud had done business with him
to the tune of five hundred livres.
The second brother of Count Henry was called Thibaut
and was Count of Blois. The third brother was called
Stephen, and was Count of Sancerre. And these two brothers
held from Count Henry all their heritages, and their counties,
and the appurtenances thereof; and they held them after-
wards from the heirs of Count Henry who held the county of
Champagne, until such time as Count Thibaut sold them to
the King of France, as has been related above.
ST. LEWIS HOLDS A FULL COURT AT SAUMUR IN 1241
Now let us return to our subject and tell how, after these
things, the king held a full court at Saumur in Anjou, and I
was there and can testify that it was the best-ordered court
that ever I saw. For at the king's table ate, after him, the
Count of Poitiers, whom he had newly made knight at the
feast of St. John; and after the Count of Poitiers, ate the
Count of Dreux, whom he had also newly made knight; and
after the Count of Dreux the Count of la Marche; and after
the Count of la Marche the good Count Peter of Brittany;
and before the king's table, opposite the Count of Dreux, ate
my lord the King of Navarre, in tunic and mantle of samite
well bedight with a belt and a clasp, and a cap of gold; and I
carved before him.
Before the king the Count of Artois, his brother, served the
meat, and before the king the good Count John of Soissons
carved with the knife. ,In order to guard the king's table
there were there my Lord Imbert of Beaujeu, who was -after-
wards Constable of France, and my Lord Enguerrand of
tCouey, and my Lord Archamband of Bourbon. Behind
tthese three barons stood some thirty of their knights, in
I 60 Memoirs of the Crusades
tunics of silken cloth, to keep guard over them; and behind
these knights there were a great quantity of sergeants bear-
ing on their clothing the arms of the Count of Poitiers em-
broidered in taffeta. The king was clothed in a tunic of blue
satin, and surcoat and mantle of vermeil samite lined with
ermine, and he had a cotton cap upon his head, which suited
him very badly, because he was at that time a young man.
The king held these banquets in the halls of Saumur which
had been built, so it was said, by the great King Henry of
England (Henry II.) in order that he might hold his great
banquets therein; and this hall is built after the fashion of
the cloisters of the white monks of the Cistercian order.
But I think there is none other hall so large, and by a great
deal. And I will tell you why I think so-it is because by
the ,vall of the cloister, where the king ate, surrounded by
his knights and sergeants who occupied a great space, there
was also room for a table where ate twenty bishops and
archbishops, and yet again, besides the bishops and arch-
bishops, the Queen Blanche, the king's mother, ate near
their table, at the head of the cloister, on the other side from
the king.
And to serve the queen there was the Count of Boulogne,
who afterwards became King of Portugal, and the good
Count Hugh of St. Paul, and a German of the age of eighteen
years, who was said to be the son of St. Elizabeth of Thuringia,
for which cause it was told that Queen Blanche kissed him
on the forehead, as an act of devotion, because she thought
that his mother must ofttimes have kissed him there.
At the end of the cloister, on the other side, were the
kitchens, the cellars, the pantries and the butteries; from
this end were served to the king and to the queen meats, and
wine, and bread. And in the wings and in the central court
ate the knights, in such numbers, that I knew not how to
count them. And many said they had never, at any feast,
seen together so many surcoats and other garments, of cloth
of gold and of silk; and it was said also that no less than
three thousand knights were there present.
BATTLE OF TAILLEBOURG IN 12 4 2
Mter this feast the king led the Count of Poitiers to Poitiers,
so that his vassals might do homage for his fiefs. And when
Joinville's Chronicle
161
the king came to Poitiers, he would gladly have been back in
Paris, lor he found that the Count of la Marche, who had
eaten at his table on St. John's Day, had assembled as many
men-at-anns as he could collect, at Lusignan near Poitiers.
The king remained at Poitiers nearly a fortnight, nor did he
dare to depart therefrom till he had come to terms-how, I
know not-with the Count of la Marche.
Ofttimes I saw the Count of la Marche come from Lusig-
nan to speak to the king at Poitiers, and always he brought
with him the Queen of England,1 his wife, who was mother
to the King of England. And many people said that the
king and the Count of Poitiers had made an evil peace with
the Count of la Marche.
No long time after the king had returned from Poitiers,
the King of England came into Gascony to wage war against
the King of France. Our saintly king rode forth to fight
against him with as many people as he could collect. Then
came the King of England and the Count of la Marche to do
battle before a castle called Taillebourg, seated on an evil
I river called La Charente, at a point where one cannot pass
except over a stone bridge, very narrow. ,__
.. So soon as the king came to Taillebourg, and the hosts 1
came in sight of one another, our people, who had the castle
behind them, bestirred themselves mightily and passed over
the stream with great peril, in boats, and on pontoons, and
fell upon the English. Then began a battle grim and fierce.
When the king saw this, he put himself in peril, with the
others; and for every man that the king had with him when
he passed the stream, the English had, on their side, at least
twenty. Nevertheless, as God willed, it so befell that when
the English saw the king pass over, they fled, and took
refuge in the city of Saintes, and several of our people entered
into the city, mingled with them, and were taken prisoners.
Those of our people who were taken at Saintes reported
that they heard great discord arise between the King of Eng-
land and the Count of la Marche; and the King of England
said that the Count of la Marche had sent for him on the plea
that he would find great help in France. That very night the
Kip.g of England left Saíntes 8:nd went away into Gascony.
1 Isabella of Angoulême, widow of John, and mother of Henry III.
162 Memoirs of the Crusades
SUBMISSION OF THE COUNT OF LA MARCHE
The Count of la Marche, as one who could do no better for
himself, came to the king's prison, and brought with him to
the prison his wife and his children; and the king, in maldng
peace with the count, obtained a great deal of his land, but
how much I know not, for I had nothing to do with that
matter, seeing I had never then worn a hauberk (i. e., was
not yet a knight). But I heard tell that besides the land
which the king thus gained, the Count of la Marche made
over to hin1 ten thousand livres parisis, which were in the
king's coffers, and the same sum every year.
When we were at Poitiers I saw a knight, my Lord Geoffry
of Rancon by name, who, for son1e great wrong that the
Count of la Marche had done him, so it was said, had sworn
on holy relics that he would never have his head shorn, as
knights are wont, but would wear his hair in woman's tresses
until such time as he should see vengeance done on the Count
of la Marche, either by himself or by some other. And when
my lord Geoffry saw the Count of la Marche, rus wife, and
his children, kneeling before the king and crying for mercy,
he caused a trestle to be brought, and his tresses cut off, and
had himself immediately shorn in the presence of the king,
of the Count of la Marche, and of all those there present.
In this expedition against the King of England, and
against the barons, the king gave great gifts, as I have heard
ell by those who returned thence. But neither on account
f such gifts, nor of the expenses incurred in this expedition,
nor in other expeditions, whether beyond the seas or this
side of the seas, did he ever demand, or take, any (money)
aid from his barons, or his knights, or rus men, or his good
cities, in such sort as to cause complaint. Nor is this to be
wondered at; for he ruled himself by the advice of the good
mother who was with him-and whose counsel he took-and
of the right worthy men who had remained by him from the
time of his father and of his grandfather.
ST. LE'VIS FALLS ILL, AND TAKES THE CROSS IN 1244
After the things related above, it happened, as God so
willed, that a very grievous sickness came upon the king in
Joinville's Chronicle
16 3
Paris, and brought him to such extremity, so it was said,
that one of the ladies who were tending him wished to draw
the cloth over his face, saying he was dead; but another
lady, who was on the other side of the bed, would not suffer
it, and said the soul was still in his body. __
And as he listened to the debate between these two ladies,
our Lord wrought within him, and soon sent him health, for
before that he had been dumb and could not speak. And
as soon as he was in case to speak, he asked that they should
give him the cross, and they did so. When the queen, his
mother, heard say that speech had come back to him, she
made as great joy thereof as ever she could. But when she
knew that he had taken the cross-as also he himself told
her-she made as great mourning as if she had seen him dead.
After he had taken the cross, so also took the cross, Robert,
Count of Artois, Alfonse, Count of Poitiers, Charles, Count
of Anjou, who afterwards was King of Sicily-all three
brothers of the king ;-and there also took the cross, Hugh,
Duke of Burgundy, William, Count of Flanders, and brother
of Count Guy of Flanders lately deceased, the good Hugh,
Count of St. Paul, and my Lord Gaucher, his nephew, who
did right well oversea, and would have done much good
service if he had lived.
With them also took the cross, the Count of la Marche and
my Lord Hugh Le Brun, his son, the Count of Sarrebruck
and my Lord Gobert of Apremont, his brother-in whose
company I, John, Lord of Joinville, passed over the sea in a
ship which we hired, because we were cousins-and we
passed over with twenty knights, of whom he was over ten,
and lover ten.
JOINVILLE PREPARES TO JOIN THE CRUSADE
At Easter, in the year of grace that stood at 1248, I
summoned my men, and all who held fiefs from me, to J oin-
ville; and on the vigil of the said Easter, when all the people
that I had summoned were assembled, was born my son
John, Lord of Ancerville, by my first wife, the sister of the \
Count of Grandpré. All that week we feasted and danced,
and my brother, the Lord of Vaucouleurs, and the other rich
men who were there, gave feasts on the Monday, the Tues-
day, the Wednesday and the Thursday.
I 64 Memoirs of the Crusades
On the Friday I said to them: "Lords, I am going over-
.",. sea, and I know not whether I shall ever return. Now come
forward; if I have done you any wrong, I will make it good,
as I have been used to do, dealing, each in turn, with such as
have any claim to make against me, or my people." So I
dealt with each, according to the opinions of the men on my
lands; and in order that I might not weigh upon their debate,
I retired from the council, and agreed, without objection
raised, to what they recommended.
Because I did not wish to take away with me any penny
wrongfully gotten, therefore I went to Metz, in Lorraine, and
placed in pawn the greater part of my land. And you must
kno\v that on the day when I left our country to go to the
Holy Land, I did not hold more than one thousand livres 1
a year in land, for my lady mother was still alive; and yet I
went, taking with me nine knights and being the first of
three knights-banneret. And I bring these things to your
notice, so that you may understand that if God, who never
yet failed me, had not come to my help, I should hardly
have maintained myself for so long a space as the six years
that I remained in the Holy Land.
As I was preparing to depart, John, Lord of Apremont
and Count of Sarrebruck in his wife's right, sent to tell me
he had settled matters to go oversea, taking ten knights, and
proposed, if I so willed, that we should hire a smp between
him and me; and I consented. His people and mine hired
a ship at Marseilles.
OF A CLERK WHO KILLED THREE OF THE KING'S
SERGEANTS
The king summoned all his barons to Paris, and made
them take oath that, if anything happened to him while
away, they would give faith and loyalty to his children. He
asked me to do the same; but I would not take the oath,
because I ,vas not his liegeman.
While I was on my way to Paris, I found three men dead
upon a cart, whom a clerk had killed; and I was told they
were being taken to the king. When I heard this, I sent one
of my squires after, to know what befell. And my squire,
whom I had sent, told me that the king, when he came out
1 Say f800 of our money.
Joinville's Chronicle
16 5
of IDS chapel, went to the entrance steps to look at the dead,
a.nd inquired of the provost of Paris how this thing had
:tappened.
And the provost told him that the dead men were three of
1m sergeants of the Châtelet, who had gone into unfrequented
stleets to rob people. "And they found," said he to the
king, " this clerk, whom you see, here, and robbed him of all
his clothes. The clerk, being only in his shirt, went to his
lodging, and took his crossbow, and caused a child to bring
his falchion. Then when he saw them again, he cried out
upon them, and said they should die. So the clerk drew his
crossbow, and shot, and pierced one of the men through
the heart. The two others made off flying. And the
clerk took the falchion which the child handed to him,
and followed them in the moonlight, which was fine and
clear. The one man thought to pass through a hedge into
a garden, and the clerk struck him with his falchion,"
said the provost, "and cut right through his leg, in such
sort that it only holds to the boot, as you may see here.
The clerk then followed the other, who thought to go down
into a strange house, where the people were still awake;
but the clerk struck him in the middle of the head with his
falchion, so that he clove his head to the teeth, as you may
see here," said the provost to the king. "Sire," continued
he, " the clerk showed what he had done to the neighbours
in the street, and then came and made himself your prisoner.
And now, sire, I have brought him to you, to do with him
what you will. Here he is."
"Sir clerk," said the king, "you have forfeited your
priesthood by your prowess; and for your prowess I take
you into my service, and you shall go with me overseas.
And this thing I do for you, because I would have my men to
fully understand that I will uphold them in none of their
wickednesses. "
When the people there assembled heard this, they cried out
to our Saviour, and prayed God to give the king a good and
a long life, and bring him back in joy and health.
JOINVILLE LEAVES ms CASTLE
Mter these things I returned to our county, and we agreed,
the Count of Sarrebruck and I, that we should send our
"'
I 66 Memoirs of the Crusades
baggage in carts to Ausonne, thence to be borne on the rive!
Saône, and to ArIes by the Saône and the Rhône. I
The day that I left Joinville I sent for the Abbot of Chemi-
non, who was held to be one of the most worthy of the order
of the white monks (Cistercians). (1 hearathis witness re-
gardIng him given at Clairvaux on the festival of our Lady,
when the saintly king was present, by a monk, who showed
the abbot to me, and asked if I knew who he was; and 1
inquired why he asked me this, and he answered, "be
use
I think he is the worthiest monk in all the white order. For
listen," said he, " what 1 heard tell by a worthy man who
slept in the same dormitory as the Abbot of Cheminon. The
abbot had bared his breast because of the great heat; and
this did the worthy man see who lay in the same donnitory:
he saw the Mother of God go to the abbot's bed, and draw
his garment over his breast, so that the "rind might do him
no hurt.")
This Abbot of Cheminon gave me my scarf and staff of
pilgrimage; and then 1 departed from J oinville on foot, bare-
foot, in my shirt-not to re-enter the castle till my return;
and thus 1 went to Blécourt, and Saint-Urbain, and to other
places thereabouts where there are holy relics. And never
while 1 went to Blécourt and Saint-Urbain would 1 turn my
eyes towards J oinville for fear my heart should melt within
me at thought of the fair castle 1 was leaving behind, and
my two children.
I and my companions ate that day at Fontaine-I' Arche-
vêque before Donjeux; and the Abbot Adam of Saint-
Urbain-whom God have in His grace I-gave a great
quantity of fair jewels to myself and the nine knights 1 had
with me. Thence we went to Auxonne, and thence again,
with the baggage, which we had placed in boats, from
Auxonne to Lyons down the river Saône; and along by the
side of the boats were led the great war-horses.
At Lyons we embarked on the Rhône to go to ArIes the
\Vhite; and on the Rhône we found a castle called Roche-
de-Glun, which the king had caused to be destroyed, because
Roger, the lord of the castle, was accused of robbing pilgrims
and merchants.
J oinville's Chronicle
16 7'
THE CRUSADERS EMBARK, AUGUST 1248
In the month of August we entered into our ship at the
Roche-de-Marseille. On the day that we entered into our
ship, they opened the door of the ship and put therein all
the horses we were to take oversea; and then they reclosed
the door, and caulked it well, as when a cask is sunk in water,
because, when the ship is on the high seas, all the said door
is under water. ---
When the horses were in the ship, our master mariner
called to his seamen, who stood at the prow, and said: "Are
you ready? " and they answered, " Aye, sir-let the clerks
:lnd priests come forward!" As soon as these had come
forward, he called to them, "Sing, for God's sake I " and they
all, with one voice, chanted: "V eni Creator Spiritus."
Then he cried to his seamen, " Unfurl the sails, for God's I
sake! " and they did so.
I In a short space the wind filled our sails and had borne ùs ·
Dut of sight of land, so that we saw naught save sky and
water, and every day the wind carried us further from the
land where we were born. And these things I tell you, that
you may understand how foolhardy is that man who dares,
having other's chattels in his possession, or being in mortal
5in, to place himself in such peril, seeing that, when you lie
down to sleep at night on shipboard, you lie down not know-
ing whether, in the morning, you may find yourself at the
bottom of the sea.
At sea a singular marvel befell us; for we came across a
mountain, quite round, before the coast of Barbary. We
came across it about the hour of vespers, and sailed all night,
a.nd thought to have gone about fifty leagues; and, on the
morrow, we found ourselves before the same mountain; and
this same thing happened to us some two or three times.
When the sailors saw tills, they were all amazed, and told us
we were in very great peril; for we were nigh unto the land
of the Saracens of Barbary.
Then spake a certain right worthy priest, who was caned
the Dean of Maurupt; and he told us that never had any
mischance occurred in his parish-whether lack of water, or
overplus of rain, or any other mischance-but so soon as he
had made three processions, on three Saturdays, God and-
168
Memoirs of the Crusades
/
His mother sent them deliverance. It was then a Saturday.
We made the first procession round the two masts of the
,ship. I had myself carried in men's anns, because I was
grievously sick. Never again did we see the mountain; and
'On the third Saturday we came to Cyprus.
SOJOURN IN CYPRUS-EMBASSAGE FROM THE TARTARS-
JOINVILLE TAKES SERVICE WITH THE KING
When we came to Cyprus, the king was already there, and
we found great quantities of the king's supplies, that is to
say, the cellarage of the king, and his treasure, and his
granaries. The king's cellarage was set in the middle of the
fields, on the shore by the sea. There his people had stacked
great barrels of wine, which they had been buying for two
years before the king's arrival; and the barrels were stacked
one upon the other in such sort that when you looked at
them in front, the stacks seemed as if they were barns.
The wheat and the barley they had set in heaps in the
midst of the fields, and when you looked at them, it seemed
as if they were mountains, for the rain, which had long been
beating on the grain, had caused it to sprout, so that the out-
side looked like green grass. Now it happened that when
they wished to take the grain into Egypt, they took away
the upper crust with the green grass, and found the wheat
and barley within as fresh as if newly threshed.
The king himself, as I heard tell in Syria, would very
willingly have gone on to Egypt, without stopping, had it
not been for his barons, who advised him to wait for such of
his people as had not yet arrived.
While the king was sojourning in Cyprus, the great king oi
the Tartars sent envoys to him, with many good and gracious
words. Among other things, he signified that he was ready
to help the king to conquer the Holy Land, and to deliver
Jerusalem from the hands of the Saracens.
The king received the envoys in very friendly fashion, and
sent other envoys in return, who remained away two years.
And the king, by his envoys, sent to the King of the Tartars
a tent made like a chapel, very costly, for it was all of fair,
fine scarlet cloth. The king, moreover, to see if he could
draw the Tartars to our faith, caused images to be graven in
the said chapel, representing the Annuciation of our Lady,
Joinville's Chronicle 169
and all the other points of the faith. And these things he
sent by two brothers of the order of Preachers, who knew the
Saracen language, and could show and teach the Tartars
what they ought to believe.
The two brothers came back to the king at the time when
the king's brothers were returning to France; and they
found the king, who had left Acre, where his brothers had
parted from him, and had come to Cæsarea, which he was
fortifying; nor was there at that time any truce or peace
with the Saracens. How_the king's euYoys were received
will I tell you, as they themselVëS told it to the king; and in
rvhat they reported you may hear much that is strange and
narvellous; but I will not tell you of it now, because, in
>rder to do so, I should have to interrupt matters already
Jegu ñ;-SÖ to proceed.
I, who had not a thousand liv,es yearly in land, had
Indertaken, when I went oversea, to bear, beside my own
harges, the charges of nine knights, and two knights-
)anneret; and so it happened, when I arrived in Cyprus,
:hat I had no more left, my ship being paid for, than twelve
core livres tournois ,. wherefore some of my knights apprised
ne that if I did not provide myself with moneys, they would
eave me. But God, who never failed me yet, provided
or me in such fashion that the king, who was at Nicosia"
ent for me, and took me into his service, and placed eight
lundred llvres in my coffers; and thus I had more moneys
ban I required.
THE EMPRESS OF CONSTANTINOPLE ARRIVES IN CYPRUS
While we were sojourning in Cyprus, the Empress of Con-
tantinople 1 sent me word that she had arrived at Paphos,
I city of Cyprus, and bade me go and seek her thence-I and
1Y Lord Everard of Brienne. When we anived at Paphos
Ie were told how a stray wind had broken the ropes of the
nchor that held her ship, and had driven it to Acre; and of
II her baggage there was naught remaining save the mantle
he had on, and a surcoat for meals. We brought her to
lmassoI, where the king and queen and all the barons of
rance and of the host received her very honourably.
1 Mary, wife of Baldwin II. The Latin Empire of Constantinople
'35 tottering to its fall.
I 70 Memoirs of the Crusades
On the morrow I sent her some cloth to make a dress, and
fur of ermine with it; and I sent her some taffeta and
cendal 1 to line the dress. My Lord Philip of Nanteuil, the
good knight who was of the king's household, met my squire
going to the empress. When this most worthy man saw
what was toward, he went to the king and told him I had
greatly shamed the king and the other barons, in that I had
sent this dress to the empress, while they had never per-
ceived what was lacking.
The empress had come to ask the king for help for her lord
who had remained in Constantinople; and she wrought to
such purpose that she took back with her a hundred couple
of letters or more, as well from me as from the other friends
she had there-by which letters we were bound on oath, if
the king or the legate wished to send three hundred knights
to Constantinople after the king returned from oversea,
then, I say, we were bound by our oaths to go thither.
And I, to acquit myself of my oath, inquired of the king,
when the time came for our departure to France-in presence
of the Count of Eu, whose letter I have-and said that if the
king desired to send the three hundred knights to Constanti-
nople, I would go too, in order to fulfil my oath. And the
king replied that he had not the wherewíthal; and that
ho\vever great his treasure might have been afore time, he had
now drained it to the dregs. After we had arrived in Egypt,
the empress went away to France, and took with her my
Lord John of Acre, her brother, whom she married to the
Countess of 1wIontfort.
THE SOLDAN OF ICONIUM-THE KING OF ARMENIA-
AND THE SOLDAN OF BABYLON
At the tirne \vhen we came to Cyprus, the Soldan of
Iconium was the richest king in all paynimry. And he had
done a marvellous thing, for he had melted a great part of
his gold ín earthen jars, such as are used oversea to hold
wine, and may contain three or four measures, and he had
caused the jars to be broken, so that the ingots of gold re-
mained uncovered in one of his castles, and every one who
entered the castle could see and handle them; and of these
ingots there were at least six or seven.
1 A silken stuff.
J oinville's Chronicle
17 1
His great weal th might well be seen from a pavilion which
the King of Arm,enia sent to the King of France, and which
Has worth som
five hundred livres; and the King of
t\rmenia told the King of France that a ferrais of the Soldan
)f Iconium had given it him. Now a ferrais is he who has
:are of the soldaì1's pavilions and keeps his houses clean.
The King of l\rmenia, in order to deliver himself from
;ubjection to the .Soldan of Iconium, went to the King of the
fartars, and, to qbtain his help, placed himself in subjection
:0 the Tartars; and he brought back such a number of men-
-Lt-arms that he Iwas in sufficient force to fight against tbe
30ldan of Iconiurn. The battle lasted a long while, and the
fartars killed so "many of the soldan's men that no one after
lad news of him. Because of the fame of this coming battle, .,-,
Nhich was very great in Cyprus, some of our sergeants passed "1
nto Armenia, both to take part in the battle and for the sake
)f booty; but not one of them ever came back.
The Soldan of Babylon expected that the king would
mive in Egypt in spring, and bethought himself that he
Nould, ere the spling, overthrow the Soldan of Emessa, who
;vas his mortal en,
my, and he went and besieged him in the
ity of Emessa. 'The Soldan of Emessa saw no way of de-
iverance from the Soldan of Babylon, for he perceived that
f the latter lived long enough, he would overthrow him.
fherefore he bargained in such sort with the ferrais of the
30ldan of Babylon tÎiat the ferrais poisoned him.
And the manner in which he poisoned him was this: The
errais was aware that tr_e soldan came every day, after
linner, to play chess on the mats that were at the foot of his
)ed; and the mat on \vhich he knew that the soldan sat
very day he put poison thereon. Now it happened that
:he soldan, who was unshod, turned himself about upon a
Þore that was on his leg. Immediately the poison struck
nto the open sore, and took away all power from the half of
:he body into which it had entered; and every time that the
oison impinged upon his heart, the soldan remained for
;ome two days unable to drink, or eat, or speak. So they
eft the soldan of Emessa in peace; and the people of the
Soldan of Babylon carried him back into Egypt.
\17 2
J
Memoirs of the Crusades
THE HOST LEAVES CYPRUS-1249
I
I
As soon as we entered into the month of
farch, by the
king's command the king, the barons, and tIle other pilgrims
ordered that the ships should be re-Iaden with wine and pro-
visions, so as to be ready to move when the king directed.
And when the king saw that all had been duly ordered, the
king and queen embarked on their ships on the Friday before
Pentecost (21St May 1249), and the king told his barons to
follow in their ships straight to Egypt. On l the Saturday the
king set sail and all the others besides, which was a fair thing
to look upon, for it seemed as if all the sea, so far as the eye
could reach, were covered with the canvas of the ships' sails;
and the number of the ships, great and small, was reckoned
at eighteen hundred. (
The king anchored at the head of a hilleck which is called
the Point of LimassoI, and all the other vessels anchored
round about him. The king landed on the day of Pentecost.
Mter we had heard mass a fierce and powerful wind, coming
from the Egyptian side, arose in such sort that out of two
thousand eight hundred knights, whom the king was taking
into Egypt, there remained no more than seven hundred
whom the wind had not separated from the king's company
and carried away to Acre and other strange lands; nor did
they afterwards return to the king of a long while.
The day after Pentec<?st the wind had fallen. The king
and such of us as hàd, accordine- to God's will, remained with
him, set sail forthwith, and met the Prince of Morea, and
the Duke of Burgundy, who had been sojourning in Morea.
On the Thursday after Pentecost the king arrived before
Damietta, and we found there, arrayed on the seashore, all
the power of the soldan-a host fair to look upon, for the
soldan's anns are of gold, and when the sun struck upon
them they were resplendent. The noise they made with
their cymbals and horns ,vas fearful to listen to.
The king summoned his barons to take counsel what they
should do. Many advised that he should wait till his people
returned, seeing that no more than a third part had remained
with him; but to this he would by no means agree. The
reason he gave was, that to delay would put the foe in good
heart, and, particularly, he said that there was no port
Joinville's Chronicle
I-'r
I _
before Damietta in which he could w
t for his people, and
that, therefore, any strong wind arising might drive the shi'.:a
to other lands, like as the ships had been driven on the 'j,nd
of Pentecost. :; tbi
PREPARATION FOR DISEMBARKATION IN EGYPT
It was settled that the king should land on the Friday
before Trinity and do battle with the Saracens, unless they
refused to stand. The king ordered my Lord John of Beau-
mont t-o assign a galley to my Lord Everard of Brienne and
to myself, so as that we might land, we and our knights,
because the great ships could not get close up to the shore.
As God so willed, when I returned to my ship, I found a
little ship that my Lady of Beyrout, who was cousin-german
to my Lord of Montbéliard and to myself, had given me, and
that carried eight of my horses.
When the Friday came I and my I
ord Everard went, fully
armed, to the king and asked for the galley; whereupon my
Lord John of Beaumont told us that we should not have it.
When our people saw that they would get no galley, they let
themselves drop from the great ship into the ship's boat,
pell-mell, and as best they could, so that the boat began to
sink. The sailors saw that the boat was sinking, little by
little, and they escaped into the big ship and left my knights
in the boat. I asked the master how many more people
there were in the boat than the boat could hold. He told
me twenty men-at-arms; and I asked him whether he could
take our people to land if I relieved him of so many, and he
said "Yes." So I relieved him in such sort that in three
journeys he took them to the ship that had carried my horses.
While I was conducting these people a knight belonging to
my Lord Everard of Brienne, and whose name was Plonquet,
thought to go down from the great ship into the boat; but
the boat moved away, and he fell into the sea and was
drowned.
When I came back to my ship I put into my little boat a
squire whom I made a knight, and whose name was my Lord
Hugh of Vaucouleurs, and two very valiant bachelors--of
whom the one had name my Lord Villain of Versey, and the
other my Lord William of Dammartin-who ,vere at bitter
enmity the one against the other. Nor could anyone make
\_174 Memoirs of the Crusades
.
peace between them, because they had seized each other
'1v the hair in Morea. And I made them forgive their
'
vances and embrace, for I swore to them on holy relics
tA.- f\ we should not land in company of their enmity.
Then we set ottrselves to get to land, and came alongside
of the barge belonging to the Icing's great ship, there where
the king himself was. And his people began to cry out to us,
because we were going more quickly than they, that I
should land by the ensign of St. Denis, which was being
borne in another vessel before the king. But I heeded them
< not, and caused my people to land in front of a great body of
Turks, at a place where there were full six thousand men on
horseback.
So soon as these saw us land, they came toward us, hotly
spurring. We, when we saw them coming, fixed the points
of our shields into the sand and the handles of our lances in
the sand with the points set towards them. But when they
were so near that they saw the lances about to enter into
their bellies" they turned about and fled.
THE CRUSADERS DISEMBARK IN FRONT OF THE
SARACENS
My Lord Baldwìn of Rheims, a right good man, who had
come to land, requested me, by his squire, to wait for him;
and I let him know I should do so willingly, for that a right
good man such as he ought surely to be waited for in like
case of need,-whereby I had his favour all the time that he
lived. With him came to us a thousand knights; and you
may be assured that, when I landed, I had neither squire, nor
knight, nor varlet that I had brought with me from my own
country, and yet God never left me without such as I needed.
At our left hand landed tl'le Count of Jaffa, who was
cousin-gennan to tl'le Count of Montbéliard, and of the
lineage of Joinville. It was he who landed in greatest pride,
for his galley came all painted, within and without, with
escutcheons of his anns, which arms are 01' with a cross of
gules patée. He had at least three hundred rowers in his
galley, and for each rower there was a targe with the count's
arms thereon, and to each targe was a pennon attached with
his anns wrought in gold.
While he was coming it seemed as ü his galley flew, so did
J oinville's Chronicle
175
the rowers urge it forward with their sweeps; and it seemed
as if the lightning were falling from the skies at the sound
that the pennants made, and the cymbals, and the drums, and
the Saracenic horns that were in his galley. So soon as the
galley had been driven into the sand as far up as they could
drive it, both he and his knights leapt from the galley, well
anned and well equipped, and came and arrayed themselves
Ibeside us.
T had forgotten to tell you that when the Count of Jaffa
Ilanded he immediately caused his tents and pavilions to be
(pitched; and so soon as the Saracens saw them pitched, they
I tall came and gathered before us, and then came on again,
spurring hotly, as if to run in upon us. But when they saw
I that we should not fly, they shortly turned and went back
again.
On our right hand, at about a long-crossbow-shot's dis-
tance, landed the galley that bore the ensign of St. Denis.
And there was a Saracen who, when they had landed, came \
and charged in among them, either because he could not hold
in his horse, or because he thought the other Saracens would
tfollow himj but he was hacked in pieces.
ST. LEWIS TAKES POSSESSION OF DAMIETTA
When the king heard tell that the ensign of St. Denis was
on shore he went across his ship with large steps; and
maugre the legate who was with him he would not leave from
following the ensign, but leapt into the sea, which was up to
his armpits. So he ,vent, with his shield hung to his neck,
and his helmet on his head, and his lance in his hand, till he
-came to his people who were on the shore. When he reached
the land, and looked upon the Saracens, he asked what people
they were, and they told him they were Saracens; and he
put his lance to his shoulder, and his shield before him, and
would have run in upon the Sara.cens if the right worthy men
who were about him would have suffered it.
The Saracens sent thrice to the soldan, by carrier-pigeons,
to say that the king had landed, but never received any
message in return, because the soldan's sickness was upon
him. Wherefore they thought that the soldan was dead, and
abandoned Damietta. The king sent a knight forward to
know if it was sooth that Damietta was so abandoned. The
176 Memoirs of the Crusades
knight returned to the king and said it was sooth and that
he had been into the houses of the soldan. Then the king
sent for the legate and all the prelates of the host, and all
chanted with a loud voice Te Deum laudamus. Mterwards
the king mounted his horse, and we all likewise, and we
went and encamped before Damietta.
Very unadvisedly did the Turks leave Damietta, in that
they did not cut the bridge of boats, for that would have
been a great hindrance to us;. but they wrought us very
much hurt in setting fire to the bazaar, where all the mer-
chandise is collected, and everything that is sold by weight.
The damage that followed from this was as great as if-
which God forbid !--some one were, to-morrow, to set fire to
the Petit-Pont in Paris.
Now let us declare that God Almighty was very gracious
to 1..1S when He preserved us from death and peril on our dis-
embarkation, seeing that we landed on foot and affronted
our enemies who were mounted. Great grace did our Lord
also show us when He delivered Damietta into our hands, for
otherwise we could only have taken it by famine, and of this
we may be fully assured, for it was by famine that King John
had taken it in the days of our fathers (in 1219).
MISTAKE OF ST. LEWIS-DISORDER AMONG THE
CRUSADERS
Our Lord can say of us, as He said of the children of Israel
-et pro nihilo habuerunt terram desiderabilem. 1 And what
does He say afterwards? He says that they forgat God
their Saviour. And so did we forget Him as I will shortly
tell you.
But first I will tell you of the king who summoned his
barons, the clerks, and the laymen, and asked them to help
him to decide how the booty taken in the city should be
divided. The patriarch was the first to speak, and he spoke
thus: " Sire, methinks it were well that you should keep the
wheat, and the barley, and the rice, and whatever is needed
to sustain life, so as to provision the city; and that you
should have it cried throughout the host that all other
goods are to be brought to the legate's quarters, under pain
1 U They despised the pleasant land." The references seem to be
to Ps. evi., ver. 21 and 24.
J oinville's Chronicle
177
of excolnmunication." 'to this advice all the other barons
assented. Now, as it fen out, all the goods brought to the
legate's quarters did not amount in value to more than six
thousand livres.
When this had been done, the king and the barons
summoned John of Valery, the right worthy man, and spoke
to him thus: "Sir of Valery," said the king, " we are agreed
that the legate should hand over to you the six thousand
livres, so that you may divide them as may seem best to you."
"Sire," replied the right worthy man, "you do me much
honour, and great thanks be yours! But, please God! that
honour can I not accept, nor can I carry out your wish, for
by so doing I should make null the good customs of the Holy
Land, whereby, when the cities of the enemy are captured,
the king takes a third of the goods found therein, and the
pilgrims take two thirds. And this custom was well observed
by King John when he took Damietta, and as old folk tell liS,
the san1e custom was observed by the kings of Jerusalem,
who were before King John. If then it pleases you to hand
over to me the two parts of the wheat, and the barley, and
the rice, and the other provisions, then shall I willingly
undertake to make division among the pilgrims."
The lång did not decide tò do this; so matters remained
as they were; and many were ill-pleased that the king should
set aside the good old customs.
The king's people, who ought, by liberal dealing, to have
retained the merchants, made them pay, so it was said, the
highest rents they could exact for the shops in which to sell
their goods; and the rumour of this got abroad to foreign
lands, so that many merchants forbore to come and bring
supplies to the host.
The barons, who ought to have kept what was theirs so as
to spend it in fitting time and place, took to giving great
feasts, and an outrageous excess of meats. The common
people took to consorting with lewd women; whereby it
happened, after we returned from captivity, that the king
discharged a great many of his people. And when I asked
him why he had done this, he told me that he had found, of
a certainty, that those whom he had discharged held their
ill places of assemblage at a short stone's-throw from his
pavilion, and that at a time when the host was in greatest
distress and misery.
I 78 Memoirs of the Crusades
THE SARACENS A'ITACK THE CAMP-DEATH OF WALTER
OF AUTRECHE
Now let us go back to the matter in hand, and tell how,
shortly after we had taken Damietta, all the horsemen of the
soldan came before the camp, and attacked it from the land
side. The king and all the horsemen armed themselves. I,
being in full armour, went to speak to the king, and found
him fully armed, sitting on a settle, and round him were the
right worthy knights belonging to his own division, all in full
armour. I asked if he desired that I and my people should
issue from the camp, so tha t the Saracens should not fall
upon our tents. When my Lord John of Beaumont heard
my question, he cried to me in a very loud voice, and com-
manded me, in the king's name, not to leave my quarters
till the king so ordered.
I have told you of the right worthy knights who were of
the king's special following, for there were eight of them, all
good knights who had won prizes for arms on the further or
hither side of the seas, and such knights it was customary to
call good knights. These are the names of the knights about
the king:-my Lord GeofIry of Sargines, my Lord
Iatthew
of Marly, my Lord Philip of Nanteuil, and my Lord Imbert
of Beaujeu, Constable of France; but the last was not then
present, he was outside the camp-he and the master of the
crossbowmen, with most of the king's sergeants-at-arms-
to guard the camp so that the Turks might not do any
mischief thereto.
Now it happened that my Lord Walter of Autrèche got
himself armed at all points in his pavilion; and when he was
mounted upon his horse, with his shield at his neck and his
helmet on his head, he caused the flaps of his pavilion to be
lifted, and struck spurs into his horse to ride against the
Turks; and as he left his pavilion, all alone, all his men
shouted with a loud voice, "Chatillon." But so it chanced
that or ever he came up to the Turks he fell, and his horse
flew over his body; and the horse went on, covered with his
anns, to our enemies, because the Saracens were, for the most
part, mounted on mares, for which reason the horse drew to
the side of the Saracens.
And those who looked on told us that four Turks came by
Joinville's Chronicle
179
Lord Walter, who lay upon the ground, and as they went by,
gave him great blows with their maces there where he lay.
Then did the Constable of France and several of the king's
sergeants deliver him, and they brought him back in their
arms to his pavilion. When he came there he was speechless.
Several of the surgeons and physicians of the host went to
him, and because it did not seem to them that he was in
danger of death, they had him blooded in both arms.
That night, very late, my Lord Aubert of Narcy proposed.
that w
should go and see him, for as yet we had not seen
him, and he was a man of great name and of great valour.
We entered into hi& pavilion, and the chamberlain came to
meet us, and asked us to move quietly, so as not to wake his
master. We found him lying on coverlets of miniver, and
went to him very softly, and found him dead. When this
was told to the king, he replied that he would not willingly
have a thousand such men acting contrary to his orders as
this man had done.
RENEWED ATTACKS ON THE PART OF THE SARACENS-THE
KING DECIDES TO AWAIT THE ARRIVAL OF THE COUNT OF
POITIERS
The Saracens entered every night into the camp on foot
and killed our people there where they found them sleeping,
whereby it chanced that they killed the sentinel of the lord
of Courtenay, and left him lying on a table, and cut off his
head, and took it away with them. And this they did be-
cause the soldan gave a besant of gold for every Christian
man's head.
And we were at this disadvantage because the battalions
guarded the camp, each one its night, on horseback; and
when the Saracens wished to enter into the camp, they
waited till the noise of the horses and of the battalions had
passed, and then crept into the camp behind the horses,
making their way out before it was day. So the king
ordered that the battalion which had been used to keep
guard on horseback should keep guard on foot, whereby all
the camp was in safety, because of our men who kept guard
and were spread out in such wise that one man touched th
other.
After this was done, the king decided not to leave Damietta
180 Memoirs of the Crusades
till his brother, the Count of Poitiers, had arrived with the
remaining forces of France. And so that the Saracens might
not charge on their horses into the midst of the camp, the
king caused all the camp to be enclosed with great earth-
works, and on the earthworks were set crossbowmen to
watch every night, and sergeants; and such were set also
\ at the entrance to the camp.
When the feast of St. Remigius had passed, and no news
came of the Count of Poi tiers-whereby the king and all
those of the host were greatly troubled, for they feared lest
some mischief had befallen him-then I reminded the legate
how the Dean of Maurupt had caused us, when at sea, to go
three times in procession, on three Saturdays, and how before
the third Saturday we had arrived in Cyprus. The legate
put faith in what I said, and caused three processions, on
three separate Saturdays, to be proclaimed throughout the
host.
The first procession started from the legate's quarters, and
they went to the church of our Lady in the city, which church
had been the mosque of the Saracens, but the legate had
dedicated it to the honour of the Mother of God. The legate
preached the sermon on two Saturdays. Thither came the
king and the honourable men of the host, to whom the legate
gave full indulgences.
Before the third Saturday came the Count of Poi tiers ;
nor would it have been well if he had come before, for be-
tween the three Saturdays there had been so great a tempest
in the sea before Damiett.1., that at least twelve score ships,
great and small, had gone to pieces and been lost, and all the
people therein drowned. If therefore the Count of Poitiers
had come before, both he and his people would have utterly
perished.
When the Count of Poi tiers arrived, the king summoned
all the barons of the host to decide what course he should
hold, whether to Alexandria or to Babylon. Now the good
Count Peter of Brittany, and the main part of the barons of
the host, were agreed that the king should go and besiege
Alexandria, because there was before that city a good harbour
to which the ships could bring provisions for the host. But
to this the Count of Artois was contrary, and said he would
never agree that they should go anywhere except to Babylon,
forasmuch as Babylon was the capital of Egypt; and if you
J oinville's Chronicle
181
wanted to kill the serpent, you must firs crush its head.
The king set aside the advice of his barons, and accepted
the advice of his brother.
THE HOST BEGINS ITS MARCH
At the beginning of Advent the king set out with his host
to go towards Babylon, as the Count of Artois had advised.
Pretty near to Damietta we found a stream that issued from
the main stream, and it was decided that the host should
remain there a day to dam up the said arm of the stream, so
that we might pass. The thing was done pretty easily, for
we dammed the said arm close to the main stream in such
sort that the water flowed pretty easily along the main
stream. At our passage over the ann, the soldan sent five
hundred of his knights, the best mounted that he could find
in all his host, to harass the host of the king, and delay our
march.
On St. Nicholas Day (6th December 1249) the king com-
manded that we should prepare to ride forward, and forbade
that anyone should be so bold as to attack the said Saracens.
Now it happened that when the host began to move for-
ward, and the Saracens saw that no attack was to be made
upon them-and they knew by their spies that the king had
forbidden it-they waxed bold, and attacked the Templars
who formed the van; and one of the Turks bore a knight of
the Temple to the earth, right before the horse-hoofs of
brother Renaud of Vichiers, who was then Marshal of the
Temple. When the marshal saw this, he cried to his brother
Templars: cc Out on them for God's sake! I cannot brook
this!" He struck his spurs into his horse, and all the host
with him. The horses of our people were fresh, and the
horses of the Turks already weary; and so, as I have heard
tell, not one of them escaped, but all perished. Many of
them had got into the river, and were drowned.
OF THE NILE
It will now be convenient that I should tell you of the river
that comes through Egypt, and of the earthly paradise.
And these things I tell you so that you may understand
certain matters on which I shall have to touch.
;182 Memoirs of the Crusades
Now this river is different from all other rivers, for the
further the other rivers flow down, the more little rivers and
brooks fall into them, whereas no rivers or brooks fall into
this' river, but, as it happens, it comes all in one channel into
Egypt, and then throws out the seven branches that spread
throughout the land.
And when the day of St. Remigius is past, the seven rivers
spread over the land and cover the plain country; and when
the waters withdraw the husbandmen go and plough, each in
his own fields, ,vith a plough that has no wheels, wherewith
they turn over in the earth the wheat, the barley, the cumin,
and the rice; and all these come up so well, that better could
not be. Nor does anyone know how these floods arise, save
it be by the will of God; but if they did not arise, no good
thing would grow, for the great heat of the sun would scorch
it up, seeing that it never rains in the land. The water of
the river is always troubled, so the people of the land, who
wish to drink thereof, take it towards night and crush into it
four almonds, or four beans, and the next day it is so good to
drink that no fault can be found with it.
Before the river enters into Egypt, people who are ac-
customed so to do, cast their nets out-spread into the river,
at night; and when morning comes they find in their nets
such goods as are sold by weight, and brought into the land,
viz., ginger, rhubarb, wood of aloes and cinnamon. And it is
said that these things come from the earthly paradise; for
the wind blows down the trees in paradise, just as the wind
blows down the dry wood in the forests of our own land; and
the dry wood of the trees in paradise that thus falls into the
river is sold to us by the merchants. 1 The water of the river
Is of such a nature, that when we had put it into white
earthenware pots that are made in the land, and hung it
to the ropes of our pavilions, it became, in the heat of the
day, as cold as if drawn from a well.
They said in the country that the Soldan of Babylon had
oftentimes tried to find out whence the river came; and he
sent for this purpose people who carried with them a manner
of bread called biscuit, because it is twice baked, and 011 this
bread they lived until such time as they came back to the
soldan. And they reported that they had explored the
river, and had come to a great mass of rocks, sharp and sheer,
1 Meaning of original a little obscure.
Joinville's Chronicle
18 3
which none could pass. From these rocks the river fen; and
it seemed to them that there was a great foison of trees in the
mountain above; and they said also that they had found
marvellous savage beasts of divers sorts, as lions, serpents,
elephants, that came and looked at them from the banks
while they were going up against the stream.
Nov/let us go back to our first point, and say that when
the river comes into Egypt it throws out its branches, as I
said before. One of these branches goes to Damietta, another
to Alexandria, a third to Tanis, a fourth to Rexi. And it
was to this branch which goes to Rexi that the King of
France came with all his host; and he encamped between
the stream of Damietta and that of Rexi, and all the power
of the soldan was encamped on the stream of Rexi, on the
other side, over against our host, to defend the passage-
which they could easily do, seeing that none could cross
th
sai? stream to go towards them, save he passed over
sWImmIng.
BUILDING OF A CAUSEWAY ON THE RIVER
The king decided to build a causeway across the river so as
to pass over against the Saracens. In order to protect those
who were working at the causeway, the king caused two
towers called cats-castles (chats-châteaux) to be constructed,
for there were two towers before the "cats" (or covered
ways) and two houses behind the towers, so as to preserve
those who were on guard from the shot of the Saracens'
engines, of which they had sixteen all set up.
