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MEMOIR

THE LIFE

RICHARD HENRY LEE,

AND

HIS CORRESPONDENCE

TFITH

THE MOST DISTINGUISHED MEN IN AMERICA AND EUROPE,

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• , ' * , ,i ■ *' * • . ■ • ■

ILLUSTRATIVE OF THEIR CHARACTERS,

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EVENTS OF THS AMERICAN REVOLUTION,

BY HIS GRANDSON

RICHARD H. LEE,

OF LEESBURG, TIRGINIA.

IN TWO VOLUMES;

VOL. I.

PHILADELPHIA:

H. C. CAREY AND I. LEA, CHESNUT STREET.

William Brown, Printer.

1825.

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to -ait :
*«»„,,*•, BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the sixth day of September,
* seal. ;J in the fiftieth year of the Independence of the United States of
******** America, A.D.' 1825, H. C. Caiiet &I. Lea, of the said District,

have deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof they

claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit:

ith

leir

Characters, and of tffe/IjvfcnJs'.dT rji£ AmVwia/C Revolution.— By hi9

Grandson, Richard H! "Lee^ »of ^Leestfutg, ^iwniia. In two volumes.

Vol. I."

" Memoir of the Life of Richard Henry Lee, and his Correspondence with
the most distinguishejd:.Vteji jh. America and Europe, illustrative of theii

• • •

• ; • • • . • • • •

In conformity to the act of.fhje Corfg^ss^lP'the United States, entitled
** An act for the encouragement pf \earnihgyby Securing the copies of maps,
charts, and books, to the a«tli©r$ a/)$ prepVldt&rs j)f such copies during the
times therein mentioned." • AhdAteQ Jfco;rheJ £ct„centitkd, " An actsupple-
mentary to an act, entitled ' An act for the encouragement of learning, by
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprie-
tors of such copies during the limes therein mentioned/ and extending
the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical
and other prints."

D. CALDWELL,
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

THOMAS JEFFERSON, JOHN ADAMS,

AND

CHARLES CARROLL,

SURVIVING SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OP INDE-

The Memoir of: the Life tof Richard Henry
Lee, the Mover o? $ie .Resolution in Congress,
on the 7th of June, 1776, " That these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and
Independent States, fc^c."

Is most respectfully dedicated,

BY THE AUTHOR.

' « . .

'•« . t

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

CHAPTER I.

Richard Henry Lee, the subject of the following
Memoir, was the son of Thomas Lee, of Stratford, in the
county of Westmoreland, and colony of Virginia. He
was born on the twentieth day of January, 1732.

His forefathers were among the first emigrants to the
colony of Virginia. Richard, the great-grandfather,
emigrated from England in the reign of Charles the
First; but afterwards made several voyages to England,
bringing with him, on every return, a number of follow-
ers, for each of whom a certain portion of land was
granted him, under the title of " Head Rights/' He
finally settled in the county of Northumberland, in that
part of Virginia called "the Northern Neck/' between
the Rappafianoc and Potomac rivers. He was, for a
long time, secretary to Sir William Berkeley, then go-
vernor of the colony.* Richard, the second son of

* During the civil war between Charles the First and the Par-,
liament, Richard Lee and Sir William Berkeley, being royalists,
kept the colony to its allegiance, so that, after the death of the
king, Cromwell was obliged to send some ships of war and troops
to reduce it. Berkeley and Lee, not being able to resist this

6 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

Richard Lee, was one of the king's council, and the first
to recognise the grants made by Charles the Second,
and James the Second, of the Northern Neck to the
Culpepper family, which were afterwards inherited by
the family of Fairfax.

Thomas, the third son of the last mentioned person,
was, for many years, president of the " King's Council."
He was one of the first, of the leading men of the colony,
who turned their attention to our western wilds. Having
employed an engineer of eminence, from England, for the
purpose of exploring them, he, with many others, took
up, under the name of the " Ohio Company," an exten-
sive tract of land on the Ohio river. But the company
never having obtained a patent from the crown, their
title was made void by the revolution. Thomas Lee
retained the office of president of the council until his
death; and so great was the esteem in which his services
were held in the mother country, that a commission of

force, but yet refusing allegiance to Cromwell, brought the com-
mander of the squadron to a treaty, in which Virginia was styled
an " independent dominion" This treaty was ratified in Eng-
land, as made with an independent state. While Charles the
Second was at Breda, in Flanders, Richard Lee hired a Dutch
ship, and went over to the king, to know whether he could pro-
tect the colony, if it returned to its allegiance to him ; but find-
ing no support could be obtained, he returned to Virginia, and
remained quiet until the death of Cromwell. Upon this event,
he, with the assistance of Sir William Berkeley, contrived to get
Charles proclaimed " King of England, France, Scotland, Ireland,
and Virginia," two years before he was restored to the throae of
his ancestors. In gratitude for this loyalty, after the restoration,
Charles ordered the arms of Virginia to be added to tkose of
England, France, Scotland, and Ireland, with the motto " En dat
Virginia quintam." After the union of England ar*l Scotland,
the arms of Virginia, were quartered with those q( England, 8cc.
with the motto « En dat Virginia quartam." The author has in
his possession an old volume of Colonial Laws of Virginia, printed
in England, in the titlepage of which is the representation of the
arms of England, France, Ireland, and Virginia quartered, with
the motto " En dat Virginia quartam." Hence the title of
w Ancient Dominion" has been given to Virginia.— Encyclopaedia
Britannica, article Virginia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 17

governor of the colony had been made out for him. when
news of his death reached England.*

The maternal ancestors of R. H. Lee were no less
conspicuous for their public services. His mother was
a daughter of Colonel Ludwell, of Greenspring, near
Williamsburg, which was then the seat of the govern-
ment of the colony. Both he and his son were mem-
bers of the king's council, and his father had been governor
of North Carolina.

At this early period of the colony, there were few
seminaries of learning in which the higher branches of
education were taught. The youths, whose parents were
able to bear the expense, were always sent " home" (as
it was then expressed) to England, to complete their
studies. . Accordingly, Richard H. Lee, after having re-
ceived a grammatical education in his father's house,
under the care of a private teacher, was sent to England,
and placed at the academy of Wakefield, in Yorkshire.

Anecdotes of the juvenile years of those, who after-
wards become conspicuous on the theatre of the world,
when indicative of character, are both pleasing and in-
structive. It is related of Mr. Lee, that when a boy,
knowing he was to be sent to England, it was his cus-
tom to make a stout negro boy fight with him every day.
To his angry father's question, " what pleasure can you
find in such rough sport," the son replied, " I shall
shortly have to box with the English boys, and I do not
wish to be beaten by them/' Thus, it might be said,
Providence had given him, in boyhood, an instinctive ap-
prehension of the conflict with that nation, in which he,

* An anecdote, related by a very old gentleman, who had been
an intimate acquaintance of Thomas Lee, will put in a strong
light his political foresight. He remembered having heard
President Lee remark to one of his friends, " that he had no
doubt that this country would declare itself, in time, independent
of Great Britain ; and that the seat of its government would be
located near the Little Falls of the Potomac river." — How nearly
he came to the fact is remarkable. To evince the confidence
he felt in his views, he took up large tracts of land around these
Falls, which till lately were in the possession of his descendants.

§ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

in manhood, bore so prominent a part; and a spirit of
resistance, which he afterwards exhibited so successfully
for his native country, and so honourably to himself.

At the academy of Wakefield, by the aid of skilful
teachers, and by his own attention and capacity, he
made rapid progress in the academical course of study,
particularly the Latin and Greek languages : his admi-
ration of the nervous energy of the one, and the grace
and melody of the other, exhibited, at an early age, ma-
turity and correctness of taste. He returned, about the
19th year of his age, to his native country, two years
after the death of his father, which happened in the year
1750; and for some time resided with his elder brother.
Although he, at this period, passed a life of ease and
pleasure, it was not one of idleness; active, and energe-
tic, he was always in search of knowledge — and the
very extensive library which his father had collected,
furnished him ample means of gratifying his desire for
intellectual improvement. From the works of the im-
mortal Locke, he acquired an ardent fondness for the
principles of free government; and from those of Cud-
worth, Hooker, Grotius, and other writers of the same
class, he drew maxims of civil and political morality.
He read with deep attention and admiration, the histo-
ries of the patriotic and republican ages of Greece and
Rome, which animated his love of his country, and of
liberty. The anarchy which too often disgraced their
governments, taught him the value of well defined con-
stitutions, to guard individuals from the consequences of
the prejudices of the many, and the public prosperity
from the effects of popular passion and caprice.

His taste was refined by reading the works of the
classic poets, both ancient and modern. Homer, Virgil,
Milton, and Shakspeare, were his favourite authors — of
the last he was enthusiastically fond. The best histories
of every age were within his reach; and the vast fund of
political wisdom derived from them, was strikingly ex-
hibited, when, in future life, he called for its use in the
service of his country.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 9

Mr. Lee, without any view to the practice, made him-
self well acquainted with the principles of the civil law,
and the laws of his own country. He applied his mind
with particular care, to the study of the history, and the
constitution, of England and her colonies. The popular
features of these governments attracted his admiration.
He was delighted with the free spirit of the nation from
which he was descended.

The author has in his possession, the manuscript di-
gests and synopses of the works read by Mr. Lee, during
his residence with his brother; they discover the habits
and mode of his study; their arrangement is new
and always judicious: the subjects are well illustrated,
and the views of the authors, when given, are concisely
expressed, and happily condensed. To this early mode
of study, he was, no doubt, indebted for that conciseness
of style, of which he afterwards was as much a master,
as he was of brilliant and imprpssive amplification.

Mr. Lee seems early to have thought too correctly to
suppose, that genius can supply the place of study, or
enable its possessor to dispense with the labour essential
to its advantageous prosecution. He must have been
conscious of the quickness and capacity of his mind;
but vanity did not delude him with the absurd idea, that
knowledge is intuitive. He believed the import of the
adage " Veritas in puteo," and he laboured to find it.
He did not, however, devote himself exclusively to study,
he mingled cheerfully in society, and transacted the va-
rious business of life with diligence and judgment. He
was early remarked for the accuracy with which he con-
ducted his concerns. Hence he was frequently, when
comparatively a young man, selected as guardian to in-
fant children of his relatives and friends. In one of his
letters to a gentleman in England, to whom he was about
to commit the care and education of some of his wards,
there is a passage, worthy of a place here, since it
contains some reflections on the course of education, as
applicable now, as when they were written : " I have no
doubt that your good sense will avoid the too common

vol. 1.— B

10 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

error cf early plunging boys into the study of ancient
and other languages, before they have acquired a com-
petent knowledge of their own. By which mistake it
is, that so many who are learned in the languages of
Greece and Rome, remain unable to write their own
with correctness, and still less, to read and speak it with
grace and propriety. To avoid this, and for tlw still
greater benefits of having their minds early impressed
ivilh a love of religion and virtue, are the principal rea-
sons that induce me to prefer private education for some
time, to public."

The manners of Mr. Lee were, in the highest degree,
affable and polite. The candour and disinterestedness
of his character, could not fail to strike every person
who had the slightest acquaintance with him — entirely
devoid of all pride aud guile, he became very popular,
immediately upon his entering into the active scenes of
life.

It is well known that the famous seven years' war, as
it is called by historians, was not confined to the Euro-
pean dominions of the two principal and rival nations
engaged in it. The colonies of France and England, in
North America, were involved in its bloody and de-
structive consequences. Our frontier settlements suf-
fered continually and severely, from the predatory incur-
sions of the Indians employed by France in Canada, and
along the Ohio river. In 1755, England became con-
vinced, that the colonies of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
could not longer, without her aid, effectually resist the
irruptions of their horrid enemies. She therefore sent,
under the command of general Braddock, a body of re-
gular troops, for the purpose of protecting the frontiers
of those colonies. The cruel murders committed in the
preceding year by the Indians, in the valley, between the
Blue Ridge and North Mountains in Virginia, had excited
the indignation of the people of the low counties of
that colony. Upon the arrival of general Braddock,
volunteer companies of militia were raised, which offer-
ed their services to march with the regular army. By a
volunteer company of his native county, Mr. Lee was

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 1 1

chosen captain. As soon as it had put itself under his
command, he marched to Alexandria, on the Potomac,
where the regular army had landed. Upon his arrival
at that place, he was much chagrined to find, that their
services would not be accepted by Braddock — that, with
his companions in arms, he must return to his home,
without an opportunity of serving his country.

The following circumstance, which happened at
Alexandria, may serve to show the coarse and rude
manners of General Braddock, and his haughtiness
towards provincials, to which may be attributed his
subsequent defeat and death. Mr. Lee had walked down
to the shore, with General Braddock and some of his
officers, where a boat was in readiness to convey them
to the commodore's ship. When his officers were
on board, although he saw Mr. Lee standing on the
shore, General Braddock ordered the men to push off;
but the commodore, afterwards the celebrated admiral
Keppel, observing this, sternly ordered them to stop, and
invited Mr. Lee into the boat, in which he accompanied
them to the ship.

Mr. Lee may be said to have inherited a love of pub-
lic life. Most of his ancestors had devoted the creator
part of their lives, to the public service, in posts of ho-
nour. They had shown themselves men of business, as
well as of capacity. His father had been remarkable
for an indefatigable application to public business; and
the character of his father, no doubt, had its influence
in the formation of the habits of his son. He was
appointed about the twenty-fifth year of his age, a jus-
tice of the peace for his native county. This office was,
at that period of the colony, of much greater importance
than it is at present, and the appointment was reserved
for men of the greatest purity of character, and gene-
rally conferred on those, whose judgments were matured
by age. A magistrate in Virginia, performs not only
acts of police, but is, ex-officio, a constituent part of the
county court, the jurisdiction of which, as a court of
common law and equity, was then unlimited. At that

\2 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

period, suits of the highest grade, and of the greatest
importance, were brought in the county courts. In
this office, Mr. Lee was active and diligent. He punc-
tually attended in court; and with unwearied patience,
went through its most uninteresting business. A copy
is found among Mr. Lee's manuscripts, of a petition
signed by several magistrates to the governor and coun-
cil, praying that Mr. Lee's commission might be so
dated, that he could act as president of the court,
and be allowed precedence in this respect, at an earlier
period, than his appointment legally permitted.

He was, in this year, elected a member from Westmore-
land, to the House of Burgesses, and from this time,
till his death, a period of thirty three years, enjoyed the
unabated favour and confidence, not only of the citi-
zens of his native county, but of the state of Virginia.
During the first years, of Mr. Lee's service in the House
of B'irgesses, he had to struggle against a diffidence,
which, he began to despair, of ever being able to con-
quer. It was long before he could be induced to trust
himself to the contingencies of extemporaneous discus-
sion He, however, did not suffer the time to pass
without improvement. He made himself master of the
various forms, according to which, legislative bodies
proceed in the transaction of business; and, acquired
an extensive and accurate knowledge of the interests,
and financial concerns of the colony. An incident, at
that time, of importance to the colony, which will pre-
sently be related, at length, occurred to arouse him; and
he distinguished himself by an ability and eloquence,
which placed him at once, among the first members of
the body to which he belonged.

Previous to this epoch in his life, Mr. Lee having
become much dissatisfied with several measures of the
House of Burgesses, and believing that he could more
effectually serve his country in some other station,
applied through his friends in London, for a seat in the
council. Some of his letters are here inserted, which
abound in sentiments ingenuous, dignified, and patriotic.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE,

The manner in which he confutes the objection, that
one of his brothers was a member of the council, can-
not fail to gratify every reader of sensibility.

WESTMORELAND, Va.

August, 27, 1762.

Sir — The acquaintance, I had the honour, to form
with you when I was in London, in the year '51, will, I
hope excuse me to you, for the freedom of this letter.
When I consider the weight you deservedly possess, in
affairs relative to this colony, I know not any person
to whom I can, with more propriety, apply for an appli-
cation in my behalf, that I may be appointed to fill the
next vacancy in his majesty's council. I am the more
induced to an application, at this time, as I am informed,
that an address is preparing by the council, to his ma-
jesty, to remove Mr. from their board, on account

of his extreme incapacity, to discharge the important
duties of that station. If that address succeed, as I
should imagine it would, from the weighty reasons as-
signed in it, then sir, I would lay myself under the great
obligation that will arise from your interposition in my
behalf: an obligation which will ever influence me, to
consider you as my great benefactor, and particular
friend. The desire I have to do my country service, is
my only motive for this solicitation; and governed by
the same reason, my attention has been, for some time
turned to public business, both as a member of the le-
gislature, and of our inferior courts of justice. This
experience supported by a laudable ambition, will, I hope,
render me an object not altogether unworthy of your
patronage.

I have the honour to be, with great respect and es-
teem, your obedient servant,

Richard Henry Lee,

To James Abercbombie, Esq.

In Craven street, London.

]4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

WESTMORELAND, Va.

August, 27, 1762.

Dear Sir — I wrote to you a kw days ago, that
the council of this colony, had unanimously addressed

his majesty to remove from their board Mr. , the

last appointed counsellor, on account of his incapacity.
If this address succeed, I entreat the favour of yon, to
exert your friendship that I might be appointed in Mr.

's place. If an ardent desire to serve my country,

added to considerable time and application, already em-
ployed in the service of the public, are to be considered
in this appointment, you may safely declare yourself my
friend, i shall say nothing of the abilities of the gen-
tleman, who, I understand, has a probability of filling
the next vacancy, from the chance he stood last; because,
as you know him, this would be unnecessary; and be-
cause I think it not proper, to establish my success, by
making invidious observations on another. But in his
favour, it is urged, that his contiguity to the seat of go-
vernment, renders his appointment proper, as on govern-
ment contingencies, his attendance in council could be
presently obtained. If this argument, independent of
any auxiliary one, was to be admitted, might not a cob-
bler in the city dispute tJie point with him? Less weight
will be found in this reason, when you consider that
those who compose our council, meet four times a year
of course, to constitute the general and oyer courts;
when they sit, on the whole, more than two months, be-
sides the frequent meetings of the general assembly.
At these times it is, that council business is chiefly dis-
cussed. If, in the intermediate time, any contingency
render a council necessary, there are always six or
seven of the board, whose situation admits of a very
speedy meeting. But in a variety of instances, it may
happen, that a dispersion of the councillors through the
several parts of the colony, will be attended with advan-
tageous consequences, by their having a more minute

OF RICHARD HENR¥ LEE. J£

and particular acquaintance with the circumstances of
the country.

Against my success, I hear it is urged that I have a
brother already in the council. This is true; but can
any solid reason be assigned, why this friendly connex-
ion should banish virtue and morality from the breasts
of brothers? or does it follow, of course, that those thus
allied, should, to promote any views they may be sup-
posed to have, unite to injure their country, and so found
their brotherly union on the destruction of honour, duty,
and public good? For my part, I think the objection
does not hold in theory; and, exclusive of the many his-
toric proofs that might be adduced to confute it, we have
a familiar experience here, of two brothers having long
sat together in the council, to the honour of his ma-
jesty, and to the interests of the colony.

To whom, my dear sir, can you apply with so much
effect, as to your noble friend Lord Halifax, since a
word from him would accomplish the object; and then
the honour of the appointment would be enhanced, by
its being the direction of a person so universally admired
for the honesty of his heart and the ability of his head.
I know you will excuse the length of this letter. With
great sincerity, I assure you of the unabated esteem of
your affectionate friend,

Richard Henry Lee.

To Thomas Cummings, Esq.
in London.

In another letter, on the same subject, he again con-
tests the force of the objection to his appointment, that
his brother was a member. He happily diversifies the
argument, and exhibits a mind rich in sentiment. " I
hear (he writes) it is objected to me that I have a brother
already in the council. It is very true, I have; but can-
didly considered, how unimportant is this objection, nay,
how invidious is it, since the only force it can possibly
have, must be derived from a previously established want
of virtue in the brothers, which may lead them to coa-
lesce in schemes destructive of their country. For if

\(j LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

honesty mark their character, no leagues of vice will
ever be entered on, and an union in virtue can never be
improper. But a vicious person should never be pre-
ferred, whatever may be his relation to, or disunion with
the rest of his companions in office. If this strange ob-
jection should be urged, how easily could your genius
and penetration thoroughly overcome it," &c.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. | f

CHAPTER II.

It has been stated that Mr. Lee, at an early period of
his life, was elected a member of the House of Burgesses
of Virginia; and that probably, more than one session
passed, without any participation, on his part, in the de-
bates. The natural diffidence of his character was in-
creased by the respect and deference he entertained, for
men of ability and experience, and the House of Bur-
gesses, at this time, contained many men of this descrip-
tion. The first speech of Mr. Lee, as far as can be as-
certained, was on a motion " to lay so heavy a duty on the
importation of slaves, as effectually to put an end to that
iniquitous and disgraceful traffic within the colony of
Virginia." The lively interest which he felt in the suc-
cess of the motion, incited him to exert all his powers
in its support. The timidity, however, with which he
took part in the debate, may be perceived from the bre-
vity and care with which he prepared his speech. Al-
though short, it will be seen that it contains the germ of
every sound argument, which has been since unfolded,
against the immoral character, the practical barbarities,
and the political consequences of the slave trade. How
different would have been the actual condition and the
prospects of Virginia, had his arguments prevailed, and
the policy which he recommended been adopted and en-
forced.

" Sir, as the consequences of the determination we
must make in the subject of this day's debate will greatly
affect posterity, as well as ourselves, it surely merits our
most serious attention. And well am I persuaded, sir,
that if it be so considered, it will appear, both from rea-
son and experience, that the importation of slaves into
this colony has been, and will be attended with effects,

vol. i. — e

LIFE AN J) CORRESPONDENCE

dangerous, both to our political and moral interests.
When it is observed that some of our neighbouring co-
lonies, though much later than ourselves in point of set-
tlement, are now far before us in improvement, to what,
sir, can we attribute this strange, this unhappy truth?
The reason seems to be this: that with their lohiles they
import arts and agriculture, whilst iw, with our blacks,
exclude both. Nature has not partially favoured them
with superiour fertility of soil, nor do they enjoy more
of the sun's cheering and enlivening influence: yet greatly
have they outstrip! us.

" Were not this sufficient, sir, let us reflect on our
dangerous vicinity to a powerful neighbour, and that
slaves, from the nature of their situation, can never feel
an interest in our cause, because they see us enjoying
every privilege and luxury, and find security established,
not for them, but for others, and because they observe
their masters possessed of liberty which is denied to
them, whilst they and their posterity are subjected for
ever to the most abject and mortifying slavery. Such
a people must be natural enemies to society, and their
increase consequently dangerous.

"This reasoning we find verified in the Grecian and
Roman histories, where some of the greatest convulsions
recorded, were occasioned by the insurrections of their
slaves; insomuch, says a Roman historian, that Sicily
was more cruelly laid waste by the war with the slaves,
than by that with the Carthagenians. This slavish po-
licy still continuing at Rome, at length increased their
slaves to such a prodigious number, as obliged the Ro-
mans to make laws for their government so severe,
that the bare relation of them is shocking to human
nature.

* Nor, sir, are these the only reasons to be urged
against the importation. In my opinion, not the cruel-
ties practised in the conquest of Spanish America, not
the savage barbarity of a Saracen, can be more big with
atrocity, than our cruel trade to Africa. There we en-
courage those poor, ignorant people, to wage eternal war

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

against each other; not nation against nation, but father
against son, children against parents, and brothers against
brothers, whereby parental, filial, and fraternal duty is
terribly violated; that by war, stealth, or surprise, we
Christians may be furnished with our fellow-creatures,
who are no longer to be considered as created in the
image of God as well as ourselves, and equally entitled
to liberty and freedom by the great law of nature, but
they are to be deprived, for ever deprived, of all the
comforts of life, and to be made the most wretched of
the human kind. I have seen it observed by a great
writer, that Christianity, by introducing into Europe the
truest principles of humanity, universal benevolence, and
brotherly love, had happily abolished civil slavery. Let
us, who profess the same religion, practise its precepts;
and by agreeing to this duty, convince the world that we
know and practise our true interests, and that we pay a
proper regard to the dictates of justice and humanity!"

This speech gained for Mr. Lee some applause; but
it did not procure for him that decided reputation and
popularity, which he soon afterwards enjoyed. An oc-
casion at length occurred, which related more immedi-
ately to the politics of the house, and on which the feel-
ings of a brother had been, as Mr. Lee thought, unjus-
tifiably wounded. Affection for his brother, and indig-
nation at the unworthy conduct and unfair treatment
which he had received, fired Mr. Lee; and calling forth,
into vigorous exercise, the latent powers of his intellect,
discovered to his fellow citizens, inexhaustible sources
of a rich, brilliant and energetic eloquence.

To enable the reader to catch something of the spirit
of the transaction about to be recorded, a short account
of the parties of that time, may be necessary. Two
parties divided the House of Burgesses. These were
strongly marked; and the spirit of their politics was
widely different. Although they could not be correctly
called " whig and toryy" they might be termed aristo-
cratic and republican. The society of Virginia was then
generally and obviously divided into two classes; the one

OQ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

was constituted of men who owned large landed estates,
cultivated by bodies of slaves; the other, of the solid and
independent yeomanry. They were equally distinct from
each other in their manners and customs. The former
lived in great splendour and luxury, and imitating in
their mode of life, the nobility of England, they possess-
ed, no doubt, much of the spirit of aristocracy. Be-
tween this and the latter class, there was little or no in-
tercourse.* The members of the assembly carried into
that body, the manners and feelings of the class, in which
their birth or their wealth, had placed them. The aris-
tocratic members looked down upon those, who came
from the lower orders, as they termed them, while these
looked upon the others with jealousy and dislike. The
more intelligent members of the republican party, view-
ed the " aristocrats" with a sort of political abhorrence,
as enemies to the popular features of the constitution.
Mr. Lee, from the convictions of reason, and from the
bias of education and reading, was a firm and ardent
member of the republican party.f He was an admirer,
and called himself a disciple of Hampden, and Sydney,
and Pel ham.

In this state of the two parties in the legislature, the
republican members determined to bring forward a
measure, for the success of which they felt great anx-
iety. Mr. Thomas Lee, an elder brother of Mr. Lee,
who was also a member of the house, and attached to
the popular party, was selected to introduce a resolution
on the subject. This gentleman, though accustomed to
speak, was still oppressed by that diffidence and embar-
rassment, which had hitherto repressed the genius of
his brother. Urged however, by the zeal of his party,
and probably by the intrinsic merit of the measure he
was about to propose, his introductory speech was one
of great strength. But he had forgotten, that the rules

» See Life of P. Henry, p. 33, &c.

t The word " republican," is here used in the sense in which
it might be applied to Cimon, or to Cato.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. £ 1

of the house required, that every motion should be re-
duced to writing, before it could be put from the chair.
The speaker of the house, who was the head of the
opposite party, availed himself of this oversight, and re-
minded Mr. Lee, with great asperity, of the rule, and
the violation of it, of which he had been guilty. Mr.
Lee was so confounded by the manner of the speaker,
that he was utterly unable to retrieve the consequences
of his mistake, or to take advantage of the impression
which his speech had evidently made. The hopes of the
opposition, who perceived the confusion of their cham-
pion began to fall, and despair, at length, was spreading
among them, when, to their surprise, R. H. Lee, stung
with resentment at the manner in which his brother had
been treated, arose with a written motion, and prefaced
it with a bold and brilliant speech. His political friends
exhibited at once astonishment and delight, while his
adversaries were confounded — he became from that
time the darling of his party. His knowledge of busi-
ness and application to it, his information on all subjects
before the house, and his conciliating manners, now
speedily constituted him the leader of his party, and a
prominent and useful member of the legislature. Mr.
Thomas Lee could never afterwards be prevailed on to
speak. Hence, it was remarked at the time, that the
incident which had destroyed one orator, had raised up
another.

The next occasion upon which Mr. Lee distinguished
himself as an useful, intrepid and patriotic member, was
one of real importance to the colony. Mr. Robinson,
who, from his family and wealth, was at the head of the
aristocratic party, united in his person the offices of
speaker of the House of Burgesses, and treasurer of the
colony. The latter office was in the gift of the crown,
and those who held it had always been obsequious to the
court. Such was the case with Mr. Robinson. Pos-
sessed of great wealth, and high in official dignity, and
being besides a person of an unassuming air, and po-
liteness of manners, and of a great amiableness of na-

22 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ture, he was the most popular man of his party, and was
personally much beloved. As a politician and legislator,
he was a known " aristocrat" — yet many members of
the republican party were in habits of friendly inter-
course with him, and esteemed him as a man while they
opposed him, and the measures of his political friends.
The colony of Virginia had contracted large debts,
by its exertions in the French and Indian wars, which
had desolated its western frontiers. It had been com-
pelled to anticipate its revenue, and to borrow consider-
able sums of money. To repay these loans, it had issued
government paper, redeemable, in each year, to a certain
amount, by taxes pledged for the purpose. It was made
the duty of the treasurer, to burn the bills which should
be annually called in. The treasurer had been liberal of
his private funds to his friends, whose style of living
required larger expenditures, than their estates yielded.
When these were exhausted, he had been induced to
lend to many members of the House of Burgesses, the
government bills which had been redeemed, and ought
to have been destroyed. It is said, that he relied on
his own means to prevent any ultimate injury to the
state, and upon the security he had taken. The fact,
that the treasurer had made an improper use of the
money of the public, became known; or, at least, strong
suspicions, were entertained on the subject. These
suspicions gave rise to conversations among the opposi-
tion party; and, it was in agitation, to move an inquiry
into the grounds of them. The considerations, that
the speaker was individually concerned in the inquiry
contemplated; that the interests of the colony were in-
volved in it; that some of the ablest and most influential
men in the house, were the intimate friends of the
speaker, and that a failure to prove his defalcation, no
matter from what cause, would be represented as the
just result of a malignant attack on him, made it a deli-
cate and fearful task, to move the inquiry. Great indeci-
sion and backwardness were evinced. Mr. Lee, as soon
as he had satisfied his mind that there were grounds upon

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 93

which to rest the suspicions, determined to brave every
risk, and to assert the justice and necessity, of bringing
delinquents to punishment. To his mind, their exaltation
and influence, offered no just exception to the rigid appli-
cation of these principles. The difficulties he would have
to encounter, in the present cause, served only to stimulate
his firm and adventurous spirit Accordingly, he moved
H that a committee be appointed to inquire into the state
of the treasury.*' As soon as the government partly
perceived what subject Mr. Lee was about to agitate,
they discovered symptoms of alarm, and prepared for
a strenuous resistance. The speaker fixt his eyes with
a dark and terrible frown upon Mr. Lee. The members
opposed to his motion, turned their faces from him, with
haughty and disdainful airs: but, these things had no
other effect, than to animate Mr. Lee to strains of in-
dignant eloquence. The most able and influential mem-
bers of the house, opposed his motion, yet, he refuted
with great force, all objections to the inquiry, and seem-
ed to gain strength and ardour, from the very means
taken to defeat it. The resolution was finally adopted; then
pursuing his success, he brought the business to a close,
which promised to save the colony from great fiscal .
embarrassment, and the people from additional burdens.
This achievement of Mr. Lee, added greatly to his reputa-
tion throughout the colony. The author has found among
the manuscripts of Mr. Lee, a letter from a gentleman
of a distant county of the colony, and not personally
acquainted with him, complimenting him on the part he
had acted, and thanking him, for the good he had done
to his fellow citizens.

A state of things was now commencing, which was
to abolish all party distinctions in the colony of Virginia;
to afford an occasion for the exercise of the highest
talents, and the noblest virtues, and to lead to the inde-
pendence of the United States.

England had just concluded the peace of Paris, which
was preceded by one of the most extensive and bloody
wars, that had ever desolated civilized Europe. She

24 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

had come out of it, covered with glory; her troops had
fought, and conquered, in almost every quarter of the
globe; her statesmen were renowned; and the boldness
and energy of the illustrious Pitt, had placed her first
among the nations of the earth. The fame of her pre-
mier was co-extensive with the glory of the " Great"
Frederick.* The humbled house of Bourbon, in all its
branches, owned her triumphs. But it seems a wise
ordination of Providence, that national glory gained in
fields of blood and conquest, is, in almost every instance,
connected with domestic embarrassment and suffering.
Such was the case with England. When the splendid
halo had flitted from the vision of her people, they found
themselves loaded with debt. Their statesmen were anxi-
ously looked to for relief; but they in vain perplexed them-
selves to discover any sufficiently productive source of
revenue, to meet the "difficulties, in which, the finances
of the country were involved. Notwithstanding this
state of the treasury, the ministry, which had come into
power upon the conclusion of the war, unaccountably
determined to raise twenty new regiments. That pro-
found statesman and celebrated orator Edmund Burke,
gives this account of that measure, which first turned
the eyes of English financiers, to the colonies, f " At
that period (at the close of the war,) the necessity was
established of keeping up no less than twenty new regi-
ments, with twenty colonels capable of seats in this
house. This scheme was adopted with very general
applause from all sides, at the very time, when by your
conquest in America, your danger from foreign attempts
in that quarter of the world was much lessened, or, in-
deed, quite over. When this huge increase of military

* The author cannot apply this appellatioa to Frederick the
Second of Prussia, without expressing the limitation, in this in-
stance attached to it. As a victorious warrior, and as an acute
statesman, he certainly merits the appellation of " Great." But
the author can scarcely find language to express the detestation,
"n which he holds his character, as a man and a ruler.

+ In his masterly speech on American taxation.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

establishment was resolved on, a revenue was to be found
to support so great a burden. Country gentlemen, the
great patrons of economy, and resisters of standing
armies, would not have entered with so much alacrity
into a vote for so large and expensive an army, if they
had been sure, that they were to continue to pay for it.
But hopes of another kind, were held out to them; and
in particular, I well remember, that Mr. Townsend, in a
brilliant harangue on this subject, did dazzle them by
laying before their eyes the image of a revenue to be
raised in America. Here began to dawn the first glim-
merings of this new colony system."

The same great statesman thus exhibits the develop-
ment of the principle assumed by the ministry, and so
blindly followed by the Parliament of Great Britain,
" that the mother country had a right to tax America,
without her consent." " But the grand manoeuvre in
that business of new regulating the colonies, was the
fifteenth act of the fourth of George the Third, which,
besides containing several of the matters to which I
alluded, opened a new principle; and here properly be-
gan the second period of the policy of this country with
regard to the colonies, by which a scheme of regular
plantation parliamentary revenue, was adopted in theory,
and settled in practice. This act, sir, had for the first
time, the title of ; giving and granting' duties in the co-
lonies and plantations in America; and for the first time,
it was asserted in the preamble, ' that it was just and
necessary, that a revenue should be raised there/ Then
come the technical words of ' giving and granting/ and
thus a complete American revenue act was made, in all
the forms, and with a full avowal of the equity, policy,
and even the necessity of taxing the colonies, without
any formal consent of theirs. There were contained
also in the preamble to that act, these very remarkable
words, ' the Commons being desirous to make some
provision towards raising the said revenue.' By these
words, it appeared to the colonies, that this act was only
vol. i. — d

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

the beginning of sorrows, Sec. This ill prospect appeared
boundless in extent and endless in duration."

The loth act of 4 Geo. III., of which Mr. Burke
speaks, was the act which announced the determination
of Parliament to tax America, and preceded the famous
stamp act, the principle of which the colonies denied,
and the practical operation of which they finally resisted.
In March, 1764. as every reader remembers, the prin-
ciple, asserted by Parliament, was carried out into an act,
on motion of Mr. Grenville, the first commissioner of
the treasury, in which it was declared c;to be proper to
impose certain stamp duties in the colonies, for the pur-
pose of raising a revenue in America, payable into the
British exchequer."

Mr. Lee quickly perceived the unconstitutionality and
danger of the principle asserted in this act. He saw
clearly, not only its fallacy, but the extent to which it
would reach, and the duration of the oppression, to which
it would lead, and immediately denounced it, in letters
to his friends in England, and in his conversations with
his fellow-citizens. It was not his nature, to be silent, or
passive when the slightest violence to right was done
When he perceived one of the dearest rights of his coun-
try was denied or infringed, he became active and in-
trepid. Pie wrote (in letters to his friends and in the
paper of the colony; and spoke against the measure just
now mentioned, using every argument to rouse his coun-
trymen to a sense of the dangers about to surround them
In March, 1764. Mr. Grenville's declaratory act pass-
ed; and in May following, Mr. Lee wrote to a gentle-
man in London, who was a public character, expressing
his opinion of the measure, and proving the incompati-
bility of the act with the constitution of Great Britain.
and with the rights of his countrymen; also strongly and
eloquently stating their claims to the gratitude of the
mother country. It has been recorded of a celebrated
patriot* of the revolution, that in expressing his views

•P. Henrv

ol RICHARD HENRY LEE

confidentially, to a private company of his friends, in the
year 1773, of the probable consequences of resistance
to Great Britain, he foretold, that when Louis XVI. was
convinced, by our opposition and declaration of indepen-
dence, that the colonies would not submit, he would join
us. This is certainly an instance of great sagacity: for
not even then, as it was supposed, had any person ever
before suggested the probability of such measures, as
those of resistance and independence. No one can fail
to be struck, then, with that foresight and sagacity which,
in 1764, when as yet only the Declaratory Act had pass-
ed, suggested the probability that the measures it con-
templated. " though intended to oppress and keep us
low, in order to secure our dependence, might be sub-
versive of that end;" "and may produce a fatal resent-
ment of parental care, being converted into tyrannical
usurpation. v In the letter from which these quotations
are made, glows the spirit of an early American patriot.

CHANTILLY, Va.

Mat 31, 1764.

"My dear Sir — At a time when universal selfishness
prevails, and when (did not a very few instances evince
the contrary) one would be apt to conclude that friend-
ship, with Astrea, had fled this degenerate world, how
greatly happy must be the man who can boast of hav-
ing a friend. That this happiness is mine, the whole
tenor of my life's correspondence with you proves most
clearly.

" Many late determinations of the great, on your side
of the water, seem to prove a resolution, to oppress
North America with the iron hand of power, unrestrain-
ed by any sentiment, drawn from reason, the liberty of
mankind, or the genius of their own government. 'Tis
said the House of Commons readily resolved, that it had
* a right to tax the subject here, without the consent of
his representative;' and that, in consequence of this,
they had proceeded to levy on us a considerable annual
sum, for the support of a body of troops to be kept up

28 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

in this quarter. Can it be supposed that those brave
adventurous Britons, who originally conquered and set-
tled these countries, through great dangers to themselves
and benefit to the mother country, meant thereby to de-
prive themselves of the blessings of that free government
of which they were members, and to which they had an
unquestionable right? or can it be imagined that those
they left behind them in Britain, regarded those worthy
adventurers, by whose distress and enterprise they sawr
their country so much enlarged in territory, and increased
in wealth, as aliens to their society, and meriting to be
enslaved by their superior power? No, my dear sir,
neither one nor the other of these can be true, because
reason, justice, and the particular nature of the British
constitution, nay, of all government, cry out against such
opinions! Surely no reasonable being would, at the ap-
parent hazard of his life, quit liberty for slavery; nor
could it be just in the benefited, to repay their benefac-
tors with chains instead of the most grateful acknow-
ledgments. And as certain it is, that ' the free posses-
sion of property, the right to be governed by laws made
by our representatives, and the illegality of taxation with-
out consent/ are such essential principles of the British
constitution, that it is a matter of wonder how men, who
have almost imbibed them in their mother's milk, whose
very atmosphere is charged with them, should be of opi-
nion that the people of America were to be taxed with-
out consulting their representatives! It will not avail to
say that these restrictions on the right of taxation, are
meant to restrain only the sovereign, and not Parliament.
The intention of the constitution is apparent, to prevent
unreasonable impositions on the people; and no method
is so likely to do that, as making their own consent ne-
cessary, for the establishment of such impositions. But
if no such consent is allowed in our case, it will still be
an aggravation of our misfortune to be the slaves of five
hundred masters instead of one. It would seem, indeed,
to be unquestionably true, that before a part of any com-
munity can be justly deprived of the rights and privi-

OF RICHARD HENRY 1.EE.

leges, to which they are entitled by the constitution and
laws, there must have been some great and palpable in-
jury offered by them to the society of which they are a
part. But did this happen in the case of the first settlers
of America? or did they, by any treasonable combination
against, or by any violation offered to, the laws of their
country, make it proper, in their country, to deprive
them of their birth right? It remains, therefore, that
we cannot be deprived of English liberty, though it may
appear expedient that we should be despoiled of it. But
after all, my dear friend, the ways of Heaven are in-
scrutable; and frequently, the most unlooked-for events
have arisen from seemingly the most inadequate causes.
Possibly this step of the mother country, though intended
to oppress and keep us low, in order to secure our de-
pendence, may be subversive of this end. Poverty and
oppression, among those whose minds are filled with
ideas of British liberty, may introduce a virtuous indus-
try, with a train of generous and manly sentiments,
which, when in future they become supported by num-
bers, may produce a fatal resentment of parental care
being converted into tyrannical usurpation. I hope you
will pardon so much on this subject. My mind has been
warmed, and I hardly know where to stop," &c.

Mr. Lee was again elected in the spring of 1764, to
the House of Burgesses; and being determined to make
an effort to induce the house to express its opinion of
the declaratory act, by some solemn and efficient mea-
sure, he brought forward the subject soon after the meet-
ing of the Assembly. The passage of the act had been
made known to the House of Burgesses, by the colonial
agent, Mr. Arthur Lee, a brother of R. H. Lee. After
great deliberation, a special committee was appointed to
draught an address to the king, a memorial to the House
of Lords, and a remonstrance to the House of Commons.
Mr. Lee was placed on this committee, and selected to
prepare the address to the king, and the memorial to the
lords; and these are the first public productions from
his pen, so far as it can be ascertained. The author has

30 LIFE AND COKRESPONDENCL

the original manuscripts of these documents, with which
the journals of the House of Burgesses correspond, as
may be seen from the journals of the House of Bur-
gesses, November, 1764, p. 38, &c. They contain the
genuine principles of the revolution, and abound in the
firm and eloquent sentiments of freemen. The success-
ful vindication of these principles has rendered our revo-
lutionary struggle glorious. They form the basis of our
free institutions, and adorn their superstructure.

In one who so clearly perceived the gross fallacy of
the principle of the declaratory act, and the conse-
quences which would result from it in practice, it was
not strange, that it should have produced a feeling of
deep concern, mixed with indignation, against those who
had devised a scheme so adverse to the rights, and so
threatening to the prosperity of his country. Mr. Lee
constantly and vehemently denounced it; and expressed
on all public occasions the opinion, that the colonies were
no longer free. So strongly was this opinion impressed
upon his mind, and so certainly did he foresee the prac-
tical injury which was to be attempted, that he declared
his fellow-citizens to be in a state of more than " Egyp-
tian bondage" — and maintained that liberty, British
liberty, could not co-exist with the assertion of a princi-
ple, contrary to the constitution. He was too well versed
in the nature and forms of other governments, and too
well acquainted with the actual condition of their inha-
bitants, to compare with them the real situation of the
colonies, and the political privileges yet possessed by
thern. But this comparative freedom did not satisfy him,
whose mind was stored with historic recollections of the
exertions of his English ancestors, for what they term-
ed their " birth-rights," and animated with the Jove of
liberty.

The declaratory act of 1 764, was followed by the prac-
tical application of the principle it asserted, and the fa-
mous stamp act, passed by the British Parliament in the
winter session of 1 765, was to take effect at the beginning
of the following November. Mr. Lee considered this

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 3 J

act ua fatal blow" to the liberty of America; but his
opinions and sentiments will be best illustrated by the
following letters written about that period.

CHANTILLY, Va.

July 4, 1765.

" My dearest Sir — By Captain Talman, I was fa-
voured with your obliging letter of April last, before the
receipt of which, I had been informed of the fatal blow
given to American liberty, by the ever to be detested
stamp act. I am greatly obliged to you, my best friend,
for your design of helping me to that collection;* but it
is very well that the appointment has passed me, since,

by the unanimous suffrage of his countrymen is

regarded as an execrable monster, who with parricidal
heart and hands, hath concern in the ruin of his native
country. The light in which our Assembly viewed that
act, may be collected from their resolves at the last
meeting, which occasioned their dissolution. I would
have sent you a copy, had I not been persuaded that some
of your numerous friends had done so already.

uHave you read a pamphlet said to be written by
George Grenville, in which he has, in vain, laboured to
prove the legislative right of Britain to tax America? If
no better arguments can be produced in support of the
measures he contends for, it proves the intrinsic viieness
of his scheme; and shows indeed, that systems calculat-
ed to destroy public liberty, can be maintained only by
idle sophistry and a poor affectation of wit. It is most
clear, that such doctrines are as far remote from true
policy as they are apparently the production of a futile
dealer in expedients, who understands not to draw the
necessary supplies of government from such sources only

* Mr. Lee, by the persuasion of some of his friends, had been
induced, on the first mention of the stamp act, to apply for a col-
lector's office. He, however, quickly discerned the design and
principle of the act, and stopped the application. See his vin-
dication presently.

32 tIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

as are consistent with the end of all government, thfc
safety, ease, and happiness of the people.
"Yours affectionately,

Ct Richard Henry Lee.'*

The same day on which the above letter was written.
Mr. Lee wrote to his brother Mr. Arthur Lee, then in
London, who had consulted him on the propriety of
making that city his permanent residence. He strongly
dissuades his brother from such a step, and urges the
claims which his native land had to all its sons, particu-
larly to such as had acquired a knowledge of arts and
science. In this letter, written so early in Mr. Lee's
political life, may be seen his estimation of the import-
ance of knowledge and learning, to the true and lasting
welfare of a nation. These enlightened sentiments he
never ceased to enforce, not only by all the power of his
eloquence, but also by his example, throughout a useful
and bright career. After writing on matters of private
concern, he thus introduces the subject which seemed
ever near his heart, the cause of his country:

u Every man in America hath much reason to lament
with you, the loss of American liberty. As bad indeed
as Egyptian bondage, is now become the fate of every
inhabitant of America, by the mother country being
converted into an arbitrary, cruel, and oppressive step-
dame. But this most unjust proceeding (the stamp act)
against us, should instruct every American, that as li-
berty can never be supported without arts and learning,
a diligent attention to those should be the ruling object,
with every thinking man. But then, my brother, when
these, or either of these are acquired, should not their
possessor import them into his native country; which, i(
forsaken by the best of her sons, must fall into barba-
rous ignorance, and of course, become a fit subject for
tyrannical natures to impose arbitrary and injurious acts
upon. Should America make the same progress in the
arts and sciences, as she infallibly must do in numbers
of people, despotism will quickly learn, that her friend-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 33

ship is on no other terms to be obtained than by a free
intercourse and equal participation of good offices, li-
berty and free constitution of government.

America, then, has a parent's claim to her descend-
ants, and a right to insist that they shall not fix in any
place, where, by so doing, they may add strength to cruel
and tyrannical oppression.

I am, my dear brother, ever your affectionate, faithful
friend,

Richard Henry Lee.

Mr. Lee did not confine his exertions in opposition to
the stamp act to letters to distant correspondents; but,
very soon after it became a law, he determined to exert
all his powers in open and direct attempts to defeat its
operations in Virginia. In a paper that follows, will be
seen the bold and efficient means he took to effect this
object. When we reflect upon the state of the laws of
the colony at this period, we cannot but admire the ad-
venturous spirit manifested by this ardent patriot. The
laws were still in the hands of the officers of the crown,
and Mr. Lee exposed himself to their pains and penalties.
But no considerations of personal safety or convenience
appear to have had any weight with him, when his
country claimed his services. The same intrepid spirit,
which, in 1 765, led him to place himself in the front of
opposition, actuated him throughout the momentous
struggle that followed. In the course of this Memoir,
the reader will remark, that his firmness and intrepidity
never forsook him. In the gloomiest period of the revo-
lution, when nearly all hearts began to faint, and the
boldest asserters of freedom to despond, Mr. Lee exhi-
bited the same firm and unshaken fortitude in council,
which distinguished his friend and fellow citizen, Wash-
ington, in the field.

Among the various methods which Mr. Lee took to
prevent the operations of the stamp act, the most promi-
ment was to form an association for the purpose of de-
terring all persons from accepting the office of vender of

vol. i. — E

34 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

stamp paper, and for awing into silence and inactivity
those who might still be attached to the supremacy of
the mother country, and disposed to advocate the right
of colony taxation. A copy of the original draught of
the articles of the association, written by Mr. Lee, and
kept by him, as the head and leader of the combination,
is here inserted. This association was true to its pledge,
and tended to spread extensively the spirit of resistance.

" Articles of association, by the citizens of Westmore-
land, for the purpose of opposing the stamp act.

Roused by danger, and alarmed at attempts foreign
and domestic, to reduce the people of this country to a
state of abject and detestable slavery, by destroying that
free and happy constitution of government under which
they have hitherto lived; we, who have subscribed this
paper, have associated, and do bind ourselves to each
other, to God, and our country, by the firmest ties which
religion and virtue can frame, to stand by, and with our-
selves and 'fortunes to support, maintain, and defend each
other, in the observation and execution of these follow-
ing articles:

1. We declare all due allegiance to our lawful sove-
reign George the Third, King of Great Britain, and we
determine to the uttermost of our power to preserve the
laws, the peace, and good order of this colony, so far as
is consistent with the preservation of our constitution,
our rights, and liberty.

2. As we know it to be the birthright privilege of
every British subject, (and of every Virginian, as such,)
founded on reason, law, and compact, that he shall not
be tried but by his peers, and shall not be taxed but by
the consent of a parliament, in which he is represented
by persons who themselves pay a part of what they im-
pose upon others. If, therefore, any person or persons
shall attempt, by any action or proceeding, to deprive
this colony of those fundamental rights, we will imme-
diately regard him or them as the most dangerous enemy
of the community; and we will go to any extremity, not

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 35

only to prevent the success of such an attempt, but to
stigmatize and punish the offender.

3. As the stamp act does absolutely direct the pro-
perty of the people to be taken from them, without their
consent, expressed by their representatives; and as, in
many cases, it deprives the British American subject of
his right to be tried by jury, we do determine, at every
hazard, and paying no regard to danger or to death, to
exert every faculty to prevent the execution of the said
stamp act, in every instance whatever, within the colony
of Virginia; and every abandoned wretch, who shall be so
lost to virtue and public good, as wickedly to contribute
to introduce the said act into this colony, by using stamp
paper, or by any other means, will, with the utmost expe-
dition, be convinced, that immediate danger and disgrace
shall attend his prostitute purpose.

4. That the last article may most surely and effectu-
ally be executed, we engage to each other, that whenever
it shall be known to any of this association, that any person
is so conducting himself as to favour the introduction of
the stamp act, immediate notice shall be given to as many
of this association as possible; and every individual, so
informed, shall, with expedition, repair to some place of
meeting, to be appointed as near the scene of action as
may be.

5. Every associator shall use his true endeavour to
obtain as many signers to this association as he possibly
can.

6. If any attempt shall be made on the liberty or pro-
perty of any associator, for any action or thing to be done
in consequence of this agreement, we do most solemnly
bind ourselves, by the sacred engagements entered into,
at the risk of our lives and fortunes to restore such an
associator to his liberty, and to protect him in the enjoy-
ment of his property.

In testimony of the good faith with which we resolve
to execute this association, we have, this 27th day of
February, 1766, put our hands and seals hereto."

The devotion of Mr. Lee to the cause of his country

3^ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

did not evaporate in argument, or waste itself in idle
declamation. It led him, while even yet the insignia and
representatives of royalty were " on the high places" of
the land, and while crown law and crown officers were
still strong, to dare open and direct opposition to the de-
vices of arbitrary power. He was active in rousing, in-
forming, and leading his fellow citizens, and obtaining
numerous signatures to the articles of the association.

He was, at this time, the captain of a volunteer
company of light horse, in his county. The members
of this company, warmly attached to him, and confiding
in his courage, and in his knowledge of the rights of
America, had joined the association, in a spirit congenial
with his own. A person, whose name need not be men-
tioned here, had not only declared his intention to use
stamp paper, but had accepted the office of stamp col-
lector. When Mr. Lee was informed of these circum-
stances, according to the fourth article of the association,
he gave notice to as many of the members of it as he
could, and summoned his company of horse. They
proceeded to the residence of the stamp collector, and
required him to bring out his commission, and all the
paper he had in his house, and deliver it to them; and
also to bind himself, by an oath, neither directly nor in-
directly to promote the sale or use of stamp paper. The
collector expostulated, hesitated, and at length refused.
A stout and fierce-looking man of the troop advanced at
this moment to him, and with a stern look and pene-
trating voice addressed him, " Swear." The terrified
collector pronounced the oath, and brought out his com-
mission and stamp paper, which were solemnly burnt in
his presence.

The person, whom Mr. Lee and his associates had
thus compelled to abandon the support of the stamp
act, notwithstanding the unpopularity of it, had declar-
ed that he would use stamp paper, in clearing out the
first vessel he should freight for England. He was a
man of wealth and influence, and might have been very
instrumental in introducing into use, the odious paper

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE.

and to encourageing those who were attached to the
views of the present ministry. Mr. Lee was aware of
this, and took every mode he could devise, to excite the
vengeance of the people against him. For this purpose,
he published the following address to the people of Vir-
ginia, which was admirably adapted to the comprehen-
sion of the people generally, and to the state of feeling
then existing.

« TO THE GOOD PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.*

"Friends and Fellow Citizens — It is the busi-
ness of every honest man, when he knows that any
thing is about to be done, by which his counirymen will
be ruined, to give them timely notice of the danger, that
they may take proper care to save themselves from the
destruction that threatens them. I shall, therefore,
point out the mischief; I do not doubt, that you will,
like brave and free born men, do your endeavour to
prevent it.

" When your fathers came first from England, to dis-
cover and settle this country, they had a right to, and did
enjoy, the same liberties with the rest of their fellow
subjects in England. And the king, at that time, knowing
what great benefit it would be to England, to settle this
country, and what great dangers the first settlers must
meet with, did give them his royal word, in an instru-
ment, called a charter, that they and their children, and
all who came after them, should hold their liberty and
property, as the people of England did, and as they
would have done, had they remained there. Now, one
of the best rights that Englishmen enjoy, is, that their
property, their living, shall not be taken from them, nor
any part of it, except by the consent of those members
or burgesses, whom they shall choose at their elections
to represent them. Because, if the burgesses, who are
chosen by them* and live among them, and have estates

* From Mr, Lee's manuscript

38 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENT l

among them, should lay a tax upon the country, they will
have to pay their proportionable part; and besides, if
they do wrong, and lay taxes without reason, the people
can turn them out, at the new elections. This reason-
able right, you know, my conlrymen, we have all along
enjoyed. Nor did one fellow subject in England, ever
doubt it, until lately, when the stamp act was passed;
which, if excuted, it is supposed, would take from this
poor country, at least, fifty thousand pounds sterling
every year; a sum twice as much, as all our taxes by our
assembly yet amount to, and which must ruin us all.
Nay, I question, whether in a few years, we should be
able to pay this tax, even though we should sell our lands
and slaves, ivith our ivives and children into the bargain.
And what is worse than this, if the stamp act should go
down here, the people of England will go on to tax us
every year, because the more they tax us, the less necessity
will there be to tax themselves. And because our free-
holders do not vote at their elections for members of
Parliament, and, therefore, cannot displace them, let them
do what they will. As it is well known from these rea-
sons, that the stamp act would certainly ruin the people
of this colony, by taking away their liberty with their
property; many of our worthy countrymen, by their
conduct at Williamsburg, the thirty-first of October last,
have hitherto prevented this cruel act, from going into
operation in Virginia; for no paper can now be had, as
the stamp master has resigned his office. This I am
told, is the case in all the other colonies; the people
every where, abhorring the act as we do. When this is
so well known to be the opinion every where, does it
not deserve your highest indignation, and ought you not

to punish in the severest manner, if he should do,

what he has the matchless impudence to declare he will
do? for he has said, he would clear out his vessel on
stamp paper, which he knows where to get — from

abroad no doubt. Now it is plain, if you permit

to set this example, other merchants will follow it,
and thus the stamp act, which is to destroy our liberty,

OF RICHARD HENUY LEE. 39

will be established in trade; from trade, will creep into
our courts of justice, and from thence, into every branch
of business id this country. Now is the time, my
countrymen, by nipping in the bud this wicked design,
to show the world, that you determine to hand down to
your children, the liberty given you by your fathers;
and that will not suffer the execution of the stamp
act, by which you, and your children are to be made
slaves, and your property to be taken from you by vio-
lence. On this occasion, every one should think alike;

every one should look on , as the greatest enemy

of his country, and who should be punished, unless he
immediately give up his intention to use stamp paper,
and publicly inform us of this change of his opinion.
Let us so do with this man, that fear may haunt him
in his dreams, and in the day find no safety, while he
gives every one of you reason to be his enemy, and
makes it your duty to be his foe. This self-interested man
says, it will be hard on him, not to send out his grain;
but, will it not be harder on the good people of Vir-
ginia, to loose their liberty? And shall we ever agree,
that the good of all, should be given up for the interest
of one man? Let it never be forgotten by my country-
men, that the safety of the people is the supreme law,
and that no private interest, nor any other consideration,
should destroy this.

A Virginia Planter/'

The boldness and energy, with which Mr. Lee op-
posed the stamp act, rendered him peculiarly obnoxious
to those, who from interest, or any other motive, were
attached to the authority of England. His popularity
and his eloquence, made him an object of their fear and
their hatred. It will readily be imagined, that every
effort was made to lessen his influence, both in the As-
sembly and with the people. Among the many arts used
by the adherents of arbitrary power, to effect this object,
the most alarming, was an accusation of having applied

40 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

for the place of stamp collector, and of having turned
an enemy to the act, and a popular demagogue, from dis-
appointment. This charge having had some ground to
support it, began to produce the eifect intended; at least,
among those who were not acquainted with Mr. Lee.
As he had explained the matter to the people of West-
moreland, they henceforth treated it with cop tempt] but
it now became necessary, to publish a candid account of
the motives which induced him, to make such applica-
tion, and afterwards to decline the appointment, even
before the final passage of the act. The statement of
the whole transaction, completely exculpated him from
the dishonourable motives alleged to have influenced
him in his conduct. His enemies had the mortification
to find, that their attempts to injure him, sened only to
raise him higher in public estimation; and to be still
more admired and caressed, as an able and patriotic as-
serter of the rights of his native country. His address
to the Editor of the Virginia Gazette, is here presented
to the reader.

WESTMORELAND,

Jxjlt 25, 1766.

" Sir — To remove the painful consideration that one
worthy person should be induced by misrepresentation,
to think ill of me, is the reason which prevails with me,
to desire you will be good enough to insert what follows,
in your next gazette.

" I am, Sir, your humble servant,

"Richard Henry Lee."

"Early in November, 1764, 1 was, for the first time,
informed by a gentleman of the intention of Parliament
to lay a stamp duty in America, with a friendly proposi-
tion on his part, to use his iufluence to procure for me
the office of stamp collector. I call it friendly, because
I believe the gentleman no more than myself, nor per-
haps a single person in this country, had at that time,
reflected the least, on the nature and tendency of such
an act, Considering this only in the light of a benefit

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE,

ml employment, I agreed the gentleman should write,
and I wrote myself. Jt was but a few days after my let-
ters were sent, that reflecting on the nature of the appli-
cation I had made, the impropriety of an American being
engaged in such an affair, struck me so strongly, that I
determined to exert every faculty I possessed, both in
private and public life, to prevent the success of a mea-
sure^ which I now discovered to be in the highest de-
gree, pernicious to my country. I considered that to
err, is certainly the portion of humanity; but that it was
the business of an honest man to recede from error as
soon as he discovered it; and that the strongest principle
of duty called upon every citizen to prevent the ruin of
his country, without being restrained by any considera-
tion which could interrupt the primary obligation. But
it did not appear to me that a promulgation of my appli-
cation was necessary, as I conceived that my actions
would be the strongest proofs of the rectitude of my
intentions. That such was the conduct held by me in
public, I desire not to be credited on my bare assertion,
but with confidence I appeal to the many worthy gentle-
men with whom I served in the General Assembly,
They know who first moved in the House of Burgesses,
for the address to his majesty, the memorial to the
Lords, and remonstrance to the House of Commons;
they also know what part I took in preparing those pa-
pers. For my uniform opinion and conduct in private,
I safely refer to all with whom I have the pleasure of an
acquaintance. Such being my principles and such my
Conduct long before my letters could possibly have
reached England, before the act passed, and therefore
before the appointment of any distributor, I leave the
impartial reader to determine, with what truth and pro-
priety it has been asserted, that my opinion of the act
was not discovered until I was certain of being disap-
pointed. But as a further/ confirmation, if a further is
necessary, of my early determination to depart from the
application I had made, no duplicates of my letters were
sversent; and by their not arriving until many month*

VOL. I,-^F

4,3 LTFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

after the appointment of distributor was made, no mea-
sure was ever taken by my friends in consequence of
what I had written. From this state of the case, as
exactly related, as my memory can serve me to relate
the circumstances of a transaction now of twenty months
standing, it will appear to every considerate and candid
person, that my proceeding amounts to nothing more
than the having made a hasty application, the impro-
priety of which was presently discovered, and a constant
tenor of conduct pursued, that operated (as far as my
powers could make it) to prevent my success in a point
I am very untruly supposed to have wished for until I
found myself disappointed. Thus much I have judged
it necessary to say in justice to my character, and to say
more would be trifling with the public.

4:IiicrJARD Henry Lee."

The stamp act was equally unpopular in other colo-
nies. Connecticut and New York, manifested particu-
lar abhorrence of the principle assumed in it; but Mas-
sachusetts led the northern and eastern colonies in their
opposition to the measure, exhibiting an early and clear
perception of its unconstitutionality, and a bold and pa-
triotic determination to resist it. Even now, she had
arisen the star of liberty in the east, which, beginning to
burn brightly, afterwards continued so steadily and glori-
ously to illuminate the bodies around her; while Virginia
to the south, was already glowing in the firmament, a
" living sapphir."

The ministry were now convinced, that nothing less
than military force could compel obedience to the stamp
act; and the people of England began to grow tired of a
measure, which without producing any practical good,
had already excited much dissension, and threatened
incalculable injury to the empire. The administration
of Lord Grenville having become unpopular, and the
king having taken offence at the manner in which the
regency bill had been drawn up, could no longer sustain
itself. The Marquis of Rockingham, an upright and

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

popular nobleman, was at the head of the new adminis-
tration: he had always disapproved of the proceedings
against America, and one of the first important acts of
his ministry, was the repeal of the stamp act; but this
was accompanied by a declaratory act, asserting the
right of the mother country, "to bind the colonies in
all cases whatever." The repeal, notwithstanding the
declaratory act, gave great joy, especially to the south.
The. commercial regulations still continued in force, and
the northern cities were far from being satisfied. Al-
though Mr. Lee participated in the joy so generally
expressed, he did not however cease to t'eel great appre-
hension from the spirit which appeared in the declara-
tory act. He constantly expressed his conviction that
the absolute authority thus formally asserted, would, ere
long, be again attempted in practice. Yet willing to
hope for the best, he did not wish to cloud unnecessarily,
the prospect of happier times. But his antipathy to the
stamp act, and its friends and supporters, was as strong,
as when it was hanging over the land. The following
anecdote will show this, and will also exhibit his zeal, in
behalf of the rights of his countrymen. His purse was
at the service of his country, and in this respect, he
continued throughout the revolutionary contest, to prove
his readiness to sacrifice his fortune, as well as his

talents and life, to promote her interests. Mr who

had been a supporter of the proceedings of the mother
country, had refused to join m the general joy, on the
repeal of the stamp act. This conduct was indignantly
beheld, and violently resented, by a warm, perhaps indis-
creet person of the name of Seers, and a verdict in
an action at law, was obtained against him by this adhe-
rent of kingly power. To show their detestation of
toryism, Mr. Lee, and at his suggestion, many inhabitants
of the county, subscribed money to satisfy the judgment.
A copy from the original manuscript, as written by
Mr. Lee, is here inserted. It contains the signatures of
the subscribers, in their own hand writing. And com-
paratively unimportant as it is, this list has often excited

41'

LIFE. AND CORRESPONDENCE

in the breast of the author, feelings of attachment to
the men, who seemed so devoted to their country. It
is one of those genuine evidences of the patriotic spirit
of the times, which is worthy of a place among re-
cords of apparently a more exalted character.

" In testimony of our entire approbation of the virtues
and manly spirit with which Mr. John Sears, of Essex
county, resented the contumacious and vicious conduct

of , in refusing to join the general joy of Virginia

on the repeal of that most arbitrary, unjust, and tyran-
nical act imposing stamp duties in America, and utterly
abhorring all principles by which he can be injured for
having so acted, we agree most willingly to pay the sum
of money, by each of us subscribed, to Mr. Sears, or his
order, on demand, thereby to prevent the bad conse-
quences of a late judgment obtained against him, and
also to evince our attachment to the cause of liberty bu
supporting its generous asserters*

Richard Henry Lee,

20 s:

hillings.

James Davenport,

do.

John Lee,

do.

Jno. Martin, -

do.

Francis L. Lee,

do.

more if necessary.

Richard Parker,

do.

my intention is to indemnify; more if ne
cessary.

Wm. Booth, -

do.

Thomas Lud\vell Lee,

do.

more if necessary

Wm Lee,

do.

Arthur Lee, -

do.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 45

CHAPTER III.

The repeal of the stamp act having restored harmony
between the mother country and the colonies, particu-
larly the southern colonies, nothing occurred, during
the short administration of Lord Rockingham, to excite
any sensation sufficient to call into public action the ta-
lents of the leading men in Virginia. Mr. Lee, though
now living more retired from public employment, still
gave a close attention to the political affairs of Great
Britain. He cultivated his acquaintance with gentlemen
of intelligence in England, and obtained from them the
earliest information on American affairs. This infor-
mation he was active in communicating to his fellow-
citizens by letters, conversation, and by publications-
Feeling a conviction that the opinions of British states-
men, no less than the wants of the British exchequer,
would lead to a repetition of the late violation of the
rights of the colonies, he endeavoured to prepare the
minds of the most influential men for effectual resist-
ance.

His biographer, in tracing Mr. Lee's public course
during the years 1765 and 1766, had no appropriate
place in which to mention an incident in his life, of great
and durable interest to himself, and of no little moment
to the public good. This was his first acquaintance
with the celebrated patriot and orator, Patrick Henry.
From the character and principles of these two men,
the reader will have anticipated the mention of the fact,
that a mutual admiration of each other quickly followed,
and that a warm friendship and hearty coalition on pub-
lic questions soon existed between them. This was the
certain consequence of the intercourse of men of such
congenial feeling and similar principles. This friend-

J(j LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ship and harmony of principle existed until their death
Two such men, during the period which followed, act-
ing in close and active concert, must have had a power-
ful influence on the public opinions and proceedings of
their native state. And, indeed, to ihe genius, integrity,
and eloquence of these great men may be attributed, in
a very considerable degree, the confessedly distinguished
part which Virginia acted in the revolution. They
aroused their fellow-citizens to a sense of their danger;
they cheered and animated them in the dark hours of
war and desolation; suggested the most efficient means
of resistance; and directed the patriotism, they found so
generally existing, to the wisest ends. The only sub-
jects on which they differed, in after times, were the
payment of British debts, and the necessity and propriety
of making paper money a legal tender for debts con-
tracted on the expectation of payment in coin. This
difference, however, produced no abatement in their
friendship, while it gave occasion to debates in the Vir-
ginia assembly, which exhibited as splendid and beauti-
ful specimens of eloquence, as ever excited the admira
tion and controled the proceedings of any deliberative
bodv, ancient or modern. Mr. Henrv observed to a son
of Richard H. Lee, who had the pleasure of serving a
session some years afterwards with him, "your father,
sir, and myself always agreed upon the great principles
of freedom. We differed on some questions of internal
policy, but liberty we alike fondly loved.5J He was not
a member of the Assembly of Virginia when Mr. Lee
moved the address to the king, the memorial to the lords.
&c. which have been mentioned. Mr. Lee, therefore
had not his aid in carrying, through the House of Bur-
gesses, that measure which was indisputably (at least
south of Massachusetts) the first legislative opposition to
the right of the mother country to tax America. Mr.
Lee, although a member of the House of Burgesses in
1705, had not reached Williamsburg when Mr. Henry
introduced his famous resolutions against the stamp act.
He, however, heartily concurred in the proprief

OV RICHARD HENRY LEE. jtft

adopting them, although doubts were entertained by all
the older members of the house. Both of these men
were remarkable, for that decision of character which
led them, thus early, through opposition and danger, to
advise resistance to the mother country.

The internal concerns of the colony, at this time, en-
gaged the attention of the House of Burgesses. The
leaders of the patriotic party were anxious to weaken,
by all the means in their power, the weight and influence
of the court party. The office of speaker of the house
and treasurer of the colony had long been united in the
same person. This circumstance had always given great
influence to the person holding these places, who was
always an adherent of the British court. Mr. Lee,
therefore, determined to make an effort to effect the se-
paration of the two offices, and accordingly moved, "that
the two offices be now separated, and be henceforth
filled by different persons." His motion met with vehe-
ment opposition; he resolutely urged it, Mr. Henry ad-
vocated it, and, after a long and animated debate, the
motion was adopted. This measure essentially aided the
popular cause, and removed a serious obstacle to the pa-
triotic resistance made, shortly afterwards, to the further
violation of American rights.

At this time the great earl of Camden, then Lord High
Chancellor of England, was known to be opposed to the
principles on which the English ministry were endea-
vouring to impose taxes upon America. He was known,
too, to cherish the most friendly sentiments towards the
American people, and had always been a supporter of
the popular features of the British constitution. The
great and commanding talents of Lord Camden, exerted
in the support of such sentiments, had endeared him to
the colonies, and rendered him more popular than even.
Lord Chatham. With a view to strengthen the good
opinion, and to ensure the exertions of this eminent
statesman and lawyer in behalf of America, Mr. Lee
1 sted, to his friends in Westmoreland, the idea of
ng a meeting of the people of the county, to ex-

48 LIFE AND CORKESP0NDENCE

press their thanks to Lord Camden for his opposition to
the stamp act, and to ask his aid in opposing all similar
attempts. He also proposed to them to subscribe money
enough to procure a likeness of Lord Camden, and to ask
his lordship to sit for it. It was intended to place this
portrait in the court-house of the county. A meeting was
called and numerously attended, and Mr. Lee's proposi-
tions were unanimously adopted. The requisite sum was
quickly raised, and Mr. Lee was appointed to address
Lord Camden, and inform him of the resolutions of that
meeting. The following is his letter to that nobleman

WESTMORELAND, Va.

"My Lord — Wonder not, that the people, in this
remote part of his majesty's dominions, revere your lord-
ship's character; and since there is no part of the Bri-
tish Empire, which does not feel the influence of Lord
Camden's virtues, America in particular, must ever
regard your lordship, as the patron of its liberty, best
possession of human nature.

Prompted by gratitude, they entreat your lordship to
accept their humble thanks, and to favour them with per-
mitting your likeness to be taken, that it may remain a
memorial to posterity, of their veneration, and of the.
inestimable benefit derived to British America, from your
lordship's protection.

I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's
most obedient and devoted servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

To theRt. Hon. ChaMes Lord Camden,
Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain."

Mr. Lee was appointed to carry into effect the wishes
of the people. He accordingly wrote to Mr. Edmund
Jennings, a gentleman in London, of great virtue and
respectability, and a friend to the colonies. His letter
to that gentleman, while it shows the devotion of Mr.
Lee, to the rights of America, evinces his predilection
for the natives of his country. In this letter is contained,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 49

the earliest mention, which the author recollects to have
seen, of our famous countryman, West.

CHANTILLY, Va.

June!, 1767,

*■' Dear Sir — I hope your goodness will pardon me,
for the trouble I am going to give you. The gentlemen
of Westmoreland, having a great veneration for the cha-
racter of Lord Camden, particularly for his honourable
support of America's liberty against the stamp act, wish
much to have his lordship's picture to grace their court
house. For this purpose, they have paid into my hands
161. 8s. for which, I enclose you two bills of exchange,
and beg the favour of you, to wait on Lord Camden,
with the enclosed letter; which intreats his lordship's
permission, to the taking of his picture. This being
obtained, I must leave to your judgment, the choice of
a limner, only observing that the gentlemen would prefer
Reynolds, unless you think his difference in price,
greater than his superiority in painting. Indeed, I can-
not help observing for my part, that I think Mr. West
being an American, ought to be preferred in this matter,
if his skill should approach near to that of the best lim-
ner, as I am told it does.

I must again entreat your forgiveness, for troubling
you in this affair. I thought you would not be displeased,
at this testimony of our esteem for the patriot, whose
virtue has saved our common country.

I am with much esteem, dear sir, your affectionate
and obedient servant,

Richard Henry Lee,

To Edmund Jenings,

at his Chambers, Lincoln Inn, London.'*

Mr. Jenings delivered Mr. Lee's letter, and the reso-
lutions of the people of Westmoreland, to Lord Cam-
den, who promised to comply with their request; but
he deferred it so long, and on such pretences, that Mr.
Jenings thought, that he deemed it prudent not to

VOL. I.— G

50 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

fulfil his promise. Mr. Jenings' letters on the subject
are as follow:

" Dear Sir — As I have now but little hope of execu-
ting the commission of the gentlemen of Westmoreland,
it would be improper in me, longer to detain their sub-
scription money; and therefore, if you will draw on me
at Mr. James Russel's, your bill shall be duly honoured.

I have taken much pains, be assured, to obtain Lord
Camden's portrait, and am sorry for the sake of the
gentlemen of Westmoreland, and for his lordship's and
my own honour, that I have not succeeded. I once
thought myself sure of it; but am now taught that men
here, have other ambition, than to be esteemed and
honoured by their fellow citizeus. Should the varying
politics of this country suffer his lordship at any fu-
ture time, to sit to a limner, I shall take the liberty of
troubling you, to induce the gentlemen of Westmore-
land, to honour me with the acceptance of his portrait
from me.

The newspapers here, talk of changes and a coalition
of parties. I am indifferent to the first, and I think the
last would be dangerous; the first would produce no
change of measures, and the last would be an irretriev-
able confirmation of public mischief. Nothing but a
new system can give comfort to the people, and honour
to his majesty; and it is thought, no new systems are
likely to be voluntarily adopted, but must necessarily
arise from some dreadful calamity.

I am, dear sir, yours most affectionately,

Edmund Jenings.

London, August 17, 1768."

u Dear Sir — In my last letter to you, I expressed my
concern, that I could not execute the commission the
gentlemen of Westmoreland had entrusted to me. Lord
Camden, after having appointed several different times
for Mr. West's attending on him, hath at length, it seems,
totally forgot his promise. The times are so bad, that

OF RICHARD HENKY LEE,

no man can be depended on, and therefore, although his
lordship has done undoubted service to America and to
England too, yet, I am not sure, if the general rumour is
to be believed, but that he will adopt a system, in a line
different from that, which fair fame and honest inde-
pendence would mark out.*

Draw for the money, and should his lordship at any
time recollect his engagement, and be worthy of your
approbation and honouring, I shall beg the gentlemen,
to accept from me, his portrait.

I am, your faithful humble servant,

Edmund Jenings."

Mr. Lee and his fellow citizens, were very anxious to
have a likeness of Lord Chatham also. This was inti-
mated to Mr. Jenings; but as Lord Chatham was at the
head of the ministry, it was thought indecorous to re-
quest him to sit for it. Mr. Jenings however, had a
very fine likeness of him copied, and sent it, as a present,
to the people of Westmoreland, and it is still in the
court-house of that county. On receiving this portrait,
Mr. Lee wrote the following letter to Mr. Jenings:

CHANTILLY, Va.

Mat 31, 1769.

"Dear Sir — The gentlemen of Westmoreland, desire
me to return their hearty thanks to you, for your very
genteel present of Lord Chatham's picture. It arrived
in fine order, and is very much admired. They propose
to place it in the court house, thinking the assembly
may furnish themselves, with his lordship's picture.

The gentlemen are not without hopes, that they may
yet obtain Lord Camden's portrait, as they seem very
unwilling to believe, that that great man can so aposta-
tize from a virtuous cause, so ably and invincibly de-
fended by himself, as to put it out, even, of his own
power, to make the American so much, as doubtful

* He was mistaken

52 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

Dr. Lee, my brother, can show you the proceedings of
our last Assembly, by which, you may judge, how bright
the flame of liberty burns here, and may surely con-
vince a tyrannous administration, that honesty and epuity
alone, can secure the cordiality and affection of Vir-
ginia.

I am, dear sir, your affectionate friend,

Richard Henry Lee."

In the year 1767, two acts affecting the colonies
passed the Parliament. One was the revenue act of
'67, framed by Charles Townshend, laying ataxontea;
the other, was an act requiring the legislature of the
colony, " to make provision for quartering a part of the
regular army." Although the tax on tea was but three
pence per pound, Mr. Lee quickly perceived the vicious
principle assumed, and he renewed his efforts to awaken
the minds of his countrymen to the dangers that threat-
ened them from these acts, which, if once submitted to,
would (to use his own words, quoted before) reduce his
country to a state worse than that " of Egyptian bond-
age." The reconciliation produced by the repeal of the
stamp act, had never been as sincere and hearty to the
north, as it had been to the south, in consequence of
the trade laws. The late duties on paints, glass, and
tea, oppressed the commerce of the large trading towns
of the northern colonies. This state of feeling was ex-
hibited, in the proceedings of the assembly of New
York. It refused obedience to the act concerning the
billeting of the regular soldiery. The ministry resented
this disobedience, and suspended the legislative powers
of that province. This proceeding produced great sen-
sation throughout the colonies. Mr. Lee, a watchful
sentinel on the walls of freedom, immediately discerned
the approach of danger, and while it was yet at a dis-
tance, he determined to make every effort, to convince
his fellow subjects in Virginia, that this measure of the
ministry, threatened them with equal danger. Accord-
ingly, he moved, in the House of Burgesses, as soon as.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

it commenced its session, a petition to the king, stating
in strong and pointed terms, the grievances under which
the colonies suffered, in consequence of the proceedings
against the colony of New York, and the existence of
the revenue laws, and praying for a redress of them.
The original draught of this petition, is in the posses-
sion of the author. The following is a letter which Mr.
Lee wrote to a gentleman, of influence in England, on
these subjects.

CHANTILLY, Va.

Makch 27, 1768.

" Mr Dear Sir — 'Tis a pleasing reflection to one
who loves his country, that some few, at least, are to be
found, who watch over the public good, and having wis-
dom to discern with spirit to promote, the general good,
will not silently suffer encroachments to be made on the
rights and liberty, of the community. My long acquaint
ance with you, my friend, gives me a right to number
you, among such worthy citizens. It being a common
observation, does not lesson the value of it, that a pru-
dent man should lend his assistance to extinguish the
flames, which had invaded the house of his next door
neighbour, and not coldly wait, until the flame had
reached his own. History does not more clearly point
out, any fact than this, that nations which have lapsed
from liberty, to a state of slavish subjection, have been
brought to this unhappy condition, by gradual paces.
Great Britain, it seems, having discovered the error of
attempting our ruin, by one bold and general stroke?
has, at length, fallen on a method of singly attacking
the colonies, hoping that the others will quietly behold
the destruction of one, not immediately and sensibly,
connected with the rest. But, though, the billeting act
is not yet enforced upon us, we are equally with New
York in the view of that oppressive measure, for I can-
not agree to call it law. An act for suspending the le-
gislature of that province, hangs, like a flaming sword,
over our heads, and requires, by all means, to be re-

54 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

tnoved. The late duties on paints and glass, though not
perhaps, literally, a violation of our rights, yet as the
connection between us and the mother country, renders
it necessary that we should, excluding all other nations,
take manufactures, only from her, in this light, the im-
position becomes arbitrary, unjust, and destructive of
that mutually beneficial connection, which every good
subject would wish to see preserved. To obtain redress,
sir, on these points, and to inform posterity what were
our sentiments on them, it seems indispensably neces-
sary, that a dutiful, decent, but firm address, should be
presented to his majesty, by the Assembly, requesting his
royal interposition, for the repeal of these acts. This
method, you know, my friend, is constitutional. The
subject, when aggrieved, has a right to appeal to the
sovereign, for redress; and we have his royal word for
it, (in a late speech to Parliament,) that he will equally
protect the rights of all his people.

The unhappy wound,* which I received in my hand,
will not yet permit me to travel, and indeed, I am sorry
for it, as it would give me great pleasure to add, on this
occasion, my poor assistance, to the friends of liberty,
contending for their country's rights.

I am, yours with esteem, &c.

Richard Henry Lee."

The author, while looking over a manuscript letter-
book of Mr. Lee, was struck with the devotion with
which he gave himself to the interest of his country. It
seems to have commanded his heart with unceasing soli-
citude. Even in his private concerns, he never lost sight
of this subject. In a letter to a merchant in London,
he enclosed a list of persons in his county who had sub-

* Mr. Lee received a wound in his hand, by the bursting of a
gun, while shooting swans. By this accident, he lost all the fin-
gers of one hand. He was, however, able to go to Williamsburg,
to the meeting of the House of Burgesses.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 55

scribed for a quantity of tea; that part of the letter which
relates to the tea, cannot fail to interest the reader. In
the conclusion of it, he thus writes:

" I have been concerned to find, that your friends here
are much surprised and displeased at the charge you
have made of the parliamentary duty on tea. I confess
it is extremely disagreeable to me, and I earnestly en-
treat that you, sir, whom we esteem here as our very
good friend, would not lend a helping hand to deprive
us of the most valuable of all possessions, our liberty.
But certainly an arbitrary ministry will for ever proceed
to tax and distress us, if they find the merchants will
condescend to become their collectors, and so make the
collection of a duty easy, which otherwise they never can
get in. And I am very sure, that nothing can prevent
the people here from regarding the trade as their most
deadly foe, if they join in making easy of execution those
oppressive acts. This act, levying a duty on paper, glass,
tea, &c. is so unjust, and so badly contrived, that it never
can be executed; and you run no risk here, however the
collectors may bully and make a noise; for it is certain
they do not know what to demand, and dare not detain
a ship on account of these duties." Here follows the
subscription for the tea; the original paper, which is
written by Mr. Lee, (a copy was sent to the merchant,)
concludes thus: " We, who subscribe this paper, do
oblige ourselves to pay to J. R. Esq. Merchant, in Lon-
don, or his order, on demand, for the quantity of tea by
each of us subscribed for. But it is on this express con-
dition that we desire the tea to be sent, that Mr. R. does
not make the charge of the late parliamentary duty on
tea, as we prefer our liberty to the gratification of our
palates, and do not choose to drink our destruction in a
cup of tea. Given under our hands and seals, this 27th
June, 1768."

It may not, perhaps, be an unpleasant interruption to
the strict narrative of this Memoir, to present the reader,
in this place, with some letters to Mr. Lee, from his

56 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

brother Arthur Lee, Esq.* who was, at this time, m
London; and, from his intimacy with many of the lead-
ing characters in England at that day, had an opportu-
nity of seeing and hearing every thing which had any
relation to the colonies. From the first dawn of the " new
colony system," the party in England which was called
the " whig" or popular party, took part with the colonies.
Lords Chatham, Camden, Shelburne, &,c. and Home,
Dunning, Barre, were among them. Mr. Lee enjoyed
the honour of the acquaintance and friendship of these
persons. Hence his letters, particularly those written
in the early stage of our disputes with the mother coun-
try, will be found very interesting to politicians. From
no history, or collection of contemporaneous papers, can
be obtained a more minute detail of the circumstances
of the times; a more accurate acquaintance with the
conspicuous characters of England, and with the schemes
and policy of the different parties, which espoused or op-
posed the interests of the colonies, than from the letters
of Arthur Lee to his brother. One or two of these let-
ters will here follow: many others will be found in a
subsequent part of this Memoir, and in the Appendix,
No. 1.

LONDON, 1767.

" Tho' my dear brother's solicitude about my not fre-
quently and freely writing to him, is exceedingly pleasing
to me, as it shows he values my love, as highly as I prize
his, yet I cannot acquiesce in the justice of his complaint
For considering the great attention due to the study in
which I am now engaged, and the many friends to whom
I am bound to write, great indulgence should be granted

* Arthur Lee was an agent in London, of the colony of Massa-
chusetts Bay, before the Revolution. He was afterwards one of
our commissioners at the court of France : he was also commis-
sioner from the United States to Spain and Prussia. On his re-
turn to America, he was elected one of the board of treasury, and
a member of Congress, for several years, from Virginia. He was
one of the most learned men of his day, and an able and distin-
guished diplomatist

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 57

to me, both in point of the frequency and length of my
letters.* Neither, indeed, does the state of things furnish
matter for much writing. The little detail of politics is
too despicable to slander even your leisure hours with;
and there is no probability of any change in men or mea-
sures with us.

" You will see by the last resolution of the bill of rights,
which I desired our brother to send you, what hope we
entertain, and what plan we have adopted, to obtain a
redress of grievances. You will know the author, by
the style, If the people cannot be roused to take some
effectual measures at the next general election, " actum
est de libertate." Mrs. M'Cauley has written to me, ap-
proving highly of the proceedings of the bill of rights.
I am under some apprehension of having lost the patro-
nage of Lord Shelburne and Col. Barre, by the part I
have taken in the proceedings. Their tools conducted
the attempt to dissolve the society, and destroy Mr.
Wilkes, whether by their particular direction, I do not
know. But as I voted against them, and as their failure
has totally sacrificed the popularity of Lord Shelburne,
it is not improbable, that he will consider me as a parti-
san against him, and therefore not entitled to his favour.
They are both abroad at present; when they return, your
presents shall be delivered. But, whatever may happen^
I shall be satisfied with having acted honestly. The
public cause, and particularly that of America, which in-
duced me to engage in the society, was the mover of my
conduct. Townsend is an opiniated, overgrown school-
boy; Home is a malevolent, vain, petulant, impudent
priest. The former, in his conceit and folly, thought he
could lead the city; the other, in his vanity and knavery,
conceived that his abilities were equal to Townsend's
ambition, and that he should be rewarded. The event

* Mr. A. Lee was, at this time, a student of law. He became
a conspicuous and successful advocate, and was in habits of inti-
macy with Dunning and Glynn, and was often engaged in cases
with them. He had studied medicine in Edinburg, and graduated
with the botanical prize.

VOL. I.— H

58 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

has shown how weak their judgment was, and how im-
potent their endeavours were, when separated from those
who gave them weight and importance with the people.
They never appear in public without being hissed; and
at a late meeting of the livery, there were but five who
voted for recommending Mr. Townsend to the common
halt, as lord mayor for the ensuing year. Lord Shel-
burne suffers for all their follies, and has, therefore, lost
his popularity in the city. Expecting redress only from
the people, I am determined to stand with them, how-
ever my particular interest might advise a different course.
You know, by experience, how little profit, and how
much obloquy attends such a principle; but you know, too,
how much satisfaction springs from a conviction of its
rectitude. The present lord mayor and Alderman
Bridges will be returned by the livery, and if the alder-
men choose Bridges, he will constitute the other his
locum tenens, so that popular councils will still prevail
in the city. Crosby is a plain, determined man, who
courts no great man, and looks to the people for appro-
bation and support. He will be returned next year, with
Wilkes, so that the aldermen will have little to choose
between them, and the liberties of the city will be up-
held. I am much obliged to you for your present, duck
and brandy. She appears very disconsolate without a
mate. The partridges were, by mismanagement, let
loose at sea, and perished in the ocean.*

The chief political object, in Europe, at present, is
Russia, unless a cession of what she has conquered
should procure the Turk an ignominious peace. The
revolt of Egypt, will, probably, oblige the Ottoman, to
sheath the Russian sword, at any price. Whether the
encouraging of so tremendous a power, and especially,
the promoting of the Zarina's wish of establishing a
large, disciplined and formidable navy, be sound policy
in us, to me, is doubtful. We may be cherishing a ser-
pent, which will strike us to the heart.

* Mr. A. Lee was making a collection of tlio natural produc-
tions, 8cc. of America.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 59

I do not think it in the least, probable, that any change
will take place in administration, unless in consequence
of a war. That is an event, which the endeavours of
the present men, seconded by the disturbances and in-
ability of France, will place at a great distance. The
present men do the king's business better than he could
find; why then should he change them? Most assuredly,
it must be the necessity of the last extremity which will
move him, to admit a single man of virtue, within the
circle of his throne. An impeaching Parliament might
be a more effectual remedy than a war ; but there is still
less expectation of this, than of that. The Lords Chat-
ham and Shelburne, will then only come in, when it is
necessary to cultivate the people, to support a war, or to
sooth the rage of an impeaching House of Commons,"
&c. &c.

" Very melancholy, my dear brother, is the prospect of
our affairs, and little apparent hope, that any attention
will be paid, to the just rights of America. The present
ministry, arbitrary and anti-American as they are, have
for their opponents, men, who, for the most part, are
despotic in their views, and who found their opposition
upon the inefficacious and pusillanimous lenity of the
present proceedings against the colonies. As the views
of the court are unquestionably despotic, on the Ame-
rican question, it is sure, that those who talk in the most
absolute style, are the most agreeable. Temple and
Greriville are the men, I mean, with my Lord Egremont,
whose principles are as inconsistent with liberty, as fire
with water. The present administration is weak, be-
cause they acted as oppressors ; but should this new
set come in, being regarded as patriots, they will have
the stronger support in subverting the constitution of
America.

So circumstanced here, the cause of American liberty
would be desperate indeed, if it find not a firm support,
in the virtuous and determined resolution of the people
of America. This is our last, our surest hope, this our
trust and refuge. To encourage and invigorate this

(JO LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

spirit, must be the constant endeavour of every patriot,
sipatrice volumus, si nobis vivere cari.

The Rockingham party have refused to take the lead
in obtaining the repeal of the duty acts. The merchants
are very averse to present any petition to Parliament for
that purpose, because it is disagreeable to the ministry.
Possibly they may be stirred up, before the holydays are
over. They do not yet feel enough. My Lord Shel-
burne and his adherents, are the wisest and soundest
supporters of America ; but I doubt, whether they will
be willing to take the lead. In a few days I go to Lord
Shelburne's country seat, by express invitation, to spend
some time; while there, I hope to animate him to a more
vigorous advocation of our cause.

The House of Lords have passed several resolves,
very violent against all the proceedings at Boston, and
voted an address to his majesty, against the treasonable
practices suspected there, and to bring the authors of them
over here, for trial. The justice of this, they found on
a statute of Henry Seventh, which by a resolve of the
house, they extend to America. I will not anticipate
your reflections on this proceeding. They were sent
down to the Commons, and their concurrence desired;
but they have deferred the consideration of them, until
after the holydays. To pave the way for these measures,
a very partial presentment of papers was made to the
house, by the ministry; all the incendiary letters of Go-
vernor Bernard, with the most trifling occurrences of
the " sons of liberty/' down to their drinking the health
of Paoli and the Corsicans; but the paragon of impu-
dence, and malevolence was, a letter from the commis-
sioners at Boston, full of misrepresentations and invec-
tive. Nothing was read on the other side, but the Bos-
ton petition; and this will be, forever, the treatment of
Americans here; from whence, therefore, they are to
expect neither justice nor favour.

The public liberty here, has gained a signal victory
over court despotism, in the election, of Sergeant Glynn,
Wilkes' friend and advocate, for this county, against all

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, fl|

the influence of Beauchamp Proctor, with an hired
mob, bribery and ministerial influence. The party of
Mr. Wilkes, is strong in the House of Commons. His
having published the letter you will receive with this,
prefaced by some strong animadversions, on the detest-
able intention of its authors, has increased the hatred of
the ministry to absolute rage; in consequence of which,
they procured a vote in the House of Lords, branding it
as a seditious and inflammatory libel, with a conference
to invite the concurrence of the Commons, but this they
could not obtain, and therefore, they adjourned the ques-
tion until after the holydays, when it will be abandoned.
Then, too^ a petition he has presented, praying to be
permitted to prosecute Philip Carteret Webb, guilty of
bribery and perjury, with the public money, and to have
the Lords Sandwich and March examined, touching the
matter, is ordered to be heard. The Commons sent a
message to the Lords, desiring that those Peers might
attend in their house, which was voted a breach of pri-
vilege. The conference was held, but the Commons
were firm, and the two lords were permitted to attend.

I have dined with Wilkes, in the King's Bench. He
speaks very warmly of America, and highly applauds
their proceedings. The Farmer's Letters are much read
here, but to little purpose, though universally admired,
and no answer attempted. They continue of the same
opinion, without a single reason for it, and continue in
obstinacy, what they began in ignorance. Lord Hills-
borough told me, he was both greatly pleased and in-
formed by them, but he wished Mr. Dickinson had ac
commodated his reasoning to the necessity of a supreme
power. I observed, that Mr. Locke had executed that
with great perspicuity. This lord is affable and plausi-
ble, has a routine of argument which he uses to every
one, and on all occasions, without giving time for an an-
swer. He appears to me to be extremely shallow, and
he is detested in Ireland, for his arbitrary principles.
I send you with this, a number of the North Briton,

£2 . LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

containing Wilkes' letter, the Public Advertiser, and
two pamphlets concerning America.

I have written only two pieces published in the Gazet-
teer, giving an account of the proceedings at Boston,
with some remarks on them. One of them is reprinted
in the Gentlemen's Magazine for November. I am me-
ditating two pamphlets, under the titles of an Address
to the Merchants, and a Summary of the Arguments on
both sides of the American Question. Whether I shall
finish them I cannot determine. The load of prejudice
seems almost immoveable, and pours despair, on all our
attempts to bring this country, to reason

My best love attend you all — my cordial 2;ood wishes
await the friends of liberty, and their transactions. Once
more let me remind you, that no confidence is to be re-
posed, in the justice or mercy of Great Hntain; and that
American liberty, must be entirely of American fabric.

Adieu, my dear brother,

Arthur Lee."*

In the year 1768, it had become evident to every per-
son, even of ordinary sagacity, that a struggle for colo-
nial liberty must take place. The idea was terrible, to
the greater part of the people. The stoutest hearts
were agitated by the anticipation. It was not so with
Mr. Lee. He, even then, believed, that the colonies
would be able, if united, to maintain, at least, a long
and honourable effort for liberty; and that the policy of
France especially, and of other European nations, would
lead them to succour them. To produce unanimity so
necessary to success, was the great object, which en-
gaged, from this time, his unceasing efforts, and unwea-
ried reflections. His biographer thinks, he can assert
with the greatest truth, that Mr. Lee was the first per-
son, who suggested the idea of corresponding com-
mittees to be organized by the legislatures of the colo-

* See further on these subjects, in his correspondence in the
years '68 and '69, in Appendix, No. 1.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, Q§

nies; and of corresponding clubs or societies among
" the lovers of liberty, in the several states," for the
purpose of informing the people, on the subject of their
constitutional rights, and of giving them the earliest in-
formation of their violation; and of urging them to a
timely and united resistance. His object, from this time,
was independence. All the schemes, he henceforth
suggested, all the measures he advised, contemplated
much more than a mere redress of grievances. It has
been seen that as far back as the year '64, he had
hinted the idea, that " this step of the mother country,
(the declaratory act of Grenville,) which was the first
attack on our rights, and the fruitful parent of all the
rest, though intended to oppress, and keep us low, in
order to secure our dependence may be subversive of
that end." The possibility, of which he spoke, appeared
to him, to be rapidly approaching to a probability, that
an early and judicious understanding should exist be-
tween the legislatures, and also, between the most influ-
ential men in the colonies, seemed an object of great
importance; indeed, this appeared to him, the only ef-
fectual mode of producing united action, and consenta-
neous sentiment.

In 1773, the House of Burgesses of Virginia, about the
same time with the Massachusetts Assembly, adopted
the idea, and carried it into effect, by appointing a stand-
ing committee of six persons, " whose business it shall
be, to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence
of all such acts and resolutions of the British Parlia-
ment, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to,
or affect the British colonies in America; and to keep
up and maintain a correspondence and communication
with our sister colonies, respecting those important con-
siderations, and the result of their proceedings, from
time to time, to lay before this house." Mr. Lee was
one of this committee. The motion for its appointment,
was made by Dabney Carr, Esq., a young gentleman
of great promise, whose speech, on the occasion, evin-
ced superior talents, and ardent patriotism. This mea-

£4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

sure, it has been said by historians of Britain and
America, was the most efficient means of opposition,
which had yet been devised to direct the energies of the
people, and to produce that firm union which finally se-
cured American liberty. Ample praise has been given
to the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Virginia, for
having been the first to appoint corresponding commit-
tees. From the honour due to them as collective bodies,
the author would not detract. But, for the sagacity of
Richard Henry Lee, may be claimed the merit of hav-
ing first suggested this measure, and of having formed
private corresponding societies among the leading men
of the several colonies, four or five years, before the
plan was thus publicly adopted. General Gadsden, of
South Carolina, a few years before his death, remarked,
while addressing an assemblage of citizens on the fourth
of July, that Richard Henry Lee had invited him, to
become a member of a private corresponding society as
early as the year '68, which, Mr. Lee informed him, he
was endeavouring to establish, between the influential
men in the colonies. He stated, that Mr. Lee described
his object to be, to obtain a mutual pledge from the
members, to write for the public journals or papers,
of their respective colonies, and converse with, and in-
form the people, on the subject of their rights, and their
wrongs, and upon all seasonable occasions, to impress
upon their minds, the necessity of a struggle with
Great Britain, for the ultimate establishment of inde-
pendence.

In support of the honour here claimed for Mr. Lee,
as being the original devisor of corresponding commit-
tees between the colonial assemblies and of private cor-
responding clubs, as early as the year '68, the following
letter, taken from the original copy in Mr. Lee's hand-
writing, is presented to the reader. It was addressed to
Mr. Dickinson. In it, Mr. Lee invites him, to com-
mence a correspondence with him, and proposes the
consideration of the expediency and importance of esta-
blishing corresponding committees between the several

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. $$

legislatures, and an association of the friends of liberty
in the colonies. In another letter written about the
same time, he endeavours to enforce his opinion, that
the policy heretofore pursued by the ministry, against
America, would not be abandoned, although the stamp
act had been repealed. He expresses his opinion, that
the declaratory act, which accompanied the repeal, was,
a just cause of complaint, to the colonies; and that un-
less its assertion of the unlimited authority rt to bind
America in all cases/5 was denied by their legislatures,
" the poison, unattended by its antidote, might be used,
to the destruction of the body politic."

CHANTILLY, Va.

July 25, 1768.

" Sir — As a friend to the just and proper rights of
human nature, but particularly as an American, I ac-
knowledge great obligation to you, for the wise and well-
timed care, you have taken of our common liberty.

Whilst men in general, are thoughtless and indolent,
spirit and wisdom are necessary to rouse and inform
minds, that incline to what is right, and wish happiness.
You, sir, on this occasion, have the honour of giving a
just alarm, and of demonstrating the late measures to be,
at once, destructive of public liberty, and in violation of
those rights which God and nature have given us.

To prevent the success of this unjust system, an
union of counsel and action among all the colonies, is
undoubtedly necessary. The politician of Italy deliver-
ed the result of reason and experience, when he pro-
posed the way to conquest, by division. How to effect
this union, in the wisest and firmest manner, perhaps,
time and much reflection, only, can show. But well to
understand each other, and timely to be informed of
what passes, both here and in Great Britain, it Would
seem that not only select committees should be appointed
by all the colonies, but that a private correspondence
should be conducted between the lovers of liberty in
every province.

VOL, h — I

6(3 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

From my brother, Dr. Lee, I have been informed of
the kindness, with which you have expressed your
willingness to begin a correspondence with me. To
effectuate this good purpose, sir, I have taken the ear-
liest opportunity of informing you, that when you are
pleased to write, your letter to me by post, directed to
the care of Dr. Mortimer, Hobb's Hole, Virginia, will
meet with a safe conveyance.

I am, sir, with singular esteem, your most obedient
and humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

I'o John Dickinson,

Philadelphia."

CHANTILLY, Va.

November 26, 1768.

" Dear Sir — That I might not be troublesome, is
the only reason, which has hitherto prevented me from
answering your agreeable favour of the first of Au-
gust*

It is greatly to be regretted that any consideration
could prevail, with so potent and so flourishing a peo-
ple, as those of Pennsylvania, to be silent, when the
liberty of America is thus dangerously invaded; when
her sister colonies are generously contending against
oppression, and an union of the whole, would, infallibly
establish the public freedom and security. To what
purpose do her merchants toil, and her people labour
for wealth, if arbitrary will, uninfluenced by reason, and
urged by interest, shall reap the harvest of their dili-
gence and industry? I wish her people may not disco-
ver, when it is too late, that the blessings of liberty, flow
not from timid and selfish policy. I do not observe that
your Assembly have expressed, even the least dislike to
the late duty act, although all England now agrees, its

* The author regrets that he has not found Mr. Dickinson's
answer to Mr. Lee's first letter. His manuscripts were, for a
long time carelessly kept, and a great number of them, have
been lost.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. Qf

principal intention to be, to establish a precedent for
American taxation, by the British Parliament.

Our long expected governor has arrived.* His lord-
ship's good sense, affability and politeness, give general
pleasure; but, how his political opinions agree with those
of Virginia, remains to be known. Our late Assembly
is dissolved, and writs have been issued for the choice
of a new one, to meet, it is said, in May next; at which
meeting, it is reported, we are to be informed, that his
majesty having seen, disapproves of our objections to
the late duty acts, and is determined to support the au-
thority, and directs the act of the sixth of his own reign,
commonly called the Bill of Rights, to be laid before
our Assembly. It is supposed, that the silence of the
House on this occasion, would be highly acceptable to
government; but the propriety of being silent, is a ques-
tion much agitated here. Say the time-serving men,
" the Assembly has denied, and the king has asserted
those rights, the matter ought to rest, not taking the
least notice of it," and this, on a supposition, that the
principle asserted, will not again be carried into execu-
tion. On the other hand, it is contended, that silence
in this case must, by all the world, be deemed a tacit
giving up our rights, and an acknowledgement, that the
British Parliament may, at pleasure, tax the unrepre-
sented Americans; that every kind of reason makes it
probable, that destructive execution would soon follow
so dangerous an admission. The facts, it seems, are
these: — on the stamp act being known here, the Assem-
bly asserted their right of exemption from British taxes;
since that time, the Parliament, by an act, declare the
binding force of their legislature over America, in every
instance. But this act never having been laid before
the Assembly by authority, and the stamp act being re-
pealed, the bill of rights passed off unnoticed. How-
ever, the world soon saw an intention to avail themselves
of this declaratory act, by the passage of the ill-judged

* Lord Bottetourt

£g LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

duty bill. To this act, the Assembly again object, and
by petition, entreat his majesty's interposition, for the
security of their rights, against the principles of that
act. Should a new Assembly be told, that these objec-
tions were disapproved, that the authority of the British
Parliament must be supported, and the bill of rights be
kid before them, by the highest authority, how would
silence in such a case, be construed? The reception of
the act would be registered, but no objection would fol-
low. The poison, unattended by the antidote, may be
used for the destruction of the body politic. I confess,
I cannot go along with those who would derive security
from submission. Is it to be supposed, that so sen-
sible a people as the English, would disturb the peace
of all North America, and endanger their most valuable
trade here, for the poor purpose of establishing a prin-
ciple, they never meant to execute! This, it seems to
me, would be sottishness, not wisdom. When oppor-
tunity permits, I should b&extremely glad to know your
sentiments on these important points, for indeed, I am
never so wedded to any opinion, that I cannot yield to
clear and superior reason.

I am, with very particular esteem, your obedient and
humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee,

To John Dickinson,

Philadelphia.*'

Mr. Dickinson, in a congenial spirit, and with corre?
pondent sentiments, thus replies: —

" Sir — I have the pleasure to find my sentiments
agreeing entirely with those expressed in your favour of
the twenty-sixth of November. Claims so unreasonable
in their nature, made on private persons, may be past
over in silence and contempt. But in affairs of a higher
dignity, transacted between different stales, or different
orders of the same state, the preservation of mutual
respect, and the fatal tendency of precedents, seemindis-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. QQ

pensibly to require objections, at once firm and respect-
ful to be made, where the parties have a right or a cause
to object. 1 presume, no " time-servingv gentlemen
would choose, in case the declaratory act is laid before
the House by government, that their silence should be
construed into a contempt of the claim. As little should
I imagine, would any good citizen have it attributed to
fear, to a validity of the stamp act, or a want of virtue
in the Assembly. Yet to one of them, will the people
of England, and to another, will the people of America,
attribute it. Any thing done by the Assembly, before
the Parliamentary declaration of a right to bind Ame-
rica, in all cases whatsoever, was formally notified to
them, will be regarded by the administration as waved, if
that declaration is submissively received. I am credibly
informed, that Lord Chatham has said, " that in the time
of the stamp act, he could well say, that Great Britain
could not constitutionally tax America, but that he could
not well say this, since the declaratory act." It is said to be
another expression of that statesman, that the adminis-
tration should, on the present occasion, u pursue vigor-
ous measures, with moderation." I apprehend, that by
reversing the maxim of his lordship, we shall take the
true course for promoting our own interests, that is, by
pursuing moderate measures, with vigour. We are push-
ing a vessel against a strong stream. Over hasty zeal,
will infallibly hurt us; and on the other hand, if wo
indolently intermit our efforts for a moment, we shall be
hurried down the current. Virginia, sir, has maintained
the common cause, with such attention, spirit, and tem-
per, as has gained her the highest degree of reputation,
among the other colonies. It is as much in her power,
to dishearten them, as to encourage them. I suppose,
all that can be apprehended from the resentment of
Government, is a dissolution. A measure! that if the
ministers would but consider the reign of the Stuarts,
they might be sure, would only strengthen the opposition
to their designs. Weak men! that mandates dictated
t>y passion, can serve the crown, or injure the cause of

70 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

freedom among those, who value that blessing as they
ought. The king's speech is throughout, a very extra-
ordinary one. We perceive with grief, but not with
despondence, that the conduct of his majesty's most du-
tiful subjects, has been grossly misrepresented to our
excellent sovereign. The ministry no doubt, are anxi-
ous that the Parliament should be as angry, and as im-
prudent, as ihey have been. Our Assembly has sent some
petition, similar to those of the other colonies.
I am, sir, with great esteem, yours, &c.

John Dickinson.

To Col. Richard Henry Lee,

Chantilly, Va. January 16, 1769."

In the session of the House of Burgesses of Virginia,
which followed the dates of the above letters, Mr. Lee
early called the attention of that body, to the subjects dis-
cussed in them. The house adopted spirited resolutions,
denying the right of the mother country, to bind the co-
lonies in all cases whatsoever, and firmly remonstrated
against the act authorizing the crown, to have the in-
habitants of the colonies transported to England for trial,
for offences alleged to have been committed in the co-
lonies. This act, they denounced as a direct and un-
disguised violation of the constitution; so strong was
their language, that even " the amiable and popular
Bottetourt" was offended, and dissolved the house so
soon as he was informed that it had adopted such reso-
lutions.* Thus it happened, as Mr. Lee had predicted,
when he first heard of the act of the Parliament, sus-
pending the legislative power of the province of New-
York, that unless the colonies made common cause,
with New York, on this occasion, the ministry would
make an effort, to suppress all legislative resistance in
every other colony. This was verified in Massachu-
sets and Virginia,

The resolutions just mentioned, gave alarm and un-
easiness, to many good men, both in, and out of the

* See Life of Patrick Henry, p. 86-7

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

house, who were opposed to the measures of the mother
country. They feared the result of so strong and point-
ed a denial, of thai, which the Parliament of Eng-
land claimed as one of its fundamental rights. They
believed that the ministers would not again attempt to
put in practice, what they held in theory; they fondly-
hoped, that better counsels would yet be followed, and
that the colonies would soon be restored, to their for-
mer state of constitutional liberty, and (would once more)
participate in the security and glory of the parent state.
This, however, was not the belief, these were not the
hopes, of Mr. Lee. He anticipated no such events; and
he did not fear to assert the rights of his country, even
at the hazard of exciting the resentment of England.
His language was, as it has been seen, " I cannot go
along ivith those, ivho would derive our security from
our submission."* He did not shrink from a vindication
of the language and principles of the resolutions; but
maintained their truth and propriety, in firm and ener-
• getic language, in the following letter to Lord Shel-
burne, at that time one of the most distinguished states-
men of Britain.

CHANTILLY, Va.

May, 31, 1769.

"Mr. Lord — The wisdom and goodness, with which
your lordship has patronised America, claims the reve*
rence of all its inhabitants. As an individual of this
country I am greatly honoured by any service that will
be acceptable to your lordship; and now take the liberty
to send you a Virginia almanac, and the last Virginia
Gazette, containing the proceedings of our late Assem-
bly. These proceedings my lord, may, to some, ap-
pear the overflowings of a seditious and disloyal madness :
T>ut your lordship's just and generous attachment to the
proper rights and liberty of mankind, will discover in
tiiem, nothing more than a necessary and manly asser-
tion, of social privileges founded in reason, guaranteed

* In the foregoing letter to Mr. Dickenson,

72 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

by the English constitution, and rendered sacred by a
possession of near two hundred years, that is, my lord,
from the first settlement of North America, until a late
period. When your lordship afforded the Americans
your protection, it was given to a people, who are cer-
tainly loyal, very warmly attached to their mother coun-
try, and who wish its prosperity, with unfeigned hearti-
ness.

I have the honour to be, your lordship's

most obedient and humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

The Right Honourable the Earl
cf Shelbtjrne. in London."^

This letter was presented to Lord Shelburne by
Arthar Lee, Esq., a known and able writer on the popu-
lar side of the politics of the day, and high in the confi-
dence of the leaders of the whig party. His letters in
reply to bis brother, give a very interesting account of
the politics of the principal men in England, and of the
prospects of America in the year 1769.

" My Dea& Brother — I have received all your fa-
vours, but none with more pleasure than that of the
16th July, which assures me of your having recovered
from the effects of that terrible fall. God grant that
it may be the last bitter drop in your bitter cup, and
that your future life may be one uninterrupted stream of
happiness.

Your letter, &c.,l myself presented to Lord Shelburne,
at his own house, where I lately spent. a week with him.
He desires me to return his thanks for them. Grenviile
has had the art of turning the present opposition to an
infamous administration, somewhat to his advantage;
and by uniting with Chatham, Temple, and Rocking-
ham, is aiming at a resumption of that power which he
so much misused. With but small abilities, he has
much art, so that no man has more influence in the
House of Commons; he is endowed with a perseverance
in the pursuit of power, never to be overcome, and ca-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. ^g

pable of using any artifice, and submitting to any mean-
ness that may promote his ambitious purposes. Upheld
by these supports, nothing prevents his promotion but
(he unfeigned piety of the court, with whom revenge is
virtue. The affront given by him to a cerlan lady, in
the regency bill, occasioned his dismission, and will, in
all probability, be an insurmountable bar to his ambi-
tion. So far is her vice, a virtue, operating the good
of the nation, in the gratification of her malice. Should
the complaints of the people prevail on the king to dis-
miss his present ministers, most probably Lord Chatham
will be applied to, for the formation of a new administra-
tion. Here then will be a struggle of Lord Chatham,
(as he has certainly united with Grenville,) should he
insist on his admission. That the dowager's enmity
would prevail over Lord Chatham's influence, is beyond
a question; but policy may induce her to dissemble, (a
virtue not yet banished from St. James',) and Grenville
be admitted. Whether Lord Shelburne will find a
place, or accept one, I cannot venture jo conjecture.
I think his virtues and abilities will force him into
power, whether soon, or among the present abandoned
crew, I cannot determine. Be this as it may, I think
he is the only one attached to us from principle; from
policy, there are many against opposing us; as Lord
Chatham, Richmond, and Rockingham. Temple and
Grenville are our determined foes; but whether they
will not think it policy to let our rights remain unques-
tioned, is doubtful. As I perceived, it was likely they
would come in, if at all, on popular grounds, I have
laboured much to make the cause of America popular,
in which, if I had been assisted by the American agents,
I have not the least doubt of having succeeded. " But
the only duty an American agent has to do, is to make a
very formal and humble visit to White Hall, with any
paper his Assembly sends him — He leaves it to the plea-
sure of the minister, and thinks his duty is done — Tis
not all, who will do even this paltry service; and Mr.
Abercrombie has not condescended to take the leas*

VOL. I. — K

74 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

notice of the order of council for co-operating with the
agent. What reason has America to expect any thing
further, when by far the greater number of her agents
are unknown here, of no abilities, no rank, or if of any,
of a bad character; some of them, menial ploughmen,
all of them, servile expectants.

Mr. Jenings intended the picture he sent you as a
present, and is therefore offended that it is mentioned
publicly as a purchase with the subscription money,
which is still in his hands. As there is no probability
of getting Lord Camden to sit, I could wish the sub-
scribers to be prevailed on to order Lord Shelburne's
to be sent, in gratitude for his having divided the lords
in favour of their rights. He, I think, will have no
objections to gratifying us, for his principles remain un-
altered. You will see our agent on the most infamous
list of voters for Colonels Lutterel and Brentford, than
which nothing can more demonstrate his servile de-
pendence on administration; when applied to, he refused
to draw up for the tobacco merchants, a petition against
the revenue acts, on a pretence, that as they had not treat-
ed him with respect, he would not have any thing to do
with them. But his vote will explain his refusal. Should
this conduct have any influence in Virginia to his preju-
dice, as I think in truth, it ought, I need not tell you I
should be happy to serve in his place. If Mr. Nicholas
would join you, one would imagine the point would be
carried. It would certainly enable me to get into parlia-
ment, and by that method, promote the interest not only
of Virginia, but of all America. Had I been in this cha-
racter a year ago, I could have made the cause of America
the cause of Middlesex, for they are in truth, the same.
As nothing is more in my wish than this cause, I should
like to have my inclinations seconded by my situation,
which, as agent of the Assembly, would be certainly
effected.

Yours affectionately,

Arthur Lee

Ipswich, September 18Ui, 1769.'*

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 75

t4 Dear Brother. — I wrote to you lately, and probably
the same conveyance will bring you this letter. It is
with much pleasure I can assure you, that Lords Shel-
burne, Chatham, and Camden, are determined to unite
once more in supporting the cause of America against
the present weak and wicked administration. I am at
present at Lord Shelburne's, in the country, and you may
depend on what I say concerning our friends. Every
day makes our cause more popular, and I think the
ministry will find the opposition too strong to attempt
any forcible measure; and you well know how little their
artifices will avail them. I have endeavoured, by mixing
popular subjects here, with that of America, to bring the
signature of Junius Americanus into estimation, and by
that means to gain a more easy ear to the discussion of
American grievances — I am in hopes of succeeding.
Colonel Barre is of opinion, that America stands on
excellent ground, and need not be in the least appre-
hension of what her enemies can do. I have just heard
from our brother William that the election has been

patriotic, and that has met with the contempt

and detestation he merits. My heart is at ease, and I
trust we must be free. I think myself much honoured
by the name of Virginia, and feel infinite gratitude to
the people at large, for the noble spirit with which they
have resisted all the attempts of art, and honoured the
cause of liberty.

I do not know any thing which would gratify my
wishes more, than the agency of Virginia. I should
devote myself with so much cordiality to its duties, and
obey with so much joy, the commands of a spirited
people asserting their rights.

Farewell, and believe me as I am ever,

Yours affectionately,

Arthur Lee0

Bow Wood, December 3d, 1769,"

Such was the state of politics in England when the
resolutions of the Virginia Assembly were received, and

7(3 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

the effect which they produced on the most temperate
of the colonies, may he seen from the following letter,
addressed to Mr. Lee, by that wise and virtuous patriot,
Mr. Dickinson.