When we came there, the king caused eighteen engines to
be built, and Jocelin of Comaut was set over them as master
engineer. Our engines threw against theirs, and theirs
against ours; but never did I hear tell that ours had done
very much damage. The king's brothers kept guard by day,
and we, the other knights, kept guard by night at the covered
ways. And thus we came to the week before Christmas.
So soon as the covered ways were finished, they began to
build the causeway-but not before-because the king did
not wish that the Saracens, who shot at us, aiming across the
stream, should wound those who were bringing up earth.
Now in building this causeway, the king and all the barons
of the host were blinded and without foresight; for because
H 333
184 Memoirs of. the Crusades
they had, as I told you before, dammed up one of the arms of
the stream-which thing they did easily, ínasmuch as they
set themselves to dam it up at the point where it left the
larger stream-therefore they thought to dam up the stream
of Rexi at a point where it had left the larger stream full
half a league.
And in order to counteract the causeway that the king was
making, the Saracens dug holes in front of their camp, and
so soon as the stream came to the holes, it rushed into them,
and made a great space of water. Thus it happened that
they undid in one day all that we had done in three weeks;
for when we had dammed up a part of the stream on our side,
they enlarged it on their side by the holes that they made.
In the room of the soldan who had died of the sickness
which he took before the city of Emessa, the Saracens had
taken for chief a Saracen called Scecedin, who was the
scheik's son. It was said that the Emperor Frederic had
made him a knight. He ordered a part of his people to come
and attack our camp before Damietta, and they did so; and
came to a town called Shannesah on the stream of Rexi.
On Christmas Day I and my knights were dining with my
Lord Peter of Avallon, and while we dined the Saracens
came, spurring hotly, up to our camp, and killed several poor
folk who had gone into the fields on foot. We went to ann
ourselves. But make what haste we could, we did not, on
our return, find my Lord Peter, our host, for he was outside
the camp, and had gone to meet the Saracens. We spurred
after, and rescued him from the Saracens, who had thrown
him to the ground; and then brought him and his brother, the
Lord of the Val, back to the camp. The Templars, who had
come out on hearing the alann, covered our retreat well and
boldly. The Turks advanced, harassing us right up to the
camp; wherefore the king commanded that the camp should
be enclosed with trenches on the Damietta side, from the
stream of Damietta to the stream of Rexi.
ATTACK OF THE SARACENS REPULSED
Scecedin, whose name I have already mentioned to you-
the chief of the Turks-was the most highly esteemed of all
paynimry. He bore on his banner the anns of the emperor
who had made him a knight. His banner was barred; on
Joinville's Chronicle
18 5
one of the bars were the arms of the emperor who had made
him a knight, on another were the arms of the Soldan of
AIeppo, on the other were the arms of the Soldan of Babylon.
His name was Scecedin, the son of the scheik--or as one
might say, " the aged one, the son of the aged one." This
name was held as a great thing in paynimry; for they are
the people in the world who most honour old people, if so be
that God has preserved such from reproach and ill fame.
Scecedin, this valiant Turk, had boasted, so the king's spies
reported, that he would eat in the king's pavilion on the day
of the feast of St. Sebastian.
The king, who knew of this, disposed of his host in such
sort that the Count of Artois, his brother, should guard the
covered ways and the engines; the king and the Count of
Anjou-who afterwards was King of Sicily-were set to
I guard the camp on the side towards Babylon; and the Count
of Poitiers, and we, the men of Champagne, were to guard
the camp on the side towards Damietta. Now it happened
that the afore-mentioned prince of the Turks caused his men
to pass over into the island that lies between the stream of
Damietta and the stream of Rexi-there where our host lay
encamped-and he caused his forces to be set in line from
the one stream to the other.
The King of Sicily attacked these people and discomfiti:d
them. Many were drowned in the one stream and in the
. other. Nevertheless a great part remained whom our people
were afraid to attack, because the engines of the Saracens
cast stones between the two streams. In the attack which
the King of Sicily made against the Turks, Count Guy of
Forez on his horse cut through the host of the Turks, and
attacked, he and his knights, a body of Saracen sergeants,
who bore him to the earth. His leg was broken, and two of
his knights brought him back in their arms. With great
difficulty was the King of Sicily extricated from the peril ÏD.
which he stood; and much honour did he earn that day.
The Turks came against the Count of Poi tiers, and agair-"'l-t
us, and we charged them, and drove them a great space.
Some of their people were killed, and we returned without
loss.
186 Memoirs of the Crusades
GREEK FIRE HURLED AGAINST THE TOWERS THAT
GUARDED THE COVERED WAYS
One night when we were keeping guard over the towers
that guarded the covered ways, it happened that the Saracens
brought an engine called a petrary, which they had not
hitherto done, and put Greek fire into the sling of the engine.
When my Lord Walter of Ecurey, the good knight who was
with me, saw it, he spoke thus: "Lords, we are in the
greatest peril that we have ever been in, for if they set fire
to our towers and we remain here we are but lost and burnt
up; while if we leave these defences which we have been
set to guard, we are dishonoured. Wherefore none can
defend us in this peril save God alone. So my advice and
counsel is, that every time they hurl the fire at us, we throw
ourselves on our elbows and knees, and pray to our Saviour
to keep us in this periL"
So soon as they hurled the first cast, we threw ourselves
on our elbows and knees as he had taught us. That first
cast fell between our two towers guarding the covered
ways. It fell on the place in front of us, where the host had
been "vorking at the dam. Our firemen were ready to put
out the fire; and because the Saracens could nDt shoot
straight at them, because of two pavilion wings that the king
had caused to be set up, they shot up into the clouds, so that
the darts fell on the firemen's heads.
The fasruon of the Greek fire was such that it came front-
wise as large as a barrel of verjuice, and the tail of fire that
issued from it was as large as a large lance. The noise it
made in coming was like heaven's thunder. It had the
seeming of a dragon flying through the air. It gave so great
a light, because of the great foison of fire making the light,
that one saw as clearly throughout the camp as if it had been
day. Three times did they hurl Greek fire at us that night
;
'9m the petraries), and four times with the swivel crossbow.
Every time that our saintly king heard them hurling the
Greek fire, he would raise himself in his bed, and lift up
his hands to our Saviour, and say, weeping: "Fair Lord
God, guard me my people 1" And verily I believe that his
prayers did us good service in our need. At night, every
time the fire had fallen, he sent one of his chamberlains to
J oinvil1e's Chronicle
18 7
ask how we fared, and whether the fire had done us any hurt.
Once when they hurled it at us, the fire fell near the tower
which the people of my Lord of Courtenay were guarding,
and struck the bank of the stream. Then, look you, a
knight, whose name was l' Aubigoiz, came to me, and said,
" Lord, if you do not come to our help we shall all be burned;
for the Saracens have shot so many of their shafts that it is
as if a great hedge were coming burning against our tower."
We sprang up, and went thither, and found he spoke sooth.
We put out the fire, and before we had put it out, the Sara-
cens had struck us all with shafts that they shot across the
stream.
THE TOWERS BURNED BY THE GREEK FIRE
The king's brothers kept guard over the towers by day,
and went to the top of the to,vers to shoot bolts from the
crossbows at the Saracens who were in the Saracens' camp;
for the king had decided that the King of Sicily was to keep
guard over the towers by day, while we were to keep guard
over them by night; and now on a day when the King of
Sicily was thus keeping guard, and we were to keep guard by
night, we were in sore trouble of heart, because the Saracens
had well-nigh shattered our towers. And the Saracens
brought out their petrary in full daylight, whereas they had
so far only brought it out by night, and they threw Greek
fire on to our towers. And they had brought their engines so
near to the causeway which the host were building that no
one dared to go to the towers because of the great stones
that the engines cast, and that fell upon the cause\vay.
Whence it happened that the two to'\vers were burned, and
the King of Sicily was so beside himself that he wished to
throw himself there where the fire was, in order to put it out;
and if he was incensed, why I and my knights could but
praise God, seeing that if we had been on guard (in the towers)
that night, we should all have been burned.
When the king saw this, he sent for all the barons of the
host, and begged them each to give him wood from their
ships to build a tower to help to dam up the stream; and
he showed them clearly that there was no wood with which
this could be done, save the wood of the vessels that had
brought our goods up the river. Each brought according to
188 Memoirs of the Crusades
his will, and when the tower was made, the wood was
valued at ten thousand livres and more.
The king decided also that the tower should not be pushed
forward on to the causeway until the day came when it was
the turn of the king of Sicily to mount guard, so that he
- might thus repair the loss of the other towers that had been
burned while he was on guard. As it had been decided, so
was it done; as soon as the King of Sicily came on guard, he
caused the tower to be pushed forward along the causeway,
to the point where the other towers guarding the covered
way had been burned.
When the Saracens sa,v this, they so arranged that all
their sixteen engines should cast their shot upon the cause-
way, to the place whither the tower had been brought; and
when they saw that our people feared to go to the tower
because of the stones from the engines that fell on the
causeway, they brought up the petrary, and cast Greek fire
at the tower, and burned it utterly. Great was the courtesy
that God showed to me and to my knights in this matter,
for if we had mounted guard that night we should have
done so in as great peril as on the fonner occasion, of which
I have already spoken to you.
FORDING OF THE RIVER-DEATH OF THE COUNT OF
ARTOIS
When the king saw this he called all his barons into council;
and they agreed that they could not build a causeway on
which to pass over against the Saracens, because our people
were unable to dam up as much on our side as the Saracens
could excavate on the other.
Then did constable my Lord Imbert of Beaujeu say to the
king that a Bedouin had come to him and told him that he
could show us a good ford, provided we gave him five hundred
besants. The king agreed that the besants should be given
him, provided he (on his part) proved the truth of what he
promised. The constable thereon spoke to the Bedouin; but
the Bedouin said he would not show the ford unless the
moneys were first placed in his hands. So it was agreed that
the besants should be given to him; and given to him they
were.
The king decided that the Duke of Burgundy and the men
J oinville's Chronicle
18 9
of note from oversea who were with the host, should guard
the camp, so tbat no harm might come to it; and that the
king and his three brothers should pass the ford at the place
which the Bedouin was to show them. So was the matter
settled, and preparation made to pass over on Shrove
Tuesday (8th February 1250), on which day we came to the
Bedouin's ford. There, as the dawn of the day was appear-
ing, we collected from all points; and when we were ready,
we went to the stream and our horses began to swim. When
we got to the middle of the stream, we touched ground aI}d
our horses found footing; and on the other bank of the
stream were full three hundred Saracens, all mounted on
their horses.
Then said I to my people: U Sirs, look only to the left
hand, and let each draw thither; the banks are wet and
soft and the horses are falling upon their riders and drown-
ing them." And it was sooth that some were drowned in
the crossing, and among others was drowned my Lord John
I of Orleans, who carried a banner vivré. 1 Thereupon we
moved in such sort that we turned up the stream, and found
a dry way, and so passed over, praise God! that not one of
us fell; and as soon as we had passed over, the Turks fled.
It had been so ordered that the Templars were to form the \
vanguard, and that the Count of Artois should have the
second division after the Templars. Now it so happened
that as soon as the Count of Artois had passed over the
stream, he aDd all his people fell upon the Turks, who fled
before them. The Templars notified to him that he was
doing them great despite in that while his place was to come
after them, he was going before; and they besought him to
suffer them to go before, as had been arranged by the king.
Now it chanced that the Count of Artois did not venture to
answer them, because of my Lord Foucand of Merle, who
held the bridle of his horse; and this Foucand of Merle was
a very good knight, but heard naught of what the Templars
were saying to the count, seeing that he was deaf, and was
crying, "Out on them, out on them!" Now when the
Templars saw this, they thought they would be shamed if
they suffered the count to outride them; so they struck
spurs into their horses, helter-skelter, and chased the Turks,
1 Term of heraldry-with waved lines.
190 Memoirs of the Crusades
and the Turks fled before them, right through the town of
Mansourah and into the fields beyond towards Babylon.
When they thought to return, the Turks threw beams and
blocks of wood upon them in the streets, which were narrow.
There were killed the Count of Artois, the Lord of Couci, who
was called Raoul, and so many other knights that the
numbers was reckoned at three hundred. The Temple, as
the master has since told me, lost there fourteen score men-
at-arms, and all mounted.
]OINVILLE, WOUNDED AND SURROUNDED BY THE
SARACENS, IS DELIVERED BY THE COUNT OF ANJOU
I and my knights decided that we should attack some
Turks who were loading their baggage in their camp to our
left; and we fell upon them. While we were driving them
through their camp, I perceived a Saracen, who was mount-
ing his horse; one of his knights was holding the bridle. At
the moment when he had his two hands on the saddle to
mount, I gave him of my lance under the ann-pits and laid
him dead. When his knight saw that, he left his lord and
) the horse, and struck me with his lance as I passed, between
the two shoulders, holding me so pressed down that I could
not draw the sword at my belt. I had therefore to draw the
sword attached to my horse; and when he saw that my
'3word was so drawn, he withdrew his lance and left me.
When I and my knights came out of the camp, we found
some six thousand Turks, as we reckoned, who had left their
quarters and retreated into the fields. When they saw us,
they came running upon us, and killed my Lord Hugh of
Trichâtel, Lord of Conflans, who was with me bearing a
banner. I and my knights set spurs to our horses, and went
to deliver my Lord Raoul of Wanou, who ,vas with me, and
whom they had struck to the ground.
While I was returning, the Turks pressed upon me with
their lances. My horse knelt under the weight and I
fell forward over the horse's ears. I got up as soon as
ever I could, with my shield at my neck, and my sword in
my hand; and my Lord Everard of Siverey-God have him
in grace I-who was one of my people, came to me and said
that we should draw off near to a ruined house, and there
Joinville's Chronicle
19 1
await the king, ,vho was coming. As we were going thither,
part on foot and part mounted, a great rout of Turks came
rushing upon us, and bore me to the ground, and went over
me, and caused my shield to fly from my neck.
When they had passed on, my Lord Everard of Siverey
came back to me, and led me thence, and we went to the walls
of the ruined house; and thither returned to us my Lord Hugh
of Ecot, my Lord Frederic of Loupey, my Lord Renaud of ,
Menoncourt. The Turks attacked us on all sides. Some of
them entered into the ruined house and pricked us with
their lances from above. Then my knights told me to hold
their bridles, and so I did, for fear the horses should run
away. And they defended themselves right manfully; and
afterwards received great praise from all the right worthy
men of the host, both those who were there and witnessed
the deed, and those who heard tell thereof.
Then did my Lord Hugh of Ecot receive three lance wounds
in the face, and my Lord Raoul; and my Lord Frederic of
Loupey received a lance wound between the shoulders, and
the wound was so large that the blood flowed from his body
as from the bung-hole of a cask. My Lord Everard of Siverey
was struck by a sword in the middle of the face in such sort
that his nose fell over his lip. Then it came to my mind to
think upon my Lord St. James, so that I prayed: "Fair
Lord St. James, give me help and succour in this our need."
As soon as I had made this my prayer, my Lord Everard
of Siverey said to me: "Lord, if you think that neither I
nor my heirs will incur reproach therein, I will go and fetch
you help from the Count of Anjou, whom I see in the midst
of yonder field." And I said to him: " My Lord Everard,
meseems that you would earn for yourself great honour if you
went for help to save our lives; and your own life too is in
great jeopardy." And I spoke sooth, for he died of that
wound. He sought counsel of all the knights who were
there, and all advised as I had advised. vVhen he heard
this, he asked me to let go my hold of his horse, which I held
by the bridle, with the others, and I did so.
He came to the Count of Anjou, and begged him to succour
me and my knights. A man of note \vho ,vas with the Count
of Anjou tried to dissuade him, but he said he would do what
my knight asked of him; so he turned his bridle to come to
our help, and several of his sergeants too set spurs to their
I 92 Memoirs of the Crusades
horses. When the Saracens saw them coming, they left us.
In front of the sergeants rode my Lord Peter of Auberive,
with his sword in his fist, and when he saw that the Saracens
had left us, he charged full into the Saracens who held my
Lord Raoul of Wanou, and rescued him, sore wounded.
THE KING'S DIVISION ATTACKS THE SARACENS
\s I was there on foot with my knights, wounded as I have
said, the king came up with his battalions, and a great sound
of shouting, and tnlmpets, and cymbals; and he halted on
a raised causeway. Never have I seen so fair a knight I
For he seemed by the head and shoulders to tower above his
people; and on his head was a gilded helm, and in his hand
a sword of Allemaine.
When he halted there, the good knights whom he had in
his division, and whom I have already named to you, hurled
themselves against the Turks; and with them several other
valiant knights of his. And you must know that this was a
very fine passage of arms, for in this battle no one drew bow
or crossbow: it was a battle of mace and sword between
the Turks and our people, all intenningled.
One of my squires, who had fled away with my banner,
and had returned to me, gave me one of my Flemish horses,
on which I mounted, and so drew up to the king, side by side.
While we were standing thus, my Lord John of Valery,
the right worthy man, came to the king, and said he advised
him to bear to the right towards the stream, so' as to have
the help of the Duke of Burgundy, and of those who were
guarding the camp, and so also that his sergeants might
obtain somewhat to drink, seeing that the day was already
grown very hot.
The king commanded his sergeants to go and fetch the
good knights of his council who were thereby, and named
them all by their names. The sergeants went and summoned
them from the midst of the fight, where the strife was very
fierce between them and the Turks. They came to the king,
and he asked counsel of them; and they said that my Lord
John of Valery was advising him very well. Then the king
commanded the great flag of St. Denis and his standard-
bearer to move to the right towards the river. At the
Joinville's Chronicle
193
moving of the king's host there was again aJIlighty sound 0
trumpets, and cymbals, and horns.
The king had scarcely begun to move when he received
several messages from the Count of Poitiers, his brother, and
the Count of Flanders, and several other men of worth who
had their forces there, all begging him not to move, because
they were so hard pressed by the Turks that they could not
follow him. The king summoned once more all the right
worthy knights of his council, and all advised that he should
wait. Shortly after, my Lord John of Valery came back,
and blamed the king and his council for remaining where
they were. On this all his counsellors advised that he should
dra,\\T towards the river as the Lord of Valery advised.
At this moment the constable, my Lord Imbert of Beau-
jeu, came up to him and said that the Count of Artois, his
brother, was defending himself in a house at Mansourah, and
that he should go to his relief and succour him. And the
king said, " Constable, go before, and I will follow." I said
to the constable that I would be his knight, and he thanked
me much. So we put ourselves in the way to go to Man-
sourah.
Then came to the constable a sergeant, a mace-bearer, all
afeared, and told him that the king was stayed, and that the
Turks had placed themselves between him and us. We
turned, and saw that there were at least a thousand of them,
and more, between him and us, and we were no more than
six. Then I said to the constable, "Lord, we cannot get
to the king through these people, but let us go upward, and
put this ditch that you see here between them and us, and
so shall we be able to get back to the king." The constable
took my advice. And you may know that if the Turks had
taken thought of us, they would certainly have killed us all;
but they gave no thought to any save the king, and the big
bodies of men; wherefore they fancied that "ve were on their
side.
THE CHRISTIANS DRIVEN BACK ON THE RIVER-BRIDGE
DEFENDED BY JOINVILLE-RETREAT OF THE COUNT
OF BRITTANY FROM MANSOURAH
\Vhile we were returning down the bank of the river
be
ween the streamlet and the river, we saw that the king
194 Memoirs of the Crusades
was come nigh to the river, and that the Turks were driving
back the king's other battalions, slashing and striking with
swords and maces; and they forced back the other battalions,
with the king's battalions, upon the river. The discomfiture
was there so great that several of our people thought to pass
over to the Duke of Burgundy, swimming; which they were
unable to do, for their horses were weary, and the day had
become very hot; so we saw, as we were coming down
towards them, that the stream was covered with lances and
shields, and with horses and men drowning and perishing.
We came to a little bridge that was over the streamlet,
and I said to the constable, " Let us stay here, and guard
this little bridge, for if we abandon it the Turks \vill fall on
the king from this side, and if our people are attacked from
two sides, it will go hard with them." And we did so. And
it was told to us afterwards that we should all have been lost
that day, save for the king. For the Lord of Courtenay and
my Lord John of Saillenay told me that six Turks had come
to the king's bridle and were leading him away captive, and
that he alone delivered himself striking at them great strokes
with his sword. And when his people saw how the king was
defending himself, they took courage, and many of them
abandoned thought of taking flight across the river, and
dre'\v to the king's side to help him.
Right straight upon us, who were keeping the little bridge,
came the Count Peter of Brittany, riding from Mansourah,
and he had been wounded with a sword across the face, so that
the blood ran into his mouth. He rode upon a fine, well-
limbed horse. He had thrown the reins on the pummel of
the saddle, and held it with his two hands so that his people,
who were behind, and pressed sorely upon him, might not
hustle him out of the path to the little bridge. Well did it
seem ho'\v lightly he held them, for as he spat the blood out
of his mouth, he said full often: Ha, by God's head, have
you ever seen such riff-raff!" Behind his men came the
Count of Soissons, and my Lord Peter of Neuville, who was
called "Caier," and they both had received blows enow
during that day.
When they had passed, and the Turks saw that we were
guarding the bridge, and turned our faces towards them,
they ceased from following after Count Peter and his people.
I came to the Count of Soissons, whose cousin-german I had
Join\rille's Chronicle
195
married, and said: cc Lord, I think you would do well if you
remained to keep this little bridge; for if we abandon the
little bridge those Turks whom you see before you will rush
over it, and so shall the king be assailed both in front and in
,ear." And he asked whether, if he remained, I would
remain ,vith him? And I replied, "Yes, right willingly."
When the constable heard this, he told me not to move from
thence till he returned, and that he would go and bring us
help.
]OINVILLE, ATIACKED BY THE SARACENS, CONTINUES
TO HOLD THE BRIDGE
There I remained on my thick-set stallion, and the Count
of Soissons remained on my right, and my Lord Peter of
Neuville on my left. Then behold there came a Turk from
the direction of the king's troops, which were behind us, and
struck my Lord Peter of Neuville from behind, with a mace,
so that he laid him on his horse's neck with the blow that he
gave, and then sprang across the bridge and rushed among
I his own people.
When the Turks saw that we would not abandon the little
bridge, they passed over the streamlet and set then1selves
bet\veen the streamlet and the river, as we had done to go
downwards; and we drew towards them in such manner as
to be ready to charge them, whether they wished to go
towards the king or to pass over the little bridge.
In front of us were two of the king's sergeants-of whom
the one was called William of Boon, and the other John of
Gamaches, and the Turks who had come between the stream-
let and the river brought a large number of churls on foot,
who pelted them with lumps of earth, but were never able
to force them back upon us. At last they brought a churl
on foot, who thrice threw Greek fire at them. Once William
of Boon receIve the pot of Greek fire on his targe, for if the
fire had caught any of his gannents he must have been
burned alive.
We were all covered with the darts that failed to hit the
sergeants. Now it chanced that I found a Saracen's gam-
beson (quilted tunic) lined with tow: I turned. the open side
towards me and made a shield of the gambeson, which did
me good service, for I ,,"as only wounded by their darts in
19 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
five places, and my horse in fifteen. And it chanced again
that one of my burgesses of Joinville brought me a pennon
with my arms, and a lance head thereto, and every time we
saw that the Turks pressed too hardly upon the sergeants,
we charged them, and they went flying.
The good Count of Soissons, in that point of danger, jested
with me and said: "Seneschal, let these curs howl! By
\ ßod's bonnet "-for that was his favourite oath- CC we shall
talk of this day yet, you and I, in ladies' chambers."
JOINVILLE REJOINS THE KING-THE SARACENS ARE
DEFEATED, AND THE BEDOUINS PILLAGE THEIR CAMP
At night, as the sun was setting, the constable brought us
the king's dismounted crossbowrnen, and they placed them-
selves in rank before us; and when the Saracens saw them
setting foot to the stirrup of their crossbows, they fled and
left us there. Then the constable said to me: "Seneschal,
this is well done. N ow do you go to the king, and do not
leave him at all until such time as he enters his pavilion."
So soon as I came to the king, my Lord John of Valery came
to him and said: "Sire, my Lord of Châtillon asks you to
give him the rearguard." And the king did so right willingly,
and then moved forward. And as we were going, I made
him take off his helmet, and lent him my steel cap, so that
he might have air. .
When he had passed over the river there came to him brother
Henry of Ronnay, Provost of the Hospitallers, and kissed
his mailed hand. And the king asked if he had any tidings
of the Count of Artois, his brother; and the provost said
that he had news of him indeed, for he knew of a certainty
that his brother, the Count of Artois, was in paradise. "Ah,
sire," said the provost, " be of good comfort herein, for never
did King of France gain such honour as you have gained this
day. For, in order to fight your enemies, you have passed
, over a river swimming, and you have discomfited them,
. and driven them from the field, and taken their engines, and
also their tents, wherein you will sleep this night." And the
. king replied: "Let God be worshipped for aIt He has given
me! " and then the big tears fell from his eyes.
When we came to the camp we found that some Saracens
on foot were pulling at the ropes of a tent which they were
Joinville's Chronicle
.
197
taking down, while people of ours of the lesser sort were
tugging at the ropes Oft the other side. We ran in among
these Saracens, the Master of the Temple and I, and they
fled, and the tent remained in the hands of our people.
I In this battle there were many people, and of great ap-
þearance, who came very shamefully flying over the little
þridge of which I have already spoken to you, and they fled
away panic-stricken; nor were we able at all to make any
of them stop by us. I could tell some of their names, but
shall forbear, for they are dead.
But of my Lord Guy 1vrauvoisin shall I not forbear to speak,
for he came from Mansourah with honour. And all the way
that the constable and I had followed up the river did he
follow down; and in the same manner that the Turks pressed
on the Count of Brittany and his men, so did they press on
my Lord Guy Mauvoisin and his men; but as for my Lord
Guy and his people, they gat themselves great honour. Nor
is this to be marvelled at, that he and his people should
approve themselves well on that day; for it was told to
me, by those who had knowledge of his affairs, that all his
company, save but a few, were knights of his own lineage
or knights who were his liegemen.
When we had discomfited the Turks and driven them
from their tents, and while none of our people remained in
the camp, the Bedouins rushed into the camp of the Saracens,
who were people of very high condition. Nothing in the
world did they leave in the camp of the Saracens. They
carried away everything that the Saracens had left. Nor
did I ever hear tell that the Bedouins, though subject to the
Saracens, were more lightly thought of because they had
stolen and carried away these things-it being well known
that the use and custom of the Bedouins is always to fan
upon the weaker side.
THE BEDOUINS
As it pertains to my subject, I "rill here tell you what kind t
of people the Bedouins are. The Bedouins do not believe in J
Mahomet, but they believe in the law of Ali, who was uncle
to Mahomet; and so also believes the Old Man of the Moun-
tain, who entertains the Assassins. And they believe that
when a man dies for lús lord, or in any good cause, his sou)
19 8 Memoirs of the Crusades
goes into another body, better and more comfortable; and
for this reason the Assassins are not greatly concerned if the)"
are killed when carrying out the commands of the Old Ma!1
of the Mountain. But of the Old Man of the Mountain we
will say no more at this present, but speak only about the
Bedouins.
The Bedouins live neither in villages, nor cities, nor castles,
but lie always out in the fields; and they establish their
households, their wives and their children, at night, and by
day when the weather is bad, in a sort of lodging that they
make with the hoops of barrels tied to poles, like ladies'
chariots; and over these hoops they throw sheepskins, called
skins of Dan1ascus, cured with alum. The Bedouins them-
selves wear great pelisses that cover the whole of their body,
their legs, and their feet.
When it rains in the evening, or the weather is foul by
night, they wrap themselves round in their cloaks, and take
the bits out of their horses' mouths, and leave their horses
to browse near. When the morrow comes, they spread out
their cloaks to the sun, and rub and cure them; nor does it
afterwards appear as if the cloaks had been wetted. Their
belief is that no one can die save on the day appointed,
and for this reason they will not wear annour; and when
they wish to curse their children they say to them: "Be
thou accursed like a Frank, who puts on annour for fear of
death!" In battle they carry nothing but sword and spear.
N early all are clothed in a surplice, like priests. Their
heads are all bound round with cloths, that go beneath
their chins, wherefore they are an ugly people, and hideous
to behold, and the hairs of their heads and of their beards
are all black. They live on the milk of their beasts, and
purchase, in the plains belonging to wealthy men, the pastur-
age on which their beasts subsist. Their number no man
can tell; for they are to be found in the kingdom of Egypt,
in the kingdom of Jerusalem, and in all the other lands of the
Saracens, and of the misbelievers-to whom they pay, every
year, a great tribute.
I have seen in this country, since I came back from the
land oversea, certain disloyal Christians, who hold the faith
of the Bedouins, and say that no man can die save on the day
appointed; and their belief is so disloyal that it amounts to
saying that God has no power to help us. For those would
Joinville's Chronicle 199
indeed be fools who served God if we did no think he had
power to prolong our lives, and to preserve us from evil and
mischance. And in Him ought we to believe, seeing He ras
r ower to do all things.
THE CAMP ATTACKED DURING THE NIGHT-JOINVILLE'S
PRIEST PUTS EIGHT SARACENS TO FLIGHT
Now let us tell that at nightfall we returned, the king
and all of us, from the perilous battle aforementioned, and
lodged in the place from which we had driven our enemies.
!Iy people, '\vho had remained in the camp whence we
started, brought me a tent which the Templars had given
me, and pitched it before the engines taken from the Sara-
cens; and the king set sergeants to guard the engines.
When I ,vas laid in my bed-where indeed I had good need
of rest because of the wounds received the day before,-no
rest was vouchsafed to me. For before it was well day a cry
went through the camp: "To arms! to arms!" I roused
my chamberlain, who lay at my feet, and told him to go and
see what was the matter. He came back in terror, and said:
" Up, lord, up! for here are the Saracens, who have come on
foot and mounted, and discomfited the king's sergeants who
kept guard over the engines, and driven them among the
ropes of our pavilions."
I got up, and threw a gambeson (quilted tunic) over my
back, and a steel cap upon my head, and cried to our ser-
geants, " By St. Nicholas, they shall not stay here I" My
knights came to me, all wounded as they were, and we drove
the Saracen sergeants from among the engines, and back
towards a great body of mounted Turks who were over
against the engines that we had taken. I sent to the king to
give us succour, for neither I nor my knights could put on
our hauberks because of the wounds we had received; and
the king sent us my Lord Gaucher of Châtillon, who stationed
himself in front of us, between the Turks and ourselves.
When the Lord of Châtillon had driven back the Saracen
foot sergeants, they retreated on a great body of mounted
Turks, who were drawn up before our camp so as to prevent
us from surprising the host of the Saracens encamped behind
them. Of this body of Turks, eight of the chiefs had dis-
mounted, very well armed, and set up an intrenchment of
200 Memoirs of the Crusades
hewn stone, so that our crossbowmen might not wound
them. These eight Saracens shot volley after volley into
our camp, and wounded several of our people and of our
horses.
I and my knights consulted together, and we agreed that,
\vhen night came, we would take away the stones behind
which they intrenched themselves. A priest of mine, named
my Lord John of Voisey, assisted at this council, but made
no such tarrying. He left our camp all alone and advanced
towards the Saracens, clad in gambeson (quilted tunic), with
his steel cap on his head, and dragging his spear from under
his arm, with the point to the ground, so that the Saracens
might not observe it. When he came near the Saracens,
, who despised him because they saw he was alone, he quickly
drew his spear from under his arm, and ran upon them.
There was not one of the eight who thought of defence, but
'all turned and fled. When those on horseback saw that
their lords came to them flying, they spurred forward to
rescue them, and from our camp sprang forth some fifty ser-
geants. The mounted Saracens came on spurring, but they
did not dare to attack our footmen, and wheeled about.
When they had done this two or three times, one of our ser-
geants took his spear by the middle, and hurled it at one of
the mounted Turks, so that it struck him between the ribs;
and he that was so struck, bore away the spear hanging by
the point that was in his ribs. When the Turks 5a\V this,
they dared no longer to advance and fell back before us, and
our sergeants took away the stones. From that time for-
ward my priest was very well known throughout the host,
and one and another would point him out, saying: "Look,
that is my Lord of J oinville's priest, who discomfited the
eight Saracens."
THE SARACENS PREPARE FOR A GENERAL ATTACK
UPON THE CAMP
These things happened on the first day of Lent (the 9 th
, February 1250). On that very day a valiant Saracen-
made scheik by our enemies in the place of Scecedin, the
scheik's son, whom they had lost in the battle on Shrove
Tuesday-took the Count of Artois's coat of arms, and
Joinville's Chronicle
201
howed it to all the people of the Saracens, and told them it
vas the king's coat of anns, and that the king was dead.
" And I show you these things," said he, " because a bod'
rithout a head is not to be feared nor a peoþ e without á
ing herefore, if it so please you, we will attack them on -
rlday; and, meseems, you can but agree, for we cannot
ail to take them all, seeing they have lost their chief."
\nd all agreed that they would come and attack us on the
frida y.
The king's spies, who were in the camp of the Saracens,
:a.me and told these tidings to the king. Then the king
:ommanded all the chiefs of the divisions to cause their
)eople to be armed by. midnight, and to draw them up out-
ide the pavilions and within the enclosure (which was made
.f long stakes of wood so that the Saracens might not throw
.hemselves into the camp; and the stakes were fixed in the
7 0und in such manner that you could pass between them
Þn foot). And as the king had commanded, so was it done.
Right at the sun-rising the Saracen before mentioned,
vhom they had made their chief, brought against us at least
our thousand mounted Turks, and ordered them all round
Þur camp, and round his own person-from the river that
:omes from Babylon to the river that went from our camp
:0 a town called Rexi. When they had done this they
>rought against us such a great number of Saracens on foot
.hat they surrounded all our camp as the mounted men sur-
ounded it. Besides these two forces (mounted and dis-
nounted) that I am telling you of, they arrayed all the power
)f the Soldan of Babylon, so as to give help if need were.
When they had done this, the chief came all alone, riding
)n a little stallion, to see the disposal of our host; and accord-
ng as he saw that our troops were more numerous in one
;>lace than another, he went back to fetch his men, and
einforced his battalions against ours. After this he caused
he Bedouins, of whom there were at least three thousand,
to pass towards the camp held by the Duke of Burgundy,
which lay bet\veen the two rivers. And this he did, because
Lle thought the king would send some of his people to help
the duke against the Bedouins, whereby the king's host
would be weakened.
202 Memoirs of the Crusades
BATTLE OF THE FIRST FRIDAY IN LENT
It took him till mid-day to order these things; and then
he caused the drums called nacaires to be beaten; and then
they charged us, foot and horse. And first I will tell you oj
the I{ing of Sicily-who was then Count of Anjou-because
he was first on the side towards Babylon. The foe came
against him as men play chess, for they first caused him to
be attacked by their foot-men, and the foot-men assailed
him with Greek fire; and the men, mounted and dis-
mounted, pressed upon our people so sore that they discom-
fited the King of Sicily, who was on foot, among his knights.
And they came to the king, and told him of the great
jeopardy in which his brother stood. And when the king
heard this, he rode spurring amidst his brother's men, with
his s,vord in his fist, and dashed so far among the Turks that
they burnt the crupper of his horse with Greek fire. And by
this charge that the king made he succoured the King of
Sicily and his men, and drove the Turks from the camp.
After the troops of the King of Sicily came the troops of
the barons oversea, of whom the Lord Guy of Ibelin and
Lord Baldwin his brother were the chiefs. After their
troops came the troops of my Lord Walter of Châtillon, full
of right worthy men, and of good chivalry. These t\VO divi-
sions defended themselves so vigorously that the Turks were
never able to pierce through them or drive them back.
After the troops of my Lord Walter came brother William
" o
So
nac,
1:
ster of the Temple, with the few brethren that
reIT\amed to him after the battle of Tuesday. He had caused
a work of defence to be erected in front of him with the
engines that we had taken from the Saracens. When the
Saracens came to attack him they threw Greek fire on to
the hoardings he had erected, and these took fire easily, for
the Templars had put into them a great quantity of pinewood
planks. And you must know that the Turks did not wait
till the fire had burned itself out, but ran in upon the Tern plars
through the flames. In this battle brother William, the
Master of the Temple, lost an eye, and the other he had lost
<>n Shrove Tuesday; and he died thereof, the said lord-on
\vhom God have mercy! And you must know that behind
the place ,vhere the Templars stood there ,vas a space, the
Join ville' s Chronicle
20 3
size of a journeyman's labour, so thickly covered with the
Saracens' darts that the earth could not be seen by reason
they were so many.
After the troops belonging to the Temple came the troops
of my Lord Guy of Mauvoisin; and these troops the Turks
were never able to overcome. Notwithstanding the Turks
had so covered my Lord Guy of Mauvoisin with Greek fire
that his people could hardly extinguish it.
Starting from the place where my Lord Guy of Mauvoisin
was stationed, the barriers that defended our camp went
down about a stone's - throw towards the river. Thence
the barriers passed before the troops of Count William of
Flanders and extended to the river that went towards the
sea. In face of the barrier which came from the side of my
Lord Guy Mauvoisin was our battalion; and because the
troops of Count William of Flanders stood facing them, the
Turks never dared to come and attack us; wherein God
showed us great courtesy, for neither I nor my knights had
our hauberks and shields, because we had all been wounded
in the battle on Shrove Tuesday.
The Turks charged the Count of Flanders with great
vigour and spirit, and on foot and horse. When I saw this
I commanded our crossbowmen to shoot at those who
were mounted. When those who were mounted saw they
were being wounded from our side, then they took to flight;
and when the count's people saw this, they left the camp,
scrambled over the barriers, ran in among the dismounted
Saracens, and discomfited them. Many were killed, and
many of their targes taken. There acquitted himself right
valiantly Walter of the Horgne, who carried the banner of
my Lord of Apremont.
After the troops belonging to the Count of Flanders came
the troops of the Count of Poitiers, the king's brother.
These troops of the Count of Poitiers were on foot, and he
alone mounted; and the Turks discomfited them immedi-
ately, and led away the Count of Poi tiers captive. When
the butchers, and the other camp followers, and the women
who sold provisions, saw this, they raised the cry of alarm \
throughout the camp, and with God's help they succoured
the count, and drove the Turks out of the camp.
After the troops of the Count of Poitiers came the troops
of my lord J osserand of Brancion, who had come \vith the
204 Memoirs of the Crusades
count into Egypt, and was one of the best knights that
were in the host. He had so arranged his people that
all his knights were on foot; and he himself was on
horseback, as also his son my Lord Henry, and the son of
my Lord Josserand of Nanton, and these he placed on
horseback because they were but children. Several times
the Turks discomfited his people. Every time that he
saw his people discomfited, he set spurs to his horse, and
took the Turks in the rear; and oft, when he did this,
the Turks left off attacking his people to set upon him.
Nevertheless this would not have availed to prevent the
Turks from killing them all on the field of battle, had it not
been for my Lord Henry of Cône, who was in the Duke of
Burgundy's division, a wise knight and valiant and of good
counsel; for every time that he saw the Turks falling upon
my Lord of Brancion, he caused the king's crossbowmen to
shoot at the Turks across the river. Thus did the Lord of
Brancion escape from the peril of that day; but only in such
sort that of the twenty knights he had about him he lost
twelve, without counting the other men-at-arms; and he
himself was so sorely mishandled that never afterwards
could he stc
nd upon his feet, and he died of that wound
in the service of God.
And now will I speak to you somewhat of the Lord of
Brancion. He had been, when he died, in thirty-six battles
and skirmishes hand to hand, and always borne away the
prize of valour. I saw him once in the host of the Count of
Chalon, whose cousin he was, and he came to me and to my
brother, and said to us, on a Good Friday: "My nephews,
come and help me, you and your people, for the Germans are
destroying the church." We went with him, and ran upon
them with our swords drawn, and with great labour and
after a fierce struggle we drave them from the church.
When this was done the right worthy man knelt before the
altar, and called on our Saviour with a loud voice, and said:
" Lord, I pray thee to have mercy upon me, and to take me
out of these wars among Christians, in which I have lived a
great willie; and grant that I may die in Thy service, and so
come to possess Thy kingdom of paradise." And I have
told you of these things, because I believe that God heard
his prayer, as you may have seen from what has gone before.
After this battle, which was fought on the first Friday in
J oinville's Chronicle
20 5
Lent, the king summoned all his barons before him, and said
to them: "Great thanks do we owe to our Saviour, in that
he has twice done us honour during this week: on Shrove
Tuesday, when we drove the foe from their camp-where
we are ourselves now lodged-and on the Friday following,
which has just passed, when we have defended ourselves
against them, we on foot, and they mounted." And many
other good and fair words did he speak for their recomforting.
THE "HALCA" OR GUARD OF THE SOLDAN
It is convenient, in pJJrsuing our story, to disturb its course
somewhat, at this point, for the purpose of showing how the
soldans kept their forces ordered and conditioned. And it
is sooth that they had formed the main part of their chivalry
of foreigners, whom merchants had brought for sale out of
strange lands, and whom they bought right willingly and at
a high price. And these people that the merchants brought
into Egypt were obtained in the East, because when one
Eastern king defeated another, he took the poor people
whom he had conquered, and sold them to the merchants,
and the merchants came and sold them in Egypt.
As to the children, the soldan brought them up in his own
house till their beards began to grow; and he would see that
they had bows proportioned to their strength; and so soon
as they waxed stronger, the weaker bows were cast into the
soldan's arsenal, and the master artilleryman provided them
with bows as strong a.s they could bend.
The arms of the soldan were or, and such arms as the soldan
wore were worn by these young people also; and they were
called bahariz. 1 So soon as their beards began to grow the
soldan made them knights. And they wore the soldan's
arms, save for one difference, viz., that they added on to the
anns or, crimson devices, roses, or crimson bends, or birds
or other devices, according to their pleasure.
And these people, of whom I am speaking to you, were
called of the Halca 2, because the bahariz slept in the tent of
the soldan. When the soldan was in camp, those of the
Halca were lodged about his quarters, and set to guard his
person. At the entrance to his quarters were lodged, in a
little tent, the porters of the soldan, and his minstre1s, who
1 Folk from the sea. I Guard.
206 Memoirs of the Crusades
had horns, and drums, and cymbals. And with these they
made such a noise at the point of day and at nightfall, that
those who were near could not hear one another speak; and
clearly were they heard throughout the camp.
Nor would the minstrels have been rash enough to sound
their instruments during the day, save by order of the master
of the HaZca,. whence it happened that if the soldan wished
to give an order, he sent for the master of the HaZca, and
gave the order through him; and then the master caused
the soldan's instruments to be sounded, and all the host
assembled to hear the order of the soldan: the master of
the H alca spoke it, and all the host carried it out.
When the soldan went to war, the knights of the Halca, if
so be that they approved themselves well in battle, were
made emirs by the soldan, and he placed them in command
of two hundred knights, or three hundred; and the better
they approved themselves the more knights did he set them
over.
The reward reserved for their deeds of chivalry is this:
when they become famous and rich beyond question, and the
soldan is afraid lest they should kill or disinherit him, then
he causes them to be taken and put to death in his prison,
and their wives deprived of all they possess. This is how the
soldan dealt with those who captured the Count of Montfort,
and the Count of Bar; and so did Bondocdar deal with those
who had discomfited the King of Armenia. For these latter,
thinking to have some reward, dismounted and went to
salute Bondocdar while he was hunting wild beasts; and he
replied: "I salute you not," because they had disturbed his
hunting; and he caused them to be beheaded.
CONSPIRACY OF THE EMIRS AGAINST THE NEW SOLDAN
Let us now return to the matter in hand, and tell how the
soldan, who was dead, had a son of the age of five and twenty
years, wise, adroit, and crafty; and because the dead soldan
feared that his son would dispossess him, he bestowed on
him a kingdom which he had in the East. And now when
the soldan was dead, the emirs sent to fetch the son, and so
soon as the son was come into Egypt he took the golden
rods from his father's seneschal, and constable, and marshal,
Joinville's Chronicle
20 7
and bestowed them upon those who had come with him
from the East.
When the seneschal, constable, and marshal saw this they
were very wroth, as were also those who had been of the
father's council, and they felt that great shame had been put
upon them. And because they doubted not that the son
would do to them as the father had done to those \vho cap-
tured the Count of Bar, and the Count of Montfort (as you
have been already told), they so practised with the men of
the Halca, whose duty it was to guard the person of the
soldan, that the men of the Halca agreed, at their request, to
kill the soldan.
THE CHRISTIANS BEGIN TO SUFFER FROM DISEASE AND
FAMINE
Mter the two battles aforementioned, the host began to
suffer very grievously; for at the end of nine days the bodies
of our people, whom the Saracens had slain, came to the
urface of the water; and this was said to be because the
gall had putrified. The bodies came floating to the bridge
between our two camps, and could not pass under because
the bridge touched the water. There was such great foison
of them that all the river was full of corpses, from the one
bank to the other, and, lengthwise, the cast of a small stone.
The king had pired a hundred vagabonds, who took full
eight days to clear the river. They cast the bodies of the
Saracens, who were circumcised, on the other side of the
bridge, and let them go down with the stream; the Christians
they caused to be put in great trenches, one with another.
I saw there the chamberlains of the Count of Artois, and
many others, seeking for their friends among the dead; but
never did I hear tell that any was found (identified).
We ate no fish in the camp the whole of Lent save eels;
and the eels ate the dead people, for they are a gluttonous
fish. And because of this evil, and for the unhealthiness of
the land-where it never rains a drop of water-there came
upon us the sickness of the host, which sickness was such that
the flesh of our legs dried up, and the skin upon our legs
became spotted, black and earth colour, like an old boot;
and with us, who had this sickness, the flesh of our gums
putrlfied; nor could anyone escape from this sickness, but
208 Memoirs of the Crusades
he had to die. The sign of death was this, that when there
was bleeding of the nose, then death was sure.