" Sir — I am very much obliged to you for ihe papers
sent by Mr. Wormley, and sincerely congratulate you,
on the noble conduct of your colony. Administration
and its unjust tools are certainly prompted, by as detest-
able a spirit, and directed by as despicable a policy, as
ever distracted the British empire. If they have the
least virtue or wisdom slumbering in them, I think, it
must be roused by reading your resolves and address.
But, indeed, from them, we are not to look for justice;
our own integrity and prudence must be our guardian;
and, if the other colonies persevere, as I hope they
will, in emulating the generous example given them, in
Virginia, tyranny and folly will, unquestionably, have
cause to deplore their shameful and contemptible efforts
to extinguish American liberty. I make no doubt,
sir, but that it will give you particular pleasure, as
you could scarcely expect it, that your ardor has warm-
ed, even this most temperate province. It was, once,
the interest of particular men, that this colony should
make a great bustle about small matters. It then raged
with patriotism. It is now the interest of the same
men, that it shall promote submission to administration.
It therefore sleeps, lulled by loyalty. The troublesome
vigilance and vigour of our neighbours, have repeat-
edly made us yawn, and give a forced and feeble assent
to what they were doing. If you proceed, I do not
know but that we shall get quite awake, notwithstand-
ing the large doses of opium, that have been administer-
ed to us. Certain it is, that in the fast letters written
to England, by a committee of merchants, they applaud
Ijyour behaviour; and yet in that committee there are
many persons, who are very fond of public tranquillity.
Perhaps these people approved these letters, as believ-
ing they would not be published ; but I think their join-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

ing in them proceeds from the general approbation of
your measures. Our Assembly, indeed, are too hum-
ble subjects to give administration any cause to think,
they will encourage any discontents on this continent.
And therefore though they had an opportunity of taking
the lead, as Virginia had done in opposition to some
of the vilest acts of despotism, that ever violated the
rights of America, yet meekly and peaceably the good
men, having well provided against the trespassing spiritl
of encroaching hogs, left the most dangerous and daring!
outrages against the liberty of themselves, uncensured
and unnoticed. Quite different has been the conduct
of the Assembly of the lower counties. In a conversa- j
tion with one of the principal members of that house,
we were of opinion, that it would be a just mark of re-
spect to your Assembly, to adopt your resolves verba-
tim. This has been done; and I hope every Assembly
on the continent will concur with you. We shall come
in, in the eleventh hour.

I am, sir, with great esteem, &c.

John Dickinson,

Philadelphia, June 22, 1769.
To Col. Richaiu) Lee."

In the session of 1769, Mr. Lee was chairman of the
committee of courts of justice. To it many important
subjects were referred, which did not relate directly, to
the administration of justice. The industry with which
Mr. Lee laboured in any business assigned to him, made
him one of the conspicuous amongst those who were
denominated " business men." From the beginning of
his active career in the Assembly, he had exhibited a
rare combination of genius, patience, and labour; thus
early preparing himself for those cares, and toils in the
committees of the Continental Congress, for the endu-
rance of which, he was as confessedly remarkable, as
he was for his wisdom and ability. During this session,
he brought in a report, on the subject of opening and
improving the navigation of the River Potomac, as far
as Fort Cumberland, as it was then called. This re-

7S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

port is here mentioned, not only because it exhibits
judgment, and a practical knowledge of the statistical
advantages of the country, but because the subject of
internal improvement, has become justly popular and
interesting. The very object of Mr. Lee's report is
at this moment, likely to become a national one, and of
incalculable benefit to a large portion of the country.
It is believed that Mr. Lee was the first person who di-
gested any plan of the kind, in this country; certainly
the first who formed a plan, for the improvement of the
navigation of the Potomac River, as high up as Fori
Cumberland.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

CHAPTER IV.

The address and resolutions (as has been stated)
so alarmed the governor of Virginia, as to induce him
to dissolve the House of Burgesses. But this measure
had not the same effect in this case, as in that of the
dissolution of the legislature of New York. The leaders
of the House of Burgesses, had already denied the au-
thority of Parliament, and were now preparing their
minds to resist it; among them Mr. Lee was still dis-
tinguished for the energy, perseverence, and boldness
with which he asserted the rights of the colonies.

As soon as the governor had dissolved the Assembly,
the members convened at a private house. They drew
up articles of association, binding themselves not to
import British manufactures, or to use them, while the
revenue acts remained in force, and earnestly exhorted/
the people to pursue a similar course. Mr. Lee was/
active in bringing about this measure. By his example
and persuasion, he procured an extensive and hearty
co-operation in this very efficient method of resistance.
The non-importing association spread extensively
throughout the colony, and the people adhered to its/
prohibitions and endured with admirable patience, thef
diminution of the luxuries, and even the comforts of life
to which it subjected them. Mr. Lee in his own per4
son and in his family, adhered strictly to the articles of
the Association ; and was as active and vigilant in watch-
ing those, whom he suspected of a reluctant acqui-
escence to the object, for which it had been formed, as
he was fearless in exposing any violation that he de-
tected, for it was the duty of every member so far as in
his power, to see that no designed breach of the pledges
given by the members, should pass unpunished.

SO LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

The articles of association were kept with patriotic
fidelity throughout the colonies; and, as those who sug-
gested the scheme had predicted, the suspension of the
trade to the colonies created, in England, a powerful
opposition to the measures of the ministry. This ought
to have heen sufficient to arrest them in their blind and
haughty career. Folly itself might have been taught to
think, but theirs seems to have been mingled with mad-
ness. " Q,uem Deus vult perdere, prius dementat"

Mr. Lee, prior to the period when the idea of non-
intercourse was thus reduced to a system, had resolved
not to import for his own use any article of luxury or
comfort while the duty acts remained unrepealed. To
the domestic loom he had recourse for clothing for him-
self and family; and for " wine and oil," he resorted to
his own hills. In the following letter to the celebrated
Dr. Fothergill, of London, written about this time, the
reader will find Mr. Lee, presenting to an English whig,
and a friend of America, (towards whom Mr. Lee's heart
ever warmed) a sample of wine, which a principle of
liberty had extracted from the native grape of his country.

" CHANTJLLY, Va. Mat, 1769.

Sir — Your general humanity deserves the esteem
of all; but permit me to say, sir, that your particular
kindness to Americans claims their reverence and grati-
tude. When, therefore, my brother, Dr. Lee, informed
me that you wished to have some wine from our native
grape, I lost no time in procuring the best for you.
Captain Johnson will deliver you a small cask, together
with a few bottles of older wine. The first is of last
year's vintage, and that in bottles is several years old.
This wine is, at present, of the true flavour of our grape,
and is very gently acid, a quality natural to this fruit. I
wish the season, and the heat of the tobacco load, may
not injure it.

I am, with very singular esteem, sir, your most humble
and obedient servant,

Richard Henry Lee. (

Dr. FoTHtngitL, London."

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

The regulations of the non-importing association, con-
tinue to be strictly and patriotically observed, during the
years 1770 and '71. Mr. Lee did not permit his mind
to relax its attention to the affairs of the colonies. He
kept a constant correspondence with his brother Arthur
Lee, and other gentlemen in England, diligently diffusing
every information he could obtain, which bore any rela-
tion to the interests of the colonies. So long as the duty
acts continued in force, he exhorted his fellow citizens
to endure every trial and deprivation, rather than encou-
rage a commerce which flourished most vigorously when
their liberties were most strongly violated.

The prospects of the colonies were bright or gloomy,
as statesmen of different political opinions and connexions
were called, by the king, to the administration. Hence
the political changes, and even intrigues of those days,
were deeply important to the people of America; and are,
even now, interesting, since they form links in that chain
of events, which led to our long and successful struggle.
The following letters cannot fail, then, to entertain the
reader, and to afford matter for political reflection.
They form a part of the correspondence which Mr. Lee
carried on, at this time, with a view to inform his fellow
citizens on their political concerns, and to prepare them
for the crisis which he saw approaching.

" My dear Brother — Colonel Barre is just arrived
here, and informs me that Governor Bernard is to be
before the king and council, agreeable to the Massachu-
setts' petition, with a view to deceive the world into a
belief of his innocence, not to make any inquiry into his
guilt. With this view, only six days' notice is given to
the agent to summon his ivitnesses, three thousand miles
distant The wickedness of this administration can be
equalled only by its weakness. For must not this be
most egregious, to expect the world will be deceived by
so infamous an artifice. The agent has delivered a pe-
tition to the council for a delay; whether that will suc-
ceed, I know not, but it will render their injustice more

vol. i. — i

gg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

glaring. He is an upright, spirited, and independent old
man, and therefore most obnoxious to Lord H— gh,
who has made some mean attempts to injure him. The
ministry has so affronted the Duke of Rutland, as to
make him resign. It is expected the Marquis of Granby
will follow him. 'Tis well they are so rash, as abler men,
in these times of corruption, might endanger our liberties.
I find my health better than when with you. I pray
heaven to guard you.

Yours — Adieu.

Arthur Lee.

Bath, November 9th, 1769."

"LONDON, Max 20th, 1770.

My dear Brother — The Parliament being now
prorogued, concludes all hopes of any redress of griev-
ances, either for America or Great Britain. Several
motions were, a week ago, made in the Commons, and
repeated in the Lords, by Mr. Burke and the Duke of
Richmond, tending to censure all the measures of this
administration, relative to America, especially my Lord
Hillsborough's rescinding and promising letters. They
were all rescinded in the lump, by a previous question,
on which the ministerial majority was three to one. Lord
Chatham has made two remarkable motions this session,
one for dissolving the Parliament, and one censuring
those who advised the rejection of the London remon-
strance. They were fruitless, being rejected by a great
majority. No ministry ever had less argument, and
greater influence.

In the American debate, Lord Hillsborough declared
that all hopes of reconciliation with America were vain,
unless the whole authority of Parliament was given up,
for that it was the navigation act we were aiming to
overthrow. Such are the fixed impressions of this dull,
arbitrary lord, and the prejudices which he and his tools
labour, but too successfully, to infuse into others.

The city of London, unawed by their late rejection,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. gg

has voted a second remonstrance to the throne, in very-
spirited terms, which is to be presented next Wednesday.
Mr. Wilkes sits and acts as alderman, with great
applause. The friends of America here, are appre-
hensive that you will not abide by your non-importation
agreements, on which all prospects of a re-establishment
of our invaded rights depends. I can hardly think that
my countrymen can be so wanting to themselves, as to
give their enemies their wish, and sacrifice for a tempo-
rary profit or convenience, the liberties of themselves and
their posterity. Adieu,

Yours, &c.

Arthur Lee."

"My dear Brother, — Lord Hillsborough is out.
The ostensible cause is, that he dissented to the esta-
blishment of a government where our petition is locat-
ed. But the true reason is, that the Bedford party
were determined to remove him, to provide for one of
themselves. But in this they were disappointed, for
Lord North threatened to resign. They were obliged
to sooth him by the appointment of his half-brother,
Lord Dartmouth. This place was originally promised
him, but the king, as his custom is, deceived him ; and it
is thought rather shabby in him to accept of it now.
However, he is a man of good principles, of a fair cha-
racter, of exemplary life, and a friend to America. I
have no doubt, but that as far as it depends upon him,
which indeed is but little, the colonies will not have
much cause to complain.

There is no opposition now, nor any forming. At
the meetimg of the next Parliament, the leaders will hope
that the memory of their former follies may be obliterated,
and again unite in that opposition which they so shame-
fully abandoned. Nothing is more uncertain than the
revolutions of states, nor can any one form a tolerable
conjecture from the appearances of the political sky.
This is our only comfort in the midst of a calm which
seems to resign every thing to the will of a court, which

$4 LIFE AND 'CORRESPONDENCE

is meditating and executing a systematic destruction of
our liberties.

I expect to be at the bar, quite in time for the next
general election, and to be employed in some contested
election, which is a fair introduction into a valuable
branch of the profession, that of pleading before the
House of Commons.

Yours, &c.

Arthur Lee."

To add to the wrongs and grievances under which
the colonies were now labouring, the Parliament deter-
mined, in the year 1772, to establish in the provinces,
courts, with admiralty jurisdiction and powers. Before
these courts, suits were to be tried at the instance of the
crown. As the trial by jury was not a part of their
proceedings, and the judges were to be appointed by
the crown, the property of the colonists would become,
in all probability, a sacrifice to unconstitutional law,
arbitrarily imposed, rigidly construed, and tyrannically
enforced. This measure excited serious apprehensions,
and the indignation of the popular leaders of the colo-
nies. Mr. Lee, as usual, directed his whole attention
to this fresh violation of the rights of the country. As
soon as the House of Burgesses met, he moved the fol-
lowing resolutions:

" That an humble and dutiful petition be presented to
his majesty, entreating (hat his majesty would be gra-
ciously pleased to take into his royal consideration, the
grievances under which his faithful subjects in Virginia,
continue to labour, by having their property daily taken
from them by laws, to which they have never consented,
cither personally, or by their representatives; by being
subjected to the decision of distant and arbitrary courts
of admiralty, when trial by jury, the surest support of
property is denied, by which means his majesty's ever
dutiful subjects of Virginia, are deprived of those great
and fundamental rights, which they, and their ancestors,
have conceived, until lately, to be their unalienable

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. g£

rights; their constitutional rights, as subjects of the
British Empire, and their right by charter, granted to
the first settlers of this country, by his majesty's royal
ancestors, kings of England. That to restore the hap-
piness and security of his majesty's faithful subjects of
this colony, his majesty will be graciously pleased to
recommend to his Parliament, the repeal of the acts
lately passed, for the purpose of raising a revenue in
America, and for subjecting American property to the
determination of admiralty courts, where the constitu-
tional trial by jury is not permitted, but where distance
and interest conspire to ruin the innocent."

In the same year, an occurrence took place in Rhode
Island, which awakened the vengeance of the ministry.
The people of Providence, in that state, indignant at
the manner, in which the officer of the port executed
the provision of the duty acts, seized and burned the
Gaspie schooner, having on board merchandise, on
which the duties were charged, and the use of which, was
prohibited by the non-importing association of that town.
A court to inquire into the circumstances of the case
was constituted. However indefensible the act was on
the part of the people, it is indisputable, that it did not
authorize the extraordinary, extra-judicial, and military
court thus established. The act of 1769, authorizing
" to apprehend persons in America, and convey them to
England for trial," contrary to every principle of the Eng-
lish constitution, was now, for the first time, to be car-
ried into execution. This atrocious violation of the
rights of the colonies, did not fail to excite the indigna-
tion and denunciations of Mr. Lee. So soon as he
heard of the establishing of this court, he commenced
a correspondence with his friends to the north, whom he
had before enlisted in a corresponding club, and re-
quested information on the nature, object, and powers
of the court of inquiry. He diffused widely the infor-
mation received, and endeavoured to awaken his fellow
citizens to their danger, and prepare them for a struggle,
which he now declared to be the duty of the colonies.

gg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

to meet with fortitude and vigour. The author has se-
lected his correspondence with Mr. Samuel Adams, and
Mr Dickinson on this subject. The letter to Mr. Adams
here given, is introductory to a long correspondence
with that virtuous and intrepid patriot. It shows, what
indeed, all his letters evince, how ardent his patriotism
was, and how near to his heart, was the cause of his
country. No age or nation can exhibit evidences of
more disinterested love of country, associated with more
coolness of judgment and dignity of sentiment, than the
letters of these three great men present, to the admira-
tion of their posterity.

[Letter from R. H. Lee, to Samuel Jldams.]

"CHANT1LLY, Va.

Febktjabk 4, 1773.

Sir — From a person quite unknown to you, some
apology may be necessary for this letter. The name of
my brother, Dr. Arthur Lee, of London, may perhaps,
furnish me with this apology. To be firmly attached to
the cause of liberty on virtuous principles, is a power-
ful cause of union, and renders proper, the most easy
communication of sentiment, however artfully disunion
may be promoted and encouraged by tyrants, and their
abettors. If this be true in general, how more certainly
is it so, in that particular state of affairs, in which every
scheme that cunning can form, or power execute, is
practised to reduce to slavery, so considerable a portion
of the human species, as North America does, and may
contain. Every day's experience proves this, to an at-
tentive observer. Among other instances in proof, if I
mistake not, the manner of resenting the loss of the
Gaspie, is one. At this distance, and through the un-
certain medium of newspapers, we may never, perhaps,
have received a just account of this affair. I should be ex-
tremely glad, sir, when your leisure permits, to have as
true a state of the matter, as the public with you, has
been furnished with. At all events, this military parade ap"

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. $7

pears extraordinary, unless the intention be, to violate
all law and legal forms, in order to establish the minis-
terial favourite, but fatal precedent, of removing Ameri-
cans beyond the water, to be tried for supposed offences
committed here. This is so unreasonable, and so uncon-
stitutional a stretch of power, that I hope it will never
be permitted to take place, while a spark of virtue, or
one manly sentiment remains in America. The primary
end of government seems to be, the security of life and
property; but this ministerial law, would,, if acquiesced
in, totally defeat every idea of social security and happi-
ness. You may easily, sir, perceive, that I understand my-
self, writing to a firm and worthy friend of the just
rights and liberty of America, by the freedom with
which this letter is penned. Captain Snow, of your
town, who comes frequently here, and who takes care
of this, will bring me any letter you may be pleased to
favour me with.

I am, sir, with singular esteem, yours, &c.

Richard Henry Lee.

To Samuel Adams, Esq., Boston."

[Mr. Adams' Reply.]

"BOSTON, April 10, 1773.

Sir — Your letter to me of the fourth of February
last, I received with singular pleasure, not only because
I had long wished for a correspondence with some gen-
tleman in Virginia, but more particularly, because I had
frequently heard of your character and merit, as a warm
advocate of virtue and liberty. I had often thought it
a misfortune, rather than a fault in the friends of Ame-
rican independence and freedom, not taking care to
open every channel of communication. The colonies
are all embarked on the same bottom. The liberties of
all, are alike invaded by the same haughty power. The
conspirators against their common rights, have indeed,
exerted their brutal force, or applied their insidious acts
differently, in the several colonies, as they have thought.

88 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

it would best serve their purpose of oppression and
tyranny. How necessary, therefore, that all should be
early acquainted with the particular circumstances of
each, in order, that the wisdom and strength of the
ivhole, may be employed upon every occasion. We have
heard of bloodshed, and even civil war, in our sister
colony of North Carolina; and how strange is it, that
the best account we have of that tragical scene, should
be brought to us from England.

This province, and this town especially, have suffer-
ed a great share of ministerial wrath and insolence.
But, God be thanked, there is, I trust, a spirit prevailing
which will not submit to slavery. The compliance of
New York in making annual provision for a military
force designed to carry acts of tyranny into execution,
the timidity of some, and the silence of others, are dis-
couraging. But the active vigilance, the manly gene-
rosity, and the steady perseverance of Virginia and
South Carolina, give us reason to hope, that the fire of
true liberty and patriotism, will at length spread itself
through the continent; the consequence would be, the
acquisition of all we wish for. The friends of liberty in
this town, have lately made a successful attempt to obtain
an explicit political sentiment of a great number of the
towns of this province, and the number is daily increas-
ing. The very attempt was alarming to our adversa-
ries, and the happy effects of it, mortifying to them. I
would propose it for your consideration, whether the
establishment of committees of correspondence among
the several towns in every colony, would tend to pro-
mote that general union, upon which the security of the
whole depends. The reception of the truly patriotic
resolves of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, gladden
the hearts of all who are friends to liberty. Our com-
mittee of correspondence had a special meeting on the
occasion, and determined to circulate immediately,
printed copies of them, in every town in the province,
in order to make them as extensively useful as possible.
I am desired by them, to assure you of their venera-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. go,

lion for your most ancient colony, and their unfeigned
esteem for the gentlemen of your committee. This
indeed, is a poor return — I hope you will have the hearty
concurrence of every Assembly on the continent. It is
a measure which will be attended with great and good
consequences. Our General Assembly is dissolved, and
writs will soon be issued, according to the charter, for
a new Assembly, to be holden the last Wednesday in
May next. I think I can almost assure you, there will
be a return of such members as will heartily co-operate
with you in your spirited measures. The enormous
stride in erecting what may be called a court of inquisition
in America, is sufficient to excite indignation in every
heart capable of feeling.

I am expecting an authentic copy of that commission,
which I shall send to you by the first opportunity, after
I have received it. The letter from the new secretary
of state to the governor of Rhode Island, which, possi-
bly you may have seen in the newspapers, may be de-
pended upon as genuine. I received it from a gentleman
of the Council of that colony, who took it from the
original. I wish the Assembly of that province had acted
with more firmness than they have done; but as the
court of inquiry is adjourned, they may possibly have
another trial. I have a thousand things to say to you,
but am prevented from want of time, having had but an
hour's notice of the sailing of this vessel. I cannot
conclude, however, without assuring you, that a letter
from you, as often as your leisure admits, would lay me
under great obligations.

I am, sir, in strict truth, your humble servant,

Samuel Adams.

To Richard Henry Lee, Esq."

It has been seen already, that Mr. Lee had, several
years before the year 1773, suggested the idea, not only
of corresponding committees between the friends of
liberty in the several colonies, but cf such committees
between the colonial legislatures. In the spring session

vol. i. — M

90 Ll*' E AND CORRESPONDENCE

of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, in the year '73,
the House adopted several resolutions, declaring the ex-
pediency of such committees between the legislatures
of the colonies, and urging upon them the adoption of
the measure. These resolutions appointed persons to
act as such a committee, and Mr. Lee was one of them.
Beside the general and standing instructions, the special
instruction was given to them " that they do, without
delay, inform themselves of the principles and authority,
on which was constituted a court of inquiry, said to have
been lately held in Rhode Island, with power to trans-
port persons accused of offences committed in America,
to places beyond the seas/'

Mr. Lee, as it has been shown, had been seeking for
information on this subject. In the following corres-
pondence with Mr. Dickinson, (as a member of (he
committee,) he informs him of the institution of the
committee of correspondence, and begs for information,
on the subject of the court of inquiry in Rhode Island.
He reiterates his opinion, stated in his first correspond-
ence with that gentleman, of the great importance of the
adoption of corresponding committees between the se-
veral legislatures.

" CHANTILLY, Va.

April 4, 1773.

Sir — I should not have been silent so long, if any
important considerations had made writing necessary.
In this quarter, much alarm has been created by a new
court of criminal jurisdiction, which it is said, has lately
been opened in Rhode Island. Neither the power, nor the
object of this court, have been perfectly understood
here; but in general, we have understood, that it was
designed to put into execution the dangerous advice of
the two Houses of Parliament in 1769, to seize obnox-
ious Americans, and convey them to England for trial.
When our Assembly met lately, they were not furnish-
ed with proper documents on this subject. But they
have now adopted a measure, which from the beginning,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. gj

they should have fixed on, as leading to that union and
perfect understanding with each other, on which the po-
litical salvation of America depends. I have enclosed
you, that part of our Journal, which relates to that mat-
ter. You will observe, sir, that full scope is given, to a
large and thorough union of councils, though our lan-
guage is so contrived, as to prevent the enemies of
America, from hurrying this transaction into the vortex
of treason, whither they have carried every honest attempt
to defend ourselves, from their tyrannous designs, to de-
stroy our constitutional liberty. I hope sincerely, that
every colony on the continent, will adopt these commit-
tees of correspondence and inquiry. I should be much
obliged, sir, with your sentiments on the Rhode Island
court, and with the knowledge you have, of its powers
and object.

1 am, sir, with great esteem, your most obedient and
humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee,

To John- Dickinson,

Philadelphia.5'

[Mr. John Dickinson's Reply.]

" Sir — I am greatly obliged to you, for your favour of
the 4th of last April. The measure adopted by your
Assembly for promoting correspondence among the
colonies, is certainly very prudent, and I doubt not,
would be very successful, if every colony was influenced
by the same well directed undeviating zeal, for the li-
berty and happiness of America, that actuates the As-
sembly of Virginia. Some good I hope will result from
your generous attention to the interests of those co-
lonies, however inattentive several may be to their best
interests, blessing, and freedom.

As to the proceedings in Rhode Island, they are the
most insulting violations of the rights of Americans, that
could be devised. Some time in February last, I think,
I received a letter from several gentlemen of that place.

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

who were appointed by their Assembly to answer a mes-
sage of their governor, containing paragraphs of a letter
from Lord Dartmouth. From these it appears that the
court to be appointed in Rhode Island, was formed u for
inquiring into, and making report to his majesty, of all
the circumstances, relative to the attacking, plunder-
ing, and burning the Gaspie schooner, for delivering
the offenders to the care and custody of Rear Admiral
Montague, or to the commander in chief of all his ma-
jesty's ships in Ameria, for the time being, to be brought
to England for trial, calling upon Generel Gage, who
is to hold himself in readiness to send troops, &c.5'
The paragraphs do not give any express authority to the
commissioners to arrest and commit, " his majesty de-
pending, (as the letter says) upon the care and vigilance
of the chief magistrates, to take the proper measures
for arresting and committing, &c.v Lord Dartmouth's
letter does not mention, whether the supposed offence is
committed within the body of the county, or within the
jurisdiction of the admiralty courts ; and therefore the
intention of administration is concealed, whether the
prisoners are to be tried under the twenty-eighth of
Henry VIII. " for an offence committed on the seas,"
or under the thirty-fifth of Henry VIII. " for an offence
beyond the seas." I am informed that the Gaspie was
burnt within the body of the county ; of this being the
fact, there is no reason to believe the ministry were ig-
norant ; and as little to believe that their resolution was
fixed, to have the accused tried in England, wherever
the vessel was destroyed.

I am, Sir, with the sincerest esteem,

your most humble servant,

John Dickinson.

To Richard Henut Lee, Esq."

The discontents every where manifested in the co-
lonies, at the duty acts, had induced Lord North, to
advise their repeal. They were repealed with the ex-
ception of the duty on tea. This measure failed to

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, $$

produce the effects expected by the minister. The prin-
ciple of arbitrary taxation, to recognize which, this duty
was retained, was utterly repugnant to the ideas of
freedom at this time prevailing. The reader is well ac-
quainted with the fact, that to show their determina-
tion to resist this principle, the people of Boston threw
an immense quantity of this article into the sea. This
step gathered to thicker concentration, the elements of
the storm of civil commotion, which had been so long
lowering. The ministry, supported by the prevalent tem-
per of the people of England, poured out their wrath
upon the town of Boston, and an act was passed, shut-
ting up its port. The following very interesting letter
from Arthur Lee, Esq. to his brother, contained the
earliest authentic intelligence of the passage of this act
This letter contains a well drawn character of Lord
North, and of his administration, and sound and timely
advice, respecting the course to be pursued by Mr.
Arthur Lee's countrymen.

" LONDON, March 18th, 1774,

Dear Brother — The affairs of America are now
become very serious; the minority are determined to put
your spirit to the proof. Boston is their first object.

On Monday, the 14th, it was ordered in the House
of Commons, that leave be given to bring in a bill, " for
the immediate removal of the officers concerned in the
collection and management of his majesty's duties of cus-
toms from the town of Boston, in the province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, in North America; and to discontinue the
landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods,
wares, and merchandise, at the said town of Boston, or
within the harbour thereof."*

If the colonies, in general, permit this to pass unno-
ticed, a precedent will be established for humbling them

* Many native Americans, who were at this time in London,
presented a petition to Parliament in behalf of their countrymen
in Boston, against the operation of this act. It was written by-
Arthur Lee. See App. No. 2.

94 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

by degrees, until all opposition to arbitrary power is sub-
dued. The manner, however, in which) on should meet
this violent act, should be well weighed. The proceed-
ings of the colonies, in consequence of it, will be read
and regarded as manifestoes. Great care, tin refore,
should be taken, to word them unexceptionably and plau-
sibly. They should be prefaced with the strongest pro-
fessions of respect and attachment to this country; of
reluctance to enter into any dispute with her; of the
readiness you have always shown, and still wish to show,
of contributing, according to your ability, and in a con-
stitutional way, to her support; and of your determina-
tion to undergo every extremity, rather than submit to be
enslaved. These things tell much in your favour with
moderate men, and with Europe, to whose interposition
America may yet owe her salvation, should the contest
be serious and lasting. In short, as we are the weaker,
it becomes us to be suaviter in modo, however we may
be determined to act fortiter in re. There is a persua-
sion here, that America will see, without interposition,
the ruin of Boston. It is of the last importance to the
general cause, that your conduct should prove this opinion
erroneous. If once it is perceived that you may be at-
tacked and destroyed, by piecemeal, actum est, every part
will, in its turn, feel the vengeance which it would not
unite to repel, and a general slavery or ruin must ensue.
The colonies should never forget Lord North's declara-
tion in the House of Commons, that he would not listen
to the complaints of America, until she was at his feet.
The character of Lord North, and the consideration of
what surprising things he has effected towards enslaving
his own country, makes me, I own, tremble for ours.
Plausible, deep, and treacherous, like his master, he has
no passions to divert him, no pursuits of pleasures to
withdraw him from the accursed design of deliberately
destroying the liberties of his country. A perfect adept
in the arts of corruption, and indefatigable in the appli-
cation of them, he effects great ends by means almost
magical, because they are unseen. In four years, he

OF WCMARD HENRY LKE. Jj5

has overcome the most formidable opposition in this
country, from which the Duke of Grafton lied with
horror. At the same time, he has effectually enslaved
the East India Company, and made the vast revenue and
territory of India, in effect, a royal patronage. Flushed
with these successes, he now attaeks Ameriea; and cer-
tainly, if we are not firm and united, he will triumph, in
the same manner, over us. In my opinion, a general
resolution of the colonies to break off all commercial in-
tercourse with this country, until they are secured in
their liberties, is the only advisable and sunt mode of
defence. To execute such a resolution, would be irk-
some at first, but you would bo amply repaid, not only
in saving your money, and becoming independent of these
petty tyrants, the merchants, but in securing your general
liberties. You are, however, more capable of judging
what is proper and practicable. My great wish is to see
you firm and united.

Adieu. Vour's affectionately,

Arthur Lbe,"

When the intelligence of the passage of the act above
mentioned reached Virginia, the House of .Burgesses
was in session. It immediately passed several resolu-
tions, in very bold terms, against it. They made an order,
that the members should attend in their seats, on the

t day of June, the day on which the act was to lake
effect; and that that day should be observed as a day of
fasting, humiliation, and prayer.

The governor, so soon as he heard that such an order
had been made, dissolved the House. Upon the arrival
of the intelligence of the Boston port bill, Mr. Lee pre-
pared several resolutions of stronger language, than had
yet been used by any legislative body in America. And
intended to have offered them, on the morning after
the vote of the order for a fast, but the dissolution of
the House frustrated the design. It will be believed,
from the spirit of the time, that his ra^AuUons would
have been adopted. When the House was dissolved,

96 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

Mr. Lee advised that the members should assemble, and
as representatives of the people, at once recommend the
meeting of a general Congress. The members gene-
rally, were disposed to pursue a more cautious, or (which
is frequently mistaken for such,) a more dilatory pro-
ceeding. An address to the people w$s drawn up, in
which they denounced the measures of Parliament, as
intended, and well calculated to subvert their constitu-
tional liberties. They particularly reprobated the act
for shutting up the port of Boston, " in their sister co-
lony" of Massachusetts, " as a dangerous attempt to de-
stroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all British
America." They recommend to their committee of
correspondence, "that they communicate with the com-
mittees of other colonies, upon the expediency of ap-
pointing deputies from the several colonies of British
America, to meet at such place, as should be most con-
venient, there to deliberate on those general measures,
which the united interests of America, may, from time
to time require." The address is from the pen of Mr.
Lee, and contains the sentiments of the resolutions which
he intended to have offered in the House of Burgesses;
besides recommending among other subjects for the con-
sideration of the proposed general meeting of deputies, a
consideration of the best means to stop the exports from
the colonies, to the mother country. This passage of
the address, is in these words, u that deputies be ap-
pointed from the several colonies, to consider and deter-
mine upon ways the most effectual, to stop the exports
from North America; and to adopt such other methods,
as shall be most decisive for securing the constitutional
rights of America, against the systematic plan formed
for their destruction/' The idea of stopping the ex-
ports from the colonies, as far as the author can ascer-
tain, derives from Mr. Lee.

The following letter to Samuel Adams, Esq., written
shortly after the act for shutting up the port of Boston
had gone into operation, relates the proceedings of the
House of Burgesses, after the dissolution, and contains

OF RICHARD HEN1JY LEE. 97

a copy of the resolutions which Mr. Lee intended to
have offered to the House. The correspondence of
these two great men, and eminent patriots, will he read
with increasing interest, as the reader approaches the
period of battle and bloodshed.

[Letter of R. H. Lee, to Samuel Adams.]

"CHANTILLY, Va.

Jcxe 23, 1774.

Sir — I did myself the pleasure of writing to you, from
this place my departure for our Assembly, in May

last, and again, from Williamsburg, immediately after
our dissolution, enclosing the order for a fast, which
produced that event; and an account of the subsequent
conduct of the members, after the political death inflict-
ed on them. The day before we were dissolved, I had
prepared a set of resolutions, the two last of which,
were thus expressed:

J< Resolved, That the blocking up, or attempting to
block up the harbour of Boston, until the people there
shall submit to the payment of the taxes imposed upon
them, without the consent of their representatives, is a
most violent and dangerous attempt to destroy the con-
stitutional liberty and rights of all British America.

" Resolved, That be appointed

deputies from this House, to meet at such

deputies from the other colonies as they shall appoint,
there to consider and determine on ways the most effec-
tual to stop the exports from North America, and for
the adoption of such other measures, as may be " most
decisive, for securing the rights of America against the
systematic plan formed for their destruction."

I have not a remaining doubt that these resolu-
tions would have been agreed to, had they been pro-
posed. I was prevented from offering them, by many
worthy members, who wished to have the public busi-
ness first finished, and who were induced to believe, from
many conversations they had heard, that there was no

vol. 1. — N

/
98 Life and correspondence

danger of a dissolution, before it had happened. It seems
government were alarmed at the spirit which the order
for a fast denoted, and fearing the consequences, inter-
posed a dissolution. The consequent conduct of the
members, was surely much too feeble, in opposition to
that very dangerous and alarming degree, to which des-
potism had advanced. So thinking, I did propose to
the dissolved members, the plan of a general Congress;
but they made a distinction, between their then state,
and that, when they were members of the House of
Burgesses. Most of the members, and myself among
the rest, had left Williamsburg, before your message
from Boston had arrived. Twenty-five of them, how-
ever, were assembled to consider of that message, and
they determined to invite a general meeting of the whole
body, on the first of August, to consider the measure of
stopping the exports and imports. Since that, an Indian
invasion of our frontier, has compelled the calling a new
Assembly, for which purpose, writs, returnable to the
eleventh August, are now out, at which time, it is thought
the House will meet; when, I think, there is no manner
of doubt, they will directly adopt the most effectual
means in their power, for obtaining a redress of griev-
ances. In the mean time, the sense of some counties is
taking, and two have already declared their desire to stop
the commercial intercourse between Great Britain and
the West Indies, and this colony. It seems very clear to
me, that there will be a general agreement. Do you not
think, that the first most essential step for our Assembly
to take, will be an invitation to a general Congress, as
speedily as the nature of things will admit, in order that
our plan, whatever it may be, may be unanimous, and
therefore effectual. I shall be in Williamsburg the first
of August, and shall continue there until the meeting
of Assembly on the eleventh. It will be exceedingly
agreeable to me, to know your sentiments fully, on this
most important subject. I am sure it will be of real
consequence to the cause of liberty, that your committee
of correspondence write fully your sentiments to ours,

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 0,9

at the same time. It will be well, so to time the matter,
as that your letters may be in Williamsburg before the
first of August, at which time, a meeting of the late
representatives will take place, notwithstanding the
return of the writs to the eleventh instant .*

I hope the good people of Boston will not loose their
spirits under their present heavy oppression, for they
will certainly be supported by the other colonies; and
the cause for which they suffer, is so glorious, and so
deeply interesting to the present, and future generations,
that all America will owe, in a great measure, their
political salvation to the present virtue of Massachusetts
Bay. I am, sir, with very singular regard,

Your most obedient,

and humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

To Samuel Adams, Esq., Boston."

[Samuel Mam's Reply.]

" Sir — I have lately been favoured with three letters
from you, and must beg you to attribute my omitting to
make due acknowledgments till this time, to a multi-
plicity of affairs to which I am obliged to give my con-
stant attention. The unrighteous and oppressive act of
the British Parliament for shutting up this harbour,
though executed with a rigour beyond the intent, even
of its framers, has hitherto failed, and will, I believe, con-
tinue to fail of the effect, which the enemies of America
flattered themselves it would have. The inhabitants
still wear cheerful countenances; far from being in the
least intimidated, they are resolved to undergo the
greatest hardships rather than submit in any instance to
the tyrannical act. They are daily encouraged to per-
severe, by the intelligence they receive from their
brethren, not of this province only, but every other

* They did meet on the first of August, to show that they met
according to their own appointment, and not in obedience to the
king's writs.

300 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

colony, that they are considered as suffering in the com-
mon cause, and the resolution of all to support them
in the conflict. Lord North had no expectation that
we should be thus sustained ; on the contrary, he trust-
ed that Boston would be left to fall alone. He has there-
fore made no preparation for the effects of an union.
From the information I have had from intelligent per-
sons in England, I verily believe the design was to
seize some persons and send them home ; but the steadi-
ness and prudence of the people, and the unexpected
union of the colonies, evidenced by liberal contributions
for our support, has disconcerted them and they are at
a loss to know how to proceed further. Four regiments
are encamped on our common and more are expected:
but I hope the people will by circumspect behaviour,
prevent their taking occasion to act. The port bill is
followed by two other acts, one for regulating the go-
vernment of this province, or rather totally to destroy
cur free constitution, and substituting an absolute des-
potic one in its stead ; the other for the more impartial
administration of justice, or as some term it for screen-
ing from punishment any soldier who shall murder an
American, for asserting his rights. \ submission to
these acts will doubtles be required and expected ; but
whether General Gage will find it an easy thing to force
the people to submit to so great and fundamental a
change of government, is a question I think worth his
consideration. Will the people of America consider
these measures as an attack on the constitution of an
individual province, in which the rest are not interested,
or will they view the model of government prepared for
us as a system for the whole continent ? Will they as
unconcerned spectators, look on it to be designed only
to lop off the exuberant branches of democracy in the
constitution of this province, or as part of a plan to
reduce them all to slavery These are questions, in my
opinion, of great importance, which I trust will be
thoroughly weighed in a general congress. May God

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |Q|

inspire that intended body with wisdom and fortitude,
and unite and prosper their councils.

The people of this province are thoroughly sensible
of the necessity of breaking off all commercial con-
nection with a country, whose political councils tend
only to enslave them. They, however, consider the
body of the nation as kept in profound ignorance of
the nature of the dispute between Britain and the co-
lonies, and are taught to believe that we are a perfidious
and rebellious people. It is with reluctance they come
into any resolutions, which must distress those who are
not the objects of their resentments, but they are urged
to it by motives of self-preservation ; and are therefore
.signing an agreement in the several towns, not to con-
sume any British manufactures, which shall be imported
after the last of August next, and that they may not be
imposed upon, they are to require an oath of those of
whom they purchase goods. It is the virtue of the
yeomanry we are chiefly to depend upon. Our friends
in Maryland talk of withholding the exportation of
tobacco ; this was hinted to us by the gentlemen of the
late House of Burgesses of Virginia, who had been
called together, after the dissolution of the Assembly.
This would be a measure greatly interesting to the mo-
ther country.

Should America hold up her own importance to the
body of the nation, and at the same time agree to one
general bill of rights, the dispute might be settled on
principles of freedom, and harmony be restored between
Great Britain and the colonies.
I am, with great regard,

your friend and servant,

Samuel Adam*.

To Richard Hexux Lee, Virginia."

Soon after Mr. Lee's return from Williamsburg, he
procured a very full meeting of the inhabitants of West-
moreland. And after haranguing them on the state of
affairs, and inveighing in bold and indignant terms

102 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

against the English ministry, dwelling in pathetic descrip-
tion on the sufferings of their countrymen in Boston, he
proposed several resolutions. These expressed a warm
sympathy for the people of that town, cheered them by
assurances of support, and exhorted them to persevere
in their manly resistance. The author has in his pos-
session, a manuscript outline of Mr. Lee's harangue on
this occasion, and a copy of the resolutions. A corres-
ponding committee for his native county was now form-
ed, and of it, he was a diligent member.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. JQg

CHAPTER V

Mr. Lee used the utmost diligence as a member
of the state committee of correspondence, to collect the
sense of the different colonies, on the subject of a gene-
ral Congress. He had proposed to the members of the
House of Burgesses, after their dissolution, at once to
recommend such a measure; but the majority preferred
a course of more delay. He was apprehensive, unless
he could assure the Assembly, (which was to meet the
first of August,) that the other colonies approved the
immediate adoption of the plan, that a recommendation
of the measure by Virginia, would be again postponed,
He was evidently prepared for the exigency of affairs;
seeing clearly that a struggle would, very soon become^
not only a duty, but a matter of necessity, he wished to
prepare for it, the strength and the wisdom of all the colo-
nies; and seems early to have entertained the idea, that
no measure could be devised, so well calculated to en-
sure an effectual union, as a federal Congress. Such a
body alone, he believed, could awaken the moral ener-
gies of the people, and apply and direct their physical
powers. Hence he urged its adoption, with all the zeal
of devotion to his country, and with all the force of his
powerful and persuasive eloquence.

The first General Assembly of Virginia met at Wil-
liamsburg, on the first of August, 1774. In it were
present all the conspicuous men of the state, among
whom Mr. Lee ardently exerted himself to induce the
adoption of every measure calculated to render his
country able to meet even the worst event: distinguish-
ing himself as a powerful, an eloquent, and an intrepid
assertor of the rights of his countrymen. He strenu*

104 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ously urged the propriety of making common cause with
the people of Boston; of breaking off all commercial
intercourse with the mother country, and of recommend-
ing an immediate meeting of a general congress. This
last measure was carried in the Assembly, and the fol-
lowing deputies were chosen : Messrs. Peyton Ran-
dolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick
Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund
Pendleton. The letter of instructions furnished to the
deputies, displays, in a strong and cheering light, the
talents and firmness of the patriots of Virginia.

The purpose of this appointment, and the tenor of the
letter of instructions accompanying it, were entirely con-
genial to the spirit and views of Mr. Lee. Whatever
hopes he may have entertained of a restoration of har-
mony between the mother country and the colonies, from
the measures which might be adopted in a general con-
gress, he considered such an assembly as the surest mean
of organizing efficient plans of resistance. It opened
to him a new and enlarged sphere of exertion. His
generous and comprehensive patriotism had long since
embraced the mutual interests, deplored the general op-
pression, and gloried in the assertion of the common
cause of America. The prospects of the labours and
trials of a public life earnestly devoted to the business
of an extensive country, in a gloomy period, did not re-
press the ardor, or check the activity, of his mind. No
one ever obeyed with more alacrity the call of his coun-
try. No patriot ever acted more entirely on the prin-
ciple, that every man owed his most cheerful and unwea-
ried efforts to his country, especially in times of trouble
and danger. None of the great men of that day carried
into the public service a firmer fortitude, a more exalted
patriotism, and a more enduring patience.

It will, perhaps, be not unacceptable to the reader, to
be presented with a letter written about this time, by
Colonel Washington to Mr. Lee. This letter is inte-
resting, as it was written by him who was to become the
great military leader of the revolution. This shows the

OF mCHAUD HENRY LEE,

105

sound sense which he exhibited, as well in council as in
the field. It is the first letter of a correspondence, of
the most affectionate and confidential character, between
General Washington and Mr. Lee, beginning in the year
^74, and continuing until the death of the latter. This
correspondence was on subjects of the deepest interest
and importance to the country. The letters of General
Washington were as frequent as his all-important labours
would allow; written from the camp and the field of
battle; on the day of disaster and of victory; from his
fireside, and from the banks of the rivers, whose courses
he traces, and whose possible communications he con-
siders.*

« WIELIAMSBUUG, August 9, 1774.

Dear Sir — If this letter should, (though I do not see
any probable chance that it will,) reach your hands in
lime, it is to ask, if you do not think it necessary, that
the deputies from this colony, should be furnished with
authentic lists of the exports and imports annually, more
especially to and from Great Britain; and, in that case,
to beg of you to obtain such from the custom-house offi-
cers on the Potomac and Rappahannock. I have de-

* In a late work, " Sketches of the Life of N. Green, by Wil-
liam JohnsoB, of South Carolina," the author has, without due
inquiry, stated more than once, that Richard H. Lee, and other
eminent men ®f the revolution, were inimical to General Wash-
ington, particularly about the period of the trial of General Charles
Lee. The same remark is made, in regard to the brothers of
Mr. Lee, Francis L. Lee, and Arthur Lee, Esqrs. In addition
to the full evidence of the entire want of foundation ©f these hasty
assertions, which the reader will find in this Memoir, and the
correspondence of General Washington, it may here be remarked,
that General Green, whose unshaken attachment to Washington
is justly made one of his merits by the author, was a warm friend
and constant correspondent of Richard H. Lee, during the very
time when the latter is said to have been inimical to General
Washington. It was the effort of tories to create a distrust be-
tween General Washington and R. H. Kee. It had not the in-
tended effect. The illustrious statesman who moved the decla-
ration of independence, and the immortal chief who established
its principles by his victories, admired and loved each other.

VOL. I. — 0

]0G LIFE AND COltltESPONDEKCE

sired the speaker, if he should think it expedient, and
might not have thought of it, to do the same from the
York, and James Rivers offices.

I have got an account (though not a certified one,)
from Mr. Wythe, of our number of taxables in 1770,
since increased (Archy Carey says) to 10,000, as would
have appeared by the list which would have been return-
ed in May, if the session had gone on.

I am, with esteem, dear sir,

your most obedient servant,

George Washington.*

P. S. If you should travel to Philadelphia by land, I
should be glad of your company. Mr. Henry, is to be
at my house on his way, Tuesday the thirtieth instant"

Mr. Lee was unavoidably detained in Virginia, and
did not reach Philadelphia as soon as his colleagues.
He made 'every effort, however, to appear promptly at
the meeting of the Congress, and was able to take his
seat, before the House had commenced its deliberations.

Here he became personally acquainted with the dis-
tinguished men of the several colonies, with whom he
had for some time corresponded. To most of the mem-
bers, his character was already known, for his fame had
extended beyond the limits of his native state. It may
easily be imagined, how cordial was the meeting between
those patriots, who had interchanged the most friendly
sentiments; who had felt the sympathies of congenial
minds; who had long entertained the same political
views; who had devoted their services to the welfare of
their common country; and were willing to sacrifice
their lives and fortunes, for its freedom and happiness.

A more able and a more virtuous body, than the first
continental Congress, never assembled. A more mo-

* See the very interesting correspondence with Washington,
in vol. ii.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. JQ^

mentous business, never demanded the attention of men,
than that, which was about to employ their minds. The
liberty of themselves and their posterity, depended upon
the wisdom and vigour of their councils. " To this ve-
nerable body," it has been well said, " every American
heart will bow with homage, while the name of liberty
shall be dear in our land."*

After several days had been spent, in the examination
of the credentials of the members, and in other prelimi-
nary arrangements, the House was at length completely
and solemnly organized. The day on which the House
was to commence its deliberations arrived. It met, and
"a long and deep silence is said to have followed its or-
ganization."! Patrick Henry was the first speaker on
this occasion. " He was followed" says his biographer,
" by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, who charmed the House
with a different kind of eloquence. Chaste, classical,
beautiful, his polished periods rolled along without effort,
filling the ear with the most bewitching harmony, and
delighting the mind with the most exquisite imagery."

Great expectations had been formed of Mr. Lee, by
the House generally, and particularly by those of the
members with whom he had previously corresponded.
Seldom have expectations been so completely answered.
It was not the lustre of abilities, nor the splendour and
richness of his eloquence, nor the fire and the grace of
his oratory, which so forcibly struck the House. It was
the comprehensive view of the subject he took; the va-
riety of political knowledge he exhibited; the maturity
of wisdom; the dignity of sentiment; the boldness and
elevation of spirit he displayed, which so raised the
hopes, so cheered and animated the friends of Ame-
rican freedom. He vividly and indignantly described
and enumerated the wrongs of America; and learnedly
and accurately stated her constitutional rights. He dis-
covered a perfect knowledge of the resources and in-
terests of the mother country; of the views and policy of

* Life of Patrick Henry, p. 105. t Ibid. p. 1QS-

]Qg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

her ministers; of the resources of the colonies; and of
the interests and motives likely to govern and actuate
the powerful rivals of Great Britain.

This first occasion on which Mr. Lee spoke in Con-
gress, afforded a happy subject for the display of his
eloquence, and political knowledge, his zeal for liberty,
and his devotion to his country. He was deeply inte-
rested in the solemn questions about to be agitated, and
he was endeavouring, effectually, to aid in securing the
freedom of his country.

The Congress met on the 4th of September, 1774..
On the sixth instant, it was resolved, " that a committee
be appointed, to state the rights of the colonies in gene-
ral, the several instances in which those rights are vio-
lated or infringed, and the means most proper to be
pursued, to obtain a restoration of them.5'* It was
determined that this committee should consist of two
members from each colony. As the assembling of a
Congress, and the adoption of every measure was to be
justified, on the ground of the violation of the rights of
all the colonies, it was highly wise, that the views and
grievances of all should be fully stated. The House
would thus become certainly and minutely acquainted
with the feelings of the people, harmony and concert
would prevail, and necessary measures would be unani-
mously adopted.

Mr. Lee and Mr. Pendleton, were selected from the
Virginia deputation.!

See Journals, vol. i. p. 10, 11.

t Ibid, p. 1 1 In pages 107, 8, of the Life of Patrick Henry, the

author has led his readers to infer, that R. H. Lee, and P. Henry,
though great and eloquent declaimers, were not only unskilled in^
composition, but unpractised in the u dry details of business." Ot
P. Henry, his biographer had a right to speak. Of the success of Mr.
Lee in compositon, it is believed, sufficient evidence has already
been given in this Memoir* The reader will find more ample
proof of the abilities, and other qualifications of Mr. Lee as a
writer. Of no man of genius, not even of the younger Pitt, can
[t be said with less truth, than of R. II. Lee, that he was not great

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. ]Q£

On the seventeenth of September, a spirited preamble
and resolutions of the several towns and districts of
Suffolk, in Massachusetts, and an address to Governor
Gage, were laid before Congress.* The sentiments
expressed in them, were in unison with those of the
whole Congress, but more particularly acceptable to Mr.
Lee. Accordingly, he moved, and it was unanimously

Resolved, " That this Assembly deeply feel the suffer-
ings of their fellow citizens in Massachusetts Bay, under
the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive
acts of the British Parliament; that they most thoroughly
approve of the wisdom and fortitude, with which opposi-
tion to these wicked ministerial measures hath hitherto
been conducted; and it earnestly recommends to their
brethren, a perseverance in the same firm and temperate
conduct, as expressed in the resolutions determined upon,
at a late meeting of the delegates for the county of
Suffolk, on Tuesday, the sixth instant, trusting that the
effects of the united efforts of North America, in their
behalf, will carry such conviction to the British nation,
of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present
administration, as quickly to introduce better men, and
wiser measures.

Resolved, " That contributions from all the colonies,
for supplying the necessities, and alleviating the distresses

in the "dry details of business." The journals of the old Congress,
the universal attestation of his cotemporaries, and manuscripts
now in the possession of the author, abundantly establish the fact*
that his habits of patient investigation, unwearied attention to the-
driest details of business, and his aptitude to the performance of
them, his knowledge of men and things, the order and method
of his transactions, were as remarkable as the brilliancy and,
sprightliness of his fancy, and the extent of his knowledge. He
Was either chairman, or a member of every military and naval,
as well as of every miscellaneous business committee, during his
long deputation to the continental Congress. Letters to Mr. Lee,
from General Washington, and almost every general officer, down
to deputy quartermasters — from Drs. Rush, Shippen, &c, of the
medical department, consulting him on the most minute details of
their duties, will be found among the correspondence, vol. ii.
* See Journals, vol i. p. 13.

J1Q LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

of our brethren at Boston, ought to be continued in suef*
manner, and so long as their occasions may require."*
On the 27th, Congress had under consideration.
" the means most proper to be used, for the restoration
of American rights."! The reader will recollect, how
earnestly Mr. Lee had advised, both in and out of the-
legislature of Virginia, the plan of non-importation of
all articles of British manufactures. He had also pro-
posed the plan of stopping all exports to Great Britain,
from the colonies. He advised these plans, as of the
most probable efficacy, not, indeed, in changing the pur-
poses of the ministry, but in bringing the interests of
the nation into opposition to their policy and measures.
He now, with equal earnestness and ability, urged Con-
gress to the adoption of a general system of non-inter-
course, and resolutions expressing the expediency of
such a system, were adopted. A committee was appointed
to report a plan, for carrying into effect these resolutions.
Mr. Lee was one of this committee; and the plan re-
ported, was very similar to that which he had advised in
his own state, and which had there been extensively
adopted. The importance of the trade of the mother
country with the colonies, was obvious to any one, at all
acquainted with the extent of it. To Mr. Lee, who
was accurately informed on the subject of the commer-
cial and financial relations of the two countries, a non-
intercourse, appeared a measure which could not fail to
have a powerful operation, and a decisive effect. He
wisely foresaw, that if it failed to array the interests of
the nation, against its willingness to be ilattered by minis-
terial theories of Parliamentary omnipotence, war must
follow. With how much wisdom he had long urged an
entire cessation of trade, may be seen, by referring to Mr.
Burke's speech on " American Taxation," for its import-
ance to the mother country. " The trade with America

* Taken from the original Tflanuscipts «f Mr. Itee. See-
Journ p. 19.
t Ibid, p. CI.

OF RICHARD IlENRY LEE. ^ 1 1

Siione, is now (March 22, 1775) less than 500,000Z., of
being equal to what this great commercial country, Eng-
land, carried on at the beginning of this century, with
all the world."

On the 1st October, the Congress having resumed the
consideration of the means necessary to the restoration
of American Rights, resolved unanimously, " that a
loyal address to his majesty be prepared, dutifully
requesting the royal attention to the grievances which
alarm and distress his majesty's faithful subjects in North
America ; and entreating his majesty's gracious inter-
position to remove such grievances; thereby to restore
to Great Britain and the colonies, that harmony so ne-
cessary to the happiness of the British empire, and so
ardently desired by all America." It was ordered that
Mr. Lee, Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Johnson * Mr. Henry,
and Mr. Rutlege be a committee to prepare such an
address to his majesty.f

It has often been remarked of Mr. Lee, that boldness-
and energy were striking traits in both his private and
public character ; whilst he, no doubt, trembled at the
prospect of the distresses which war would bring upon
his family and country, he was not " afraid steadily to
look in the face of that glaring and dazzling splendour,"

* The author cannot pass the name of this gentleman, with-
out a tribute to his memory, which every virtuous American
must delight to bestow. .He was one of the ablest men in the old
Congress. There did not live in, those times which " tried
men's souls," a purer patriot, or a more efficient citizen. He
was governor of Maryland during the darkest ^period of the Re*
volution. Under his administration, Maryland was distinguish-
ed for her devotion to the common cause. On one occasion,
when General Washington was retreating through the Jersies,
he raised a large body of Maryland militia, and marched at their
head to his camp, by ;whom he was received with the most
marked respect. He was, under the federal government, a judge
of the United States' court. He was frequently in flattering terms
invited by General Washington to accept of the appointment of
secretary of state. No Roman citizen ever loved his country
more. His private virtues entitled him to veneration and love.
Thomas Johnson was, indeed, an honour to the cause of liberty I

t Journal, p. 22.

1 \2 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

of English power, u at which the eyes of eagles had
blenched." On the third of October, he moved the
following strong and spirited resolution : Resolved " That
as we find the reason declared in the preamble to the
acts of Parliament, for raising a revenue in America,
to be for supporting the civil government, the adminis-
tration of justice, and for protecting, defending and se-
curing the colonies, v the Congress recommend it to
those colonies, in which it has not been already done, to
provide constitutional, competent, and honourable sup-
port for the purposes of government, and administra-
tion of justice ; and that as it is quite unreasonable, that
the mother country should be at the expense of main-
taining standing armies in North America, for its de-
fence ; and that administration may be convinced, that
this is unnecessary and improper, as North America is
able, willing, and under Providence, determined to de-
fend, protect, and secure itself, the Congress do most
earnestly recommend to the several colonies, that a mi-
litia be forthwith appointed and well disciplined, and
that it be well provided with ammunition and proper
arms/5* That Mr. Lee was not outrunning the exer-
cise of a sound policy, and was not hastening unneces-
sarily a state of war, will be obvious to the statesman;
for at this moment, Boston was occupied by a regular
army, and military works were carried on daily around
it ; and the course of events proved that the ministry
never were convinced, from their conciliatory measures,
and from the dutiful addresses of Congress, that North
America would dare to arm and defend itself. To a
majority of the members, the resolution appeared too
strong. They were apprehensive, lest it might be un-
derstood as speaking the language, and breathing the
spirit of menace and rebellion. It was modified to suit
the cautious temper of the House, and adopted in the
following language : Resolved unanimously, That it be
an instruction to the committee appointed to draw up

• From the original manuscript of Mr. Lee.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE.