A fortnight afterwards the Turks, in order to starve us-
which very much astonished our people-took several of their
galleys that were above our camp, and caused them to be
dragged by land and put into the river, a full league below
our camp. And these galleys brought famine upon us; for
no one, because of these galleys, dared to come up the stream
from Damietta and bring us provisions. We knew naught
of these things till such time as a little ship, belonging to the
Count of Flanders, escaped from them by force and told us
of them, as also that the galleys of the soldan had taken full
eighty of our galleys coming from Damietta, and put to
death the people that were therein.
Thus there arose a great dearth in the camp, so that as
soon as Easter was come an ox was valued at eighty livres,
and a sheep at thirty livres, and a pig at thirty livres, and an
egg twelve deniers, and a measure of wine ten livres.
THE HOST RE-CROSSES THE RIVER-SIX OF JOINVILLE'S
KNIGHTS PUNISHED FOR THEIR WICKEDNESS
When the king and the barons saw this, they agreed that
the king should shift his camp, which was on the side towards
Babylon, and move to the camping ground of the Duke of
Burgundy, which was on the river that w
nt to Damietta.
In order to collect his people with greater safety, the king
caused a barbican to be constructed before the bridge
between our two camps, in such wise that one could enter
the barbican from either side on horseback.
So soon as the barbican was ready, all the king's host gat
to their arms, and the Turks made an attack in force upon
the king's camp. Nevertheless, neither the king nor his
people moved till all the baggage had been carried over,
and then the king passed, and his body of troops after him,
and after them all the other barons, save my Lord Walter of
Châtillon, who had the rearguard. As they were entering
into the barbican, my Lord Everard of Valery delivered my
Lord John, his brother, whom the Turks were carrying away
captive.
When all the host had passed, those who remained in the
barbican were in great peril, for the barbican was not high,
Joinville's Chronicle
20 9
;0 that the mouflted Turks shot full at them, and the Sara-
ens on foot threw clods of earth right into their faces. All
would have been lost had it not been for the Count of Anjou
-afterwards King of Sicily-who went to their rescue, and
brought them out sa.fe and sound. Of that day did my Lord
Geoffry of Mussambourc bear the prize-the prize of all who
were in the barbican.
On the eve of Shrove Tuesd
y, I beheld a marvel, of which
I will now tell you; for on that day was buried my Lord
Hugh of Landricourt, who was with me, carrying a banner.
There as he lay on a bier in my chapel, six of my knights were
leaning on sacks full of barley; and because they were speak-
ing loud in my chapel, and disturbing the priest, I went to
them, and told them to hold their peace, and said it was a
discourteous thing for knights and gentlemen to talk while
mass was being sung. And they began to laugh and told me,
laughing, that they were remarrying the dead man's wife.
And I spoke sharply to them, and ,told them that such words
were neither good nor seemly, and that they had forgotten
their companion over soon. And God took such vengeance
upon them, that on the morrow was the great battle of Shrove
Tuesday, in which they were all killed or mortally wounded,
so that the wives of all six were in case to marry again.
JOINVILLE FALLS SICK-DEATH OF HIS PRIEST
Owing to the wounds I had received on Shrove Tuesday,
the sickness of the host took hold upon me, in my mouth and
legs, as also a double tertian fever, and so great a cold in my
head that the rheum flowed from the head through the
nostrils; and because of the said sicknesses, I took to sick-
bed at mid-Lent; and thus it befell that my priest sang mass
for me, before my bed, in my pavilion. And he had the
same sickness as I. Now it chanced that at the consecra-
tion, he turned faint. When I saw that he was about to fall,
I, who had on my tunic, leapt from my bed barefoot, and
took him in my arms, and told him to do all leisurely, and to
proceed fairly with the consecration, for that I should not
leave him till he had brought it to an end. He came to him-
self, and finished the consecration, and sang his mass fully
to a close. But never did he sing mass again.
210
Memoirs of the Crusades
ATTEMPT TO TREAT WITH THE SARACENS-PITIFUL
CONDITION OF THE HOST
After these things the king's councillors and the councillors
of the soldan appointed a set day on which to come to an
agreement. The proposed conditions were these: that we
should surrender Damietta to the soldan, and the soldan sur-
render to the king the kingdom of Jerusalem; and that the
soldan should take charge of the sick that were at Damietta,
and also of the salted meats-because they did not eat pork
-and of the king's engines of war, until such time as the king
was able to send and fetch all these things.
They asked the king's councillors what security would be
given that the soldan should repossess Damietta. The king's
councillors offered to deliver over one of the king's brothers,
either the Count of Anjou, or the Count of Poitiers, to be kept
until such time as Damietta was placed in the soldan's hands.
The Saracens said they would consent to nothing unless the
person of the king were left with them as a pledge; where-
upon my Lord Geoffry of Sargines, the good knight, said he
would rather that the Saracens should have them all dead or
captive than bear the reproach of having left the king in
pledge.
The sickness began to increase in the host in such sort, and
the dead flesh so to grow upon the gums of our people, that
the barber surgeons had to remove the dead flesh in order
that the people might masticate their food and swallow it.
Great pity it was to hear the cry throughout the camp of the
people whose dead flesh was being cut away; for they cried
like women labouring of child.
THE HOST ATTEMPTS TO RETREAT BY LAND AND WATER
.
\"ryhen the king saw that he could only remain there to die,
he and his people, he ordered and arranged that they should
strike their camp, late on Tuesday (5 th April 1250), at night,
after the octave of Easter, to return to Damietta. He
caused the mariners who had galleys to be told that they
should get together the sick, and take them thither. He
also commanded J os selin of Cornaut, and his brothers, and
Joinville's Chronicle
2II
the other engineers, to cut the ropes that hëld the bridge
between us and the Saracens; but of this they did nothing.
We embarked on the Tuesday, after dinner, in the after-
noon, I and two of my knights ,vhom I had reInaining, and
the rest of my followers. When the night began to fall, I
I told my mariners to draw up their anchor, and let us go down
I the stream; but they said they dared not, because the
soldan's galleys, which were between us and Damietta, would
surely put us to death. The mariners had made great fires
to gather the sick into their galleys, and the sick had dragged
themselves to the bank of the river. While I was exhorting
the mariners to let us begone, the Saracens entered into the
camp, and I saw, by the light of the fires, that they were
slaughtering the sick on the bank.
While my Inariners were raising their anchor, the mariners
appointed to take away the sick cut the ropes of their
anchors and of their galleys, and came alongside our little
ship, and so surrounded us on one side and the other that
they well-nigh ran us down. When we had escaped from this
peril, and while we were going down with the stream, the
king, who had upon him the sickness of the host and a very
evil dysentery, could easily have got a,vay on the galleys, if
he had been so minded;/but he said that, please God, he
would never abandon his people. That night he fainted J
several times; and because of the sore dysentery from which
he suffered, it was necessary to cut a wa y the lower part of his __'
drawers, so frequent were his necessities./
They cried to us, who were floating on the water, that we
should wait for the king; and ,vhen we would not wait, they
shot at us ",ith crossbow bolts; wherefor it behoved us to
stop until such time as they gave us leave to fare forward.
THE KING MADE PRISONER-THE SARACENS REFUSE TO
BE BOUND BY TRUCE
I Now I ,villlea ve off speaking of this matter, and tell you
how the king ,vas taken, as he himself related it to me. He
told me how he had left his own division and placed himself,
he and my lord Geoffry of Sargines, in the division that was
under my Lord Gaucher of Châtillon, who commanded the
rearguard.
And the king related to me that he was mounted on a
2 12M emoirs of the Crusades
little courser covered with a housing of silk; and he told me
that of all his knights and sergeants there only remained
behind with him my Lord Geoffry of Sargines, who brought
the king to a little village, there where the king was taken;
and as the king related to me, my Lord Geoffry of Sargines
defended him from the Saracens as a good servitor defends
his lord's drinking-cup from flies; for every time that the
Saracens approached, he took his spear, which he had placed
between himself and the bow of his saddle, and put it to his
shoulder, and ran upon them, and drove them away from
the king.
And thus he brought the king to the little village; and they
lifted him into a house, and laid him, almost as one dead, in
the lap of a burgher-woman of Paris, and thought he would
not last till night. Thither came my Lord Philip of Mont-
fort, and said to the king that he saw the emir with whom he
had treated of the truce, and, if the king so willed, he would
go to him, and renew the negotiation for a truce in the manner
that the Saracens desired. The king begged him to go, and
said he was right willing" So my Lord Philip went to the
Saracen; and the Saracen had taken off his turban from his
head, and took off the ring from his finger in token that he
would faithfully observe the truce......
Meanwhile, a very great mischance happened to our people;
for a traitor sergeant, whose name was Marcel, began to cry
to our people: "Yield, lord knights, for the king commands
you, and do not cause the king to be slain!" All thought
that the king had so commanded, and gave up their swords
/ to the Saracens. The emir saw that the Saracens were
, bringing in our people prisoners, so he said to my Lord Philip
that it was not fitting that he should grant a truce to OUI
people, for he saw very well that they were already prisoners.
So it happened to my Lord Philip that whereas all OUI
people were taken captive, yet was not he so taken, because
he ,vas an envoy. But there is an evil custom in the land 01
paynimry that when the king sends envoys to the soldan, 01
the soldan to the king, and the king dies, or the soldan, before
the envoys' return, then the envoys, from whithersoever they
may come, and whether Christians or Saracen.
, are made
prisoners and slaves.
J oinville's Chronicle
21 3
JOINVILLE STAYED ON THE RIVER BY A CONTRARY WIND
'V\nen this mischance befell our people, tha t they should
be taken captive on land, so did it happen to us, to be taken
captive on the water, as you shall shortly hear; for the
I wind blew from Damietta, and so counteracted the current
of the river; and the knights, whom the king had placed in
I the lighter vessels to defend the sick, fled. Thus our mariners
lost the current and got into a creek, and we had to turn
back towards the Saracens.
We, who were going by water, came, a little before the
break of dawn, to the passage where were the soldan's galleys
that had prevented the coming of provisions from Damietta.
Here there was great confusion and tumult; for they shot at
us and at our mounted folk who were on the bank so great
a. quantity of darts with Greek fire, that it seemed as if the
5tars of heaven were falling.
When our mariners had brought us out of the creek into
which they had taken us, we found the king's light boats,
that the king had appointed to defend our sick, and they
went flying towards Damietta. Then arose a wind, coming
from Damietta, so strong that it counteracted the current
Jf the river.
By the one bank of the stream, and by the other, were a
reat quantity of boats belonging to our people who could
not get down the stream, and whom the Saracens had taken
a.nd stayed; and the Saracens slew our people, and cast
them into the water, and were dragging the coffers and
baggage out of the boats that they had taken. The mounted
Saracens on the bank shot at us with darts because we would
[lot go to them. My people had put on me a jousting hau-
berk, so that I might not be wounded by the darts that fell
into our boat.
At this moment my people, who were at the hinder point
3f the boat, cried out to me: "Lord, Lord, your mariners,
because the Saracens are threatening them, mean to take
I you to the bank!" I had myself raised by the anns, all
weak as I was, and drew my sword upon them, and told them
I should kill them if they took me to the bank. They
a.nswered that I must choose which I would have: whether
to be taken to the bank, or anchored in mid-stream till the
.
2 14- Memoirs of the Crusades
wind fell. I told them I liked better that they should
anchor in mid-stream than that they should take me to the
shore where there was nothing before us save death. So
they anchored.
Very shortly after we saw four of the soldan's galJeys
coming to us, and in them full a thousand men. Then I
called together my knights and my people, and asked them
which they would rather do, either yield to the soldan's
galleys or yield to those on land. We all agreed tha t we
would rather yield to the soldan's galleys, because so we
should be kept together, than yield to those on land, who
would separate us, and sell us to the Bedouins.
Then one of my cellarers, who was born at Doulevant,
said: "Lord, I do not agree in this decision." I asked him
to what he did agree; and he said to me: "I advise that we
should all suffer ourselves to be slain, for thus \ve shall go to
paradise." But we heeded him not.
\.
>"
JOINVILLE YIELDS HIMSELF A PRISONER-HIS LIFE
IS THREATENED
When I saw that we must be taken, I took my casket and
my jewels, and threw them into the river, and my relics also.
Then said one of my mariners to me: "Lord, if you do not
suffer me to say you are the king's cousin, they will kill you
all, and us also." And I told him I was quite willing he
should say what he pleased. When the people on the first
galley that came towards us to strike us amidships heard
this, they threw down their anchors near to our boat.
Then did God send me a Saracen belonging to the
emperor's 1 land. He had on drawers of unbleached linen,
and came swimming across the stream to our vessel, and
threw his anns about my waist, and said: "Lord, if you do
not take good heed, you are but lost; for it behoves you to
leap from your vessel on to the beak that rises from the keel
of that galley; and if you leap, these people will not mind
you, for they are thinking only of the booty to be found in your
vessel." They threw me a rope from the galley, and I leapt
-on to the beak, so as God willed. And you must know that
1 The Emperor Frederic II. of Germany, who had certain possessions
in the East.
J oinville's Chronicle
21 5
tottered so that if the Saracen had not leapt after me, and
ld me 'up, I should have fallen into the water.
They set me in the galley, where there were full fourteen
:ore men of their people, and he held me always in his arms.
hen they threw me to the ground, and jumped upon my
Jdy to cut my throat, for anyone would have thought it an
Jnour to kill me. But the Saracen held me constantly in
.s arms, and cried: "Cousin to the king!" In this manner
ley bore me down to the ground twice, and once upon my
1ees, and then I felt the knife at my throat. In tius
ctremity God saved me by the help of the Saracen, who
>>ok me to the castle of the ship, where the Saracen knights
ere assembled.
When I came among them, they took off my hauberk; and
Ir the pity they had upon me, they threw over me a scarlet
)verlet lined with miniver, which my lady mother had given
.e erewhile; and one of them brought me a white belt, and
I girt myself over the coverlet; and in the coverlet I had
,ade a hole, donning it as a garment. And another brought
.e a hood which I put upon my head. And then, because
: the fear in which I was, I began to tremble very much,
1d also because of the sickness. Then I asked for drink,
1d they brought me some water in a jar; and as soon as Í
t the water to my mouth to drink it down, it spurted out
lrough my nostrils.
When I saw this, I sent for my people, and told them I
as a dead man, seeing I had the tumour in my throat; and
ley asked how I knew it; and I showed them; and as soon
> they saw the water spurting from my throat and from my
ostrils, they took to ,veeping. Whén the Saracen knights
'ho were there saw my people weeping, they asked the
aracen who had rescued us why they were weeping; and
e replied that he understood I had the tumour in the throat,
) that I could not recover. Then one of the Saracen
nights told him to bid us be of good comfort, for he would
ive me somewhat to drink whereby I should be cured within
wo days; and this he did. _...
I My Lord Raoul of Wanou, who was one of my following
ad been hamstrung in the great battle on Shrove Tuesday'
nd could not stand upon his feet; and you must know that
n old Saracen knight, ,vho was in the galley, would carry
.im, hanging from his neck, whenever the sick man's neces-
ities so required.
I I 333
2 I 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
I
TERVIEW BETWEEN ]OINVILLE AND THE ADMIRAL OF THE
GALLEYS-THE SICK PUT TO DEATH-]OINVILLE REJOINS
THE OTHER PRISONERS AT MANSOURAH
The chief emir of the galleys sent for me and asked me if
I were cousin to the king; and I said" No," and told him
how and why the mariner had said I was the king's cousin.
And he said I had acted wisely, for otherwise we should all
have been put to death. And he asked me if I was in any
manner of the lineage of the Emperor Frederic of Gennany,
who was then living. I replied that I thought my lady
mother was the emperor's cousin-gennan. And he said that
he loved me the more for it.
While we were at meat, he caused a citizen of Paris to be
brought before us. When the citizen came in, he said to me:
" Lord, what are you doing?" "Why, what am I doing? "
said I. "In God's name," said he, " you are eating flesh on
a Friday!" When I heard that, I put my bowl behind me.
And the emir asked my Saracen why I had done so, and he
- told him. And the emir replied that God would not take
what I had done amiss, seeing I did it unwittingly. And
you must know that this same reply was given to me by the
Legate after we were out of prison; and yet, notwithstand-
ing, I did not afterwards forbear to fast on bread and water,
every Friday in Lent; wherefore the legate was very wroth
_ with me, seeing that I was the only man of substance that
had remained with the king. 1
On the Sunday after, the emir caused me, and all the
other prisoners taken on the water, to be landed on the bank
of the river. While they were taking my Lord John, my
good priest, out of the hold of the galley, he fainted, and
they killed him and threw him into the river. His clerk
fainted also, by reason of the sickness of the host that was
upon him, and they threw a mortar on his head, so that he
died, and they threw him into the river.
'Vhile the other sick people were being disembarked from
the galleys in which they had been kept prisoners, there
\vere Saracens standing by, with naked swords, who killed
those that fell, and cast them all into the river. I caused
them to be told, through my Saracen, that it seemed to me
1 The meaning is here a little obscure.
Joinville's Chronicle
21 7
;his was not well done; for it was against the teachings of
;aladin, who said you ought never to kill a man after he ha
>artaken of your bread and of your salt. And the emir
Lnswered that the men in question were of no account, seeing -
:hey were helpless because of the sickness they had upon
hem.
He caused my mariners to be brought before me, and told
ne they had all denied their faìth; and I told him never to
>lace confidence in them, for lightly as they had left us so
ightly, if time and opportunity occurred, would they leave
heir new masters. And the emir made answer that he
.greed with me; for that Saladin was wont to say that
lever did one see a bad Christian become a good Saracen, or
. bad Saracen become a good Christian.
i Mter these things he caused me to be mounted on a palfrey,
rnd to ride by his side. And we passed over a bridge of
>oats and went to Mansourah, where the king and his
)eople were prisoners; and we came to the entrance of a
reat pavilion, where the soldan's scribes were; and there
,hey wrote down my name. Then my Saracen said to me:
, Lord, I shall not follow you further, for I cannot; but I
>ray you, lord, always to keep hold of the hand of the child
.hat you have with you, lest the Saracens should take him
rom you." And this child was called Bartholomew, and
le was the bastard son of the Lord of Montfaucon. When
ny name had been written down, the emir led me into the
)avilion where the barons were, and more than ten thousand
)ersons with them. When I entered, the barons made such
oy that we could not hear one another speak, and they gave
.hanks to our Saviour, and said they thought they had
ost me.
THE PRISONERS, THREATENED BY THE SARACENS, ARE
TOLD OF THE TREATY CONCLUDED BY THE KING
We had not been there long before they caused one of the
:hief men that were there to rise, and took us to another
)avilion. Many of the knights and other people were kept
)y the Saracens in a court enclosed by mud walls. From
:his enclosed place they caused them to be taken, one after
:he other, and asked them, " Wilt thou abjure thy faith? "
rhose who would not abjure were set to one side, and their
2 18 Melnoirs of the Crusades
heads were cut off; and those who abjured were set on the
other side.
At this point the soldan sent his council to speak with us,
and they asked to whom they should give the soldan's
message. And we told them to give it to the good Count
Peter of Brittany. There were there certain people who
knew the Saracen and French tongues, and are called drago-
mans, and they put the Saracen speech into French for the
Count Peter. And the words were these: "Lord, the soldan
sends us to you to know if you would be set free?" The
count a
wered "Yes." "And what would you give the
soldan for your deliverance?" "What we can, so it be in
reason," answered the count. "And would you give," said
they, " for your de1iverance, any of the castles belonging to
the barons oversea?" The count replied that he had no
po,ver over these castles, for they were held from the emperor
of Gennany, then living. They then asked if we would sur-
render, for our deliverance, any of the castles belonging to
the Temple or the Hospital? And the count replied that
this could not be; for that when castellans were appointed
to those castles, they were made to swear, on holy relics,
never to surrender any of their castles for man's deliverance.
The council then replied that it seemed to them we had no
mind to be deliveredj and that they would go and send us
such as would make sport of us with their sVlords, as they
had done of the others belonging to our host. And they
went their way.
So soon as they were gone, a great crowd of young Saracens
rushed into our pavilion, having their swords girt; 1 and they
brought with them a man of very great age,2 very hairy, who
caused us to be asked whether it was sooth that we believed
in a God who had been taken for us, and \vounded and put
to death for us, and who on the third day had risen again?
And we answered ' , Yes." Then he told us that ,ve should
not be discomforted if we had suffered these persecutions fOJ
His sake; "for," said he, " you have not yet died for Him.
as He died for you; and if He had power to rise again, res1
assured that He will deliver you whensoever it so please
1 In J oinville's Credo, the swords are said to be " drawn."
I" As old, seemingly, as a man could be," says the Credo,. and thE
Credo adds that the young Saracens " seemingly" held the old man t(
be mad. The whole scene is described, with a few additional details.
in the Cl'edo.
Joinville's Chronicle
21 9
Him." Then he went away, and all the young men with
him; whereat I was greatly rejoiced, for I thought most cer-
tainly that they had come to cut off our heads. And it was
not long afterwards that the soldan's people came and told
us that the king had procured our deliverance.
After the aged man who had given us comfort, was gone
aViay, the counsellors of the soldan came back to us, and to]d
us that the king had procured our deliverance, and that we
must send four of our people to hear what he had done.
We sent my Lord John of Valery, the right worthy man, my
Lord Philip of Montfort, my Lord Baldwin of Ibelin, Senes-
chal of Cyprus, and my Lord Guy of Ibelin, Constable of
Cyprus, one of the most accomplished knights I have ever
seen} and one who most loved the people of that land. These
four brought back to us word after what manner the king
had procured our deliverance.
ST. LEWIS THREATENED WITH TORTURE-HE NEGOTIATES
'VITH THE SARACENS
4".
The counsellors of the soldan had tried the king in the
same manner that they had tried us, in order to see if the
king would promise to deliver over to them any of the castles
of the Temple or the Hospital, or any of the castles belonging
to the barons of the land; and, as God so wined, the king
had answered after the very same manner that we had
answered. And they threatened him, and told him that as
he would not do as they wished, they would cause him to be
put in the bernicles. Now the bernicles are the most cruel
torture that anyone can suffer. They are made of two
pieces of '\vood, pliable, and notched at the ends with teeth
that enter the one into the other; and the pieces of wood are
bound together at the end with strong straps of ox-hide; and
when they want to set people therein, they lay them on their
side, and put their legs between the teeth; and then they
cause a man to sit on the pieces of wood. Hence it.happens
that, not half a foot of bone remains uncrushed. And to do
the worst they can, at the end of three days, when the legs
are swollen, they replace the s'\vollen legs in the bernicles, and
crush them all once more. To these threats the king replied
that he was their prisoner, and that they could do with him
according to their will.
220 Memoirs of the Crusades
When they saw that they could not prevail over the good
king by threats, they came back to him and asked how
much money he would give to the soldan, besides surrender-
ing Damietta. And the king replied that if the soldan would
accept a reasonable sum, he would advertise the queen to
pay it for their deliverance. And they asked: "How is it
that you will not tell us definitely that these things shall be
done?" And the king replied that he did not know if the
queen would consent, seeing she was his lady and the mistress
of her actions. Then the counsellors returned and spoke to
the soldan, and afterwards brought back word to the king
that if the queen would pay a million besants of gold, which
are worth five hundred thousand livres,l the soldan would
release the king.
And the king asked them, on their oath, whether the soldan
would release them, provided the queen consented. So they
went back once more and spoke to the soldan, and on their
return, made oath that the soldan would release the king on
these conditions. And now that they had taken the oath,
the king said and promised to the emirs, that he would
willingly pay the five hundred thousand livres for the release
of his people, and surrender Damietta for the release of his
O\vn person, seeing it was not fitting that such as he should
barter himself for coin. When the soldan heard this he
said: "By my faith, this Frank is large-hearted not to have
bargained over so great a sum! Now go and tell him,"
said he, " that I give him a hundred thousand livres towards
the payment of the ransom."
THE CAPTIVES ARE TAKEN DOWN THE STREAM: AS FAR
AS THE SOLDAN'S CAMP
Then the soldan caused the chief men to be put into four
O'alleys and taken towards Damietta. In the same galley
s I were the good Count Peter of Brittany, the Count
William of Flanders, the good Count John of Soissons, my
Lord Imbert of Beaujeu, the constable of France, the good
knight my Lord Baldwin of Ibelin, and my Lord Guy, his
brother.
Those who were in charge of us in the galley brought us
1 M. de Wailly estimates this at 10,132,000 francs, of modem
French money, or, say, !4 0 5,000.
Joinville's Chronicle 22 I
\ .
to bank before an encampment which the soldan had estab-
ilshed by the river; and
t was of such a fashion as you shall
presently hear. Before the encampment there was a tower"
made of fir poles, and enclosed with dyed linen cloths, and
here was the entrance to the encampment. And within this
entrance was pitched a paVilion, where the emirs left their
swords and annour when they went to speak to the soldan.
Beyond the pavilion was another entrance, like the first, and
by this entrance you passed into a large pavilion, which was
the soldan's hall. Beyond the hall was another tower, like
the first, by which one entered into the soldan's chamber.
Beyond the soldan's chamber there \vas a court; and in the
midst of the court, a tower, higher than the rest, whither the
soldan resorted when he wished to overlook the whole
country and the camp. From the court an alley ran down
to the river, and there the soldan had causeè a pavilion to be
pitched in the water, for bathing. All the encampment was
enclosed in trellises of wood, and on the outside the trellises
were covered with blue cloths, so that those who were with-
out should not be able to see in; and the towers, all four of
them, were covered with cloth.
We arrived, on the Thursday before Ascension Day (28th
April 1250), at the place where this encampment was set up.
The four galleys in which we were all together as prisoners,
anchored before the soldan's encampment. The king was
taken to a pavilion that stood nigh thereto. Matters had
been so ordered by the soldan that on the Saturday before
Ascension Day Damietta was to be surrendered to him, and
he was to release the king.
THE EMIRS CONSPIRE-THE SOLDAN IS KILLED
The emirs whom the soldan had dismissed from his council
in order to appoint thereto his own emirs, brought from
foreign lands, now conferred together; and an astute Saracen
I spake after this manner: "Lords, you see the shame and
dishonour that the soldan has put upon us, and how he has
taken from us the dignity in which we had been established
1by his father. Now ,ve may be sure that when he finds him-
I self in the stronghold of Damietta he will cause us to be
taken, and to die in prison, as his grandfather did to the
emirs who captured the Count of Bar and the Count of Mont-
222 Memoirs of the Crusades
fort. Therefore, so it seems to me, it would be better to
cause him to be put to death befo
l'e he escapes out of our
han ds."
They went therefore to those of
.:;he Halca, and demanded
of them that they should kill the soldan, so soon as they had
eaten with him, as he had invited them to do. Thus it befell
that, after they had eaten, and the soldan had taken leave of
his emirs, and was going to r.is chamber, one of the knights
of the Halca, who bore the s.oldan's sword, struck the soldan
therewith in the middle of the hand, between the four
fingers, and clove the hand up to the ann. The soldan
turned to the emirs, who had caused this to be done to him,
and said: "Lords, I make appeal to you against these
people of the H alca, who desire to slay me, as you can see! "
Then the knights of the Halca made answer to the soldan
with one voice,
nd said: "As thou sayest that we desire to
slay thee, better is it that we should slay thee than that
thou shouldst slay us! "
Then they caused the cymbals to be struck, and all the
host came to ask what was the soldan's will. And they
answered that Damietta was taken, and that the soldan was
going thither, and that he ordered them to follow. So the
host gat to their anns, and spurred towards Damietta. And
when we sa,v that they \vere going towards Damietta, we
were in sore trouble of heart, for we thought that Damietta
was lost. But the soldan, being young and active, fled into ·
the tower that stood behind his chamber (as you have already
, '
heard), with three of his bishops, who had sat at meat with
him; and he was there with them in the to,ver.
Those of the Halca, who were in number five hundred
mounted men, threw down the soldan's pavilions, and
swanned round and about the tower, besieging him and the
three bishops; and they cried to him to come down. And
he said so he would if they promised 1úm safety. They told
him they would make him come down by force, for he was
not in Damietta. Then they threw at him Greek fire, and it
caught the tower, which was made of pine planks and cotton
cloth. The tower flared up quickly, nor have I ever seen
finer nor straighter flame. When the soldan saw this, he
gat down swiftly, and came flying towards the river, all
along the way of which I have already spoken to you.
Those of the Halca had broken down all the enclosed way
Joinville's Chronicle 223
with their swords; . and as the soldan fled along to go to the
river, one of them gave him a spear-thrust in the ribs, and
the soldan fled to the river, trailing the spear. And they
follo,ved after, till they were all swimming, and came and
killed him in the river, not far from the galley in which we
were. One of the knights, whose name was Faress-Eddin
Octay, cut him open with his sword, and took the heart out
of his body; and then he came to the king, his hand all reek-
ing with blood, and said: "What wilt thou give me? for I
have slain thine enemy, who, had he lived, would have slain
thee!" And the king answered h im never a word.
............._..............
. __ .. ø..
THE LIFE OF THE PRISONERS IS AGAIN THREATENED-
NEW TREATY OJ' THE KING WITH THE EMIRS
Full thirty of them came to our galley, with drawn swords
in their hands, and Danish axes hanging at their necks. I
asked my Lord Baldwin of Ibelin, who well knew the Saracen
tongue, what these people said; and he answered that they
said they had come to take off our heads. Then were there
a whole host of our people confessing to a brother of the
Trinity whose name was John, and who belonged to the
following of Count William of Flanders. But as for myself, '\
I remembered no sin that I had committed, and only thought ,
that the more I. defended myself and the more I tried to
escape, the worse I should fare.
Then I crossed myself, and knelt at the feet of one of them,
who bore a Danish axe such as carpenters use, and I said:
" Thus died St. Agnes." My Lord Guy of Ihelin, Constable
of Cyprus, knelt by my side, and confessed himself to me, ''\to.
and I said: "I absolve you, with such power as God has .,.
given me." But when I rose from that place, I had no
memory of aught that he had told me.
The Saracens made us rise from where we were, and set us
in prison in the hold of the gaHey; and many of our people
thought they had done this because they did not wish to fall
upon us all together, but wished to kill us one after the other.
There we lay in great misery that evening, and all through
the night, and we were so pressed together that my feet
came against the good Count Peter of Brittany and his came
against my face.
On the morrow the emirs caused us to be taken from our
224 Memoirs of the Crusades
prison in the hold; and the messengers told us we were to go
and speak to the emirs in order to renew the covenant the
soldan had made with us; and they also told us we might
hold it for certain that if the soldan had Jived he would have
caused the king to be beheaded, and all of us likewise.
Those who were able to go, went. The Count of Brittany,
the' constable and I, who were grievously sick, remained
where we were. The Count of Flanders, the Count John of
Soissons, the two brothers of Ibelin, and the rest who could
help themselves, went.
These agreed with the emirs in such sort that, so soon as
Damietta was delivered over to them, they would set free
the king and the other men of rank who were there. As to
the lesser folk, the soldan had caused them to be led away
towards Babylon, such at least as he had not caused to be
put to death. And this thing he had done contrary to the
covenant made with the king, whereby it seemeth well that
he would have put us to death also, so soon as he had come
into possession of Damietta.
And the king was to swear further to gratify the Saracens
with two hundred thousand livres before he left the river,
and with two hundred thousand livres in Acre. The Sara-
cens, by the covenant they made with the king, were to take
charge of the sick in Damietta, and of the crossbows, the
arms, the salted meats and the engines of war, until such
time as the king sent for them.
The oaths which the emirs were to swear to the king were
devised and set forth in writing, and \vere to this effect: that
if they did not observe this covenant with the king they
should be as dishonoured as a man who, for his sin, goes on
pilgrimage to Mahomet, at Mecca, with his head uncovered;
and as dishonoured as a man who leaves his wife, and then
takes her again (for in that case, according to the law oj
1Iahomet, if a man leaves his wife, he can never have her
again, save after seeing her in the anns of another man).
The third oath was to this effect: that if they did not observt
their covenant with the king, they should be as dishonoureè
as a Saracen who had eaten swine's flesh. The lcing W
satisfied with the aforesaid oaths of the emirs, becausf
Master Nicholas of Acre, who understood the Saracer
tongue, said that, according to their law, they could devis{
no oaths stronger or more binding.
Joinville's Chronicle
225
When the emirs had sworn they caused to be put in writing
the oath they demanded of the king; and this oath was
framed on the advice of the priests who had denied their
faith and gone over to them, and the writing was to this
effect: that if the king did not observe his covenants with
the emirs, he should be as dishonoured as a Christian who
denies God and His mother, and forfeits the fellowship of the
twelve Companions of our Lord, and of all the saints. To t
the king agreed right willingly. The last point in the oath was
to this effect: that if the king did not observe his covenants
with the emirs, he should be as dishonoured as a Christian
\vho denies God and His law, and who, in despite of God, spits
upon the cross, and tramples upon it. When the king heard
this he said that, please God, he would never take that oath!
The emirs sént Master Nicholas, who knew the Saracen -.
tongue, to the king, and he spake to the king these words:
"Sire, the emirs are greatly incensed, forasmuch as they
have sworn what you required of them, whereas you will not
swear what they require of you; and be assured that if you
do not swear this oath they will cause your head to be cut -
off, as well as the heads of all your people." The king
replied that they could act in this matter as it seemed best
to them; but that he liked better to die as a good Christian
rather than to live under the wrath of God and of His mother.
The patriarch of Jerusalem, an old and reverend "man
of fourscore years, had obtained a safe conduct from the
Saracens, and come to help the king to obtain his deliverance.
Now it is the custom between the Christians and the Saracens
that when the king or the soldan dies, those who are on an
. embassage, whether it be in a Christian or a pagan land, are
made prisoners and slaves; and because the soldan, \vho had
given the safe conduct to the patriarch, was now dead, the
said patriarch was a prisoner like as we were. When the
king had given his ans\ver, one of the emirs said that it was
given by the advice of the patriarch, and he said to the
pagans: "If you will believe me, I will make the king swear,
for I will cause the head of the patriarch to fiy into the king's
lap." .
They would not listen to this; but they took the patriarch
from the side of the king, and tied him to the pole of the
pavilion with his hands behind his back, and so straitly
bound that the said hands swelled to the size of his head,
226 Memoirs of the Crusades
and that the blood started from between the nails. The
patriarch cried to the king: "Sire, for the love of God, swear
without fear; for seeing that you intend to hold to your
oath, I take upon my own soul whatsoever there may be
of sin in the oath that you take! U I know not how this
. matter of the oath was settled; but in the end the emirs held
It themselves satisfied with the oath taken by the king, and by
the other men of note there present.
EXECUTION OF THE TREATY-DA
IIETIA RESTORED TO
THE SARACENS
l\.s soon as the soldan was killed, they caused the instru-
lnents of the soldan to be brought before the king's tent; and
it was told to the king that the emirs had had a great desire
to make him Soldan of Babylon, and had held council
thereon. And he asked me whether I thought he would have
taken the kingdom of Babylon if it had been offered to him.
And I told him that had he so taken it, he would have acted
like a fool, seeing they had killed their lord; but he told me
that in sooth he would not have refused it.
And you must know it was reported that this matter only
remained where it was, and proceeded no further, because
he Saracens said the king was the most steadfast Christian
that could be found And they gave this as an example,
i that when he issued from his tent, he put himself cross-wise
'on the earth, and made the sign of the cross all over his body.
And they said that if Mahomet had suffered them to be so
maltreated, as the king had been, they would never have
retained their belief in him; and they said further that if
their people made the king to be soldan, they would have to
become Christians, or else he would put them all to death.
After the covenants between the king and the emirs had
been settled and sworn to, it was agreed that they should
release us on the day after Ascension Day; and that so soon
as Damietta was delivered over to the emirs, they would
release the person of the king and of the men of note who
were with him, as has been already said. On the Thursday
at night (5th May 1250) those who were in charge of our four
galleys came to anchor in the midst of the river, before the
bridge of Damietta, and caused a pavilion to be pitched
before the bridge, there where the king should land.
J oinville's Chronicle
227
At sun-rising my Lord Geoffry of Sargines went into the
ity, and caused the city to be given up to thê emirs. The
;o1dan's flags were hoisted on all the towers of the city. The
3aracen knights got into the city, and began to drink the
wines, and were soon all drunken; whereupon one of them
:ame to our galley, and drew his sword all reeking with blood,
lnd said that for his part he had killed six of our people.
Before Damietta was surrounded, the queen had been re---
ceived into our ships, together with all our people who were
In Damietta, save the sick only. These last the Saracens,
by their oath, were bound to keep and guard; but they
killed them all. The king's engines of war, which they were
a.lso bound to preserve, they knocked to pieces. And the
salted meat, which they were bound to keep for us, inasmuch
as they do not eat pork, they did not keep. They made a
pile of the engines, and a pile of the bacon, and another of the
dead people, and they set fire thereto; and the fire was so
great that it lasted the Friday, the Saturday, and the Sunday.
THE MASSACRE OF THE PRISONERS IS CONSIDERED
The king, and all we who were there, should have been set
free at sunrise, but the Saracens kept us till sunset; and we
had nothing to eat, nor the emirs either, and they were
quarrelling the livelong day. And one of them spoke in this
wise for those who belonged to his party: "Lords, if you will
listen to me, and to those who are of my party, you will kill
the king and the men of note who are here; for then, for the
space of forty years, we need fear nothing, seeing that their
children are young, and that we hold Damietta; wherefore
we can do this with the greater security."
...
other Saracen, whose name was SebrecÍ, and who was
a native of Mauritania, spoke contrariwise, and said tIns:
" If we kill the king, after we have killed the soldan, it will
be said that the Egyptians are the most evil people in the
world, and the most disloyaL" And those who desired that
,ve should be killed, rejoined: " It is sooth that we have too
wickedly rid ourselves of our soldan, whom we put to death;
for we have therein gone counter to the commandments of
Mahomet, in that he commanded us to guard our lord as the
apple of our eye. And behold in this book, here is the com-
mandment written. But listen," said he, "to this other
228 Memoirs of the Crusades
commandment of Mahomet, that comes after." And witb
that he turned over the leaf of a book that he held in his hand,
and showed them another commandment, which was to this
effect: "For the assurance of the faith, slay the enemy of the
law." "Now have we disobeyed the commandments of
Mahomet, in that we have killed our lord; but we shall do
worse if we do not kill the king, whatever promise of safety
has been given to him, seeing that he is the most powerful
enemy of the pagan law."
Our death was nearly agreed to; whence it happened that
one of the emirs, who was our adversary, thought we were an
to be killed, and came on the river, and began to cry, in the
Saracen tongue, to those who had the galleys in charge, and
took his turban from his head, and made a sign to them with
his turban. And now they lifted anchor, and took us back
a full league up the stream towards Babylon. Then we gave
ourselves up for lost, and many were the tears shed.
RELEASE OF THE CAPTIVES-JOINVILLE EMBARKS ON THE
KING'S GALLEY-DEPARTURE OF SOME OF THE CRUSADERS
FOR FRANCE
As God, who does not forget His own, so willed, it was
agreed, at about the setting of the sun, that we should be
released. So we were brought back, and our four galleys
, dra,vn to the bank. We demanded to be let go. They said
they would not let us go till we had eaten, " for it would be
a shame to our emirs if you left our prisons fasting." So we
told them to give us meat, and we would eat; and they said
some had gone to fetch it in the camp. The food they gave
us was fritters of cheese roasted in the sun so that worms
should not come therein, and hard-boiled eggs cooked four
or five days before; and these, in our honour, had been
painted outside "vith divers colours.
They put us on land, and we went towards the king,
whom they were leading to the river from the pavilion in
which they had kept him; and there followed him full
twenty thousand Saracens on foot, with their swords in their
belts. On the river, before the place where the king stood,
was a Genoese galley, and it seemed as if there were but one
single man on board. As soon as he saw the king on the
bank of the river, he sounded a whistle; and at the sound of
Joinville's Chronicle
229
I :he whistle, eighty crossbo'\vmen leapt from the hold of the
, Talley, all fully equipped, with their crossbowft wound up, and
a moment they had the bolts in socket. As soon as the
3aracens saw them, they took to flight like sheep, so that
'lone remained with the king save two or three.
A plank was thrown to the land, so that the king might go
)n board, as also the count of Anjou, his brother, and my
Lord Geoffry of Sargines, and my lord Philip of Nemours, the
Marshal of France, who was called of the Mez, and the Master
of the Trinity, and I myself. The Count of Poitiers they kept
in captivity, until such time as the king had paid the two
hundred thousand livres, which he was to pay as a ransom
before he left the river.
On the Saturday (7th May 1250) after Ascension Day-
which Saturday was the day following the day of our deliver-
ance-the Count of Flanders, and the Count of Soissons, and
several other men of note who had been taken in the galleys,
came to take leave of the king. The king told them he
thought they would do well to wait till the Count of Poitiers,
his brother, had been released. But they said they could
not wait, seeing their galleys were all ready for sea. So they
embarked on board their galleys, and left for France; and
they took with them the good Count Peter of Brittany, who
was so sick that he lived no longer than three weeks, and
died at sea.
PAYMENT OF THE RANSOM-MONEY TAKEN BY JOINVILLE
FROM THE TEMPLARS
They began to count 1 the money for the ransom on
Saturday, in the morning; and they took for the counting
the whole of Saturday, and Sunday until night; for they
reckoned by weight in the balance, and each measure was
worth ten thousand livres. When it came to the time of
vespers on Sunday, the king's people who were counting the
money sent to tell him that th
y still were short of the sum
required by full thirty thousand liv'Tes. And the king had by
lùm only the King of Sicily, and the Marshal of France, and
the Minister of the Trinity, and I. All the rest were at the
counting of the money for the payment of the ransom.
1 J oinville says, U make the payment." But it seems clear from
what follows that this was only the preliminary counting.
23 0 Memoirs of the Crusades
Then I said to the king that it would be well ü he sent for
the Marshal of the Temple-the master being dead-and
asked them to lend him the thirty thousand lzovres for the
release of his brother. The king sent to fetch the Templars
and directed me to lay the matter before them. When I had
spoken to them, brother Stephen of Otricourt, who was
Commander of the Temple, answered me thus: cc Lord of
Joinville, this advice that you have given to the king is
neither good nor reasonable. For you know that we receive
funds in such sort, that we are bound, by our oaths, not to
deliver them up, save to those who have entrusted them to
us..>> Many were the hard and angry words that passed
between him and me.
Then spoke brother Renaud of Vichier, who was Marshal
of the Temple, and he said this: cc Sire, let us set to one side
this quarrel between the Lord of Joinville and our com-
mander; for indeed, as our commander says, we could not
advance any of this money without being forsworn. And
as to what the seneschal advises, viz., that if we will not lend
you the money, you had better take it-why, he says nothing
that is very outrageous, and you must do as you think best;
and if you do take what is ours here in Egypt, why, we have
so much of what is yours at Acre, that you can easily in-
demnify us."
I said to the king that I would go and take the money, if
he so ordered; and he ordered me accordingly. So I went
to one of the galleys belonging to the Temple, the chief
galley, and when I wished to go down into the hold of the
gaUey, where the treasure was, I asked the Commander of the
Temple to come and see what I took; but he did not deign
to do so. The marshal said he would come and be a witness
to the violence I should do him.
So soon as I had gone down to where the treasure was, I
asked the Treasurer of the Temple, who was there, to give me
the keys of a chest that lay before me; and he, seeing I was
thin and emaciated with sickness, and had on only such
clothes as I had worn in prison, said he \vould give me none
of them. Then I perceived a hatchet lying there, and lifted
it and said I would make of it the king's key. When the
m'arshal saw this, he took me by the fist, and said: "Lord,
we see right weB that you are using force against us, and we
will cause the keys to be handed over to you." Then he
Joinville's Chronicle
23 1
:>rdered the treasurer to give me the keys, which he did.
And when the marshal told the treasurer who I was, he was
grea tly astonished.
I found that the chest that I opened belonged to Nicholas
of Choisi, a sergeant of the king. I threw out the silver I
found therein, and went and sat on the prow of our little
vessel that had brought me. And I took the Marshal of
France, and left him with the silver in the Templar's galley,
and on the galley I put the Minister of the Trlnity. On the
galley the marshal handed the silver to the minister, and the
minister gave it over to me on the little vessel where I sat.
When we had ended and came towards the king's galley, I
began to shout to the king: "Sire, sire, see how well I am
furnished!" And the saintly man received me right
willingly and right joyfully. We gave over what I had
brought to those who were counting the money for the
ransom.
LOYALTY OF THE KING IN CARRYING OUT THE TREATY
I When the counting was over, the king's councillors, who
had effected the counting, came to the king, and said that
I the Saracens would not deliver his brother until the money
I was actually in their possession. There were those of the
I council who thought that the king should not ha.nd over the
moneys until he had received his brother back. But the king
replied that he would hand them over, seeing he had cove-
nanted wíth the Saracens to do so, and as for the Saracens, if
they wished to deal honestly, they would also hold to the tenns
Df their covenant. Then my Lord Philip of Nemours told the
I king that they had mis-counted, by a measure of ten thousand
livres, to the prejudice of the Saracens. At this the king
was very wroth, and said it was his will that the ten thousand
livres should be restored, seeing he had covenanted to pay
two hundred thousand livres before he left the river. Then
I I touched my Lord Philip with my foot, and told the king
not to believe him, seeing that the Saracens were the wiliest
reckoners in the whole world. And my Lord Philip said I
was saying sooth, for he had only spoken in jest; and the
king said such jests were unseemly and untoward. "And I
command you," said the king to my Lord Philip, U by the
fealty that you owe to me as being my liegeman-which you
23 2 Memoirs of the Crusades
are-that if these ten thousand livres have not been paid
you will cause them to be paid without fail."
Many people had advised the king to withdraw to his ship,
which waited for him at sea, so as to be no longer in the hands
of the Saracens. But he would never listen to them, saying
he should not depart from the river, as he had covenanted,
until such time as he had paid the two hundred thousand
livres. So soon, however, as the payment had been made,
the king, without being urged thereto, said that henceforth
he was acquitted of his oaths, and that we should depart
thence, and go to the ship that was on the sea.