113

an address to the king. Whereas Parliamentary taxes
on America have been laid, on pretence of " defraying
the expenses of government, and supporting the ad-
ministration of justice, defending, protecting, and se-
curing the colonies/' that they do assure his majesty
the colonies have, or will make ample provision for
defraying all the necessary expenses of supporting go-
vernment, and the due administration of justice in the
respective colonies ; that the militia if put on a proper
footing would be amply sufficient for their defence in
time of peace; that they are desirous of putting it on
such a footing, immediately, and that in case of war,
the colonies are ready to grant supplies for raising any
further forces that may be necessary.*

How tamed and subdued is the language of the reso-
lution finally adopted, compared with that first moved.
An endorsement on the original manuscript of Mr.
Lee, shows plainly, that he was a good deal displeased,
at the rejection of his resolution in the language in
which it was offered. It is in these words: " A motion
made in Congress by 11. H. Lee, to apprise the public of
danger, and of the necessity of putting the colonies, in
a state of defence. A majority had not the spirit to
adopt it." The same caution which caused the rejec-
tion of Mr. Lee's motion, induced ail the older members
of the Virginia Assembly, to oppose a motion to arm the
militia of that colony, made by P. Henry, in a subse-
quent year.

On the sixth of October, the Congress resumed the
consideration of the means proper to be used for the
restoration of their rights. While it was deliberating,
an express arrived from Boston, with a letter addressed
by the committee of correspondence of that town. The
committee informed Congress of the military proceed-
ings of General Gage, and particularly complained of
the erection of fortifications around the town, which,
with the ships in the harbour, will command every ave-

* lb. page 22.
TOL. I. — P

U4 LI1E AND CORRESPONDENCE

nue into the town. It is stated in the letter, " that after
the town is enclosed, it is apprehended that the citizens
will be held as hostages for the submission of the people
of the county; they apply, therefore, to Congress for
advice how to act; that if Congress advise to quit the
town, they obey; that if it is judged, that by maintain-
ing their ground, they can better serve the public cause,
they will not shrink from hardship and danger, &c."*
Every one must admire the firm and generous devotion
to their country, which inspired the committee, and the
inhabitants of Boston. To Mr. Lee, no sacrifice could
seem too great to be made; no hardship too severe to be
endured, when submission to tyranny, would be the con-
sequence of shrinking from suffering. Judging of the
citizens of Boston, from his own feelings, and indeed,
from their own conduct and declarations, he did not
hesitate to advise them to quit the town, as a longer sub-
jection to military control, would be as inconsistent with
the feelings of freemen, as the continuance in the town
might be dangerous to themselves, and injurious to the
public cause. He therefore moved, that it be resolved,
" that the Congress are of opinion, that it is inconsistent
with the honour and safety of a free people to live with-
in the control, and exposed to the injuries of a military
force, not under the government of the civil power.
And as General Gage has thought proper to take pos-
session of the town of Boston with an armed force, and
is converting that once free city, into a military garrison,
the Congress advise from every motive of honour, safety
and wisdom, that the free citizens of Boston, no longer
expose themselves to the dangerous consequences of the
military manoeuvring carrying on against the town, but
quit the place, and find an asylum among their hospita-
ble countrymen, who will no doubt, on this trying occa-
sion, display that virtuous humanity, which may be so
deservedly exercised towards their brethren and op-
pressed fellow citizens; and it is earnestly recommended

* See Journal, p. 23..

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

115

to all British America, from time to time to supply these,
their distressed and deserving countrymen."* This re-
solution was rejected; and the expediency of leaving the
town, was left to the consideration of the provincial As-
sembly. It was also resolved, " that in the event of such
a measure, it would be recommended to the colonies, to
contribute towards recompensing them for any injury
they may thereby sustain." This resolution was unani-
mously adopted. The second resolution, which recom-
mended to the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, " to
submit to the suspension of the administration of jus-
tice, where it cannot be had in a legal and peaceable
manner, according to their present charter, anu the laws
grounded thereon/' was carried by a majority. Mr.
Lee voted, however, in the minority.^ It is not intend-
ed by this remark, to contrast the votes of the two par-
ties. The majority consisted of firm and fearless men;
but, they thought that conciliatory measures would most
probably alter the present policy of the mother country.
Mr. Lee, on the contrary, thought that bold and ener-
getic measures alone, would induce ministers to redress
our grievances; for he always declared it was obvious,
that they thought that America would never resist by
force, any edict of England. He believed, that if by
measures just short of war, a contrary conviction could
be produced in the minds of the ministry, or a majority
of the English people, war might be avoided: or, if still
they blindly and proudly persevered in contemning the
spirit of their colonies, and trampling on their rights,
the country would be prepared for a resort to arms. It
is said, however, that Mr. Lee had been long convinced,
that this resort would be necessary, and that it would
terminate, though leading through danger and suffering,
in the independence of his country.

On the 11th October, it was resolved unanimously,
that a memorial be prepared to the people of British

* Taken from the original manuscript of Mr. Lee.
t -Journal, p. 25.

1]5 LlpF' AND COMHESPONDENCE

America, stating to them the necessity of a firm, united,
and invariable observance of the measures recommended
by Congress, as they tender the invaluable rights and
liberties derived to them from the laws and constitutions
of their country. Also, that an address be prepared to
the people of Great Britain." Mr. Lee, Mr. Livingston,
and Mr. Jay, were appointed to prepare the memorial
and address.*

In an account given by the author of the " Life of
Patrick Henry/' of the part performed by the gentlemen
who composed the two leading committees of this session
of Congress, viz. that appointed to prepare the memorial
and address, and that to prepare an address to the king,
which was appointed on the first instant, it is stated, that
Mr. Lee was charged with the address to the people of
England; that a draught was reported by him, which
occasioned great disappointment, and was recommitted,
and entirely superseded by one prepared by Mr. Jay.
It is there also stated, that the petition to the king, which
was finally adopted, was written by Mr. Dickinson.

It may, however, be safely asserted, that this account
of the production of these celebrated state papers, is, in
some respects, essentially erroneous. From a commu-
nication which the author received from Mr. Jay,f in
reply to inquiries addressed to him on this subject, the
reader will be satisfied, that the account here given, rests
on the most direct and authentic information.! Mr. Jay
was one of the committee ordered to prepare the memo-
rial and address, and must be supposed to be well in-
formed of the proceedings of the committee to which he
belonged, and of the body in which he acted. With the
poet he can say,

" Quaeque ipse vidi —

Et quorum pars magna fui."

* Journ. p. 27.

t This great and good man still lives, in the enjoyment of that
liberty for which he laboured, and of the veneration of every virtu-
ous citizen.

| See Mr. Jay's letter, Appendix, No. 3.

OF RICHAHD HENRY LEE. X 1 *7

From the communication just referred to, it seems
improbable that the petition to the king was written by
Mr. Dickinson. The general impression has been, from
its first appearance to the present times, that it was writ-
ten by Mr. Lee. The author of the " Life of Wash-
ington," in his account of the proceedings of the Congress
of '74, says, that the composition of the address to the
people of England had been generally attributed to Mr.
Jay, and that of the petition to the king to Mr. Lee.
This general impression as to the real author of the ad-
dress, is now well known to be correct. There is reason
to believe, that it is equally correct, with regard to the
writer of the petition. Mr. Lee was chairman of the
committee to prepare the memorial and address, and also
of that to draw up the petition to the king. The intrinsic
evidence that he was the writer of the petition, will ap-
pear very strong to the intelligent reader, who will com-
pare the composition of it with that of the memorial to
the people of British America.

It was agreed, in the committee, to draw the memorial
and the address; that Mr. Lee should prepare a draught
of the memorial, which was the first both in order and
importance; and that Mr. Jay should prepare a draught
of the address, both of which were done accordingly.*
Thus it is certain, that Mr. Lee did not undertake to
write the address to the people of Great Britain. In
making the report of the committee, he may have read
it, as the chairman; the honour of composing it belongs
to Mr. Jay. It is equally certain, that Mr. Lee wrote
the memorial to the people of British America. The
fact that these draughts, upon their being first reported.,
were recommitted, does not justify the inference of im-
perfection in the composition of the originals. It would
seem probable, that no writer could anticipate every idea
which might be suggested in a large and able body, or
that he could foresee the exact relative importance, in
its estimation, of every right, and the violation of it. The

* See id. in App. No. 3.

H3 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

recommitments were made, with instructions to add some
other matter which appeared to the Congress important.

In the remarks tending to prove that Mr. Lee was the
writer of the petition to the king, it must not be sup-
posed, for a moment, that the least intention, or wish,
has been entertained to diminish the fame of Mr. Dick-
inson, to whom this document has been sometimes
attributed. We would give to each, his own; the fame
of Mr. Lee, does not require the slightest diminution of
the just claims of honour, of any of his great and pa-
triotic cotemporaries. And the address of the Con-
gress to the people of Quebec, is honourable evidence
of the ability of Mr. Dickinson.

The great celebrity of the addresses, &c, of the
Congress of '74-5, will justify the author of this Memoir,
in the efforts he has made to ascertain the true share of
honour to which Mr. Lee is entitled. These public
papers cannot be too often read by the countrymen and
descendants of their authors. They inspired the people
of the colonies with unbounded confidence in the wisdom
and ability of their delegates, and attracted the admira-
tion, respect, and sympathy of Europe, towards them-
elves and the cause of America. The reader will, no
doubt, recollect the eulogy of Lord Chatham. Speak-
ing in the House of Lords, of these papers, which had
reached England, he said, " when your lordships look at
the papers transmitted to us from America,* when you
consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you can-
not but respect their cause, and wish to make it your
own. For myself, I must declare and avow, that in all
my reading and observation, and it has been my favourite
study, I have read Thucydides, and have studied and
admired the master states of the world — that for solidity
of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion,
under such complication of circumstances, no nation, or
body of men, can stand in preference to the general
Congress at Philadelphia."

* The memorial, address, and petition, were transmitted to the
colony agents, to be presented and printed.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |]0,

The biographer of Mr. Lee, would be unfaithful to
his memory, were he not to record in the history of his
political life, that one of these admirable productions, of
which he was certainly the author.

" To the inhabitants of the colonies of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Planta-
tions, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
the counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex on Dela-
ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South
Carolina.

Friends and Countrymen,

We, the delegates appointed by the good people of
these colonies to meet at Philadelphia, in September last,
for the purposes mentioned by our respective constitu-
ents, have, in pursuance of the trust reposed in us,
assembled, and taken into our most serious considera-
tion, the important matters recommended to the Con-
gress. Our resolutions thereupon, will be herewith
communicated to you. But as the situation of public
affairs grows daily more and more alarming; and as it
may be more satisfactory to you to be informed by us in
a collective body, than in any other manner, of those
sentiments that have been approved, upon a full and free
discussion, by the representatives of so great a part of
America, we esteem ourselves obliged to add this ad-
dress to these resolutions.

In every case of opposition by a people to their rulers,
or of one state to another, duty to Almighty God, the
Creator of all, requires that a true and impartial judg-
ment be formed of the measures leading to such oppo-
sition; and of the causes by which it has been provoked,
or can in any degree be justified, that neither affection
on the one hand, nor resentment on the other, being
permitted to give a wrong bias to reason, it may be
enabled to take a dispassionate view of all circumstances,
and to settle the public conduct on the solid foundations
of wisdom and justice.

120 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

From councils thus tempered arise the surest hopes
of the divine favour, the firmest encouragement to the
parties engaged, and the strongest recommendation of
their cause to the rest of mankind.

With minds deeply impressed by a sense of these
truths, we have diligently, deliberately, and calmly in-
quired into, and considered those exertions, both of the
legislative and executive power of Great Britain, which
have excited so much uneasiness in America, and have,
with equal fidelity and attention, considered the conduct
of the colonies. Upon the whole, we find ourselves re-
duced to the disagreeable alternative of being silent and
betraying the innocent, or of speaking out and censuring
those we wish to revere. In making our choice of these
distressing difficulties, we prefer the course dictated by
honesty, and a regard for the welfare of our country.

Soon after the conclusion of the late war, there com-
menced a memorable change in the treatment of these
colonies. By a statute made in the fourth year of the
present reign, a time of profound peace, alleging, " the
expediency of new provisions and regulations for ex-
tending the commerce between Great Britain and his
majesty's dominions in America, and the necessity of
raising a revenue in the said dominions for defraying the
expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the
same," the Commons of Great Britain undertook to give
and grant to his majesty many rates and duties, to be
paid in these colonies. To enforce the observance of
this act, it prescribes a great number of severe penalties
and forfeitures; and in two sections makes a remarkable
distinction between the subjects in Great Britain, and
those in America. By the one, the penalties and for-
feitures incurred there, are to be recovered in any of the
king's courts of record at Westminster, or in the court
of exchequer in Scotland; and by the other, the penal-
ties and forfeitures incurred here, are to be recovered in
any court of record, or in any court of admiralty, or
vice admiralty, at the election of the informer or prose-
cutor.

OF RICHARD HENRY I,EE< ]gj

The inhabitants of these colonies, confiding in the
justice of Great Britain, were scarcely allowed sufficient
time to receive and consider this act, before another, well
known by the name of the stamp act, and passed in the fifth
year of this reign, engrossed their whole attention. By
this statute the British Parliament exercised in the most
explicit manner a power of taxing us, and extending the
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty in
the colonies, to matters arising within the body of a
county, and directed the numerous penalties and for-
feitures thereby inflicted, to be recovered in the said
courts.

In the same year a tax was imposed upon us, by an
act establishing several new fees in the customs. In the
next year the stamp act was repealed; not because it was
founded in an erroneous principle* but, as the repealing
act recites, because " the contiuuance thereof would be
attended with many inconveniences, and might be pro-
ductive of consequences greatly detrimental to the com-
mercial interest of Great Britain."

In the same year, and by a subsequent act it was de-
clared, " that his majesty in Parliament, of right, had
power to bind the people of these colonies by statutes in
ail cases whatsover."

In the same year, another act was passed, for impos-
ing rates and duties payable in these colonies. In this
statute the commons, avoiding the terms of giving and
granting u humbly besought his majesty that it might be
enacted, &c." But from a declaration in the preamble,
that the rates and duties were " in lieu of" several others
granted by the statute first before mentioned for rais-
ing a revenue, and from some other expressions it ap-
pears, that these duties were intended for that purpose.

In the next year, [1767,] an act was made " to enable
his majesty to put the customs and other duties in Ame-
rica under the management of commissioners, &c." and
the king thereupon erected the present expensive board
of commissioners, for the express purpose of carryin
vol. i. — Q

122 LIFE AN© CORRESPONDENCE

into execution the several acts relating to the revenue
and trade in America.

After the repeal of the stamp act, having again re-
signed ourselves to our ancient unsuspicious affections
for the parent slate, and anxious to avoid any controversy
with her, in hopes of a favourable alteration in senti-
ments and measures towards us, we did not press our
objections against the above mentioned statutes, made
subsequent to that repeal.

Administration, attributing to trilling causes, a conduct
that really proceeded from generous motives, were en-
couraged in the same year, (1767) to make a bolder
experiment on the patience of America.

By a statute, commonly called the glass, paper, and
lea act, made fifteen months after the repeal of the stamp
act, the Commons of Great Britain resumed their former
language , and again undertook to "give and grant rates and
duties to be paid in these colonies/' for the express pur-
pose of (i raising a revenue, to defray the charges of the
administration of justice, the support of civil government,
and defending the king's dominions/' on this continent.
The penalties and forfeitures, incurred under this statute,
are to be recovered in the same manner, with those men-
tioned in the foregoing acts.

To this statute, so naturally tending to disturb the
tranquillity then universal throughout the colonies, Par-
liament, in the same session, added another, no less ex-
traordinary.

Ever since the making the present peace, a standing
army has been kept in these colonies. From respect
for the mother country, the innovation was not only tole-
rated, but the provincial legislatures generally made pro-
vision for supplying the troops.

The Assembly of the province of New York, having
passed an act of this kind, but differing in some articles,
from the directions of the act of Parliament made in
the fifth year of this reign, the House of Representatives
in that colony was prohibited by a statute made In the
last session mentioned, from making any bill, order.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |23

resolution, or vote, except for adjourning or choosing a
speaker, until provision should be made by the said
Assembly for furnishing the troops within that province,
not only with all such necessaries as were required by
the statute which they were charged with disobeying,
but also with those required by two other subsequent
statutes, which were declared to be in force, until the
twenty-fourth day of March, 1769.

These statutes of the year 1767, revived the appre-
hensions and discontents, that had entirely subsided on
the repeal of the stamp act; and amidst the just fears
and jealousies thereby occasioned, a statute was made in
the next year (176S) to establish courts of admiralty and
vice-admiralty on a new model, expressly for the end of
more effectually recovering the penalties and forfei-
tures inflicted by acts of Parliament, framed for the pur-
pose of raising a revenue in America, &c.

The immediate tendency of these statutes, is to sub-
vert the right of having a share in legislation, by render-
ing Assemblies useless; the right of property, by taking
the money of the colonists without their consent; the
right of trial by jury, by substituting in their place, trials
in admiralty and vice-admiralty courts, where single
judges preside, holding their commissions during plea-
sure; and unduly to influence the courts of common law,
by rendering the judges thereof, totally dependent on the
crown for their salaries.

These statutes, not to mention many others exceed-
ingly exceptionable, compared one with another, will be
found, not only to form a regular system, in which every
part has great force, but also a pertinacious adherence
to that system, for subjugating these colonies, that are
not, and from local circumstances, cannot be represented
in the House of Commons, to the uncontrolabie and
unlimited power of Parliament, in violation of their
undoubted rights and liberties, in contempt of their
humble and repeated supplications.

This conduct must appear equally astonishing and un-
justifiable, when it is considered how unnrovoked it has

\24f LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

been by any behaviour of these colonies. From their
first settlement, their bitterest enemies never fixed on
any of them a charge of disloyalty to their sovereign, or
disaffection to their mother country. In the wars she
has carried on, they have exerted themselves whenever
required, in giving her assistance; and have rendered
her services, which she has publicly acknowledged to be
extremely important. Their fidelity, duty, and useful-
ness during the last war, were frequently and affection-
ately confessed by his late majesty and the present
king.

The reproaches of those who are most unfriendly to
the freedom of America, are principally levelled against
the province of Massachusetts Bay; but with what little
reason, will appear by the following declarations of a
person, the truth of whose evidence in their favour, will
not be questioned. Governor Bernard thus addresses
the two Houses of Assembly in his speech on the 24th
of April, 1762 — "The unanimity and despatch, with
which you have complied with the requisitions of his
majesty, require my particular acknowledgment. And
it gives me additional pleasure to observe, that you have
therein acted under no other influence than a due sense
of your duty, both as members of a general empire, and
as the body of a particular province/'

In another speech on the 27th of May, in the same
year, he says, — "Whatever shall be the event of the
war, it must be no small satisfaction to us, that this pro-
vince hath contributed its full share to the support of it
Every thing that hath been required of it hath been
complied with; and the execution of the powers com-
mitted to me, for raising the provincial troops hath been
as full and complete as the grant of them. Never be-
fore were regiments so easily levied, so well composed,
and so early in the field as they have been this year: the
common people seem to be animated with the spirit of
the general court, and to vie with them in their readi-
ness to serve the king.*7

Such was the conduct o^ the people of the Massachu-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

125

setts Bay during the last war. As to their behaviour
before that period, it ought not to have been forgot in
Great Britain, that not only on every occasion they had
constantly and cheerfully complied with the frequent
royal requisitions — but that chiefly by their vigorous ef-
forts, Nova Scotia was subdued in 1710, and Louisbourg
in 1745.

Foreign quarrels being ended, and the domestic dis-
turbances that quickly succeeded on account of the stamp
act, being quieted by its repeal, the Assembly of Massa-
chusetts Bay transmitted an humble address of thanks
to the king and divers noblemen, and soon after passed
a bill for granting compensation to the sufferers in the
disorder occasioned by that act.

These circumstances and the following extracts from
Governor Bernard's letters in 1768, to the Earl of Shel-
burne, secretary of state, clearly show, with what grate-
ful tenderness they strove to bury in oblivion the un-
happy occasion of the late discords, and with what
respectful deference they endeavoured to escape other
subjects of future controversy. " The House, (says the
governor,) from the time of opening the session to this
day, has shown a disposition to avoid -all dispute with
me; every thing having passed with as much good hu-
mour as I could desire, except only their continuing to
act in addressing the king, remonstrating to the secre-
tary of state, and employing a separate agent. It is the
importance of this innovation, without any wilfulness
of my own, which induces me to make this remon-
strance at a time when I have a fair prospect of having,
in all other business, nothing but good to say of the pro-
ceedings of the House."*

* They have acted in all things, even in their remon-
strance, with temper and moderation ; they have avoided
some subjects of dispute, and have laid a foundation for
removing some causes of former altercation."!

" I shall make such a prudent and proper use of this

* January 21, 1768. f January 30, 1768.

JOfj UtfE AND CORRESPONDENCE

letter, as I hope, will perfectly restore the peace and
tranquillity of this province, for which purpose conside-
rable steps have been made by the House of Represent-
atives."*

The vindication of the province of Massachusetts
Bay, contained in these letters, will have greater force,
if it be considered, that they were written several months
after ike fresh alarm given to the colonies by the statutes
passed in the preceding year.

In this place it seems proper to take notice of the
insinuation of one of those statutes, that the interference
of Parliament was necessary to provkie for tk defra)in^
ihc charge of the administration of justice, the support
of civil government, and defending the king's dominions
in America."

As to the two first articles of expense, every colony
had made such provision, as by their respective Assem-
blies, the best judges on such occasions, was thought
expedient, and suitable to their several circumstances;
respecting the last, it is well known to ail men, the least
acquainted with American affairs, that the colonies were
established, and generally defended themselves, without
the least assistance from Great Britain; and, that at the
time of her taxing them by the statutes before mention-
ed, most of them were labouring under very heavy debts,
contracted in the last war. So far were they from
sparing their money, when their sovereign, constitution-
ally asked their aids, that during the course of that war,
Parliament repeatedly made them compensations for the
expenses of those strenuous efforts, which, consulting
their zeal rather than their strength, they had cheerfully
incurred.

Severe as the acts of Parliament before mentioned
are, yet ihe conduct of administration hath been equally
injurious and irritating, to this devoted country.

Under pretence of governing them, so many new
institutions, uniformly rigid and dangerous- have been

February 2, 17C .

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 127

introduced, as could only be expected from incensed
masters, for collecting the tribute or rather the plunder
of conquered provinces.

B> an order of the king, the authority of the com-
mander-in-chief, and under him, of the brigadier-generals,
in time of peace, is rendered supreme in all the civil
governments in America; and thus, an uncontrolable
military power is vested in officers, not known to the
constitution of these colonies.

A large body of troops, and a considerable armament
of ships of war, have been sent to assist in taking their
money without their consent.

Expensive and oppressive offices have been multiplied,
and the acts of corruption industriously practised to di-
vide and destroy.

The judges of the admiralty and vice-admiralty courts
ate impowered to receive their salaries and fees from
the effects to be condemned by themselves.

The commissioners of the customs are empowered to
break open houses without the authority of any civil
magistrate, founded on legal information.

Judges of courts of common law, have been made
entirely dependent on the crown for their commissions
and salaries.

A court has been established at Rhode Island, for the
purpose of taking colonists to England to be tried.

Humble and reasonable petitions from the representa-
tives of the people, have been frequently treated with
contempt; and Assemblies have been repeatedly and
arbitrarily dissolved.

From some few instances, it will sufficiently appear,
on what pretences of justice those dissolutions have been
founded.

The tranquillity of the colonies having been again
disturbed, as has been mentioned, by the statutes of the
year 1767; the earl of Hillsborough, secretary of state,
in a letter to Governor Bernard, dated April 22, 1 768,
censures the " presumption" of the House of Repre-
sentatives, for " resolving on a measure of so inflarama-

12$ ^FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

tory a nature, as that of writing to the other colonies, on
the subject of their intended representations against the
late acts of Parliament," then declares that " his majesty
considers this step as evidently tending to create unwar-
rantable combinations, to excite an unjustifiable opposi-
tion to the constitutional authority of Parliament:" and
afterwards adds, '; It is the king's pleasure, that as soon
as the general court is again assembled, at the time pre-
scribed by the charter, you should require the House of
Representatives, in his majesty's name, to rescind the
resolution which gave birth to the circular letter from
the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation of, and
dissent to that rash and hasty proceeding."

"■ If the new Assembly should refuse to comply with
his majesty's reasonable expectation, it is the king's plea-
sure, that you should immediately dissolve them."

This letter being laid before the House, and the reso-
lution not being rescinded according to order, the As-
sembly was dissolved. A letter of a similar nature was
sent to other governors to procure resolutions approving
the conduct of the representatives of Massachusetts Bay,
to be rescinded also; and the Houses of Representatives
in other colonies refusing to comply, Assemblies were
dissolved.

These mandates spoke a language, to which the ears
of English subjects had for several generations been
strangers. The nature of Assemblies implies a power
and right of deliberation; but these commands, proscrib-
ing the exercise of judgment on the propriety of the
requisitions made, left to the Assemblies only the election
between dictated submission, and threatened punish-
ment: a punishment too, founded on no other act, than
such as is deemed innocent even in slaves — of agreeing
in petitions for redress of grievances, that equally affect
all.

The hostile and unjustifiable invasion of the town of
Boston, soon followed these events in the same year;
though that town, the province in which it is situated*
and all the colonies, from abhorrence of a contest with

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. Jg9

their parent state, permitted the execution even of those
statutes, against which they so unanimously were com-
plaining, remonstrating, and supplicating.

Administration, determined to subdue a spirit of free-
dom, which English ministers should have rejoiced to
cherish, entered into a monopolizing combination with
the East India Company, to send to this continent vast
quantities of tea, an article, on which a duty was laid
by a statute, that in a particular manner, attacked the
liberties of America, and which, therefore, the inhabi-
tants of these colonies had resolved not to import The
cargo sent to South Carolina was stored, and not allowed
to be sold. Those sent to Philadelphia and New York,
were not permitted to be landed. That sent to Boston
was destroyed, because governor Hutchinson, would not
suffer it to be returned.

On the intelligence of these transactions arriving in
Great Britain, the public spirited town last mentioned,
was singled out for destruction, and it was determined
the province it belongs to, should partake of its fate. In
the last session of Parliament, therefore were passed the
acts for shutting up the port of Boston, indemnifying the
murderers of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and
changing their chartered constitution of government.
To enforce these acts, that province is again invaded by
a fleet and army.

To mention these outrageous proceedings, is sufficient
to explain them. For though it is pretended, that the
province of Massachusetts Bay, has been particularly
disrespectful to Great Britain, yet in truth the behaviour
of the people, in other colonies, has been an equal " op-
position to the power assumed by parliament." No step
however has been taken against any of the rest. This
artful conduct conceals several designs. It is expected
that the province of Massachusetts Bay will be irritated
into some violent action, that may displease the rest of t/ie
continent, or that may induce the people of Great Bri-
tain to approve the meditated vengeance of an impru-
dent and exasperated ministry. If the unexampled
vol. h — R

130 L^E AND CORRESPONDENCE

pacific temper of that province shall disappoint this part
of the plan, it is hoped the other colonies will be so far
intimidated as to desert their brethren, suffering in a
common cause, and that thus disunited, all may be
subdued.

To promote these designs, another measure has been
pursued. In the session of Parliament last mentioned,
an act was passed for changing the government of Que-
bec, by which act the Roman Catholic Religion, instead
of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace,
is established; and the people there are deprived of a
right to an Assembly, trials by jury, and the English laws
in civil cases are abolished, and instead thereof, the
French laws are established, in direct violation of his
majesty's promise by his royal proclamation, under the
faith of which many English subjects settled in that
province, and the limits of that province are extended so
as to comprehend those vast regions, that lie adjoining
to the northerly and westerly boundaries of these colo-
nies.

The authors of this arbitrary arrangement flatter
themselves, that the inhabitants deprived of liberty, and
artfully provoked against those of another religion, will
be proper instruments for assisting in the oppression of
such, as differ from them in modes of government and
faith.

From the detail of facts herein before recited, as well
as from authentic intelligence received, it is clear beyond
a doubt, that a resolution is formed and now carrying
into execution, to extinguish the freedom of these colo-
nies, by subjecting them to a despotic government.

At this unhappy period, we have been authorized and
directed to meet and consult together for the welfare of
our common country. We accepted the important trust
with diffidence, but have endeavoured to discharge it
v?ith integrity. Though the state of these colonies
would certainly justify other measures than we have ad-
vised, yet weighty reasons determined us to prefer those
which we have adopted. In the first place, it appeared to

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J3|

us a conduct becoming the character, these colonies
have ever sustained, to perform, even in the midst of the
unnatural distresses and imminent dangers that surround
them, every act of loyalty, and therefore, we were in-
duced once more to offer to his majesty, the petitions of
his faithful and oppressed subjects in America. Se-
condly, regarding with the tender affection, which we
knew to be so universal among our countrymen, the peo-
ple of the kingdom, from which we derive our origin,
we could not forbear to regulate our steps by an expec-
tation of receiving full conviction, that the colonists are
equally dear to them. Between these provinces and that
body subsists the social band, which we ardently wish
may never be dissolved, and which cannot be dissolved,
until their minds shall become indisputably hostile, or
their inattention shall permit those who are thus hostile
to persist in prosecuting with the powers of the realm,
the destructive measures already operating against the
colonists, and in either case, shall reduce the latter to
such a situation, that they shall be compelled to re-
nounce every regard, but that of self-preservation. Not-
withstanding the violence with which affairs have been
impelled, they have not yet reached that fatal point. —
We do not incline to accelerate their motion, already
alarmingly rapid; we have chosen a method of opposi-
tion, that does not preclude a hearty reconciliation with
our fellow citizens, on the other side of the Atlantic.
We deeply deplore the urgent necessity, that presses us
to an immediate interruption of commerce, that may
prove injurious to them. We trust they will acquit us
of any unkind intentions towards them, by reflecting,
that we are driven by the hands of violence, into unex-
perienced and unexpected public convulsions, and that
we are contending for freedom, so often contended for
by our ancestors.

The people of England will soon have an opportunity
of declaring their sentiments concerning our cause. In
their piety, generosity, and good sense, we repose high
confidence; and cannot, upon a review of past events,

132 MFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

be persuaded, that they, the defenders of true religion,
and the asserters of the rights of mankind, will take part
against their affectionate protestant brethren in the colo-
nies, in favour of our open, and their own secret enemies,
whose intrigues, for several years past, have been wholly
exercised in sapping the foundations of civil and religious
liberty.

Another reason that engaged us to prefer the com-
mercial mode of opposition, arose from an assurance,
that the mode will prove efficacious, if it be persisted in
with fidelity and virtue; and that your conduct will be
influenced by these laudable principles, cannot be ques-
tioned. Your own salvation, and that of your posterity,
now depends upon yourselves. You have already shown
that you entertain a proper sense of the blessings you
are striving to retain. Against the temporary inconve-
niences you may suffer from a stoppage of trade, you
will weigh in the opposite balance, the endless miseries
you and your descendants must endure, from an esta-
blished arbitrary power. You will not forget the honour
of your country, that must, from your behaviour, take
its title in the estimation of the world, to glory, or to
shame; and you will, with the deepest attention, reflect,
that if the peaceable mode of opposition recommended
by us, be broken and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel
and haughty ministerial enemies, from a contemptuous
opinion of your firmness, insolently predict will be the
case, you must inevitably be reduced to choose, either a
more dangerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and infamous
submission.

Motives thus cogent, arising from the emergency of
your unhappy coalition, must excite your utmost dili-
gence and zeal, to give all possible strength and energy
to the pacific measures calculated for your relief: but
we think ourselves bound in duty to observe to you,
that the schemes agitated against these colonies, have
been so conducted, as to render it prudent, that you
should extend your views to mournful events, and be in
all respects prepared for every contingency. Above all

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J 33

things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit,
penitence of heart, and amendment of life, to humble
yourselves, and implore the favour of Almighty God:
and we fervently beseech his Divine Goodness, to take
you into his gracious protection."

On the 21st instant, it was Resolved "That an
address be prepared to the people of Quebec, and
letters to the colonies of St. John's, Nova Scotia, Geor-
gia, East and West Florida, who have not sent deputies to
represent them in this Congress."* It was ordered,
"that Mr. Cushing, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Dickinson, be a
committee to prepare the above address and letters."

On the twenty-fifth of October, it was resolved, " that
the address to the king, (which had been reported and
adopted,) be enclosed in a letter to the several colony
agents, in order that the same may be, by them, present-
ed to his majesty; and that the agents be requested to
call in the aid of such noblemen and gentlemen as are
esteemed firm friends to American liberty. Ordered
that Mr. Lee, and Mr. Jay, prepare a letter to the
agents."f Mr. Lee wrote the letter, which was report-
ed the following day and adopted. J

A short account has been given of the proceedings of
that truly illustrious body; the delegates of the twelve
colonies,jassembled in general Congress, in Philadelphia,
in 1774. It was due to the memory of Mr. Lee, to
present to his countrymen, a sketch of the part he
acted in that Assembly. His abilities, industry and pa-
triotism, were no less beneficial to his country, than they
were honourable to himself. He merited and obtained
the thanks, not only of his native state, but of all the
friends of America.

* See Journ. p. 56. f Ibid. p. 57.

I See Mr. Jay's letter, Ap. No. ill.

134 LD/E AND CORRESPONDENCE

CHAPTER VI.

The moderation and firmness of the Congress, and
the ability of their addresses, made great impression upon
the public mind in England. For a time, even the mi-
nistry paused! They were universally read and admired.
They exhibited a knowledge of the constitution, and a
strength of argument, which the best informed men be-
lieved could not have been found in the colonies. The
effect of these on the English nation, and the opinion
of Lord Chatham respecting them, are stated in the
following letter, written by Mr. Arthur Lee, one of the
Colony Agents, to his brother.

"LONDON, December 22d, 1774.

\ My dear Brother — The proceedings of the Con-
gress meet with universal approbation here, and have
)perated like an electrical shock, upon the ministry and
heir dependants. They begin to reprobate their own
neasures, and each to exonerate himself from the charge
)f having advised them. The King consented to receive
he petition of the Congress, and Lord Dartmouth told
us, it was found to be decent and respectful. I expect
we shall receive his majesty's answer time enough to
send with this.

The merchants have advertised for a meeting, and
every thing seems to promise a speedy accommodation.
The terms of that must depend on you. Your demands
must be made with great moderation, and should not,
* nay, I think, cannot, be receded from one iota. Depend
upon it, the same firmness and unanimity which have
compelled a conciliatory disposition, will enforce a full
redress. Be therefore firm, and fear not. The excess

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. jg^

of my anxiety for our ultimate success and the termina- \
tion of these unhappy disturbances, makes me sometimes
apprehensive, that these specious appearances will make
you remiss in your preparations for a different conduct;
that you will forget that he who sheathes the sword be-
fore the peace is concluded, exposes himself to a shame-
ful defeat. But, trusting to your wisdom, I hope you
will treat them as appearances only, which firmness,
vigilance, and unanimity alone, on your part, can realize. \

December 24th, Lord Dartmouth, this day informed \
us that his majesty received your petition very gracious- \
]y, and for its importance, would lay it before his houses
of Parliament, when they met.

I communicate to you the following copy of a letter I
from Lord Chatham, because I think it must give you
infinite satisfaction. At the same time I must entreat
you, not to let it get into the press, as it would be a
breach of honour in me. " I have not words to express
the infinite satisfaction which I feel since Congress has
conducted this most arduous and delicate business, with
such manly wisdom and calm resolution, as do the high-
est honour to their deliberations. Very few are the
things contained in their resolves, that I could wish to
be otherwise. Upon the whole, I think it must be evi- 1
dent to every unprejudiced man in England, who feels
for the rights of mankind, that America, under all her
oppressions and provocations, holds out to us the most
fair and just opening for restoring harmony and affec-
tionate intercourse as heretofore. I hope that the minds
of men, are more than beginning to open on this great
subject so little understood, and that it will be found
impossible for freemen in England, to see three millions
of Englishmen, slaves in America/'

Such praise from the character of the age, ought to
inspire you with confidence, if any thing can add to the
conscious dignity of freemen, and make you resolve to
maintain your demands with immovable firmness.

December 26th, 1 was yesterday in the country with
Lord Chatham, to show him the petition of the Con-

136 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

gress. He approves of it exceedingly. His words
were " the whole of your countrymen's conduct has
manifested such wisdom, moderation and manliness of
character, as would have done honour to Greece and
Rome in their best days." Luudari a laudato viro,
should make us cautious that we support the character,
by a manly perseverance, in those measures which have
secured it. His opinion is, that a solemn settlement of
the question by a renunciation of the right to tax on one
part, and an acknowledgment of supremacy on the
other, might be made. My object is to unite the heads
of opposition upon one uniform large ground, which,
with the present popularity of our cause, will, I think,
enforce a complete abolition of these pernicious mea-
sures.

I have this moment learnt that the resolution of the
court, is, to repeal all the acts, except the declaratory
and admiralty act ; that Lords North and Dartmouth
are to give place to Lords Gower and Hillsborough, who
are to commence their administration with these con-
ciliatory measures. The inconsistency of this plan is
no objection to the probability of it, for these men have
long been disciplined to turn, and turn, and turn again.
But you may learn from it, that there is little cordiality
in the relief to be given, and that we are to hold a jealous
eye over the measures of men, whose minds are actu-
ated against us by the bitterest rancour and revenge.
You will consider this intelligence as of doubtful nature,
and let no hasty gleam of hope go forth, which may
tend to make men remiss in their exertions, or relax ia
the terms they demand.

Farewell — your affectionate brother,

Arthur Lee.

To Col. Richard Henry Les.

The delegates from the several counties of Virginia,
met again in convention, on the twentieth March, 1775,
in the town of Richmond. Mr. Lee was returned as a
delegate from the county of Westmoreland. The first

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. j^y

proceeding of the convention was a resolution expressing
the thanks of the colony to the continental Congress, for
he wisdom of their measures. It was also resolved,
"■ That the warmest thanks of this convention, and of all
the inhabitants of this colony, are due to the worthy dele-
gates, who were deputed by a former convention to repre-
sent this colony in the general Congress, for their cheer-
ful undertaking, and faithful discharge, cf the very im-
portant trust reposed in them."

Mr. Lee had, at this time, from his knowledge of the
British ministry, and from a continued and profound
contemplation of the times, relinquished all expectation
that any satisfactory address would be granted. His
private opinions were, that the time was approaching,
and indeed had even now arrived, when any connexion
with Great Britain, which implied political dependence,
must cease; but prudence taught him to express them
with caution. He perceived this, not more from the
spirit of the ministry, and the tendency of their measures,
than from the growth of the commerce and population
of the colonies. He had ceased to think a connexion
desirable, and seems to have anticipated the rapid and
splendid progress of America, in power and in wisdom,
when under the fostering influence of republican go-
vernment. To him, a return, even to the "halcyon
days" of colonial dependence, seemed more insupport-
able than a struggle through war, when there was a
probability that it would terminate in the independence
of his country.

To Mr. Lee, the passive temper and policy, beyond
which too many seemed not yet to have carried their
thoughts, appeared feeble and impolitic. Happily, Pro-
vidence had raised up a cotemporary patriot of congenial
spirit, and of genius equal to the exigency of the times,
in Patrick Henry. Between these two men, as it has
been already stated, there existed the warmest friend-
ship, and unity of principle, and an exact coincidence
of views. Like Valerius Poplicola of ancient Home,
**ach of them seemed fitted by Heaven, for a period at

YOh. i. — 'S

138 L1FE ANU CORRESPONDENCE

which an oppressed people were to break the bands of
despotic rule, and become free.

These gentlemen consulted with each other and de-
termined to offer, in the convention, a resolution similar
to that offered by Mr. Lee in Congress, in October '74.
This was to arm the militia, and put the colony in a
state of defence. Mr. Lee had moved in Congress, that
the militia of the colonies should be armed. The reader
has seen the modified shape in which that body adopted
his resolution. It was agreed that Mr. Henry should
move the resolution and that Mr. Lee should aid him in
supporting it. They anticipated and encountered violent
opposition from the older members of the house. They
had to rouse their indignation at the wrongs already en-
dured by their countrymen, particularly of Massachusetts
Bay, to awaken fears of their contemplated enslavement
by Great Britain, and, above all, to convince them, that
in the event of a contest, a termination favourable to us
was not improbable.

They were both eminently qualified for this task.— •
The bold and vehement eloquence of Henry, excit-
ed to the highest degree the passions of his hearers ;
the fervid, the beauteous and impressive declamation of
Lee, presented liberty before their eyes, decorated in
the most lovely and ravishiug charms ; while his politi-
cal wisdom and information showed them that the rich,
the exalted boon was not unattainable. Men will act
when the same process which affects their passions, en-
lightens and subdues their understandings. Hence, on
this occasion the resolution was carried, though opposed
by members whose judgments ought to have been ma-
tured by age, and whose influence was the effect and the
reward of long public service. The author is indebted
to the biographer of P. Henry, for the following inte-
resting account of the part that Mr. Lee took in aid of
, the resolution, the adoption of which, had a very timely
influence in emboldening the colonists to prepare for
resistance. Chief Justice Marshall furnished the author
of the " life of P. Henry, with a note in relation to the

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 1 39

debate on Mr. Henry's motion : " It is the substance,
(says that author) of a statement made to the chief jus-
tice, (then an ardent youth, feeling an enthusiastic admi-
ration of eloquence, and panting for war,) by his father,
who was a member of the convention. Mr. Marshall
(the father,) after describing Mr. Henry's speech, as be-
ing one of the most bold, vehement, and animated pieces
of eloquence, that had ever been delivered ; proceeded
to state that he was followed by Mr. Richard Henry Lee,
who look an interesting view of our real situation. He
stated the force which Britain could probably bring
against us, and reviewed our own resources and means
of resistance. He stated the advantages and disadvan-
tages of both parties, and drew from the statement, au-
spicious inferences ; but he concluded by saying, " that
admitting the probable calculations to be against us, we
are assured in holy writ, that the race is not to the
swift, nor the battle to the strong ; and if the language
of genius may be added to that of inspiration, I will say
with our immortal bard.

' Thrice is he armed, who hath his quarrel just,
And he but naked, tho* locked up in steel
Whose conscience with injustice, is oppressed.' "

Mr. Henry and Mr. Lee were first named on the com-
mittee appointed to prepare a plan for arming the mili-
tia, and putting the colony in a state of defence.

Mr. Lee was again appointed by the convention, one
of the deputies to the Congress, which was to meet at
Philadelphia in May ; and the convention having pro-
vided for the election of new members of its own
body, he was returned from Westmoreland county.

The removal of all the arms and other military stores,
from the magazine at Williamsburg, by order of Go-
vernor Dunmore, had occasioned great excitement,
throughout tho colony of Virginia. During this state
of feeling, intelligence of the battles of Lexington and
Concord arrived. These were occasioned by an at-
tempt of General Gage to secure the military stores de-

140 1U'E ANL) CORRESPONDENCE

posited at the latter place. A concerted design to dis-
arm the colonics seemed evident, and the inhabitants
were convinced that their subjugation was intended. The
volunteer, or independent companies, in many parts of
Virginia flew to arms. Those of the upper part of the
Northern Neck of Virginia, actually commenced their
inarch to Williamsburgb, and to the number of six or
seven hundred men, arrived at Fredericksburgh on the
same day with Mr. Lee, then on his journey to the con-
tinental Congress. A council of war was held, in which
he was invited to preside.* But a letter having been
received, stating that the governor had assured the citi-
zens of Williamsbnrgh, that the powder, &,c. should be
restored, it was determined that the volunteers should
return to their homes. Mr. Lee warmly approved of
their activity and decision, and exhorted them, in animat-
ed terms, to continue to be ready to fight and fall in
defence of their rights. They responded to his harangue,
and gave each other a pledge to re-assemble, and " by
force of arms, to defend the laws, the liberties, and
rights of this, or any sister colony from unjust and wick-
ed invasion."

The second continental Congress met in Philadel-
phia, on Wednesday, the 10th May, 1775. The aspect
of affairs was more gloomy than when that venerable
body had assembled in the precedent November. Among
the first acts of this session, was the following resolu-
tion : " That as the present critical situation of these
colonies renders it highly necessary, that ways and
means should be devised for the speedy and secure con-
veyance of intelligence throughout this continent, a
committee of six be appointed to consider the best
means of establishing posts for this purpose." Mr. Lee
was one of this committee.f

* Sec Life of Washington vol. 2. p. 194.

t See Jour. 109. The author mentions many committees on
which Mr. Lee acted, to show that he was considered a man use-
ful in " the dry details of business." His talents in this way
have been undervalued j indeed, denied. Seepage 108 of this work,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. [^\

On the second of June, a letter was laid before Con-
gress, from the provincial convention of Massachusetts
Bay, which stated the difficulties under which they la-
boured for want of a regular form of government, and
requested Congress to favour them " with explicit ad-
vice, respecting the taking up and exercising the pow-
ers of civil government, &c." On the third instant, the
foregoing letter was taken into consideration; and it was-
Resolved, " That a committee of five persons be chosen,
to consider the same, and to report what in their opi-
nion, is the best advice to give to that convention.55
One of the persons chosen, was Mr. Lee.*

On the same day four committees were chosen to
draught papers. The committee whose business it was
to draw up an address to the people of England, was
composed of three members, viz. Messrs. Lee, R. R,
Livingston, and Pendleton.f On the tenth instant, it
was Resolved, <c That it be recommended to the several
conventions and committees of the colonies, to collect
all the saltpetre, sulphur, and other munitions of war.
and to encourage the manufacture of saltpetre and gun-
powder/5 Five persons were chosen on the commit-
tee appointed, u to devise ways and means to introduce
the manufacture of saltpetre, into these colonies ;55 one
of whom was Mr. Lee. J

On the fifteenth instant, it was Resolved, " That a
general be appointed to command all the continental
forces, to be raised for the defence of American liberty.55
George Washington was unanimously elected.§ On
the sixteenth instant, a committee was appointed to
draught a commission and instructions for the General.
This committee consisted of Messrs. Lee, E. Rutledge,
and J. Adams. On the following day the draughts of
these papers were reported and adopted. || The origi-
nal draught of the commission by which General Wash-

* Jour. p. 110. t lb. p. 111. |Ib. p. 116.
§ R. H. Lee therefore voted for him. In the life of Green,
he is stated to have been unfriendly to General Washington,
I! Jour. p. 121.

142 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ington was constituted general and commander in chief
of the American armies of the revolution, with an en-
dorsement of his name on the back of it, was long in
the possession of Mr. Lee's family. On the nineteenth
instant, it was Resolved, " That Messrs. Lee, E. Rut-
ledge, and J. Adams be a committee, to prepare a form
of a commission, for the major and brigadier generals
and other officers in the army."* On the twenty-first,
General Washington addressed certain queries to Con-
gress, which being read and debated, it was Resolved,
That a committee of five be appointed to prepare pro-
per answers." Of this committee Mr. Lee was one.f
On the sixth of July, it was Resolved, " That a letter
be prepared to the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of
London, expressing the thanks of this Congress, for
their virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive
and ruinous system of colony administration adopted by
the British ministry." It was ordered that the commit-
tee appointed to prepare an address to the people of
Great Britain, do prepare this."J On this day the ad-
dress to the people of Great Britain was further con-
sidered and adopted.

It will be recollected, that $.1 this time blood had been
shed. The " immedicabile vulnus" (as Lord Chatham
predicted it would be) had been inflicted! It had now
become obvious, almost to every one, that war was inevi-
table, if freedom was worth the dangers through which
alone it could be obtained and secured. There were
few in America, and probably none in Congress, who
made a question on this subject. One part of a great,
and hitherto a prosperous empire, seemed now compelled
to separate from the other! Even the firmest minds
could scarcely bear the anticipations of the untried hor-
rors of a civil war. Fellow-citizens, who a few years
ago were united by similar interests; who boasted of the
same freedom, and gloried in the same fame, were shortly
to be arrayed in arms against each other. Fathers, sons.

* Jour. p. 122. t lb. p. 124. \ lb. p. 148.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 14$

and brothers, were to fall, perhaps, by each other's hands.
The deep gloom, the awful anxieties of such a crisis, can
be, in some degree, felt by the reader. The dignity ot*
the reproaches of this last address to the people of Britain;
its bold and exalted sentiments of reliance on heaven, and
the sword drawn in self-defence; the eloquence of its
expostulations; the deep pathos of its parting warnings,
do justice to the occasion, and to those in whose name
the draughtsman wrote! This address is, indeed, an
imperishable monument to the genius and eloquence of
Mr. Lee *

il The twelve united Colonies, by their Delegates in Congi%ess,
to the Inhabitants of Great Britain.

FRIENDS, COUNTRYMEN, AND BRETHREN!

By these, and by every other appellation that may de-
signate the ties which bind us to each other, we entreat
your serious attention to this our second attempt to pre-
vent their dissolution. Remembrance of former friend-
ships, pride in the glorious achievements of our common
ancestors, and affection for the heirs of their virtues,
have hitherto preserved our mutual connexion ; but
when that friendship is violated by the grossest injuries:
when the pride of ancestry becomes our reproach, and
we are no otherwise allied than as tyrants and slaves;
when reduced to the melancholy alternative of renounc-
ing your favour or our freedom; can we hesitate about
the choice? Let the spirit of Britons determine.

* The family of Mr. Lee were long in possession of his original
draught. The author learnt from a son of R. H. Lee, from whom
he received the manuscripts of Mr. Lee, that this manuscript had
been lost — that he had had it in his hands for many years — that it
was in his father's hand-writing, with an endorsement, in the same
writing, that it was the original manuscript draught drawn for
the committee. This is the information the author has received.
The son of Mr. Lee has written on the margin of the pages of the
copy of the Journals from which he copies the address, " written
by R. H. Lee — the original in the possession of F. L. Lee." It
"has tpeen seen that Mr. Lee was the chairman of the committee.

144 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

In a former address we asserted our rights, and stated
the injuries we had then received. We hoped that the
mention of our wrongs would have roused that honest
indignation which has slept too long for your honour, or
the welfare of the empire. But we have not been per-
mitted to entertain this pleasing expectation. Every day
brought an accumulation of injuries, and the invention
of the ministry has been constantly exercised in adding
to the calamities of your American brethren.

After the most valuable right of legislation was in-
fringed; when the powers assumed by your Parliament,
in which we are not represented, and from our local
and other circumstances cannot properly be represented,
rendered our property precarious; after being denied that
mode of trial to which we have long been indebted for the
safety of our persons, and the preservation of our liber-
ties; after being in many instances divested of those laws
which were transmitted to us by our common ancestors,
and subjected to an arbitrary code, compiled under the
auspices of Roman tyrants; after those charters, which
encouraged our predecessors to brave death and danger
in every shape, on unknown seas, in deserts unexplored,
amidst barbarous and inhospitable nations, were annulled;
when, without the form of trial, without a public accusa-
tion, whole colonies were condemned, their trade de-
stroyed, their inhabitants impoverished; when soldiers
were encouraged to embrue their hands in the blood of
Americans, by ofFers of impunity; when new modes of
trial were instituted for the ruin of the accused, where
the charge carried with it the horrors of conviction;
when a despotic government was established in a neigh-
bouring province, and its limits extended to every of oui
frontiers; we little imagined that any thing could be
added to this black catalogue of unprovoked injuries:
but we have unhappily been deceived, and the late mea-
sures of the British ministry fully convince us, that their
object is the reduction of these colonies to slavery and
ruin.
To confirm this assertion, let us recall your attention

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, |4£

to the affairs of America, since our last address. Let
us combat the calumnies of our enemies; and let us
warn you of the dangers that threaten you in our de-
struction. Many of your fellow subjects, whose situa-
tion deprived them of other support, drew their mainte-
nance from the sea; but the deprivation of our liberty
being insufficient to satisfy the resentment of our ene-
mies, the horrors of famine were superadded, and a
British Parliament, who, in better times, were the pro-
tectors of innocence, and the patrons of humanity, have,
without distinction of age or sex, robbed thousands of
the food which they were accustomed to draw from that
inexhaustible source, placed in their neighbourhood by
the benevolent Creator.

Another act of your legislature shuts our ports, and
prohibits our trade with any but those states from whom
the great law of self-preservation renders it absolutely
necessary we should at present withhold our commerce.
But this act (whatever may have been its design) we
consider rather as injurious to your opulence than our
interest. All our commerce terminates with you; and
the wealth we procure from other nations, is soon ex-
changed for your superfluities. Our remittances must
then cease with our trade; and our refinements with our
affluence. We trust, however, that laws which deprive
us of every blessing but a soil that teems with the
necessaries of life, and that liberty which renders the
enjoyment of them secure, will not relax our vigour in
their defence.

We might here observe on the cruelty and inconsis-
tency of those, who, while they publicly brand us with
reproachful and unworthy epithets, endeavour to deprive
us of the means of defence, by their interposition with
foreign powers, and to deliver us to the lawless ravages
of a merciless soldiery* But happily we are not without
resoures; and though the timid and humiliating applica-
tions of a British ministry should prevail with foreign
nations, yet industry, prompted by necessity, will not
leave us without the necessary supplies.

VOL, I.— T

I4t) JLU,E AND COkRESPONDENCj

We could wish to go no further, and, not to wound
the ear of humanity, leave untold those rigorous acts of
oppression, which are daily exercised in the town of
Boston, did we not hope, that by disclaiming their deeds,
and punishing the perpetrators, you would shortly vindi-
cate the honour of the British name, and re-establish
the violated laws of justice.

That once populous, flourishing, and commercial town,
is now garrisoned by an army, sent not to protect, but
to enslave its inhabitants. The civil government is over-
turned, and a military despotism erected upon its ruins.
Without law, without right, powers are assumed unknown
to the constitution. Private property is unjustly invaded.
The inhabitants, daily subjected to the licentiousness of
the soldiery, are forbid to remove, in defiance of their
natural rights, in violation of the most solemn compacts.
Or, if after long and wearisome solicitation, a pass is pro-
cured, their effects are detained, and even those who arc
most favoured, have no alternative bat poverty or slavery.
The distress of many thousand people, wantonly deprived
of the necessaries of life, is a subject, on which we
would not wish to enlarge.

Yet we caunot but observe, that a British fleet (unjus-
tified even by acts of your legislature) are daily employ-
ed in ruining our commerce, seizing our ships, and de-
priving whole communities of their daily bread. Nor
will a regard for your honour permit us to be silent,
while British troops sully your glory, by actions, which the
most inveterate enmity will not palliate among civilized
nations, the wanton and unnecessary destruction of
Charlestown, a large, ancient, and once populous town,
just before deserted by its inhabitants, who had fled to
avoid the fury of your soldiery.

If still you retain those sentiments of compassion by
which Britons have ever been distinguished; if the hu-
manity, which tempered the valour of our common an-
cestors, has not degenerated into cruelty, you will lament
the miseries of their descendants.

To what are we to attribute this treatment? If to any

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE ]^

secret principle of the constitution, let it be mentioned;
let us learn, that the government we have long revered
is not without its defects, and that while it gives freedom
to a part, it necessarily enslaves the remainder of the
empire. If such a principle exists, why for ages has it
ceased to operate? Why at this time is it called into ac-
tion? Can no reason be assigned for this conduct? Or
must it be resolved into the wanton exercise of arbitrary
power? And shall the descendants of Britons tamely
submit to this — No Sirs! We never will, while we re-
vere the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors,
we never can surrender those glorious privileges, for
which they fought, bled, and conquered. Admit that
your fleets could destroy our towns, and ravage our sea-
coasts; these are inconsiderable objects, things of no
moment to men whose bosoms glow with the ardor of
liberty. We can retire beyond the reach of your navy,
and, without any sensible diminution of the necessaries
of life, enjoy a luxury, which from that period you will
want; the luxury of being free.

We know the force of your arms, and was it called
forth in the cause of justice and your country, we might
dread the exertion; but will Britons fight under the ban-
ners of tyranny? Will they counteract the labours, and
disgrace the victories of their ancestors? Will they forge
chains for their posterity? If they descend to this un-
worthy task, wiil their swords retain their edge, their
arms their accustomed vigour? Britons can never be-
come the instruments of oppression, till they lose the
spirit of freedom, by which alone they are invincible.

Our enemies charge us with sedition. In what does
it consist? In our refusal to submit to unwarrantable
acts of injustice and cruelty? If so, show us a period in
your history, in which you have not been equally se-
ditious.

We are accused of aiming at independence; but how
is this accusation supported? By the allegations of your
ministers, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and
contemned, what steps have we pursued to obtain re~

|48 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

dress? We have carried our dutiful petitions to the
throne. We have applied to your justice for relief. We
have retrenched our luxury, and withheld our trade.

Tiie advantages of our commerce were designed as a
compensation for your protection: When you ceased to
protect, for what were we to compensate?

What has been the success of our endeavours? The
clemency of our sovereign is unhappily diverted; our
petitions are treated with indignity; our prayers answer-
ed by insults. Our application to you remains unnoticed,
and leaves us the melancholy apprehension of your
wanting either the will, or the power, to assist us.

Even under these circumstances, what measures have
we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have
we called in the aid of those foreign powers, who are
the rivals of your grandeur? When your troops were
few and defenceless, did we take advantage of their dis-
tress and expel them our towns? Or have we permitted
them to fortify, to receive new aid, and to acquire addi-
tional strength?

Let not your enemies and ours persuade you, that in
this we were influenced by fear, or any other unworthy
motive. The lives of Britons are still dear to us. They
are the children of our parents, and an uninterrupted
intercourse of mutual benefits had knit the bonds of
friendship. When hostilities were commenced, when
on a late occasion we were wantonly attacked by your
troops, though we repelled their assaults and returned
their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged us
to give; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victory
over Englishmen.

As we wish not to colour our actions, or disguise our
thoughts, we shall, in the simple language of truth, avow
the measures we have pursued, the motives upon which
we have acted, and our future designs.

When our late petition to the throne produced no
other etfect than fresh injuries, and votes of your legis-
lature, calculated to justify every severity; when your
fleets and your armies were prepared to wrest from us

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. j^g

our property, to rob us of our liberties or our lives;
when the hostile attempts of General Gage evinced his
designs, we levied armies for our security and defence.
When the powers vested in the governor of Canada gave
us reason to apprehend danger from that quarter; and
we had frequent intimations, that a cruel and savage
enemy was to be let loose upon the defenceless inhabi-
tants of our frontiers; we took such measures as pru-
dence dictated, as necessity will justify. We possessed
ourselves of Crown-Point and Ticonderoga. Yet give
us leave most solemnly to assure you, that we have not
yet lost sight of the object we have ever had in view, a
reconciliation with you on constitutional principles, and
a restoration of that friendly intercourse, which, to the
advantage of both, we till lately maintained.

The inhabitants of this country apply themselves
chiefly to agriculture and commerce. As their fashions
and manners are similar to yours, your markets must af-
ford them the conveniencies and luxuries, for which they
exchange the produce of their labours. The wealth of
this extended continent centres with you; and our trade
is so regulated as to be subservient only to your interest.
You are too reasonable to expect, that by taxes (in ad-
dition to this) we should contribute to your expense; to
believe after diverting the fountain, that the streams can
flow with unabated force.

It has been said, that we refuse to submit to the re-
strictions on our commerce. From whence is this in-
ference drawn? Not from our words, we having repeat-
edly declared the contrary; and we again profess our
submission to the several acts of trade and navigation
passed before the year 1763, trusting nevertheless in the
equity and justice of Parliament, that such of them as,
upon cool and impartial consideration, shall appear to
have imposed unnecessary or grievous restrictions, will,
at some happier period, be repealed or altered. And we
cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the
British Parliament as shall be restrained to the regu-
lation of our external commerce, for the purpose of

150 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire
to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of
its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation
internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects
in America without their consent.

It is alleged that we contribute nothing to the com-
mon defence. To this we answer, that the advantages
which Great Britain receives from the monopoly of our
trade, far exceed our proportion of the expense neces-
sary for that purpose. But should these advantages be
inadequate thereto, let the restrictions on our trade be
removed, and we will cheerfully contribute such propor-
tion when constitutionally required.

It is a fundamental principle of the British constitu-
tion, that every man should have at least a representa-
tive share in the formation of those laws, by which he is
bound. Were it otherwise, the regulation of our inter-
nal police by a British Parliament, who are, and ever
will be, unacquainted with our local circumstances, must
be always inconvenient, and frequently oppressive, work-
ing our wrong, without yielding any possible advantage
to you.

A plan of accommodation (as it has been absurdly
called) has been proposed by your ministers to our re-
spective Assemblies. Were this proposal free from every
other objection, but that which arises from the time of
the offer, it would not be unexceptionable. Can men
deliberate with the bayonet at their breast? Can they
treat with freedom, while their towns are sacked; when
daily instances of injustice and oppression, disturb the
slower operations of reason?

If this proposal is really such as you would offer, and
we accept, why was it delayed till the nation was put to
useless expense, and we were reduced to our present
melancholy situation? If it holds forth nothing, why
was it proposed? Unless indeed to deceive you into
a belief, that we were unwilling to listen to any terms of
accommodation! But what is submitted to our conside-
ration? We contend for the disposal of our property.
We are told that our demand is unreasonable, that our

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, J 51

Assemblies may indeed collect our money, but that they
must at the same time offer, not what your exigencies
or ours may require, but so much as shall be deemed
sufficient to satisfy the desires of a minister, and enable
him to provide for favourites and dependants. A recur-
rence to your own treasury will convince you how little
of the money already extorted from us, has been applied
to the relief of your burthens. To suppose that we
would thus grasp the shadow, and give up the substance,
is adding insult to injuries.

We have nevertheless again presented an humble and
dutiful petition to our sovereign; and to remove every
imputation of obstinacy, have requested his majesty to
direct some mode, by which the united applications of
his faithful colonists may be improved into a happy and
permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on
such terms as can alone render an accommodation last-
ing, and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavours
will be attended with a removal of ministerial troops, and
a repeal of those laws, of the operation of which we com-
plain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army,
and a dissolution of our commercial associations, on the
other.

Yet conclude not from this that we propose to surrender
our property into the hands of your ministry, or vest your
Parliament with a power which may terminate in our
destruction. The great bulwarks of our constitution we
have desired to maintain by every temperate, by every
peaceable means; but your ministers (equal foes to Bri-
tish and American freedom) have added to their former
oppressions an attempt to reduce us by the sword to a
base and abject submission. On the sword, therefore,
we are compelled to rely for protection. Should victory
declare in your favour, yet men trained to arms from
their infancy, and animated by the love of liberty, will
afford neither a cheap nor easy conquest. Of this at least
we are assured, that our struggle will be glorious, our
success certain; since even in death we shall find that
freedom which in life you forbid us to enjoy,

J£g LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

Let us now ask what advantages are to attend our re-
duction? The trade of a ruined and desolate country is
always inconsiderable, its revenue trifling; the expense
of subjecting and retaining it in subjection certain and
inevitable. What then remains but the gratification of
an ill-judged pride^ or the hope of rendering us subser-
vient to designs on your liberty.

Soldiers who have sheathed their swords in the bowels
of their American brethren, will not draw them with
more reluctance against you. When too late you may
lament the loss of that freedom, which we exhort you,
while still in your power, to preserve.

On the other hand, should you prove unsuccessful,
should that connexion, which we most ardently wish to
maintain, be dissolved; should your ministers exhaust
your treasures, and waste the blood of your countrymen,
in vain attempts on our liberty; do they not deliver you,
weak and defenceless, to your natural enemies.

Since then your liberty must be the price of your vic-
tories; your ruin, of your defeat: — What blind fatality
can urge you to a pursuit destructive of all that Britons
hold dear?

If you have no regard to the connexion that has for
ages subsisted between us; if you have forgot the wounds
we have received fighting by your side for the extention
of the empire; if our commerce is not an object below
your consideration; if justice and humanity have lost
their influence on your hearts; still motives are not
wanting to excite your indignation at the measures now
pursued: Your wealth, your honour, your liberty are at
stake.

Notwithstanding the distress to which we are reduced,
we sometimes forget our own afflictions, to anticipate
and sympathise in yours. We grieve that rash and in-
considerate councils should precipitate the destruction
of an empire, which has been the envy and admiration
of ages, and call God to witness! that we would part
with our property, endanger our lives, and sacrifice every
thing but liberty, to redeem you from ruin.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. j^g

A cloud hangs over your heads and ours; e'tr this
reaches you, it may probably burst upon us; let us ftven
(before the remembrance of former kindness is obliterat-
ed) once more repeat those appellations which are ever
grateful in our ears; let us entreat heaven to avert our
ruin, arid the destruction that threatens our friends,
brethren, and countrymen, on the other side of the At-
lantic."

The foregoing address was ordered to be printed, and
transmitted by Mr. Penn to England. The letter to the
lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of London, was read
and agreed to.

The remonstrance of the Lord Mayor, &c, for which
the thanks of the Congress was thus given, attracted
great attention at the time, for the boldness with which
it espoused the doctrines contended for by the colonists,
and was much admired for the elegance and the vigor
of its style. It was written by Arthur Lee, who had now
become a distinguished advocate in London, at the re-
quest of the common hall. The letter of thanks to that
body, was written by R. H. Lee. Thus were the two
brothers, on different sides of the Atlantic, earnestly
serving their common country. On the return of Mr.
Arthur Lee to America, and after the toils and dangers
of the revolution had ended in peace and security, the
two brothers informed each other that they had been the
authors of these papers, and each produced the original
in his own hand-writing. From these manuscripts, the
author copies the following elegant letter to the lord
mayor.

" My Lord — Permit the delegates of the people of
twelve ancient colonies to pay your lordship, and the very
respectable body of which you are head, a just tribute
of gratitude and thanks, for the virtuous and unsolicited
resentment you have shown to the violation of the rights
of a free people. The city of London, my lord, having,
in all ages, approved itself the patron of liberty, and the

vol, i.— u

154

ELFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

support of just government against lawless tyranny and
oppression, cannot fail to make us sensible of the pow-
erful aid our cause must receive from such advocates; a
cause, my lord, worthy the support of the first city in the
world, as it involves the fate of a great continent, and bids
fair to shake the foundation of a flourishing, and, until
lately, a happy empire.

North America, my lord, wishes ardently for a lasting
connexion with Great Britain, upon terms of just and
equal liberty; less than which generous minds will not
offer, nor brave and free ones be willing to receive.

A cruel war has, at length, been opened against us;
and whilst we prepare to defend ourselves like the de-
scendants of Britons, we still hope that the mediation of
wise and good citizens will prevail over despotism, and
restore harmony and peace, on permanent principles, to
an oppressed and divided empire.

We have the honour to be, my lord, with great esteem,
your lordship's faithful friends and fellow-citizens."

The account of the services of Mr. Lee, in the session
of the Congress of ?75, is here interrupted for a moment.
The reader has been told, that Mr. Lee was not only
doubtful of an accommodation between the mother coun-
try and the colonies, but that he began to doubt whether
there were any real benefits in a continuance of a po-
litical connexion between them. In the two public
papers just read, a warm desire for a continuance of
the connexion is expressed. It will be remembered,
that as a member of a committee, Mr. Lee was not at
liberty to express his private opinions. Few men in the
colonies, even at this time, had thought of independence.
The dread of the power of England uniting with the
affection even yet cherished for the parent state, opera-
ted to repress that fct noble aspiration after good/' which
expanded the bosoms of Mr. Lee, S. Adams, Henry,
and a few others. The sentiments expressed in the
publications of Congress, at this time, were those of the
great majority of the people and of the Congress. To

of Richard henry lee,

155

show this, a letter will be presented to the reader, from
tc an unknown friend," which had been conveyed to Mr*
Lee, in such a manner, that he never could ascertain
either the writer or the "sage/' whose councils are
thought so worthy of consideration. Mr. Lee's senti-
ments seemed to have been known to the writer, or to
have been suspected by him; as he treats the idea of
independence as utterly wild, while the mother country
"retained so much power on the ocean." The com-
munication is really a curious one, and throws light on
the times in which it was written.

" e ASTON, June 1st, 1775.

Honoured Sir — An ancient, and accounted a long
headed man, in these parts, has dropped some hints de-
vising a scheme of reconciliation between the mother
country and the colonies, which I think worthy of con-
sideration: and I am persuaded your zeal for a recon-
ciliation is such, that you will lend an ear to healing
propositions, let them come from what quarter they may;
otherwise, you would be unworthy of the eminence of
character you possess, for republican candour of senti-
ment. He observed, 'suppose the Congress were to
offer as much to the Crown, as all the duties amount to
by a proper estimate;' meaning such duties as we agree
they have a right to lay: as regulations of trade, and that
exempt from all impositions by the Crown, called run-
ning — which might easily be assessed on each province,
by having recourse to their books of entry, and making,
at the same time, an allowance for what are run, which
is thought to be as much again: and besides this, to offer
a number of forces well disciplined, in case of requisi-
tion, as was the case in the two last wars; so many hun-
dred or thousand from each province, according to its im-
portance, and ship, pay, and victual and clothe the same;
or some, or all, as Congress judges best; and the same to
continue for a certain season, or during an expedition,
as was the case in the attack in the last war, on Cartha-
gena and Havana. At least the most strenuous endea-

156 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

vours ought to be made, in some way or other, to effect
an accommodation, considering what lamentable confu-
sion and distress must attend the quarrel, if it continues
any length of time; and the idea of aiming at Indepen-
dence at present, affords the most frightful of all pros-
pects, whilst the mother country has such power on the
ocean.
Your unknown friend and humble servant,

Philopatria.

P. S. I had like to have forgotten the venerable sage
would have insisted that all the obnoxious acts of Par-
liament should be repealed at the same time that the
above offers should be made; the one to be made the
inseparable condition of repealing the other; and in the
space of ten, fifteen, or twenty years, an additional quan-
tity of troops and money might be offered, in case of
pressing requisitions from home, according as the colo-
nies flourish, and trade increases; but still the mode of
raising, as well as the quantity, to be wholly left in the
power of the colonial assemblies. And to confess the
truth, the within letter, on account of your reputed elo-
quence in the Congress, I direct to you, as it is the more
likely you will thereby have more influence on that august
assembly; though you are under no obligation, but may
still pursue your own opinions."*

The petition to the King, adopted in this session, ex-
pressed as much loyalty as that adopted in the preceding
session. The reader cannot but be entertained by a
letter written to Mr. Lee, by General Charles Lee, on
the style of this second petition. It exhibits the bold-
ness and impetuosity of the writer's character. The
loyalty and submissive spirit of the petition might have
had the effect General Lee feared; for nothing but the
idea that the colonies were afraid to come to an open
rupture, could so have blinded the ministry.

* Taken from the original manuscript letter

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J^

"CAMP ON WINTER HILL,

September 2, 1775.

Mv dear Friend — We have just heard of the
strange manoeuvre of sending back the clothing which
was taken from Philadelphia. I have only time to ex-
press my astonishment and apprehension that this con-
duct will betray some degree of fear, than which nothing
can be more pernicious both here, and on the other side
of the water. Upon this principle, I must confess I
was shocked at your last address to the king — I am con-
fident it will do mischief — It will bring on a negotiation,
which, perhaps will be fatal. That callous tyrant must
have his fears alone worked upon. If I did address him,
I would do it in the following style. ' Sir, if you do not
withdraw your troops upon the receipt of this, we will
absolve ourselves from all allegiance to you, and we will
divorce ourselves forever from Britain, whose abject pa-
tience in suffering such tyranny as that she has experi-
enced through your whole reign, renders her totally
unworthy to be the presiding power of a great empire/*
This is the style you should adopt, it is the only style
which can possibly succeed. I rejoice that Congress
has made the acquisition of your brother. My love and
respects to him. Have you received my long scroll?
For God's sake, let me hear from you soon. God bless
you my dear friend, and send the sommon cause, all the
success it merits from a righteous Being. Farewell
Yours most truly and sincerely,

Charles Lee."*

On the 12th instant, it was resolved, "that a com-
mittee of five be appointed to devise ways and means to
protect the trade of these colonies."! Mr. Lee was a
member of this committee. He was also a member of
a committee with his much esteemed friends S. Adams,

* From the manuscript, t See Jour. p. 163.

158 L^E AND CORRESPONDENCE

and J. Rutledge, whose business was to revise the
Journals, and prepare th^m for the press.*

During the short interval between the adjournment of
Congress, which took place on the first day of August,
and the meeting of thai body in September, of the same
year, Mr. Lee was in Virginia, and was actively engaged
in all the important political transactions of that time.
He was still a member of the general Assembly of the
colony, and also, a delegate to the convention. He at-
tended at the meeting of the first body, which was called
together by the proclamation of Lord Dunmore, to con-
sider Lord North's A conciliatory proposition," and dur-
ing this summer, served in the convention which met in
July. The business which employed this session of the
convention, was of great importance to the colony.
The regal government was nearly dissolved, and a state
of anarchy and war was fast hastening on. The exter-
nal and internal relations of the colony, were involved in
danger, difficulty, and darkness. It may here be men-
tioned, that Mr. Lee was about this time chosen lieute-
nant of the county of Westmoreland; which rank, in
imitation of the English lord lieutenants of the county,
gave him the command in chief of all its militia. Hence,
after this period, he is frequently styled in the Journals
of the Congress, " Colonel Lee." The activity and effi-
ciency with which he discharged the duties of this of-
fice, will be seen in another part of this Memoir.

On Wednesday, the 5th of September, 1775, the Con-
gress met, a third time, in Philadelphia.

To this second Continental Congress, Mr. Lee had
been appointed a deputy by the convention of Virginia,
in the summer of '75. His labours and deliberations
were daily becoming more vitally important to America.
War had commenced its fearful career, and the cause of
liberty was now committed to the valour and fortitude
of the American people. The subjects which most en-
gaged the present Congress, were the naval and military

* See Jour. p. 177.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |^g

defence of the union, and the pecuniary means of resist-
ance. These subjects required great labour and wisdom,
both in the house and in its committees. In the most
important committees, Mr. Lee served with unremitted
industry; and the discussions of the Congress daily
added to his reputation as a statesman and an orator.
On the twenty-fifth instant the Congress took into con-
sideration several letters from General Washington, on
the military concerns of the colonies. It was resolved
" that a committe of three be appointed to prepare an
answer." The ballots were taken, and Messrs. Linch,
Lee, and Adams were chosen.*

On the twenty-ninth, a letter from General Washing-
ton, received by express, accompanied with several
papers, was laid before Congress, and read. It was re-
solved, "that a committee of three members be appointed
to repair immediately to the camp at Cambridge, to con-
fer with General Washington, and with the governors,
councils, &c. of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachu-
setts, and New Hampshire, touching the most effectual
means of continuing, supporting, and regulating, a con-
tinental army. It was also resolved, that a committee
of five members be appointed to draw up instructions
for the said committee." The ballots were examined.,
and Mr. Lee was chosen one of it.f

On the eighteenth October, the delegates from New
Hampshire, laid before Congress part of their instruc-
tions, requesting them to obtain advice from it, on the
best method of administering justice, and regulating the
civil police of that colony. It was resolved, "that a
committee of five members be appointed to consider the
instructions given to the delegates from New Hampshire,
and report their opinion thereon/' Mr. Lee was chosen
one of this committee. J On the thirtieth, four members
of whom Mr. Lee was one, were chosen " to be added,"
to a former committee of three, and these seven, to be
a committee to carry into execution, as well the resolu-

* Sec Journal, p. 209. f Ibid, 210. t Ibid. 225.

IQQ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

tions of the thirteenth instant, as those of this day, for
fitting out armed vessels.'5*

The campaign to the north, daily became more active,
and the conferences between Congress and their com-
manders became, therefore, more frequent. General
Schuyler, at this time, commanded a separate division of
the army. On the second of November it was resolved,
"that a committee of three be appointed, to proceed to
the north, and confer with General Schuyler; and that
they pursue such instructions as may be given them in
charge by Congress; and that a committee of five be
appointed, to prepare instructions for the said commit-
tee.'3 Mr. Lee was chosen one of the latter committee.]
About this time several ministerial proclamations were
published, and widely distributed through the colonies.
They denounced Congress and all the conventions, com-
mittees of correspondence, &c. of the colonies, as trea-
sonable meetings; and threatened the utmost vengeance
of civil and military law, against all who should aid in
carrying into execution any of their measures. As
these proclamations had considerable effect, in many
parts of the country, Congress determined to notice them,
and accordingly, on the thirteenth of November, it was
resolved " that a committee be appointed, to prepare an
answer to sundry illegal ministerial proclamations, which
have lately appeared in America." Mr. Lee was cho-
sen chairman of this committee*! Congress having re-
ceived information that certain frauds were attempted
to be practised in the execution of continental contracts,
it appointed a committee, on the twenty-third instant,
"to inquire into the matter." On this committee Mr.
Lee was chosen.§

On the eleventh of December, it was Resolved^ " That
a committee be appointed to devise ways and means of
furnishing the colonies with a naval armament, and that
it consist of a member from each colony/' Mr. Lee

* Journal, p 227. f Ibid. p. 230. J Ibid. p. 248.
§ Ibid. p. 256.

OF RICHARD FIENUY LEE,

161

was chosen from the deputation of Virginia* The
committee reported on the thirteenth instant This re-
port having given birth to the American navy, would be
interesting to the reader. It may be seen in page 292
of the Journals, volume I. On the fourteenth, it was
Resolved, " That a committee consisting of a member
from each colony, be appointed to carry into effect the
said report." The ballots being counted, Mr. Lee was
chosen from the Virginia delegation.! On the sixteenth,
Mr. Lee was chosen on two committees. The duty of
one was to confer with Major Preston, and fix upon an
agent to negotiate bills, and supply the prisoners taken
at St. Johns ; the duty of the other, was to consider
what allowance ought to be made for officers, who are
prisoners of war. The appointment of Mr. Lee, on
committees of this nature, is mentioned to show in what
estimation his talents were held, u in the severer test of
intellectual excellence, the dry details of business."!
The choice being by ballot, shows the sense entertained
of him as a man of business, by the body of which he
was a member.

The Congress continued its session without adjourn-
ment, into the year 1776.§ This year was to be the
period from which the Independence of the United
States should be dated. The war was increasing in
violence and widely spreading its scenes of bloodshed.
The business of Congress became more laborious, conti-
nued and important. The journals of its proceedings bear
ample testimony to the labours and services of Mr. Lee.
Among the committees appointed upon subjects of the
first importance, and of difficult, practical business;
the reader will perceive by a reference to the journals,

* See Jour. p. 289. f lb. p. 292.

| Life of P. Henry, p. 108.

§ See Jour. vol. ii. p. 4. From this period, committees of mi-
nor importance though embracing subjects of " dry details of
business," will not be mentioned.

VOL. I.— X

1(J2 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

that he served upon almost every one which was charg-
ed with the military concerns of the nation.

On the thirtieth of January, 1776, it was Resolved,
Ct That a committee of five be appointed to take into
consideration, an application from the committee of
safety of New York." Mr. Lee made one of this com-
mittee.* On the twenty-fifth of February, it was Re-
solved, " That a committee of five be appointed to con-
tract for the making of muskets and bayonets for the
use of the army, and to devise ways and means of en-
couraging the making of fire arms, in all parts Gf the
continent. Of this committee Mr. Lee was one.f On
the eleventh of March, he was chairman of a commit-
tee of three appointed to confer with General Lee, on
the ways and means of defending New York. J On
the nineteenth of March, Mr. Lee was chosen by bal-
lot, one of the secret committee. On the succeeding
day, he was chosen one of a committee of three to whom
was referred the propriety of a war office.§

On the twenty-second of April, sundry letters were
received and laid before Congress, viz. one from the
Canada commissioners ; one from General Washington;
one from General Schuyler, enclosing several letters
from Canada, &c. It was Resolved, " That these let-
ters and papers be referred to a committee of five, of
which Mr. Lee was chairman. || On the twenty-fifth
instant, two other letters were received from General
Washington, which were referred to a committee of
three, of which Mr. Lee was chairman. 1F On the sixth
of May, the Congress sat in committee of the whole, to
consider the state of the united colonies, and reported
to the House several resolutions, one of which was
: That ten millions of dollars be raised for carrying on
the war, for the current year." It was Resolved, " That
a committee of seven be appointed to consider ways and
means for raising the ten millions. Mr. Lee was chosen

* Jour. p. 45. f lb. p. 74. J lb. p. 88. § lb. p. 97
|) lb. p. 143. % lb. p. 148,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

one of this committee.* Several letters were received,
one from General Washington, one from W. Palfrey,
paymaster general, &c. which on the eighth instant were
referred to a committee of five, of which, Mr. Lee
was one.f On the tenth it was Resolved, " That it be
recommended to the several Assemblies and Conven-
tions of the colonies, in which governments suited to
the exigency of affairs, have not been established, to
adopt such forms of government, as shall best conduce
to their safety and the welfare of America in general.
A committee of three was appointed " to prepare a pre-
amble to the foregoing resolution/' The members
chosen were Messrs. J. Adams, Rutledge, and Lee. J

A letter dated 10th of May, from Major General
Charles Lee, was received and referred to a committee
of five. To this committee were also referred several
papers accompanying the said letter. Mr. Lee was
chairman of this committee.§ On the twenty-first, several
papers were laid before Congress and read; viz: — three
letters from Gen. Washington enclosingletters and papers
of intelligence from England, and copies of treaties made
by his Britannic majesty with the Duke of Brunswick
for 4084 of his troops; with the Landgrave of Hesse
Cassel for 12,000 of his troops; with the Count of Han-
nau for 668 of his troops; a letter from the paymaster
general with his account, &c. &c. It was resolved, that
these papers be referred to a committee of five, who
should be instructed to extract and publish the treaties,
and such parts of the intelligence as they thought pro-
per, and to consider a proper reward for the person
bearing the intelligence; and, " to prepare an address to
the mercenaries who are coming to invade America."
Mr. Lee was chosen one of this committee. ||

On the twenty-third instant, it was resolved, that a
committee of five be appointed " to confer with Gene-
ral Washington, Generals Gates and Mifflin, upon the

* See Jour. p. 160, t lb. p. 162. \ lb. p. 166,

§ lb p. 176. || lb. p. 179,

Jg4i MFE AJNU CORRESPONDENCE

most speedy and effectual means of supporting the Ame-
rican cause in Canada." Mr. Lee was one of this
committee.* On the twenty-fifth, General Washington
attended by order of Congress, and after some confer-
ence with him, it was Resolved, " that a committee be
appointed to confer with General Washington, Major
General Gates, and Brigadier General Mifflin, and to
concert with them a plan of military operations for the
ensuing campaign." Of this committee, Mr. Lee was
one.f

* See Jour. p. 186, f Id. p. 190.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, |g^

CHAPTER VII.

The period was now approaching, when the conti-
nental Congress were about to take the decisive step, of
dissolving the union between Great Britain and the
colonies. This measure was not the act of ambitious
men, who sought their own aggrandizement, regardless
of the welfare of their country. It was the act of the
most virtuous set of men with which history makes us
acquainted. It was the measure of wise patriots, who,
in common with their countrymen, felt the burden of
oppression, and appreciated freedom, as the source of all
private safety, and public happiness.

In the commencement of the dispute between the
colonies and the mother country, the former claimed
only those fundamental rights, which the British consti-
tution guaranteed to all the subjects of the crown of
England, and which had been productive of the happiest
effects, as was evident, from their unexampled growth
and prosperity. The inhabitants, descendants of Eng-
lishmen, had, for centuries, felt a common interest in the
prosperity of the parent country; and had been taught
both by precept and experience, to consider the British
constitution as the happiest, because the most effectual
safeguard of human rights.

It was not wonderful, therefore, that the people of the
colonies should so long have endured insult and injury;
should so long have spoken the language, only of suppli-
cation and remonstrance. It is not wonderful that the
wealth, the naval power, and military prowess of Great
Britain, should so long have repressed the faintest idea
of separation and independence.

In the early part of the year 1776, a large portion of
the people of the colonies, still asked for nothing more

|(3g LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

than a redress of grievances. A considerable number still
considered those grievances the effect of unconstitutional
proceedings, and unwarrantable demands. Many of the
most judicious and able citizens, friends of the colonies,
had not yet aspired to independence — they would have
dreaded the horrors of civil war, and would have de-
spaired of success, had the noble aspiration ever lifted
up their minds.

The following letter of General Charles Lee, refers
to the spirit predominating at this time.

"WILLIAMSBURG, May 10th, 1776.

My dear Friend — Your brother and 1 think, from
the language of your letters, that the pulse of the Con-
gress is low, and that you yourself, with all your vigour,
are by collision, somewhat more contracted in your hopes
than we wished to have found. If you do not declare
immediately for positive independence, we are all ruined.
There is a poorness of spirit and languor in the late
proceedings of Congress, that I confess frightens me so
much, that at times, I regret having embarked my all,
my fortune, life, and reputation, in their bottom. I some-
times wish that I had settled in some country of slaves,
where the most lenient master governs. However, let
the fate of my property be what it will, I hope I shall
preserve my reputation, and resign my breath with a
tolerable degree of grace.

God bless you — I cannot write more at present. —
: Ah Cassius, I am sick of many griefs/

Yours, most entirely,

Charles Lee.

Hon. Richard Henry Lee."

There were, however, many enlightened men, who
had long foreseen the ultimate effects of ministerial
measures. They had never hoped, for to them, no
ground of hope appeared, that supplication or meek re-
monstrance would arrest the course, or alter the system
of colonial administration. They early predicted, that

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, J@7

submission or resistance would be the fate, or the choice
of the colonies. Believing that the course of things
tended to this end, they had secretly indulged their love
of liberty, in visions of free and confederated republics;
and growing indignant at the wrongs heaped upon them-
selves and their countrymen, they had boldly reasoned
with themselves, of " unalienable rights, and of national
independence/' The reader will have already distin-
guished Mr. Lee, as a leader of this class of men. He
will remember, that upon the first intelligence of the de-
claratory act in '64, he had warned an English corres-
pondent and politician, to consider, " that possibly this
step (the declaratory act) of the mother country, though
intended to oppress, and keep us low, in order to secure
our dependence, may be subversive of that end. That
poverty and oppression among those whose minds are
filled with British liberty, may introduce a virtuous in-
dustry, with a train of manly and generous sentiments,
which, when in future, they become supported by num-
bers, may produce a fatal resentment of parental care
being converted into tyrannical oppression." He will
recollect the opinions held by Mr. Lee, the language
used, and the conduct pursued, from the very commence-
ment of the troubles in America, up to this period.4 He
will particularly recollect, the motion made by him, early
in the first session of the continental Congress, " to arm
the militia of the colonies;'" his support of a motion
made subsequently, in the Assembly of Virginia, by
Patrick Henry, to arm the militia of that colony: and
his opinion, that the colonies could successfully maintain
a contest with Great Britain. The reader must per-
ceive a bolder tone of indignation against the English
government pervading the speeches, and the writings of
Mr. Lee, than was consistent with the views of one, who
sought redress of grievances merely. He will recollect,
that General Gadsden of South Carolina, has said, that
during the existence of the stamp act, Mr. Lee had
invited him to become a member of a corresponding
association, which was to suggest the idea of indepen*

168 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

dence, as the discontents of the people should become
louder and stronger, against the unconstitutional admi-
nistration of the English government.

For the last two years, Mr. Lee had been an avowed
advocate for independence, and spoke with great confi-
dence of the event of a contest. His speeches in the
Assembly, and to the people of Westmoreland; his con-
versation among all classes of people in Virginia; his
opinions strongly and eloquently enforced in his inter-
course with the public men of that state, all conspired
to prepare, and at length to determine his countrymen
of Virginia, to declare that colony free and independent.
On the 17th of May, 1776, the convention which had
assembled on the sixth instant, unanimously resolved,
" that the delegates appointed to represent this colony
in the general Congress, be instructed to propose to that
respectable body, to declare the united colonies free
and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to,
or dependence upon, the crown or Parliament of Great
Britain; and to support whatever measures may be
thought proper and necessary by the Congress for form-
ing foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colo-
nies, at such time and in such manner, as to them may
seem best — provided, that the power of forming govern-
ments for, and the regulations of the internal concerns
of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legisla-
tures/' The convention proceeded to the establish-1
ment of a regular independent government.

The continental Congress being the point of union,
and the organ of efficient opposition, attracted the anxi-
ous attention of the ministry. They watched that body
with earnest attention, and in terms of haughty ven-
geance, denounced its proceedings. They considered it
the focus, to which all the heat and temerity of rebellion
tended, and from which, they were reflected with ten-
fold intensity and power. The proceedings of the co
lonial Assemblies and conventions, had ceased to occupy
their thoughts since the Congress multiplied all their
apprehensions. The raising of an army, and the ap-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE,

169

pointment of a commander-in-chief with every military-
power, had appeared but as the presumption of ill-ad-
vised and deluded rebels, who yet might be alarmed, or
soothed into submission. But neither the ministry nor
the people of Great Britain, had ever entertained the
apprehension, that the colonies would dare to aspire to
independence. It was to be expected, therefore, that a
declaration of independence would excite the astonish-
ment of the latter, and the fiercest indignation of the
former. It was then not without reason apprehended,
that the person who should propose, that the colonies be
declared independent, would be marked out as that dar-
ing rebel, whose spirit should be quenched, and whose
condign punishment should be made a terrible warning.'
Amidst the hesitation of some colonies, the foreseen
opposition of many able men of the Congress, the ma-
lice of the tories, the perils of war with its unknown
issues, and the vengeance of the ministry, Richard
Henry Lee moved the resolution, (in these his own
words,) " That these united colonies are, and of right,
ought to be, free and independent states; and that all
political connexion between them and the state of Great
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."*

It has been seen, that the convention of Virginia had
instructed her delegates in Congress, to propose to that
body, to declare the colonies independent. As soon as
the instructions arrived, theyf appointed Mr. Lee to
move a resolution conformably to it. The opinions and
wishes of Mr. Lee, were well known to them, the bold-
ness and decision of his character were suited to the
crisis. His eloquence and political information peculi-
arly fitted him for the discussions, which, it was antici-
pated, would follow the motion.

That it was the opinion of Congress, that the member
who made the first motion on the subject of independ-

* See Journal, p. 204.

t Mr. Wythe was at the head of the Virginia delegation, his
name standing first on the list of deputies.

VOL. I. — Y

270 LI*E ANU CORRESPONDENCE

ence, would certainly be exposed to personal and immi
nent danger, may be inferred from the manner in which
that motion is entered on the Journal. In the Journal of
Friday, June the seventh, it is thus stated, " certain reso-
lutions respecting independence being moved and second-
ed, Resolved, that the consideration of them, be deferred
until to-morrow morning; and that the members be en-
joined to attend punctually at ten o'clock, in order to
take the same into their consideration." The reader
will see, that neither the name of him who moved the
| resolutions, nor of him who seconded them, is mention-
l ed. Richard Henry Lee moved, and John Adams se-
conded them.* The long debates which followed, (from
the seventh of June, to the fourth of July,) show that
the measure proposed by the resolution, was considered
one of fearful hazard, and awful responsibility.

On the eighth, the Congress resolved itself into a com-
mittee of the whole, to take into consideration the reso-
lutions respecting independence; and, after some time,
the president resumed the chair, and Mr. Harrison re~
ported, that {: the committee having taken into consider-
ation the matter to them referred, but not having come
to any resolutions, they directed him to move for leave
to sit again on Monday." It was also resolved, " that
the Congress wili, on Monday next, at ten o'clock, re-
solve themselves into a committee of the whole, to take
into further consideration the resolutions referred to
them."

On Monday, June tenth, the order of the day being
before the house, the Congress resolved itself into a
committee of the whole, " to take into further consider-
ation the resolution to them referred." After several
hours had been spent in debate, the president resumed
the chair, and the chairman of the committee reported
a resolution thereon. The resolution agreed to, in the

* See Marshall's Life of Washington, and Otlis* Ed. of the
Chevalier Botta's History of the American Revolution.

OF BICHAKD HENRY LEE. jyj

committee of the whole Congress, being read, it was re-
solved, " That the consideration of the first resolution
be postponed to the first Monday in July next, and in
the meanwhile, that no time be lost, in case the Congress
agree thereto, a committee be appointed to prepare a
declaration, to the effect of the first resolution, which is
in these words, to wit: "That these united colonies are,
and of right ought to be, free and independent states:
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British
crown; and that all political connexion between them and
the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally
dissolved."*

It has already been seen by the reader, that the dis-
cussion upon Mr. Lee's motion for independence, con-
tinued from the seventh of June until the tenth, and that
the deliberation of Congress on that day, ended in the
adoption of a resolution, to appoint a committee to pre-
pare a declaration. He will perceive, from the language
of the resolution adopted on the tenth instant, that it was
yet doubtful whether the resolution moved by Mr. Lee
would be finally agreed to. The declaration was to be
prepared, " that no time should be lost, in case the Con-
gress might agree to adopt one/5 The resolution was
opposed, so far as the writer has been able to ascertain,
(from conversation with the late Governor Johnson, of
Maryland, a member at the time of the discussion,) by
no one, as impolitic and improper at all times, but as
imprudent at that time. Some of the arguments against
its present adoption were, the want of money; munitions
of war; of disciplined and efficient armies; on the part
of the colonies, the seeming tardiness of several colonies
in declaring their wishes on the subject; the power and
strength of Britain, by sea and land; and the yet unknown
course of foreign governments, during the contest which
would follow. Many able and virtuous patriots urged
these, and similar topics, with great force. The leading
advocate of immediate adoption, was R. H. Lee. Tra-

* See p 206, of Journal.

172 LIFE AND correspondence

dition (for we have no written history of this great and
interesting debate) still relates, that he prefaced his mo-
tion with a speech, which was the effort of a mind of
transcendent powers. He reviewed, in accurate and
luminous detail, the rights of the colonies, and the viola-
tions of these rights by the mother country. He stated
the resources of the colonies, and the advantages they
would derive from union amongst themselves', the extent
of their territory, and its capacity of defence, with a
fulness of knowledge which was at once striking and
wonderful He dwelt upon the probable conduct of the
continental powers, especially of France and Spain, with
almost prophetic foresight, and demonstrated, with the
skill and ability of a profound statesman, their policy in
the event of a separation from Great Britain. He con-
tinued, during the debate, from the seventh to the tenth,
to urge every topic, which his acute and well-stored mind
could conceive, in support of his motion. He addressed,
in splendid and persuasive eloquence, every patriotic and
noble passion which could be felt by freemen; and in
rich declamation, adorned by the finest allusions of
classic story, portrayed the beauties of liberty, with her
train of blessings, law, science, and glory. Memory has
preserved a faint outline of his first speech, and pro-
nounces the following, as the concluding sentences, with
which he introduced his memorable motion : " Why then,
sir, do we longer delay? Why still deliberate? Let this
happy day give birth to an American republic! Let her
arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish
the reign of peace and of law. The eyes of Europe are
fixed upon us; she demands of us a living example of
freedom, that may exhibit a contrast, in the felicity of
the citizen, to the ever increasing tyranny which deso-
lates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an
asylum, where the unhappy may find solace, and the per-
secuted repose. She intreats us to cultivate a propitious
soil, where that generous plant, which first sprung and
grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J^g

blasts of Scottish* tyranny, may revive and flourish, shel-
tering under its salubrious and interminable shade, all the
unfortunate of the human race. If we are not this day
wanting in our duty to our country, the names of the
American legislators of '76, will be placed by posterity
at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romu-
lus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of
all those whose memory has been, and for ever will be,
dear to virtuous men and good citizens."

On the evening of the tenth, Mr. Lee received, by
express from Virginia, the distressing intelligence that
his lady was dangerously ill. This circumstance com-
pelled him to ask leave of absence for a short time.
He left Philadelphia on the eleventh instant; and on that
day a committee of five members were chosen to
draught a declaration of independence. The members
were Messrs. Jefferson, J. Adams, Franklin, Sherman,
and R. R. Livingston. The absence of Mr. Lee alone
deprived him of the honour of being chairman of the
committee to draw a declaration of independence, ac-
cording to the uniform rule in all deliberative bodies,
to appoint that member chairman of the committee,
which is selected to report on any motion which he has
made, and which has been adopted.

Mr. Jefferson having been appointed chairman of the
above-mentioned committee, it was assigned to him to
prepare a draught of the declaration, to be reported to
Congress. On the first of July, according to the reso-
lution of the tenth ultimo, the order of the day was read;
when it was resolved, " that this Congress will resolve
itself into a committee of the whole, to take into con-
sideration the resolution respecting independence; and
that the declaration be referred to the said committee."
After some time spent in debate, the president resumed
the chair, and Mr. Harrison reported, that the commit-

* The Scotch were extremely unpopular in the American colo-
nies, during the revolution, in consequence of the fact that Lord
Bute, Lord Mansfield, &c. were advocates of the right to tax
America.

|74 LIJ?t AND c6rhesponx>ence

tee had come to a resolution, which they desired him to
report, and to ask leave to sit again. The resolution
agreed to, by the committee of the whole, being read,
u the determination thereof was, at the request of a colo-
ny, postponed until to-morrow." The Congress on this
day finally resolved, that it would sit in committee of the
whole to-morrow, "to take into consideration the decla-
ration respecting independence." On the second of
July the Congress resumed the consideration of the
resolution reported from the committee of the whole,
which was agreed to as follows: "Resolved, that these
colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and indepen-
dent states; that they are absolved from all political alle-
giance to the British crown, and that all political con-
nexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is
and ought to be totally dissolved." It was thereupon
resolved, "that the Congress will again to-morrow re-
solve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into
further consideration the declaration respecting inde-
pendence." On the third, agreeably to the order of the
day, the Congress in committee of the whole house,
took into further consideration the declaration reported
by the chairman of the committee for that purpose; but
not having finished their deliberations on that day, " they
desired leave to sit again.*' It was accordingly resolved,
that the Congress would on to-morrow again sit in com-
mittee of the whole, to take into further consideration,
the declaration to them referred. On the fourth of
July, agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress
in committee of the whole, took into their further con
sideration the declaration; and after some time, the pre-
sident having resumed the chair, Mr. Harrison reported
that the committee had agreed to a declaration, which
they desired him to report. The declaration being read,
was agreed to. Here follows, in the Journal, the Decla*
ration of Independence, so long and so much admired
for its chaste, dignified, and eloquent style; the princi-
ples of which are still (and it is hoped will be for ages
to come;) ardently chcrrshed-.

OF MCIIAKU HENRY LEE. J 75

The original draught then of the Declaration as writ-
ten by Mr. Jefferson, was debated for several days, pa-
ragraph by paragraph; the Congress amending, adding,
or striking out from it, words, sentences, or paragraphs.
Thus was this celebrated paper adopted and published!
It marks the commencement of one of the most signal
eras, recorded in the history of the world! Its publica-
tion inspired with the liveliest joy and hope, the breast
of the illustrious patriot who moved, and so strenuously,
and ably, and hazardously, advocated the immediate
adoption of the resolution on which it is founded. With
him his virtuous compeers joyed and hoped. "Joy ele-
vated, hope brightened their crests." May their decend-
anls, under the providence of that Lord God Almighty,
who gave them victory, long protect the noble fabric
which has been erected on an immutable basis; the na-
tural freedom and equality of all men ! !

It has been mentioned that Mr. Lee had been called
to Virginia, on the eleventh of June. He remained
some time absent from Congress. Shortly after the
adoption of the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Jef-
ferson wrote to him, enclosing the original draught,
which he had drawn in the committe, and also a copy of
the declaration as adopted by Congress. The original
was carefully preserved by Mr. Lee; not only for the
interest he felt in its history, but for the great respect
and warm friendship he felt for Mr. Jefferson. It has
been as carefully preserved by his family, and finally
committed to the author.*

Whatever may be the literary merit of the original
draught, candour will admit that it was improved by the
alterations suggested in Congress. Candour will admit
with equal promptness, that all of the finest passages of

* A copy of the letter, and of the draught, is given in appen-
dix number five. The endorsement on it which is in these word?
<l The Declaration of Independence as originally reported to Con-
gress," is the autograph of Mr. Lee, as also the endorsemen
on the accompanying letter, "letter of Thomas Jefferson, Esq-
July eighth, 1776 ."

176 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

the Declaration, as it was finally adopted, are the pro-
duction of Mr. Jefferson ; and that one paragraph, at
least, in the original draught, which was struck out
from the copy agreed to by Congress, might have been
retained. The paragraph beginning with these words
" he has waged a cruel war, &.c." contains some fine
and energetic sentences. It is worthy of remark, espe-
cially at the present day, when by a resolution of the
Congress of the United States, the slave trade has been
declared to be piracy, and by the same resolution the
maritime nations of Europe and America, are invited to
consent that it shall henceforth be so considered by the
law of nations, that Mr. Jefferson was the first Ameri-
can statesman, and probably the first writer of modern
times, who denounces that infamous traffic as a " pira-
tical warfare/5* The only reason, which appears fully
to account for the rejection of this eloquent passage of
the original draught, is, that as Congress was enume-
rating those acts of aggression upon the rights of the
colonies, in which George III. might be considered an
individual aggressor, as having given his assent to the
obnoxious laws mentioned, or as having done the acts
complained of by his own authority, it was thought un-
just and perhaps untrue, to charge him with the cruel-
ties and horrors of the slave trade. This trade it will
be recollected had been carried on long before his reign.
It is probable that George III. never gave his assent to
any law on that subject, except to that which declared
its abolition. In the clause of the original draught that
upbraids George III. with the hiring and sending fo-
reign mercenary troops to invade America, among
those mentioned, the Scotch are specified. It was said
that Dr. Witherspoon, the learned president of Nas-
sau Hall College, who was a Scotchman by birth, moved
to strike out the word * Scotch" which was according-
ly done.

The fame of R. H. Lee, in reference to the question

* This resolution was moved by Charles F. Mercer, Esq. of
Virginia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J 7 7

and Declaration of Independence, has not, unfrequently,
been placed in competition with that of Mr. Jefferson,
The true history of this celebrated period, furnishes no
ground for this. Whatever merit is due to the part which
Mr. Jefferson acted on this occasion, and whatever fame
is justly ascribable to him, as the writer of the original
draught, and the chief author of the present copy of the
declaration, they are distinct from the merit and fame of
Mr. Lee. All the prominent acts of the political life of
the latter gentleman, both in the legislature and conven-
tions of Virginia, and in the continental Congress, dis-
tinguished him as an intrepid advocate of independence.
He made the first direct motion upon the subject in the
latter body, in which situation, he could not fail to be
marked out by an implacable ministry; and publicly,
amid danger, doubt, and dismay, zealously, and ably
maintained the right and policy of immediate and total
separation from the state of Great Britain.*

* The following extract and anecdote, show the opinions of
men, as to the perils of this period : " And should the same dis-
passionate consideration of the subject be resumed, for another
purpose, it will be found, that at no time of the struggle, from
the symptoms of disaffection, to the period when a small mino-
rity of the oppressed, gave battle to their oppressors in the eastern
colonies, to the declaration of the majority against tyranny, though
clothed in the venerable habiliments of British law, and to the
consummation of their independence, was there a period so criti-
cal, as when that declaration was first proposed by R. H. Lee.
Let it be supposed, for a moment, that it had been rejected ! How
different would have been the present situation of America! Fiance
would have had no confidence in a people, who had none in them-
selves, and to this hour, America might have been apart of the Brir
tish empire. The Americans, until this paper was published to the
world, had done nothing which their king might not have forgivea
with dignity. — Extract from P. Allen's History of the American
Revolution.

It is related of Mr. B. Harrison, of Virginia, and of Mr.
Gerry, of Massachusetts, that after they had signed the Declara-
tion of Independence, Mr. Harrison, who was a very large, fat many
said to Mr Gerry, who was thin, "when the hanging scene comes,
I shall have the advantage of you — for all will be over with me,
while you will be still kicking in the air."

VOL. I* — Z

178. LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

An informed and grateful posterity will readily ac-
knowledge, and cheerfully ascribe to this great man, the
fame which patriotism has long since awarded to him, to
the justice of which, history bears its admiring attesta-'
tion. Perhaps, it may not be too bold, to hazard the
prediction, that whenever a patriot, in either hemisphere,
shall hereafter look with admiration and joy upon the
freedom and glory of the United States, in his warmest
accents, he will call on the name of Richard Henry Lee,
and bid one of the father's of his country, hail!"*

Authentic anecdotes show that his name immediately
became known in Europe, and particularly in England,
and that the ministry kept him steadily in their eyer
during the whole war.

A sonf of Mr. Lee, was, at the time of the declaration
of independence, at school in St. Bees, in England.
From him, the writer has heard some anecdotes illus-
trating this fact. The ministerial papers, which gave
the first intelligence of this event, to the inhabitants of
that place, headed the column containing American news,
thus: ''Richard Henry Lee and Patrick Henry, have at
last accomplished their object: The colonies have de-
clared themselves independent of the mother country."
One day, as this youth was standing near one of the pro-
fessors of the academy, who was conversing with a
gentleman of the neighbouring country, he heard the
question asked, " what boy is this?" to which the pro-
fessor answered, ;c he is a son of Richard Henry Lee,

* One of the revolutionary patriots, Colonel Humphreys, has
paid him a fine compliment. In a poem he wrote on the subject
of the new federal constitution, when deploring the difference of
opinion on this subject, which existed between many of the revo-
lutionary worthies, he thus alludes to R. H. Lee, who opposed it;

" Why asunder are they torn,
Why his loss should millions mourn,
Who, to glad the astonished earth,
Spoke an em/iire into birth."

t Ludwell Lee, Esq., of Virginia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J 79

of America." The gentleman, upon hearing this, put
his hand upon his head, and said, " we shall yet see your
father's head upon Tower Hill;" to which the boy an-
swered, " you may have it, when you can get it/'

Governor Johnson, of Maryland, told the writer, that
shortly after the war, he heard from an English gentle-
man of great respectability, who had lived in London
during the revolution, and who had opportunities of
hearing a good deal of the plans and intentions of the
ministry, that they had intended, in the event of the reduc-
tion of the colonies, to have demanded the delivery of
General Washington and Richard H. Lee, and to have
executed them as the principal rebels. The writer was
acquainted with a person, who, for many years, was a
manager on Mr. Lee's estate. His integrity and cha-
racter for truth, were more than ordinarily respected.
He often related as a fact, the following incident: He
had been at a wedding some distance from Mr. Lee's
residence, which was immediately on the banks of the
Potomac, and returned late at night. Not more than
half an hour after his return, the door of the house in
which he was, was forced open, and a midshipman and
a captain of marines, attended by several armed men,
entered his room, and commanded him to tell whether
Richard H. Lee, was not in the dwelling-house or some-
where upon the farm. He declared that he was not. Sus-
pecting that fidelity to his employer induced him to deny
the truth, they then offered him a purse containing
many guineas, if he would tell them where Mr. Lee
was. He told them that Mr. Lee had that morning set
out for Philadelphia, to the Congress. They then has-
tily returned to their boat. Mr. Lee, however, was only
four miles distant from the house.

General Charles Lee, it will be recollected by the
reader, was taken prisoner in December, 1776, and
was closely confined by the British commander, Lord
Howe, in New York. While in captivity, General Lee
wrote a letter to Mr. Lee, in which he tells him that
General and Lord Howe, had given him permission to

I gQ LUj'E and correspondence

write to Congress. The purpose for which he wrote,
he states to be, to induce Congress to send two or three
gentlemen to New York, to whom he could communi-
cate what deeply interested the public. He urges Mr.
Lee to come, assuring him that he would be safe under
the word of Lord Howe. The Congress, however, had not
equal confidence with Gen. Lee, in Lord Howe's word,
and rejected his request. The friendship which Mr. Lee
entertained for General Lee, the generous sympathy
which he felt for his misfortune, prevailed for a time
over his judgment, and strongly inclined him to visit, in
his private character, his distressed and captive friend,
who had so disinterestedly devoted his life and 3 services
to America. His particular friends, and many members
of Congress, earnestly remonstrated against such a ha-
zardous step, under the general belief, that he was
known to the British ministry, and to the commanders
of the British armies, as the mover of the declaration of
independence, and was on that account, so obnoxious to
them, that no faith would be kept with him. Mr. Lee
yielded to their remonstrance, and to the conviction of
his own understanding, which for a time had been in
servitude to his heart. He tells his friend, in reply, that
"he had not the smallest idea of personal danger.'' He
briefly and faintly alludes to the impossibility of his com-
pliance with the request which General Lee had so
earnestly pressed. His reply is marked with the bre-
vity of deep feeling, and with the language of manly
grief, which swells the bosom when it cannot serve its
friend in the hour of need. The reader will pardon the
transcription of General Lee's letter, and Mr. Lee's
answer.

[Letter from Gen. C. Lee, to R. H. Lee.]

" My dear Friend — Lord and General Howe, have
given me leave to write to the Congress. My request is,
that they will suffer two or three gentlemen to repair

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. Jg|

to New York, to whom I wish to communicate what
certainly deeply interests me, and I think full as much
the public. It you should be nominated, I beg you will
set out with all possible expedition, as expedition in the
present crisis of affairs, is of very material consequence.
I would not urge you, (I know you too well,) to act against
your opinion; but, as I cannot see the least ill conse-
quences which can attend the measure, I cannot help
expressing my wishes that you would use your influence
to accomplish it. You will be in perfect security, for
the word of Lord and General Howe, as gentlemen, are
unquestionably to be depended upon; and, abstracted
from all public considerations, you would, I am confi-
dent, undergo much greater inconvenience than this
journey to serve one who is,

Most truly and affectionately yours,

Charles Lee.

To Richabd Henry or Fraxcis Lee, Esq."

[Reply of R. H. Lee.]

"PHILADELPHIA, February 11, 1777.

My dear Friend — My feelings are not be describ-
ed. I would go to every extremity to serve my friend,
and the able friend of liberty and mankind. But here
my power fails. I have not the smallest idea of per
sonal danger, nor does this affect the present question.

Farewell, my dear friend, may you be as happy as you
deserve, then the cause of humanity will have nothing
to fear for you.

Richard Henry Lee."*

While Mr. Lee was in Virginia, he received a lettei
from Mr. Samuel Adams, giving him an interesting
account of the public affairs, and of the effect of the

♦Both the above letters arc taken from the original manuscripts
The reader will find, in Appendix, No. 6, a letter from General
Charles Lee, to Lord Percy, while he was with the British army
in Boston. It is due to his memory, to present this letter to the
public.

}g£ L1PE AND CORRESPONDENCE

declaration of independence upon the country. This
letter cannot fail to be interesting.

[Letter from Samuel Adams, to R. H. Lee.]

« PHILADELPHIA, July 15th, 1776.

My dear Sir — I must acknowledge, that when you
left Congress, I gave you reason to expect a letter from
me before this time. You will not, I am very certain,
attribute my omission to the want of a most cordial
esteem for you. The truth is, I hardly know how to
write, without saying something about our Canadian
affairs: and this is a subject so thoroughly mortifying
to me, that I could wish totally to forget all that has
passed in that country. Let me, however, just mention
to you, that Schuyler and Gates are to command the
troops, the former while they are without, the latter
while they are within, the bounds of Canada. Admitting
these generals to have the accomplishments of a Marlbo-
rough, or an Eugene, ! cannot conceive that such a dis-
position of them will be attended with any good effects,
unless harmony subsist between them. Alas! I fear this
is not the case. Already, disputes have arisen, which
they have referred to Congress; and, although they affect
to treat each other with a politeness becoming their rank,
in my mind, altercations between commanders who have
pretensions so nearly equal, (I mean in point of com-
mand) forebode a repetition of misfortune. I sincerely
wish my apprehensions may prove to be groundless.

General Howe, as you have heard, is arrived at New
York. He has brought with him from eight to ten
thousand troops. Lord Howe arrived last week, and
the whole fleet is hourly expected. The enemy landed
in Staten Island. Nothing has been done, saving that
last Friday, about three in the afternoon, a forty and
twenty gun ship, with several tenders, taking the advan-
tage of a fair and fresh gale, and flowing tide, passed by
our forts as far as King's Bridge. General Mifflin,
who commanded there, in a letter of the fifth instant.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |gg

informed us that he had twenty-one cannon planted, and
hoped, in a week, to be formidable. Reenforcements
have arrived from New England, and our army are in
high spirits. J am exceedingly pleased ivith the calm
and determined spirit which our commander-in-chief has
discovered in all his letters to Congress. May heaven
guide and prosper him* The- militia of the Jerseys,
Pennsylvania, and Maryland,' are all in motion. Gene-
ral Mercer commands the flying camp in the Jerseys.
We have just now appointed a committee to bring in a
plan for the reenforcement, to complete the numbers of
twenty thousand men to be posted in that colony.

Our declaration of independence has given vigour to
the spirits of the people. Had' this decisive measure
been taken nine months ago, it is my opinion, that
Canada would by this time have been in our hands.
But what does it avail to find fault with what is past?
Let us do better for the future. We were more fortunate
than we expected, in having twelve of the thirteen colo-
nies in favour of the all-important question. The
delegates from New Jersey were not empowered to give
their voice on either side. Their convention has since
acceded to the declaration, and published it even before
they received it from Congress. So mighty a change
in so short a time! New Jersey has finished her form
of government, a copy of which I enclose. They have
sent five new delegates, among whom are Dr. Wither-
spoon and Judge Stockton. All of them appear zealously
attached to the American cause. A convention is now
meeting in this city, to form a constitution for this colony,
They are empowered by their constituents, to appoint a
new committee of safety to act for the present, and to
choose new delegates for Congress. I am told there
will be a change of men, and if so, I hope for the better.

A plan of confederation has been brought into Con-
gress, which I hope will be speedily digested, and be made

* Yet, Judge Johnson has represented Samuel Adams as aa
enemy to Generals Washington and Greene,

184 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ready to be laid before the several states for their appro-
bation. A committee has now under consideration a
plan of foreign alliance. It is high time for us to have
ambassadors at foreign courts. I fear we have already
\ suffered too much by delay. You know on whom our
\ thoughts were turned when you were with us.

I am greatly obliged to you for favouring me with the
form of government agreed upon by your countrymen.
I have not yet had time to peruse it, but I dare say, it
will be a feast to our little circle. The device on your
great seal pleases me much.

Pray hasten your journey hither. Your country most
pressingly solicits, or, will you allow me to say, demands
your assistance here. I have written in great haste.

Adieu, my dear sir, and be assured that I am, very
affectionately, your friend,

S. Adams."

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE

185

CHAPTER VIII.

Congress was about to exercise the highest attribute
of political sovereignty, in the formation of treaties with
foreign nations. Mr. Lee had long looked upon the
contracting of treaties of alliance with some of the great
powers of Europe, rivals of Britain, as the policy which
would most essentially serve our cause. As soon, there-
fore, as he could leave home, he returned to Congress,
in time to aid in that most important business. On the
twenty-seventh of August, it was Resolved, " that the plan
of treaties, with the amendments, (which had been made in
committee of the whole House,) be referred to the com-
mittee who brought in the original plan, in order to draw
up instructions, pursuant to the amendments." It was
ordered, that two members be added to the committee;
the members chosen were Messrs. Lee and Wilson.*
On the seventh of September it was Resolved, that two
members be added to the committee appointed on the
twenty-fourth of July last, to consider the proposal made
by the president of South Carolina, respecting General
Lee, in room of those absent: Messrs. Lee and Walton
were chosen.f On the fourteenth of October, a com-
mittee of three was appointed, to devise ways and means
for supplying the treasury with a further sum of money.
The members chosen were Messrs. Lee, Wilson, and
Hall.J A committee of five was appointed, on the thirty-
first of October, to prepare an effectual plan for suppress-
ing the internal enemies of America, and preventing the
communication of intelligence to the enemy.§ Of this
committee, Mr. Lee was one.|| He was chairman of a

* Jour. p. 330. f lb. p. 346. $ lb. p. 415,

§ lb. p. 439. U lb. p. 478.