Then our galley was set in motion, and we went a full
great league before one spoke to another, because of the
.distress in which we were at leaving the Count of Poitiers in
captivity.1 Then came my Lord Philip of Montfort in a
galleon, and cried to the king: "Sire, sire! speak to your
brother, the Count of Poitiers, who is in this other ship! "
Then cried the king: "Light up! light up!" And they
did so. Then was there such rejoicing among us that greater
could not be. The king went to the count's ship, and we
went too. A poor fishennan went and told the Countess of
Poitiers that he had seen the Count of Poitiers released, and
she caused twenty livres parisis to be given to him.
OF GAUCHER OF CHATILLON-OF THE BISHOP OF SOISSONS,
WHO WAS MARTYRED--AND OF A RENEGADE
I ought not to forget certain things that happened in Egypt
while we were there. First I will tell you of my Lord
Gaucher of Châtillon. Now a knight, whose name was my
Lord John of Monson, told me that he saw my Lord of
Châtillon in a street of the village where the king was taken;
and this street ran straight through the village, so that you
could see the open fields at the one end and the other; and in
this street was my Lord Gaucher of Châtillon, with his
naked sword in his fist. When he saw that the Turks came
into the street he ran upon them, sword in hand, and sent
them flying out of the village; and the Turks as they fled
before him-for they could shoot behind as well as before--
covered him all with darts. When he had driven them out
')f the village, he pulled out the darts that he had upon him,
1 Literally, U at the captiVIty of the Count of Poitiers."
J oinville's Chronicle
233
,nd then replaced his coat of armour, and rose in his stirrups,
,nd lifted up his sword-ann, and cried: "Châtillon, knight,
:hâtillon, where are my good men?" When he turned and,
aw that the Turks had entered the street at the other end,
le ran upon them again, sword in hand, and sent them fly-
ng; and this he did three times in the manner aforesaid.
When the emir of the galleys took me to join those who
lad been captured on land, I inquired for the Count of
:hâtillon among those who had been about him; but could
I ind no one to tell me how he was taken; save that my Lord
,. ohn Fouinon, the good knight, told me that when he was
LL1J1self taken prisoner to Mansourah, he found a Turk
, nounted on the horse of my Lord Gaucher of Châtillon; and
he horse's crupper was all covered with blood. And my
:nrd John inquired of the Turk what he had:
done to the man
.0 whom that horse belonged? And the Turk replied that
ie had cut his throat, riding upon that horse, as might well
>e seen from the crupper that was covered with blood.
There was a very valiant man in the host, whose name
vas my Lord James of Castel, Bishop of Soissons. When ....
le saw that our people were retreating towards Damietta,
le-who had a great desire to be with God-felt no wish to
'etum to the country where he was born; so he made haste
:0 be with God, and set spurs to his horse, and fell single-
landed upon the Turks, who killed him with their swords,
Lnd thus set him in God's companionship, and among e
lumber of the martyrs.
While the king awaited the payment that was being made
'or the release of his brother, the Count of Poitiers, a Saracen
lery well apparelled, and a very handsome man of his body,
:ame to the king and presented him with milk taken in jars,
Lnd flowers of divers colours and kinds, on behalf of the
hildren of Nasac, who had been Soldan of Babylon; and
Ie presented these gifts, speaking in French.
The king asked him where he had learnt French; and he
.aid that he had aforetime been a Christian. Then the king
;aid: U Away, I will speak to you no further I " I drew him
part, and asked what was his story. He told me he was
Jom at Provins, and that he had come to Egypt with King
John, and that he was married in Egypt, and a man of great
:lote. And I said: "Do you not know very well that if you
Jie in this condition you will be damned, and go to hell? ,po
.....
,
234 Memoirs of the Crusaàes
And he said " Yes," for he was assured no religion was as
good as the Christian religion; "but I dare not face the
poverty in which I should be, and the shame, if I returned
to you. Every day they would say to me: 'Look at that
renegade! ' So I like better to live here rich and at ease
rather than put myself in such a position as I foresee." And
I told him he would have. to suffer greater shame in the day
of judgment, when his sin would be made manifest to all,
than the shame of which he spoke.
lany good words did I
speak to him, but little did they avail. So he left me, and
I never saw him more.
THE SUFFERINGS OJ' THE QUEEN AT DAMIETTA
Now you have heard, in what has gone before, of the great
tribulations which the king and all of us endured. From
such tribulations the queen did not escape, as you shall
presently be told. For, three days before she was brought to
bed, came the news that the king was taken; with which
news she \vas so affrighted that, as oft as she slept in her bed,
it seemed to her that the chamber was full of Saracens, and
she cried out, "Help! help!" And so that the child she
bore in her body should not perish, she caused an ancient
knight, of eighty years, to lie near her bed, and hold her by
the hand; and every time she so cried out, he said: "Lady,
have no fear, for I am here."
Before she was brought to bed she caused every one to
leave her chamber, save this knight only, and knelt before
him, and besought him to do her a service; and the knight
consented, and gave her his oath. And she said: "I ask
of you, by the troth you have now pledged me, that if the
Saracens take this city, you will cut off my head before I fall
into their hands." And the knight replied: "Be assured
that I shall do so willingly; for I was already fully minded
to 1åll you or ever you should be taken."
The queen was brought to bed of a son, who had for name
John; and they called him Tristram for the great sorrow
and anguish that were about his birth. On the very day that
she was brought to bed, she was told that those of Pisa, and
Genoa, and the other free cities, were minded to flee away;
and on the day following she had them all called before her
bed, so that the chamber was quite full, and said to them:
Join ville' s Chronicle
235
Lords, for God's sake do not leave this city; for you see
lat if this city were lost, my lord the king would be utterly
tst, and all those who have been taken captive with him.
nd if this moves you not, yet take pity upon the poor weak
eature lying here, and wait till I am recovered."
And they replied: "Lady, what can we do? For we are
ying of hunger in this city." And she told them that for
Lmine they need not depart, " for," said she, " I will cause an
le food in this city to be bought, and will keep you all from
enceforth at the king's charges." They advised together,
ad came back to her, and said they consented to remain
ght willingly. Then the queen-whom may God have in
[is grace l-caused all the food in the city to be bought at a
)st of three hundred and sixty thousand livres and more.
,re due time she had to rise from her bed, because the city
lust needs be surrendered to the Saracens. Then the queen
me to Acre to await the king.
THE KING ADJOURNS IDS CLAIMS AGAINST THE
SARACENS-PASSAGE TO ACRE
While the king was waiting for the deliverance of his
rother, he sent brother Raoul, a preaching brother, to an
nir, whose name was Faress-Eddin Octay, one of the most
)yal Saracens I have ever seen. And the king notified to
Ie emir that he greatly marvelled how he and the other
ID.rs could have suffered the treaty to be so villainously
roken; for they had killed the sick whom they were bound
) entertain, and made litter of his engines of war, and had
umed the sick, as well as the salted swine's flesh that they
'ere bound to preserve.
Faress-Eddin Octay answered brother Raoul, and said:
Brother Raoul, tell the king that because of my law I am
nable to help him in this matter, which is grievous to me.
ùld tell him also, from me, to show no outward seeming of
is content so long as he remains in our hands; for that would
e his death." And the emir was of opinion that so soon as
he king came to Acre, he might bear the thing in mind." 1
When the king came to his ship, he found that his people
.ad prepared nothing for him, neither bed nor clothing. So
'e had to lie, until we came to Acre, upon the mattresses the
1 Or U remind him."
1:eaning obscure.
236 Memoirs of the Crusade
soldan had given him, and to wear the gannents that the
soldan had caused to be made and given to him, and thes4
were of black samite lined ,vith minever and grey squirrel':
fur, and round the said gannents were a great quantity 0
buttons made all of fine gold.
While we were on the sea, for six days, I, who was sick
sat always beside the king. And he told me then how he
had been taken, and how, with the help of God, he hac
negotiated for his ransom and ours. And he made me tel
how I had been taken on the water; and afterwards he tolc
me lowed great thanks to God for having delivered me fron
so great perils. Much did he sorrow over the death of the
Count of Artois, his brother; and he said that the Count 0
Artois would very unwillingly have refrained from coming t<
see him as the Count of Poi tiers had done, and would cer
tainly have come to see him on board his galleys.
He also complained to me of the Count of Anjou, who w
on board the same ship, because the Count of Anjou gave
him but little of his company. One day he asked what the
Count of Anjou was doing; and they told him he was playin!
at tables with my Lord Walter of Nemours. And he wen'
thither tottering, for he was weak by reason of sickness; an(
he took the dice and the tables, and threw them into the sea
and he was very wroth with his brother because he had S(
soon taken to playing at dice. But my Lord Walter came
off best, for he threw all the moneys on the table into his oWl
lap-and they were very many-and carried them away.
TROUBLES OF JOINVILLE AT ACRE
Hereinafter you shall be told of many tribulations an(
troubles that I had at Acre, from which God, in Whom
trusted, and still do trust, delivered me. And these thing:
I shall cause to be written, so that those who hear them ma
have trust in God in their tribulation and troubles; and Goe
will give them His help as also He did to me.
Let us relate then how, when the king came to Acre, al
the clergy and people of Acre came down to the sea, in pro
cession, to meet and receive him with very great rejoicings
They brought me a palfrey. So soon as I was mounted, m
heart failed me, and I said to him who had brought the
palfrey that he should hold me up, lest I should fall. Wid
I
f
I
Joinville's Chronicle
237
reat trouble was I taken up the steps of the king's hall. I
rent and sat at a window, with a child near me: he was
bout ten years of age, and called Bartholomew, and was the
astard son of my lord Ami of Montbéliard, Lord of Mont-
J.ucon. While I was sitting there, and no man taking heed
f me, there came to me a varlet \vearing a red tunic, with
wo yellow stripes, and he saluted me and asked whether I
new him?-and I said nay. And he told me he came from
hselay, my uncle's castle. And I asked him whose man he
las; and he said he had no master, and that he would
emain with me, if I so desired. And I said I desired it right
{ell. Then he went and fetched me ,vhite coifs, and combed
le right well.
Then the king sent for me to eat with him; and I went in
he vest that had been made for me while I was a prisoner,
,ut of the clippings of my coverlet; and my coverlet I left
o the child Bartholomew, together with four ells of camlet
hat had been given me, for the love of God, while I was a
>risoner. Guillemin, my new varlet, came and carved
>efore me, and obtained food for the child while we were
:a ting.
My new varlet came and told me he had obtained a lodg-
ng for me near the baths, where I might wash myself from
:he filth and sweat I had brought from prison. When night
:ame, and I was in the bath, my heart failed me, and I
;wooned; and with great trouble was I taken out of the
)ath and carried to my bed. The next day an old knight,
Nhose name was my Lord Peter of Bourbonne, came to see
ne, and I retained him by me; he stood surety for me in the
ty as regards what was wanted for my clothing and equip-
Dent.
When I was fittingly arrayed, full four days after we came
thither, I went to see the king; and he reproved me, and said
I had not done well in delaying so long to come and see him;
a.nd he commanded me", as I valued his love, to eat with him
every day, night and moming, until such time as he had
decided what we should do: whether go back to France or
remain there. __
I told the king that my Lord Peter of Courtenay owed me
four hundred livres of my wages, which he would not pay to
me. .Lt\nd the king replied that he would soon cause me to
be paid out of the coin he owed to the Lord of Courtenay;
238 Memoirs of the Crusades
and so he did. By the advice of my Lord Peter of Bour
bonne, we took forty livres for our expenses, and the res'
we gave into the keeping of the commander of the palace 0:
the Temple. When the time came that I had expended th<<
forty livres, I sent the father of John Cayro of Sainte-Mene-
hou]d, whom I had engaged in my service overseas, to fetcl
another forty livres. The commander answered him tha"
he had no moneys of mine, and did not know me.
I went thereon to brother Renaud of Vichiers, who ha(
by the king's help, and on account of the courtesy he hac
shown to the king when a prisoner-as I have already tole
you-been made Master of the Temple, and I complained tf
him of his commander of the palace, who would not give me
back the moneys I had entrusted to him. When he hear(
this, he was greatly moved, and said: "Lord of J oinvi11e, :
love you well; but be assured if you will not desist fron
urging this claim, I shall love you no more; for you wisl
to make people believe that our brethren are robbers." An(
I told him that, please God, I should not desist.
Four days was I in this trouble of heart, as one who i
altogether without money to spend. After these four day
the master came to me laughing, and said he had found m
moneys. As to the manner in which they were found, it wa
because he had changed the commander of the palace, an(
sent him to a village called Sephouri; and this man returne(
me my moneys.
SICKNESS OF JOINVILLE-GENEROSITY OF THE
COUNT OF ANJOU
The Bishop of Acres who then was-he was a native 0
Provins-caused the house of the priest of St. Michael to b
lent to me. I had retained in my service Caym of Sainte
Menehould, who served me well by the space of two years-
better than any man I had with me in the land oversea-
and I had retained several other peòple in my service. An(
it chanced that there was at my bed's head a closet throug}
which one went into the church.
Now it happened that a continuous fever laid hold Up01
me, so that I took to my bed, and all my people also. An(
never a day, at that time, had I anyone to help me, or tc
lift me up, and I looked forward to nothing but death
Joinville's Chronicle
239
:cause of a warning that was in mine ear continually; for
'ery day they brought into the church twenty dead men or
ore, and from my bed, each time they were brought in, I
:ard the chant: "Libera me, Domine." Then would I
ep, and render thanks to God, and speak to Him thus:
Lord, I render to Thee worship for this suffering that Thou
1St sent me; for much pride and display has there been
my down-lying and uprising. And I pray Thee, Lord, to
:liver me from this sickness." And so the Lord did, both
e and my people.
I After these things I required Guillemin, my new squire, to
nder me an account, and he did so; and I found that he
d done me wrong to the extent of ten livres tournois, and
ore. And when I demanded them of him, he said he
Juld return them to me \vhen .he could. I dismissed him,
ld told him I forgave him what he owed me, for he had
erved it well. I afterwards learned from the knights of
urgundy, when they returned from captivity-for they had
: 'ought him to the lands oversea-that he was the most
I ,urteous thief that ever was; for whenever a knight wanted
I knife, or a strap, gloves or spurs, or any other thing, he
I ent and stole it, and then gave it to him.
I At the time when the king ,vas in Acre, the king's brothers
ok to playing at dice; and the Count of Poitiers played so
;urteously that, when he had won he caused the hall to be
Iown open, and the gentlemen to be called in, and the
dies, if there were any, and gave away handfuls, as well of
s own money as of what he had won. And when he had
st, he purchased, by estimate, the money of those with
horn he had been playing, whether it were his brother the
)unt of Anjou, or others, and gave away all, his own money
id that of the other people.
THE KING'S RETURN IS DISCUSSED
At the time when we were at Acre, the king sent, one Sun-
y, for his brother the Count of Flanders and the other men
: note, and spoke to them thus: "Lords, my lady the queen,
.y mother, has sent to me, and beseeches me, as urgently as
ie can, to return to France, because my kingdom is in great
eril, seeing that I have neither peace nor truce viÏth the
ing of England. Those belonging to this land, with whom
24 0 Memoirs of the Crusades
I have spoken, tell me that, ü I depart, this land is but lost
for all those who are in Acre will follow after me, none darinl
to remain when the people are so few. So I pray you," sai(
he, "to think well upon this matter; and because it is 0
great import, I will give you time, and you shaH answer me
according as you think right, eight days from to-day."
During these eight days the legate came to me and saic
that he did not see how the king could remain oversea; an.
he besought me, very instantly, to return with him in hi
ship. And I told him this was not within my power; for
was without means, having, as he knew, lost all my posses
sians on the water, when I was taken prisoner.
And I gave him this answer, not because I would not ve
willingly have gone with him, but because of a word whic
my Lord of Bourlemont, my cousin-gennan-God rest hi
soul I-spoke to me when I was going oversea. " You ar
going oversea," said he, " now take heed how you come back
for no knight, be he poor or be he rich, can come back with
out dishonour if he leaves in the hands of the Saracens th
meaner folk of our Lord, in whose company he went forth.:
The legate was wroth with me, and told me I should no
have refused his proposal.
DIVERS OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN THE COUNCIL - JOINVILLJ
OPPOSES THE RETURN TO FRANCE
On the Sunday after, we came again before the king; an
the king asked his brothers, and the other barons, and th
Count of Flanders, what advice they gave, whether to go c
to remain. They all replied, that they had charged my Lor
Guy of Mauvoisin to state the advice they wished to give t
the king. The king commanded the Lord Guy to stat
this advice accordingly; and he spake as follows: "Sin
your brothers, and the men of note here present, have looke
to your estate, and seen that you cannot remain in this Ian
to your own honour, and that of your realm; for of all tb
knights that came in your company-of whom you led tw
thousand eight hundred into Cyprus-there are not now, i
this city, one hundred remaining. So they advise you, sirt
that you go to France, and there procure men and mone)
whereby you may hastily return to this land, and take ver
Joinville's Chronicle
24 1
:ance upon the enemies of God, who have had you ir:,
.ptivity."
The king would not rest satisfied with what my Lord Guy
auvoisin had said; but he inquired of the Count of Anjou,
.e Count of Poitiers, and the Count of Flanders, and severnl
her men of note who sat near them. And all agreed with
y Lord Guy Mauvoisin. The legate asked Count John of
dIa, who sat behind them, what he thought. The Count
Jaffa begged that they would suffer him not to reply to
.is question, " for," said he, " my castle is on the marches,
.d if I advised the king to remain, men would think I did so
my own profit.." Then the king asked him, as urgently
I he could, to say wbat he thought. And the count said
lat if the king could but hold the field for a year, he wou1d
) himself great honour by remaining. Then the legate in-
ured of those who were sitting by the Count of Jaffa, and
1 agreed with my Lord Guy Mauvoisin.
I was sitting about the fourteenth in front of the legate.
e asked me what I thought; and I replied that I agreed
ith the Count of Jaffa. And the legate asked me, all in
roth, how the king could hold the field with so few men as
had? And I replied, all in wroth also, because methought
tat he said this to anger me: "Sir, I will tell you, as you
:em to desire it. It is said, sir, but I know not if it be true,
w.t the king has not yet spent any of his own moneys, but
11y the moneys of the clergy. So let the king bring his
oneys to the spending, and let the king send to obtain
aights from Morea, and from oversea; and when they hear
ll that the king is paying well and largely, the knights will
)me from all parts, whereby, if God so pleases, he will be
)le to hold the field for a year. And by his so remaining,
e will cause to be delivered the poor captives who have been
Lken in the service of God, and in his service, and who will
ever go free if he departs hence." There was no one in
lat place who had not near friends in captivity; so no one
proved me, and all began to weep.
After me, the legate asked my Lord William of Beaumont,
rho was then Marshal of France, what he thought; and he
},id that I had spoken very well, " and I will tell you," said
e, "the reason why." (At this) my Lord John of Beau-
lont, the good knight, who was his uncle and had a great
lesire to return to France, cried out upon him in foul terms
24 2 Memoirs of the Crusades
and said: "What have you got to say, son of the filtl
tongue? Sit down and keep quiet 1" The king said: ":M
Lord John, you do wrong. Let him speak." "Certes, sir
I shall not do so." The marshal however thought it w(
to keep silence; nor did anyone afterwards agree with m
save the Lord of Chatenai.
Then the king said: "Lords, I have heard you duly; ar
I will give you my answer as to what it pleases me to d
eight days from to-day.
REPROACHES ADDRESSED TO JOINVILLE-ms SECRET
INTERVIE\V WITH THE KING
When we came away from thence they began to flout n
on all sides. " Now, I
ord of J oinville, the king must indef
be crazy if he does not listen to you in preference to tl
council of all the realm of France 1" When the tables we:
set, the king made me sit beside him during the meal, whe:
he was always used to make me sit if his brothers were nc
present. Never a word did he say to me as long as the me
lasted, which was not according to his custom, for he alwa
took note of me \vhen we were eating. And indeed I thoug}
he was wroth with me because I said he had not yet spel
any of his moneys, and should spend largely.
While the king was hearing grace, I went to a barrE
window that was in an embrasure to,vards the head of tl
king's bed, and I passed my arms through the bars of t1
window, and thought that if the king went back to France,
should go to the Prince of Antioch, who held me for his kin
man, and had asked me to come to him (and there remaiI
until such time as another expedition came out to the lan
oversea, whereby the captives might be delivered, accordir
to the counsel the Lord of Boulaincourt had given me.
And while I was there, the king came and leant upon In
shoulders, and placed his two hands upon my head; and
thought it was my Lord Philip of Nemours, who had alread
tormented me too much that day because of the advice I ha
given, and I spoke thus: "Leave me in peace, my Lor
Philip!" By chance, as I was turning my head, the king
hand fell upon my face, and I knew it was the king becau
of an emerald that he had on his finger. And he saic
" Keep quite quiet, for I "rant to ask how you came to be s
Joinville's Chronicle
243
lold, you who are but a young man, as to advise me to
emain here, against the advice of all the great men and ,vise
f France, who counselled me to depart? "
" Sire," said I, "even if I had so ill a thought in my heart,
should by no means so counsel you." "Do you mean to
ay," he replied, "that I should be doing wrong if I de-
,arted? " "So God help me, sire, yes," said I. And he
aid to me: "If I remain, will you remain also?" And I
old him yes, "if I can, either at my own charges or the
I harges of another." "Now be quite easy in your mind,"
aid he, "for I am very well pleased with you for the counsel
'ou have given; but do not tell this to anyone till the week
; out."
I I \vas more at ease after hearing these words, and defended
1yself with the greater boldness against those who attacked
ae. Now the peasants of that land are called colts,. and
.laster Peter of Avallon, who lived at Sur, heard tell that I
I vas being called a colt, because I had advised the king tQ
emain among the colts,. so Master Peter of Avallon sent to
ell me I should defend myself against those who called me
olt, and say to them that I liked better to be a colt than a
)roken-down hack, such as they were.
THE KING ANNOUNCES THAT HE WILL REMAIN IN THE -::.
HOLY LAND
The following Sunday we all came back again before the
:ing; and when the king saw we were all assembled, he
nade the sign of the cross upon his mouth (invoking thereby,
IS I think, the aid of the Holy Spirit, for my lady mother
.nce told me that every time I wished to say aught, I should
nvoke the aid of the Holy Spirit, and make the holy sign
Ipon my mouth). And the words which the king spoke were
:hese: "Lords, I greatly thank those who have advised me
:0 return to France, and I thank also those who have advised
ne to remain here. But I bethink me that if I remain there
Nill be no danger of loss to my realm; for my lady the queen
las people enough to defend it; and I consider also that the
Jarons of this land tell me that if I depart hence, the kingdom
)f Jerusalem is lost, for none will dare to remain after I have
eft. I have therefore decided that I will by no means
bandon the kingdom of Jerusalem, which I came hither to
244 Memoirs of the Crusades
:guard and re-conquer. So my conclusion is, that for th.
present I remain here. And I say to you all, you men 0
note that are here, as also to such other knights as may wisl
to remain with me, that you come and speak to me boldly
and I will give you so much that the fault will not be mine
but yours, if you be not willing to remain." Many ilia
heard these words were filled with amazement, and man:
there were that wept.
ST. LEWIS DECIDES TO SEND AWAY ms BROTHERS-
HE KEEPS ]OINVILLE IN IDS SERVICE
The king ordered, so it is said, that his brothers shoul.
return to France. Whether this was at their own request
or by the king's will, I know not. The words that the kin,
had spoken with regard to his remaining oversea were spoke]
about the feast of St. John. Now it happened that on th
day of the feast of St. James,l-whose pilgrim I was, an.
who had conferred great benefits upon me-the king wen
back to the chamber in which his mass was said, and caDet
together his council, who had remained with him, viz., m:
Lord Peter the chamberlain, who was the most loyal ani
upright man I ever saw in the king's household; my Lor.
"Geoffrey of Sargines, the good knight and right worthy man
my Lord Giles Ie Brun, good knight and right worthy maD
to whom the king had given the constableship of Franc
after the death of my Lord Imbert of Beaujeu, the rigb
worthy man.
To these the king spoke after the following manner, in :
loud voice, and as one not well pleased: "Lords, it is alread:
a month past that men know I have settled to remain her
and I have not yet heard tell that you have retained an:
knights in my service." "Sire," said they, " we can non
other; for all rate their services so high, because they wis:
to return to their own land, that we dare not give them wha
they ask." "And whom," said the king, "would you b
able to obtain cheapest?" "Certainly," they replied, " th
Seneschal of Champagne, "but we dare not give him wha
'he asks."
I was in the king's chamber, and heard these words. The:
the king said: "Call me the seneschal." I went to him, an.
1 The 25th July 1250.
Joinville's Chronicle
245
[leit before him. He caused me be seated, and spoke thus:.
Seneschal, you know that I have loved you much; and my
op]e tell me they find you hard to deal with. How is,
us?" "Sire," I replied, "I can none other; for as you
[lOW, I was taken prisoner on the water, and none of my
Jssessions were then left to me; I lost alL" And he asked
le what I demanded; and I said I demanded two thousand
vres till Easter, for the two- thirds of the year.
" Now tell me," said he, " have you tried to make a bar-
loin with any knights? " and I said, " Yes, with my Lord
eter of Pontmolain, the third of three knights-banneret,
ho would each cost four hundred livres till Easter." He
ckoned on his fingers: "That makes twelve hundred Iivres
lat your new knights will cost you." "Now bethink you,
re," said I, " if it will not cost me fun eight hundred livres
) procure horse and annour for myself, and to get food for
LY knights; for you would not have us eat in your house."
hen he said to his people: "In troth, I see nothing out-
Lgeous in this; and I retain your services," said he to me.
THE KING'S BROTHERS EMBARK-ENVOYS OF THE
MPEROR FREDERICK II., AND THE SOLDAN OF DAMASCUS
After these things the king's brothers got their ships ready,
) did also the other men of note and wealth that were in
cree At the time of their departing, the Count of Poitiers
orrowed jewels from those who were going back to France;
1d to us, who remained, he gave of them freely and liberally.
:uch did the one and the other brother beseech me to have
Jod care of the king; and they told me there was none other
maining with him on whom they placed such reliance.
Then the Count of Anjou saw the time had come when he
lust embark, he showed such sorrow that all were astonished.
'evertheless he went back to France.
I Not long after the king's brothers had left Acre, there came
lVOYS to the king from the Emperor Frederic, bringing
tters of credence, and saying to the king that the emperor
1d sent them to effect our deliverance. They showed the
ing the letter which the emperor was sending to the soldan
ho was dead-for the emperor did not know of his death-
1d telling the soldan to give ear to what the envoys had to
1Y with regard to the deliverance of the king. Many said
246 Memoirs of the Crusades
it would not have been well for us if the envoys had found us
in captivity; for they thought the emperor had sent the
envoys rather to embarrass us than to set us free. The
envoys found us free, so they went their way.
While the king was at Acre, the Soldan of Damascus sent
envoys to the king, and complained greatly of the emirs of
Egypt, who had killed his cousin; and he promised the king
that, if he would help him, he would deliver up to him the
kingdom of Jerusalem, which was in his--the soldan's-
hand. The king decided to make answer to the Soldan of
Damascus through envoys of his own, whom he sent to the
soldan. With these envoys went Brother Yves Ie Breton, of
the order of the Preaching Brothers, who knew the Saracen
tongue.
While they were going from their hostel to the palace of
the soldan, Brother Yves saw an old woman going across the
street, and she bore in her right hand a dish full of fire, and
in her left a phial full of water. Brother Yves asked her:
"What are you doing with these?" And she answered
that with the fire she was minded to bum up paradise,
so that there should be none remaining; and with the
water to quench hen, so that there should be none
remaining. And he asked: "Why wilt thou do this?"
" Because I would that none should do good to have the
guerdon of paradise, or because of the fear of hell, but solely
for the love of God, who is all-worthy and can_do for us what-
soever is best."
JOHN THE ARMENIAN, THE KING'S ARTILLERYMAN
John the Annenian, who was artilleryman to the king, went
at that time to Damascus, to buy horn and glue for the
making of crossbows; and he saw an old man, very aged
seated in the bazaar of Damascus. This aged man called to
him and asked him if he were a Christian; and he said " Yes."
And the aged man said to him: "Much must you Christians
hate one another; for once upon a time I saw King Baldwin
-of Jerusalem, who was a leper, discomfiting Saladin, and
Baldwin had with him but three hundred men-at-arms J
whereas Saladin had three thousand; but now you have been
brought to so low estate by your sins that we take you in the
fields as if you were wild beasts."
Joinville's Chronicle 247
Then John the Annenian said he would do well to hold his
ce with regard to the sins of the Christians, seeing that
le sins committed by the Saracens were far greater. And
le Saracen replied that he had answered foolishly. And
>00 asked why? And the Saracen said he would tell him
hy; but first he would ask him a question. So he asked
m if he had any child? And John said: "Yes, a son."
ad he asked which would annoy him most, if he received a
lfIet-that that buffet should be administered by his son,
. by mm, the Saracen? And John said, he would be more
19ry with his son, if he did this thing, than with the Saracen.
" Then I will tell thee why," said the Saracen; "it is after
is manner: you Christians hold yourselves to be sons of
)d, and after His name of Christ you are called Christians;
ld such has been His courtesy towards you, that He has
ven you teachers by whom you may know when you do
ll and when you do evil. Therefore God is more wroth
lth you for a little sin that you may commit than with us
I r a great sin, seeing we commit it in ignorance, and are so
ind that we think we shall be free of all our sins if we wash
Lrselves with water before we die; because Mahomet told
I that by water we shall be saved at our deaths."
John the Armenian was once in my company, after I
turned from overseas and was going to Paris. While we
re at meat in the pavilion, a great crowd of poor folk came
beg of us for God's sake, and made a great clam our. One
our people who was there gave orders to a varlet, saying:
Up, up, and drive out these wretches I" cc Ah!" said
.hn the Armenian, " you have spoken very ill; for if the
ing of France were presently to send to each one of us by
s messengers one hundred marks of silver, we should not
ive those messengers away; and yet you drive away these
essengers who offer the utmost than can be given. For
ey ask you to give to them for God's sake, which means
at you will give them what is yours, and they (in return)
11 give you God Himself. For God has said out of His
m mouth that the poor have power to make gift of Him-
If to us, and the saints say that the poor can bring us into
Teement with Him; for like as water extinguishes fire, so
. alms extinguish sin. Let it never therefore happen," said
,hn, cc that you drive away the poor thus. But give unto
em, and God will give unto you."
K 333
24 8 Memoirs of the Crusades
ENVOYS FROM THE OLD MAN OF THE :MOUNTAIN-
THEIR THREATS TREATED WITH CONTEMPT
(\,.
\Vhile the king ,vas sojourning at Acre, envoys came 1
him from the Old !vIan of the Mountain. When the kir
returned from his mass, he caused them to be brought befo,
him. The king had them seated in such manner that the:
was, in front, an emir well clothed and well appointed, ar
behind the emir, a young bachelor, well appointed, who he:
in his fist three knives, of which the one entered into tl
handle of the other; and these knives, if the emir's pr f
posaIs were rejected, he was to present to the king in tokf
of defiance. Behind the bachelor who held the three knive
was another, and he had a strong (winding) sheet wour
round about his arm, and this he was to present to the kiI
for his burial, if he refused the demands of the Old Man
the
{ountain.
The king told the emir to say what was his will; and tl
emir presented his letters of credence, and spoke thus: ":M
lord sends me to ask if you know him?" And the kir
answered that he did not know him, for he had never sef
him; but that he had often heard tell of him. "And seeÌI
that you have heard tell of my lord," said the emir, "
marvel greatly that you have not sent him so much of YOl
substance as would keep him for your friend-like as tJ
Emperor of Germany, the King of HungalY, the Soldan
Babylon, and the rest do year by year, because they knc
of a certainty that they can only keep their lives as long
my lord pleases. And if it does not suit you to do this, the
cause him to be acquitted of the tribute that he o"\ves to tl
Hospital and to the Temple, and he will cry quits with you
(Now at that time the Old Man of the Mountain paid a tribu
to the Temple and to the Hospital, for the Templars ar
Hospitallers stood in no fear of the Assassins, seeing that tl
Old Man had nothing to gain by the death of the Master '
the Temple or of the Hospital, inasmuch as he knew veJ
well that if he caused one to be killed, another, equally goo
would be put in his place. Wherefore he had no wish .
sacrifice his Assassins in a service where there was nothing'
be gained.)
J oinville's Chronicle
249
The king answered the emir tbat he would see him again
. the afternoon.
When the emir returned, he found the king seated so that
le Master of the Hospital was on the one side of him and
Le Master of the Temple on the other. Then the king told
le emir to say again what he had said in the morning. And
le emir replied he had no intention of repeating what he
td said save in the presence of those who had been with the
.ng in the morning. Then the two masters said: " We
I )mmand you to repeat what you said." And he answered
lat as they commanded it he would do so. Then the two
.asters caused him to be told, in the Saracen tongue, that he
lould come on the morrow and speak to them at the
:ospi tal.
I When he came to them on the morrow the two masters
I Lused him to be told that his lord ,vas very rash in daring
I Þ address such rude words to the king; and they caused
: m to be told further, that if it were not for the king's
)nour, to whom they had come as envoys, they should have
I
en drowned in the foul sea of Acre, in their lord's despite.
I And we command you to return to your lord, and to come
lck here within fifteen days, bringing to the king, on the
I 1rt of your lord, such letters, and such jewels, that the king
I ay hold himself appeased, and have you in his good grace."
IE ENVOYS OF THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN RETURN
WITH WORDS OF PEACE-BROTHER YVES LE BRETON SENT
TO THE OLD MAN
Within fifteen days the envoys of the Old Man of the
:ountain returned to Acre, and brought to the king the Old
an's shirt; and they told the king, on the Old Man's part,
Ila t this signified that as the shirt is nearer to the body than
1 1Y other garment, so did the Old 11an hold the king to be
rer to himself in love than any other king. And the Old
i .an sent to the king his ring, which was of very fine gold
: ith his name written thereon; and he sent word that with
tis ring he espoused the king, wishing that henceforward
I ley should be as one. Among the other jewels that he
I
nt to the king, he sent an elephant of crystal, very well
.shioned, and a beast called a giraffe, of crystal also, and
?ples of divers kinds of crystal, and games of tables and
250 Memoirs of the Crusades
chess. And all these things were embowered in ambergris
and the ambergris ,vas tied to the crystal with delicatel'
wrought fastenings of good fine gold. And you must kno
that when the envoys opened the caskets containing thes
things, it seemed as if the whole chamber were full of balm
so sweet was the odour that came therefrom.
The king sent back the envoys to the Old Man, and wit]
them a great foison of jewels, cloths of scarlet, cups of golè
and horses' bits of silver; and with the envoys the king sen
Brother Yves Ie Breton, who knew the Saracen tongue. An,
Brother Yves found that the Old Man of the Mountain di,
not believe in Mahomet, but believed in the law of Ali, wh
was uncle to Mahomet.
This AIi raised Mahomet to the place of honour which h
held; and when Mahomet had obtained lordship over th
people, he despised his uncle, and withdrew himself fror
him.' And when Ali saw this, he gathered to him as man
people as he could, and taught them another belief tha
Mahomet had taught; whence it still comes that all wh
believe in the law of Ali say that those who believe in the la'
of Mahomet are miscreants; while contrariwise those wh
believe in the law of Mahomet say that those who believe i
the law of Ali are miscreants.
One of the points taught by the law of A1i is, that when
man gets himself killed doing the commands of his lord, hj
soul goes into a pleasanter body than before; and therefoI
the Assassins do not hesitate to get themselves killed wbe
their lord so orders, because they believe they will then be i
. better case after they are dead.
Another point is this: that they believe no man can di
until the day appointed for him; and this belief no ma
should hold, seeing that God has power to prolong our live:
or to shorten them. And on this point the Bedouins acceI
the law of Ali, for which reason they will not put on armOl
when they go into battle, since by so doing they think the
. would be acting contrary to the commandment of their lav
And when they curse their children they say: "Let the}
be upon thee the curse of the Frank, who puts on armOl
for fear of death."
Brother Yves found a book by the head of the Old 1vlan
bed, and in that book were written many words that our Lor
when on earth had said to St. Peter. And Brother Yves sai
Joinville's Chronicle
25 1
to him: "Ah! for God s sake, sire, read often in this book,
for these are very ood words.;' And the Old M an said he
)fttim es did so . "SincëOUr ord St. Pet er , "
ìdll e,
very-d ear to me ; for at the beginning of the world the soul ,
)f Abel, when he was 1ålled, went into the body of Noah' [J
lnd when Noah died it returned into the body of Abraham;
lnd from the body of Abraham, when he died, it came into
bod
J:, t that time when od-CaIne..on.earthJ'
W1ïëílBrother -Yves heard "this, he showed him that his
::reed was not sound, and taught him with many good words;
Jut the Old Man would not listen to him. And these things
Brother Yves told to the king, when he came back to us.
When the Old Man rode abroad, a crier went before him
bearing a Danish axe, with a long haft all covered with silver,
I md many knives affixed to the haft; and the crier cried:
I :c Turn aside from before him who bears in his hands the
death of kings! "
REPLY OF THE SOLDAN OF DAMASCUS-JOHN OF VALEN-
CIE
NES BEING SENT TO EGYPT OBTAINS THE RELEASE
OF MANY PRISONERS
I had forgotten to tell you of the reply that the king made
to the Soldan of Damascus-which was this: that he had no
intent to join with the soldan until such time as he kne"r
whether the emirs of Egypt would do him right for the treaty
they had broken; and that he would send to the emirs, and
if they would not do him right for the broken treaty, then
he would willingly help the soldan to avenge his cousin, the
Soldan of Babylon, whom they had slain.
While the king was at Acre he sent my Lord John of
Valenciennes into Egypt, who demanded of the emirs that
they should make reparation for the outrages and wrongs
I they had done to the king. And they said they ,vould do so
willingly, provided the king would enter into an alliance
with them against the Soldan of Damascus. My Lord John
of Valenciennes blamed them greatly for the wrongs done to
I the ldng, which have been stated above; and he advised that
it would be wen, in order to dispose the heart of the king
to kindness towards them, if they sent him all the knights
they held in captivity. And this they did; and, of further
25 2 Memoirs of the Crusades
courtesy, they sent all the bones of Count Walter of Brienne,
so that they might be buried in holy earth.
When my Lord John of Valenciennes was come back to
Acre, with two hundred knights that he brought from cap-
tivity, not counting the other people, my Lady of Sayette,
- who was cousin to Count Walter and sister to my Lord
Walter, Lord of Reynel-whose daughter John, Lord of
J oinville, took to wife after his return from overseas-then
my Lady of Sayette, I say, took the bones of Count Walter
and caused them to be buried in the Church of the
Hospitallers in Acre. And she caused the service to be done
in such manner that each knight offered a taper and a
denier of silver, and the king offered a taper and a besant of
gold, and all at the charges of my Lady of Sayette. And
much the people marvelled when the king did this, for he had
never before been seen to offer money not his own. But
this he did of his courtesy.
THE KING ENGAGES FORTY KNIGHTS OF CHAMPAGNE-
HIS REPLY TO THE EGYPTIAN ENVOYS
Among the knights that my Lord John of Valenciennes
had brought back, I found full forty who belonged to the
court of Champagne. I caused tunics and surcoats of green
cloth to be fashioned for them, and led them before the king,
and begged him to deal with them in such sort that they
should remain in his service. The king heard what they
asked for, and held his peace.
And one of the knights of his council said I did not well
when I brought such proposals to the king, seeing that the
king had already full seven thousand men too many wearing
his livery.1 And I told him it was great pity he should
speak thus; and that among us, the men of Champagne, we
had lost at least thirty-five knights, all bannerets, and of the
court of Champagne; and I said further: "The king will not
do well if he listens to you, seeing in what need he is of
knights." After these words I began to weep very bitterly;
and the king told me to hold my peace, and that he would
1 M. de Wailly translates liV1'ée into modern French as livre, the
coin. I agree, however, with Miss Wedgwood in thinking that Join-
ville used the term as meaning-what indeed it is-liv1'ée, a livery.
Joinville's Chronicle 253
ive these knights all I had asked. So the king engaged
hem as I wished, and placed them in my battalion.
The king gave answer to the envoys from Egypt that he
{ould make no treaty with them, unless they sent him all
he heads of Christians that they had hung round the walls
,f Cairo since the time when the Count of Bar and the Count
If Montfort were taken prisoners; and unless they delivered
lp all the children who had been taken young and had denied
heir faith; and unless they gave him quittance for the two
lundred thousand lz"vres that he still owed them. Together
vith the envoys of the emirs of Egypt, the king sent to
3abylon my Lord John of Valenciennes, a wise man and a
aliant.
At the beginning of Lent the king prepared, with all the
orces he had, to go and fortify Cæsarea, vlhich the Saracens
lad destroyed, and wlùch was twelve leagues from Acre, on
he way towards Jerusalem. My Lord Raoul of Soissons,
vho had remained sick in Acre, went with the king to fortify
æsarea. I know not how it was, save that such was God's
vilI, but the Saracens never did us hann during the whole
rear. \Vhile the king was fortifying Cæsarea, the envoys of
.he Tartars returned, and we will now tell you of the news
,hey brought.
lOW THE TARTARS CHOSE A CHIEF TO SHAKE OFF THE YOKE
OF PRESTER JOHN, AND OF THE EMPEROR OF PERSIA
As I have told you before, while the king was sojourning
n Cyprus, envoys came from the Tartars and gave him to
Inderstand that they would help him to conquer the king-
lorn of Jerusalem from the Saracens. The king sent back
:hese envoys, and sent with him, by his own envoys, a
hapel which he had caused to be fashioned all in scarlet;
lnd in order to dra,v the Tartars to our faith, he had caused
111 our faith to be imaged in the chapel: the Annunciation of
the angel, the Nativity, the baptism that God was baptised
withal, and all the Passion, and the Ascension, and the
coming of the Holy Ghost; and with the chapel he sent also
cups, books, and all things needful for the chanting of the
mass, and two Preaching Brothers to sing the mass before
the Tartars.
The king's envoys arnved at the port of Antioch; and
254 Memoirs of the Crusades
from Antioch it took them full a year's journeying, riding ten
leagues a day, to reach the great King of the Tartars. 1'hey
found all the land subject to the Tartars, and many cities
that they had destroyed, and great heaps of dead men's
bones.
They inquired how the Tartars had arrived at such
authority, and killed and utterly confounded so many
people; and this was how, as the envoys reported it to the
king: The Tartars came, being there created, from a great
plain of sand where no good thing would grow. This plain
began from certain rocks, very great an'd marvellous, which
are at the world's end, towards the E
t; and the said rocks
have never been passed by man, as t}(e Tartars testify. And
they said that within these rocks e enclosed the people of
Gag and Magog, who are to come at the end of the world,
when Antichrist shall come to destroy all things.
In this plain dwelt the people of the Tartars; and they
were subject to Prester J olm, and to the Emperor of Persia,
whose land came next to his, and to several other misbeliev-
ing kings, to whom they rendered tribute and service every
year, for the pasturage of their beasts, seeing they had no
other means of livelihood. This Prester John, and the King
of Persia, and the other kings, held the Tartars in such con-
tempt that when they brought their rents they would not
receive them face-wise, but turned their backs upon them.
Among the Tartars was a wise man, who journeyed over
all the plains, and spoke with the wise men of the plains, and
of the different places, and showed them in what bondage
they stood, and prayed them all to consider how best they
might find a way of escape from the bondage in which they
were held. He wrought so effectually that he gathered
them all together at the end of the plain, over against the
land of Prester John, and explained matters to them. And
they answered that whatever he desired, that they would do.
And he said that they would aclùeve nothing unless they had
a king and lord over them. And he taught them after what
manner they might obtain a king; and they agreed.
And this was the manner: out of the fifty-two tribes that
there were, each tnoc was to bring an arrow marked with its
name; and by consent of all the people it was agreed that
the fifty-two arrows so brought should be placed before a
clùld aged five years; and the arrow that the child took first
Joinville's Chronicle
255
rould mark the tribe from which the king would be chosen.
Vhen the child had so lifted up one of the arrows, the wise men
lused all the other tribes to draw back; and it was settled
:tat the tribe from which the king was to be chosen should
lect among themselves fifty-two of the wisest and best men
1at they had. When these were elected, each one brought
n arrow marked with his name. Then was it agreed that
1e man whose arrow the child lifted up should be made king.
.nd the child lifted up one of the arrows, and it was that of
1e wise man by whom the people had been instructed.
'hen were the people glad, and each rejoiced greatly. And
1e wise man bade them all be silent, and said: "Lords, if
ou would have me to be your king, swear to me by Him who
lade the heavens and the earth, that you will keep my com-
landments." And they swore it.
The ordinances that he established had for purpose the
laintenance of peace among the people; and they were to
Us effect: that none should steal another man's goods, nor
oy man strike another, on penalty of losing his fist; that
o man should have company with another's wife or
aughter, on penalty of losing his fist, or his life. Many
ther good ordinances did he establish among them for the
Laintenance of peace.
VICTORY OF THE TARTARS OVER PRESTER JOHN-
VISION OF ONE OF THEIR PRINCES-HIS CONVERSION
After he had established order and arrayed them, the
ing spoke in this wise: "Lords, the most powerful enemy
lat we have is Prester John. And I command you to be all
dy, on the morrow, to fall upon him; and if it so happens I
l8.t he defeats us-which God forbid I-let each do as best
can. And if we defeat him, I order that the slaying last
lIee days and three nights, and that none, during that
>ace, be so rash as to lay hand on the booty, but all be bent
1 slaying the people; for after we have obtained the victory,
will distribute the booty, duly and loyally, so that each '.
lall hold himself well paid." To this they all agreed.
I On the morrow they fell upon their enemies, and, as God
) willed, discomfited them. All those whom they found in
rIDS, and capable of defence, they put to the sword; and
lose whom they found in religious garb, the priests and
256 Memoirs of the Crusades
other religiouses, they slew not. The other people belonging
1to Prester John's land, who were not in that battle, made
themselves subject unto the Tartars.
One of the princes of the tribes spoken of above, was 10s1
for three months, so that no one had news of him; and when
he came back he was neither athirst nor an hungered, for h<<:
thought he had remained away no more than one night a1
the most. The news that he brought back was this: that h{
had gone to the top of a tall hillock and had found thereot
a great many folk, the fairest folk that he had ever seen, tht
best clothed arid the best adorned; and at the end of tht
lùllock he saw sitting, a king, fairer than the rest, and bette]
clothed, arid better adorned; and this king sat upon a thront
of gold. At his right sat six kings, crowned, riclùy adornec
with precious stones, and at his left six kings. Near him
at his right hand, was a queen kneeling, and she prayed ane
besought him to think upon her people; at his left hand knel1
a man of exceeding beauty, and he had two wings resplenden 1
as the sun. And round the king were a great foison of faÎJ
folk with wings. Then the king called the prince to him, an(
said: "Thou art come from the host of the Tartars." An(
he replied: "Sire, that is so, truly." And the king said
" Thou shalt go to thy king and tell him that thou hast seer
me, who am lord of heaven and earth; and thou shalt tel
him to render thanks to me for the victory I have given hin
over Prester John, and over his people. And thou shalt tel
him also, as from me, that I give him power to bring the
whole earth under his subjection." "Sire," said the prince
" how will he then believe me?" " Thou shalt tell him t(
believe thee by these signs: that thou shalt go and figh"
against the Emperor of Persia, with three hundred of th)
people, and no more; and in order that your great king ma)
believe that I have power to do all things, I shall give the.
the victory over the Emperor of Persia, who will do battl.
against thee with three hundred thousand armed men, an(
more; and before thou goest to do battle against him, thot
shalt ask of thy king to give thee the priests and men 0
religion whom he has taken in the (late) battle; and wha
these teach, that thou shalt firmly believe, thou and all th)
people." "Sire," said the prince, " I cannot go hence, iJ
thou dost not cause me to be shown the way."
Then the king turned towards a great multitude of knights,
J oinville' s Chronicle
257
so ,vell armed that it was a marvel to see them; and he
called one of them, and said: "George, come hither." And
the knight came and knelt before him. Then the king said
to him: "Rise, and lead me this man safe and sound to his
tent." And this the knight did at the dawning of a certain
day.
AB soon as all his people saw the prince, they made such
joy of him, as did all the host likewise, that it was past the
telling. He asked the great king to give him the priests, and
he gave them to him; and then the prince and all his people
received the priests' teaching so favourably that they were
all baptised. Mter these things the prince took three
hundred men-at-arms, and caused them to be confessed and
to make ready for battle, and then ,vent and fought against
the Emperor of Persia, and defeated him, and drove him
from his kingdom, so that the said emperor came flying to
the kingdom of Jerusalem; and this was the same emperor
who discomfited our people, and took Count Walter of
Brienne prisoner, as shall be told to you hereinafter.
MANNERS OF THE TARTARS-PRIDE OF THEIR KING-ST.
LEWIS REPENTS OF HAVING SENT AN ENVOY TO HIM
The people of this Christian prince were so numerous that
the king's envoys told us that he had in his camp eight
hundred chapels on waggons. Their manner of living is
such that they eat no bread, and live on meat and milk.
The best meat they have is horseflesh; and they put it to lie
in brine and dry it afterwards, so that they can cut it as they
would black bread. The best beverage they have, and the
strongest, is mare's milk, flavoured with herbs. There was
presented to the great king of the Tartars a horse laden with
flour, who had come a three-months journey's distance; and
he gave it to the envoys of the king.
There are among them a great many Christian folk who
hold the creed of the Greeks, and there are, besides, the
Christians of whom we have already spoken, and others.
These Christians the Tartars send against the Saracens when
they wish to make war on the Saracens; and contrariwise
they use the Saracens in any war against the Christians. All
manner of childless won1en go with them to war, and they
give pay to such women as they would do to men, according
258 Memoirs of the Crusades
to their itrength and vigour. And the king's envoys told
us that the men and women soldiers ate together in the
quarters of the chiefs under whom they servedj and that
the men dared not touch the women in any sort, because of
the law that their first king had given them.
The flesh of all manner of beasts dying in the camp is
eaten. The women who have children see after them, and
take care of them; and also prepare the food of the people
who go to battle. They put the raw meat between their
saddles and the lappets of their clothing, and when the blood
is well pressed out, they eat it quite raw. What they cannot
eat, there and then, they throw into a leather bag; and
when they are hungry they open the bag and always eat
the oldest bits first. Thus I saw a Khorasmin, one of the
Emperor of Persia's people, who guarded us in our imprison-
ment, and when he opened his bag we held our noses, for
we could not bear it, because of the stink that came out of
his bag.
But now let us go back to the matter in hand, and tell how
the great King of the Tartars, after he had received the
Icing's envoys and presents, sent to gather together, under
safe conduct, several kings who had not as yet submitted to
him; and ,vhen they were come he caused the king's chapel
to be pitched, and spoke to them after this manner: "Lords,
the King of France has sued for mercy, and submitted him-
self to us, and behold here is the tribute he has sent us; and
if you do not submit yourselves to us we will send and fetch
him for your destruction." Many there were who, through
fear of the French king, placed themselves in subjection to
that Tartar king.
With the king's envoys returned other envoys from the
great l{ing of the Tartars, and these brought letters to the
King of France, saying: "A good thing is peace; for in the
land where peace reigns those that go about on four feet eat
the grass of peace; and those that go about on two feet till
the earth-from which good things do proceed-in peace
also. And this thing we tell thee for thy advertisement; for
thou canst not have peace save thou have it with us. For
Prester John rose up against us, and such and such kings "
-and he named a great many-" and we have put them all
to the sword. So we admonish thee to send us, year by
year, of thy gold and of thy silver 1 and thus keep us to be thy
Joinville's Chronicle
259
iend; and if thou wilt not do this, ,ve will destroy thee and
iY people, as we have done to the kings already named."
nd you must know that it repented the king sorely that he
ld ever sent envoys to the great King of the Tartars.
CERTAIN KNIGHTS ARRIVE FROM NORWAY
Now let us return to the matter in hand, and tell how,
bile the king was fortifying Cæsarea, there came to the
lmp my Lord Alenard of Senaingan, and he told us he had
uilt his ship in the realm of Norway, which is at the world's
1d, towards the west, and how, in coming to the king, he
ad gone all round Spain, and passed through the Straits of
[orocco. Great perils had he undergone before he came to
s. The king retained him in his service and nine of his
nights. And this lord Alenard told us that, in the land of
forway, the nights were so short in summer that every
ight you saw at one time the light of the day that was pass-
19 and the light of the day that was dawning.
And he betook himself, he and his people, to the hunting
I f lions; and they took several very perilously; for they
{ould go forward to shoot at the lions, spurring as hard as
hey could; and when they had shot their shafts, the lions
prang at them; and now would they have been seized and
levoured if they had not let fall a piece of ragged cloth,
vhich the lion leapt upon, tore and devoured, thinking he
lad hold of a man. While the lion was thus tearing the
:loth, another hunter went and shot at him, and the lion
eft tearing the cloth, and sprang after this hunter; and he
n turn let fall another piece of cloth, and again the lion
)ounced upon it. And thus they killed the lion with their
Lrrows.
PIDLIP OF TOUCY ENGAGED BY THE KING--CUSTOMS
OF THE COMANS
While the king was fortifying Cæsarea, my Lord Philip of
Toucy came to him. And the king said he was his cousin,
because he was descended from one of the sisters of King
Philip-which sister the Emperor (of Constantinople) had
to wife. The king retained him in his service, with nine of
his knights, for a year; and afterwards he departed, and
260 Memoirs of the Crusades
\
went back to Constantinople, whence he had come. He told
the king that the Emperor of Constantinople, and the other
men of note in Constantinople, had allied thems
lves with a
people that were called Comans, so as to ha,,'e their help
against Vataces, the Emperor of the Greeks.
And in order that the one party should help the other in
all good faith, the emperor a:qd the other men of note that
,vere with him suffered theIIl1elves to be bled, and put their
blood into a great bowl 9f silver. And tbe King of the
Comans, and the other men of note that were with him, did
likewise, and mingled their blood with the blood of our
people, and mixed therewith ,vine and water, and drank
thereof" and our people also; and then they said they were
brothers in blood. Then they caused a dog to pass between
their people and our people, and cut the dog in pieces with
their swords, our peopJe doing the same; and they said that
whoso failed the other in this alliance on either side should
thus be cut in pieces. !
Again my Lord Philip told us of a great marvel that he had
seen when in the camp of the Comans; for one of their rich
knights being dead, they had made a very large and wide
grave in the earth, and had seated him therein, very nobly
apparelled, in a chair; and with him they put into the grave
the best horse that he had, and best sergeant, both alive.
The sergeant, before he was put in the grave with his lord,
took leave of the King of the Comans and of the other rich
lords; and while he was taking leave of them, they put into
his scarf a great foison of gold and silver, and said: "When
I come into the other world, thou shalt give me back what I
here entrust to thee." And the sergeant said: "That shall
I do right willingly." The great King of the Comans then
gave him a letter, addressed to the first of their kings, notify-
ing that the right worthy sergeant had lived well, and served
him right well, and ought to be duly rewarded. vVhen this
was done, they placed the sergeant in the grave with his lord,
and with the live horse; and then they threw over the
mouth of the grave boards, closely fitted, and all the host ran
for stones and for earth, and ere they slept that night they
had made a great mound in memory of those whom they
had thus buried.
Join ville' s Chronicle
261
I
NEW ESGAGEMENT OF JOINVILLE-HOW HE LIVED
OVERSEAS
\Vhile the kmg was fortifying Cæsarea, I went upon a day
to his quartets, to see him. He was talking to the legate,
Ld as soon as he saw me enter into his chamber he rose, and
ok me aside, and said: "You know that I only retained
)ur services till Easter, so I pray you to tell me what I shall
ve you to remain with me for a year beyond Easter."
nd I told him I did not wish him to give me more of his
oneys than he had already given me; but that I wished to
ake with him another bargain. "Because," said I, " you
flX \vroth when one asks you for &í1ything; 50 I ,vish you
I make a covenant with me, that if I ask you for anything
lring the whole of the year, you will not be wroth, and if
)u refuse it, I on my side will not be wroth either." When
le king heard this he began to laugh aloud, and said he
auld keep me in his service on this covenant; and he took
Le by the hand, and led me to the legate and to his coun-
liors, and told them of the bargain we had made; and they
ere greatly rejoiced, beca use I 'Y
the man of most note
1d substance in the host :-- ,-
---",-- -
-
- ,
ereinaff WIll I tell you how I planned and arranged my
ffairs during the four years that I remained in the land
versea, after the king's brothers had departed. I had two
:mplains, who said my hours to me. The one chanted my
lasS as soon as the dawn of day appeared; the other waited
II my knights, and the knights belonging to my division,
ad risen. When I had heard my mass, I went to the king.
f the king wished to ride abroad, I kept him company.
,ometimes it chanced that messengers came, so that we had
1uch business during the morning.
My bed was laid in my pavilion after such a manner that -...
lone could enter in without seeing me as I lay in my bed;
.nd this I did so that there should be no ill suspicion as con-
:eming women. When it came to the feast of St. Remigius, I
:aused pigs to be bought for my styes, and sheep for my
.heepfolds, and flour and wine for the provisioning of my
luarters during the whole winter; and this I did because
)rovisions became dearer in 'winter, seeing that the sea is
:nore treacherous in winter than in the summer. And I
262 Memoirs of the Crusades
bought full a hundred tuns of wine, and always caused th
best to be drunk first; and the wine of the varI
ts I causet
to be mixed with water, and the wine of the squires with les
water. At my own table were served before
ach knight =
large phial of wine and a large phial of water, and each mixec
according to his will.
The king had given me for my battalion fifty knights
Every time that I ate, I had ten knights at my table wit]
my own ten knights; and they ate, one fronting the other
according to the custom of the land, and sat upon mats 01
the ground. Every time that there was a call to anns, .
sent thither fifty-four knights, who were called dizeniers
because each commanded ten men. Every time that WI
rode out armed, all the fifty knights ate in my quarters 01
their return. At all the annual festivals I asked to m"
table all the men of note in the host, whereby it sometirn
happened that the king had to borrow some of my guests.
SOME OF THE JUDGMENTS PRONOUNCED AT CÆSAREA
Hereinafter you shall hear tell of the justice and judg
ments that I saw rendered at Cæsarea while the king wa:
sojourning there. First we will tell of a knight who wa:
taken in a brothel, and to whom a certain choice was left
according to the customs of the country. And the choic(
was this: that either the wanton woman should lead hirr
through the camp, in his shirt, and shamefully bound witl
a rope, or that he should lose his horse and arms and bt
driven from the host. The knight gave up his horse to the
king, and his arms, and left the host. Then I went ane
asked the king to give me the horse for a poor gentleman wh(
was in the host. And the king answered me that this reo
quest was not reasonable, seeing that the horse was stil
worth eighty livres. And I replied: "Now have you broker
our covenant, for you are wroth with me for my request.'
And he said to me, laughing merrily: " Say what you like, ]
am not wroth with you." Nevertheless I did not get th
horse for the poor gentleman.
The second judgment was this: the knights of our battalion
were hunting a wild animal that is called a gazelle, and is
like a deer. The brethren of the Hospital leapt out upon
our knights, and hustled them and drove them away. So I
Joinville's Chronicle
26 3
:omplained to the Master of the Hospital; and the Master of
:he Hospital answered that he would do me right according
.0 the customs of the Holy Land, which \vere such that he
vould cause the brethren who had committed the outrage,
o eat sitting on their mantles, until such time as those on
I vhom the outrage had been committed should raise them up.
The master dealt with them according to his promise;
.nd when we saw that they had eaten for a \vhile sitting on
heir mantles, I went to the master, and found him at meat,
.nd asked him to cause the brethren to rise who were eating
,efore him sitting on their mantles; and the knights on
{horn the outrage had been committed begged him also.
Ie answered that he would do nothing of the kind, for he
/ould not suffer it that the brethren should evil entreat
l10se who came on pilgrimage to the Holy Land. When I
.eard this I sat down with the brethren and began to eat
nth them, and I told him I should not rise till the brethren
.ad risen. And he told me this was forcing his hand, and
ranted my request; and he caused me and the knights
hat were with me to eat with him, while the brethren went
.nd ate with the others at a table.
The third judgment that I saw rendered at Cæsarea was
his: A certain sergeant of the king, whose name was Le
oulu, laid his hand on one of the knights in my battalion.
went and complained to the king. The king said that, as
: seemed to him, I might well leave the matter where it
toad, seeing that the sergeant had given my knight no more
:lan a push. And I said I would not leave the matter where
: stood; and if he did not do me right, I should leave his
rvice, se
ing that his sergeants were suffered to push
nights. Then he caused right to be done to me, and in
1is wise, according to the customs of the land: the ser-
eant came to my quarters, barefoot, clothed only in his
1Îrt and drawers, and with a naked sword in his hand; and
e knelt before the knight, took the sword by its point and
anded the pommel to the lmight, and said: cc Lord, I make
mends for that I laid my hand upon you, and I have
rought you this sword so that you may cut off my fist, if
lch is your pleasure." And I asked the knight to forgive
im his offence, and he did so.
The fourth penalty was as follows: Brother Hugh of Jouy,
rho was Marshal of the Temple, was sent to the Soldan of
264 Memoirs of the Crusades
Damascus by the Master of the Temple to negotiate an
agreement respecting a large tract of land which the Temple
had been used to hold, but which the soldan wished to divide,
so that the Temple should have one half and the soldan the
other. The agreement was made accordingly, subject to
the king's consent. And Brother Hugh brought back with
him an emir from the Soldan of Damascus, together with the
agreement in writing, duly executed.
The master told these things to the king; and the king
was greatly surprised, and said the master had been over-
bold in holding speech or negotiating with the soldan without
first speaking to him, the king; and the king added that
reparation should be made. And the reparation was made
in this wise: The king caused the flaps of three of his pavilions
to be raised; and all the commonalty of the host who would,
had leave to assemble there and see what was toward.
And thither came the Master of the Temple, and all his
brotherhood of knights, all barefoot, right through the
camp, because their quarters were outside. And the king
caused the Master of the Temple to sit in front of him, and
also the soldan's envoy; and the king said to the master, in
a loud voice: "Master, you will tell the soldan's envoy that
it repents you that you have made any treaty with the
soldan without first speaking to me; and because you did
not first so speak to me, you must hold the soldan discharged
from what he has covenanted, and return him all his cove-
nants." Thereupon the master took the written agreements
and gave them to the emir; and then the master said: "I
give you back the agreements that I entered into wrong-
fully; whereof it repenteth me." Then the king told the
master to rise, and to cause all the brethren to rise; and he
did so. And the king said: "Now kneel, and make repara-
tion, because you have gone to the soldan against my will."
The master knelt, and handed the end of his mantle to th{:
king, and gave over to the king all that they possessed tc
take therefrom such fine and penalty as the king might
determine. "And I declare in the first place," said thf
king, "that Brother Hugh, who made these agreements;
shall be banished from all the realm o
Jerusalem." Neithel
the master, who was godfather with the king to the Count oj
Alençon, born at Castle Pilgrim, nor even the queen, no]
any other, was able to do aught on behalf of Brother Hugh;
Joinville's Chronicle 26 5
Id he had to avoid the Holy Land and the kingdom of
rusalem.
TREATY WITH THE EGYPTIAN EMIRS-ST. LEWIS
FORTIFIES JAFFA
While the king was fortifying the city of Cæsarea, his
lVOYS returned from Egypt, and brought with them the
eaty, as devised by the king, in the manner already told.
nd the covenants between the king and the emirs were such
Lat the king was to go, on a day therein named, to Jaffa;
ld on the day that the king went to Jaffa the Egyptian
airs were bound by their oaths to be at Gaza to deliver up
the king the kingdom of Jerusalem. The treaty, such
the envoys brought it, was sworn to by the king, and by
,e men of note in the host; and by our oaths we were bound
help the emirs against the Soldan of Damascus.
When the Soldan of Damascus knew that we had allied
lrselves with those in Egypt, he sent full four thousand
lrks, weTI appointed, to Gaza, whither those from Egypt
re to come; and this he did because he knew full well that
the host from Egypt could join us, it would be to his loss.
vertheless the king did not desist from marching on Jaffa.
"hen the Count of Jaffa saw that the king was coming, he
'epared his castle in such wise that it seemed to be a town
ll capable of defence; for at each of the battlements-of
1Ïch there were full five hundred-he set a shield, with his
fiS, and a pennon; and this thing ,vas fair to see, for his
ms were or \vith a cross of gules patté.
We encamped in the fields round the castle, and sur-
unded the castle, which lies on the sea, from the one sea
the other. Forthwith the king betook himself to fortify
new burgh, all round the old castle, and going from the one
a to the other. Oftentimes I saw the king himself carry-
g a hod to the trenches so as to gain the promised indul-
nee.
The Egyptian emirs failed us in their covenants; for they
d not dare to come to Gaza because of the people of the
>>ldan of Damascus who were there. Nevertheless they
)served their covenant in so far that they sent to the king
l the heads of the Christians hung on the walls of the castle
Cairo, at the time when the Count of Bar and the Count
266 Memoirs of the Crusades
()f Montfort were taken; and these the king caused to be
buried in holy ground. And they also sent the children whc
had been taken when the king was taken; which thing they
did regretfully, for the children had already denied theÏ1
fai
h. And. with these they sent to the king an elephant;
which the kmg sent to France.
While ,ve sojourned at Jaffa an emir, belonging to th
party of the Soldan of Damascus, came to reap the com a1
a village three leagues from the camp. It was agreed tha1
we should attack him. When he sa'\v us coming he took tc
flight. While he was flyiNg, a young gentleman varlet to01
to chasing after him, and bore two of his knights to th(
earth without breaking his spear, and then struck the emÌ1
in such sort that the lance broke in his body.
Envoys from the Egyptian emirs besought the king tc
appoint a day on which they might come to him; when they
would come without fail. The king decided that he woule
not refuse, and appointed them a day; and they made
covenant with him, on oath, that on the day appointed the}
would be at Gaza.
OF THE COUNT OF EU-THE PRINCE OF ANTIOCH-AND
THE THREE ARMENIAN GLEEMEN
While we were waiting for the day that the king had ap.
pointed for the meeting with the Egyptian emirs, the Coun1
of Eu, who was a squire, came to the camp; and he brough1
with him my Lord Amoul of Guines, the good knight, ane
his two brothers, he being in command of nine knights. Thf
Count of Eu remained in the service of the king, and the kin
made him a knight.
At this point the Prince of Antioch returned to the camp.
and the princess his mother; and the king did him grea1
bonour, and made him a knight very honourably. His agf
was not more than sixteen years; but never have I seen f:
child of such discernment. He asked the king to give birr
hearing before his mother; and the king consented. Ani.
the words that he spoke to the king before his mother werf
these: "Sire, it is no doubt true that my mother should stil
keep me for four years in her tutelage; but that is no reasor
why she should suffer my land to be lost, and go to decay.
And this I say, sire, because the city of Antioch is perishin
J oinville's Chronicle
26 7
1 her hands. Wherefore I beseech you, sire, that you ask
er to grant me money and men, so that I may go and suc-
Jur my people who are there and give them help. And,
re, rightly should she do this; for if I remain with her in
Ie city of Tripoli, needs is it that great expense should be
lcurred; and the great expense I shall so incur ,vill be
lcurred for nothing."
The king heard him right willingly, and did all in his power
) bring his mother to give him as much as could be ex-
acted from her. As soon as he parted from the king, he
'ent to Antioch, and there obtained favour. With the
ing's consent he quartered his arms, which are gules, with
Ie anns of France, because the king had made him a knight.
With the prince came three gleemen from Great Armenia.
hey were brothers and were going to Jerusalem on pilgrim-
e ; and they had three horns, and these horns were so
evised that the sound came from the side of their faces.
{hen they began to sound their horns, you would have said
; was the voice of swans coming from a mere; for they made
1e sweetest music and the most melodious, so that it was
larvellous to hear them. They all three also leapt mar-
ellously; for a mat was put under their feet, and they made
somersault standing, so that their feet came back upon
1e mat. Two made the somersault with their heads
ackwards, and the eldest also; and when they caused him
) jump with his head forward, he signed himself with the
ross, for he was afeared lest he should break his neck. as he
Imed.
REAK IN THE NARRATIVE-ûF WALTER, COUNT OF BRIENNE
AND JAFFA, AND HOW HE WAS MADE PRISONER BY THE
EMPEROR OF PERSIA-AND OF OTHER MATTERS THERETO
PERTAINING
Because it is a good thing that the memory of the Count of
;rienne, who was Count of J aHa, should not be forgotten
re will speak of him here, for he held J aHa for many years'
I nd defended it a long while by his prowess; and he lived:
I )r the most part, by what he gained from the Saracens and
he enemies of the faith. Thus it happened on a time
hat he discomfited a great number of Saracens who were
onveying a great foison of cloth of gold and silk; and he
268 Memoirs of the Crusades
captured it all. And when he had brought it to Jaffa I
divided it among his knights, so that none was left over fe
himself. His manner of life was such that, when he part{
from his knights, he shut himself up in his chapel, and w
long at his orisons or ever he went at night to sleep with h
wife, who was a very good lady, and a wise, and sister to t1
King of Cyprus.
The Emperor of Persia, whose name was Barbaquan, ar
whom one of the Tartar princes had discomfited, as I ha,
already told you, came \vith all his host into the kingdom I
Jerusalem, and took the Castle of Tabarie, which had beF.
fortified by my Lord Odo of Montbéliard, the constable, wI
was Lord of Tabarie through his wife. Much evil did tl
Emperor of Persia work upon our people, for he destroy(
whatever he could find outside Castle-Pilgrim, and outsi(
Acre, and outside Safad, and outside Jaffa also. And wh(:
he had wrought this destruction, he betook himself to Gaz
there to join himself to the Soldan of Babylon, who was 1
come thither to hany and oppress our people.
The barons of the land decided, and the patriarch, th
they would go and attack the emperor before the Soldan c
Babylon arrived. And in order to obtain help, they sent 1
fetch the Soldan of la Chamelle, one of the best knights in a
paynimry, to whom they showed such great honour in Ac]
that they spread cloths of gold and silk before him wherese
ever he was to pass. Thus they came to Jaffa, our peop
and the soldan with them.
The patriarch had excommunicated Count Walter becau
he would not give up a tower that he held in Jaffa, an
that was called the patriarch's tower. Our people besougl
Count Walter to go with them and fight against the Empen
of Persia; and he said he would do so willingly provided t1
patriarch would give him absolution till their return. TI
patriarch would none of it; nevertheless Count Walter wer
with them. Our people formed three divisions, of whic
one was under Count Walter, another under the Soldan (
la Chamelle, while the patriarch and those belonging to tl
land formed the third. In the division of the Count (
Brienne were the Hospitallers.
They rode forward until they came within sight of the"
enemies. A5 soon a, our people saw them, they halted, an
their enemies formed themselves in three divisions likewise
J oinville' s Chronicle
26 9
Nhile the Khorasmins were setting their division in array,
:Ount Walter came to our people, and cried: "Lords, for
;od's sake, let us fall upon them, for we are giving them
ime, in that we have halted." But no one would listen to
urn.
vVhen Count Walter saw this, he came to the patriarc ,
nd begged for absolution, in the manner aforesaid; but
.he patriarch would none of it. No,v with the Count of
3rienne was a valiant clerk, who was Bishop of Ramleh, and
lad done many fine deeds of chivalry in company of the
;ount, and he said to Count Walter: "Be not troubled ir
:onscience because the patriarch will not give you absolu
:ion, for he is in the wrong, and you are in the right; and
..bsolve you in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and
)f the Holy Ghost. Let us at them! "
So they dug their spurs into their horses and fell upon the
livision of the Emperor of Persia, which was the last. Very
nany were the people killed on the one side and on the other;
md there was Count Walter taken, for all our people fled so
;bamefully that many in their despair drowned themselves
.n the sea. And they were thus panic-stricken because one
)f the battalions of the Emperor of Persia attacked the Soldan
)f la Chamelle, and though the soldan defended himself right
well, yet of two thousand Turks that he led into battle, only
fourteen score remained when he left the field.!
The emperor decided that he would besiege the soldan in
the castle of la Chamelle, because he thought the soldan
could not long hold out after he had lost so many of his
people. When the soldan saw this, he came to his people
and told them that he would go out and fight against the
emperor, for if he suffered himself to be besieged, he would
be lost. He so arranged matters that he sent out all his
people who were ill armed by a hidden valley; and as soon
as they heard the soldan's drums beating, they fell upon the
I emperor's camp from behind, and began to slay the women
I and children.
I N ow the en1peror had gOùe into the field to fight the
I soldan, whom he saw there before his eyes; but when he
heard the cry raised in the rear by his own people, he re-
turned into his camp to succour the women and children.
Then the soldan fell upon him and upon his people, and that
1 This battle took place in 1244.
270 Memoirs of the Crusades
so well and to such good purpose, that out of the twenty,
five thousand there present of the emperor's people neitheJ
man nor woman remained; all were either killed in fight 0]
given to the sword.
Before the Emperor of Persia came to la Chamelle, he hac
taken Count Walter prisoner before Jaffa; and they hun
him by the anns to a forked pole, and told him they woule
not take him down till the Castle of Jaffa was theirs. Whilt
he was thus hanging by the arms he cried to those in thf
castle not to surrender for any hurt that might be done t<
him, and that if they did surrender, he would slay then
with his own hands.
When the emperor saw this, he sent Count Walter tt:
Babylon, as a present to the soldan, and likewise the MasteJ
of the Temple and several other prisoners whom he hac
taken. Those who led the count into Babylon were full thret
hundred men, and these were not killed when the emperoJ
was slain before la Chamelle.
And these three hundred men, who were Khorasmins
were among those who afterwards attacked us on the Friday'
when we were on foot. Their banners were red and indenteè
up towards the lance; and on their lances they had fashionec
" heads with hair, that seemed like the heads of devils.
Several of the merchants of Babylon cried to the soldar
that he should do them justice against Count Walter for th{
great losses they had suffered at his hands, and the soldar:
suffered them to go and take vengeance upon him. So they
went and slew him in prison, where he was killed for tht
Lord's sake; whence we may well believe that he is w
heaven, and among the number of the martyrs.
NARRATIVE RESUMED-RETURN TO THE HISTORY OF ST.
LEWIS-SOLDAN OF DAMASCUS AND EGYPTIAN EMIRE
MAKE PEACE-DEFEAT OF MASTER OF ST. LAZARUS
The Soldan of Damascus took his people that were at Gaza
and entered into Egypt. The emirs came and fought against
him. "The division immediately under the soldan defeated
the emirs with whom they engaged, and on the other side the
. division of the emirs of Egypt defeated the rear division of
the Soldan of Damascus. So the Soldan of Damascus went
back to Gaza, wounded in the head and in the hand. And
Joinville's Chronicle
27 1
efore he left Gaza the emirs of Egypt sent their envoys
nd made peace with him, and failed in all the covenants
1ey had made with us; and thenceforward we had neither
uce nor peace either with those of Damascus or those of
:abylon. And you must know that the greatest number of
len-at-arms that ever we had was no more than fourteen
undred.
While the king was encamped before Jaffa, the Master of
t. Lazarus espied, towards Ramleh, at three great leagues'
istance, certain beasts, and various things whereof he
lought to make great booty; and so he, who held no rank
1 the host, and thus did what seemed best in his own eyes,
"ent thither without speaking to the king. When he had
lthered together his spoils, the Saracens fell upon him, and
iscomfited him in such sort that of all the people he had in
is company, no more than four escaped.
So soon as he came back into the camp, he began to cry to
rms. I went and anned myself, and begged the king to
Iffer me to go to the place; and he gave me leave, and
: rdered that I should take with me the knights of the Temple
ad of the Hospital. When we came thither, we found that
rtain stranger Saracens had come down into the valley
here the Master of St. Lazarus had been discomfited.
1hile these stranger Saracens were looking upon the dead,
le master of the king's crossbowmen ran upon them; and
efore we came up, our people had discomfited them and
illed several.
One of the king's sergeants and
ne of the Saracens bore
\ch the other to the earth at one stroke with their lances.
nother of the king's sergeants, when he saw this, took their
'10 horses, and was leading them away to steal them; and
) that no one might see him, he got between the walls of the
ty of Ramleh. While he was leading the horses away, an
,d cistern, over which he passed, gave way under him. The
lTee horses, and he himself, fell to the bottom, and I was
)ld of it. I went to see, and found that the cistern was still
.lling in upon them, and that, with a little more, they would
lve been all buried. So we returned without loss, except
lch loss as had been incurred by the Master of St. Lazarus.
272 Memoirs of the Crusades
ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE CROSSBOWMEN AND THE
MEN OF THE SOLDAN OF DAMASCUS, NEAR JAFFA
SO soon as the Soldan of Damascus had made peace wit'
the emirs of Egypt, he ordered such of his people as were a
Gaza to return to him. They passed before our camp a
less than two leagues' distance, nor did they ever venture t
attack us, though they were, in number, full twenty thousan
Saracens, and ten thousand Bedouins. Before they earn
over against our camp the master of the king's crossbo
men and his division observed them for three days and thrf
nights, lest they should fall upon us unawares.
On St. John's Day (6th May 1253), that was after Easte"
the king heard his sermon. During the sermon a sergean
belonging to the master of the crossbowmen, entered tl'
king's chapel, fully anned, and told him that the Saracer
had surrounded the master crossbowmen. I begged tl
king to let me go thither, and he granted my request, an
told me to take with me four or five hundred men-at-ann
and named those whom he wished me to take. As soon
we issued from the camp, the Saracens, who had put then
selves between the master of the erossbowmen and t1
camp, went off to join an emir who was on a hillock in fror
of the master of the cross bowmen, with full a thousar.
men-at-arms.
Then began a fight between the Saracens and the mast.
of the crossbowmen's sergeants, of whom there were ft:
fourteen score. And as soon as the emir saw that his peop
were hard pressed, he sent them help, and in such numbe
that they drove our sergeants back upon the master's troop
When the master sa,v that his people were being hal
pressed, he sent to their help a hundred or six score men-a
arms, who drove back the assailants upon the troops of tl
emIr.
While we ,vere there, the legate and the barons of the Ian.
who had remained with the king, told the king that he h
acted very foolishly in putting me in danger; and by the
advice the king sent to recall me, and the master of the cros
bowmen also. The Turks departed, and we returned to tl
camp. Many people wondered why they did not come 1
attack us, and certain people said that if they did not do SI
Joinville's Chronicle
273
was because they and their horses had been famished at
Lza, where they had sojourned nearly a year.
THE HOST OF THE SOLDAN OF DAMASCUS PASSES
3EFORE ACRE-FINE FEAT OF ARMS OF JOHN LE GRAND
When these Saracens had departed from before J aHa and
me before Acre, they sent word to the Lord of Assur, who
LS constable of the kingdom of Jerusalem, that they would
stray the gardens of the city if he did not send them fifty
ousand besants; and he made answer that he would send
em none. Then they arrayed their battalions, and came
along the sands of Acre, and so near to the city as to be
ll within the shot of a swivel-crossbow. The Lord of
;sur issued from the town, and set himself on Mount St.
IlL'l, there where the cemetery of St. Nicholas is, to defend
e gardens. Our foot sergeants issued from Acre, and began
harass the Saracens with bows and crossbows.
The Lord of Assur called to him a knight of Genoa, whose
.me was my Lord John Ie Grand, and ordered him to go
.d recall the lesser people who had issued from the town of
re, so that they should not put themselves in peril. While
: was bringing them back, a Saracen began to cry out to
m, in the Saracen tongue, that he would joust with him, if
at were his pleasure; and my Lord John told him he
Juld do so willingly. While my Lord John was going
i wards the Saracen to joust, he looked to his left hand, and
: w a little troop of Turks, full eight in number, who had
: .lted to see the joust. He left the jousting with the
wracen, and went towards the little troop of Turks, who
:
re stopping quite still, to see the joust, and ran one of
! em through the body with his lance, and laid hin1 dead.
I 'hen the others saw this, they ran upon him as he was
turning towards our people, and one of them struck him a
eat blow with his mace on bis steel cap; and as this Turk
LSSed, my Lord T ohn with his sword struck him on the
, Iban that was wrapped round his head, and caused the
! ,rban to fly off into the field. (They wear turbans when they
I
ht, because the turbans will ward off the heavy blow of a
I vord.) Another Turk spurred upon him, and would have
I rust his spear between his shoulders; but my Lord John
I .w the spear coming and inclined to the left; then as the
I
I
274 Memoirs of the Crusades
Saracen passed, my Lord John gave him a back-hande
stroke with the sword across the ann, so that his spear fie-
into the midst of the field. And so my Lord John returnee
and brought back his foot people. And these fine stroke
were struck before the Lord of Assur, and the men of n01
that were in Acre, and before all the women who were 1001
ing on upon the walls.
SACK OF SA YETIE
When this great foison of Saracens, who were before Acr
and had not dared to fight against us, as you have heard, nt
against those at Acre,-when they heard tell-and it w:
sooth-that the king was fortifying the city of Sayett
and with very few good men, they set themselves to dra
thither. My Lord Simon of Montbéliard, who was master I
the king's crossbowmen, and chief of the king's people
Sayette, heard that the Saracens were coming, and he r
treated into the castle of Sayette, which is very strong ar
surrounded by the sea on all sides; and this he did becau
he saw right well that he had no power to resist the comiI
Saracens. He took with him into the castle as many peop
as he could, but these were only a few, seeing that the cast
was too small.
The Saracens threw themselves into the town, and fOUl
no resistance, for it was not all enclosed. They killed IDO
than two thousand of our people; and with the booty the
gained went off to Damascus. When the king heard the
tidings he was greatly angered. Ahl could he only redre
what had been done I And the barons of the land turnl
this feeling of his to their advantage; because the king h
before been minded to go and fortify a hillock on the W
from J aHa to J erusalem-on which hillock there had stO(
an ancient stronghold in the days of the Maccabees. Nc
the barons of oversea were not of opinion that this old cast
should be rebuilt, because it was five leagues from the Sf
so that no provisions could be sent thither from the sea wit
out falling into the hands of the Saracens, who were strong
than \ve \vere. When therefore the news came to the carr
that the burgh of Sayette had been destroyed, the barons
the land came to the king, and told him it would be roo
honourable to re-fortify Sayette, which the Saracens h
Joinville's Chronicle 275
destroyed, than to build a new fortress; and the king agreed
thereto.
WHY ST. LEWIS, TAKING EXAMPLE OF KING RICHARD OF ENG-
LAND, REFUSED TO BEHOLD JERUSALEM-AND MATTERS
THERETO RELATING
While the king was at J aHa, it was told him that the
Soldan of Damascus would be willing that he should go to
Jerusalem, and under a sure and safe conduct. The king held
:to great council thereon; and the conclusion of the council was
that no one advised the king to go, since he would have (in
the end) to leave the city in the hands of the Saracens.
They gave the king an example as follows: When the great
King Philip departed from Acre to go to France, he suffered
111 his people to remain in the host with Duke Hugh of Bur-
undy, the grandsire of the duke lately deceased. While
che duke sojourned at Acre, and King Richard of England
MSO, news came to them that they could take Jerusalem on
che morro,v, if they so desired, seeing that all the chivalry of
:he Soldan of Damascus had gone to rejoin him elsewhere,
Jecause of a war that he had with another soldan. So they
lrrayed their people, and the King of England fanned the
1rst division of the forces, and the Duke of Burgundy, with
III the people belonging to the King of France, the second
livision. While they were thus thinking to take the city,
vord came to the King of England from the duke's camp
:hat he should proceed no further, because the duke was re-
:reating, and retreating for this reason and none other, so
:hat it might not be said that the English had taken Jeru-
I ;alem. While they were speaking of this, one of his knights
i
ried: "Sire, sire, come so far hither, and I will show you
I J erusalen11" And when the king heard this he threw his
I
oat-armour before his eyes, all in tears, and said to our
I 3aviour: "Fair Lord God, I pray Thee suffer me not to see
I Thy Holy City since I cannot deliver it from the hands of
Thine enemies! "
I
I This example they showed to the king; for if he, the
I sreatest Christian king, went on pi]grimage without deliver-
ing the city from God's enemies, then would all other kings
a.nd pilgrims, coming thereafter, rest content with going on
276 Memoirs of the Crusades
pilgri';lage after the same manner as the King of France;
and give no thought to the deliv.-erance of Jerusalem.
King Richard did so many doughty deeds when he wa
overseas that when the horses of the Saracens were afraid oj
any bush, their master would say: "Do you think "-sc
would they say to their horses- cc Do you think that i
King Richard of England?" And when the children of tht:
Saracen women cried, they said to them: "Wisht, wisht:
or I will go and fetch King Richard, and he will kill thee! "
The Duke of Burgundy, of whom I have just spoken to you;
was a very good knight with his hands, but he was neveI
accounted wise, either towards God or towards this world.
And this may well appear from what has just been related.
And because of this, the great King Philip, when they told
him that Count John of Chalon had a son, who had been
called Hugh after the Duke of Burgundy, said he hoped that
God would make him as valiant (preux) a man as the duke.
And they asked him why he had not said as right worthy a
man (prud' -homme). cc Because," said he, " there is a great
difference between a valiant man (preux-homme) and a righ1
worthy man (prud'-homme). For there are many valiant
knights in Christian lands, and in the lands of the Saracens.
who never believed in God nor in His mother. Whence]
tell you," said he, " that God grants a great gift, and a very
special grace, to the Christian knight whom He suffers to bt:
valiant of body, and at the same time keeps in His service.
guarding him from mortal sin. And the knight who thu
governs himself should be called right worthy (prud' -homme:
because that prowess comes to him by the gift of God. Anè
those of whom I spoke before may be called valiant (preux-
homme) because they are valiant of their body, and yei
nei ther fear God nor are afraid of sin."
FORTIFICATIONS OF JAFFA-DEPARTURE OF ST. LE'VIS FOE
SAYETTE-PILGRIMS FROM GREAT ARMENIA-JOINVILLE
SENDS AS ENVOY ONE OF HIS KNIGHTS
Of the great sums ,vhich the king spent in fortifying Jaffa
it is not convenient that I should speak, for they cannot be
counted. He fortified the burgh from the one sea to the
other, and set there full twenty-four towers, and the fosses
were puddled \vith mud within and without. There were
] oinvil1e's Chronicle
277
:lree gates, of which the legate built one, together with a
ortion of the wall.
And to show you the cost that the king incurred, you must
now that I inquired of the legate how much this gate and
e portion of wall had cost. And he asked me how much I
J.ought? and I reckoned that the gate had cost full five
undred livres, and the portion of the wall three hundred
'vres. And he told me-so might God help him I-that
ate and wall together had cost him full thirty thousand
vres.
vVhen the king had finished fortifying the burgh of Jaffa, he
ecided to go and re-fortify the city of Sayette, which the
aracens had destroyed. He started on the day of the feast
f the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul (29 th June 1253); and
Llat night the king and his host lay before the castle of Assur,
I rhich was very strong. The same night the king called his
eople together and told them that if they agreed he would
o and take a city of the Saracens called Naplouse; which
ity the ancient Scriptures called Samaria.
The Templars and the Hospitallers and the barons of the
Lnd answered him, with one accord, that it would be well to
ry and take the city; but that he ought not to go thither
1 person, because, if anything happened to him, all the land
rould be lost. And he said that they should not go unless
e went with them. Therefore this enterprise remained Ull-
chieved, because the lords of the land would not consent
hat he should go in person.
Journeying day by day we came to the sands of Acre,
rhere the king and the host encamped. At that place came
J me a great troop of people from Great Armenia, who were
oing on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, having paid a great tribute
o the Saracens, by whom they were conducted. By an
Iterpreter, who knew their language and ou
, they be-
ought me to show them the sainted king. I went to the
,ing there where he sat in a pavilion, leaning against the pole
f the pavilion; and he sat upon the sand, without a carpet,
,nd without anything else under him. I said to him: "Sire,
here is here outside a great troop of people from Great
umenia, going to Jerusalem; and they pray me, sire, to
ause the sainted king to be shown to them; but I have no
iesire as yet to kiss your bones." He laughed aloud, and
old me to go and fetch them; and so I did. And when
278 Memoirs of the Crusades
they had seen the king they commended him to God, and the
king commended them to God likewise.
On the following day the host lay at a place called the
" Colt's Crossing," where the water is very good, and there-
with they water the plants from which sugar comes. When
we ,vere encamped, one of my knights came to me and
said: U Lord, I have lodged you in a fairer place than you
were lodged in yesterday." Another knight, who had
chosen my yesterday's camping-ground, sprang upon him in
wrath, and cried: " You are over-bold in speaking of any-
thing I may have done!" And he sprang upon him and
took him by the hair. Then I sprang upon him in turn, and
hit him with my fist between the two shoulders, and he let go.
And I said to him: "Quick, out of my quarters, for, so help
me God, you shall never again be follower of mine."
The knight went away, showing great dole and sorrow,
a.nd brought to me my Lord Giles Ie Brun, the Constable of
France; and for the great repentance that my Lord Giles
saw in the knight on account of the folly he had wrought, he
besought me, as instantly as he could, to take him back into
my household. And I replied that I would not take him
back unless the legate released me from my oath. To the
legate they went, and told him of the matter; and the legate
answered that he had not power to release me, because the
oath was reasonable; for the knight had well deserved his
punishment. And these things I relate to you so that you
may keep from taking any oath which in reason it were not
convenient to take; for, as the wise man says, U Who
swears lightly, lightly forswears himself."
EXPEDITION AGAINST BELINAS AND JOINVILLE IN PERIL
On the following day the king went and encamped before
the city of Assur, which in the Bible is called Tyre. There
the king called together the men of note in the host, and
asked them if it would be well to go and take the city of
Belinas before he went to Sayette. We all thought it would
be well if the king sent his people thither; but no one advised
that he should go thither himself; and with great difficulty
,vas he dissuaded therefrom. Finally it was decided that
the Count of Eu should go, and my Lord Philip of Montfort,
the Lord of Assur, my Lord Giles Ie Bron, Constable of
Joinville's Chronicle
279
rance, my Lord Peter the Chamberlain, the Master of the
emple and his brethren, and the Master of the Hospital and
.is brethren also.
We armed ourselves at nightfall, and came, a little after
aybreak, to a plain lying before the city which is called
elinas; and the ancient Scriptures call it Cæsarea Philippi.
n this city there springs up a fountain which is called] or ;
nd in the midst of the plain that lies before the city springs
p another very beautiful fountain which is called Dan.
.nd it is so, that when the two rivulets issuing from these
NO fountains come together, they call the river Jordan j
nd it is in that river that God was baptised.
-....L
By agreement between the Templars, Count Eu, the
[ospitallers, and the barons of the land there present, it was
ecided that the king's division-in which division I then
"as, because the king had retained in his service the forty
nights that were in my division-and my Lord Geof1ry of
3.rgines, the right worthy man also, should set ourselves
tween the castle and the city; that the barons of the land
lould enter into the city by the left, and the Hospitallers
I y the right, and that the Templars should enter the city
.raight in front of us by the road from which we had come.
vVe then moved forward so far, that we came before the
ty; and we found that the Saracens that were in the city
1.d discomfited the king's sergeants, and driven them from
le city. When I saw this I came to the right worthy men
ho were with the Count of Eu, and said to them: "Lords,
you do not go where we have been ordered to go, between
le city and the castle, the Saracens will slay all our people
ho have entered into the city." Our way was very perilous,
Id the place to which we had to go was fraught with danger;
Lere were three pairs of dry walls that must needs be passed,
ld the slope was so steep that the horses could scarcely
ep their footing; and the hillock we had to gain was
'owded with Turks on horseback.