VOL. I. — a a

18(j LIFK AND CORRESPONDENCE

committee, to whom was referred a plan of an artillery
yard, which had been laid before Congress * On the
following day, he was chosen chairman of a committee,
who were ordered to consider and report a proper plan
for establishing and training cavalry, in the continental
armv.f Several letters from Generals Washington,
Ward, Gates, and Morgan: a petition and remonstrance
from the captains and subalterns of Colonel Mackay's
battalion; a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Wilson, and
one from Colonel Hazard, were received, read, and on
the 9th instant referred to the committee on the northern
army. It was ordered, that another member be added
to that committee: Mr. Lee was the member chosen. J
On the same day, he was chosen on a committee, with
Dr. Witherspoon and S. Adams, to prepare an address
to the people of America, and a recommendation to the
several states to appoint a day of humiliation, fasting, and
prayer.§

On the ninth of December, several letters were re-
ceived from Generals Washington, Sullivan, and Woos-
ter; and several from R. Morris, Esq.; and were referred
to a committee of four, of which Mr. Lee was chairman.
On the twenty-sixth of the same month, it was Resolved,
that a committee of three be appointed, to take into con-
sideration the state of the army, and report thereon to-
morrow. Of this committee, Mr. Lee was chairman.
It reported on the following day, in which a minute view
of the military concerns of the colonies was given.

This report contained a proposition of a novel and
highly important nature. It was a proposition so far to
enlarge the powers of General Washington, as to create
him almost dictator. A jealousy of military power had
long characterized the people of England, and of the
colonies. The salutary principle of the absolute subor-
dination of the military to the civil power, was a funda-
mental principle of the English constitution, and was

* Jour, p 480. t lb. p. 493. J lb. p. 506

§ lb. p. 508.

OF RICHARD HENRY LLLE. jg"J

strictly enforced and jealously guarded by the people of
North America. No man ever more uniformly main-
tained this principle than Mr. Lee. The crisis, how-
ever, was an awful one. Britain was putting forth her
gigantic strength, to crush, at once, the rights of the colo-
nies. The prospect was, indeed, dark and foreboding,
at the close of the year '76. The Congress was forced,
by the pressure of an overruling necessity, to pass an act
vesting great and extraordinary powers in General Wash-
ington. That body was sensible of the delicacy of the
step. Murmurs against the measure were heard from
several quarters, which induced the Congress to address
a communication to the governors and assemblies of the
states, explanatory of this resolution. This address had
the desired effect. The character of Washington, no
doubt, greatly tended to gain the acquiescence of the
states. This illustrious citizen exercised these powers,
as he exercised all others entrusted to him by his coun-
try, for its good alone. It has been seen, that Mr. Lee
was the chairman of the committee which proposed the
measure of granting extraordinary powers to the com-
mander in chief. That part of the report conferring
those powers, was found among Mr. Lee's manuscripts,
in his own hand writing; with which, the report in the
Journal almost entirely corresponds. On the twenty-
eighth it was " Resolved, That a committee should be
appointed to prepare a circular letter to the several states,
explaining the reasons which induced Congress to enlarge
the powers of General Washington, and requesting them
to co-operate with him, and give him all the aid in their
power." The members chosen were Messrs. Lee,
Wrilson, and Adams* The letter was draughted by
Mr. Lee, and is here copied from his original manu-
script.

" Sir — Ever attentive to the security of civil liberty,
Congress would not have consented to the vesting of

*See Jour, p 509.

igg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

such powers in the military department, as those, the
enclosed convey to the continental commander in chief,
if the situation of public affairs did not at this crisis,
require a decision and vigour, which distance and num-
bers deny to Assemblies, far removed from each other,
and from the immediate seat of war. The strength and
progress of the enemy, joined to the prospect of con-
siderable reenforcements, have rendered it not only ne-
cessary, that the American forces should be augmented
beyond what Congress had before designed, but that
it should be brought into the field with all possible ex-
pedition. These considerations therefore induced Con-
gress to request, in the most earnest manner, that the
fullest influence of your station may be exerted, to aid
such levies as the general shall, in consequence of the
powers now given him, direct ; and that your quota of
battalions, formerly fixed, may be completed, and or-
dered to head quarters with all the despatch an ardent
desire to secure the public happiness can dictate.55

A treaty of alliance with France and Spain, had long
been considered by Mr. Lee, as a measure of vital im-
portance to the colonies. He long argued that policy.,
no less than the jealousy of the power of Great Britain,
entertained, particularly by France, would induce these
powers to take a direct part in favour of American
liberty. As soon, therefore, as independence had been
declared, he strenuously advised the immediate appoint-
ment of ambassadors to the courts of these nations. The
Congress being fully sensible of the importance of such
a step, appointed commissioners to the court of Ver-
sailles. Before they sailed Mr. Lee moved in Congress
several instructions to be given them, all of which were
agreed to. These heads of instructious are here copied
from the original manuscript in Mr. Lee's handwriting.
" As the scarcity of arms, artillery, and other military
stores, is so considerable, would it not be proper to in-
struct the ambassador to France, that he press for an
immediate supply of twenty, or thirty thousand stand of
well fitted muskets and bayonets, a good supply of brass

GP RICHARD HENRY LEE. |§g

field-pieces, gunpowder, &c. That these be seat under
convoy. That a few good engineers be sent.

" It seems very clear that France does not mean to
let America sink in the present contest. But distance,
and the difficulty of giving a true account of our con-
dition, may be the cause of opinions being entertained
of our power to support the war on our own resources,
longer than we can in fact do. Considering this, may
it not be proper for the ambassador to press for an im-
mediate declaration of France, upon the suggestion that
our re-union with Great Britain might be endangered
by longer delay. Should Spain be disinclined to our
cause, from apprehension of danger to her South Ame-
rican dominions, cannot France be prevailed upon (at
our request and upon our assurances,) to guarantee to
that crown, her colonies here, from any molestation
from us. Should not the ambassador give us the most
speedy and effectual intelligence of his progress, that it
may concern us to have."

During the period, from October, 1776, when the com-
missioners sailed for France, until a treaty was concluded
with that country, Mr. Lee carried on a continued and
full correspondence with his brother, Arthur Lee, Esq.
one of them, in which he gave him every information
relative to the military and political affairs of the United
States. This intelligence, thus received and communi-
cated to the other commissioners, was of essential ad-
vantage to them in conducting their negotiations to a
successful conclusion. The reader will fiud, in appen-
dix number eight, several interesting letters from the
Congress, through their committee of correspondence,
of which Mr. Lee was a member. They were written
by him. They are here copied from original manu-
scripts, in his hand writing. They contain a more
complete account of the state of the American confede-
racy, than can be elsewhere found. They show the
ease with which Mr. Lee blended the minuteness of de-
tail of a man of business with the comprehensive views
of an enlightened statesman. On the twenty-eighth of

190 LI*E AND CORRESPONDENCE

January, 1777, it was resolved that a committee of three
be appointed to take into consideration the state of
Georgia. Mr Lee was one of this committee.* It was
on this day ordered, that the proceedings of the com-
mittees from the four New England states, which were
under the consideration of the whole Congress, be re-
ferred to a committee of five; of which Mr. Lee was
chosen chairman.! But a few of the numerous com-
mittees on which Mr. Lee served during the months of
January and February, 1777, have here been mentioned.
The reader will find, (if he take the trouble to examine
the Journals of these months,) that he was continually
employed on committees to which were referred the
"driest details of business/' without the diligent and
skilful performance of whose duties, the great business
of war could not have gone on. J

On the ninth of April, it was resolved, that a com-
mittee of five be appointed " to consider what steps are
necessary to be taken by Congress, and recommended
to the state of Pennsylvania, for opposing the enemy, if
they should attempt to penetrate through New Jersey
and attack Philadelphia; that the said committee be in-
structed to confer with the executive council of the
state of Pennsylvania on this subject, and with the gene-
ral officers now in Philadelphia." Mr. Lee was chosen
one of this committee.§ The reader will find in the
appendix, number seven, a letter from this committee to
General Washington, on the subject of the defence of
the city of Philadelphia. It was written bj Mr. Lee,
and is there copied from his original manuscript. On
the thirteenth instant the committee of appeals from the
admiralty courts, reported, that they had heard the ap-
peal in the case of the claimants and owners of the
brigantine Shelburne, fully argued, and that the com-
mittee being equally divided in opinion, no verdict could

* Journal, third volume, p 39. f Ibid. p. 52

| Such as related to the clothing and feeding the armies, &c
c. § Journal, p. 127.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. JQJ

"be given. The Congress resolved, " that a committer
of five be appointed, to rehear and determine the said
appeal." Mr. Lee was chosen one of this committee*
On the following day he was chosen one of a commit-
tee to confer with the executive council of the state of
Pennsylvania, and with the board of war of that state
on military concerns.! An appeal being delivered, on
the sixteenth instant, to the secretary, from a judg-
ment of a court of admiralty, held at Plymouth in the
state of Massachusetts, on a libel against the schooner
Industry, it was Resolved, " that it be referred to the
standing committee of appeals/' It was then moved,
that it be referred to a select committee of four. This
motion prevailed, and Mr. Lee was chosen one of its
members. On the twenty-third instant, it was Resolved,
" that a committee of six be appointed to devise ways
and means for speedily reenforcing General Washing-
ton's army." Of this committee Mr. Lee was one.J

The long and laborious services of Mr. Lee in Con-
gress, had now shaken his constitution. From this
period of his life, he never enjoyed good health, although
he continued in public. On the fifth June, it was
Ordered, " That Richard Henry Lee have leave of ab-
sence, his health and private affairs requiring his return
to Virginia."§

Justice to his reputation required his presence in Vir
ginia. It will be with difficulty believed, in those days, in
which hatred of tyranny, a love of freedom, and respect
for great and good men, seemed to have been so generally
felt, that there were men, both in, and out of the legislature
of Virginia, who envied the fame and popularity of Mr.
Lee, and slandered his character. It would bethought,
that the patriotism of Mr. Lee, could not have been
doubted. It was not by virtuous and enlightened men,
nor indeed, by those wicked and designing persons, who
raised a clamour against him. Their malice, however,
at last, served only to brighten his fame.

* See Journal, p. 134. f Ibid. p. 136. $ Ibid p. 152,
§ Ibid p. 214.

1 92 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

The Virginia legislature, in common with Congress,
had been compelled to issue great quantities of paper
money during the year '76, and the winter of the year
'77. The invariable consequence followed, a deprecia-
tion of the currency. Mr. Lee, when the non-inter-
course associations mentioned in a former part of this
Memoir, were formed, had agreed with his tenants on
a tract of land in the upper part of the state, to com-
mute their rents in money, into rents of produce. This
circumstance, although a favour conferred on his tenants,
at a time when there was no market for their produce,
served, in a change of circumstances, as a basis for the
charge of the envious and disaffected. They insinuated,
that he was, in heart, a tory, and was, in reality, an enemy
to the cause of America; that he had refused to take
the money of the state, in payment of rents due by his
tenants, with a design to depreciate its value, and thus
to embarrass the public efforts to maintain the war.
They charged him with several other crimes against the
public good: Among others, they accused him with
having favoured the interests of New England, to the
injury of the interests of Virginia. Such is the pro-
pensity of corrupt human nature, to delight and believe
in whatever can suggest doubts of the virtue of those
who are eminently illustrious, that the above charges
against Mr. Lee were widely circulated, and by many,
credited.

In May '77, the Virginia Assembly met, and soon
after its session commenced, it proceeded to the annual
election of deputies to the Congress. At this election,
Mr. Lee was left out. Having been informed of the
charges made against him, and being, as it has been
mentioned, indisposed, he returned home. He had been
recently re-elected by the county of Westmoreland, a
member of the Assembly of Virginia, and a short time
after his arrival at home, went to Richmond, to demand
an inquiry into his public conduct. The following
account of this transaction of Mr. Lee's life, is taken
from an elegant and accurate continuation of Mr. Burk's

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. ]9g

History of Virginia, page 225. " Thomas Nelson, one
of the delegates then in Congress, was compelled, by the
bad state of his health, to resign that station, no less
laborious than honourable. George Mason was ap-
pointed in his place; and, by the joint ballot of both
Houses, Benjamin Harrison, George Mason, Joseph
Jones, Francis L. Lee, and John Harvie, were elected
delegates to the general Congress, from the eleventh
August following. Thus ivas Richard Henry Lee omitted
in this appointment. It appears, that reports injurious
to the reputation and public character of that gentleman,
had, in his absence, been alleged against him. This led him
to solicit an inquiry by the House, into the nature of those
allegations. The Senate attended this inquiry, and their
presence gave additional solemnity to the scene. Several
witnesses were examined, and Mr. Lee was heard in his
place. His conduct had been pure, and his fame bright-
ened by this ordeal. The Senate withdrew: and the
House came to a resolution, in consequence of which,
the speaker, the venerable George Wythe, addressed
Mr. Lee in the following words:

' Sir — It is with peculiar pleasure that I obey this com-
mand of the House, because it gives me an opportunity,
whilst I am performing an act of duty to them, to per-
form an act of justice to yourself. Serving with you in
Congress, and attentively observing your conduct there,
I thought that you manifested in the American cause, a
zeal truly patriotic; and, as far as I could judge, exerted
the abilities for which you are confessedly distinguished,
to promote the good and prosperity of your own country
in particular, and of the United States in general.
That the tribute of praise deserved, may reward those
who do well, and encourage others to follow your exam-
ple, the House have come to this resolution:

1 Resolved, That the thanks of this House be given
by the speaker, to Richard Henry Lee, Esq., for the
faithful services he has rendered his country, in discharge

vol. i. — b b

J 94 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

of his duty, as one of the delegates from this state in
general Congress/*

To which, Mr. Lee answered:

' Mr. Speaker — I thank the House for this instance
of candour and justice, which 1 accept the more willingly,
as my conscience informs me, it was not undeserved. I
consider the approbation of my country, sir, the highest
reward for faithful services, and it shall be my constant
call, to merit that approbation, by a diligent attention to
public duty.

My thanks are particularly due to you, sir, for the
obliging manner in which you have been pleased to
signify the vote of the House, and I pray you, sir. to
receive my grateful acknowledgments accordingly.'

The result of this investigation, having thus honour-
ably dispelled the clouds, which, for a moment, obscured
the political character of Mr. Lee, he was fully restored
to the confidence of his fellow-citizens. In the course
of the session, George Mason having resigned his
appointment as a delegate, Richard Henry Lee was
nominated, and appointed, in his room. The thanks of
the Senate had, in the most flattering manner, been
added to those of the House of Delegates/'

Notwithstanding this honourable testimony of respect
and gratitude, which the Assembly had borne to Mr.
Lee's public services, those men who had injured, con-
tinued to hate him. So true is the remark of Tacitus,
" proprium est humani ingenii, odisse, quern lasseris."
They continued, for some time, to slander him in private,
and to harass him by their votes, at the annual election
of delegates to Congress. Although they never after-
wards succeeded in leaving him out, yet, on one occa-

* It is said, that Mr. Wythe shed tears, while addressing Mr
Lee.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. J 95

sion, (1778) they so far succeeded in the gratification of
their malignity, as to put him lower in the delegation
than he had before been, or ever afterwards was. The
following letter of Patrick Henry to Mr. Lee, alludes to
these circumstances. It will give the reader some idea
of the vigour and vehemence which characterized his
speeches.

« WILLIAMSBURG, 18th, 1778.

Mr dear Sir — Both your last letters came to hand
to-day. I felt for you, on seeing the order in which the
balloting placed the delegates in Congress. It is an
effect of that rancorous malice, that has so long followed
you, through that arduous path of duty, which you have
invariably travelled, since America resolved to resist her
oppressors. Is it any pleasure to you, to remark, that
at the same aera in which these men figure against you,
public spirit seems to have taken its flight from Virginia?
It is too much the case; for the quota of our troops is
not half made up, and no chance seems to remain for
completing it. The Assembly voted three hundred and
fifty horse, and two thousand men, to be forthwith raised,
and to join the grand army. Great bounties are offered,
but I fear, the only effect will be, to expose our state to
contempt, for I believe no soldiers will enlist, especially
in the infantry. Can you credit it; no effort was made
for supporting, or restoring public credit! I pressed it
warmly on some, but in vain. This is the reason we
get no soldiers. We shall issue fifty or sixty thousand
dollars in cash, to equip the cavalry, and their time is to
expire at Christmas. I believe, they will not be in the
field before that time. Let not Congress rely on Vir-
ginia for soldiers. I tell you my opinion, they will not
be got here until a different spirit prevails. I look at
the past condition of America, as at a dreadful precipice,
from which we have escaped, by means of the generous
French, to whom I will be everlastingly bound by the
most heartfelt gratitude. But I must mistake matters,
if some of those men who traduce you, do not prefer

]9(j LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

the offers of Britain. You will have a different game
to play now, with the commissioners. How comes Go-
vernor Johnson there? I do not see how it comports
with his past life.

Surely Congress will never recede from our French
friends. Salvation to America, depends upon our hold-
ing fast our attachment to them. I shall date our ruin
from the moment that it is exchanged for any thing Great
Britain can say, or do. She can never be cordial with
us. Baffled, defeated, disgraced by her colonies, she
will ever meditate revenge. We can find no safety but
in her ruin, or at least, in her extreme humiliation,
which has not happened, and cannot happen, until she
is deluged with blood, or thoroughly purged by a revo-
lution, which shall wipe from existence, the present king
with his connexions, and the present system, with those
who aid and abet it.*

For God's sake, my dear sir, quit not the councils of
your country, until you see us for ever disjoined from
Great Britain. The old leaven still works. The flesh
pots of Egypt, are still savoury to degenerate palates.
Again we are undone, if the French alliance is not re-
ligiously observed. Excuse my freedom. I know your
love to our country, and this is my motive. May Hea-
ven give you health and prosperity.

I am, your's affectionately,

Patrick Henry."

Mr. Lee returned to Philadelphia, in August '78, and
resumed his seat in Congress, on the 12th of that month.

* This was written in moments of exasperation, in the midst of
war and carnage. No man more thoroughly detested the French
jacobins, who tried a revolution on these principles, than Patrick
Henry. In the enjoyment of independence and peace, he acknow-
ledged that England could, with George III. at her head, maintain
the relations of peace and amity. He lived to hear of the reply
of George III., when introduced to the first minister of the United
States to his court. " I was the last man, sir, in my kingdom, to
acknowledge the independence of your country ; I shall be the
last one in it, now, to question it.'* Considering the circum-
stances, it is worth all the splendid sayings recorded of kings.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, jg^

On his return to that city, he had the pleasure of being
introduced to the Marquis de La Fayette, and the Baron
De Kalb, who had now generously proffered their ser-
vices to Congress. With both of these distinguished
foreigners he became intimate, and the friendship be-
tween them, ever afterwards continued. The reader
will peruse the letters of the former, accompanying this
Memoir, with that interest which his name inspires in
all who remember his early and warm attachment to
America. He still remembers her struggle, and rejoices
in her prosperity.

These gentlemen were introduced to Mr. Lee, by
Mr. Carmichael, secretary to the commissioners to
France.

" Sir — As your brother, Arthur Lee, Esq., is not on
the spot, I take the liberty, in consequence of his request,
to inform you of his health; he is now at Burgos, in
Spain, where he remains in consequence of the request
of the Spanish ministry, to negotiate on behalf of the
United States. From what he writes me, I hope he
will at least get some money on our account. Your bro-
ther, the Alderman, as I am just informed by a gentle-
man from London, is well.* I take the liberty of intro-
ducing to your notice and protection the Marquis La
Fayette, and Baron De Kalb. The former is of the
first distinction, for birth, fortune, and family here: the
other, of the highest reputation in the service, and
strongly recommended by the Marshal De Broglio, and
the Marshal De Mallabois. The former's family, are
our strong support. His uncle is ambassador at the
court of London, and from his representations, we hope
to bring on a war, much sooner than it would otherwise
happen. I hope he, (the Marquis,) will have every rea-
son to think favourably of the country.

* William Lee, who had been an Alderman in London, and
who was a commissioner in '79, of the United States, to the
courts of Holland and Germany.

198 LIFE AN° CORRESPONDENCE

I have the honour to be, with much respect, your
obedient servant,

William Carmichael,

Paris, March, 1777
Hon. R. H. Lee."

In consequence of the friendship and intimacy which
existed between Mr. Lee, and the Marquis La Fayette,
the French officers always sought his acquaintance and
patronage. The gratitude which Mr. Lee felt towards
France for her assistance, and to the French officers
who volunteered their services in our army, made him,
on all occasions, their avowed and warm friend. He
always supported their application for commissions,
wherever they possessed merit to make it at all prudent
to employ them. The author has found among Mr.
Lee's manuscripts, many communications from the
French, and other foreign officers who had come to
America. They seemed to have conceived for him the
most exalted respect, and to have considered him a
friend not of America only, but of mankind.

When the Baron de Kalb returned to France, before
the close of the revolution, he found in Paris two sons
of Mr. Lee, who had been sent to France to finish their
education. He took these youths with him on a visit to
the " Hotel de Noailles," the residence of the Marquis
La Fayette, and introduced them to the marchioness, in
these words : " I have the honour to present to you,
madam, the sons of Richard Henry Lee, of America ;
the friend of the Marquis La Fayette, and of all the
French officers, who have gone to America/'*

In the year 1777, there were numerous applications
made to Congress, by foreign gentlemen for commis-
sions in the army. In several instances, Congress found
great difficulty, and suffered no little perplexity, in ex-

* The author received this anecdote from one of the gentle-
men, who was then a youth. He distinctly recollects the words
of De Kalb, and the person and manners of the marchioness,
and her kindness to him and his brother.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. |99

amining their claims to preference, adjusting their rank,
and satisfying their wishes. On the eleventh of Novem-
ber, 1777, Mr. Lee was appointed chairman of a com-
mittee, to which a memorial from the Chevalier Dorset,
and from the officers who accompanied Monsieur Du
Coudray from France, and the applications of other
foreign gentlemen attending Congress were referred.*
His general acquaintance with all the foreigners who
had come to America for employment, no doubt, occa-
sioned his appointment as chairman of this committee.
The reader will find in the Appendix, number nine,
a letter from the brave De Kalb, one from the generous
Count Pulaski, and one from the intriguing, unfortu-
nate, and repentant Conway.

Mr. Lee was the member through whom propositions
were made to Congress from foreign gentlemen. Two
notes from the French Consul have been found among
Mr. Lee's manuscripts, offering a loan of a million of
dollars, on behalf of several persons in France, to the
United States. One of them is in the following words :

« April 5th, 1779.

Mr. Holker, presents his compliments to the Ho-
nourable Colonel Lee, and begs leave to observe to him,
that it is very essential for the interests of the proprie-
tors of the money, which he has taken the liberty of
offering to Congress, as a loan, that Mr. Holker should
know whether his proposal is accepted or not, so as he
might immediately dispose of the money in some man-
ner. He hopes Mr. Lee will take the matter into seri-
ous consideration, and will please to draw up his report
in order if any thing is to be done, to retrieve lost time,
every minute of which is of the greatest importance to
the public of America." A special committee was ap-
pointed to consider the offer, of which Mr. Lee was
chairman. The second note is addressed to him, as
chairman of the special committee, and states the sum
offered to be a million of dollars.

t See; Jour. p. 488.

2()(j LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

As soon as Mr. Lee resumed his seat in Congress,
though still in a very feeble state of health, he was call-
ed to constant and active business, in consequence of his
appointment on almost every committee of importance.
On August sixteenth, there was a committee of five ap-
pointed, to take into consideration the state of the wes-
tern frontiers, and the northern department, which was
ordered " to report thereon, with all convenient de-
spatch." On this committee Mr. Lee was placed.* On
the twenty-second of October, he was chosen chairman
of a committee to inquire into the conduct of Colonel
George Morgan ;f according to his habit of performing
the labours of the committees on which he acted, he
wrote a long letter to a gentleman in Pittsburg, where
Colonel Morgan commanded, in which the whole sub-
ject before the committee is stated with great minute-
ness, and sundry inquiries made respecting the conduct
of that officer. The manuscript letter is in the hand-
writing of Mr. Lee. A few days before, he had been
chosen one of a committee of three, to consider the best
method of preventing intercourse between the towns
possessed by the enemy and the country.

As soon as the intelligence of the capture of General
Burgoyne had reached Congress, it was "Resolved,
That a committee of three be appointed, to prepare a
recommendation to the states, to set apart a day of thanks-
giving, for the signal success lately obtained over the
enemies of the United States. v Mr. Lee served on
this committee, which reported the following day.J

While every reader acquainted with the proceedings
of that illustrious body, the continental Congress, must
admire the wisdom of their measures, the Christian rea-
der must contemplate, with delight and veneration, the
fervent and exalted piety evinced in their proclamations,
recommending days of fasting, humiliation, and thanks-
giving. In point of composition, too, they are not un-
worthy of those men who penned the celebrated state

* See Jour. p. 333. f lb. p. 434. t Ib- P' 465<

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, gOl

papers of 1 774-5. The ivise and great men of those days
were not ashamed publicly to confess the name of our bless-
ed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ! in behalf of the peo-
ple, as their representatives and riders, they acknowledged
the sublime doctrine of his mediation! He, " whose
name is above every name;" at which " every knee shall
bow;" who is "head of all principalities, and powers,
and dominions;3' to whom '"angels, and authorities, and
powers, in heaven and on earth, are made subject," exer-
cises a gracious and mediatorial providence over the af-
fairs of nations as well as over the destiny of individuals!
Hence result the propriety, and duty too, of those in au-
thority, to acknowledge the superintendence of His pro-
vidence over the nation, and to return to Him their thanks
for national blessings. For the omission of this duty,
nations suffer " through all their borders." Rulers be-
ing responsible to the people, this ordination of God is
just, and particularly just in the case of republics, in
which the popular opinions and wishes can be enforced.
The following proclamation, for sentiment and style,
is worthy of deliberate perusal. It is believed to be the
production of Mr. Lee's pen. It partakes of the elo-
quence of his style, and of the fervour of his mind. It
does not, however, breathe a holier spirit, than that which
animated the breast of S. Adams, who was also one of
the committee that reported it.

"November 1, 1777.
Done in Congress.
Forasmuch as it is the indispensable duty of all men,
to adore the superintending providence of Almighty God;
to acknowledge, with gratitude, their obligations to Him
for benefits received, and to implore such further blessings
as they stand in need of; and it having pleased Him, inhis
abundant mercy, not only to continue to us the innume-
rable bounties of his common providence, but also to smile
upon us in the prosecution of a just and necessary war,
for the independence and establishment of our unalien-
able rights and liberties; particularly in tliat He hath

VOL. I. — C C

£02 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

been pleased, in so great a measure, to prosper the means
used for the support of our arms, and to crown them with
the most signal success: It is tfierefore recommended to the
legislative and executive powers of these states, to set apart
Thursday, the eighteenth December next, for solemn
thanksgiving and praise; that, with one heart and one
voice, the people may express the feelings of their hearts,
and consecrate themselves to tlie service of their Divine
Benefactor! and together ivith their sincere acknowledg-
ments and offerings, they may join the penitent confession
of their manifold sins, ivhereby they have forfeited every
favour, and their earnest and humble supplication, that
it may please God, through the merits of Jesus Christ
mercifully to forgive and blot them out of remembrance;
that it may please Him, graciously to afford his blessings
on the government of these states respectively, and to pros-
per the public council of the whole; to inspire our com-
manders, both by sea and land, and all under them, with
that wisdom and fortitude which may render them fit in-
struments, under the providence of Almighty God, to se-
cure for these United States the greatest of all blessings,
independence and peace; that it may please Him to pros-
per the trade and manufactures of the people, and the
labours of the husbandman, that our land may yield its
increase; to take schools and seminaries of education, so
necessary for the cultivation of the principles of true
liberty, virtue, and piety, under his nurturing hand; and
to prosper the means of religion for the promotion and
enlargement of that kingdom, which consisteth " in righ-
teousness, peace, and joy, in the Holy Ghost!"*

On the 3d of September, '77, Colonel Wilkinson,
according to order, attended Congress, and laid before
it, the original papers relating to the convention of Sa-
ratoga. On that day, a motion was made " for direct-
ing the future operations of General Gates." Mr. Lee
was chairman of the committee, to which was referred
the subject of the motion.f It is well known, that there

See Journals, p. 467. t lb. p. 471

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. £03

was some difficulty respecting the ratification of the con-
vention of Saratoga. The question, how far the reign-
ing power is bound to ratify a convention made by a
commander, has long been much agitated by writers on
the law of nations. It is a question not without consi-
derable difficulty. On the 6th instant, the convention
of Saratoga was referred to a committee of four, on
which Mr. Lee was chosen.*

On the 10th instant, several propositions to add to the
articles of confederation, were laid before Congress.
This was a subject of vital importance to the union of
the states, and one which required great caution and
wisdom. The states were jealous of their rights, and
their particular interests. On that day, it was Resolved,
46 that a committee of three be appointed, to take these
propositions into consideration, and to report such as
they may judge proper to be added, not altering those
already agreed on." Mr. Lee was one of this commit-
tee.! This committee reported on the following day;
and the consideration of the report, postponed until the
thirteenth. It was on this day Resolved, " that the ar-
ticles reported be adopted;" and it was Resolved, " that
a committee be appointed to revise and arrange the arti-
cles of confederation, and to prepare a circular letter to
the states, to accompany the said articles." Mr. Lee
was the chairman of this committee.J

It has been mentioned, that Mr. Lee's health bad not
been completely restored by his return to Virginia, in
July. The fatigue of close attention to business, again
forced him to remit public cares. On the 15th, it was
ordered, " that Mr. Richard Henry Lee, have leave of
absence, for the recovery of his health. w Notwithstand-
ing, however, the daily injury to his health, which Mr.
Lee experienced, the deep interest he took in the public
welfare, and his conviction of the increasing importance
of the measures of Congress, still kept him a laborious
member. On the 19th instant, the reader will find him

* See Jour. p. 489. f lb. p. 497. | lb.

2Q4 J-1*'E AND CORRESPONDENCE

in Congress, acting on the most arduous committees
until the 4th of December. Thus, several days after
he obtained leave of absence, he was chairman of a
committee of three, to which were referred, "the return
of the ordinance, &c. taken from the enemy, enclosed
in General Gates' letter of the 10th, and a letter from
the council of safety of New York."* On the second
of December, a committee of three were appointed, to
recommend to the several states, to call in the paper
money issued by them, under the authority of the king
of Great Britain. Of this committee, Mr. Lee was
chairman.f On the 4th instant, a letter from General
Washington, and one from General Varnum, were laid
before Congress, and referred to a committee of five, of
which Mr. Lee was chairman. J

The state of Mr. Lee's health now compelled him
to return to Virginia, and to relinquish for a time, all
public pursuits.

The attention of Mr. Lee, while in Congress, was not
confined to the business of that body. His active mind
was deeply engaged in all public concerns, and was con-
stantly considering what could be done most conducive
to the public good. Among other instances of this,
which might be mentioned, the following may be here
related : while he was still in Congress at York in
Pennsylvania, there passed through that place a serjeant
and eight men, whose term of enlistment had expired.
When Mr. Lee heard of this circumstance, he hired a

* On the third of December, the committee on Indian affairs,
reported a speech to be made to the Six Nations of Indians. It
ivas written by Mr. Lee. It gives a pleasing instance of the ease
■with which he could adopt his eloquence to the bold and figura-
tive style of those orators of nature. After reproaching them
for their ingratitude to the United States, and expressing aston-
ishment at their late conduct, it declares, it would have been as
impossible to have expected it, as to have expected, " that the
mole should overturn the vast mountains of the Alleghany, or
that the birds of the air, should drink up the waters of the Ni-
agara." See the whole speech at p. 555, vol. iii. Journals.

t Jour. p. 518— -551. | lb. p. 561.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 205

man to go after them with a letter to the Serjeant and
men, persuading them to return to the army, and pledg-
ing Mr. Lee's honour, to pay them the enlistment money
and the cost of the conveyance of their baggage. He
succeeded in getting them to return. While he was in
Congress, engrossed with its business, he prepared a
plan of defence of the coasts of Virginia, which received
great eulogium from the military and naval characters
of the day. As he was passing through Maryland on
his return to Virginia, he heard that persona on both
shores of the Potomac, carried on considerable traffic
with the British ships of war in the Chesapeake Bay.
He wrote from the tavern in which he was lodging for
the night, letters to the governors of the states of Virgi-
nia and Maryland, informing them of this circumstance,
and devising a method by which this intercourse might
be prevented. The author has the manuscript copy of
those letters also.

It was thought that the following letter froin Arthur
Lee to General Washington, written during! the year
in which the reader has been contemplating Mr. Lee's
public career, would add a pleasing variety to the nar-
ration of this Memoir. Mr. Arthur Lee was for a time
an accredited commissioner of the United States, to the
court of Berlin. It contains an interesting anecdote of
General Washington, and informs us too, of the opinion
of the military men of Europe, of his talent as a gene-
ral.* The manuscript copy of it was given by the writer
to his brother R. H. Lee.

BERLIN, June 15th, 1777.
To his Excellency General Washington.

Dear Sir — It has been with uncommon satisfaction
that I have seen you in a situation in wMch I long
hoped you would be, if we were forced to dispute the
great question, which, in my own opinion, J was satisfied

* This letter too, may serve to prove further, the incorrectness
of the charge contained in Johnson's life of Green, that the " Lees
of Virginia were inimical to General Washington Full proof
to the same effect, can be given in relation to F. L Lee.

206 L11'E AN,) CORRESPONDENCE

would happen. I never forgot your declaration, when
I had the pleasure of being at your house in 1768, " that
you were ready to take your musket upon your shoulder
whenever your country called upon you." I heard that
declaration with great satisfaction; I remember it with
the same, and have seen it verified to your immortal
honour and the eminent advantage of the illustrious
cause in which you are contending.

I have the pleasure of assuring you that your conduct
against General Howe, has been highly approved by mili
tary men, here and in France. That approbation has
been increased in those to whom I have had an oppor-
tunity of stating the great inferiority of the troops you
commanded, to those of the enemy, in number and in
every provision for war.

The Prussian army, which amounts to two hundred
and twenty-eight thousand, are disciplined by force of
hourly exercise, and move with a rapidity and order
which are certain to succeed against any troops in Eu-
rope. When the king reviews any army of forty thou-
sand men, not a man or horse, the former in full march,
the latter in full gallop, is discernibly out of line. The
regiments are in the field every day, where, beside the
general exercise, every man is filed off singly, and passes
in review before different officers, who beat his limbs
into the position they think proper, so that the man ap-
pears to be purely a machine in the hands of a workman.
The improvements of utility which 1 have been able to
note, are these; the ramrods are of double thickness all
the way, and enlarged as ours are at one end. The ad-
vantage is to ram down the charge, so that they do not
turn the rod, but raising it to the muzzle, they plunge
the lower end into the barrel, and then raising it up,
return it straight, without the necessity of turning it as
formerly. This saves a great deal of awkward motion,
and of time. The mouths of the loops are very large, so
that there is much more readiness in hitting them than
formerly; which also expedites the important business
of charging. The musket, to compensate for this

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 207

increase of weight, is two inches shorter in the barrel.
When the men present, instead of levelling their fire-
locks, they are taught to slant them down, so that a point
blank shot would apparently strike the ground at about
ten yards distance. This depression is found necessary
to counteract the elevation, which the act of firing inevi-
tably gives the musket; and even when a ball strikes the
ground, it generally rises, and may do execution, but if
directed too high it is lost entirely. These are altera-
tions which seem to me of great utility, and I wish they
may appear so to you.

It is my intention to write a history of this civil con-
tention. The share vou have had in it, will form an
interesting and important part. It will be in your power
to preserve a variety of material papers and anecdotes
for such a work. May I venture to hope that you will
think me so far worthy of your confidence as to preserve
them for me? Dubious parts of history can be cleared
only by such documents; and we shall want every au-
thentic record to vouch against the forgeries which will
be offered to the world.

The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in
Germany, and their last resort is lo the Roman Catho-
lics of Ireland. They have already experienced their
readiness to go, every man of a regiment raised there
last year, having obliged them to ship him off tied; and
certainly they will desert more than other troops what-
ever. They themselves rely on the present campaign.
They have no probability of reinstating their army, ex-
cept with Roman Catholics of Ireland; should this
campaign materially diminish it, I have a plan for ren-
dering that of little effect, which, I hope, will succeed,
Should you keep your ground, the question of acknow-
ledging your independence, will become very serious,
next winter, with the European Powers. But until the
events of this summer are decided, their conduct will
remain the same, and no open acts of interference will
take place.

I am, dear sir, with great respect, yours, &c. &c.

Arthur Lee/*

208 uri?' AND C'.OllRESI'ONDENCE

Mr. Lee was unable to return to Congress, before
the first of May, 1778. He had been, in the preceding
April, re-elected, from Westmoreland county, a member
of the Assembly of Virginia. On the first of May, he
took his seat in Congress; and on that day, he was
chosen chairman of a committee of three, " to report
proper instructions to the commissioners of the United
States at foreign courts."* On the 4th instant, a let-
ter from General Washington was read, and referred to
a committee of three; of which committee, Mr. Lee
was chairman.f On this day, despatches having arrived,
bearing a treaty of alliance with France, a committee
of three was appointed, to prepare proper forms of rati-
fication of the treaty with his most Christian majesty;
of this committee, Mr. Lee was chairman. J It was
highly expedient, to inform the people of America, of
the treaty of alliance with France, by an address, which
should be calculated to inspire them with fresh hope and
vigour. On the sixth instant, it was Resolved, "That
a committee of three be appointed, to prepare an address
to the inhabitants of these states, on the present situation
of public affairs;" Mr. Lee was chosen chairman. § On
the eighth instant, this committee reported an address,
which may be read in the fourth volume of the Journals,
page 2G7. It is an eloquent production, and admirably
well fitted, to arouse and inspirit. The author has no
further proof that it was written by Mr. Lee, than that
(o be derived from its style, and to be inferred from the
fact, that he almost in every case, prepared the papers
of committees on which he acted, especially, as chair-
man.

On the thirteenth instant, a letter was received from
General Washington, enclosing one from General Sir
William Howe, respecting an exchange of prisoners;
which letters were referred to a committee of three, of
which Mr. Lee was one.|| On the next day, a memorial

* Jour. p. 251-2. t lb. p 255. \ lb. p. 257.

§ lb. p. 265. || lb. p. 285.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. f>09

from sundry inhabitants of Nova Scotia, was received,
and referred to a committee of three, of which Mr. Lee
was chairman* On the seventeenth, a number of inter-
cepted letters were laid before Congress; whereupon, it
was Resolved, " That they be referred to a committee
of three, and that the said committee be empowered to
take such steps, and pursue such measures, as they
judge necessary for the interests of the United States;"
Mr. Lee was chosen chairman of this committee.f On
the twenty-sixth, a memorial from the field officers,
prisoners on parole on Long Island, was received, and
referred to a committee of three, of which Mr. Lee
was chosen chairman. J On the third of June, the com-
mittee to whom a letter of General Washington had been
referred, reported; and, after debate, their report was
re-committed, and two members were added to the com-
mittee; one of the members added, was Mr. Lee.§ Con-
gress, on the fifth, resumed the consideration of the re-
port of a committee, to which had been referred, a
letter from General Wadesworth, commissary general of
purchases. After debate, it was re-committed, and two
members were added; one of which was Mr. Lee.|| On
the sixth, a letter from General Washington was receiv-
ed, enclosing letters from Lord Howe and General
Clinton, together with three acts of the British Parlia-
ment, which were referred to a committee of four, of
which Mr. Lee was one.H On the ninth, he was chosen
chairman of a committee, to which were referred a let-
ter of General Washington, and on the same day, one
of a committee, to which were referred letters from Ge-
neral Gates.**

Lord North's " Conciliatory Propositions" were made
known to Congress, by the letters of Lord Howe and
General Clinton. General Washington informed Con-
gress, that passports were required by Lord Howe for
the commissioners, under the act of Parliament contain-

* Journal, p 285. t Ibid- p. 291. J Ibid. p. 309.
§ lb. p. 326. || lb. p. 330. t lb. p. 33 h ** lb. p. 335,

VOL. h — D d

2\{) LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

ing the conciliatory propositions. This letter from
General Washington, was referred to the committee
appointed to consider those propositions, of which it
has heen mentioned, that Mr. Lee was chairman. While
these highly important papers were yet before this select
committee, a letter from General Green, quartermaster
general, was received, and referred to a committee of
three; Mr. Lee was one of this committee.* On the
sixteenth, several letters, and other papers, were receiv-
ed from the British commissioners, which were referred
to a committee of five; Mr. Lee was chosen chairman
of the committee, which, in the afternoon of the same
day on which it was appointed, reported a draught of
an answer to be given to the commissioners.! The
author has the original manuscript of this draught, in
Mr. Lee's own hand writing. It corresponds exactly
with the letter, as it is found in the journal, page 353,
volume four. On the nineteenth, a letter was received
from John Brown, Esq., president of the board of war,
with a manifest of the cargo of the " Lady of Mount
Carmel, and St. Antonio."" This letter, &c, were re-
ferred to a committee of three, of which Mr. Lee was
chairman. J

It has been seen, that Congress had appointed a com-
mittee, to make such additions to the articles of con-
federation, as seemed to be necessary. Some of the
states, to which these additions had been proposed for
their adoption or rejection, had rejected some of the
articles proposed by Congress, and suggested others in
their room. After much debate, on the twenty-filth, the
subject was finally closed, by the consent of all the
states to the articles of confederation, as then amended,
and a committee of three was appointed, to prepare a
form of solemn ratification. Mr. Lee was chairman of
this committee, and prepared the form.§ He has been
always honoured as one to whom the states owed the
greatest debt of gratitude, on the subject of their con-

* See Jour. p. 340. t lb. p. 346. Jib. p. 359. § lb. p. 382-. v

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

211

federation and union, during the trying period of the
revolution. He permitted no sectional jealousies to blind
and pervert his judgment. Looking upon all the states
to be equally interested in the great object for which
they were contending, and feeling for all their inhabit-
ants, the attachment of a fellow citizen, he deprecated
the indulgence of distrust and jealousy of each other,
and never failed to denounce the man who endeavoured
to awaken such baneful passions.
, On the 8th of July, Mr. Lee was one of a committee
to which was referred, letters from Governors Trumbull
and Livingston, together with many other papers of im-
portance.* On the ninth, he was chosen chairman of
a committee to draught a circular letter to those states,
which had not yet ratified the confederation, according to
the form prescribed on the report of the committee of
the twenty-fifth ultimo. On the eleventh, he was chair-
man of a committee, whose duty was strictly " dry de-
tail of business/' From this period, to the fourth of
August, he was on many similar committees. On that
day, he was made one of a committee of three, to which
was referred a letter received from General Washington
on military affairs. On the same day, he was one of a
committee of three, to which a memorial and petition on
matters of dry business were referred; and, the commit-
tee was ordered to report specially.

Mr. Lee was elected again, on the nineteenth of Au-
gust, by the Assembly of Virginia, a delegate to Con-
gress, for the term of one year.

On the twenty-first of August a letter was received
from General Washington, enclosing the proceedings of
a court martial on Major General Lee, and also, a let-
ter from Major General Phillips, respecting the conven-
tion-army in Canada. It was Resolved, " that the said
papers, and so much of General Washington's letter as
refers to the letter of General Phillips, be referred to a
committee of three." Mr. Lee was one of this com mi t-

* See Journal, p. 398.

212 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

tee. On the same day, a letter was received from the
council of Pennsylvania, containing a request from the
council, and a committee of the House of Assembly, to
have a conference with a committee of Congress, on the
subject of fortifying the river Delaware. A committee
was accordingly appointed, of which, Mr. Lee was
chairman. A letter from the Baron De Kalb was re-
ceived, and on the twenty-second instant, the military
subjects contained in it, were referred to a committee.
Mr. Lcc was chosen chairman of this committee. On
the twenty-seventh, a committee of five, " to consider
the state of the finances, and report thereon from time
to time/' Of this very important committee, Mr. Lee
was one.

On the fourth of September, it was Resolved, " that
the committee of arrangement, to which, the letter of
the eleventh ultimo, from the council of war of Rhode
Island was referred, be discharged, and it be referred to
a committee of three, of which, Mr. Lee was chosen
one. On the seventh, a letter from Major General Ar-
nold was received, and referred to a committee of five, of
which, Mr. Lee was chairman. On the ninth, a letter
from the Count D'Estaign, was received and referred to
a. committee of four, w7hich was directed to prepare an
answer. Of this committee Mr. Lee was chairman.
On the tenth, a committee of five was appointed to
confer with \he minister plenipotentiary to France, re-
specting the future operations of the fleet, under the
command of the Count D'Estaign. Mr. Lee was chosen
chairman of this committee. On the seventeenth, the
report of a committee on the arrangement of the trea-
sury, was reconsidered and referred to a committee of
five, of which, Mr. Lee was one.

On the fifth of October, it was Resolved, " that a com-
mittee of four be appointed to confer with the supreme
executive council of the state of Pennsylvania, on the
best means of repelling the enemy, should the British
commander discover any intention of again attacking
Philadelphia.'' Mr. JLee was one of this committee

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. £18

On the thirteenth, he acted on a committee, to which
were referred, a letter from the Marquis La Fayette,
and one from General Washington, both of which were
written on military affairs. On the same day, he was
one of a committee to which were referred, a report
from the committee on finance, and a proposed amend-
ment. On the following day, he was chairman of a
committee, to which a letter from the Count D'Estaign,
to the honourable Seur Gerard, and sundry other let-
ters accompanying it, was referred. On the nineteenth
instant, a letter from the commissary of purchases, was
read and referred to a committee of three, of which
Mr. Lee was chairman. On the twenty-sixth, it was
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed, to
superintend the publication of such matters, as relate
to the disputes, petitions, and negotiations to, and with
Great Britain, and such notes and explanations thereon,
as to them may seem proper. Of this committee, Mr.
Lee was chairman.

Mr. Lee's strength again failed him, under the labours
which duty and love of country, called him to undergo.
On the first of November, he was compelled to ask
leave of absence. But, even when his body was con-
fined to his house by the stern restraints of disease, his
mind was still active; it still studied the interests of the
nation, and watched every movement and device of its
external and internal enemies. This unwearied activity
of mind, had become a well known characteristic of
Mr. Lee. Hence, the reader will find, by referring to
the Journal of the 1st of November, '78, that after leave
of absence had been given him, it was ordered, " that
the memorial of Captain Harper, and the papers rela-
tive thereto, be delivered to R. H. Lee." These pa-
pers related to the proceedings of one of the courts of
admiralty, on a libel against the schooner Liberty, and
the property on board of it. These papers had been re-
ferred to a committee of three, on the twenty-sixth of
August, which had reported. The report was post-
poned, and now, on the first of November, all the papers

0|4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

were ordered to be delivered to Mr. Lee, on his return
to Virginia. Mr. Lee's mental energy never yielded to
the hand of disease, nor failed with the decline of his
body. Hence, Dr. Rush, in speaking of the extraordi-
nary activity of Mr. Lee's mind, even when his body
was enfeebled, said, " his mind was like a sword, which
was too large for its scabbard."

An anecdote may here be related of Mr. Lee, which
serves to show the unceasing interest he took, in the
public affairs, when in the retirement of private life.
When intelligence reached Westmoreland, of the ar-
rival of the French fleet, under the Count De Grasse,
off Norfolk, Mr. Lee was at home. He immediately
formed the idea of supplying it with fresh provisions,
which he knew would be grateful to both seamen and
officers, after so long a voyage. He went in person
through the county, and procured a subscription of such
articles, as each person could most conveniently give, of
live cattle, poultry, butter, vegetables, &c. He himself
largely contributed. He succeeded in procuring provi-
sion sufficient, to load a schooner, which he freighted
and sent, with a letter, to the Count*

* See the Count's reply, Appendix No. 10.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE, 215

CHAPTER IX.

It was thought to be due to the memory and reputa-
tion of Mr. Lee, to give a sketch of his services and
labours in the Continental Congress, during the most
difficult and gloomy periods of the revolutionary struggle.
These have been undervalued in the present age. To
enable the reader to estimate his character, he has been
introduced with Mr. Lee, into the hall of legislation,
and led with him to the business of committees. He has
been asked to contemplate him as a statesman, and a
man of business, because it seemed meet and just, that
a republic, whose foundation he so ably and success-
fully laboured to lay firmly on the solid basis of
liberty, knowledge and virtue ; should possess an au-
thentic and connected memorial of the life and charac-
ter and labours of one of its most useful citizens.

During the sessions of 1774-5-6-7-8, Mr. Lee was
at the head, or a member of every military and naval
committee. The remark is equally applicable to nearly
every committee on finance and foreign affairs. Be-
sides serving on many others, which have been omitted,
he was, during the sessions of 1774-5, a member of four-
teen committees to draw papers ; five about military
matters ; and nine about miscellaneous affairs. In the
session of 1776, he was on two committees to draw pa-
pers, fifteen on military and naval concerns, and thir-
teen on miscellaneous matters : in the session of 1777,
he was on two committees to draw papers, twelve on
military and naval, and twenty on miscellaneous sub-
jects : in the session of 1778, he was a member of four
committees to draw papers, thirteen military and naval,
and twenty miscellaneous, During the three last ses-

216 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

sions, he had been absent, in consequence of ill health,
from one to three months. It is believed that his la-
bours were not confined to those subjects, which had
been referred to his consideration, for the author remem-
bers to have heard a gentleman of the highest respect-
ability, repeat a conversation between Dr. Shippen, of
Philadelphia, in whose house Mr. Lee lodged, while he
was a member of Congress, in which the doctor observ-
ed, w that there was a constant procession of members
repairing to his chamber, to consult about their re-
ports/5 He was the author of many of the publications
of the Old Congress, from some of the most important
of their addresses, down to the • commission of their
military chief.

A few days after Mr. Lee reached home, he received
a letter from General Whipple, a delegate from New
Hampshire, and a leading man in that state. It is plea-
sant, amid war and business, to observe the warm and
social feelings of private life. It was, no doubt, grateful
to Mr. Lee, to be thus cherished in the esteem and re-
spect of virtuous men, from every part of the country.

" PHILADELPHIA, 8th November, 1778.

My dear Sir — On my arrival here, the fourth instant,
I had the pleasure of receiving your favour of the 31st
ultimo, at the hand of our mutual friend, Mr. Adams. I
esteem myself highly obliged by this tokeu of your re-
membrance, but should have been much happier to have
seen you here.

May I hope that my loss may be made up by fre-
quetly hearing from you, which I flatter myself your re-
tirement will afford you opportunities of gratifying me in.

You may be assured my attention will be much en-
gaged in marine matters, and it will afford me particular
satisfaction to co-operate with you in that business when
you return here, which it is my sincere wish your busi-
ness may speedily admit of.

I left Mr. Langdon very well on the twentieth October.
He very particularly desired his respects to you. Please

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 217

make my most respectful compliments to your good lady,
who, I hope, will so far retract her promise, as to give
me an opportunity (when peace is happily established) to
introduce her to such persons in Portsmouth as will be
very happy in having an opportunity of making a visit
to that country agreeable to her.

I have taken up my quarters at Liberty Hall, where
you know there is a set well agreed in political senti-
ments, and I think I may say with great certainty, that
they are as well agreed in sentiments of esteem and respect
for you. I anticipate the pleasure of some long winter
evening, when, with a social pipe and a friendly glass,
we shall call to mind our worthy friend, and heartily
join in wishing he may be soon added to our little
circle.

I have nothing new at present to give you. When-
ever any thing happens that I think will give you plea-
sure, be assured that it will be a double pleasure to me
to communicate it.

I am, dear sir, with the utmost sincerity, most respect-
fully your's, &c.

William Whipple/'

Mr. Lee did not remain long at home. He returned
to Philadelphia on the twentieth of February, 1779,
and as he had formerly been, so he was again, immedi-
ately engaged on the committees of Congress. This
will be seen by reference to the Journal, from page 71
of the fifth volume, to page 124.

During Mr. Lee^s absence, in the months of Decem-
ber and January, Congress had received very important
communications from Arthur Lee, Esq. commissioner
to the court of Madrid, in which he informed it of the
views and disposition of his Catholic Majesty towards
the United States. A memorial from the minister of
France had been presented to Congress on the ninth of
February, and a private audience had been given to him
on the fifteenth. The letters of Arthur Lee, Esq. and
the memorial of the French minister, had been referred

vol, i. — e e

2\S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

to a committee, who reported on the twenty-third instant,
" That upon consideration of all the matters referred to
them, they are of opinion, that his Catholic majesty is
disposed to enter into an alliance with the United States
of America: that he has manifested this disposition by a
decisive declaration lately made to the Court of Great
Britain. That in consequence of such declaration, the
independence of the United States must be finally ac-
knowledged by Great Britain; and that immediately
thereon a negotiation for peace will be set on foot be-
tween the powers of France, Great Britain, and these
United States, under the mediation of his Catholic Ma-
jesty; or that Spain will take part in the war, and his
Catholic Majesty will unite his power with the most
Christian King, and the United States." This commit-
tee also reported instructions which seemed proper to be
given to our ministers, in the event of a negotiation for
peace between the three powers. It divided the instruc-
tions into two heads. " 1st. What to insist on as the
ultimatum of these states." "2d. What to yield or re-
quire on terms of mutual exchange and compensation.5"
The acknowledgment of the independence of the Uni-
ted States was to be a preliminary to all treaty. The
next point to be insisted upon was the boundaries of the
United States, according to certain limits. The third
point was in these words; "That a right of fishing and
curing fish, on the banks and coasts of the island of
New Foundland, equally with the subjects of France
and England, be reserved, acknowledged, and ratified to
the subjects of the United States/5 The fourth was in
these words: ctThat the navigation of the river Missis-
sippi, as low down as the southern boundary of the
United States, be acknowledged and ratified absolutely
to the subjects of the United States."*

The two last clauses, the reader will perceive, brought
into view subjects of vital importance; subjects which
in '79, and in our own times, have occupied the atten-

* See the secret Journals, volume second, p. 132, 8cc.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 219

lion of American politicians, and deeply interested the
American people. Mr. Lee, as it will be seen from his
votes in Congress, and from his correspondence with his
cotemporaries in '79, viewed those subjects with the
mind of a statesman, and legislated upon them in the spi-
rit of a firm and enlightened policy. The interest of the
east, the future grandeur of the west, had already dawned
upon his vision. The interest and prosperity of both
were alike the objects of his care.

The report of the committee was referred to a com-
mittee of the whole. After several days of debate upon
it, the chairman of the committee, F. L. Lee, Esq.
reported to the House several resolutions. On the twen-
ty-second of March, the third resolution reported by
the committee of the whole was taken up. It was in
the following words : " that a common right in these
states to fish on the coast, bays and banks of New
Foundland, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, coast of
Labrador, and straits of Bellisle, be acknowledged, and
in case of refusal, that the war be continued unless the
circumstances of our allies be such as to render them
entirely unable to assist in the prosecution of the war,
in which case, as ample privileges in the fisheries be
insisted on as can possibly be obtained : that in case
Great Britain should not be prevailed on to cede or de-
clare Nova Scotia independent, the privilege of curing
fish on the shores and in the harbours of Nova Scotia
be required."* In lieu of this clause Mr. G. Morris
moved a substitute in the following words : " That an
acknowledgment be made by Great Britain, of a com-
mon right in these states to fish on the coasts, bays and
banks of Nova Scotia, the banks of New Foundland
and Gulf of St. Lawrence, the coasts of Labrador
and straits of Bellis\e, and a stipulation for the right
of curing fish on the shores of Nova Scotia. Provided
always, that the allies of these states shall be in circum-
stances to support them in carrying on the war for such

* See secret Journal p. 137-8-9 and 140-1,

220 *-lFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

acknowledgment and stipulation ; but that in no case,
by any treaty of peace, the common right of fishing as
above described be given up." This substitute was
adopted and being under debate a motion was made by
Mr. M. Smith, of Virginia, and seconded by Mr. Burke,
of North Carolina, to strike out the words, " and a
stipulation fw the right of curing fish on the shores of
Nova Scotia," and also the words, * and stipulation
after the word "- acknowledgment." The question,
" shall they stand," was taken, and the ayes and nays
were required. Mr. Lee was the only one of the Vir-
ginia delegation, and the only member of the middle
and southern states who voted in the affirmative. The
question was carried in the negative, and the words
were omitted.

A motion was then made by Mr. Drayton, of South
Carolina, seconded by Mr. G. Morris, of New-York, to
strike out the words " Provided always, that the allies of
these states shall be in circumstances to support them in
carrying on the war for such acknoivledgment." On the
question, shall these words stand? the yeas and nays were
required by Mr. Drayton. Mr. Lee was the only mem-
ber of the Virginia delegation, and, as on the preceding
vote, the only member from the middle or southern states,
who voted that these words should not stand. It was
resolved that the words should stand. A division was
then called for, and on the question to agree to the first
part of the resolution as amended, including the proviso,
being before the House, the yeas and nays were required
by Mr. Ellery. Mr. Lee, again alone, of^ the members
of the states just mentioned, voted against the amend-
ment and proviso. The article, as amended, was agreed
to; thus a stipulation respecting a right to cure fish on
the shores of Nova Scotia, was not to be made an essen-
tial demand in a treaty of peace, and even the right
to fish on the coasts, bays, and banks of Nova Scotia, &c.
was not to be insisted on, only in case our allies were
hi a situation to support us in forcing Great Britain to

OF BICHAKD HENRY LEE. 22 1

acknowledge such a right in our citizens* Such, how-
ever, were not the views of Mr. Lee. He considered
that the acknowledgment of a right to fish, and a stipu-
lation to cure fish on those shores, were essential to the
interests and prosperity of the eastern and northern states,
and he would have made both a sinequanonoi a treaty.
Such was the language of his votes just recorded. He
is said to have powerfully advocated and enforced the
justice and propriety that all the members of the con-
federacy should stand or fall, not only by the common
independence, but by the interest of each one. He re-
lied, too, for the acknowledgment of claims, on which
he thought the wealth and greatness of the Union depend-
ed, more on the fortitude and valour of his countrymen,
than on the ability and disposition of our allies. Hence
he voted against the proviso of the article respecting the
fisheries, which however was adopted.