While I was speaking to the Count of Eu and his knights,
saw that our foot sergeants were breaking down the walls.
Then I saw this, I said to those I was addressing that it had
r
en ordered that the king's division should go thither,
here the Turks were; and that as this had been ordered, I
lould go. I turned, I and my two knights, towards those
ho were pulling down the walls, and I saw a mounted ser-
L 333
280 Memoirs of the Crusades
geant who thought to pass over the wall, and his horse fel
upon him. When I saw this I dismounted, and took m
horse by the bridle. But, as God willed, when the Turk
saw us coming, they abandoned the position we had t<
occupy. From this position the rock went down sheer intf
the city.
"Vhen we got there, and the Turks had gone, the Saracen
who were in the city held themselves for beaten, ant
abandoned the city to our people without resistance
Wlnle I stood in that place, the Marshal of the TempI
heard tell that I was in peril, and he came up to the top c
the mound towards me. The Germans, who were in th
division of the Count of Eu, also came after me; and whe'
they saw the Turks on horseback flying towards the casth
they moved to go after them, and I said: "Lords, you ar
not doing well; for we are here where we have been ordere
to be, and you are going beyond your orders."
The castle that stands above the city is called Subeibt
and it is full half a league up in the mountains of Lebanor;
and the slope that leads up to the castle is bestrewn wit
great rocks as big as hutches. vVhen the Germans saw th2
their pursuit was but folly, they turned back, and when tt
Saracens saw that they thus turned back, they attacke
them on foot, and gave them from the tops of the roct
great blows with their maces, and dragged away the housin
from their horses.
The sergeants who were with us, seeing how the Germar
were mishandled, began to be affrighted; so I told the]
that if they went off I would have them struck off the king
wages for ever. And they said to me: "Lord, the game
not equal between us; for, if it comes to flight, you are (
horseback, while we are on foot; and the Saracens will k:
us." And I said to them: U Lords, I swear to you th
t
will not fly, for I will remain with you on foot." So I di
mounted, and sent away my horse to the Templars, wI
were a full crossbow shot behind.
During the retreat that the Germans were making, t]
Saracens shot one of my knights, whose name was my La:
John of Bussey, with a quarrel, in the throat; and he fe
dead right before me. My Lord Hugh of Escot, who
nephew he was, and who approved himself right well in t]
Holy Land, said to me: "Lord, come and help us to car
Joinville's Chronicle
281
elY nephew back here." U III befall whomsoever helps
'ou! " said I, U for you went up there without my orders;
nd if mischance has come upon you, you have deserved it.
tarry him down there into the ditch. I shall not depart
ence till they send to fetch me."
When my Lord John of Valenciennes heard of the peril in
'hich we were, he came to my Lord Oliver of Termes, and to
le other chiefs of Languedoc, and said: "Lords, I beseech
n.d command you, in the king's name, to help me to bring
ack the seneschal" While he was exerting himself thus,
LY Lord William of Beaumont came to him and said: "Y ou
:-e troubling yourself in vain, for the seneschal is dead."
nd he answered: "Whether he be dead or alive I will carry
ws of him to the king I" Then he started, and came to
;, there where we had gone up on the mountain; and as
ton as he drew near to us, he sent word that I should come
1d speak to him; and so I did.
Then Oliver of Termes said to me that we were there in
.eat peril, for if we went down by the way we had gone
) we must needs suffer very great loss, because the hill was
o steep, and the Saracens would fallllpon us; "but if you
ill listen to me," said he, " I will show you a way of escape
ithout loss." And I told him to say on, and I would do as
: wished.
" I will tell you," said he, " how we may escape. We will
I all along this slope, as if we were going towards Damascus;
td the Saracens you see before you will think we wish to
ke them in the rear. And so soon as we are in those
uns we will spur round the city; and we shall have
.ssed over the brook before they can come up with us; and
thaI we shall do them great harm, for we will set fire to
e threshed corn that is lying in yon fields."
We did as he proposed; and he caused canes to be taken,
ch as are used for the making of flutes, and live coals to be
: therein, and the canes to be thrust in among the threshed
m. And thus, by the counsel of Oliver of Termes, God
)ught us back in safety. And you must know that when
: came back to the camp where our people were, we found
1t all had put off their armour; for none there had given
a thought. So we returned on the following day to
yette, where the king was.
282 Memoirs of the Crusades
SAINT LEWIS BURIES THE CORPSES OF THE CHRISTIANS OF
SAYETTE-FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN JOINVILLE AND THE
COUNT OF EU
We found that the king in person had caused the bodies
of the Christians whom the Saracens had killed (at Sayette)
-as has been told above-to be duly buried; and he him-
self, in person, bore the decayed and evil-smelling corpses to
the trenches in which they were to be buried; and he did
this without ever holding his nostrils, as others did. He
also caused workmen to come from all parts, and set himself
to fortify the city with high walls and great towers. And
when we came to the camp we found that he, in person, had
meted out the places where we were to be quartered. My
place he had set near to that of the Count of Eu, because he
knew that the Count of Eu loved my company.
I will tell you of the jests that the Count of Eu played
upon us. I had made a house in which I was wont to eat;
I and my knights, by the light of the door. Now the dooI
stood towards the Count of Eu's quarters; and he, who wa
very ingenious, made a little engine with which he coulè
throw (stones) into my house; and he would spy out wher
we sat down to meat, and arrange his engine so as to com.
mand the length of our table, and then throw (stones) there,
with, and so break our pots and our glasses. Again I hac
furnished myself with fowls and capons, and some one, :
know not who, had given him a young bear; and this bea' I
he suffered to get at my fowls, and it had killed a dozen 0
them before anyone caIne to the place; and the woma1
who kept the fowls beat the bear vvith her distaff.
CAPTURE OF BAGDAD BY THE TARTARS
While the king was fortifying Sayette, certain merchant
came to the camp and related to us how the King of tb
Tartars had taken the city of Bagdad, as also the pope of tb (
Saracens, who was lord of the city, and called the Caliph (
Bagdad. The merchants told us in what manner the kin
had taken the city of Bagdad and the caliph, and it was i t
this wise: When they had besieged the caliph's city, the kir
made known to the caliph that he would willingly arran
fJ
for a marriage between their children j and the caliph's COU] è'
Joinville's Chronicle
28 3
;ellors advised him to agree to the maniage. Then the King
)f the Tartars desired the caliph to send as many as forty
)ersons of his council, and of his men of most note, to swear
o the maniage; and the caliph did so. Again the King of
:he Tartars desired him to send forty of the richest and most
lotable men that he had; and the caliph did so. The third
:ime he desired him to send forty of the best men in his
ompany ; and he did so. When the King of the Tartars
aw that all the chief men of the town were in his power, he
)ethought himself that the lesser people in the town could
lot defend themselves without leaders; so he caused the
leads of these six score men of note to be smitten off, and
hen caused the to\Vll to be assaulted, and took it, and the
:aliph also.
In order to cover his treachery, and to throw on the caliph
he blame for the capture of the city, he caused the caliph to
te taken and put into a cage of iron, and to be made to fasi-
o far as a man can fast without dying; and then he asked
jrn if he were hungry. And the caliph said" Yes;" nor
las that to be wondered at. Then the King of the Tartars
aused a great charger 0 gold, loaded with jewels and
recious stones, to be br ught to him, and said: "Dost thou
now these jewels?" And the caliph said, "Yes, they
rere mine." And he asked him if he loved them well?
Jld he answered" Yes." "As thou lovest them so much,"
lid the King of the Tartars, " now take such a portion as
emeth good to thee, and eat." The caliph replied that he
Juld not, since these were not meats that could be eaten.
'hen the King of the Tartars said to him: "Now mayest
10U see what were thy means of defence; for if thou hadst
estowed thy treasure-which., at this hour, is of no use to
lee-upon thy men-at-arms, then, by so spending thy
"easure thou mightest have defended thyself against us;
hereas now it faileth thee in thy very direst need."
OF A CLERK WHOM JOINVILLE TOOK TO BE AN ASSASSIN
I While the king was fortifying Sayette, I went to his mass
: the point of day, and he told me to wait for him as he
ished to ride abroad; and I did so. When we were' in the
lds we came before a little church, and saw, being on
)Tseback, a priest singing mass. The king told me that
284 Memoirs of the Crusades
his church had been built in honour of the miracle that God
performed upon the Devil, when He drove him out of the
, body of the widow's daughter; and he said to me that, if I
were willing, he would hear the mass that the priest had begun;
and I told him that meseemed this were a good thing to do.
When it came to the giving of the" peace," I saw that the
clerk who helped at the singing of the mass was big, black,
lean and shaggy, and I feared that if he brought the " peace'"
to the king, he might perchance prove to be an Assassin, a
wicked man, and kill the king. So I went and took the
" peace," and brought it to the king. When the mass was
sung, and we had remounted, we found the legate in the
fields; and the king went to him, and called me, and said to
the legate: "I complain to you of the seneschal, who brought
me the C peace,' and would not suffer the poor clerk to bring
it me."
And I told the legate the reason why I had so done; and
the legate said I had done right well. And the king replied,
"Truly, no I " Great debate was then between them; and
I held my peace. And this story have I told you so that you
'" may see the great humility of the king.
Of this miracle that God performed on the widow's
daughter does the Gospel speak, which says that God was,
when he performed the miracle, in parte Tyri et Sidonis,. for
then the city which I have called Sur was called Tyre, and
the city that I have herein called Sayette was called Sidon.
ENVOYS OF THE LORD OF TREBISOND-ARRIV AL OF
THE QUEEN AT SAYETTE
While the king was fortifying Sayette there came to him
envoys from a great lord in the depths of Greece, who caller
himself the great Comnenus and the Lord of Trebisond
They brought to the king divers jewels as a present. ArnonE
other things they brought to the king bows of cornel-wood
and the notches of the bolts were screwed into the bows, ane
when the bolts were shot out, one saw that they were ver; I
sharp, and very well fashioned. l
1 This passage is probably corrupt in the M:SS. and very obscure, an.
it has given rise to much disquisition. The" cornel-wood" may b
horn and my impression is that the bows were crossbows; nor is i
easy'to understand the mechanism suggested.
Joinville's Chronicle
28 5
These envoys asked the king to send a maiden from his
palace so that their lord might take her to wife. And the
king replied that he had brought none from oversea; and
he advised them to go to Constantinople, to the emperor,
who was the king's cousin, and ask him to give them for their
lord a wife of the king's lineage and of the emperor's lineage.
And this the king advised so that the Emperor of Constanti-
nople might have the alliance of this great and wealthy man
against Vataces, who was then the Emperor of the Greeks.
The queen, who had but lately recovered after the birth
of the Lady Blanche-of whom she had been confined at
J aHa-arrived at Sa yette; and she had come by sea. '
lhen
I heard tell that she was come, I rose from before the king,
a.nd went to meet her, and led her to the castle. And when
[ came back to the king, who was in his chapel, he asked me
if the queen and his children were well; and I told him, yes.
I And he said: "I knew when you rose from before me that
, vou were going to meet the queen, and so I have caused the
I ;ermon to wait for you." And these things I ten you b -
ause I had then been five years with the king, and never
;)efore had he spoken to me, nor, so far as ever I heard, to
lny one else, of the queen and of his children; and, so it A
\ppears to me, it was not seemly to be thus a stranger to
)ne's wife and children.
OF A POOR KNIGHT AND ms FOUR SONS
On All Saints' Day (1st November 1253), I invited all the
nen of note in the camp to my quarters, which were by the
tea. And while we ,vere at meat there came in a ship a poor
{night with his wife, and four children that they had. I
:aused them to partake of food in my quarters. When we
lad eaten, I called together the men of note who were there,
Lnd said to them: "Let us do here a great alms, and relieve
:his poor man of his children, and each take one, and I will
:ake one." So each took one, and quarrelled to have him.
Nhen the poor knight saw this, he and his wife, they began
:0 weep for joy.
Now it so happened that when the Count of Eu returned
rom eating in the king's quarters, he came to see the men
)f note who were in my quarters, and he took away n1Y child,
vho was of the age of twelve years. This child served the
286 Memoirs of the Crusades
count so well and loyally that when we returned to France
the count saw to his marriage and made him a knight. And
every time I was there where the count was, this knight
could scarce keep away from me, and would say: U Lord,
may God reward you! for this honour that I enjoy I owe it
to you." As to his other three brothers, I know not what
became of them.
PILGRIMAGE OF JOINVILLE-:MISTAKE ON THE PART OF
THE QUEEN-MARVELLOUS STONE
I asked the king to suffer me to go on pilgrimage to our
Lady of Tortosa: a very great place of pilgrimage, because
it was there that the first altar had been made on earth in
honour of the Mother of God. And our Lady performed
there many great miracles; and the following among others:
There was a man, out of his wits, who had the devil in his
body. While his friends, \vho had brought him thither,
were praying to the
{other of God to give him health, the
Enemy, who was within him, answered them: U Our Lady
is not here. She is in Egypt affording help to the King of
France, and to the Christians, who will come to land this
day, they on foot against the paynim who are on horseback."
The day was set in writing, and the writing brought to the
legate, who himself, with his own mouth, told me of it. And
be assured that our Lady did help us that very day, and
would have helped us more if we had not angered her, heI
and her Son, as I have told you before.
The king gave me leave to go, and told me, in full council;
to buy a hundred pieces of camlet of divers colours, to b(
given to the Franciscans when we returned to France,
Then was my heart comforted, for I thought he would n01
tarry oversea much longer.
When we came to Tripoli, my knights asked me what ]
intended to do with the camlets, and prayed me to tell them
" Perchance," said I, " I have stolen them for profit." Th{
Prince of Tripoli-whom God have in His grace !-receivec
us with great joy, and did us all the honour he could; anc
he would have given to me and to my knights great gifts, i:
50 be that we would have taken them. But we would tak{
nothing save some of his relics, whereof I took some to th(
king, together with the camlet I had bought for him.
Joinville's Chronicle
28 7
Moreover I sent to my lady the queen four pieces of camlet.
The knight who presented them to her carried them wrapped
up in a white cloth. vVhen the queen saw him enter the
chamber where she ,vas, she knelt before him, and he knelt
before her; and the queen said: "Rise up, sir knight; you
ought not to kneel, who are the bearer of relics." But the
knight said: "Lady, these are not relics; these are pieces
of camlet that my lord sends you." \Vhen the queen heard
this, and her ladies, they began to laugh; and the queen
said to my knight: "Tell your lord that I wish him an evil
day, since he has caused me to kneel to his camlet."
While the king was at Sayette they brought him a stone
that broke in flakes, the most marvellous stone in the world;
and when you scaled off one of the flakes, you found, between
the two stones, the form of a sea-fish. The fish was of stone;
but it wanted nothing in form, eyes, bones, nor colour, nor
anything else, to make it otherwise than if it were alive.
The king gave me one of these stones, and I found therein a
tench, brown of colour, and of such fashion as a tench ought
to be.
THE KING HEARS OF THE DEATH OF HIS MOTHER-HARSH-
NESS OF THE QUEEN BLANCHE TOWARDS THE QUEEN
MARGARET
To Sayette came news to the king that his mother was
dead. He made such lamentation that, for two days, no one
could speak to him. After that he sent one of the varlets of
his chamber to summon me. When I came before him in
his chamber, where he was alone, and he saw me, he stretched
out his arms, and said: "Ah, seneschal, I have lost my
mother!" "Sire," said I, " I do not marvel at that, since
she had to die; but I do marvel that you, who are a wise
man, should have made such great mourning; for you know
I what the sage says: that \vhatever grief a man may have in
his heart, none should appear on his countenance, because
he who shows his grief causes his enemies to rej oice and
afflicts his friends." He caused many fine services to be
held for the queen overseas; and afterwards sent to France
a chest full of letters to the churches, asking them to pray
for her.
288 Memoirs of the Crusades
1Iy Lady Mary of Vertus, a very good lady and a saintly
woman, came to tell me that the queen was making great
lamentation, and asked me to go to her and comfort her.
And when I came there, I found her weeping; and I told her
that he spake sooth who said that none should put faith in
woma.n. "For," said I, " she that is dead is the woman that
you most hated, and yet you are showing such sorrow."
And she told me it was not for the queen that she was weep-
ing, but because of the king's sorrow in the mourning that he
made, and because of her daughter, afterwards the Queen of
Navarre, who had remained in men's keeping.
The unkindness that the Queen Blanche showed to the
Queen Margaret was such that she would not suffer, in so far
as she could help it, that her son should be in his wife's com-
pany, except at night when he went to sleep with her. The
palace where the king and his queen liked most to dwell was
at Pontoise, because there the king's chamber was above and
the queen's chamber below; and they had so arranged
matters between them that they held their converse in a
turning staircase that went from the one chamber to the
other; and they had further arranged that when the ushers
saw the Queen Blanche coming to her son's chamber, they
struck the door with their rods, and the king would come
running into his chamber so that his mother might find him
· there; and the ushers of Queen Margaret's chamber did the
same when Queen Blanche went thither, so that she might
find Queen Margaret there.
Once the king was by his wife's side, and she was in great
peril of death, being hurt for a child that she had borne.
Queen Blanche came thither, and took her son by the hand,
and said: "Come away; you have nothing to do here I "
When Queen Margaret saw that the mother was leading her
son away, she cried: "Alas! whether dead or alive, you will
not suffer me to see my lord!" Then she fainted, and they
thought she was dead; and the king, who thought she was
dying, turned back; and with great trouble they brought
her round.
Joinville's Chronicle
28 9
THE KING DECIDES TO RETURN TO FRANCE-INTERVIEW
BET\VEEN JOINVILLE AND THE LEGATE
When the city of Sayette was nearly all fortified, the king
caused several processions to be made throughout the camp;
and after the processions the legate caused prayers to be
made that God should, according to His will, so order the
king's matters that the king should do what was most agree-
able to God, either in returning to France or remaining where
he was.
After the processions had been made the king called me,
as I was sitting \vith the men of note of the land, and took
I me into a courtyard, and made me turn my back towards
them. Then the legate said to me: "Seneschal, the king
is greatly pleased with your services, and would right
willingly procure you profit and honour; and in order to set
your heart at rest, he desires me to tell you that he has
settled to go to France at this coming Easter." And I
replied: "God grant that he may carry out his wish."
Then the legate rose, and told me to go with him to
his quarters; which I did. Then he shut me into his privy
chamber-he and I, and none other-and put my two hands
between both his, and began to weep very bitterly; and
when he could speak, he said: "Seneschal, I am greatly
rejoiced, and I give thanks to God that the king, and you,
and the other pilgrims should escape from the great peril in
which you have been in this land. And much am I in dis-
tress of heart that I shall have to leave your saintly com-
pany, and go to the court of Rome, amid the treacherous
people who are there. But I will tell you \vhat I think to do.
I think to remain here a year after you have left, and to spend
all that I have in fortifying the suburbs of Acre. So will I
show them clearly that I bring back no monies with me; and
then, my hands being empty, they ,vill not pursue me."
I once told the legate of two sins that one of my priests
had related to me; and he answered me in this manner:
" Noone knows as I do of all the treacherous sins committed
,in Acre: wherefore it behoves that God avenge them in such
sort that the citv of Acre be washed clean in the blood of its
inhabitants, and that other people come hereafter to dwell
there." This prophecy of the fight worthy man has in part
290 Memoirs of the Crusades
been brought to pass, for the city has been well ,,
ashed in the
blood of its inhabitants; 1 but those have not yet come who
are to dwell there; and \vhen they do come, God grant that
they be righteous, and govern themselves according to the
will of the Lord 1
JOINVILLE CONDUCTS THE QUEEN TO SUR-THE KING
SETS SAIL
After these things the king sent for me and ordered me to
arm myself, I and my knights. I asked him ,vhy; and he
told me I was to conduct the queen and his children to Sur,
some seven leagues distant. I answered him not a word;
and yet his command was fraught ,vith peril, for we had
then neither truce nor peace with the Saracens of Egypt or
those of Damascus. God be thanked, we gat to Sur all
peacefully, and without hindrance, at nightfall, though we
had twice to dismount, in our enemies' land, for the purpose
of lnaking a fire and cooking our meat, and of feeding the
children and causing them to take suck.
When the king departed from the city of Sayette, which
he had fortified with great walls and great towers, and with
great fosses puddled \vithin and without, the patriarch and
barons came to him, and spoke in this ,vise: "Sire, you have
fortified the city of Sayette, and that of Cæsarea, and the
burgh of Jaffa-all to the very great advantage of the Holy
Land; and you have greatly strengthened the city of Acre
with the walls and towers that you have built. Sire, we
have considered among ourselves, and we do not see that
henceforward your sojourn here win bring profit to the
kingdom of Jerusalem: wherefore we advise and counsel
you to go to Acre in the coming Lent, and prepare for your
passage, so that you may be able to return to France after
Easter." By the advice of the patriarch and of the barons,
the king departed from Sayette, and came to Sur, ,vhere the
queen was; and from thence they came to Acre at the
beginning of Lent.
All during Lent the king caused his vessels to be made
ready to return to France; and there were thirteen of them,
as well ships as galleys. The ships and galleys were got
ready in such sort that the king and queen embarked on board
1 It was sacked by the Saracens in 1291.
Joinville's Chronicle 29 I
their ships on the vigil of St. Mark, after Easter (24th April
12 54); and we had a fair wind for our departing. On St.
Mark's day the king told me that on that day he had been
born; and I told him that henceforward he might well say
that on that day he had been re-born, for certes he was well
Ie-born when he escaped from that perilous land.
THE KING'S SHIP STRIKES AGAINST A SANDBANK
On the Saturday we came in sight of the isle of Cyprus,
and of a mountain in Cyprus which is called the Mountain of
the Cross. That Saturday a mist rose from the land, and
descended from the land to the sea; and by this our mariners
thought we were further from the isle of Cyprus than we
were, because they did not see the mountain above the mist.
Wherefore they sailed forward freely, and so it happened
that our ship struck a reef of sand below the water; and if
we had not found that little sandbank where we struck, we
should have struck against a great mass of sunken rocks,
where our ship would have been broken in pieces, and we all
shiDwrecked and drowned.
.&.
As soon as our ship struck, a great cry rose in the ship,
for each one cried " Alas! " and the mariners and the rest
wrung their hands, because each was in fear of d
owning.
When I heard this, I rose from my bed, where I was lying,
and went to the ship's castle with the mariners. As I came
there, Brother Raymond, who was a Templar and master of
the mariners, said to one of his varlets: "Throw down the
lead." And he did so. And as soon as he had thrown it he
cried out, and said: "Alas! we are a-ground!" When
Brother Raymond heard that he rent his clothes to the belt,
and took to tearing out his beard, and to crying: "Ay me I
Ay me! "
At this point one of my knights, whose name was my Lord
John of Monson, the father of the Abbot William of St.
Michael, did me a great kindness, for he brought me, without
a word, a lined surcoat of mine, and threw it on my back,
because I had donned my tunic only. And I cried out to
him and said: "What do I want with your surcoat, that you
bring me, when we are dro,vning?" And he said to me:
" By my soul, lord, I should like better to see us all drov
'nrd
29 2 Melnoirs of the Crusades
than that you should take some sickness from the cold, and
so come to your death."
The mariners cried: U Ho! galleys, come and take the
king!" But of the four galleys that the king had there,
never a galley came near; and in this they acted wisely,
for there were full eight hundred persons on board the ship
who would have jumped into the galleys to save their lives,
and thus have caused the galleys to sink.
The varlet who had the lead threw it a second time, and
came back to Brother Raymond, and told him that the ship
was no longer a-ground. Then Brother Raymond went and
told it to the king, who was lying cross-wise on the deck of
. the ship, barefoot, in his tunic only, and all dishevelJed-
. before the body of our Lord which ,vas on the ship-and he
lay there as one who fully thought to be drowned.
So soon as it was day, we saw before us the rock on which
we would have struck if the ship had not caught the end of
the sand-reef.
In the morning the king sent to fetch the master mariners
of the ships; and they sent four divers to the bottom of the
sea. And these dived into the sea; and when they came
out, the king and the master mariners heard them one after
the other separately, so that one diver did not know what the
other had said. Nevertheless they learned from the four
divers that, in the scraping of our ship against the sand, the
sand had knocked off full four fathoms of the keel on which
the ship was built.
Then the king called the master mariners before us, and
asked them what advice they gave as concerning the blow
the ship had received. They consulted together, and advised
the king to leave his ship and go into another ship. U And
we give you this advice," said they, U because we be1ieve for
certain that all the timbers of your ship are dislocated:
wherefore we are in doubt whether, when your ship gets into
the high sea, she \vill be able to stand the blows of t4e waves,
and not go to pieces. For so it chanced, when you came
from France, a ship struck in like manner; and when she
came into the high seas she was unable to stand the blo,vs of
the waves, and broke up, and all perished, so many as were
in the ship, save one woman and her child, who were saved
upon a piece of the ship." And I can bear you witness that
he spoke sooth, for I saw the woman and the child at Baffe,
J oinville's Chronicle
293
n the quarters of the Count of J oigny; and the count enter-
:ained them for the love of God.
Then the king asked my Lord Peter the Chamberlain, and
ny Lord Giles Ie Brun, Constable of France, and my Lord
}ervais of Escraines, who was master cook to the king, and
:he archdeacon of Nicosia, who bore his seal, and was after-
Nards cardinal, and myself, what we advised concerning
:hese things. And we replied that as regards all worldly
natters one ought to believe those who are most conversant
with them. "Therefore," said we, "we counsel you, for
Jur parts, to do what the seamen advise."
Then the king said to the mariners: " I ask you, on your
fealty, whether if the ship were your own, and freighted
with your own merchandise, you would leave her?" And
they replied, all together, "No," for they liked better to
put their bodies in peril of drowning rather than to buy a
new ship at a cost of four thousand livres and more. "And
why do you then advise me to leave the ship?" "Because,"
said they, " the stakes are not equal. For neither gold nor
silver can be set against your person, and the persons of your
wife and children, who are here; therefore we advise you not
to put yourself, or them, in jeopardy." Then the king said
to them: "Lords, I have heard your opinion, and that of
my people; and now I will tell you mine, which is this: If I
leave the ship, there are in her five hundred people and more
who will land in this isle of Cyprus, for fear of peril to their
body-since there is none that does not love his life as much
as I love mine-and these, peradventure, will never return
to their own land. Therefore I like better to place my own
person, and my wife, and my children in God's hands than
do this harm to the many people who are here."
The great harm that the king would have done to the
people in his ship may be plainly seen by what happened to
.Oliver of Termes, who was in the king's ship. Now he was
tone of the boldest men I have ever seen, and had so approved
himself in the Holy Land; but he did not dare to stay with
us for fear of drowning, and remained in Cyprus; and he
was there so let and hindered that he did not return to the
king for a year and a half; and yet he was a man of note, and
a wealthy man, and could well pay for his passage. Now
bethink you how the lesser folk would have fared who had
not the where\vithal to pay for their passages, when such a
man was so hindered and delayed!
294 Memoirs of the Crusades
STORM ON THE COAST OF CYPRUS-VOW MADE BY
THE QUEEN AND JÛINVILLE
Out of this danger, from which God caused us to escape,
we fell into another; for the wind, which had driven us on to
the coast of Cyprus, where we had thought to drown, now
arose, so strong and violent, that it beat us back upon the
island once more. The mariners threw out their anchors
against the wind, but were never able to stop the ship till
they had thrown out five. It became necessary to take
down the sides of the king's chamber; 1 nor was there any
one who ventured to remain therein, for fear lest the wind
should carry him into the sea. At this moment the Con-
stable of France, my Lord Giles Ie Brun, and I were lying in
the king's chamber, and the queen opened the door of the
chamber, and thought to find the king there. And I asked
her what she came seeking. And she said she had come to
speak to the king, to ask him to make promise to God, or to
His saints, of some pilgrimage, so that God might deliver us
from the peril in which we were; for the mariners had said
,ve were like to drown. And I said: "Lady, promise to
make a journey to the shrine of my Lord St. Nicholas of
\Tarangéville, and I will be warrant for him that God "vill
bring you back to France, you and the king, and your
children." "Seneschal," she said, U I would do so right
,villingly; but the king is so strange that if he knew I had
made this promise without his privity, he would never let me
go." "At least," I said, "you will do one thing: If God
brings you back to France, you will promise to give a ship of
silver, worth five marks, for the king, for yourself, and for
your three children; and I will be warrant that God will
Lring you back to France; for I made a vow to St. Nicholas
that if he saved us from the peril in which we were last night,
I should go from J oinville, on foot and unshod, to seek him
at Varangéville." And she said that, as for the ship of
silver, of the value of five marks, she promised it to St.
Nicholas, and that I was to be his warrant; and I replied:
"That shall I be right willingly." So she departed and
stayed away but a little while; and then she came back to
1 The passage is obscure. I translate as the words stand. The
" chamber," I take it, was a kind of deck cabin.
Joinville's Chronicle
295
.s and said to me: "St. Nicholas has saved us from this
,eril; for the wind has fallen."
When the queen-whom God have in His mercy!-was
orne back to France, she caused the ship of silver to be
lshioned in Paris. And there were in the ship the king, the
ueen, and the three children, all in silver; and the mariners"
he mast, the rudder, the cordage, all of silver; and the sails
rere all sewn with silver thread. And the queen told me
hat the fashioning of it had cost one hundred livres. When
he ship was made, the queen sent it to me at J oinville, so
hat I might cause it to be taken to St. Nicholas; which
1so I did. And I saw it still at St. Nicholas when we con-
.ucted the king's sister 1 to (be married to the son of) the'
3ng of Germany, at Haguenau. .
PROFIT TO BE DERIVED FROM THE THREATENINGS OF GOD
Now let us return to our subject, and proceed. After we
Lad escaped from these two perils, the king sat himself on
he bulwark of the ship, and made me sit at his feet, and spoke
hus: "Seneschal, our God has shown us His great po,ver
0. this: that a little wind-not one of the four great master
ánds ! - has come near to drowning the King of France,
Lis wife, and his children, and all his company. Now are we
tound to give Him grace and thanks for the peril from which
Le has delivered us. Seneschal," said the king, "such
ribulations, when they come to people, or great sicknesses,
r great presecutions, are, as the saints tell us, the threaten-
rlgs of our Saviour. For just
God says to those who
scape from great sicknesses: 'l:
w see how I might have
.rought your life to an end, had) such been My will,' even so
ould He now say to us: 'You
e how I might have drowned
.ou all, had such been My will;' Now ought we," continued
he king, " to look to ourselvés, and see if there is anything
0. us that displeases Him, and on account whereof He has
hus placed us in fear and jet<>pardy; and if we find anything
n us that displeases Him, we should cast it out. For if we
lo otherwise, after the warning He has given us, He win
mite us with death, or with some other great tribulation, to
he destruction of our bodies and of our souls." And the
1 The present king, i.e., Philip the Fair, whose sister Blanche
1arried Rudolph, the son of the King or Emperor of Germany.
296 Memoirs of the Crus3:des
king added: "Seneschal, the saint says: 'Lord God, why
dost thou threaten us? For if thou destroyest us all, Thou
wilt be none the poorer; and if Thou savest as alive Thou
wilt be none the richer. Whereby we may see,' says the
saint, ' that the warnings that God gives us can neither be to
His advantage, nor save Him from harm; and that it is only
out of His great love that He sends His warnings to awaken
us, so that we may see our defects clearly, and remove from
us all that is displeasing to Him.' Now let us do this," said
the king, " and we shall be acting wisely."
THE ISLE OF LAMPEDOUSA
We left the island of Cyprus after we had watered there;
and taken in such other things as we required. Then w{
came to an isle called Lampedousa, where we took a grea1
quantity of conies; and we found an ancient hermitage ir.
the rocks, and found the garden that the hermits who dwel1
there had made of old time: where were olives, and figs, ane
vines, and other trees. The stream from the fountain rar
through the garden. The king, and we all, went to the enè
of the garden, and found an oratory in the first cave, white.
washed with lime, and there was there a cross of red earth
We entered into the second cave, and found two bodies o
dead men, with the flesh all decayed; the ribs yet held al
together, and the bones of the hands were on their breasts.
and they were laid towards the East, in the same manneJ
that bodies are laid in the earth. When we got back to oU]
ship, we found that one of our mariners was missing; anc
the master of the ship thought he had remained there to b(
a hermit: wherefore Nicholas of Soisi, who was the king'
master sergeant, left three bags of biscuit on the shore, s(
that the mariner might find them, and subsist thereon.
THE ISLE OF PENTELARIA-THE KING IS INEXORABLE
When we came away from thence, we saw a great islanè
in the sea, called Pentelaria, and it was peopled by Saraceru
who were subject to the King of Sicily and the King of Tunis.
The queen begged the king to send thither three galleys tc
get fruit for the children; and the king consented, ane
Joinville's Chronicle
297
rdered the masters of the galleys to go thither, and be ready
) come back to him when his ship passed before the island.
the galleys entered into a little port that was in the island;
nd it chanced that when the king's ship passed before the
ort, we got no tidings of our galleys.
Then did the mariners begin to murmur among them-
lves. The king caused them to be summoned, and asked
1em what they thought of the matter. The mariners said
: seemed to them that the Saracens had captured his people
nd his galleys. "But we advise and counsel you, sire, not
) wait for them; for you are between the kingdom of Sicily
nd the kingdom of Tunis, \vhich-both the one and the
ther of them-love you not at all; if, however, you suffer us
) sail forward, we shall, during the night, have delivered
: au from peril; for we shall have passed through this
:rait. "
I cc Truly," said the king, cc I shall not listen to you, and
:ave my people in the hands of the Saracens without at
.ast doing all in my power to deliver them. I command
3U to turn your sails, and we \\rill fall upon them." And
hen the queen heard this, she began to make great lam en-
Ltion, and said: "Alas! this is all my doing! "
While they were turning the sails of the king's ship, and
: the other ships, we saw the galleys coming from the island.
Then they came to the king, the king asked the mariners
hy they had tarried; and they replied that they could not
lp themselves, but that the fault lay with certain sons of
Jrgesses of Paris, of whom there were six, who stayed eating
ie fruit of the gardens; wherefore they had been unable to
t them off, nor could they leave them behind. Then the
ing commanded that the six burghers' sons should be put
.to the barge a-stern; at which they began to cry and to
)wl, saying: "Sire, for God's sake, take for ransom all
lat we have; but do not put us there where murderers and
tieves are put; for we shall be shamed to all time."
The queen and all of us did what we could to move the
.ng; but the king would listen to none of us. So they were
It into the barge, and remained there till we came to land.
nd they were there in such danger and distress that when the
a rose, the waves flew over their heads, and they had to sit
JWll lest the wind should carry them into the sea. And it
:rved them right; for their gluttony caused us such mis--
298 Memoirs of the Crusades
chief that we were delayed for eight good days, because tht
king had caused the ships to turn right about.
FIRE IN THE QUEEN'S CHAMBER
Another adventure befell us at sea, before we came to land
and it happened thus: One of the queen's bedeswomen, whe]
she had put the queen to bed, was heedless, and taking th
kerchief that had been wound about her head, threw it on t
the iron stove on which the Queen's candle was burning; anI
when she had gone to bed in the cabin where the wome:
slept, below the Queen's chamber, the candle burnt on, ti
the kerchief caught fire, and from the kerchief the fire passe,
to the cloths with which the Queen's garments were covered.
When the queen awoke, she saw her cabin all in flame:
and jumped up quite naked, and took the kerchief, and thre'
it all burning into the sea, and took the cloths and extir
guished them. Those who were in the barge behind the shi
cried, but not very loud: "Fire! fire!" I lifted up m
head and saw that the kerchief still burned with a cle
flame on the sea, which was very still. I put on my tun:
as quickly as I could, and went and sat with the mariners.
While I sat there my squire, who slept before me, carr
to me and said that the king was awake, and asked where
was. "And I told him," said he, " that you were in YOt
cabin; and the king said to me, 'Thou liest.'" While
were thus speaking, behold the queen's clerk appeare.
1rlaster Geoffry, and said to me: "Be not afraid; nothir
has happened." And I said: "Master Geoffry, go and t(
the queen that the king is awake, and that she should go 1
him and set his mind at ease."
On the following day the Constable of France, and my Lo]
Peter the chamberlain, and my Lord Gervais, the master,
the pantry, said to the king: "What happened in the nig1
that we heard mention of fire?" And I said not a wor
Then said the king: "What happened was by mischanc
. and the seneschal is more reticent than I. N ow I will tf
you," said he, "how it came about that we might all ha'
been burned this night." And he told them what h
befallen, and said to me: "I command you henceforwaJ
not to go to rest till you have put out all fires, except t]
great fire that is in the hold of the ship. And take note thi
Joinville's Chronicle 299
shall not go to rest till you come back to me." And I did
as long as we were at sea; and it was only after I had gone
ck to the king that he would go to rest.
A MIRACLE PERFORMED BY THE VIRGIN MARY
Another adventure befell us at sea. My Lord Dragonet,
man of note of Provence, was asleep one morning in his
.ip, which ,vas a full league in front of ours; and waking he
lled to a squire of his and said to him: "Go and stop up
.at opening, for the sun strikes on my face." The squire
w that he could not stop up the opening unless he got out-
:Ie the ship, so he got outside. While he was going to stop
) the opening, his foot slipped, and he fell into the water.
ow the ship had no barge in tow, for it was small; and very
: on he was left behind, a long way froln the ship. We who
re on the king's ship saw him, and fancied it was a bundle
I a barrel, because he who had fallen into the water made
) effort to help himself. One of the king's galleys picked
I m up, and brought him to our ship, where he told us how
js had befallen hiIn. I asked him how it was he had taken...
) thought to save himself, either by swimming, or in any
I her manner. He answered me that there was no reason,
need, why he should thus take thought, because, so soon
. he began to fall, he commended himself to our Lady of l
1uvert, and she held him up by the shoulders from the time
.at he fell until the king's galley picked him up. In
)nour of this miracle, I have caused it to be depicted in my
Lapel at J oinville, and in the glass windows at Blécourt.
THE KING DECIDES RELUcrANTLY TO DISEMBARK AT
HYERES
Mter we had been six weeks at sea, we came to a port at
vo leagues' distance from a castle called Hyères, which
longed to the Count of Provence, who afterwards became
ing of Sicily. The queen and all the council were agreed
lat the king should disembark there, because the land be-
nged to his brother. The king answered us that he would
:>t leave his ship till we came to Aigues-Mortes, which was
l his own land. On this point the king held firm against us
300 Memoirs of the Crusades
on the Wednesday and the Thursday, nor could we prev
against him to decide otherwise.
In the Marseilles ships there are two rudders attached 1
t\VO tillers in such marvellous fashion that you can turn t}
ship to the right hand, or to the left, as quickly as you C
turn a saddle horse. On the Friday the king was sittir
upon one of these tillers, and he called me to him, and saic
"Seneschal, what do you think of this matter?" And
said to him: "Sire, it would be but right if that chanced'
you that chanced to my Lady of Bourbon, who would TII
disembark at this port, but set out to sea again to go
Aigues-Mortes, and remained at sea for six weeks."
Then the king called his council together, and told the
what I had said, and asked what they advised; and they
advised that he should disembark presently, since it WOll
not be \vise on his part if he again put his own person, b
wife, and his children, in peril by the sea after having escapt
therefrom. The king accepted the advice we gave hin
whereby the queen was greatly rejoiced.
ADVICE GIVEN TO THE KING BY JOINVILLE
The king and his wife and children disembarked therefo
at the castle of Hyères. While the king was waiting:
Hyères in order to obtain horses to come into France, t]
Abbot of Cluny, who afterwards was Bishop of Olive, pI
sented him with t\VO palfreys, which would to-day be Wt
worth five hundred livres-one for the king himself, and t]
other for the queen. When the abbot had presented ther
he said to the king: "Sire, I will come again to-morrow
speak to you about my affairs." When the morrow carn
the abbot returned. The king heard him with great diligen.
and at great length. When the abbot had departed, I can
to the king, and said: "I should like to ask, if it so pleas
you, whether you have given ear to the Abbot of Cluny wi-
the more favour because of those two palfreys that he ga'
you yesterday?" The king thought a long time, and tht
sa;.d: " Truly, yes." "Sire," I continued, " do you kno
why I have asked you this question?" "Why?" said h
" Because, sire," I replied, " I advise and counsel that, wh(
you return to France, you forbid all your sworn councillo
to accept aught from those who have matters to brir
J oinville' s Chronicle
3 01
fore YOu; for you may rest assured that, if they. accept
ght, they will listen more willingly, and with greater dili-
nce, to those who have bestowed somewhat upon them;
.e as you have done to the Abbot of Cluny." The king
lIed all his council together, and incontinently told them
lat I had said; and they answered that the advice I had
len him was good.
OF BROTHER HUGH THE FRANCISCAN
The king heard tell of a Franciscan whose name was
"other Hugh; and because of the great fame of this Fran-
;can, the king sent to summon him, for he desired to see
1m and hear him speak. The day on which Brother Hugh
me to Hyères, we looked out upon the road by which he
1.5 coming, and saw that a great crowd of people were
llowing him on foot, both men and women. The king
.used him to preach. The beginning of his sermon was on
le religiouses, and he spoke thus: "Lords, I see too many
ligiouses in the king's court, and in his company." And
I these words he added: "And in the first place I myself
n one too many here; and this I say because the religiouses.
re are in no condition to be saved-unless the Holy Scrip-
lres lie to us, which cannot be. For the Holy Scriptures
:ll us that a monk cannot live out of his cloister without
ortal sin, any more than a fish can live out of water. And
I the religiouses \vho are with the king say that his court is
cloister, then I say unto them that it is the very largest
oister that ever I saw, for it extends from this side of the
a to the other. And if they say that in that cloister they
m lead a hard life for the salvation of their souls, then I do
ot believe them; for I tell you that I have eaten with them
ere of divers meats in great foison, and drunk good wines
oth strong and clear. Wherefore I am certain that if they
ad been in their cloisters, they would not have lived in such
lse as they now live with the king."
In his sermon he told the king how he should govern for
[le good of his people; and at the end of the sermon he
1id that he had read the Bible and the books that go with
he Bible, and that he had never seen, neither in the books of
,elievers nor in the books of unbelievers, that any kingdom,
.r lordship, was lost, or passed from one lord to another, or
3 02 Memoirs of the Crusades
one king to another, unless there had first been default 0
right and justice. "N ow let the king,"
said he, "have
care, since he is going into France, that he execute right an(
justice among his people, and remain thereby in the love 0
God, so that God do not take from him both his kingdom an(
his life."
I said to the king that he should keep Brother Hugh in hi
company as long as he could. He told me he had already s<
besought the brother, but that he would not remain at hi:
bidding. Then the king took me by the hand and said
" Let us go and beseech him." We came to him, and I said
" Sir, do what my lord asks you, and stay with him so Ion!
as he is in Provence." And he answered me angrily: "0
a truth, sir, I shall not do so. I shall go whither God ,viI
love me better than in the king's company." One day hi
stayed with us, and the next he went his way. It has sino
been told me that he lies buried in the city of Marseilles, an(
there works many fair miracles.
COUNSELS GIVEN BY PHILIP AUGUSTUS TO ST. LEWIS
On the day that the king left Hyères, he went down fron
the castle on foot, because the hill was steep; and he wen
so far on foot, not being able to come at his own palfrey, tha
he had to mount on mine. And when his own palfrey earn
up, he turned very angrily on Ponce, the squire; and afte
he had mis-said him well, I said: "Sire, you ought to forgiv
much to Ponce, the squire; for he has served your grand
father, and your father, and yourself." "Seneschal," sai(
he, " he has not served us, but we have served him, in suffer
ing him to remain near our persons considering his evi
qualities. For King Philip, my grandfather, told me tha
we ought to reward our servants, one more and the othe
less, according to their service; and he used to say agaiJ
tha t none can govern a coun try well if he does not knO'\i
how to refuse as boldly, ánd with as much hardihood, as h,
knows ho\v to give. And I teach you these things," said th
king, " because/he world is so eager to ask and acquire, tha
there are few people who 100k\to the salvation of their souls
and their personal honour, provided they can draw to them
selves the goods of others, whether rightfully or wrongfully.'
J oinville's Chronic..
3 0 3
INVILLE PARTS FROM THE KING-HE COMES TO mM AGAIN
LATER AT SOISSONS-MARRIAGE BETWEEN ISABEL OF
FRANCE AND THIBAUT II., KING OF NAVARRE
The king passed through the county of Provence to a city
lled Aix in Provence, where it was said that the body of
e Magdalen lay; and we went to a very high cave in a
ck, where, so it was related, she had lived in hermitage for
venteen years. When the king came to Beaucaire, and I
w him in his own land, and his own dominions, I took
lve of him, and went to the Dauphiness of Vienne, my
ece, and to the Count of Chalon, my uncle, and to the Count
Burgundy, his son.
And when I had sojourned a space at Joinville, and had
ranged my affairs, I went back to the king, WhOlTI I found
: Soissons; and he made such joy of me that all who were
.ere marvelled. There I found Count John of Brittany,
ld his wife, the daughter of King Thibaut, who offered to
) homage to the king for all such rights as she might have
Champagne; and the king adjourned the matter, and
ferred her, as also King Thibaut II., to the parliament of
lns, where they might be heard, and justice done to the
rties.
To this parliament came the King of Navarre and his
uncil, and the Count of Brittany also. At this parJiament
ing Thibaut asked for my Lady Isabel, the king's daughter,
. have her to wife. Notwithstanding the words that our
ople of Champagne spoke behind my back, because of the
,ve they had seen the king show to me at Soissons, I did not
.rbear to go to the king and speak to him about this
larriage. 1 "Go," said the king, "and get the Count of
rittany to agree, and then we will conclude our marriage.'
nd I told him that he ought not to give up the marriage on
lat ground (i. e., if the count objected). But he said that
n no account would he conclude the marriage until such
.me as an agreement had been come to; for no one should
ver say that he had married his children by depriving his
arons of their heritage.
I I reported these words to Queen Margaret of Navarre, and
the king her son, and to their other counsellors; and when
1 Sense a little obscure, and 1\155. not quite agreed.
304 Memoirs of the Crusades
they heard them they hastened to come to an agreement
And so soon as they were agreed, the King of France gav.
his daughter to King Thibaut; and the nuptials were cele
brated at Melun, largely and with full pomp; and fron
thence King Thibaut led his bride to Provins, where the
made their entry amid a gre
t number of barons.
HABITS AND CUSTOMS OF ST. LEWIS-HE REFUSES THE
UNJUST DEMANDS OF HIS BISHOPS
After the king returned from overseas, he lived in sud
devotion that never did he wear fur of beaver or grey squirre1
nor scarlet, nor gilded stirrups and spurs. His clothing wa
of camlet and blue cloth; the fur on his coverlets ant
clothing was deer's hide, or the skin from the hare's legs, 0
lambskin. He was so sober in his eating that he neve
ordered special meats outside what his cook prepared; wha
was set before him that did he eat. He put water to hi
wine in a glass goblet, and according to the strength of th
\vine he added water thereto by measure; and would holt
the goblet in his hand while they mixed water with his win
behind his table. He always caused food to be given to hi
poor, and after they had eaten, caused money to be give]
to them.
When the minstrels of the men of note came in after h
had eaten, and brought their viols, he would wait before h
heard grace until the minstrel had ended his song; then h
would rise, and the priests stand before him to say grac(
When we were private with him, he would sit at the foot 0
his bed; and when the Preaching Brothers and Dominican
who w.ere there brought to his mind some book which h
might like to hear read, he would say: "You shall not rea'
it to Ine; for there is no book so good after eating as to talJ
freely, that is to say, so to talk that every one says wha
best pleases him." When strangers of note ate with him, h
made them very good company.
Of his wisdom will I now sneak to vou.. There were time
J. wi
when people bore witness that no one of his council was a
wise as he. And this appeared in that when people spoke tl
him of any matter, he did not say: "I will take advic
thereon;" but if he saw the right clearly and evidently h
answered without appeal to his councillors, and at once. I]
Joinville's Chronicle
3 0 5
t ; wise I heard that he gave answer to all the prelates of
t kingdom of France regarding a petition they made to
1 1 in the following case.
he Bishop Guy of Auxerre spake to him for all of them,
1 said: "Sire, these archbishops and bishops here
] sent have charged me to tell you that Christendom
( :ays and melts in your hands, and that it will decay still
j ther unless you give thought thereto, because no man
.. nds in fear of excommunication. We require you there-
to command your bailiffs and your sergeants to compel
excommunicate persons who have been under sentence
a year and a day, to make satisfaction to the Church."
d the king replied, without taking any advice, that he
uld willingly order his bailiffs and sergeants to constrain
:ommunicate persons in the manner desired, provided
l cognisance of the sentence were given to him. in each
e, so that he might judge whether the sentence ,vere
hteous or not.
\nd they consulted together, and answered the king that
y would not give him such cognisance, because the
.tters involved were spiritual. And the king replied in
"Il that he would not give them cognisance of such matters
pertained to him, nor order his sergeants to constrain
ommunicate persons to obtain absolution, whether such
ommunication were rightful or wrongful. "For if I did
" said the king, " I should be acting contrary to God and
linst right. And. I will give you an example, which is
.s: that the bishops of Brittany held the Count of Brittany
. seven years under sentence of excommunication; and
n the count obtained absolution from the court of Rome;
d if I had constrained him at the end of the first year, I
Juld have constrained him wrongfully."
THER EXAMPLES OF ST. LEWIS'S FIRMNESS AND JUSTICE
It happened, after we had returned from overseas, that
e monks of St. Urban elected two abbots. The Bishop
ter of Châlons,-on whom God have mercy!-drove
em both out, and consecrated as abbot my Lord John of
ymeri, and gave him the crozier. I would not acknow..
1ge the said John of Mymeri as abbot, because he had
ronged the Abbot Geoffry, who had appealed against him,
3 06 Memoirs of the Crusades
and gone to Rome. I held the abbey so long in my hand
that the said Geoffry won the crozier, and the monk to whon
it had been given by the bishop did not get it; and while th
contention lasted, the bishop caused me to be excommuni
cated. Therefore there was, at a parliament held in Paris
much quarrelling between me and the Bishop Peter 0
Châlons, and between the Countess Margaret of Flanders an.
the Archbishop of Rheims, to whom she gave the lie.
At the following parliament, all the prelates besought th
king to come and speak to them privily. When he returnee
from speaking to the prelates, he came to us, who were wait
ing for him in the judgment chamber, and told us, laughinl
heartily, of the trouble he had had with the prelates; for, i]
the first place, the Archbishop of Rheims had said to tht
king: "Sire, what will you do for me on account of tho
wardship of St. Remigius of Rheims, which you are takin,
from me? For by the re1ics that are here before us, I swea
I would not have upon my conscience such a sin as there i
upon yours, for all the kingdom of France." "By the relic.
that are here before -15," said the king, "I swear that fo
Compiègne alone you would take that sin upon your con
science, because of the covetousness that is in you. So nov
one of us two is foresworn! Then the Bishop of Chartre:
demanded of me," said the king, " that I should cause wha-
I had of his in my possession to be returned to him. And:
told him I should not do it, until such time as my dues hac
been paid. And I told him too that he had done me homage
with his hands in mine, and that he was dealing with me
neither well nor loyally when he endeavoured to deprive
me of what was mine by inheritance. The Bishop 0.
Châlons," continued the king, " said to me: C Sire, what de
you propose to do for me as concerning the Lord of J oinvillc
who deprives that poor monk of the abbey of St. Urban? ' ,
" Sir bishop," the king had replied, "you havè settled i
among you that no excommunicate person is to be heard ir
a lay court; and I have seen a letter, sealed ,vith thirty-tw{
seals, to the effect that you are excommunicate: therefon
I will not hear you till you have got yourself absolved.'
And these things I tell you so that you may see clearly ho"
the king could settle such matters as he had to settle, alone
and by his own good counsel.
The Abbot Geoffry of St. Urban, after I had settled this
\..
. ,
J oinville's Chronicle
3 0 7
atter for him, returned me evil for good, and lodged an
)peal against me. He gave the saintly king to understand
at he was in the king's wardship. I thereon asked the king
, cause enquiry to be made whether the wardship of the
>bey was the king's or mine. "Sire," said the abbot, " please
od you shall not do this; but so arrange that the question
tween us and the Lord of J oinville be settled by due
ocess of law; for we to whom the abbey belongs by in-
ritance would rather have it in your wardship than in his."
hen the king said to me: "Do they speak sooth that the
ardship of the abbey is mine?" "Certainly not, sire," I
:plied, " it is mine."
Then the king said to the abbot: "It may be that the in-
ritance is yours; but as to the wardship, from what you
ll me, and from what the seneschal tells me, that is a matter
tween him and me only. Nor shall I forbear, for aught
lat you have said, to endeavour to arrive at the truth of the
latter, for if I compelled him to plead at law, I should be
oing a wrong to him, who is my liegeman, for I should put
is right to the issue of law, whereas he offers to let me know
1e truth clearly." So he caused the truth to be enquired
Ito, and when the truth was made clear, he handed over to
le the wardship of the abbey, and gave me sealed letters
J.ereto. 1
ST. LEWIS'S LOVE OF PEACE
N ow it happened that the saintly king laboured so efiec-
ually that the King of England,2 his wife, and his children,
ame to France to treat of a peace between them and him.
o this peace his council were strongly opposed, and they
poke to him thus: "Sire, we marvel greatly that you are
linded to give to the King of England a great portion of the
\nd which you and your predecessors have won from him,
nd which he has forfeited by misfeasance. N ow it seems
o us that if you believe you have no right to the land, you
.re not making full restitution unless you restore all the con-
luests that you and your predecessors have made; while if
1 This passage is in parts obscure, and the text may be corrupt. I
.gree with Miss Wedgwood as to tl1e sense given i
her version, which
eems to me to render J oinville's intention better than the version (into.
elatively modem French) of M. de Waillv.
I Henry III. -
308 Memoirs of the Crusades
YQU believe that you have a right to the land, it seems to us
that whatever you restore is restored to your loss."
To this the saintly king replied after the following manner:
"Lords, I am convinced that the King of England's pre-
decessors were rightfully dispossessed of all the conquereè
land that I hold; and the land that I am giving him I do not
give as a thing that I am bound to give either to himself OJ
to his heirs; but I give it so that there may be love between
my children and his, who are cousins-german. And me-
seems that what I give him is given to good purpose, sinc<<:
he has not hitherto been my liegeman, but win now have tc
do me homage."
No man in the world laboured more to maintain peace
among his subjects, and specially among the great men whc
were neighbours, and the princes of the realm; as, for in-
stance, between the Count of Chalon, uncle of the Lord oj
Joinville, and his son the Count of Burgundy, who were at
war when we came back from overseas. And in order to
make peace between the father and the son he sent men of
his council, at his own charges, into Burgundy; and by his
efforts peace was established bet,veen the father and the son.
There was at that time war between King Thibaut the
Second, of Champagne, and Count John of Chalon, and the
Count of Burgundy, his son, regarding the abbey of Luxeuil.
To appease this war my lord the king sent Gervais of
Escraines, who was then master of the meats in France; and
by his efforts he reconciled them.
After this war, '\vhich the king appeased, arose another
war between the Count Thibaut of Bar and Count Henry of
Luxemburg, who had the sister of Count Thibaut to wife.
And so it happened that they fought together near Prény,
and Count Thibaut of Bar made Count Henry of Luxemburg
prisoner, and took the castle of Ligny, which belonged to
the Count of Luxemburg in right of his wife. In order to
appease this war the king sent, at his own charges, my Lord
Peter the chamberlain, the man in the world in whom he
had greatest faith; and the king laboured so effectually that
they were reconciled.
As to the foreigners whom the king had reconciled, there
were some of his council who said he would have done better
to let them fight; for if he suffered them to impoverish
themselves, they would attack him less readily than if they
Joinville's Chronicle
3 0 9
'ere rich. And to this the king made answer, and said that
:ley spoke unwisely. "For it the neighbouring princes,savl
J.at I let them fight together, they might consult and say:
It is from 'malice that he lets us fight together thus.' And
J, perchance, out of hatred, they would come and fall upon
Ie, which might be greatly to my loss, to say nothing of the
nmity of God that I should incur, who has said: 'Blessed
re the peacemakers.' "
Whence it also came that the people of Burgundy and
rraine, whom he had pacified, loved and obeyed him so
Tell that I have seen them come and plead their suits before
.im at his courts of Rheims, Paris and Orleans.
HORROR OF ST. LEWIS AND OF JOINVILLE FOR ALL
BLASPHEMY
The king so loved God and His s\veet Mother that hel
aused all those to be grievously punished who '\vere con
J
rinced of speaking of them evilly or lightly, or with a profane
lath. Thus I saw him cause a goldsmith, at Cæsarea, to be
>>ound to a ladder, in his drawers and shirt, with a pig's gut
.nd haslet round his neck, and in such quantity that they
eached up to his nose. I heard tell that, since I came from
Þverseas, he caused, on this account, a citizen of Paris to be
)urned in the nose and lip; but this I did not myself witness.
\.nd the saintly king was used to say: "I would consent to
>e branded with a hot iron on condition that all profane
>>aths were removed out of my realm."
I was full twenty-two years in his company, and never
leard him swear by God, nor His Mother, nor His saints.
Nhen he wished to affirm anything, he would say: "Truly
:hat was so," or " Truly that is so."
Never did I hear him name the Devil, unless the name
:ame in some book, where it was right that it should come, or
n the life of the saints where the book made mention thereof.
\nd great shame it is to the realm of France, and to the king
who suffers it, that scarcely can anyone speak without say"-
ng: "May the Devil take it!" And it is a great sin of
;peech to devote to the Devil men or ,vornen who \vere given
to God as soon as they were baptised. In the house of J oin-
ville whosoever speaks such a word receives a buffet or
pummel, and bad language is nearly outrooted.
3 10 Memoirs of the Crusades
ST. LEWIS'S LOVE FOR THE POOR-HOW HE TAUGHT HH
CmLDREN-HIS ALMS AND PIOUS FOUNDATIONS-En
SCRUPLES IN THE COLLATION TO BENEFICES
He asked me if I washed the feet of the poor on Hol)
Thursday; and I answered him "No," for such an ac.
appeared to me unseemly. And he told me I should no'
hold the act in disdain, seeing that God had so done. "VeT)
unwillingly then would you do what the King of Englan<
does-who washes the feet of lepers, and kisses them."
Before he lay down in his bed he would cause his childrer
to come to him, and bring to their minds the deeds of goo<
kings and good emperors, telling them it was of such mer
they should take example. And he would bring to thei:
minds also the deeds of great men who were wicked, and b)
their ill-living, and their rapine, and their avarice, ha<
brought their kingdoms to ruin. "And these things," he
would say, " I bring to your minds, so that you may avoi(
them, and that God's anger be not kindled against you.'
He made them learn the hours of our Lady, and say before
him the hours of the day, so as to accustom them to hea:
the hours when they ruled over their own lands.
The king was such a large alms-giver that wherever he
went in his kingdom he caused money to be given to the poo:
churches, to the lazar houses, to the alms-houses, to the
hospitals, and to the poor gentlemen and gentlewomen
Every day he gave food to a great number of poor folk
beside those who ate in his chamber; and ofttimes have :
seen him cutting their bread and giving them drink.
Many abbeys were built in his time, viz., Royaumont
the abbey of St. Anthony, by Paris, the abbey of the Lis
the abbey of Maubuisson, and many other religious house:
{)f Preachers and Franciscans. He built the almshouse 0:
Pontoise, the alms-house of Vernon, the house of the blind iI
Paris, the nunnery of the Franciscan sisters at Saint-Cloud
which his sister, my Lady Isabel, founded by his sanction.
When any benefice in holy Church fell to the king's gift
he first, before bestowing it, consulted good men of religioI
and others; and when he had fully informed himself, h
bestowed the benefices of holy Church, in good faith, loyally,
.and as in the sight of God. In every town of his realm
J oinville' s Chronicle
3 11
here he had never been before, he went to the Preachers
ld Franciscans" if there were any there, to ask for their
'a yers.
)W THE KING REFORMED HIS BAILIFFS, PROVOSTS, AND
MAYORS-AND HOW HE INSTITUTED NE\V ORDINANCES-
AND HOW STEPHEN BOILEAU WAS HIS PROVOST OF PARIS
Mter King Lewis had returned to France from overseas,
bore himself very devoutly towards our Saviour, and
ry justly towards his subjects; wherefore he considered
Ld thought it would be a fair thing, and a good, to reform
,e realm of France. First he established a general ordin-
Lce for all his subjects throughout the realm of France, in
,e manner following:-
" We, Lewis, by the grace of God King of France, ordain
at Our bailiffs, viscounts, provosts, mayors, and all others,
whatever matter it may be, and whatever office they may
)ld, shall make oath that, so long as they hold the said
fice, or perform the functions of bailiffs, they shall do
stice to all, without acceptation of persons, as well to the
)or as to the rich, and to strangers as to those who are
tive-bom; and that they shall observe such uses and
.stoms as are good and have been approved.
" And if it happens that the bailiffs, or viscounts, or others,
the sergeants or foresters, do aught contrary to their oaths,
ld are convicted thereof, we order that they be punished
their goods, or in their persons, if the misfeasance so
quire; and the bailiffs shall be punished by Ourselves, and
hers by the bailiffs.
"Henceforward the other provosts, the bailiffs and the
rgeants shall make oath to loyally keep and uphold Our
-nts and Our rights, and not to suffer Our rights to lapse or
be suppressed or diminished; and with this they shall
rear not to take or receive, by themselves or through others,
Þld, nor silver, nor any indirect benefit, nor any other
.ing, save fruit, or bread, or wine, or other present, to the
Llue of ten sous, the said sum not being exceeded.
" And besides this, they shall make oath not to take, or
.use to be taken, any gift, of whatever kind, through their
ives, or their children, or their brothers, or their sisters, or
1Y other persons connected with them; and so soon as they
M 333
3 I 2 Memoirs of the Crusades
have knowledge that any such gifts have been received, the
will cause them to be returned as soon as may be possibl
And, besides this, they shall make oath not to receive aD
gift, of whatever kind, from any man belonging to the
bailiwicks, nor from any others who have a suit or may plea
before them.
" Henceforth they shall make oath not to bestow any gi
upon any men who are of Our council, nor upon their wive
or children, or any person belonging to them; nor upc
those who shall receive the said officers' accounts on 01
behalf, nor to any persons whom we may send to their bai:
wicks, or to their provostships, to enquire into their doing
And ,vith this they shall swear to take no profit out of ar
sale that may be made of Our rents, Our bailhvicks, 01
coinage, or aught else to Us belonging.
" And they shall swear and promise, that if they ha'
knowledge of any official, sergeant, or provost, serving und
them, who is unfaithful, given to robbery and usury,
addicted to other vices whereby he ought to vacate O'
service, then they will not uphold him for any gift,
promise, or private affection, or any other cause, but puni:
nd judge him in all good faith.
" Henceforward Our provosts, Our viscounts, Our mayo]
Our foresters, and Our other sergeants, mounted and d:
mounted, shall make oath not to bestow any gift upon tht
superiors, nor upon their superiors' wives, nor children, n
upon anyone belonging to them.
" And because We desire that these oaths be fairly esta
lished, We order that they be taken in full assize, before:
men, by clerks and laymen, knights and sergeants, notwit
standing that any such may have already made oath befo
Us; and this We ordain so that those who take the oat
may avoid the guilt and the sin of perjury, not only from t:
fear of God and of Ourselves, but also for shame before t
world.
"We will and ordain that all Our provosts and baili
abstain from saying any word that would bring into contero
God, or our Lady, or the saints; and also that they absta
from the game of dice and keep a way from taverns. We orda
that the making of dice be forbidden throughout Our reah
and that lewd women be turned out of every house; and wb
soever shall rent a house to a lewd woman shall forfeit to t
Joinville's Chronicle
3 1 3
)rovost, or the bailiff, the rent of the said house for a year.
" Moreover, We forbid Our bailiffs to purchase wrongfully,
.r to cause to be purchased, either directly, or through
tthers, any possession or lands that may be in their baili-
vick, or in any other, so long as they remain in Our service,
.nd without Our express permission; and if any such pur-
.hases are made, We ordain that the lands in question be,
.nd remain, in Our hands.
" We forbid Our bailiffs, so long as they shall be in Our
ervice, to marry any sons Of daughters that they may have,
If any other person belonging to them, to any other person
n their bailiwick, without OUf special sanction; and more-
.ver 'Ve forbid that they put any such into a religious house
:1 their bailiwick, or purvey them with any benefice of holy
I :hurch, or any other possession; and moreover We forbid
I hat they obtain provisions or lodgings from any religious
.ouse, or near by, at the expense of the religouses. This
,rohibition as concerns marriages and the acquisition of
oods, as stated above, does not apply to provosts, or mayors,
.or to others holding minor offices. ..
"We order that no bailiff, provost, or any other, shall
eep too many sergeants or beadles, to the burdening of our
eople; and We ordain that the beadles be appointed in full
ssize, or else be not regarded as beadles. When sergeants
re sent to a distant place, or to a strange county, \Ve ordain
hat they be not received without letters from their superiors.
" We order that no bailiff or provost in Our service shall
urden the good people in his jurisdiction beyond what is
l.wful and right; and that none of Our subjects be put in
.rison for any debt save in so far as such debt may be due to
)urselves only.
" We ordain that no bailiff levy a fine for a debt due by any
f Our subjects, or for any offence, save in full and open
Qurt, where the amount of such fine may be adjudged and
stimated, with the advice of worthy and competent persons,
ven when the fine has already been considered by them (in-
)rmally? passage obscure). And if it happens that the
ccused will not wait for the judgment of Our court, which
. offered him, but offers for the fine a certain sum of money,
uch as has been commonly received aforetime, we ordain
hat the court accept such sum of money if it be reasonable
nd convenient; and, if not, we ordain that the fine be
3 14- Memoirs of the Crusades
adjudicated upon, as aforesaid, even though the delinquent
place himself in the hands of the court. We forbid that the
bailiffs, or the mayors, or the provosts, should compel OUI
subjects, either by threats, or intimidation, or any chicanery,
to pay a fine in secret or in public, or accuse any save fÓI
reasonable cause.
. " And We ordain that those who hold the office of provost;
vIscount, or any other office, do not sell such office to othen
without ?ur consent; and if several persons buy jointly an)
of the said offices, We order that one of the purchasers shar
perform the duties of the office for all the rest, and alonE
enjoy such of its privileges in respect of journeyings, taxes
and common charges, as have been customary aforetime.
" And We forbid tha t they sell the said offices to thei
brothers, nephews, or cousins, after they have bought then
from Us; and that they claim any debts that may be due t(
themselves, save such debts as appertain to their office. A,
regards their own personal debts, they will recover them b
authority of the bailiff, just as if they were not in Our service
" We forbid Our bailiffs and provosts to weary our sub
jects, in the causes brought before them, by moving th
venue from place to place. They shall hear the matter
brought before them in the place where they have been won
to hear them, so that Our subjects may not be induced t.
forego their just rights for fear of trouble and expense.
"From henceforth we command that Our provosts an.
bailiffs dispossess no man from the seisin which he hold
without full enquiry, or Our own especial order; and tha
they impose upon Our people no, new exactions, taxes an
imposts; and that they compel no one to come forth to d
service in arms, for the purpose of exacting money from him
for We order that none who owes Us service in arms shall b
summoned to join the host without sufficient cause, and tha
those who \vould desire to come to the host in person shaul
not be compelled to purchase exemption by-money paymen'
" 1Ioreover, we forbid Our bailiffs and provosts to preveIJ
corn, wine and other merchandise from being taken out (
Our kingdom, save for sufficient cause; and when it is cor
venient that these goods should not be taken out of th
kingdom, the ordinance shall be made publicly, in tb
council of worthy and competent elders, and without su
picion of fraud or misdoing.
Joinville's Chronicle
3 1 5
II Similarly We ordain that all bailiffs, viscounts, provosts,
nd mayors do remain, after they have left office, for the
pace of forty days in the land where such office has been
"{ercised-remaining there in person, or by deputy-so that
hey may answer to the ne\v bailiffs in respect of any wrong
one to such as may wish to bring a complaint against them."
By these ordinances the king did much to improve the
ondition of. the kingdom.
REFORM OF THE PROVOSTSHIP OF PARIS
The provostship of Paris was at that time sold to the
itizens of Paris, or indeed to anyone; and those who bought
fIe office upheld their children and nephe\vs in wrongdoing;
nd the young folk relied in their misdoings on those who
ccupied the provostship. For which reason the mean
eople were greatly downtrodden; nor could they obtain
lstice against the rich, because of the great presents and
ifts that the latter made to the provosts.
I \,rhenever at that time anyone spoke the truth before the
rovost, and wished to keep his oath, refusing to perjure
I imself regarding any debt, or other matter on which he was
ound to give evidence, then the provost levied a fine upon
hat person, and he was punished. And because of the great
I Ijustice that was done, and the great robberies perpetrated
1 the provostship, the mean people did not dare to sojourn
I 1 the king's land, but went and sojourned in other provost-
ips and other lordships. And the king's land was so de-
I
rted that when the provost held his court, no more than
I
n or twelve people came thereto.
I With all this there were so many malefactors and thieves
1 Paris and the country adjoining that all the land was full
: f them. The king, who was very diligent to enquire how
i he mean people were governed and protected, soon knew
! he truth of this matter. So he forbade that the office of
I rovost in Paris should be sold; and he gave great and good
rages to those who henceforward should hold the said office.
I ffid he abolished all the evil customs harmful to the people;
I nd he caused enquiry to be made throughout the kingdom
I 0 find men who would execute good and strict justice, and
.ot spare the rich any more than the poor.
Then was brought to his notice Stephen Boileau, who so
3 I 6 Memoirs of the Crusades
maintained and upheld the office of provost that no mal.
factor, nor thief, nor murderer dared to remain in Paris, set
ing that if he did, he was soon hung or exterminated: neitht
parentage, nor lineage, nor gold, nor silver could save hin
So the Icing's land began to amend, and people resorte
- thither for the good justice that prevailed. And the peop:
so multiplied, and things so amended, that sales, seisine
purchases, and other matters were doubled in value, as con
pared with what the king had received aforetime.
"In all these matters which We have ordained for tl
advantage of Our subjects, and of Our realm, we reserve t
Ourselves the right to elucidate, amend, adjust, or diminis]
according as We may determine."
By this ordinance also the king did much to reform tl
kingdom of France, as many wise and ancient persons be
witness.
LOVE OF ST. LEWIS FOR THE POOR-DF HIS ALMS AND
PIOUS FOUNDATIONS
From the time of his childhood, the king had pity on tl
poor and suffering; and the custom was that, ,vherever tl
king ,vent, six score poor persons were ahvays fed every da:
in his house, ,vith bread and wine, and meat or fish. ]
Lent and Advent the number of the poor was increased; an
ofttimes it happened that the king served them, and set the
food before them, and carved the meat before them, at
ßave them money ,vith his own hand at their departing.
Particularly at the great vigils, before the solemn festival
he served the poor in all matters as aforesaid, before he hin
self either ate or drank. Besides all this he had, every da:
to dine or sup near him, old and broken men, and cause:
them to be fed ,vith the same meats of which he himself pa
took; and when they had eaten they took a,vay a certa:
sum of money.
Besides all this the king gave, day by day, large and gre:
alms to the poor religiouses, to the poor in hospitals, to t}
poor sick, and to poor communities, also to poor gentlemc:
and ladies, and girls, and to fallen women, and to po.
widows, and to women who were lying in, and to poor wor
men, who through age or sickness could no longer work =
their crafts; so that hardly would it be possible to numb.
Joinville's Chronicle
3 1 7
is alms. Therefore may it well be said that he was more
>rtunate than Titus, the Emperor of Rome, of whom old
rritings tell that he was sad and discomforted for any day on
'hich he had not been able to confer some benefit.
From the first that he came to his kingdom and knew
'here he stood he began to erect churches, and many
ligious houses, among which the abbey of Royaumont
ears the palm for honour and magnificence. He caused
lany almshouses to be erected: the almshouse of Paris,
1at of Pontoise, that of Compiègne and of Veroon, and
ssigned to them large rents. He founded the abbey of St.
[atthew at Rouen, where he set women of the order of the
'reaching Brothers; and he founded that of Longchamp,
I here he set women of the order of the Minorist Brothers,
I nd assigned to them large rents for their livelihood.
And he allowed his mother to found the abbey of the Lis
ear Melun-sur-Seine, and the abbey near Pontoise, which is
lIled Maubuisson, and there assigned to them large rents
nd possessions. And he caused to be built the House of
1e Blind, near Paris, for the reception of the poor blind of
1e city; and caused a chapel to be built for them, so that
1ey might hear the service of God. And the good king
lused the house of the Carthusians, which is called Vauvert,
) be built outside Paris, and assigned sufficient rents to the
lonks who there served our Saviour.
Pretty soon after he caused another house to be built out-
de Paris, on the way to St. Denis, and it was called the
ouse of the Filles-Dieu,. and he caused to be placed there
great multitude of women who, through poverty, had
Lpsed into the sin of incontinence; and he gave them, for
heir maintenance, four hundred livres a year. And in
lany places of his kingdom he instituted houses for.
éguines,t and gave them rents for their livelihood, and com-
landed that any should be received therein who were
1inded to live in chastity.
There \vere some of his familiars who murmured at his
iving such large alms, and because he expended so much;
I nd he would say: II I like better that the great and exces-
ive expenditure which I incur should be incurred in alms-
1 Women living by ru1e, but without religious vows. I imagine that
1 this passage, J oinville attached an idea of repentance to these
articular béguines. .
3 I 8 Memoirs of the Crusades
giving for the love of God, than in pomp and splendour and
for the vainglory of this worJd. " Yet, notwithstanding
that the king spent so largely in almsgiving, he did not for-
bear to incur daily great expenditure in his household.
Largely and liberally did the king behave to the parliaments
and assemblies of his barons and knights; and he caused his
court to be served courteously, and largely, and without
stint, and in more liberal fashion than aforetime in the
court of his predecessors.
OF THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS THAT THE KING ESTABLISHED
IN FRANCE
The king loved all people who set themselves to servt
God, and took on them the religious habit; nor did an)
come to him but he gave them what they needed for f
living. He provided for the brothers of Carmel, anc
bought them land on the Seine, towards Charenton, anc
caused a house to be built for them, and purchased for then
vestments, chalices, and such other things as ale needful fo]
the service of our Saviour. And after he provided for th.
brothers of St. Augustine, and bought them the grange of f
citizen of Paris, and all its appurtenances, and caused I
church to be built for them outside the gate of Montmartre
The brothers of the U Sacks" he provided for, and hi
gave them a site on the Seine, towards Saint-Germain de
Prés, where they established themselves; but they remainec
there no long time, for they were shortly suppressed. Mte
the brothers of the " Sacks " had been lodged came anothe I
kind of brothers, who were called the order of the (( Whit
Mantles," and they begged the king to give them help s
that they might remain in Paris. The king bought ther
a house and certain old buildings lying round where the:
might lodge near the old gate of the Temple in Paris, rathe
near to the Weavers' house. These Ie White Mantles" wer
suppressed at the Council of Lyons, held by Gregory X.
Afterwards came yet another kind of brothers, who ha
themselves called brothers of the Holy Cross, and wore
cross upon their breasts; and they asked the king to hel
them. The king did so willingly, and lodged them in
street called the Cross-roads of the Temple, and now calle
the street of the Holy Cross.
Joinville's Chronicle 3 19
Thus did the good king surround the city of Paris with
eople of religion.
ST. LEWIS ASSUMES THE CROSS FOR THE SECOND TIME
After the things above stated, it happened that the king
Immoned all his barons to Paris during a certain Lent
267). I excused myself on account of a quartan fever
hich I then had, and begged him to suffer me to remain
Nay. But he sent me word that he insisted that I should
)me, because he had with him good physicians who well
rlew how to cure quartan fever.
To Paris I went. When I can1e thither on the night of the
igil of our Lady in March, I found no one, neither the queen
Jr any other, who could tell n1e why I had been summoned
y the king. Now it chanced, as God so willed, that I slept
Llrlng matins; and meseemed, while I slept, that I saw the
ing before an altar, on his knees; and meseemed further
lat many prelates, duly vested, were vesting him with a
d chasuble of Rheims serge.
After seeing this vision I called my Lord William, my
nest, who was very wise, and told him of the vision. And
e said to me: "Lord, you will see that the king will take
le cross to-morrow." I asked him why he thought so.
nd he told me he thought so because of the drean1 that I
:ld dreamed; for the chasuble of red serge signified the
oss, which was red with the blood that God shed from His
de, and His feet, and I-lis hands. "And for that the
1asuble is of Rheims serge," said he, "that signifies that
le Crusade shall be of little profit, as you shall see if God
ives you life."
I When I had heard mass at the Magdalen in Paris, I ,vent
) the king's chapel and found the king, who had gone up the
I
ffolding where were the relics, and was causing the true
ross to be taken down. While the king was coming do\vn,
NO knights, who were of his council, began to speak to one
nother; and the one said: "N ever believe me if the kinO'
; not crossing himself here." And the other made answer
If the king crosses hiInself, this will be one of the nlost
olorous days that ever were in France. For if we do not
ake the cross, we shall lose the king's favour; and ü we
I
320 Memoirs of the Crusades
f take the cross we shall lose God's favour, because we sha]
not take it for His sake, but for the sake of the king."
So it happened that on the following day the king too]
the cross, and his three sons with him; and afterwards i
befell that the Crusade was of little profit, according to th
prophecy of my priest.
Much was I pressed by the King of France, and the Kin;
of Navarre, to take the cross. To this I replied that whil
I was in the service of God and of the king overseas, anI
since I had returned, the sergeants of the King of France anI
of the King of Navarre had ruined and impoverished m'
people, so that, to all time, I and they would be the poore
for it. And I told them this, that if I wished to do wha
was pleasing to God, I should remain here, to help ant
defend my people; and if I put my body in danger in th
pilgrimage of the cross, while seeing quite clearly that thi
would be to the hurt and damage of my people, I shoul,
move God to anger, Who gave His body to save His peoplt
I held that all those who advised the king to go on tl
expedition committed mortal sin; for at the point at whic:
France then was, all the kingdom was at good peace wit:
itself and with its neighbours, while ever since he departec
the state of the kingdom has done nothing but go from ba,
to worse.
Great was the sin of those who advised the king to go, sef
ing how weak he was of his body, for he could bear neither t
be drawn in a chariot, nor to Ijde. So great was his weat
ness that-he suffered me to -t'arry him iJl my arms from th
mansion of the Count of Auxerre, where I took leave of hin
to the abbey of the Franciscans. And yet, weak as he was,
he had remained in France he might have lived longer, an
done much good, and many good works.
ST. LEWIS FALLS SICK-IDS INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS SON
Of the king's journey to Tunis will I say and tell no thin,
forasmuch as, thank God! I was not there, and have no ,vis
to put in my book anything of which I am not certain. E
we will speak only of our saintly king, and tell how, after 1
had landed at Tunis, before the castle of Carthage, he ff
sick of a flux in the stomach, and Philip, his eldest son, W
Joinville's Chronicle
3 21
ick of a quartan fever, and of the same flux in the stomach
's the king; and the king took to his bed, and felt that he
oust shortly pass out of this world into the other.
I Then he called my Lord Philip, his son, and commanded
rim, as if by testament, to observe all the teachings he had
eft him, which are hereinafter set down in French, and
vere, so it is said, written with the king's own saintly hand:
"Fair son, the first thing I would teach thee is to set
hine heart to love God; for unless he love God none can be
aved. Keep thyself from doing aught that is displeasing
o God, that is to say, from mortal sin. Contrariwise thou
houldst suffer every manner of torment rather than commit
I I .
. morta SIn.
I " If God send thee adversity, receive it in pati
nce, and
ve thanks to our Saviour, and bethink thee that thou hast
I leserved it, and that He will make it turn to thine advantage.
:f He send thee prosperity, then thank Him humbly, so that
hOll become not worse from pride, or any other cause, when
hou oughtest to be better. For we should not fight against
;od with His own gifts.
I "Confess thyself often, and choose for confessor a right
vorthy man who knows how to teach thee what to do, and
I vhat not to do; and bear thyself in such sort that thy con-
essor and thy friends shall dare to reprove thee for thy
nisdoings. Listen to the services of holy Church devoutly,
Lnd without chattering; and pray to God with thy heart
nd with thy lips, and especially at mass when the consecra-
ion takes place. Let thy heart be tender and full of pity
owards those who are poor, miserable and afflicted; and
:omfort and help them to the utmost of thy power.
I "Maintain the good customs of thy realm, and abolish
.he bad. Be not covetous against thy people; and do not
)urden them with taxes and imposts save when thou art in
reat need.
" If thou hast any great burden weighing upon thy heart,
,ell it to thy confessor or to some right ,vorthy man who is
lot full of vain words. Then shalt thou be able to bear it
:he more easily.
" See that thou hast in thy company men, whether religious
>r lay, who are right worthy, and loyal, and not full of covet-
>usness, and confer with them oft; and fly and eschew the
:ompany of the wicked. Hearken willingly to the Ward of
3 22 lVIemoirs of the Crusades
God, and keep it in thine heart; and seek diligently after
prayers and indulgences. Love all that is good and profit-
able, and hate all that is evil wheresoever it may be.
" Let none be so bold as to say before thee any word that
would dra\v and move to sin, or so bold as to speak evil behind
another's back for pleasure's sake; nor do thôu suffer any
,vord in disparagement of God and of His saints to be spoken
in thy presence. Give often thanks to God for all the good
things He has bestowed upon thee, so that thou be accounted
worthy to receive Inore.
" In order to do justice and right to thy subjects, be up-
right and firm, turning neither to the right hand nor to
the left, but always to ,vhat is just; and do thou maintain
the cause of the poor until such time as the truth is made
clear. And if anyone has an action against thee, make full
inquisition until thou knowest the truth; for thus shall thy
counsellors judge the more boldly according to the truth,
whether for thee or against.
" If thou holdest aught that belongeth to another, whether
by thine own act or the act of thy predecessors, and the
matter be certain, make restoration without delay. If the
matter be doubtful, cause enquiry to be made by wise men,
diligently and promptly.
" Give heed that thy servants and thy subjects live under
thee in peace and uprightness. Especially maintain the
good cities and commons of thy realm in the same estate and
with the same franchises as they enjoyed under thy prede-
cessors; and if there be aught to amend, amend and set it
right, and keep them in thy favour and love. For because
of the power and wealth of the great cities, thine own sub-
jects, and specially thy peers and thy barons, and foreigners
also, will fear to undertake aught against thee.
" Love and honour all persons belonging to holy Church
and see that no one take away, or diminish, the gifts and
alms made to them by thy predecessors. It is related of
King Philip, my grandfather, that one of his counsellors
once told him that those of holy Church did hirn much harm
and damage, in that they deprived hin1 of his rights, and
diminished his jurisdiction, and that it ,vas a great marvel
that he suffered it; and the good king replied that he believed
this might well be so, but he had regard to the benefits and
courtesies that God had bestowed upon him, and so thought
Joinville's Chronicle
3 2 3
t better to abandon some of his rights than to have any con-
:ention with the people of holy Church.
"To thy father and mother thou shalt give honour and
everence, and thou shalt obey their commandments.
Bestow the benefices of holy Church on persons \vho are
righteous and of a clean life, and do it on the advice of men
:>f worth and uprightness.
"Beware of undertaking a war against any Christian
prince without great deliberation; and if it has to be under-
taken, see that thou do no hurt to holy Church, and to
those who have done thee no injury. If ,vars and dissen-
;ions arise among thy subjects, see that thou appease them
as soon as thou art able.
" Use diligence to have good provosts and bailiffs J and
enquire often of them, and of those of thy household, how
they conduct themselves, and if there be found in them any
vice of inordinate covetousness, or falsehood, or trickery.
Labour to free thy land from all vile iniquity, and especially
strike down with all thy power evil swearing and heresy.
See to it that the expense of thy household be reasonable.
" Finally, my very dear son, cause masses to be sung for
my soul, and prayers to be said throughout thy realm; and
give to me a special share and full part in all the good thou
doest. Fair dear son, I give thee all the blessings that a
good father can give to his son. And may the blessed
1'rinity and all the saints keep and defend thee from all
evils; and God give thee grace to do His will always, so that
He be honoured in thee, and that thou and I may both, after
this mortal life is ended, be with Him together, and praise
Him everlastingly. Amen."
DEATH OF ST. LEWIS
When the good king had so taught his son, my Lord
Philip, the infirmity that was upon him began to gro,v apace;
and he asked for the sacraments of holy Church, and received
them, being clear of thought and of sound understanding, as
appeared duly, for when they anointed him with oil and said
the seven Psalms, he repeated the verses in turn.
And I heard my Lord, the Count of Alençon, his son, tell
that when the king came near to death he called upon the
3 2 4 Memoirs of the Crusades
saints to help and succour him, and especially upon my Lord
St. James, saying St. James's orison, which begins: "Esto,
Domine," that is to say, "0 God, be the sanctifier and
guardian of thy people." Then he called to his aid my Lord
St. Denis of France, saying St. Denis's orison, which is to
this effect: cc Lord God, grant that we may despise the pros-
perity of this world, and not stand in fear of any adversity."1
And I then heard my Lord of Alençon-on whom God
have mercy I-relate how his father called on my Lady St.,
Geneviève. Mter that, the saintly king caused himself to
be laid on a bed covered with ashes, and put his hands across
his breast, and, looking towards heaven, rendered up his
spirit to our Creator; and it was at the same hour that the
l Son of. God die
upon the cross for the w
rld's salvation. .
. 'A pIteous thing, and worthy of tears, IS the death of this
saintly prince, who kept and guarded his realm so holily and
loyally, and gave alms there so largely, and set therein so
many fair foundations. And like as the scribe who, writing
his book, illuminates it with gold and azure, so did the said
king illuminate his realm with the fair abbeys that he built,
and the great number of almshouses, and the houses for
Preachers and Franciscans, and other religious orders, as
named above.
On the day after the feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle
did the good King Lewis pass out of this world, and in the
year of the Incarnation of our Saviour, the year of grace
1270 (the 25th August). And his bones were put in a
casket, and borne thence, and buried at St. Denis in France,
where he had chosen his place of sepulture; and in the place
where they ,vere buried God has sithence performed many
fair miracles in his honour, and by his merit.
CANONISATION OF ST. LEWIS
After this, at the instance of the King of France, and by
command of the Pope,! came the Archbishop of Rouen, and
Brother John of Samois, who has since been made bishop,
they came to St. Denis in France, and there remained a long
space to make inquisition into the life, the works, and the
miracles of the saintly king. And I was summoned to come
1 Martin IV.
Joinville's Chronicle
3 2 5
J them, and they kept me two days. And after they had
uestioned me and others, what they had ascertained and
et down was sent to the court of Rome; and the Pope and
he cardinals looked diligently into what had been sent to
hem, and according to what they saw there they did right
o the king, and set him among the number of the confessors.
Hence was there, and ought there to be, great joy in all the
ealm of France; and great honour to those of his lineage
vho are like him in doing well, and equal dishonour to those
If his lineage who will not follow him in good works: great
lishonour, I say, to those of his lineage who would do evil;
or men will point a finger at them, and say that the saintly
:ing, from whom they sprang, would have scorned to commit
o foul an act.
After the good news had come from Rome, the king
Lppointed a day, on the morrow of St. Bartholomew (25th
\.ugust 1298), when the holy body should be raised. When
.he body was raised, the Archbishop of Rheims that then
vas-on whom God have mercy I-and my Lord Henry of
fillers, my nephew, who was then Archbishop of Lyons, bore
t first in hand; and afterwards it was borne by many others,
LS well archbishops as bishops, more than I can name: they
I )ore it to a platform that had been erected.
Then preached Brother John of Samois; and among the
>ther great feats that our saintly king had performed, he
elated one of the worthy deeds to which I had borne testi-
Dony in my sworn declaration, and of which I had been
iVitness; and he spoke thus: "So that you may see that he
Nas the most loyal and upright man in his time, I win tell
)Tou that he was so loyal that he held a covenant he had made
with the Saracens, though he had made it by simple word of
mouth only, and if so be that he had not held it, he would
have gained ten thousand livres and more." He told them all
the story as I have already told it above. And when he had
told them all, he said: "Do not think I am lying to you, for
I see before me such a man as testified to us of this thing, and
did so on oath."
Mter the sermon was ended the king and his brothers bore
back the holy body to the church, with the help of their
lineage-to whom this honour was due; for a great honour
had been done them, if so be that they approve themselves
,yorthy of it, as I have said above. Let us pray to the
326 Memoirs of the Crusades
sainted king to ask God to give us ,vhat is needful for ou
souls and bodies. Amen I
JOINVILLE SEES ST. LEWIS IN A DREAM, AND ERECTS
AN ALTAR TO HIM
I will tell you yet again of things that are to the honour (
our saintly king, viz., what I saw when I was in my be
asleep; and it seemed to me, in my dream, that I behel
him before my chapel at J oinville; and he was, so I though
marveIlously joyous and glad at heart, and I myself w
right glad to see him in my castle; and I said to him: "Sirl
when you go hence, I will lodge you in a house of mine, thE
is in a city of mine called Chevillon." "And he answered ml
laughing, and said to me: "Lord of J oinville, by the fait
I owe you, I have no wish so sOQn to go hence."
When I awoke I set myself thinking; and meseemed
would be pleasing both to God and to the king if I lodge
him in my chapel; and so I did, for I built him an altar, 1
the honour of God, and to his honour, and there masses sha
be sung in his honour for ever; and a rent has been estaì
lished in perpetuity that this may be done. And the
things have I told to my Lord King Lewis, who is the il
heritor of his name; and methinks he would do what
agreeable to God, and agreeable to our sainted King Lewi
if he procured relics of the true holy body, and sent them 1
the said chapel of St. Lawrence at J oinville, so that tho
who come hereafter to the saintly king's altar may have t1
greater devotion.
CONCLUSION
I would make known to all that I myself saw and heard
great portion of what is here related concerning the saint]
king; and that a great portion I found in a book,! writt{
1 J oinville seems to have had knowledge of certain books relatir
to St. Lewis, and it is difficult to identify the one to which he he_
refers. The question is discussed by M. de vVailly-see pp. 4 88 -49 1
his edition. See also M. Viollet's paper, "Les Enseignements de SaÏJ
Louis à son fils," Biblioth
que de I' Ecole des Chartes, tome xxxv., 187
There is, however, little practical difficulty, when reading the Chronicl
in distinguishing between what J oinville relates as an eye-witness aD
what he relates on the authority of others.
Joinville's Chronicle
3 2 7
n French-which latter portion I have caused to be written
n this book. And I tell you of these things, so that those
ho hear this book read may give full credence to what the
)ook says that I myself saw and heard; while as to the other
:hings here ,vritten, I do not certify to you that they are
:rue, because I myself, in person, neither saw nor heard
:hem.
This was written in the year of grace 1309, in the month
)f October.
INDEX
Abbot of Cluny. 300, 3 0t
Abel, 251
Abraham, 25 I
Abydos, 29, 31, 81, 84, 100, 121;
passage of, 30, 126, 127
Acre, 83, 137, 155, 16 9, 172, 23 0 ,
235, 23 6 , 239, 24 0 , 245, 24 6 ,
248, 249, 268, 273, 275, 28 9,
29 0
Acres, Bishop of, 238
Achard of Verdun, 90
Adam, Abbot, of Saint-Urbain,
166
Adramittium, 89
Adrianople, 71, 72, 74 fi., 88 fi.,
95, 9 6 , 9 8 , 100, 101, 10 3, 104,
107, 112 fi., 117 fi., 122, 125 fi.