On the twenty-fourth of March, Congress resumed the
report of the committee of the whole; and the fourth
article, as reported by it, was adopted. It was in these
words: "That the navigation of the river Mississippi be
acknowledged and ratified absolutely to these states/"
The reader will recollect that the navigation of this river,
only as low doivn as the southern boundary of the United
States, was made a demand by the select committee which
reported on the twenty-third of February. While this
article was under debate in the committee of the whole,
Mr. Lee had enforced the policy of demanding and se-
curing a free and entire navigation of that noble river.
He seemed to have foreseen the growth of the western
territory in population, and to have formed a just estimate
of the importance of such a right to their future prospe-
rity. He as earnestly and as steadfastly laboured to
secure the interests of the west, as he had done to esta-
blish those of the north and east. For these he thought
the southern states should struggle to the last, inasmuch
as all had fought together for independence.

*Sec Jour, p. 140—5.

222 L1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

When the 4th article was under consideration, on tin
twentyrfourth instant, a motion was made by Mr. Burke,
and seconded by Mr. Drayton, to add these words: "Pro-
vided, that the allies of the United States, shall declare
themselves in circumstances to afford effectual assistance
for carrying on the war, until such acknowledgment and
ratification shall be obtained. On the question to agree
to this amendment, the yeas and nays were required by
Mr. Lee. Upon the question, Mr. Lee voted in the ne-
gative. He voted with a majority of his colleagues.
Connecticut, Maryland, and South Carolina, were di-
vided; while North Carolina and Georgia, voted for the
amendment. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay,
Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, and Virginia, rejected the amendment. The
question then recurred, to agree to the article as re-
ported by the committee of the whole — and the yeas
and nays were required by Mr. Lee. He voted in the
affirmative, and against the majority of his colleagues.
It redounds to its honour, that the only state which was
willing to make the navigation of the Mississippi abso-
lutely a sine qua non to treaty, was Pennsylvania. The 4th
article was, therefore, rejected. Only eight members,
among whom was Mr. Lee, voting in the affirmative on
the main queston; viz. to agree to the 4th article, as re-
ported by the committee of the whole.

On the same day on which the 4th article was reject-
ed, Mr. Gerry moved, that the 3d article be reconsider-
ed. The article was read as amended, and agreed to on
the twenty-second. It was in these words, " That an
acknowledgment be made by Great Britain, of a com-
mon right in these states, to fish on the coasts, bays, and
banks of Nova Scotia, the Banks of Newfoundland,
and Gulf of St. Lawrence, the coasts of Labrador, and
Straits of Bellisle; Provided always, the allies of these
states be in circumstances to support them in carrying
on the war, for such acknowledgment, but that in no
case, by any treaty of peace, the common right of fish-
ing as above described, be given up." A motion was

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. Ogg

made by Mr. Burke to strike out the words, between the
words "to fish," and "provided," and in lieu thereof, to
insert "on all and singular, the fishing banks to the east*
ward of the Island of Cape Breton, and of Nova Scotia,
which by the treaties of Utrecht and Paris, were ceded to
the king of Great Britain, to the exclusion of the subjects
of France." A motion was made by Mr. Lee, and se-
conded by Mr. Burke, that the following words be re-
ceived as a substitute for the whole of the 3d article, as
it had been amended and adopted on the twenty-second
instant, " That the right of fishing on the coasts and
banks of North America, be reserved to the United
States, as fully as they enjoyed the same when they
were subject to the king of Great Britain, excepting
always, what shall have been excepted by the treaty of
Paris, between France and the United States; the whole
to be explained by the treaties of Utrecht and Paris,
with Great Britain, and of Paris, with the United States
of North America." The question " shall this be re-
ceived as a substitute," was put, and the yeas and nays
were required by Mr. Gerry. The question was decid-
ed in the affirmative, and the substitute was adopted.

The following letters from Mr. Lee, were written,
soon after the secret sittings of Congress, on the sub-
jects just presented to the reader, while he was detained
by ill health, at home. He had been compelled to leave
Congress on the twenty-fourth of May. They will serve
still further, to show his opinions on the subject of the
fisheries, and the navigation of the Mississippi. He
4t could not think, they would be considered by posterity,
friends to their country," who were willing to treat with
Great Britain, without insisting firmly upon the acquisi-
tion of these rights, and having them placed on the same
permanent foundations, on which stood the independence
and sovereignty of the United States.

« CHANTILLY, AreusT 7th, 1779.

My dear Sir — I had devoted this day, before the
sping out of the post, to have written to you a long let-

224 ut£ AND CORRESPONDENCE

ter; but the great increase of my cold, lias compelled
me to a third bleeding, and has indisposed me so much
that I shall be obliged to abridge this letter a good deal,
I cannot fail to thank you for your favour of the twenty-
fourth ultimo, which came to hand on the fourth instant.
You will please observe, in my last letter, I foretell, that
the party would not agree to publish Dr. Lee's vindica-
tion. * 1 know perfectly well, the principles on which
these people act, so that, on most points, I would venture
ten to one, on saying with certainty, how the set will
vote. I am clearly of opinion, that if Mr. " Clearly-out-
of~order" remains much longer in Congress, the United
States will have cause to rue it bitterly. I am sure,
that I have heard more talk about order, and seen less
attention to it, in one week in that Assembly, since he
became a member, than in four years preceding his
coming in. You suppose I will get the vindication from
the fountain; I believe so too, sir, were it not for the

vice which is disseminated with the partners,

in many parts of Virginia, and of France. A large
packet came lately to me, robbed of its written papers,
which, I can have no doubt, were in it; it was opened
at one end, and directed in my brother's handwriting.
Every delegate has a right to a copy; and can there be
any impropriety (since the paper came directed to me)
in a delegate furnishing me with a copy? As the pub-
lic will, most inevitably, in time, be made acquainted
with the proceedings of Congress in this affair, I wish

* This, and the following remarks, refer to Mr. A. Lee's vindi-
cation against the aspersions of Silas Deane, who had been a joint
commissioner at the court of France, with Messrs. Franklin and
A. Lee. Mr. Lee had detected him in committing frauds and
peculations upon the United States. As Mr. Lee had foretold,
so it happened: Deane fled to England, when ordered to settk
his accounts. Mr. Lee vindicated himself so clearly against all
his charges, that he was elected a delegate to Congress, by the
legislature of his native state, subsequently to his publication in
reply to Deane. He was, by that body, also, appointed a com-
missioner of the board of treasury, and a commissioner, to visit-
and treat with, all the tribes of Indians on our western frontier*-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 09 S

most earnestly, for the honour of many gentlemen now
there, that the journal may distinguish properly. To
this end, when " order clearly" obstructs not, cannot a
motion for publishing be made, and the aves and nays be
taken on it? The same on the question of making Deane
give security for settling full and fair accounts. And the
same indeed, on all questions relating to this man. You
alarm me exceedingly, when you say u I do not at this in-
stant see a man, &c.;" can it be, that the late commis-
sioner can escape with applause! I would not for a thou-
sand worlds have my name to such a vote. Infamy will
certainly attend it to the latest posterity. I will pledge my
life on this.

I take Captain Duarte, of the Portuguese Snow, to
be the captain and vessel carried to Boston by the pri-
vateer belonging to R. Morris and Carter Braxton. If
so, and our Assembly are to determine any thing con-
cerning it, it will be essentially necessary, that all the
papers relative to the case, be sent to that bddy properly
authenticated, and amongst others, Braxton's instructions
to the captain of the privateer when he sailed on his
cruise: I think this paper is among the Congress files,
I shall thank you sir, for an authenticated copy of these
instructions, as well as the resolve you allude to in your
favour of the twenty-seventh. I am clearly of opinion
with you, that if this affair is not properly adjusted in
America, the injury to our cause in Europe, will be
great; and, I believe, in my conscience, that some
people, who hold their heads high in America, wish for
this consequence.

If you (as I hope you do) still determine to honour
Chantilly with your company as you travel to the south,
I pray you, dear sir, to let me know two posts before you
leave Philadelphia, that I may not be from home, for I
should be extremely concerned were I to be absent on
an event I wish so much should take place. I wish we
may be so fortunate as to hear that the enemy have been
compelled to abandon Georgia: If we meet with suc-
cess in that quarter, surely our enemy will be compelled

vol. i. — p f

226 LfcFU AND CORRESPONDENCE

to equitable terms of peace next winter. But I will
never call the loss of the fisheries, and the navigation of
the Mississippi, equitable. And I am sure posterity
will execrate those who do. I am not well, and must
conclude. With my best wishes for your health and
happiness,

I am, my dear sir, your most affectionate friend, and
obliged humble servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

To the Hon. Henry Laurens."

" CHANTILLY, October 7th, 1779.

My dear Sir — I congratulate you most sincerely
on your safe arrival, and your return to your family and
country. I hope you found the former in good health;
the latter I am very sure will at all times be benefited
by the assistance of so able a citizen, and the more so
especially at this time, when the most important of all
sublunary things is under consideration, the establish-
ment of a government. Independently of the general
principle of philanthropy, I feel myself interested in the
establishment of a wise and free republican government
in Massachusetts, where yet I hope to finish the remain-
der of my days. The hasty, unpersevering, aristocratic
genius of the south suits not my disposition, and is
inconsistent with my views of what must constitute social
happiness and security.

It is not long since I received your favour of February
13th, from Paris. So far as immediate personal ease
and happiness are the objects, it is beyond a doubt that
the life of a private citizen is more desirable than any
public character whatever, and especially such as carry
us from home. But, my friend, we must consider that
individual happiness flows from the general felicity ; and
the security of the whole is the safety of particulars.
What must become of the American cause and charac-
ter, if her councils at home and abroad are to be filled
and conducted by half tories, ambitious, avaricious and
wicked men ? These considerations induce me to wish

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 221

that you would not give up the thoughts of public ser-
vice ; until our affairs are better settled. I wish with
all my heart that the Chevalier De La Luzerne and
Mr. De Marbois had originally come here. I do assure
you, it would greatly have benefited the cause of the
alliance and the United States. Such scenes of wicked
intrigue as I never expected to take place in America,
until the maturity of time and luxury with its consequent
train of vices, had ripened us for destruction ! You
will no doubt be fully informed by others concerning the
proceedings of a faction dangerous to our country, and
very disgraceful also. October 13th, I had written thus
far and stopped, having no opportunity of immediate
conveyance, when my friends from Philadelphia, inform-
ed me of the crowning work of more than a year's
intrigue, that malice was at last glutted to satiety. It
seems the party were under the necessity of employing
a proper man. I am well pleased to see even the wick-
ed compelled to do right. I heartily wish you success
in your negotiation, and that whilst you secure one va-
luable point for us, (the fisheries,) you will not the less
exert your endeavours for another very essential object,
the free navigation of the Mississippi, provided guilty
Britain should remain in possession of the Floridas. I
totally despair of this navigation from any other advoca-
tion. Before this reaches Boston you will have heard
of the arrival of the Count D'Estaign on our coasts.
Should fortune favour us with this aid, we may hope to
remove our unprincipled enemies from New York and
Rhode Island. If, to this, we could add Nova Scotia,
we might be pretty indifferent about the future move-
ments of Great Britain.

I shall be happy at all times to hear from you, and will
in return furnish you with such intelligence as this part
of the world produces.

With singular esteem and affection,

I am, dear sir, most sincerely yours,

Richard Henry Lee

To tbe Hon. John Adams."

OOft LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

There are some opinions in the preceding letter,
which, may perhaps, surprise the reader, when he re-
collects that Mr. Lee was a native of a southern state;
at the time when this letter was written, the manners
and customs of the wealthy inhabitants of the south,
still exhibited in some degree, the pomp and luxury,
which characterized them before the revolution. The
distinctions in society were still marked. The unequal
distribution of property tended to keep alive the pride
of family, and a distance of manner towards the poorer
part of the people. But causes, which it is unnecessary
here to trace, have worked almost an entire change in
these respects, and now plainness of manners, and a
spirit of equality and freedom, distinguish the inhabi-
tants of Virginia and of her sister states of the south, as
republican communities. The legislature of Virginia,
about the period of Mr. Lee's letter to Mr. Adams, had
manifested too great a disposition, to rely on mere tem-
porary expedients in the important internal concerns of
the state ; and an indisposition to provide by prompt,
judicious and solid regulations, for its present security,
and future prosperity. Mr. Lee, however, was well
known to have been strongly attached to his native state,
and to have enthusiastically admired many features of
southern character.

While Mr. Lee was at home in the summer of '79,
an incident occurred, which, as it tends to show the dis-
interested love of country, that prevailed among the
American yeomanry during the revolution, cannot fail
*obe interesting.

The reader knows that in the year 1779, a treaty of
alliance had been formed between France and the Uni-
ted States; and, that a fleet under the command of the
Count D'Estaign, had arrived on the coast. In the
early part of August, of that year, a French ship of war
bearing despatches to Congress, and ordered to put in
at Norfolk, in Virginia, was chased by some British
ships, as far up the Potomac, as the county of West-
moreland, The name and character of Mr. Lee, were

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 229

previously known to the commander of the ship, or learn-
ed perhaps, from intercourse with the shore. So it was,
that all the papers of importance were delivered to him
by the commander, who, accompanied by the principal
officers of the ship, waited on Mr. Lee. Upon a con-
ference with them, he obtained sufficient information
respecting the despatches, to perceive their great inte-
rest, and the propriety of as early a conveyance of them
as possible to Congress. The danger of travelling diV
rectly towards Philadelphia, especially without some
very apparent, or easily explained motive, was great,
both along the roads in the interior of the states through
which the traveller must pass, and along the roads on the
coasts. The enemy's ships had possession of the Chesa-
peake Bay, and often came up the Potomac river as
high as Alexandria.

Mr. Lee continuing too feeble to return to Philadel-
phia, was obliged to look for some person, whose cou-
rage and fidelity could be relied on, and whose intelli-
gence and ingenuity would enable him to evade inquiries,
and to take advantage of every means and opportunity
of a safe and speedy arrival in Philadelphia. He was
for some time in considerable difficulty, in fixing on a.
person in every point fitted for the trip. He, at first,
endeavoured to find such a person among men of ma-
ture age. But, although he could find many whose
love and fidelity to their country could be trusted, yet,
they were in other respects, unqualified for the errand.
He at length, recollected a young man* of his neigh-
bourhood, about eighteen or nineteen years of age,
whose adventurous spirit and intelligence, fitted him for
any enterprise. The moment this youth occurred to
his mind, he sent for him, and having by general re-
marks and inquiries, ascertained that he would under-
take any thing for his country, he revealed to him the
real service he required of him. The promptitude and

* His name was Bennet, who lived and died respected in Lees-
hurg, Virginia.

030 L1IE AND CORRESPONDENCE

pleasure which the youth evinced at the idea of serving
his country, convinced Mr. Lee, that he had met with
one in every respect suited to the occasion. Having
instructed him to proceed with all possible despatch and
secrecy to Philadelphia, and deliver the papers to the
president of Congress alone, and having planned with
him the route and manner of his journey, he sewed the
papers in different parts of his dress, so as to render it
imperceptible, that he had any thing about him.

The young man having always lived on the water-
courses, was very skilful in the management of small
vessels. He accordingly provided himself with a small
boat, and in the dimness of twilight, without returning
to his home, proceeded to the river, accompanied by Mr.
Lee; and after receiving much encouragement and
many warm commendations from him, he pushed off,
alone. In this boat he passed a schooner and two ten-
ders of the enemy, during the night, and as soon as the
day dawned, he came ashore, and travelled on foot, avoid-
ing as much as possible the public roads. He frequently
lay in the woods, during the day. suffering severely from
hunger and thirst, and travelled during the night. Hav-
ing been a long time without any thing to eat, and find-
ing himself near a small town at the head of the Chesa-
peake Bay, he determined about sunset to go into it and
procure refreshment, at some obscure inn. Having
found one in which he thought he might safely stop
for a short time, he went in. While he was sitting in a
room, adjoining a garden, four or five British seamen
and marines came into the porch of the tavern, and put-
ting down their guns, called for rum. After drinking
some of it, two of them came into the room in which
he was sitting, and began to question him, " whether he
belonged to king George, or to the rebels ?" He an-
swered them in a collected and careless manner, and they,
at length, returned to their comrades. As soon as they
had left the room, he leaped from the window, and cross-
ing the garden, without being observed, regained the
road leading into the country, and travelled, as fast as

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 2S\

he could, during the night. He, at last, arrived safely
in Philadelphia, just alter Congress had assembled.
Having been directed to the house in which it met, he
found it sitting with closed doors. He assured the door-
keeper, with much earnestness, that he had some busi-
ness of great importance with the president, to whom
alone he was instructed to communicate what it was.
The door-keeper being struck with his manner, went in,
and after some minutes, the president came out. The
young man informed him of the circumstances under
which he had been sent by Colonel Lee, and of his in-
struction to deliver the papers to the president of Con-
gress. The president, after reading Mr. Lee's letter, and
receiving all the papers mentioned in it, had him pro-
vided with comfortable lodgings. After the house ad-
journed, the president waited on him, and presented to
him the thanks of Congress, and expressed a desire that
he would accept a reward. He, however, declined all
offers of the kind, requesting only money enough to en-
able him to return to Virginia. The following letter
from Mr. Lovell, a member of Congress, to Mr. Lee,
which is copied from the manuscript of Mr. Lovell, will
confirm the above related anecdote. The author has
more than once heard it from the person himself, whose
veracity no one ever doubted.

" 31st August, 1779.

Dear Sir — Your favour of the twenty-second came
yesterday to hand. Mr. Bennet parted from me on Sa-
turday, and ivill probably get home in less time than he
came.

I will attend, all in my power, to the subjects you have
written about; but I am verily exceeding sick, confined
to my chamber and my bed alternately. I have, in vain;
dabbled with rhubarb; I go upon tartar-emetic to day.
I was in bed yesterday, when I prepared a scrap for
Dunlap's paper. I was unwilling to let a part of a day
go over, without some continuance of the vouchers of
Deane's infamy. Mr. John Adams on hearing of De

2$2 U1'E AND CORRESPONDENCE

Vergennes and Mr. Arthur Lee, has sent me copies of
his own correspondence with that minister, on the sub-
ject of Deane's publication; in the course of which he
gives such testimony from personal knowledge, in regard
to Arthur Lee, and his brothers, Richard and Francis,
as cannot fail to destroy any evil impression made by
Deane's publication; and which must do honour to the
manly, ingenuous spirit of the writer. Whenever I dare,
I will copy them. I must first translate the French,
which is the full my present state of health will permit.
This morning brings what I now send. I have not ex-
amined them. At the same time the Parliamentary Re-
gisters were sent. I thought it transgression enough to
frank the present. I will send the others by the first
opportunity.

Your's affectionately,

James Lovell."

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. g£$

CHAPTER X.

Mr. Lee was re-elected, in the Spring of the year
1 780, a delegate from the county of Westmoreland, to
the General Assembly of Virginia. He did not resume
his seat in Congress, during this year, or during the two
following years. The affairs of his native state required
his services.

The enemy now turned his operations against the
southern states, more particularly than he had yet done.
The war upon the coasts of Virginia, was of a preda-
tory kind, rather than a general and regular attack. The
inhabitants living on the large rivers, were kept in a state
of continual alarm and danger, by small fleets, from
which the enemy landed troops, and pillaged the country.
The county of Westmoreland was much exposed to
these distressing incursions. Mr. Lee was, therefore,
called upon by the state government, to take upon him-
self the discharge of the duties of his office of lieutenant
of the county, in which character he had the command of
all the militia of it. He accordingly, as promptly took upon
him actual military duty, as he had undertaken the duties
of a Senator. In his military capacity, he evinced his
characteristic intelligence, judgment, and activity. He
immediately called out the militia, and put it into a state
of order and preparation. He had been, when a young
man, fond of military life, and had made himself scien-
tifically, and practically, acquainted with its duties. He
had studied military science with great care and labour,
with a view to render himself serviceable in the field,
if the exigencies and wish of this country required him
to act there. He now found it of great utility to him,
in arranging and disciplining the militia. He appointed
vol. i. — g g

£$£ LtFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

stated days, on which, at different places in the county,
the several divisions should be exercised. He was always
present, at these times and places, and personally attend-
ed to the exercising of the men. He very soon esta-
blished such discipline amongst the militia of his county,
and inspired them with such spirit, that they were ready,
at a moment's warning, to meet any danger, or to undergo
any hardship. He selected places of defence, and situa-
tions for his camps, with so much judgment, that the
county of Westmoreland was seldom visited by the enemy.
Captain Graves, who commanded one or two schooners,
and a number of tenders, had the entire possession of
the river Potomac, and ravaged the counties upon its
shores. He once observed, to a person whom he had
taken prisoner from one of the lower counties of Vir-
ginia, " I never put my foot upon Westmoreland, that
the militia are <not upon me directly/'

On one occasion, information was given to Mr. Lee,
that one of the enemy's tenders had been driven in, and
stranded, by a violent storm. He had reason to expect,
that there would be, on board of it, arms and ammuni-
tion, of which he was in much want. He determined
upon making an effort to take possession of it. He received
intelligence that Graves' fleet had appeared in sight, and
was making towards the point where the tender was
lying. He immediately ordered out two small companies
of militia, one of which, was armed with rifles. At the
head of these, he marched to the river. On his arrival^
he perceived that the enemy were preparing to regain
their vessel, for two or three tenders (or barges) well
manned, soon stood in for the shore. Mr. Lee placed his
riflemen on the bank, directing them to conceal themselves
behind the bushes and fences, and to reserve their fire
until he should give them further orders. He then
placed the other company on the beach, and took his sta-
tion at their head. As the tenders approached, the
enemy fired their long guns, the balls of which, gene-
rally struck in the bank, over the heads of the men
When they were near enough to be reached by small

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 2$ 5

arms, he directed his men to fire. He then returned to
those whom he had stationed on the bank, and having
ordered them to commence their fire, he hastened down
to the beach; he had the mortification to find his men
flying, and the enemy landing. They fired upon him,
and his horse threw him within one hundred yards of
them. He coolly re-mounted his horse, amidst their
shot. Providence preserved him, unhurt. The enemy
succeeded, at last, in towing off their tender, but did not
attempt to ascend the bank.

Mr. Lee continued, during the year '81, with industry
and vigilance, to protect his native county from the de-
predations of the enemy. He did not confine his exertions
to the county of Westmoreland, but actively assisted in
the defence of the whole of that section of the state,
called " the Northern Neck." Some of the letters of
General Weedon, (who commanded whatever regular
army could be raised in Virginia) to be found amongst
the Virginia correspondence accompanying this memoir,
will give the reader an idea of the activity, judgment,
and services of Mr. Lee, in his military capacity.

General Green, when on his way to take the command
of the southern army, was introduced to Mr. Lee, by a
letter from Dr. Shippen. Between General Green and
Mr. Lee, there was a constant correspondence carried
on, during the southern campaign. It is a matter of
regret, that the letters of the former have all been lost,
together with a great number of other valuable papers.

Mr. Lee attended the sittings of the General Assembly
of Virginia, in the years '81 and '82, and took an active
part in its business.

During these sessions, two subjects of great import-
ance to the state, were frequently agitated. These
were, the propriety and expediency of making depre-
ciated paper money a tender for debts, which had been
created, on the credit and faith of specie payment: and
of impeding, and indeed, of confiscating debts due
by citizens of the state, to British merchants, that had
been contracted upon fair and mutual dealings before

^36 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

the war. These subjects deeply interested the people;
and it may well be imagined, that they would be divided
in opinion respecting them. The politicians of the state,
held different opinions, and discussed them with great
warmth, both in and out of the Assembly. Indeed, the
whole state was heated and agitated.

On the questions growing out of these subjects, in the
legislature, Mr. Lee took a leading and animated part.
He declared, that no questions which he had been
called to consider, had created a deeper interest in his
breast, and had raised so much concern for the honour
and interests of his fellow citizens. His friend, Patrick
Henry, and himself, were on opposite sides in every de-
bate; Mr. Henry earnestly advising the adoption of these
measures, and Mr. Lee as earnestly opposing them. He
objected to them both, because, he said, he considered
at least, such measures would be gross violations of
honesty and good faith between men. He declared,
that under no extremity or state necessity, would he con-
sent to a legislative violation of these principles. He
declared, that it would have been better to have remained
c< the honest slaves of Great Britain, than to become
dishonest freemen." He eloquently urged, that no re-
public could exist, without virtue and honesty in the
people, and warned his hearers of the danger of enact-
ing laws, which should encourage the citizens to make
light of the faith of contracts. On the subject of the
tender-law, (which allowed a man to pay a debt of one
hundred dollars, with paper money not worth one dollar)
he pathetically pictured the ruin of the widow and
orphan, whose whole fortune, perhaps, consisted in loans,
which under this law, might be repaid " in rags and
paper."

He also vehemently opposed the proposition to con-
fiscate British debts, and that to impede the recovery
of them. He declared, that the first proposition, under
the circumstances of our case, would violate all princi-
ples of honesty and national honour. To the argument,
that in the case of a revolution, necessity justified the

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. £37

measure, he replied, that it would be a direct encourage
ment to the debtors in a community, to create revolutions,
and, that it would be a matter of no consideration with
them, that their debts were due to foreign creditors. The
war was over; and the people ought, by industry, now
that they were freemen, honestly to pay their debts. This
would inculcate virtuous principles, which alone could
secure their freedom.

Mr. Lee, very early after the peace, turned his atten-
tion to the propriety and to the consideration of the most
expedient mode of funding the public debt of the state,
and of providing as efficiently as possible for the support
of public credit. To these concerns he gave profound
and serious consideration, both in respect to his native
state and to the confederation. He, with Mr. Henry,
were advocates of a proposition to make every man con-
tribute something to the support of the Christian religion,
as the only sure basis of private and public morality.
Both these gentlemen were utterly opposed, however, to
any established state religion. On the contrary, they
were strenuous advocates of an entire freedom of reli-
gious belief. Mr. Lee's opinions on these and various
other important and interesting political subjects, may
be more fully and agreeably learned, from a perusal of
his correspondence in the years 1784-5, than from any
detailed statement which his biographer could make.

Mr. Lee was re-elected to the Virginia Assembly, in
the spring of '83, and served throughout its session of that
year.

During the winter of '83, intelligence reached Ame-
rica that provisional articles of peace had been signed at
Paris, between our commissioners and those of Great
Britain, in which the sovereignty and independence of
the United States were acknowledged, and the right of
the fisheries, and the free and entire navigation of the

* This is done in many of the eastern states, whose constitutions
are as republican, or democratic, as those of any of the southern
states ; and where the most unfettered freedom of religious opi*
nion exists.

238 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

Mississippi were ceded, to the full extent to which Mr.
Lee had so strenuously advocated a claim, in the secret
session of '79. To bring, in some degree, to the view
of the reader, the estimation in which Mr. Lee's services
were held by the patriots of those days, a letter from
General Whipple is here inserted. The reader will find
much evidence to the same effect, in the body of corre-
spondence.

"PORTSMOUTH, (N. H.) 17th April, 1783.

My dear Sir — I cannot omit an opportunity that
offers by a vessel bound to Virginia, to congratulate you
on the happy event which, for many years, has been the
great object of your labours and anxious cares. The
very unequivocal part you, my dear friend, have taken,
in this great revolution, must furnish your hours of retire-
ment with the most pleasing reflections. Though the
terms may not be, in all respects, exactly conformable to
our wishes, they are, perhaps, equal to what we had a
right to expect, all things considered.

My happiness is greatly increased by this joyous event,
as it opens a prospect of seeing you here. J already an-
ticipate the pleasure of recapitulating with you those
private as well as public consultations, in which you took
so eminent a part, and which have produced such happy
effects.

This country, my dear sir, is very particularly obliged
for your exertions to secure the most valuable branch of
her trade, the fisheries. As a small token of my sense
of the obligation, I must beg your acceptance of a quin-
tal offish, which, I think is of the best quality.

With very particular attachment, and the greatest re-
spect, I am, my dear sir, your most affectionate friend
and humble servant,

Wm. Whipple.

Hon. Richard Henry Lee."

In the spring of '84, Mr. Lee was again elected a mem-
ber of the General Assembly, by the people of West-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 2oi

moreland, who still clung to their long tried friend and
servant with unabated confidence and attachment. He
appeared in his seat in that body, and was by it again
chosen a deputy to Congress.

Peace being established, Mr. Lee's services were no
longer required in his native state. He therefore accept-
ed the honour again conferred upon him, and took his
seat in Congress on the first of November, 1784. On
the thirtieth of that month, the chair of the presidency
being vacant, he was elected president of Congress, the
most honourable and important station under the Ameri-
can confederation. The Congress was in session the
whole year 1785. Mr. Lee's health having been much
improved, by the exercise of a more active life, during
the last two or three years he continued in Congress,
during the whole of that year, and with his wonted vigour
and zeal, discharged the duties of his office. These
duties were not confined to the sittings of the House,
but concerned every department of the public business.
Correspondence with all foreign ministers was conducted
by the president of Congress. The author finds among
the manuscripts of Mr. Lee, several diplomatic notes and
other communications, between Mr. Lee and foreign
ministers, which are fine specimens of the dignified diplo-
macy of the pristine age of the republic.

At the expiration of the presidential year, Mr. Lee
returned to Virginia, from whence he had been absent
twelve months. Upon his retirement from the chair of
the president, it was Resolved, " that the thanks of Con-
gress be presented to his excellency, Richard Henry
Lee, for his able and faithful discharge of the duties of
president, while acting in that important station/5*

Mr. Lee was re-elected a member of the Virginia
Assembly in the spring of '86, and served in its session.
In the spring of the year '87, he was again elected to
that Assembly, and while a member of it, was elected a
deputy to Congress, of which body, he once more be-

* See Journals, November 4, 1785.

240 U^E ANl3 CORRESPONDENCE

came an able and conspicuous member. He was one
of the committe which penned and reported the famous
" Ordinance for the government of the territory of the
United States, north west of the river Ohio." By the
fourth article of this instrument, a slavery and involuntary
servitude, except in the punishment of crimes," is pro-
hibited. The states formed under its provisions, are
flourishing with a vigour and luxuriance, unexampled in
any age or country.

Mr. Lee was present in Congress, from the ninth of
July, '81, until the end of that year.

The delegates from the several states who had been
appointed to amend the articles of the confederation,
met early in the month of September of the year 'S7.
Mr. Lee joined in the vote by which Congress submit-
ted the plan of a new federal constitution to conventions
of the people of the states. Mr. Lee was not a mem-
ber of the convention in Virginia which discussed and
finally adopted the present federal constitution. He
was, however, a strenuous opponent of its adoption as
it was reported to Congress by the convention at Phila-
delphia. He, as well as many of the ablest patriots of
that day, thought they saw in it a consolidation of the
political powers of the people of the United States,
which would effectually destroy the independence of
the state governments. The objections of Mr Lee to
the constitution, and his arguments in support of them,
may be seen by the reader in eloquent and powerful de-
tail, in his letters in the body of correspondence written
during the years 1787, and 1788. The correspondence
then maintained between the venerable S. Adams and
Mr. Lee, is well worthy of the consklerate perusal of
every American statesman. It will command his pro-
found attention, and will repay the lively interest which
every citizen is disposed to take in the political writ-
ings of such distinguished statesmen, who lived in those
times in which the present form of government was
devised and adopted.

Although Mr. Lee opposed the adoption of the new

OP RICHAUD HENftY LEE.

241

constitution as it was originally proposed, yet, he dis-
countenanced by his example and advice all warmth and
violence. He earnestly advised his friends and his
fellow citizens, to consider and discuss its principles and
provisions with candour, coolness, and temper. If the
reason and judgment of the people should induce a ma-
jority to adopt it, he strongly dissuaded the minority from
all intemperance of opposition, and advised them to re-
sort to the method only provided by the constitution for
its amendment. Entertaining the opinion that its ten-
dency to consolidation was fatally strong, he fondly in-
dulged the hope that such amendments would be recom-
mended by the first Congress, as would in a great degree,
if not entirely, counteract the danger which he so much
dreaded. It is well known how entirely Mr. Henry coin-
cided with him in his views on this most important subject.
Hence, when the Assembly of Virginia was about to
proceed to the election of senators from this state to the
Senate of the United States, Mr. Henry nominated Mr,
Lee and Mr. Grayson for this honour, in opposition to
two other gentlemen, one of whom was Mr. Madison,
the distinguished advocate of the constitution. Mr. Lee
and Mr. Grayson were elected the first senators from
Virginia, under the present general government.

Mr. Lee, very soon after he took his seat in the Se-
nate of the United States, moved several amendments,
the object of which was to provide effectual checks
upon the powers of the general government, and strong
and distinct guards to the sovereignty of the United
States. The author has understood, that Mr. Lee
first moved the tenth amendment, at present a part of
the federal constitution. Had it been adopted as he
moved it in the Senate, it would have formed a much
more powerful guard to " state rights" than it now does.
He proposed it in these words: "The powers not dele-
gated by the constitution to the United States, nor pro-
hibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states
respectively." The reader will perceive the difference

vol, i.— h h

<24# 1-1FE AND CORRESPONDENCE

between the proposed, and the adopted amendment.
The author has heard that Mr. Ellsworth of Massachu-
setts, moved to add the words, rt or to the people," which
were adopted.

Mr. Lee served two sessions in the Senate, and main-
tained his reputation, as a statesman and an orator, un-
impaired. Having done all in his power to lessen what
he thought the dangers to be apprehended from the ex-
tensive powers delegated to the federal government, and
being in a degree satisfied by the amendment to the con-
stitution which he lived to see adopted, he became, and
continued to the end of his life, a warm supporter of
the administration of Washington. He approved of the
course pursued by him in the case of Genet, and ap-
plauded his declaration of neutrality. Soon after the
declaration was proclaimed, there was a meeting of
several of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, in Vir-
ginia, in which resolutions condemning this measure,
and inimical in their tenour to Washington, were passed.
Mr. Lee was, at the time he heard of these resolutions,
at the residence of one of his sons, which was not far
distant from Mount Vernon. He immediately wrote a
long and friendly letter to General Washington, in which
he denounced his enemies, and assured him of his ap-
probation and support. To this letter, the last he ever
wrote on political affairs, the father of his country re-
turned a most affectionate reply. The letter of Gene-
ral Washington, and a copy of the letter of Mr. Lee,
were for many years in the possession of his son. The
author regrets their loss. They were highly valuable
and interesting.

The enfeebled state of Mr. Lee's health forced him to
resign his seat in the Senate of the United States, in the
year 1792. The following vote of thanks to him, was
moved in the Senate of Virginia, and was unanimously
agreed to. It was, with equal unanimity, concurred in
by the House of Delegates.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE,

£43

" October 22d, 1792.
In Senate.
Resolved unanimously, That the speaker be desired
to convey to Richard Henry Lee, Esq. the respects of
the Senate; that they sincerely sympathize with him in
those infirmities which have deprived their country
of his valuable services; and that they ardently wish
he may, in his retirement, with uninterrupted happiness,
close the evening of a life, in which he hath so conspicu-
ously shone forth as a statesman and a patriot; that while
mindful of his many exertions to promote the public in-
terests, they are particularly thankful for his conduct , as
a member of the Legislative of the United States."

The following notes are the replies made by Mr. Lee
to the Senate and House of Delegates.

"CHANTILLY, 5th November, 1792.

Sir — I have been duly honoured with the letter (and
its enclosure) that you were pleased to write to me on
the eighteenth October. I pray you, sir, to assure the
honourable House of Delegates, that I feel the deepest
sense of gratitude and obligation for the good opinion that
they are pleased to entertain of my services, and for the
condescending and obliging wish that they express for
the future prospects of my life. I have ever thought,
that the best reward for public service, is the approba-
tion of our country; and surely examples like this are
wisely fitted to encourage patriotic zeal, and to support the
servants of the public, through the perplexing intricacies
of political life. To you, sir, my thanks are particularly
due, for the very polite and affectionate manner in which
you have been so good as to convey to me the sense of
the House.

I have the honour to be, with all possible respect, sir,
your most obliged and most obedient servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

Honourable the Speaker of the
House of Delegates."

244 LUE A^u correspondence

« CHANT1LLY, 5th November, 1792.

Sir — 1 have received the letter you did me the honour
to write to me, on the twenty-third of October, with the
resolve enclosed therein. Be so good, sir, as to present
my duty to the Senate, and assure that honourable body
that I feel, as I ought to do, the highest sense of obliga-
tion, for the honour conferred upon me, by the manner
in which they have been pleased to express their sense
of my services, and for the obliging wish, they have ex-
pressed, for the future happiness of my life. I wish it
may be the good fortune of those who follow me, to serve
masters willing to crown their labours, by bestowing
upon them a reward so respectable as I have been fa-
voured with.

I thank you, sir, for the kind manner of conveying to
me the sense of the Senate; and I remain, with the
highest respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble
servant,

Richard Henry Lee.

Honourable the Speaker of the Senate."

Mr. Lee now finally retired from all public employ-
ments.

Having thus presented to view the public life and
character of Mr. Lee, it remains for his biographer to
relate such traits of his private life as may show, that he
was justly entitled to that esteem and affection of his
fellow citizens, of his family and friends, which accom-
panied him to his latest hour.

His early days were spent in a truly Spartan style
His mother, who was one of the high-toned aristocracy
of the day, confined all her care and attention to her
daughters and her eldest son, who was to be the head of
the family, and gave up her younger sons, when boys;
to be fed, in a great measure, by their own enterprise
and exertions, without which, they might often have
wanted tho necessaries of life. To this circumstance
may be attributed, in a great measure, that vigour of mind
and body which they afterwards enjoyed.

(JF RICHARD HENRY LEE- 245

Having finished his academical course of studies at
Wakefield, in England, Mr. Lee travelled through that
country, visited its great metropolis, and brought with
him, to his native home, that refinement of manners
which graced both the forum and the fireside.

Soon after his first marriage, (to gratify the wishes of
his eldest brother, who was so fond of him that he would
not consent that he should live far from him;) he was in-
duced to reside in the county of Westmoreland; the situ-
ation was unhealthy, and the soil not rich; but being on
a river, it possessed some compensating advantages.
Here, by that active, intelligent, and persevering indus
try, for which he was so much distinguished, he was en-
abled to live in a style of comfort and independence equal
to that of his more wealthy friends.*

His house was always filled with guests, whom the
saavity of his manners, his frank and generous hospitality,
his strong and instructive conversation, at once invited and
pleased. To the neighbouring poor he was a friend, an
instructor, their physician, and the arbiter of their differ-
ences. He imported, annually, a quantity of the best
medicines, from the " Apothecary's Hall," in London,
when he could do so, for their use; and administered it
to them, with kindness and effect, ft was, indeed, pleas-
ing to witness, the affection and veneration with which
they always approached him. A strong proof of the
regard his neighbours and fellow citizens bore him, was
shown by the fact, that he never lost an election in his
native county. Hence he, at all times, triumphed with
ease over every effort of calumny and envy to injure him;
for, unfortunately for man, the purest virtue, and the
greatest merit, never escape the attacks of bad men,
governed by such passions. It may be remarked, too,

* He was very fond of the society of learned medical gentlemen,
and his intercourse and correspondence with them, were not con-
lined to his own country. Dr. Fothergill and others were his
correspondents. See his letter, in the body of correspondence,
to Dr. Blane, of England, thanking him for the present of his
4< Treatise on the Diseases ©f Seamen."

J4L) LltE -^'D CORRESPONDENCE

that he enjoyed, throughout a period of more than thirty
years, the confidence and honours of his state.

But it was in the domestic circle, that the evenness
and amiableness of his temper, his good sense, and in-
dustry, were most conspicuous. At an early period ot
their marriage, he lost his wife, who left him four young
and infant children. The busy scenes of public life, ID
which he was then engaged, and the young and helpless
state of his children, soon forced him to think of a
second marriage. He succeeded in securing a partner
for his after life, every way worthy of him. Although
hi* patrimony was not great, and his public engagements
were numerous, constant, and onerous, yet such were the
ardent exertions of his ever-active mind, that he found
means to send his two oldest sons to England, and to
France, for their education, and supported his children
who remained at home, with such equal and impartial
fondness, as drew them together, by those strong cords
of mutual affection, which never permitted them to feel
the difference of parentage.

Although one of the kindest and fondest of parents,
doing every thing to please and divert his children, yet
he was ever rigid in exacting their performance ol moral
duties; and such was the power of his rebuke, and the
influence of his parental authority and affection, that
they never stood in need of bodily correction, to be
made to feel their errors, and avoid them.*

The great esteem and affection with which he was

* The author has heard an anecdote related by a son of Mr.
Lee, which will illustrate his character in this respect, lie hat
entrusted one of his sons with a key, to give to a servant some-
thing that was wanted ; he happened to be passing by the dooi
of the room to which he had sent his son, and saw the servant
coming out of it, with that, which he had not desired his son to
let him have. He called his son to him, and in a mild, but seri-
ous manner, told him of the impropriety, on any occasion, of
breaking the trust reposed in him; and impressed upon lum, the
consequences which would follow, from allowing himself to do
so, upon any account. The boy went into the house crying, and
when asked by his mother, u what was the matter," he replied,
M my father has been talking to me about consequences.**

or RICHARD uv\k\ i rr. . ^

regarded by his brothers, were shown by two of them,
who died, without children, bequeathing to his sons,
their huge estates; almost entire.

A long and laborious course of public life, had gradually

enfeebled a vigorous constitution: and the Rout, which he

alone, of all his family, was subject to, bv making its most

violent attacks on the abdominal viscera, extremely de

bilitated his body; yet his mind never lost its vigour. For
at hast ten years labouring under its pernicious effects,

he continued his public services, and his private oxer
tions. It was a peculiar trait of his character, that when
once his mind sought information upon any subject, he

never relinquished the pursuit, until he had perfectly
satisfied Ins mind respecting it. Quided by these prin-
ciples, he lead and studied every medical author, who

treated of the disease with which he was afflicted, and
discovered a remedy, that, for many years preserved his
own life, and has been the means, under (lod, of reliev-
ing others * But human efforts must have their termina
tion. The dire disease, against which he had so Ion* and
skilfully contended, was destined to put an end to his
virtuous and useful life.

Me had retired from public service, with the thanks
and applause of his fellow citizens, and for two years,
passed his time in the bosom of his family, by whom he

was almost idolized. Although no longer engaged in

her service, his mind always dwelt on the freedom, the
honour, and happiness of his beloved country. The
events of the French revolution, and the principles of its
leaders, had become subjects of anxious consideration to
his mind. The dawn of that revolution he had heartily

* The late General Henry Lee, who was a member, with him,

when Congress sat in New York, related an anecdote, of a penile

man of that state, who came to the city, tor relief againri chronh

diarrhoea General Lee saw him ahont to leave the city, in despair
— all medical aid had failed, lie advised him to see, and intro
dueed him to Mr Lee, who gave him his recipe. In a short mnr
after, Genera) Lee saw the gentleman on his w.iy home, quite
well, who ascribed his recovery entirely to Mr. Lee's advi<

£48 Ul E AN1J CORRESPONDENCE

cheered; but its day had become, to his vision, overcast
with portentous clouds. What his prophetic mind then
foretold, history can now prove true; and often was he
heard to mourn, lest the phrenzy of France, which
seemed ready to overturn all the fixed principles of
liberty, religion, and virtue, might, in a fatal degree,
reach his native land, where he had trusted these salu-
tary principles were destined to be permanent.

For six months before his death, Mr. Lee was almost
entirely confined to his house. He saw his end approach-
ing, and through faith in the merits of the Redeemer,
viewed it with tranquil firmness. He had well fulfilled
all the duties of life. As a patriot, as a friend to the
liberty of mankind, as a parent, friend, and neighbour,
he, like the younger Cato, whose character he much
resembled, could say, " let guilt or fear disturb man's
conscience, Cato knows neither of them;" and that
" nature, worn out with care, sunk down to rest/' It
was the rest, prepared for those, whose virtues the great
Parent of good, has approved; and which will be enjoy-
ed by all, who devote their lives to the happiness of
their fellow men, and to the duties they owe to their
saving God.

Mr. Lee had early studied the evidences of the Chris-
tian religion, and had, through life, avowed his belief in
its divine origin. He admired the perfection of its mo-
rality, and the sublimity of its peculiar theology. He
was a member of the Episcopal Church; and although
a hearty friend to all who professed the Gospel, he was
strongly attached to the Church to which he belonged.
The author found amongst his manuscripts, two votes
passed by the two first meetings of the general conven-
tion of that Church, in the United States, in which their
thanks are returned to Mr. Lee, for the interest he had
taken in its prosperity.

Let not the infidel say, that Mr. Lee's assent to the
truths of Christianity, was given in the twilight of his
reason, and proclaimed at the approach of death. In
the vigour of his mind, amid the honours of the world

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 24,2

and its enjoyment, he had declared his belief, in Jesus
Christ, as the saviour of men! For many years of his
life, he had partaken, in public, of the emblems of that
propitiatory atonement, which he made upon the cross,
" for the sin of the world. v

The eloquent Erskine has truly said, after reviewing
a glorious list of believers in Christianity, "Thus we
find all that is great, or wise, or splendid, or illustrious,
amongst created beings, all the minds gifted beyond or-
dinary nature, if not inspired by their Universal Author,
for the advancement and dignity of the world, though
divided by distant ages, and by the clashing opinions dis-
tinguishing them from one another, yet joining, as it
were, in one sublime chorus, to celebrate the truths of
Christianity, and laying upon its holy altars, the never-
fouiug fruits of their immortal wisdom." To that list
may be added the name of Richard Henry Lee.

Mr. Lee breathed his last, on the 19th day of June,
in the year 1794, at his seat, Chantilly, in the county of
Westmoreland, in the sixty-fourth year nof his age; a
few weeks before the celebration of the day, on which,
his eloquent tongue, and intrepid mind, had given birth
to the independence of his country!

It is a subject of regret, that no genuine specimen of
the eloquence of Mr. Lee, remains. The author has
not had the good fortune to enjoy the acquaintance of
any of his cotemporaries, from whom he could obtain a
sketch of the principal traits of his oratory.

Mr. Lee possessed all the qualifications necessary to
a finished orator. His person was tall and well propor-
tioned. The features of his face were bold and striking;
and were always, particularly in debate, and conversa-
tion, irradiated by an eye, pouring intelligence over
them. His gesture was elegant, and admirably appro-
priate, resulting from a nature, ardent, honest, and sin-
cere. His voice was clear and melodious, and was mo-
dulated by the feeling that swayed his bosom. His elo-
cution was dignified, animated, and impressive. His
whole manner was fervid, manly, and commanding.

vol. i. — i i

j^3Q LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

His style was pure and classic, adorned by brilliant
periods, by the happiest classical allusions, by the rich-
est truths of ethics, and by figures, which pictured the
resemblance of the originals. It was distinguished
by a " nervous brevity/' or splendid amplification, as
the auditory, the subject, and the occasion required.
One who was well qualified to judge, has said of Mr.
Lee, " He was indisputably a graceful orator, but his
elegance was natural. His mind had treasures of
various knowledge, to which he could readily resort:
but, on occasions of importance, he studiously prepared
himself for debate. He well knew, how and when to
be diffuse and copious: but strength and conciseness
were the characteristics of his eloquence. Dr. Rush
said of him, " I never knew so great an orator, whose
speeches were so short. Indeed, I might almost say,
that he could not speak long. He conceived his subject
so clearly, and presented it so immediately to his hearers,
that there appeared nothing more to be said about it.
He did not use figures to ornament discourse, but made
them the vehicles of argument/'*

Mr. Lee was considered an accomplished scholar.
He was acquainted with the Latin, Greek, and French
languages: and was familiar with the beauties of all the
classic authors in prose and verse, in those tongues, and

* Dr Rush used to repeat a sentence, as illustrative of the
. onciseness of Mi*. Lee's eloquence, and the force of his figures.
The laws which had been passed, in some of the states, making
paper money a tender for the payment of debts, were the subject
of consideration in Congress. Mr. Lee had warmly opposed
them, on all occasions. The idea of getting rid of debts, in so
easy a manner, was plausible and captivating to some financiers;
but to the mind of a sound statesman, no scheme seemed more
delusive and injurious to the real good of a community. Some
member had advocated these laws on the first opening of the sub-
ject, and seemed, in a speech just delivered, to be more and more
wedded to the scheme, even after all its consequences had been
shown. In answer to him, Mr. Lee begun, says the Doctor, thus,
•' Mr. Speaker — I did not wonder that the honourable gentleman
was pleased with thiq scheme, when in the bud; but I am aston-
ished that he grasps at the full blown iniquity ."

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. O5J

recurred to them with ease and taste. He had studied
the writers of established reputation on the various
branches of science and literature. He was extensively
acquainted with history, and with all the various subjects
necessary to form a great and useful statesman. The
sketch which has been drawn of his person and oratory,
by the hand of a master, is no less true than beautiful.
" His face was on the Roman model; his nose Cesarean;
the port and carriage of his head, leaning persuasively
and gracefully forward; and the whole contour, noble
and fine. He had studied the classics, in the true spirit
of criticism. His taste had that delicate touch, which
seized with intuitive certainty, every beauty of an author,
and his genius, that native affinity, which combined them
without an effort. Into every walk of literature and
science, he had carried this mind of exquisite selection,
and brought it back to the business of life, crowned with
every light of learning, and decked with every wreath
that all the muses, and all the graces, could entwine.
Nor did these light decorations constitute the whole va-
lue of its freight. He possessed a rich store of histori-
cal and political knowledge, with an activity of observa-
tion, and a certainty of judgment, which turned that
knowledge to the very best account. He was not a
lawyer by profession, but he understood thoroughly the
constitution, both of the mother country and of her
colonies; and the elements also of the civil and municipal
law. Thus, while his eloquence was free from those
stiff and technical restraints, which the habits of forensic
speaking are so apt to generate, he had all the /egal
learning which is necessary to a statesman. He reasoned
well, and declaimed freely and splendidly. The note
of his voice was deep and melodious. It was the cano-
rous voice of Cicero. He had lost the use of one of
his hands, which he kept constantly covered with a black
silk bandage, neatly fitted to the palm of his hand, but
leaving his thumb free; yet, notwithstanding this disad-
vantage, his gesture was so graceful and highly finished,
that it is said he had acquired it by practising before a

252 Llk& AND CORRESPONDENCE

mirror.* Such was his promptitude, that he required no
preparation for debate. He was ready for any subject,
as soon as it was announced; and his speech was so
copious, so rich, so mellifluous, set off with such bewitch-
ing cadence of voice, and such captivating grace of
action, that while you listened to him, you desired to
hear nothing superior, and indeed thought him perfect
He had a quick sensibility, and a fervid imagination."!

Mr. Lee's character as a politician, was strongly
marked. " His earliest impressions were in favour of
the most disinterested mode of serving the public/' As
rigidly honest and upright in public, as he was in private
life, he never felt, and never admitted the truth of the
ancient remark, so often quoted, " in rebus politicis,
nihil simplex, nihil apertum, nihil honestum ;" and he
never failed to censure with the most pointed disappro-
bation, any act which could be thus characterized, even
in his best friends, and firmest political associates. It
was a maxim with him, which he frequently quoted as
invariably true, that " honesty is the best policy." Hence
he argued, that it formed no excuse for a national breach
of positive engagements, that the other party has failed
in the fulfilment of theirs, " for said he, the cause of
honesty and virtue, when supported with firmness, will
always triumph over vice and bad faith.5' This was the
principle and tenour of his arguments on the subjects,
of the payment of the British debts, and the surrender
of the posts on the lakes, as stipulated by the treaty of
pe&ce between Great Britain, and the United States,
in lm

Of T4r. Lee, it may most truly be said, that the love
of his country, was " the ruling passion" of his soul
This principle guided his research into history, cheered

This wai said to give an idea of his gracefulness; not that
st was a fact.

f William Wirt, Esq. in his "Life of Patrick Henry," pp. 49,
0. In the above extract, points of comparison with other ora-
r""s, are omitted.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 25$

and relieved his labours, and gave activity to all his
energies.

The character of Mr. Lee will be contemplated with
admiration by his countrymen. It adorned the infancy
of the republic ; and will, perhaps, cast a light and
glory on the maturity of its splendid destiny !

APPENDIX

NUMBER I.

My dear brother's favours all reached me in due time, at
Bristol Wells, where I was spending the summer season, to
look about me and form acquaintances, which may be useful
hereafter. The ensuing winter I mean to spend in Bath,
where I now am ; a place to which Dr. Fothergill advised
me, and where I expect his patronage. Your packet for
Lord Shelburne, I shall deliver myself in a few days, at his
country seat, about twenty miles off, where 1 am to spend a
week. I have not been in London since Johnston's arrival,
and as Dr. Fothergill is probably in the country I reserve
your letter to him also to deliver myself, as I shall be in
town soon.

My last letter from our brother F. of the 14th of June,
made me exceedingly unhappy, as it brought an account of
the dreadful accident which befell you about that time. I
flatter myself that long before you receive this, you will have
received entire relief from the effects of that misfortune,
and I cannot now help chiding you, for being so very care-
less of a life on which the happiness of so many depend ; the
horses were notoriously vicious, and the dastardly temper of
the negroes you well know. How then could you trust your-
self so absolutely in their power as to injure yourself and
afflict us ? For heaven's sake, remember, that you are ac-
countable to your country, and to those who love you, for
your personal safety, which cannot be injured without very
great detriment and disquietude to them. Heaven shield you
from such disasters for the future, and grant you for the
great share of misery you have already suffered, an uninter-
rupted series of prosperity and health. I may now I hope
congratulate you on your marriage with Mrs. Pinkard ; the
small acquaintance I had with her gives me great reason to
believe, she will make you happy ; and I most ardently pray
that her goodness may prevent both you and the poor little

256 APPENDIX,

ones who survive, from feeling the loss of the tender and
amiahle wife and mother that is gone.

The resolution into which you have entered, and which I
perceive South Carolina has adopted, are in the highest de-
gree laudable, and you may depend upon it will work your
salvation. The ministry thinking it vain to contend against
such virtue as they are now convinced animates America, are
at present certainly disposed to conciliatory measures. But
they are far from being yet brought to a due sense of what
in justice they owe to the constitutional rights of the colo-
nies. You have commenced those measures which tend to
their conviction, and I make no question you will persevere,
till that important purpose is fully accomplished. The in-
tent of the monitors I sent you being entirely fulfilled, I do
not ask what you did with those I sent you, though I have
seen nothing of them in the papers.

The state of politics at present is, as appears to me, ex-
ceedingly complex. As far as I can unravel them, they con-
sist of the court party, the opposition, and the constitutional-
ists. The Lords Holland and Bute, the Dukes of Bedford
and Grafton, form the court party ; Lords Temple, Chatham,
and Mr. Grenville, with Rockingham, compose the opposi-
tion ; and my Lord Shelburne heads the constitutionalists.
The last party are the promoters of petitions, as the most
proper method of informing the people of the constitutional
power they possess, and of rousing them against the arbi-
trary measures of the court. The opposition, desirous of
changing men only and not measures, are for determining
the matter by the representative body by intrigue and influ-
ence. The constitutionalists are for appealing to the people
at large, and effecting a change of measures, as well as of
men. Mr. Wilkes, and all of his party that are honest, with
Beckford, Townsend, Sawbridge, Mrs. Macauley, &c. are
what I call constitutionalists. Of the political writers Junius
only deserves reading, and his talents are certainly great. I
cannot but think that my Lord Shelburne's abilities and vir-
tue will force him again into power ; though they render him
exceedingly unwelcome at court, where such qualities are not
in estimation. Happily for the liberties of this country, the
court party are at variance among themselves ; could they
agree, I do not see what would prevent them, with a corrupt
House of Commons, vast influence from places and money,
with a powerful army, from absolutely subverting the consti-
tution. But Bute possesses the ear, Bedford the parliamen-
tary power ; Grafton was the representative of the former,
but the latter ever jealous and ambitious, has contrived to

APPENDIX. 257

gain the duke over by marriage. This, in all human proba-
bility, was the cause of Lord Bute's precipitate return, being
alarmed, least in consequence of that connexion, Grafton
should betray him, and uniting with Bedford, enable him to
do what he has long wished, exclude his lordship from all
influence in administration. When Peachum and Locket
quarrel, they bring each other nearly to the gallows. Would
to heaven, these political villains may be more irreconcilable
in their anger. I am now at my Lord Shelburne's, where I
have the pleasure of seeing perfect domestic happiness. Lady
Shelburne is a pattern of every thing that is amiable and
good ; and her lord seems perfectly worthy of so valuable a
wife. Much reading has produced in me the effect of age, in
which confidence in political professions is slowly granted ;
and therefore highly as I esteem this lord, I do not implicitly
confide in him. Yet, if he does not support the genuine cause
of liberty and continue firm in constitutional principles, I do
not believe there is a single man of eminence who will vindi-
cate the violated rights of the people. A temporary support
many will give, but an opposition grounded on true princi-
ples, and steadily pursued, I expect from him only. God send
he may answer my expectations ; if not, actum est de liber-
tate. I am not so desperate with regard to America ; the
spirit of liberty seems now so truly and universally diffused,
that I do not think it possible to suppress it; and therefore I
look forward with infinite pleasure to that spirit, as the
surest nurse of British constitutional liberty. I some time
since sent enclosed to Mr. Parker and you, the proceedings
respecting the Mississippi company. Nothing certain is to
be expected from this ministry : when it is changed, I shall
not fail to resume the solicitation.

I beg you will give my most cordial thanks to all those of
ny acquaintance, who have distinguished themselves in the
resolution of not consuming British manufactures, and of
maintaining firmly their constitutional rights. As a friend to
freedom, I esteem myself infinitely obliged to every one who
supports it.

My inviolable regard awaits you and vours. Adieu.

ARTHUR LEE.