Advent, 316
Agnes, daughter of Boniface of
Montferrat, 119, 121
Agnes, sister of Philip Augustus,
64, 106
Agnes, St., 223
Aigues-Mortes. 299, 3 00
Aimery of V illeroe, 3, 79
Aix, in Provence, 303
Alard Maquereau, 4, 9
Albigenses, the, 147
Aleaume of Clad, 6 r, 62
Alenard of Senaingan, 259
Alençon, Count of, 2 6 4, 323
Aleppo, Soldan of, 185
Alexander of Villers, 18
Alexandria, 180, 183
Alexius (Alexio) the elder, 34, 37,
38, 42 fl., 70 fI., 82
Alexius (the younger), son of
Isaac, 17, 22, 23, 27, 3 0 , 35,
47 fi., 64, 69, 80
Alfonse, Count of Poi tiers, 163
Alice, Queen of Cyprus, 155, 157,
15 8
Ali, tmc1e of Mahomet, 179, 250
AU Saints, Feast of, 120
Ami of Montbéliard, 237
Ancona, 18
Andrew of Urboise, 61, 108
Andronicus, 64
Andros, island of, 29, 30
Anjou, 154; Count of, 163, 190,
191, 202, 209, 210, 229, 236,
23 8 , 239, 24 1 , 245
Anseau of Cayeux, 3, 36, 84, 106,
III, 114, 116, 120, 127, 131
Anseau of Courcelles, 100
Anseau of Remi, 129
Anselm, St., 144
Anthony, St., abbey of, 310
Antioch, 58, 254, 267; Prince of
242, 266
Apostles, Church of the, 69
A premon t, Lord of, 203
Apulia, 9, 13, 14, 20
Aquilo, 120
Arcadiopolis, 88 fi., 102, 106,
10 9
Archamband of Bourbon, Lord,
159
ArIes, r66
Armenia, 171, 267; King of, 170,
171, 206; Pilgrims from, 276
Armenians, 58, 81, 84, 100, 101
Arnoul of Guines, 266
Arta, river, 116
Artaud of Nogent, 15 8 , 159
Arthe (? Durazzo), 79
Artois, Count of, 159, 180, 181
185, 188 fI., 193, 196, 200, 207,
23 6
Ascension Day, 221, 226, 229
Assassins, 197, 198, 24 8 , 283,
2 8 4
Assur, 278; castle of, 277; Lord
of, 273, 274, 278
Athyra, III
Atramittium, 84, 100
Aubert of Narcy, Lord, 179
l' Aubigoiz, a knight named, r87
Augustine, St., brothers of, 318
Autun, Bishop of, 12, 13
Auxonne (Ausonne), 166
Auxerre, Count of, 320
Babylon (Cairo), 8, 23, 24, 50,
180, 181, 185, 190, 201, 202,
208, 224, 226, 228, 258, 265,
3 2 9
33 0
270; Soldan of, 171, 172, 175,
182, 185, 201, 226, 248, 268
Ba:ffe, 292
Bagdad, 282
Bahariz (folk from the sea), 205
Baie, 100
Baldwin, Count of Flanders and
Hainault, 3, 4 10, 13 fi., 24, 26,
28, 3 0 , 3 6 , 3 8 , 4 1 , 43, 50, 56, 57,
63, 67; elected Emperor, 68 fi.,
76, 77, 79 fi., 88 fi., 97, 100 fi.,
105, III, 112, 114, 116, 132
Baldwin of Aubigny, 98
Baldwin of Beauvoir, 3, 3 6 , 43,
56, 114, 115
Baldwin of Belvoir, 84
Baldwin, King, of Jerusalem,
246
Baldwin, Lord, brother of Guy
of Ibelin, 202, 219, 220, 223,
224
Baldwin of Neuville, 94
Baldwin of Rheims, Lord, 174
Barbary, 167
Barbaquan, 268
Bar, Count of, 206, 207, 221, 253,
2 6 5
Bartholomew, St., feast of, 324
Bartholomew, natural son of the
Lord of Montfaucon, 217, 237
Beaucaire, 303
Bedouins, 155, 197, 19 8 , 201, 2 1 4,
250, 272
Bègue of Fransures, 109
Blguines, 317
Belinas (Cæsarea Philippi), 278,
279
Bernard of Moreuil, 3, 13, 58
Bernard of Somergen, 3
Bernicles, 219
Bertrand of Katzenelenbogen, 18,
73
Beyrout, the Lady of, 173
Bible, the, 149, 278
Bibliothèque de l' Ecole des Charles,
326
Bigue of Fransures, 77
Bizye, 102, 106, III, 113
Blache, 73
B!achemæ, 43; gate of, 62, 63;
Palace of, 39 fi., 45, 4 6 , 52, 53,
59, 63, 65, 70, 74; shrine of our
Lady of, 109
Blanche, Lady, daughter of Lewis,
285
Blanche, Queen, 160, 287, 288
Blanche, sister of Philip the Fair,
295
Index
Blanche, wife of Count Thibaut.
of Champagne, 10
Blécourt, 166, 299
Bliaud, John, 102
Blisonon, I 18
Blois, 158
Boemond, castle of, 40
Boemond, Prince of Antioch and
Count of Tripoli, 58
Boileau, Stephen, 3 11 , 315
Bondocdar, 206
Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat,
II, 18, 19, 22, 24, 28, 3 0 , 34, 35,
37, 4 1 , 45, 50, 52, 63 fi., 67 fI.,
71 fi., 77 fi., 81, 85, 87, 105, 119,
121, 132, 133
Bouchet's, !\{., Notice, II
Boulaincourt, Lord of, 24
Bourlemont, Lord of, 240
Boulogne, Count of, 154, 160;
Countess of, 151
Bourbon, Lady of, 300
Branas, Theodore, 64
Brie, 156, 15 8
Brienne, Count of, 2, 9. 28, 158.
252, 257, 267 fi.
Brittany, 305; Count of, 143, 151,
303, 3 0 5; prelates of, 151
Bruges, 3
Bucoleon, castle of, 62; palace of!
59, 64, 65, 69. 70, 121
Bulgarians, 92, 132, 133
Bulgaropolis, 90
Burgundians, 40, 41
Burgundy, 12, 13, 37, 308; Coun1
of, 303, 3 08 ; Duke of, 156, 157
172, 188, 192, 194, 201, 204
208, 275, 276
Cairo, see Babylon
Cæsarea, 16 9, 253, 259, 261 :fl.
265, 29 0 , 3 0 9
Candlemas, 57, 107 fl.
Cariopolis, 98
Carmel, brothers of, 319
Carthage, 153; castle of, 320
CartopoHs, 100
Castle-Pilgrim, 264, 268
Causeries du Lundi, 142
Cetros, 73, 76
Ceres, 132
Chalcedon, 32, 33
Chalemate, castle called. 87
Chalon, Count of, 204, 276, 303
308, 3 0 9
Chamelle, Soldan of, 268, 269
Champagne, 2, 156, 253, 303
Cb aource, 157
:harax, 128; a castle at, 122
:harente, La, river, 161
:harles, Count of Anjou, see
Anjou
:harles of the Frêne, 108
:hartres, 158
:hâteaudun, 158
I Château-Thierry, 156
:hatenai, Lord of, 242
Cheminon, Abbot of, 166
Chevillon, 326
Christmas, 121, 184
Christopolis, castle called, 73
Chronicle of Robert of Clari, The,
63
Chroniques Gréco-romanes inédites
ou peu connues (Hoprs), 63
Church,IIoly, 146, 147, 150,3 0 5
Cibotos, 122, 123, 124, 125
Cistercians, 20, 23, 27, 52, 160,
166
Clteaux, Chapter held at, 12
Citeaux, white monks of the order
of. 24
Clairvaux, 166
Clerembaud, nephew of Guy of
Chappes, 2, 36
Clerembeau, nephew of Guy of
Chappes, 28
Cluny, Monastery of, 148
Colts, 243
Colt's Crossing, 278
Column, marble, at Constanti-
nople, 80, 8 I
Comans, 93 ft., 101, 102, 107 fi.,
III, 122, 259; King of the, 260
Comnenus, 284
Compiègne, 4. 3 06
Conclusion, 326
Conon of Bêthune, 3, 4, 35, 53,
70, 75, 79 ft., 88 fl., 9 6 , 99, 114,
116, 124, 127, 132
Conrad of Montferrat, II
Constan tine Lascaris, 40
Constantinople, 5, I I, 17, 22,
27 ft., 3 1 fl., 35, 3 8 fl., 45, 47 fl.,
57, 58, 63 if., 69 fl., 74, 75, 77,
78, 96 fl., 101 ft., 106, 107, 109,
III fl., 120 fl., 169, 170, 260,
2 8 5
Corbeil, 143, 154
Corfu, .9
Corinth, 79, 85, 87
Coron, 86
Courtenay, Lord, 179, 187, 194
Credo, J oinville's, 218
Creed, the, 146
Cross, Mountain of the, 291
Index
33 1
.
Cross-roads of the Temple, 318
Crusade against the A lbigenses,
The, I
Crusade, the first preaching of
the, I
Crusades [of the Fourth Crusade]
send six envoys to Venice, 4;
conditions proposed by the
Doge to the envoys of the, 4;
conclusion of the treaty,s;
seek another chief after the
death of Thibaut, 10; elect
Boniface of l\Iontferrat chief,
II; set out for Venice, 12; un-
able to pay the Venetians, 14;
obtain a respite by promising
to help retake Zara, 16; gained
by the Doge and a number of
Venetians, 16; leave Venice,
19; establish themselves in
Zara, 20; help of the, sought by
Alexius, 22; discord among
the, 23; many leave the, 24;
obtain the Pope's absolution for
the capture of Zara, 26; de-
part for Corfu, 27; capture
Duras, 27; leave Corfu, capture
Andros and Abydos, 29;
arrive at St. Stephen, 3 I; land
at Chalcedon and Scutari, 32;
reply to the Emperor Alexius,
34; prepare for battle at Con-
stan tinople, 35; take the port
of Constantinople, 37; capture
the Tower of Galata, 38; cap-
ture twenty-five towers, 42;
take Constantinople, 45; enter
Constantinople, 47; asked by
Alexius to prolong their stay,
48; Alexius breaks his promises
to the, 52; defy the Emperors
Isaac and Alexi us, 53; fleet of
the, attacked by the Greeks,
54; occupy Constantinople, 64;
divide the spoil, 65; elect
Baldwin, Count of Flanders,
emperor, 67; disagreement
among the leaders of the, 72;
message of the, to Boniface, 74;
to Baldwin, 75; Baldwin's
reply to the, 77; leaders of the,
reconciled, 78; division of the
land amongst the, 79; decide to
march on Adrianople, 89, 90;
lay siege to Adrianople, 9 1 ;
are defeated, 94; retreat, 96;
reach Rodosto, 98; seven thou-
sand desert the, 98; return ta
33 2
Constantinople, 101; appeal to
the Pope, and to France for
help, 101; capture Napoli,
103; surrender Seres to J ohan-
nizza, 103; suffer defeat near
Rusium, 107; Greeks recon-
ciled to the, 112; march to the
relief of Demotica, I 13; J ohan-
nizza retreats before the, 114;
ravage the land of J ohannizza,
119; renew the war with
Theodore Lascaris, 120; attack
the fleet of Theodore Lascaris,
124; deliver Skiza, 126
Cyprus, 137, 13 8 , 140, 144, 168,
169, 171, 172, 240, 253, 268,
29 1 , 293, 294, 29 6
Cypsela, 132
Damascus, 246, 271, 274, 281;
Soldan of, 245, 246, 251, 264 fi.,
270, 272, 2ï3, 275
Damietta, 136, 172, 173, 175, 176,
178 fi., 183 fi., 208, 210, 213,
220 fI., 224, 226, 227, 233, 234
Dammartin, in Gouelle, 151
Dandolo, Henry, Doge of Venice,
5 fl., 16, 20 fl., 25, 27, 3 1 , 35,
42 fl., 4 8 , 53, 56, 60, 65, 68, 70,
74, 75, 77, 78, 82, 89, 92, 95 ft.,
99, 101, 102
Danes, 4 1 , 46
Daonium, III
Dardanelles, 30
Day, All Saints', 285
Demotica, 72 fi., 78, 88, 103, 104,
107, 112 fI., 117 fIe
Denis, Flag of St., 192
Denis's orison, St., 324
Denis, St., 174, 175
Devil, the (and The Enemy), 139,
141, 142, 145, 14 6 , 2 8 4, 286,
3 0 9
Dizeniers, 262
Doge of Venice, see Dandolo
Dominicans, 304
Donjeux, 166
Doulevant, 214
Dragonet, Lord, 299
Dreux of Beaurain, 3, I IS
Dreux, Count of, 159
Dreux of Cressonsacq, 3, 27
Dreux of Estruen, 87
Duras, 27
Easter, 12, 21, 27, 49, 50, 65, 112,
153, 16 3, 208, 210, 245, 361,
272, 2 8 9, 29 0
Index
Easte1n Question, The, I
Ecri, castle, 2
Edmond, brother of Guy of
Pesmes, 12, 28, 37
Egypt, 136, 153, 168, 170, 172,
lBo, 183, 198, 204, 206, 230,
232, 233, 24 6 , 25 1 , 253, 265,
270 ff., 290
Egyptians, 227
Eikon of Our Lady, 57
Eleanor, wife of Henry 111., 151
Elizabeth of Thuringia, St., 160
Emeric, King of Hungary, 16, 24,
27, 4 6 , 53, 64, 68, 69
Emessa, 184; Soldan of, 17J'
Enguerrand of Boves, 3, 27
Enguerrand of Couey, 159
Englishmen, 41, 46, 161
Epemay, 157
Estanor, 47
Eseurion, admiral of the galleys
of Theodore Lascaris, 126, 127
Esto, Domine, 324
Eu, Count of, 170, 266, 278 ft.,
282, 285
Euloi, 130
Eustace, brother of Emperor
Henry, 118, 121, 127
Eustace of Canteleu, 3, 3 6 , 79
Eustace of Conflans, 2, 9
Eustace of Heumont, 94
Eustace of Marchais, 41
Eustace of Sobruic, 3, 72, 74
Everard, Lord, of Brienne, 155,
16 9, 173
Everard of Mon tign y, 2
Everard of Siverey, Lord, 19 0 ,
19 1
Everard of Valery, 208
Faress-Eddin Octay, 223, 235
Ferme, 120
Fern of Yerres, 3, 94
Filles-Dieu, house of the, St.
Denis, 317
Finepopolis, 90
Fire, Greek, 186 ft., 195, 202, 213,
222
Flanders, 13, 25, 57, 72, 102, 110,
114
Flanders, Count William of, 193,
2 0 3, 208, 220, 223, 224, 229,
239 ft.
Fontainebleau, 139
Fontaine-I' Archevêque, 166
Foucand of Merle, Lord, 189
Fraim, castle ealled, I 15
France. S, 7, 9, 64, 102, 137, 141
147, 153, 16 9, 170, 237, 245,
266, 289, 29 0 , 294, 302, 325;
barons of, 154
Franciscans, 286, 310, 3 11 , 324;
abbey of the, 320
Franciscan sisters at Saint-Cloud,
3 10
Francis of Colemi, 3
Franks, 21, 22, 24, 54, 55, 57 fi.,
64, 66, 75, 83 ff., 87 ff., 103,
105, 108, 112 fi., 118, 125, 128
Frederic 11., of Germany, 214,
216, 245, 24 8
French, 33, 39, 4 8 , 50, 52, 56,
104, 110, III, 120, 131
Frenchmen, 43
Fulk of Neuilly, I, 2, 12, 17, 18
Galatas,47
Galata, tower of, 3 8 . 39, 61
Garnier, Bishop of Troyes, 2
Garnier of Borland, 18, 25
Gascony, 161
Gaucher, Lord of Châtillon, 163,
196, 19 8 , 211, 232, 233
Gaza, 265, 266, 270, 271
Geneviève, St., 153, 324
Genoa, 9, 234, 273
Geoffry, brother of Hugh of Cor-
meray, 3
Geoffry, nephew of Geoffry of
V illehardouin, 2, 85, 86, 100
Geoffry of Beaumont, 3, 25
Geoffry of J oinville (father of
the ChronicJer), 2
Geoffry of J oinville (seneschal), 10
Geoffry of la Chapelle, Lord, 156
Geoffry of Mussambourc, 209
Geoffry of Rancon, Lord, 162
Geofiry of Sargines, Lord, 178,
210 ff., 227, 229, 244
Geoffry of the Perche, 3, 10 fi.,
9 2
Geoffry of Villehardouin, 2, 4, 7,
9, 10, 14, 29, 3 6 , 43, 4 6 , 53, 55,
65, 70, 74, 75, 78, 89 fi., 95 fi.,
101, 114, 116, 121, 122, 124,
127, 13 1 , 132
Geoffry of Villette, 150
George of Mangana, Church of
St., 88
George, Stt'aits of St. (Dar-
danelles), 30, 31, 33, 51, 80, 82,
102, 127 fi.
Gerard, Count, of Lombardy. 96
Gerard of Mancicourt, 76
Germans, 37, 280
Germany, 18,22,25
Index
333
Gervais of Châtel, 2, 7B, 92
Gervais of Escraines. 293, 308
Gervais, Lord, 298
Giles, brother of' Renier of Trit,
90
Giles, Count of St., 67
Giles le Brun, Lord, 141, 244, 278
293, 294
Giles, nephew of Miles of Bra-
bant, 123
Giles of Aunoy, 77
Giles of Landas, 22
Giles of Trasegnies, 14, 58
Girard, Count of Lonlbardy, 34
Girard of Manicicourt, 3
Gleemen, Armenian, 266
Gobert of Apremont, Lord, 163
Godfrey of Bouillon, 67
Golden Gate, 64
Gowu, Le, 263
Grandpré, Count of, 163
Greece, 24, 70, 2 8 4
Greek Empire, 5, II
Greeks, þassiln
Gregory X., 318
Guignes, Count of Forez, 12. 13
185
Guillemin, 237, 239
Guy oÍ Auxerre, 150. 305
Guy, Castellan of Couey, 3, 28
30
Guy of Chappes, 2, 28, 36
Guy of Conflans, 12, 28, 108
Guy of Hondain, 3
Guy of Ibelin, 202, 219, 220, 223
Guy of Mauvoisin, 179, 203, 240,
24 1
Guy of Montfort, 27
Guy of Pesmes, 1'2, 28, 77
Guy of Plessis, 2
Haguenau, 295
Halberstadt, Bishop of, 18
H alca, or Guard of the Soldan,
205, 206, 207, 222
Ham, in Vermandois, 96
Henry of Arzillières, 2, 14-
Henry II. of England, 160, 307
Henry III. of England, 147, 151,
161
Henry, brother of Baldwin of
Flanders, 3, 3 6 , 4 1 , 43, 50, 56,
57, 63, 65, 70, 8I, 83, 84, 89,
91, 100 ff.; made Regent, III,
112, 114 ft.; crowned Emperor,
117 ft.
Henry, brother of Count Philip 01
Flanders, J 3
334
Henry, brother of Walter of
Saint- Denis, 3
Henry, Lord, son of J osserand of
Brancion, 204
Henry of Araines, 13
Henry of Cône, Lord, 204
Henry of Longchamp, 14
Henry of Luxembourg, Count, 308
Henry of Montreuil, 2
Henry of Onne, 18
Henry of Ronnay, Provost of
Hospitallers, 196
Henry of Villers, Lord, 325
Henry the Large, Count, 155, 15 8
Heraclea, 110
Hervée, Count, of Nevers, 92
Hervée of the Chastel, 25
Hervée, son of Gervais of ChAtel,
2
Holy Cross, 35, 3 1 9
Holy Cross, brothers of the, 318
Holy Cross Day, 12
Holy Cross, street of the, 318
Holy Land, 7, II, 14, 35, 137, 155,
164, 168, 177, 2 0 9, 2 6 3, 265,
293, 322
Holy Scripture, 3 01
Holy Thursday, 14 1 , 3 10
Hopf's. Chroniques Gréco-romanes
inédites ou peu connues, 63
Hospitallers, 19 6 , 24 8 , 268, 279;
church of the, 252
Hospital, Master of the, 2 6 3, 279
Hospi tal of St. John of J eru-
salem, 50, 218, 21 9, 248, 271
Hugh, Brother, a Franciscan, 301
H ugh, brother of Enguerrand, of
Boves, 27
Hugh, brother of Peter of Bra-
deux, 3
Hugh, brother of Walter of
Saint-Denis, 13
Hugh, Count, of St. Paul, 3, 10,
14, 15, 24, 28, 3 6 , 4 1 , 160, 16 3
Hugh, Duke of Burgundy, see
Burgundy
Hugh Le Brun, Lord, 16 3
Hugh of Beaumetz, 3, 114, lIS
H ugh of Bergi, 12
Hugh of Chaumont, 13
Hugh of Colemi, 12, 50, 73, 7S,
103
Hugh of Cormeray, 3
Hugh of Ecot, 191, 280
Hugh of J ouy, Marshal of the
Temple, 2 6 3, 2 6 4
Hugh of Landricourt, 209
Hugh of Tabarie, 82
Index
Hugh of Trichâtel, Lord, 190
Hugh of Vaucouleurs, Lord, 163,
173
flungary, 103, 104
Hyères, 299, 3 01 ; castle of, 149,
300
Iconium, Soldan of, 171, 172
Imbert of Beaujeu, Lord, 1591
178, 188, 193, 244
Indulgence, Papal, I
Innocent the Great, an Essay on
his Lile and Times, I
Innocent 111., Pope, I, 8, 20, 26,
56, 66, 9 6 , 99, 102, 113, 151
Isaac, Emperor of Constantinople,
17, 18. 27, 30, 35, 45, 4 6 , 54
56, 64, 68, 80, 81
Isabella of Angoulême, 161
Isabel, Lady, 310
Isabel of France, 303
Isle of France. I, 3, I I, 157
Isle of Greece, 67, 69
Island of St Nicholas, 13, 14
I ves of la J aille, 3, 20
Jaffa, 265, 266, 268, 270, 271.
273 ft., 2 8 5, 290; Castle of, 270;
Count of, 174, 175, 265
J ames, feast of St., 244
J ames of A vesnes, 3, 28, 38, 50,
56, 73, 75, 85, 87
J ames of Bondies, 90
J ames of Castel, Bishop of
Soissons, 12, 232, 233
James's orison, St., 324
J ames, St., 153
Jerusalem, I, 5, 7, 67, 168, 177,
19 8 ,210,225,243,253,257,2 6 4,
265, 268, 273, 274, 276, 290;
King of, I I; Queen of, 155
Jesus Christ, I, 5, 7, 8, 19, 29, 69,
105, 117, 133
Jewry (Stenon), 38
Jews, 147, 14 8
Joan of Navarre, 135, 138
J ocetin of Cornaut, 183
J ohannizza, King of Wallachia
and Bulgaria (John), 51, 72,
82, 87 fi., 9 1 fE., 97, 98, 101 fi.,
110 ft., 125, 129, 13 0 , 133
John BJiaud, 131
John, brother of Eustace of
Heumont, 94
John, brother of Ferri of Yerres,
3, 94
John, Count, of Soissons, 159,
220, 224, 229
John, Feast of St.. 159, 244
John Foisnous, 2
3 6
John Fouinon, 233
John Ie Grand, 273
John, Lord, of Acre, 170
John, Lord, of Ancerville, I 6
John, Lord of Aprelnont and
Count of Sarrebruck, 16 4
John, Lord of Beaumont, 173,
178
John, Lord of J oinville, and
Seneschal of Champagne, 135,
139, 142, 1 6 3, 165, 19 0
John, Lord of Orleans, 18 9
John, St., Mount, 273
John of Bussey, 280
John of Choisy, 108
John of Friaize, 3, 4, 26, 94
John of Frouville, 25
John of Gamaches, 195
John of Maseroles, 9 6
John of Monson, 23 2 , 29 1
John of
Iymeri, 3 0 5
John of N êle, Castellan of Bruges,
3, 13, 25
John of N oyon, 26, 76
John of Pomp one, 108
John of Samois, Brother, 3 2 4,
325
John of Valenciennes, 251 fi.,
281
John of Valery, 19 2 , 193, 19 6 ,
208, 219
John of Villers, 13, 58
John of Virsin, 2, 9 8 , 99
J .hn of V oisey, 200
John's Day, St., 8, 272
John the Armenian, 246, 247
John the Baptist, Feast of St.,
32, 113
John the Baptist's Eve, St.,
3 1
John (Tristram), infant son of the
King, 234
J oigny, Count of, 15 8 , 293
J oiD ville, 166
J oinville's Chronicle of the Crusade
of St. Lewis, 135
Join ville, John, Lord of (Seneschal
of Champagne), 135-236 passim
Jordan, the river; Jor, a foun-
tain; Dan, another fountain,
279
J osselin of Comaut, 210
J osserand of BrancioD, 203
J osserand of Nan ton, 204
Jully, 157
Khorasmins, 258, 269, 270
Index
335
Lagni-sur-Marne, I
Lagny, 158
Laignes, 157
Lampedousa, Isle of, 296
Lascaris, Constantine, 83, 84
Lascaris, Theodore, 81 fi., 102,
120 fi., 126 fi.
Latins, 80, 109, 123, 126, 133
Lawrence, Chapel of St., 326
Lazarus, Master of St., 271
Lebanon, 280
Lent, 57, 112, 205, 253, 29 0 , 3 1 6
Leon Sgure, 79, 85, 87
Leon, King, Lord of the Armeni-
ans, 58
U Les Ensdgnements de Saint
Louis à son fils" (Viollet), 326
Lewis, Co un t of Blois and Chartres,
2, 4, 10, 14 15, 24, 25, 28, 36, 4 1 ,
63, 69, 70, 74 fi., 80, 82, 88, 89,
9 1 , 92, 94, 95, 97, 100
Lewis (afterwards Lewis X.,
King of France), 135
Lewis, St., examples of the devo-
tion of, 136; principal virtues
of, 139; his horror of sin, 140;
his love for the poor, 140, 310,
316; his regard for worth and
uprightness, 141; how, thought
men should clothe themselves,
143; his thought about faith,
145; the devotions of-how
he did justice, 148; refuses an
unjust demand of the bishops,
150; uprightness of, 151;
birth and coronation of, 153;
first troubles in the reign of,
153; holds full court at Sau-
mur, 159; his dress at a ban-
quet at Saumur, 160; falls ill,
takes the Cross, 1244, 162; the
crusaders embark, 167; dis-
embark in front of the Saracens,
174; takes Damietta, 175; a
mistake of, 176; made prisoner,
211; threatened with torture,
219; new treaty with, 223;
adjournc; his clairn against the
Saracens, 235; decides to
remain in the Holy Land, 243;
decides to send away his
brothers, 244; repents of
having sent an envoy to the
I{ing of Tartars, 257; fortifies
Jaffa, 265; refuses to behold
Jerusalem, 275; departs for
Sayette, 276; buries the corpses
of Christians, 282; decides to
33 6
return to France, 289; sets
sail, 290; his ship strikes a
sandbank, 291; decides to dis-
embark at H yères, 299; counsels
given by Philip Augustus to,
302; habits and customs of,
304; firmness and justice of,
305; his love of peace, 307;
horror of, for all blasphemy,
309; how he taught his children,
his alms, 310; his reform. of the
Provostship of Paris, 315; re-
ligious orders established by,
318; assumes the Cross for the
second time, 3 19 ; falls sick,
320; his death, 323; canonisa-
tion, 324; a vision of, 326
Libera me, DomIne, 239
Li Estoi,e.s d
chiaus qUI conquisent
Constantinoble, de Robert de
Clo,i en aminois, chevali
" 6:1
Ligny, castle of, 308 ..
Limassol, 169; Point of, 172
Lis, abbey of the, 310, 317
Lombards, 37, 9 6 , 119
Lombardy, 13, 18, 34
Longchamp, 517
Loos, abbot of, 24, 52
Lopadion, 83
Lopadium, 89
Lorraine, 164; Duke of, 157
Luchaire, M. Achille, I
Lusignan, 161
Luxeuil, abbey of, 308
Lyons, 37, 166; Council of, 318
Macaire of Sainte-Menehould, 2,
36,82,89,91,109, III, 114, 116,
118, 1
2, 123, 127, 128
Maccabees, 274
Macre, 100
Magdalen [l'Ylary], 303
Magdalen the, in Paris, 319
Mahomet, 179, 224, 226 fi., 247,
250
Malea, 3 0
Manasses of l'Isle, 2, 34, 3 6 , 70,
7
75, 89, 9
93, 95
Mangone]s. 19, 21
Man of the Mountain, Old, 197,
198, 248 if.
Mansourah, 13 6 , 190, 193, 194,
196, 217, 218, 233
Marcel, a serge an t, 2 I 2
Marche, Count of la, 159, 161 if.
Margaret of Navarre, Queen, 303
Margaret of Flanders, Countess,
3 06
Index
Margaret, sister of King of
Hungary, 64-
Margaret, wife of St. Lewis, 151,
287, 288
Mark, St., Chapel of. 7, 16; day
of, 153, 29 1 ; Standard of, 42,
43
Marmora, 127
Marseilles, 13, 25, 3 0 , 57, 83, 149,
16 4, 300, 302
Martin's, St., Day, 5
Martin, St., Eve of, 19, 29; feast
of, 20, 81
Martin IV., Pope, 324
Mary of Vertus, Lady, 288
Mary, Virgin, 148, 299
Mary, Countess, wife of Baldwin
of Flanders and Hainau] t, 3,
82, 83, 155, 169
Matt. chap. vi. ver. 33, 135
Matthew, abbey of St., Rouen,
3 1 7
Matthew of Marly, Lord, 178
Matthew of Montmorency, 3, 10,
19, 22, 3 6 , 41, 4 6 , 49, 50
Matthew of Wallincourt, 3, 36þ
4 1 , 43, 82, 89, 9 1 , 94
Maubuisson, abbey of, 310
Mauritania, 227
Maurupt, Dean of, 167, 180
Mecca, 224
l\lelun, 304
Messinople, 69, 71, 72
Messinopolis, 131, 132
Metz, 164
Michael, Feast of St., 49, 50
Michael, a Greek, 79, 86
Michaelmas, 50
Miles the Brebant, 2, 4, 36, 53,
96,99, 114, 116, 121 fl., 127
Minorist Brothers, 317
Modon, 85, 86
Moniac, castle called, I IS, 116
Montbéliard, 173; Count of,
174
Mont Cenis, 9, 13, 37
Montferrat, 81
Montfort, Count of, 147, 206, 207
253, 265; Countess of, 170
Mont Joux (? Jura), 13
Montlhéri, castle of, 147, 154
Montmartre, 318
Morea, 172, 174; Prince of, 172
Morocco, straits of, 13
Mourzuphles, 55 fl., 61 if., 69 if..
80, 8 I
N aplouse (Samaria), 277
Napoli, 79, 85, 87, 102, 103, 106,
109, 110
Nasac, Soldan of Babylon, 233
Navarre, King of, 10, 138, 154,
159, 320
Negwse, go; castle of, 91
Nesle, Lord of, 149
Neuilly, I
N eve1oD, Bishop of Soissons, 3,
26, 68, 102
N evers, Count of, 94, 157
Nice the Great, 121, 122, 128
Nicholas Day, St., 181
Nicholas, St., 199, 273; feast of,
83
Nicholas of Acre, 224, 225
Nicholas of Choisi, 231
Nicholas of J enlain, 3 8
Nicholas of Mailly, 3, 13, 25, 84,
102
Nicholas of Soisi, 296
Nicholas of Varangéville, St.,
294
Nicholas Roux, 34
Nicomedia, 82, 89, 91, 121, 122,
128, 129
Nicomia, 81
Nicosia, 169; Archdeacon of, 293
Nigra (Negropont), 30
Nile, the, ISI
Noah, 251
Nogent l' Artaud, castle of, IS8
Norway, 259
Odo, brother of Richard of
Dampierre, 12, 28, 37
Odo, Duke of Burgundy, 10
Odo of Ham, 3, 9 6
Odo of Montbéliard, Lord of
Tabarie, 268
Odo the Champenois of Champ-
litte. 12, 28, 33, 37, 56, 68
Oger of Saint-Chéron, 2, 2S, 33,
36
Oiselay, 237
Olive, Bishop of, 300
Oliver of Rochefort, 2
Oliver of Termes, 13 8 , 281, 293
om of l'Isle, 3, 108
Otho of La Roche, 37, 119
Palm Sunday, 63, 65
Pamphyle (Pamphylia) 97, 104,
106
Panedor, 110
Papacy and the EmPire, The, I
Paphos, 169
Paradise, the, 61
Index
337
.
Paria, in Lombardy, 14-
Paris, I, ISO, 154, 161, 163, 164,
295, 303, 306, 3 0 9, 3 1 5, 3 1 9
Paris, House of the Blind, 310,
317
Paul, Hugh, Count of St., 66, 76,
82, 88
Paulicians, an Eastern sect, 105
Payen of Orléans, 3, 80, 83, 89,
97, III, 114, 116, 120, 123, 126,
127
Peutace, castle called, 92
Pentecost, 102, 143, 172, 173
Pentelaria, Isle of, 296
Perche, 154
Persia, Emperor of, 253, 256 fi.,
267, 268, 270
Peter, Bishop, of Bethleem, 94
Peter Bromont, 12, 13
Peter, brother of John of Frou-
ville, 25, 99
Peter, Cardinal, of Capua, 1,96,99
Peter Coiseau, 28
Peter, Count, of Alençon, 135
Peter, Count, of Brittany, 154,
155, 159, 179, 180, 194, 218,
220, 223, 224, 229
Peter of Amiens, 3, 28, 36, 76
Peter of Auberive, 192
Peter of Avallon, Lord, 184, 243
Peter of Bracieux, 3, 22, 41, 80,
83, 89, 97, 104, 114. 116, 120,
123, 126, 127, 130
Peter of Bracuel, 62
Peter of Bourbonne, 237, 238
Peter of Châ1ons, Bishop, 305, 306
Peter of Courtenay, 23ï
Peter of Fontaines, 150
Peter of Nêle, 3
Peter of Neuville (U Caier "), 194,
195
Peter of Pon tmolain, Lord, 245
Peter of Radinghem, 120, 123
Peter, St., feast of, 48
Peter the Chamberlain, 279, 293,
29 8 , 3 08
Petit-Pont, Paris, 176
Petraries, 19, 21, 113, 186, 188
Philadelphia, duchy of, 83
Phile, 57
Philip Augustus, 64, 83, 106, 109,
302
Philip, called Philippe Ie Bel, 135
Philip, Count of Flanders, 3, 25
Philip, King of France, I, 2, II.
112, 322
Philip, King of Germany, 17, 18,
22, '27, 28, 47
33 8
Philip, Lord of NanteuiI, 170
Philip of Montfort, 212, 219, 221,
233, 278
Philip of Nemours (of the Mez) ,
Master of the Trinity, 229, 231,
242
Philip of Toucy, 259
Philippopolis, 80, 81,91,100, lOS,
106
Philip (son of Lewis), 320, 321,
323
Philip the Fair, 295
Philopas, palace called, 44-
Pig3o, 80, 83, 89
Pilgrim, the, 61
Pirie-Gordon, Mr., I
Pisa, 9, 234
Pisans, 124
Placentia, in Lombardy, 9, 14
Plonquet (a knight named), 173
Poemaninon, castle called, 83, 84
Poitiers, 161, 162, 288; Countess
of, 232; Count of, 159, 161,
179, 180, 185, 193, 203, 210,
229,232,233,23 6 ,239,24 1 ,245
Polychna, 84
Pontoise, almshouse of, 3 10 , 317
Preachers of Provins, 143
Preachers, order of, 169
Preaching Brothers, 24 6 , 253,
3 0 4, 3 1 0, 3 11 , 3 1 7, 3 2 4
Preaching of the Crusade, the first,
I
Prémontré, abbey of (Vat-Secret),
156
Prester John, 253 fl.
Princess 01 A cha'ia, 5
Provence, 12, 302, 303; Count of,
15 1 , 299
Provins, 233, 238, 299, 304
Prud'-homme, 142, and preux-
homme, 276
Ps. cvi., ver. 2 I and 24, 176
Ramleh, 271; Bishop of, 269
Raoul, a preaching brother, 235
Raoul, brother of H ugh of
Tabarie, 82
Raoul, Lord of Couci, 190
Raoul, Lord, of Soissons, 253
Raoul of Wanou, Lord, 190 fi., 215
Raymond, a Templar, 291, 292
Reginald of Dampierre, 2, 14, 58
Reginald of Mons, 3, 76, 79
Reginald of Trit, 3, 78, 80 fl., 90,
91, 100, 105, 106
Regnier, brother of Boniface of
Montferrat, II
Index
Remigius, St., 180, 182, 261;
feast of, 19
Remigius of Rheims, St., 306
Renaud of Montmirail, 2, 25, 82,
94, 19 1
Renaud of Trie, 151, 152
Renaud of Vichiers, Marshal of
the TempJe, 181, 230, 238
Renier of Trit, 115, 116
Renier, son of Renier of Trit, 3, 90
Requests, gate of, 149
Requiem mass, 148
Rheims, Archbishop of, 306, 325
Rhône, the, 37, 166
Richard Cæur-de-Lion, I, 155,
275, 276
Richard of Dampierre, 12, 28, 37
Robert, brother of Enguerrand
of Boves, 3
Robert, brother of Geoffry of
J oinvil1e, 2
Robert, Count of Artois, 163, 187,
188, 229, 29 6
Robert Manvoisin, 3, 27
Robert of Boves, 20, 26
Robert of Clari, 61, 62, 63
Robert of Dreux, Count, 156
Robert of J oinville, 9
Robert of Quartier, 3
Robert of Ronsoi, 3, 3 6 , 82, 89,
9 1 , 94
Roche-de-Glun, castle called, 1,66
Roche-de-Marseille, 167
Rochelle, in Poi tou, castle of 130,
147
Rodosto, 96, 98, 100, 101, 104.
108, 110, 115
Rodd, Sir Rennell, 5
Roger de Suitre, 18
Roger, Lord of Roche-de-Glun,
166
Roger of Marck, 3
Rome, 8, 23, 26, 4 6 , 56, 2 8 9, 305,
3 06 , 325
Rome and Italy, I
Rotrou of Montfort, 3, 20
Rouen, Archbishop of, 324
Roumania, 23, 25, 27, 46, 74, 80,
84, 107 fl., 112, 113, 133
Royaumont, abbey of, 310. 317
Rudolph, son of the Emperor of
Germany, 295
Rusium, 106, 108
Russia, sea of, 57
Rexi, 183, 184, 185, 201
" Sacks," 318
Safad, 268
Index
Saillenay, John of, 194
Sainte-Beuve, 142
Saln tes, 161
Saint-Gennain des Prés, 318
Saint Urbain. 166
Saladin, II, 246
Salonica (Salonika), II, 68, 69,
72 ft., 76, 78, 79, 81, 85, 102,
103, 105, 119, 12 I
Salytnbria (Selymbria), 101, 109,
Jlt, 113, 13 0
Samaria, 277
Sancerre, 158
Saòne, 166
Saracens, passim
Sarrasin, John,' 152
Sarrebruck, Count of. 163, 16S
Saumur in Anjou, 159, 160
Sayette (Sidon), 274, 276 fi.,
281 fl., 287, 289, 290; Lady of,
252
Scecedin, Saracen chief. 184
Sclavonia, 19, 25
Scotland, 139
SClltari, 32, 33; palace of, 34
Sebastian, Feast of St., 185
Sebreci, a Saracen, 227
Seine, 318
Sephouri, 238
Sepu1chre
35
Seres. 103, 105, 121, 131
Séz ann e, 157
Shannesah, 184
Shrove Tuesday, 200, 209, 215
Sicily, King of, see Robert,
Count of Artois
Simon (father of John of Join-
ville), 146
Simon of J oinville, 157
SimÐn of Montbéliard, 274
Simon de Montfort, 2, 10, 27
Simon of Nauphle, 27
Skiza, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126,
127, 128, 130
Smith, T., 6
Soissons, 4, 10, 303; Count of,
149, 194 fl.; abbey of our Lady
of, II, 12
Sophia, Church of St. Constanti-
nople, 5 I, 56, 69, 102, 117, 121,
128 fi.
Spiga, castle of, 102
StanÙDac,91, 105, 106, 115, 116
Stephen, brother of Geofiry of the
Perche, 3, 12, 19, 82, 83, 9 2 ,
94
Stephen, Church of St., Troy-es,
10, IS8
339
Stephen, Count of Sancerre, 158,
159
Stephen of Otricourt, Commander
of the Temple, 230
Stephen, St., 31; abbey of, 31,
32
Stone, a marvellous, 286
Subeibe, 280
Syria, I I, 20, 23 fi., 29, 30, 49,
50, 57, 82, 85, 168
Tabarie, Castle of, 268
Tail1ebourg, Battle of, 160; castle
called, 161
Tancred, King, 9
Tanis, 183
Tartars, 168, 169, 171, 254 fi.,
283, see Turks, and Saracens;
King of the, 168, 171, 254,
258, 282, 283
TaY,3
Tchorlu, 70
Te Deum laudamus, 176
Templars, 181, 184, 189, 19 0 , 199,
202,229,23 0 ,24 8 ,279,280
Temple, the, 190, 203, 218, 219,
23 8 , 248, 2 6 4, 271, 318
Thibaut, Count (Father of Henry,
Thibaut, and Stephen), 158
Thibaut, Count of Blois (son of
Thibaut), 154, 155, 158, 159
Thibaut, Count of Bon-Ie-Due,
10
Thibaut, Count of Champagne
and Brie, 2, 4, 9, II, 155, 156
Thibaut of Bar. Count, 3
8
Thibaut II., King of Navarre"
143, 3 0 3, 304, 3 0 8
Thierre, nephew of Baldwin of
Flanders, 3
Thierri of Diest, 18
Thierri of Flanders, 131
Thiem of Loos, 18, 80, 84, 106,
107, 114, 116, 121, 128 fi.
Thierti of Tenremonde, 82, 8..-
J 06 fl.
Thiem, son of Count Philip of
Flanders, 13, 25
Titus, 317
Tortosa, our Lady of, 286
Trajanopolis, 100
Trinity, Minister of the, 229
Tripoli, 286; Prince of, 286
Troyes, 9, 156, 157, 158
,'.Tunis, 136, 320; King of, 296
Turcoples, I 16
Turkey, 31, 33,67,69,70,80,120..
122
34 0
Turks, þassim, see Tartars and
Saracens
Tuscans, 37
Tyre (Sur), 278, 284
Tzurulum, 88, 89, 90, I I I
Ulric of Tone, 18
Urban, St., 305; abbey of, 307
Valery, John of, 177
Varangéville, 294
Vat aces, Emperor of the Greeks,
285
Vauvert, house of the Carthu-
sians, 3 I 7
Vauvert, our Lady of, 299
Vaux, abbot of, 20, 23, 27
Venetians, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21,
22, 27, 39 fl., 4 8 , 49, 55, 59, 60,
ó5, 66, 79, 88, 101, 106, 109,
110, 112, IIÓ, 124, 127
Venice, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 18,
19,4 8 , 5
58, 82,9 8
Veni C1'eato1' Spiritus, 167
Vernas, 106, 109, 112, 113, 117
Vernon, almshouse of, 3 1 0, 317
Veroi, 118
Verona, 18
Versey, Lord Villain of, 173
Vertus, 157
Vienne, Dauphiness of, 303
Villain, brother of Thierri of Loos,
107, 108
Villain of Neuilly, 2, 14, 58
Villehardouin's Chronicle of the
Fourth Crusade and the Con-
quest of Constantinople, I
Villehardouin, 5, 9, 142
Vincennes, 149, 150
Viollet, M., 326
Vuissiers (fiat-bottomed vessels),
6
VVailly,
I. de, I, 252, 307, 326
VVallachia, 104, 130
Wallachians, 92, 94, 95, 107 fl.,
III, 122
Walter, Count of Brienne, see
Brienne
Walter, Lord of Reynel, 252
Index
Walter of Autrec.he, 178, 179
Walter of Bonsies, 3
Walter of Chåtillon, 202, 208
Wa1ter of Ecurey, Lord, 186
Walter of Escornai, I 14, 13 I,
Walter of Fuligny, 2
Walter of Gaudonville, 3, 4
Walter of Montbéliard, 2, 9
Walter of Nêle, 3
Walter of Nemours, 236
Walter of N euilli, 94
Walter of Saint-Denis, 3, 13
Walter of the Horgne, 203
Walter of the Tombes, 3
Walter of Vignory, 2
Weaver's house, Paris, 318
Wedgwood, Miss, 252, 307
" White Mantles," 318
Wbitsuntide, 12
William, advocate of BéthunE
William, Bishop of Paris, 146
William, brother of Odo
Champlitte), 12, 33, 37, 4 1 ,
57, 68, 73, 75, 86
William of ArIes, 103
William. of Aunoi, 3, 28
William of Beaumont, 241, 2E
\\Tilliam of Blanvel, 88, go
William of Boon, 195
William of Dammartin, Lord,
William of Flanders, see FIaD.(
William of Gommegnies, 3, II
\Villiam of Mello, 150
William of Montferrat, II
William of Neuilly, 40, 58
William of Nully, 2
\Villiam of Perchoi, 116, 127, J
12 9
William of Sains, 3, 122, 123
William of Sonnac, l\iaster of
Temple, 197, 202
William of St. :Michael, abbot, :
William of the Gi, 41
'Villiam of the Long Sword, I I
\Villiam, vidame of Chartres, 2:
Yves Ie Breton, 246, 249 ft.
Zara, in Sclavonia, 16, 19, 20,
24, 26, 27
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Vil1ehardouin,_ Geoffroi
de, d. ca. 1212.
Memoirs of the crusades
/
AKM-4865 (mcsl-<)
i_"
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