P. S. Pray, remember me to our brother Thomas ; I never
hear of or from him, which I very much regret. My best
wishes attend B el vieu.

August 15M, 1769*

Vol. I— K k

2oH APPENDIX.

BATH, November 15th, 1769.

My dear Brother — It appears to mc a very long time
since I had the pleasure of hearing from you. In the mean
time I please myself with supposing you, with the rest of
America, are working your own salvation by frugality and
industry. Pertinent to this are your questions to our brother
^ illiam, concerning the glass manufactory : in which, I am
sorry to inform you, no satisfactory information can be ob-
tained. Much care is taken at Bristol to provide against the
loss of workmen ; they are, therefore, articled for a certain
time, and their wages artfully advanced, so as to keep them
constantly in arrear, and thence in bondage. A very few
only are entrusted witli the secret of the materials, and their
proportions. I wrote to a merchant of Bristol, immediately
on my brother's receiving yours, for more precise informa-
tion ; but he has never answered me, probably through some
jealousy in himself, or an apprehension of it in others. New-
castle would be the best place, I apprehend, not only to make
inquiries without suspicion, but to apply for workmen. Aerici
persevere, must be the motto of America. The people here
do not yet complain much of the want of trade arising from
the stoppage of American exports ; but, by persevering, they
will feel, and then will infallibly complain. What the minis-
try will do in the perturbed state of the empire, both at home
and abroad, it is difficult to say ; what they wish to do, is
more easily imagined. Great, certainly, is the struggle be-
tween their arbitrary inclinations, and their fears to execute
them.

The Mississippi affair rests entirely, and must do so, til!
the ministry are removed ; whenever that happens, the com-
pany may be assured that I will resume the business, with-
out any farther expense to them. Our brother William forgot
to bring over a minute of the company's resolution, appoint-
ing me agent ; so that had my credentials been requ'red,
nothing could have been done. Happily they were not; but
to provide against it for the future, I could wish you aid Mr.
Parker would send me such credentials as you ma/ think
proper. Please to remember me to that gentleman, and tell
him I hope every patriotic scheme succeeds, and that we shall
see him in the next list of the House of Burgesses, ii J. R — ph's
place. I wish things were reversed, and this tool of power
were his deputy. Your governor is becoming very popular,
as we are told here, and I have the worst proof of it in the
increased orders for fineries from the ladies, at this time of
general distress in their families. Either our countrywomen

appendix. 259

are misrepresented by the merchants' wives, or they are
growing deplorably extravagant. If his excellency intro-
duces such a spirit, I am sure his popularity will be ill
founded. Wilkes's suit with Lord Halifax is at length deter-
mined, with £4000 damages, which it was provided in court
the treasury was to pay. Inadequate as these would, in any
case, have been, the manner in which they are to be paid,
prevents them from being exemplary ; since no minister will
be deterred from repeating this injury by a fine which he is
not to pay. Our houses, liberties, and most interesting se-
crets, are thus at the mercy of any minister who will pay this
sum out of the treasury, which, with the present furniture of
St. Stephen's chapel, he might do to-morrow without danger
of impeachment. Yet there are many men so wicked or so
weak, as to deny that the constitution is in danger. There
are men who will never believe their houses are near the
flames, till they are on fire ; so long as they walk free, they
care not who is illegally imprisoned. The Parliament will
probably meet about the middle of January ; it will be an
important session, but I believe attended with no farther
good, than convincing the people their complaints are just,
and their desire of a dissolution perfectly proper. I am ex-
tremely well with Lord S e, the lord mayor, the sheriffs,

Mr. Wilkes, Home, Macauley, Belles, &c. ; the two first
and the last are those only of whose principles I have a good
opinion ; but I am so sensible of my own deficiency in judg-
ment, that, while I act in the integrity of my heart, I do not
suffer my suspicions to influence my actions. I dine fre-
quently in the King's Bench, where I meet the declared pa-
triots ; of whom I shall be satisfied, if we find one Sidney in
twelve elect. The city of London is, however, in our posses-
sion, and will support the character it has always maintain-
ed, of standing foremost and firm in opposition to arbitrary
power. It is a chance whether you ever meet with a series
of letters signed Junius Americanus, in which the enemies of
America are chiefly attacked ; though, to make what was
written in defence of the colonies acceptable, it was necessary
to give now and then a stroke to the characters obnoxious
here. It is desirable to make a signature popular, when that
is effected, I shall be able to write for America under it with
success, which it is otherwise extremely difficult to accom-
plish. Send copies of Parker's edition of the Farmer's
Letters to Lord Shelburne, Mrs. Macauley, and Colonel
Barre. Farewell.

ARTHUR LEE,

)

(JO APPENDIX.

A very ill timed fever, my clear sir, confining me to my
bed and room for some days past, has for th ■ present marred
my Mississippi and political operations. Of the former
therefore, I can say nothing more, than what the enclosed,
written a week since, contains ; of politics little certain can
be said, for no one yet knows, what the Parliament, which
meets to-morrow, will determine. The ministry are entirely
Bedfordian, neither much in confidence of the landed or mer-
cantile part of the nation, but they are of Lord Bute's com-
plexion, and have therefore the royal ear and protection.
Grafton is the premier, profligate, arbitrary and contemptible;
Weymouth, abandoned to gaming and drinking, totally in-
volved, but extremely clever ; North, Gower, and Bristol,
nothing ; Hillsborough or Pownall, arbitrary, opinionated,
subtle, and severe : of these the present council are formed,
without one speaker or advocate in the House of Commons.
All parties will, it is probable, be opposed to them, but virtue
and real patriotism are so little the objects of pursuit to any
party, that it is rather a scuffle who shall enjoy the power
and wealth of office, than who shall administer peace and
welfare to the nation. This being the case, the sovereign
will always turn the scale, since such ministers can never ac-
quire the confidence of the nation, so as to be independent of
court influence ; this makes me apprehend that the present
ministry, as being certainly that of the favourite, though he
be now abroad, will stand, and they are, to all intents and
purposes, enemies to America. They delude us here with
talking of conciliating measures, but it is only to try once more
the effect of art and management, in disuniting the colonies,
while it is evident they are collecting a great force at Boston,
to crush, as they fondly flatter themselves, the head of oppo-
sition at one blow ; from the perseverence of your colony
much is feared, and greatly is it expected, that the address,
powers, and beguiling splendor of his excellency, will detach
it from the cause of liberty, obtain a vote subversive of your
former resolves, and acknowledging your promptitude to
bend the servile knee, and fawning take the splendid robbers'
boon. Severe will be the trial, but more exemplary, there-
fore, the virtue that triumphs over it ; alas ! 1 fear it will
not be found, where meanness and servility are already to
prevalent among the little great people of your colony : yet
on the issue of this essay must I hereafter glory in being a
Virginian, or hide my head when it is mentioned. Subtlety
and arbitrariness being the characteristics of the present
ministry, great prudence, caution and management, will be
requisite to frustrate their measures, or elude their revenge .

APPENDIX. OQl

You may be assured, if they stand this session, and their
present policy succeeds not in America, the first step to en-
forcement, will be the seizing and executing the patriotic
leaders ; in your conduct therefore let me recommend an at-
tention to the conduct of the first prince of Orange, which
saved him from an ignominious death, and effectually vin-
dicated the liberties of his country, while the incaution of his
associates made tliem victims to the bloody and revengeful
purposes of the tyrant they opposed. Our first duty is to
our country unquestionably, and her dearest right is liberty :
but if this be not the sense of the people, if there is no pros-
pect of opposing tyrannous measures with success, 'twere
better wait the favourable moment, since once engaged, suc-
cess, eternal enmity, or death, must be the issue. Cato,
Brutus, and Cassius, did not precipitately undertake a hope-
less cause, but they made a glorious and dreadful struggle,
that failing, death was the only worthy end of such a begin-
ning. O how my soul swells with the great idea, methinks
I could smile in the very pangs of death, and pity the insulting
tyrant. Should such a trial come, and my weak flesh shrink
from the nobler purposes of my soul, to what contempt it would
reduce me. Inured to war and death, habit had steeled their
bodies, and made them equal to the achievement of every daring
resolution ; happy had I been bred a soldier, or these trying
times had not arrived in my day. These are reflections
which I cannot avoid, though they leave stings behind them ;
the very doubt of bearing unmoved the utmost efforts of af-
flicting power, and telling the tyrant or his minion to the
last, I scorned him, is to me grievous.

I have not sent you the Museum Rusticum, because it is
certainly too dear for its usefulness ; and another publication
is daily expected, which perhaps may be preferable. I reserve
Tissot, till I have leisure to read him, and make some anno-
tations for yon. There is a book, some time since published,
called a Handmaid to the Arts, which should be useful to
youj; if I think so upon examining, it shall be sent. The
Court Register will be published the 28th of this month,
therefore I hardly think it worth while sending the old one
now. I know of nothing else worth your attention.

October 9th. The great debate is passed, administration
has carried her point, forcing by the sword, over the
colonies, those laws which reason and justice cannot sup-
port or establish. Dreadful idea, that even suggested in a
free house, ought to have excited indignation and abhorrence.
To the king's speech, containing an account of America, be-
ing in an alienated state of allegiance and submission to law ;

262 APPENDIX.

and one part, namely Boston, in the verge of rebellion
through the agency of some seditious persons. An address
was moved for by Lord Henly, Lord Norihington's son, ap-
proving the steps which had been taken by the King in Ame-
rica, and promising him support. This was seconded by
Mr. Stanley, who said the late acts were intended to bring
this contest of right to an issue ; that the troops had been
drawn together in America, to enforce it with more facility,
and had now commenced the operation in Boston. Mr.
Dowdswall, late chancellor of the exchequer, moved for an
amendment, using milder terms towards the Americans, and
not expressing any approbation of ministerial measures.
Lord Clare, and Lord North, supported the former, with
heavy, if not unwarrantable charges, against the people of
Boston, and high ideas of absolute power. The amendment
was then supported by Sir G. Seville, but not ou American
principles. Mr. Burke next entered more largely, and with
more masterly eloquence into the transactions of Governor
Bernard and the administration. He showed, the present
disturbances arose from a concerted plan, and intentional in-
juries offered the people of Boston ; that the right of taxing,
and the laws founded on it, were repugnant to the feelings of
America, which never could be overcome ; he insisted, that
the requiring the Assembly of Boston, to rescind a vote, un-
der penalty, was absolutely illegal and unconstitutional ; that
sending soldiers there and demanding provision for them,
was directly repugnant to the act of Parliament, which di-
rects that provision to be made by the Assembly. Mr. Gren-
ville then advised unanimously supporting the measures of
administration in subduing the colonies ; he praised his S. A.
talked much about himself, and condemned the minister's
mandate for rescinding, as totally illegal. Colonel Barre
next spoke with great judgment, upon the question in favour
of the amendment ; he questioned the right, disapproved the
measures, and demonstrated that they were urging a quarrel
with their colonies, from an ill grounded jealousy, when the
state of Europe made harmony absolutely requisite to our
preservation. Mr. Wedderburn then pointed out with great
justice, that government, both at home and abroad, was exe-
cuted by files of musketeers ; that laws were obeyed not from
a respect and confidence in the people for the legislature and
government, but from terror ; a dreadful state existed by
some unhappy defect in the executive part, which threatened
our ruin ; he declared against the legality of the ministerial
mandate at Boston. Many others spoke on both sides, but
the ministry carried it without a division.

APPENDIX, 263

All this I consider as done in heat, and hope better infor-
mation and more dispassionate deliberation, will produce the
conciliating measures of recalling Bernard, and repealing
the duty acts ; should this not be done, I apprehend that the
present establishment of the military in America, will pre-
vent any armed opposition to the measures of administration ;
but I conceive the Americans will endeavour by those means,
of not consuming British manufactures, which are absolutely
in their power, to bring this ungrateful country to a better
sense of their usefulness to her, and how vain the attempt is
to rule by force, a free people.

Mr Burke asserted, that Chatham and Camden, had both
acted towards America inconsistently with those principles ;
which, coming from such great authorities, had confirmed
the colonists in their opinion, the Parliament having no right
to tax them.

God knows whether this will be suffered to reach you ; for
the administration are determined to sacrifice the most active
in the American cause, and may probably stop letters.

Yours, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

The author has here added some letters written to Arthur
Lee, by some of his English friends, who were distinguished
men of their day.

The following letter is from Lord Cardross, afterwards
Lord Buchan, a well known friend of America, who made
General Washington, a present of a snuff-box, from the wood
of the tree, which sheltered Wallace, the Scotch hero.

WALCOT, near Bath, Oct. 31, 1769.

My dear Sir — I should be very happy to be entrusted
with the welfare of Virginia, and I am sure, I should pass
my time most agreeably among you ; but I am afraid I love
you all too well, to have that charge committed to me at
present, after what has passed ; not that I think any plan is
likely to be adopted, of a disagreeable tendency, but that my
avowed sentiments, with respect to my countrymen on the
other side of the Atlantic, might be thought too strongly fa-
vourable to certain demands which may be made. There
remains another obstacle, and that is, as my father is, I am
sorry to say, in a very precarious state of health ; it would
seem odd for an Earl, according to the ideas of this country,
to be deputy to Sir Jeffery Amherst.

204 APPENDIX.

I told you, that I had my eye on Turin, but I had much
rather be with you, I assure you ; and if any opening should
happen, by the death or resignation of Fauquier, I don't
know but I may make an essay, to your satisfaction. In the
mean time, I think myself very happy in having one there so
partial to me, as you are, and who will never mention my
name, without saying, that I am a friend to liberty and to the
friendless.

I ever am, dear Sir,
With great esteem,

Your most obliged and obt. servant,

CARD ROSS.

P. S. Governor Dinwiddie asks after you, with regard;
he is not well at present.

Pray remember the Museum at Edinburgh, which I espouse
at present, and send me some of your country productions.

The following letter is from John Wilkes ; it is here insert-
ed, as relating to the politics of the times, and as curious,
because its author connected his name, with the political his-
tory of England. Of Wilkes, Chatham declaimed, and
Junius wrote. The "little incident" of which Mr. Wilkes
speaks, was the loss of the papers of Arthur Lee, then ac-
credited American commissioner at the court of Berlin.
Shortly after Mr. Lee's arrival at Berlin, his trunk was
broken open, and his papers taken out ; upon Mr. Lee's com-
plaining to the Prussian ministry, the papers were returned
to Mr. Lee, by an unknown person. It was well ascertained
afterwards, that his papers had been taken away, by the pro-
curing of Mr. Liston, the English minister at Berlin. Upon
this occasion Frederick the Great himself, wrote a note to
Mr. Lee, complimenting his country and its representative.
Wilkes' and Junius' dislike to the Scottish politicians, is well
known.

PRINCE'S COURT, November 9th, 1777.

I was made extremely happy, my Dear Sir, by the most
friendly letter, which you honoured me with, by Monsieur Mon-
tandoine ; and I am farther to thank you for giving me the op-
portunity of knowing so sensible and ingenious a gentleman;
1 eagerly embraced every occasion of being with him, and his
amiable lady, but the ill state of her health, obliges her to
pass a considerable part of her stay, in this Island, at Batht
which Miss Wilkes and I greatly regretted.

APPENDIX. 265

The little adventure at Berlin, was a low piece of Scottish
knavery, exactly calculated for the meanness of fraud, in those
pedlars of politics, who, boasting all the while of economy,
have lost a continent.

This poor country is fallen into a fatal lethargy, from
which all efforts to rouse her seem ineffectual. The single
loss of Minorca, drove the people of England almost to mad-
ness ; now thirteen provinces dismembered from the British
empire scarcely excite a murmur, except among a very few,
who dare to love their country even at this disgraceful
period. The parliamentary campaign will soon open, but
nothing is to be expected. Corruption has spread like a low
born mist, a Scottish mist, and pervades every thing. Poor
opposition, too, wants a head, and is feeble and sickly in all
its members.

I am very sensible of your kindness to young Smith of
Berlin, and was made very happy by your favourable ac-
count of him. I hope, I am not to blush for him in future
life, but trust he will justify your obliging partiality to him.

In all the changes or chances of this political warfare, re-
member, my dear sir, you have here a warm friend, who
would rejoice in every opportunity of convincing you of his
attachment, and be highly gratified by your correspondence.
Vale, et me am a.

P. S. Miss Wilkes desires to add her compliments,

The following letter was from Colonel Barre, whose elo-
quent defence of the colonies is so well known to every reader.

LONDON, January 31st, 1771.

Sir — I should long since have acknowledged the receipt of
your very obliging letter of last June, if I had been in Eng-
land ; but I was, at the time of its arrival, in a remote part
of Europe, and now seize this as the first opportunity which
presents itself since my return, to pay my respects to you.

I see you lament, with all the feelings of true patriotism,
that the firmness of America, has at last given way to the
combined arts of ministerial and mercantile wickedness. It
was very difficult to resist the former, and, upon my word, I
think it fair to call the latter, rather mercantile weakness,
than wickedness. Some of the most considerable men through-
out your continent are employed in active commerce. They
stood long in defence of the rights of their fellow subjects,
but the ministers have had sagacity enough to see, that (be-

vol. i — 1 1

266 APPENDIX.

sides the jealousy of each other,) the expense of the contest,
lay too heavy upon that body of men, to continue much longer.
However, it must be confessed upon the whole, that America
has shown, in the late struggle, a strong love of liberty, a
spirited resentment, and most uncommon abilities.

I am exceedingly obliged to you for your two presents.
Their intrinsic worth is rare, and the manner of sending them,
very flattering. It must give me great pleasure to find, that
my poor services arc still remembered in America, and that
I hold a place, in the esteem of so respectable a man, as Mr.
Lee.

I have the honour to be, with great regard and considera-
tion, Sir,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant,

ISAAC BARRE.

The following letter is from William Wyndham, who was
a distinguished politician and speaker in the House of Com-
mons.

My dear Sir — I did not imagine, when we last met in
London, that it would so soon happen to me, to address a
letter to you, as one of the commissioners of the United
States of America. I most heartily wish you joy, of a situa-
tion so honourable and distinguished. The sentiments which
I have ever entertained on American matters, at a time when
affairs had the least promising aspect, will sufficiently wit-
ness, the sincerity of this congratulation. I would wish to
say a great deal of what is uppermost in my mind, on the
present most extraordinary juncture, but the hurry in whicli
I am obliged to write, will confine me to the immediate sub-
ject of this letter. I have taken the opportunity of my be-
ing in France for a few days, and meeting with Captain John-
son, to send this letter and one enclosed to you, with the hope,
that you will take some safe opportunity of sending the en-
closed, to my friend* in Carolina. I have ventured to pro-
pose, in my letter to him, that he should direct a letter to me.
to your care. I am sensible I am taking a liberty, but I am
driven to it bv mv desire to hear from him, and mv iffno-
ranee of any other means by which I might hope a letter
would come safe.

In the summer, I think, I shall be tempted to make a short
visit to Paris. It would give me particular pleasure to find

• The name could not be made out.

APPENDIX.

267

you there. What a spectacle have our worthy court ex-
hibited to the indignation and scorn of Europe, When I
think of the acquiescence of the nation, under such men and
manners, I really begin almost " desperare de republica," and
to hold less firmly to an opinion, which I have kept fast to
hitherto, that the bulk of the people of England, had still a fund
of those qualities, which, till lately, rendered them deserv-
edly the admiration of all who knew them. I should be very
happy to have now some more of such conversations as we
used to have on these matters formerly. I am at a loss how
to enclose this letter, in a way to make myself known, with-
out signing my name, which might perhaps be inconvenient ;
after the description, which Captain Johnson may give, it may
probably be sufficient to add, that we met at poor Alleyne's,*
the last time we dined there, Jonesf was one of the party.
Believe me, dear sir, with great truth,

Your most obedient and faitful servant,

W. W.

Dunkikk, March 12, 1778,,
I live now in Pall-Mall.

* Alley ne was a very brilliant advocate, and a lawyer of great promise.
He was the friend and companion of Dunning, &et He died early in life,
f Sir William Jones.

268 APPENDIX.

NUMBER II.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal

in Parliament assembled.

The humble petition of several natives of America, showeth,
That your petitioners being natives of his majesty's do-
minions in America, are deeply interested in every proceed-
ing of this right honourable house, which touches the life,
liberty, or property, of any person, or persons, in the said
dominions. That your petitioners conceive themselves and
their fellow subjects, to be entitled to the rights of natural
justice, and to the common law of England, as their unalien-
able birth right. That they apprehend it to be an invariable
rule of natural justice, that no man shall be condemned un-
heard ; and that, according to law, no person, or persons,
can be judged without being called upon to answer, and
being permitted to hear the evidence against them, and to
make their defence. That it is, therefore, with the deepest
concern, they understand, that there is now before this right
honourable House, a bill of pains and penalties to be inflict-
ed on the town of Boston, for a trespass committed by some
persons unknown, upon the property of the East India Com-
pany, without the said town having been apprised of any
accusation being brought against them, or permitted to hear
the evidence, if there be any, or to make their defence. That
the bill takes away immediately from the inhabitants of the
town, the use of property to the amount of several hundred
thousand pounds, vested in quays, wharves, stores, &c. That
it will restrain many thousands of his majesty's subjects from
subsisting themselves and their families, by their usual em-
ployments. That it will punish the innocent for the guilty,
and even should all the reparation required by the bill be
made, the restoration of that property, or any part of it, is
suffered to depend solely upon the will of the crown.

Your petitioners conceive such proceedings to be directly
repugnant to every principle of law and justice, and that,
under such a precedent, no man, or body of men, could enjoy
a moment's security ; for, if judgment be immediately to fol

APPENDIX. 269

low an accusation, the accused, unacquainted with the charge,
and debarred from defending themselves, every fence against
false accusations will be pulled down ; justice will no longer
be a shield, nor innocence an exemption from punishment.
Your petitioners beg leave to represent, that the law in Ame-
rica ministers redress for any injury sustained there, and
they can most truly affirm, that it is administered in that
country with as much impartiality as in any other part of his
majesty's dominions. In proof of this, they appeal to an
instance of great notoriety, in which, under every circum-
stance that could exasperate the people, and disturb the
course of justice, Captain Preston and his soldiers had a fair
trial, and a favourable verdict. The due course of law thus
manifestly holding out redress, they cannot but consider the
interposition of Parliamentary power to be as unnecessary as
it is arbitrary and unjust. Your petitioners conceive that
the right honourable House, being the supreme judicature of
this nation, are too well acquainted with the inviolable rules
of justice to require any further objections to the bill against
the town of Boston, now under consideration. They, there-
fore, trust and pray that the right honourable house will not
pass a bill which is to condemn and punish persons unheard,
and, therefore, deprived of that privilege which every princi-
ple of justice, and every practice of law, allows to the mean-
est individual ; the privilege of hearing and controverting
the evidence against him, and maintaining his innocence.
And your commissioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

Thatched House Tavern, London, March 26th, 1774,

The above is a literal copy of a petition this day drawn up
and signed, here, by the sheriffs of London, Doctor Frank-
lin, R. Izard, William Middleton, Esquires, Colonel Law-
rence, and many other of the first gentlemen of South Caro-
lina. The honourable John Ellis, one of the council of
Jamaica, and worth at least twenty thousand pounds per
annum ; Arthur Lee, Esq. and many other gentlemen of the
several colonies of North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania,
New York, and the several New England governments, and
is to be presented, on Monday next, the 23th instant, to the
House of Lords.

(Witness)

WILLIAM LEE,

,270 APPENDIX

NUMBER III.

T/te following Letter was addressed to the Author by the

honourable John Jay,

BEDFORD, West Chester County, New York,

12th February, 1823.

Sir — I received, by the last mail, your friendly letter of
the 30th ultimo, the principal object of which, you observe,
is to obtain from me, if I recollect minutely on the subject, a
correct account of the part which your grandfather acted in
the three leading committees appointed by the Congress of
1774 ; these were committees to prepare an address to the
king of England — to the people of Great Britain — and to
the Colonies. The committee for the first address, consisted
of Messrs. Lee, J. Adams, Johnson, Henry, and Rutledge ;
to this committee, Mr. Dickenson was afterwards added.
You further observe, that it had been generally understood
that Mr. Lee was the writer of that address ; but that it has
since been ascribed to Mr. Dickenson. So many years have
elapsed since the Congress of 1774, that my recollection, as
to many of the occasional and incidental circumstances,
which occurred in the course of their proceedings, is not
distinct.

It appears, from the journals of that Congress, that the
committee to prepare an address to the king, reported a
draught of such an address, on the 21st October; that, after
some debate it was recommitted, and that Mr. J. Dickenson
was, on that day, added to the committee. So soon after-
wards as the 24th October, they again reported ; and on the
next day, viz. the 25th October, the address they had report-
ed, was debated, and, after some amendments, approved. By
which of the members of the committee it was written, I do
not remember to have been informed. To me, it appears
probable that the same draught which had been recommitted,
was, with the co-operation of Mr. Dickenson, amended, and
again reported. That Mr. Dickenson, between the 2 1st
October, when he was added to the committee, and the 24th

APPENDIX 211

October, when they, for the last time reported, should have
proposed to the committee to lay aside their draught, and
that he, with their approbation, should have undertaken, and
to their satisfaction, have finished, an entire new address, is,
in my opinion, improbable, especially considering his sense
of propriety, and the characters and abilities of the. gentle-
men of that committee.

On the 11th October, 1774, the Congress "Resolved,
unanimously, That a memorial be prepared to the people of
British America, stating to them the necessity of a firm,
united, and invariable observation of the measures recom-
mended by the Congress, as they tender the invaluable rights
and liberties derived to them from the laws and constitution
of their country. Also, "That an address be prepared to
the people of Great Britain," " Ordered, That Mr. Lee,
Mr. Livingston, and Mr. Jay, be a committee to prepare a
draught of the memorial and address,"

It was agreed, in the committee, that Mr. Lee should pre-
pare a draught of the proposed memorial, which was the
first, both in order and importance ; and that I should pre-
pare a draught of the proposed address to the people of Great
Britain, both of which were done accordingly. On the 18th
October, the address to the people of Great Britain was re-
ported to Congress. On the 19th October, it was debated by
paragraphs, and sundry amendments made; and was recom-
mitted, in order that the amendments might be taken in. On
the 21st October, it was returned to Congress, and the
amendments directed, being made, the same was appointed.
On the 19th October, the committee reported a draught of a
memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonics. On the
21st October, the Congress resumed the consideration of the
memorial, and the same, being debated by paragraphs and
amended, was approved. I have always believed that this
memorial was written by Mr. Lee, nor have any reasons to
doubt it, come to my knowledge. On the same day, viz.
21st October, the Congress "Resolved, That an address be
prepared to the people of Quebec, and letters to the colonies
of St. Johns, &c." " Ordered, That Mr. Cashing, Mr. Lee,
and Mr. Dickenson, be a committee to prepare the above
address and letters." Hence it appears, that your idea of my
being one of that committee, is not correct. On the 24th
October, the address to the people of Quebec, being brought
in, was read, and, after some debate, was recommitted. On
the 26th October, the committee, to whom the address to the
inhabitants of Quebec was recommitted, reported a draught,
which was read, and, being debated by paragraphs and

^72 APPENDIX.

amended, was approved." I have often heard it said, and
not heard it contradicted, that this address was written hy
Mr. Dickenson. On the 25th October, the Congress " Re-
solved, That the address to the king, be enclosed in a letter
to the several colony agents, &c. and " Ordered, That Mr.
Lee and Mr. Jay prepare a letter to the agents." On the
26th October, the letter to the agents being brought in by the
committee, was read and approved ; this letter was written
by Mr. Lee.

The committee (mentioned in the postscript of your letter)
appointed to state the rights of the colonies, &c, included a
number of gentlemen, whose information and talents, enabled
them to discuss and elucidate those topics very ably ; but, I
cannot particularize how far Mr. Lee, or any other indivi-
dual of those gentlemen, contributed to the accomplishment
of that business. The uninterrupted deputation of Mr. Lee
to Congress, by his native and important state, during many
years of danger and difficulty, and his continued participation
in the transaction of affairs of such moment, afford inferences
on which much might be said. Although a recent increase
of sickness, renders occupation irksome to me, yet as a further
increase of it might suspend, and perhaps prevent my attend-
ing to your inquiries, I think it better to answer your letter
thus concisely, than to postpone writing. Those inquiries
need no apology. The friendly sentiments expressed in your
letter, merit, and have my acknowledgments. With the
best wishes for your success and welfare, I am, Sir,

Your obedient servant,
JOHN JAY,

RrcHARD Heniiy Lee, Esq.

APPENDIX.

21$

NUMBER IV.

To the King's most excellent Majesty.

The humble address and petition of the lord mayor, alder-
men, and commons, in common council assembled.

Most gracious sovereign, your majesty's most loyal and
dutiful subjects, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons, of
the city of London, in common council assembled, with all
humility, beg leave to lay themselves at your royal feet,
humbly imploring your benign attention to the grievous dis-
tractions of their fellow subjects in America.

The characteristic of the people, sire, over whom you reign,
has ever been equally marked for an unparalleled loyalty
to their sovereign, whilst the principles of the constitution
have been the rule of his government, as for a firm opposition,
whenever their rights have been invaded.

Your American subjects, royal sir, descended from the
same ancestors with ourselves, appear equally jealous of
the prerogatives of freemen, without which they cannot deem
themselves happy.

Their cheerful and unasked for contributions, as well as
willing services to the mother country, while they remain
free from the clog of compulsory laws, will, we are sure,
plead powerfully with the humanity of your disposition, for
readily granting them every reasonable opportunity of giving
as freemen, what they seem resolutely determined to refuse,
under the injunction of laws, made independent of their own
consent. The abhorrence we entertain of civil bloodshed
and confusion, will, we trust, sire, if not wholly exculpate us
in your royal mind, yet plead powerfully in our favour, for
the warmth with which we lament those measures, the
dsetructive principles of which, have driven our American
brethren to acts of desperation.

Convinced of the earnest disposition of the colonists to
remain firm in all duteous obedience to the constitutional
authority of this kingdom, permit us most gracious sovereign
to beseech you, that those operations of force, which at pre-
sent distract them with the most dreadful apprehensions,
may be suspended ; and that, uncontrolled by a restraint in-
compatible with free government, they may have an oppor-
tunity of tendering such terms of accommodation, as we have

vox. i,— M m

274 APPENDIX.

no doubt will approve them worthy of a distinguished rank
among the firmest friends of this country.

Your petitioners do therefore most earnestly beseech your
majesty to dismiss immediately, and for ever, from your
councils, those ministers and advisers. As the first step to-
wards a full redress of those grievances, which alarm and
afflict your whole people.

So shall peace and commerce be restored, and the confi-
dence and affection of all your majesty's subjects be the solid
supporters of your throne.

APPENDIX.

275

NUMBER V.

Copy of the letter written by Thomas Jefferson to Richard
Henry Lee, Esq. enclosing the original draft of the Decla-
ration of Independence, as first reported. The passages
omitted by Congress are printed in Italics , and the substitu-
tions are given at the bottom of each page .

PHILADELPHIA, July 8th, 1776.

Dear Sir — For news, I refer you to your brother, who
writes on that head. I enclose you a copy of the Declaration
of Independence, as agreed to by the House, and also as ori-
ginally framed : you will judge whether it is the better or
worse for the critics. I shall return to Virginia after the llth
of August. I wish my successor may be certain to come be-
fore that time : in that case, I shall hope to see" you, and not
Wythe, in convention, that the business of government, which
is of everlasting concern, may receive your aid. Adieu, and
believe me to be,

Your friend and servant,

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

A Declaration by the Representatives of the united states
of America, in general Congress assembled.

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con-
nected them with another, and to assume, among the po^rs
of the earth, the separate and equal station to which tte laws
of nature and of nature's God, entitle them ; » decent respect
to the opinions of mankind requires, that tney should declare
the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with
inherent and inalienable* rights ; that among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these
rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers .from the consent of the governed ; that when-

* Certain unalienable rights.

276 APPENDIX.

ever any form of government becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it. and
to institute new government, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi-
ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments, long
established, should not be changed for light and transient
causes. And, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that
mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are suffcr-
able, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to
which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses
and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period, and pur-
suing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce
them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their
duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new-
guards for their future security. Such has been the patient
sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity
which constrains them to expunge* their former systems of
government. The history of the present king of Great Bri-
tain, is a history of unremitting] injuries and usurpations ;
among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uni-
form tenour of the rest ; but all have\9 in direct object, the
establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To
prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world ; for the
truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and
necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate,
and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation
till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he
has neglected utterly^ to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people, unless those people would relin-
ftukh the right of representation in the legislature ; a right
inestihvable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public-
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compli-
ance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly and
continually, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions
on the rights of the people.

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to
cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers.

• Alter. l Repeated. * Having $ Utterly neglected.

APPENDIX,

277

incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at
large for their exercise, the state remaining in the mean time
exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and con-
vulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these
states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturaliza-
tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their
migrations hither ; and raising the conditions of new appro-
priations of lands.

He has suffered the administration of justice totally to
cease in some of these states, refusing* his assent to laws for
establishing judiciary powers.

He has made our judges dependent on his will alone, for
the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of
their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices by a self-assumed
power, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our peo-
ple, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies
and ships of war, without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and
superior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction
foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our
laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation,

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ;

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment
for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants
of these states ;

For cutting oif our trade with all parts of the world ;

For imposing taxes on us without our consent ;

For depriving usf of the benefits of trial by jury ;

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended
offences ;

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh-
bouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern-
ment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once
an example and fit instrument for introducing the same abso-
lute rule into these states ;

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valu-
able laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our go-
vernment ;
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring them-

* He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing1.
f In many cases.

0 78 APPENDIX.

selves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases
whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, withdrawing his go-
vernors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protec-
tion, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign
mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and
tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and
perfidy,* unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our
frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of
warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes,
and conditions of existence ; he has excited treasonable insur-
rections of our fellow citizens with the allurements of for-
feiture and confiscation of our property.

He has constrained others,] taken captives on the high seas,
to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners
of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their
hands.

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself vio-
lating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons
of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and
carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur
miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical
warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the -warfare of
the Christian king of Great Britain, Determined to keep open
a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prosti-
tuted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to
prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this
assemblage of horrors might -want no fact of * distinguished dye,
he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us,
and to purchase that liberty of 'which he has deprived them,
by murdering the people upon whom he obtruded them : thus
paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of
one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against
the lives of another.

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for
redress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose
character is thus marked by every act which may define a
tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a people ivho mean to be

• Scarcely paralleled in tUe roost barbarous ages, and totally,
f Our fellow citizens.

APPENDIX.

279

free* Future ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of
one man adventured within the short compass of twelve years
only, to build a foundation, so broad and undisguised, for
tyranny over a people, fostered and fixed in principles of
freedom.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British
brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of at-
tempts by their legislature to extend a\ jurisdiction over
these our states \\ We have reminded them of the circum-
stances of our emigration and settlement here; no one of
which could warrant so strange a pretension : that these were
effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unas-
sisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain : that in
constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had
adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for per-
petual league and amity with them ; but that submission to
their Parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in
idea, if history may be credited: and we§ appealed to their
native justice and magnanimity, as well as to the\ ties of our
common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which were
likely to^\ interrupt our connexion and correspondence. They
too have been deaf to the voice of justice, and of consan-
guinity ; and when occasions have been given them, by the re-
gular course of their lawsy of removing from their councils the
disturbers of our harmony, they have, by their free election,
re-established them in power. At this very time too, they are
permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only sol-
diers of our common blood, but [Scotch and] foreign mercena-
ries to invade and destroy us. These facts have given the last
stab to agonizing affection ; and manly spirit bids us to re-
nounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavour
to forget our former love for them ; we must, therefore, ac-
quiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and
hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war,
in peace friends.

We might have been a free and a great people together ; but
a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is be-
low their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The road
to happiness and to glory is open to us too ; we will climb it
apart from them, and acquiesce in the necessity which de-
nounces our eternal separation !

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of
America in general Congress assembled, appealing to the

* Of a free people. f An unwarrantable. \ Us. § Have.

I) And we have conjured tbem by. f Would inevitably.

250 APPENDIX.

Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten-
tions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people
of these states,* reject and renounce all allegiance and sub-
jection to the kings of Great Britain, and all others who may
hereafter claim by, through, or under them ; we utterly dis-
solve all political connexion which may heretofore have sub-
sisted between us and the Parliament or people of Great
Britain ; and, finally, we do assert the colonies to be free and
independent states, and that, as free and independent states,
they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract
alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and
things which independent states may of right do. And, for
the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each
other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.

* Colonics.

APPENDIX,

281

NUMBER VI.

General C. Lee's Letter to Earl Percy, when the latter was
enclosed with the British Jirmy in Boston, 1775.

My Lord — Were your lordship only a common colonel of
a regiment, certainly I should not have given myself the
trouble of writing, nor you the trouble of reading this; but
as you hold so high a rank, and will, one day, hold a still
higher, I conceive it will not be improper to address you.
And, in some measure, to apologize for my seeming want of
respect, as I have not waited on the general, for reasons
which he cannot, I think, disapprove, I was not certain
whether you might, in your military capacity, consider my
visit as proper : but, as you are not merely a soldier, but a
citizen of the first class and importance, from your illustri-
ous family and fashion, your vast property, and being destin-
ed by birth to be a counsellor of the nation, I think some
explanation of my conduct, not only proper, but necessary :
and I flatter myself, that some time or other, your lordship
will not simply approve my conduct, but become a friend to
the same cause. My lord, I will venture to say, itxis the
cause of Great Britain as well as of America : it is the cause
of mankind. Were the principle of taxing America without
their consent, admitted, Great Brttain would that instant
be ruined. The pecuniary influence of the crown, and the
army of placemen and pensioners, would be so increased,
that all opposition to the most iniquitous measures of the
most iniquitous ministers, would be forever borne down.
Your lordship, I am sure, must be sensible, that the pe-
cuniary influence is already enormously too great, and that
a very wicked use is made of it. On these principles,
every good Englishman, abstracted from any particular re-
gard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the Par-
liament of Great Britain, or more properly by the first lord
of the treasury : for in fact, the parliament and treasury,
have of late years, been one and the same thing. But, my
lord, I have besides, a very particular regard for America ;
I was long among them, and I know them to be the most
loyal, affectionate, zealous subjects of the whole empire.
General Gage himself, must acknowledge the truth of what T

vol. i. — wn

282

APPENDIX.

advance : he was witness through the course of the last war,
of their zeal, their ardour, their enthusiasm, for whatever
concerned the welfare, the interest, and the honour of the
mother country. When I see, therefore, the extreme of cala-
mities, attempted to he hrought down upon such a people, by
the intrigues of such a couple of scoundrels as Bernard and
Hutchinson ; when I see a minister, violent and tyrannical,
like North, mowing down whole communities, merely to in-
dulge his hereditary hatred to liberty, and those who are
attached to her, I think it the duty of every honest man and
friend to humanity, to exert his utmost to defeat the diaboli-
cal purpose. That these people have been totally misrepre-
sented at home ; that they have been most unjustly and cruelly
treated, your lordship will, I make no doubt, be sooner or
later convinced; but as from your present situation, and
many circumstances, you will not probably fall into the way
of truth so soon as I could wish, I beg leave to recommend
to your perusal, a sort of pamphlet, lately sent from England :
it is entitled, " A true state of the proceedings in the Parlia-
ment of Great Britain, and in the province of the Massa-
chusetts Bay." Mr will furnish your lordship

with it, if you will make use of my name : it is a fair and
candid relation of the whole process, from beginning to end.
When your lordship has read it, you will be struck with com-
passion and horror, and I have great hopes, will become a not
less warm, but more powerful friend, of this much injured
country, than myself. I take the liberty of recommending
this method to your lordship, as it is impossible you should
gather any tiling but misinformation from the men, who, I
find, surround head quarters. The Sewell's and Paxton's,
are not only interested to misrepresent and calumniate, but
to exterminate their country : there is no medium : their coun-
try must perish, or they meet with the deserts of impious
parricides. It was the misfortune of General Gage, from the
beginning, to fall into such hands as these ; had he not been
deluded by men of this stamp, we should never have seen
him acting in a capacity so incompatible with the excellence
of his natural disposition. I must now, my lord, entreat,
that as fools and knaves, will, from misunderstanding and
malice, prbhably disfigure my conduct, you will not suffer
them to make any wrong impressions ; that you will be per-
suaded that I act not from pique or disappointment, which I
conclude, will be "insinuated, but from principle. I think,
my lord, an English tidier owes a very great degree of reve-
rence to the king, as first magistrate, and third branch of the
legislature, called to this mighty station by the voice of the

APPENDIX. 283

people : but I think he owes still a greater degree to the
rights and liberties of his country : I think his country is
every part of the empire ; that in whatever part of the empire
a flagitious minister manifestly invades these rights and liber-
ties, whether in Great Britain, Ireland, or America, every
Englishman, soldier or not soldier, ought to consider their
cause as his own. And that the rights and liberties of this
country are invaded, every man who has eyes, and is not de-
termined to keep them shut, must see. These, my lord, are
my principles ; from these, I swear by all that's sacred and
tremendous, I purely and solely act ; and these, I hope, will
rather serve, than prejudice me, in your lordship's opinion.
I flatter myself still further, I flatter myself that you, my
lord, before long, will adopt them : that you will, at least, in
your letters to your father, whom I have been always taught
to esteem as an honest man and a friend to humanity, endea-
vour to undeceive the people at home, if the delusion is not
too strong. I can venture to affirm, that you will feel some
consolation amidst the calamities ready to fall upon your
country, in the reflection that you have attempted to avert
them. I shall now finisFi, my lord, with entreating, that if
any thing appears impertinent, either in the matter or length
of this letter, you will attribute it to an intemperate zeal in
an honest cause ; and that you will be assured, I should not
have addressed it to a man, of whom I entertained an unfa
vourable opinion.

I am your obedient servant,

CHARLES LEE

2$ l APPENDIX

NUMBER VII.

LctUr from a Committee of Congress to General Wash-
ington.

PHILADELPHIA, April 10, 1777.

Sir — In obedience to an order of Congress, we inform
your excellency of the reasons and principles that have go-
verned Congress in their resolution for forming a camp on
the west side of Delaware. The repeated information that
hath been received of the enemy's movements, and it being the
opinion of your excellency, as well as of many other General
Officers, that this city was the object of such movements,
rendered it proper that means should be fallen upon to pre-
vent the success of such a design, as well to guard against
the had impression that it would certainly have on the affairs
of America in general, as to give security to the valuable
stores here collected, and which cannot speedily be removed.
It has been considered, that if the real object of the enemy
should be this city, the troops are here well fixed, and it will be
an encouraging place of resort to the militia of this state, in
their present unfixed condition, being between their old plan
of association, and their new but yet unexecuted law. On the
other hand, should the design of the enemy be upon Hudson
river, or more eastward, the troops here may with ease reach
that river before thcir's, now at head quarters, can have all
crossed it. But another consideration remains, and that is,
should the enemy propose to remain in Jersey to attack your
army, or should your excellency mean to make a decisive im-
pression on them when your numbers arc sufficient, in either
of these suppositions, the troops ought not to be here. In the
whole of this business, Congress mean not in any manner, to
interfere with the designs, or to counteract the judgment of
your excellency, but wish you freely to call up to head quar-
ters, all, or any part of the troops encamped here, as you
shall please. It is not supposed that this will occasion any
delay, and will certainly prevent the injuries that would be
derived to the troops, as well in health as discipline, from
their entering and remaining any time in this city.
We have the honour to be, &c.

APPENDIX, 2S5

NUMBER VIII.

BALTIMORE, Dec. 21, 1776.

Honourable Gentlemen — After expressing our hopes
that this will find you all three safely fixed at Paris, we pro-
ceed with pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. Deane's
letter of the first of October. When we reflect on the charac-
ter and views of the court of London, it ceases to be a wonder
that the British ambassador, and every other British agent,
should employ every means that tended to prevent European
powers, but France more especially, from giving America aid
in this war. Prospects of accommodation, it is well known,
would effectually prevent foreign interference, and therefore,
without one serious design of accommodating on any princi-
ple, but the absolute submission of America, the delusive idea
hath been industriously suggested on both sides the water,
that under cover of this dividing and aid withholding pros-
pect, the vast British force sent to Ameriea, might have the
fairest chance of succeeding. And this policy hath in fact
done considerable injury to the United States, as we shall
presently show by a just detail of this campaign, for it is not
yet ended. You know, gentlemen, that at the moment a po-
tent land and marine force was preparing to be sent here, an
act was passed for appointing commissioners, whom too many
expected were to give peace to America ; as therefore the war
might be soon concluded, so were our military arrangements
accommodated, and the troops taken into service the last
spring, consisting of regular corps and bodies of militia,
were all engaged for short periods : with these the campaign
began in various parts of North America. l)r. Franklin is
so well acquainted with the progress of the war in Canada,
previous to his departure, that we need only observe the cam-
paign has ended as favourably for us in that quarter as we
could reasonably expect. The enemy having been able to
pierce no further than Crown Point, after a short stay, and
reconnoitering General Gates's army at Ticonderoga,
thought proper to recross the lake, and leave us in quiet
possession of those passes. General Gates having left a
proper force at Ticonderoga, and on the communication,
retired with the rest of his troops.

286 APPENDIX

New York and its neighbourhood, not being defensible by an
army, singly against a strong land and sea force acting in
conjunction, was of necessity yielded to the enemy, after some
contest; General Washington retiring until the situation of
the country above Kings-bridge, no longer enabled the enemy
to receive aid from their ships. General Howe being stopped
here, and General Carleton at Crown point, effectually dis-
appointed the great object of joining the two armies. The
latter, as we have said, returning to Canada, and the former
retreating from the White plains towards New York, gave
us a favourable prospect of seeing a happy end put to this
dangerous campaign. However, many causes have concur-
red in producing an unlucky reverse of fortune ; the nature
of the country, the uncommon fineness of weather, even to
this day, and above all, the short enlistments, which gave
the soldiery an opportunity of going home, tired as they
were with the operations of an active summer. When Gene-
ral Howe retreated from the White plains, he halted his whole
army on the North river, between Dobbs' ferry and Kings-
bridge, where he remained for some time. Having effected
so little of the great business that brought him here, and the
season allowing time for it, most men were of opinion, that
the next attempt would be, to get possession of Philadelphia,
by a march through the Jerseys, whilst a fleet should be sent
up the Delaware to facilitate the enterprise. To guard against
such a manoeuvre, General Washington crossed the North
river, with all the battalions that had been raised to the west-
ward of it, leaving General Lee with the eastern troops, to
guard the pass of the Highlands on Hudson river. In this
situation of things, Mr. Howe made a sudden attack on fort
Washington, with the greater part of his army, and carried
it with a considerable loss ; here he made near three thousand
of our men prisoners. By this event, it became unnecessary
longer to hold fort Lee, (or fort Constitution, as it was for-
merly called) which is on the west side of North river, and
nearly opposite to fort Washington. It had been therefore
determined to abandon fort Lee, but before the stores could
be all removed, the enemy came suddenly upon it, and the
garrison retreated, leaving some of their baggage and stores
behind. About this time, General Howe became possessed of
a letter, (by the agency of some wicked person, who contrived
to get it from the express,) written by General Washington
to the board of war, in which he had given an exact account
when the time of service of all our battalions would expire,
and his apprehensions that the men would not reenlist with-
out first going home, to see their families and friends. Pos-

APPENDIX 281

sessed of this intelligence, the opportunity was carefully
watched, and a vigorous impression actually made, at the
very crisis, when our army in the Jerseys was reduced to
three thousand men, by the retiring of numbers, and the sick-
ness of others, and before militia could in this extensive coun-
try be brought up to supply their places ; the enemy marched
rapidly on through the Jerseys, whilst our feeble army was
obliged to retreat from post to post, until it crossed the Dela-
ware at Trenton, where about two thousand five hundred
militia from Philadelphia, joined the general. Since General
Howe's arrival on the borders of the Delaware, various ma-
neuvers and stratagems have been practised to effect a pas-
sage over the river, but they have hitherto proved abortive.
General Washington's small army is placed along the west
side of Delaware, from above Cayell's ferry to within four-
teen miles of Philadelphia, whilst the Gondolas, one frigate,
and other armed vessels in the river, above the Chivaux de
Frize, cover the passage of it. General Lee, who had cross-
ed the North river with as many of the eastern troops as could
be spared from the defence of the Highlands, either to join
General Washington, or to act on the enemie's rear, as occa-
sions might point out) was the other day unfortunately sur-
prised, and made prisoner by a party of seventy light-horse,
who found him in a house a few miles in the rear of his army,
with his domestics only. This loss, though great, will in some
degree be repaired for the present, by General Gates, who, we
understand, has joined the army commanded by General Lee,
and who, we have reason to think, has by this time effected a
junction of his force with that of General Washington. As the
militia are now marching from various quarters to reenforce
the general, if the enemy do not quickly accomplish their wishes
of possessing Philadelphia, we hope not only to save that city,
but to see General Howe obliged to retreat as fast as he ad vanced
through the Jerseys. General Clinton, with a fleet, in which
'tis said he carried eight thousand men, has gone from New
York through the Sound, some suppose for Rhode Island,
but his destination, or its consequences, we yet have no cer-
tainty of. Thus, gentlemen, we have given you a true detail
of the progress and present state of our affairs, which, although
not in so good a posture as they were two months ago, are
by no means in so bad a way as the emissaries of the court of
London will undoubtedly represent them to be. If the great
land and sea force with which we have been attacked, be
compared with the feeble state in which the commencement
of this war found us, in respect to military stores of all kinds,
soldiers, clothing, money, and regular force, the wonder will

288 APPENDIX.

rather be, that our enemies have made so little progress, not
that they have made so much. All views of accommodation
with Great Britain, but on principles of peace as independent
states, and in a manner perfectly consistent with the treaties
our commissioners may make with foreign states being to-
tally at an end, since the declaration of independence and the
embassy to the court of France, Congress have directed the
raising of ninety-four battalions of infantry, with some ca-
valry, and we hear the levies are going on well in the differ-
ent states ; until they are collected the militia must curb
the enemie's progress. The very considerable force that
Great Britain has already in North America, the possibility
of recruiting it here within their own quarters by force and
fraud together, added to the reenforcements that may be sent
from Europe, and the difficulty of finding funds in the present
depressed state of American commerce, all conspire to prove
incontestibly, that if France desires to preclude the possibility
of North America being ever re-united with Great Britain,
this is the favourable moment for establishing the glory,
strength, and commercial greatness of the former kingdom,
and the ruin of her ancient rival. A decided part now taken
by the court of Versailles, and a vigorous enterprise in the
war in union with North America, would with ease sacrifice
the fleet and army of Great Britain, at this time chiefly col-
lected about New York, and the inevitable consequence would
be, the quick reduction of the British West India islands,
already barred of all defence by the removal of their troops
to this continent. For the reasons here assigned, gentlemen,
you will readily discern, how all-important it is to the security
of American independence, to urge France, and with her
Spain, into the war as soon as may be ; and, if it be possible,
speedily to procure from the former the number of line of
battle ships, you were desired in your instructions to obtain
for us, the speedy arrival of which here, in the present state
of things, might decide the contest at one stroke. We shall
pay proper attention to what Mr. Deane writes about Doctor
Williamson and Mr. Hopkins, and we think the ill treatment
this country and Mr. Deane have received from these men,
strongly suggest the necessity of invincible reserve with per-
sons coming to France as Americans and friends to America,
whom the most irrefragable proofs have not removed all doubt
about. The British recall of their Mediterranean passes, is
an object of great consequence, and may require much inter-
cession with the court of France, to get settled on the best
footing for the security of American commerce; but this sub-
ject has been already touched in your instructions on the 6th

APPENDIX. 039

article of the treaty, proposed to be made with France, as all
affairs relative to commerce and remittances pass through
another department. We beg leave to refer you to the secret
committee, and Mr. Thomas Morris, their agent in France,
for every information on these subjects. As the neighbour-
hood of Philadelphia had, by the enemies' movements become
the seat of war, it was judged proper that Congress should
adjourn to this town, where the public business may be at-
tended to, with the undisturbed deliberation that its importace
demands. The Congress was accordingly opened here on
the 20th instant. As it is more than probable, that the con-
ference with Lord Howe on Staten Island may be misrepre-
sented, to the injury of these states, we do ourselves the plea-
sure, to enclose you an authenticated account of that whole
business, which the possibility of Dr. Franklin's not arriving
renders proper. This step was taken to unmask his lordship,
and evince to the world, that he did not possess powers,
which for the purposes of delusion and division, had been
suggested. Mr. Deanc's proposition of loan is accepted by
Congress, and they have desired two millions sterling to be
obtained, if possible. The necessity of keeping up the credit
of our paper currency, and the Variety of important uses that
may be made of this money, have induced Congress to go so
far, as to offer per cent; but this interest is heavy, and

it is hoped, you may be able to do the business on much easier
terms. The resolves of Congress on this subject, are enclos-
ed, and your earliest attention to them is desired,/ that we
may know as soon as possible, of this application. Another
resolve, enclosed, will show you, that Congress approve of
armed vessels being fitted out by you, on continental account,
provided, the court of France dislike not the measure, and
blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you by the
next opportunity. Private ships of war, or privateers, can-
not be admitted where you are, because the securities neces-
sary in such cases, to prevent irregular practices, cannot be
given by the owners and commanders of such privateers.
Another resolve of Congress, which we hare the honour to
enclose you, directs the conduct to be pursued with regard to
Portugal. We have nothing further to add at present, but
to request, that you will omit no good opportunity of inform-
ing us, how you succeed in your mission, what events take
place in Europe, by which these states may be affected, and
that you convey to us, in regular succession, some of the best
London, French, and Dutch newspapers, with any valuable
political publications, that may concern North America. We
have the honour to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.
vol. 1 — o 0

290 Appendix.

P. S. The American captures of British vessels, at sea,
have not been less numerous, or less valuable, than before
Doctor Franklin left us. The value of these captures has
been estimated at two millions.

BALTIMORE, December 30, 1776.

Honourable Gentlemen — You will be pleased to re-
* eive herewith, copies of our letter of the 21st instant, and
of its enclosures, which we recommend to your attention ;
since that letter was written, General Washington having
been reenforced by the troops lately commanded by General
Lee, and by some corps of militia, crossed the Delaware,
with two thousand five hundred men, and attacked a body of
the enemy stationed at Trenton, with the success that you
will see related in the enclosed handbill. We hope this blow
will be followed by others that may leave the enemy not so
much to boast of as they some days ago expected, and we
had reason to apprehend. Upon mature deliberation of all
circumstances, Congress deem the speedy declaration of
France, and European assistance, so indispensably necessary
to secure the independence of these states, that they have
authorized you to make such tenders to France and Spain as^
they hope, will prevent any longer delay of an event that is
judged so essential to the well being of North America.
Your wisdom, we know, will direct you to make such use of
these powers as will procure the thing desired, on terms as
much short of the concessions now offered as possible ; but
no advantages of this kind are proposed to be contemplated,
at the risk of a delay that may prove dangerous to the end
in view. It must be very obvioas to the court of France,
ihat if Great Britain should succeed in her design of subju-
gating these states, that their inhabitants, now well trained to
the use of arms, might be compelled to become instruments for
making conquest of the French possessions in the West
Indies, which would be a sad reverse of that security and
commercial benefit that wrould result to France from the
independence of North America. By some accident, in
removing the papers from Philadelphia to this place, the
secretary of Congress has mislaid the additional instruction,

APPENDIX. 29|

formerly given you, by which you were empowered to nego-
tiate with other courts than France. We think it necessary
to mention this to you, lest the paper should get into wrong
hands ; and, because we wish to have a copy sent us by the
first good opportunity. We observe that Mr. Deane sent
his despatches, for this committee, open, to Mr. Bingham ;
but, though we have a good opinion of that gentleman, yet
we think him rather too young to be made acquainted with
the business passing between you and us, and, therefore, wish
this may not be done in cases of much importance. The next
opportunity will bring you the determination of Congress
concerning the persons that are to be sent to the courts of
Vienna, Prussia, Spain, and the grand duke of Tuscany.
In the mean time, it is hoped, that, through the medium of
the ambassadors from those courts to that of France, you
may be able to procure their friendly mediation for the pur-
poses proposed by Congress. One of our continental armed
vessels, of fourteen guns, lately met with a king's sloop of war
of twelve guns, and, after a smart engagement, the sloop was
brought into the Delaware. In our last, we say, the prison-
ers made by the enemy at Fort Washington, were near three
thousand, but the number is fixt at two thousand six hun-
dred, and the number of West Indiamen taken by our cruiz-
ers, amounts to two hundred and fifty. Wishing you health
and success, we remain, honourable gentlemen, &c.

BALTIMORE, (Maryland,) February 19, 1777.

Honourable Gentlemen — The events of war have not,
since our last, furnished any thing decisive. The enemy's
army still remains encamped upon the hills near Brunswick,
and still our troops continue to beat back and destroy their
convoys ; insomuch, that, we understand, their horses die in
numbers ; and, we have reason to believe, that the difficulty
of removing their stores, cannon, &c. will be insuperably
great, until the opening of the Rariton furnishes a passage
by water for their return to New York. The American
army is not numerous at present, but the new levies are col-
lecting as fast as possible, and we hope to have a sufficient
force early in the field. We see by the speech of the king of

-Hio APPENDIX.

■ml tJr*/

Great Britain to his Parliament, that much money will be
railed for : no doubt, to prosecute the war with unrelenting
vigour. That we shall oppose with all our power, is certain,
but the event must be doubtful until France shall take a
decided part in the war. When that happens, our liberties
will be secured, and the glory and greatness of France be
placed on the most solid foundation. What may he the con-
scquenre of her delay must be a painful consideration to
every friend of that country and of this. Thus viewing our
situation, vre are sure it will occasion your strongest exer-
tions to procure an event of such momentous consequence to
your country. It is in vain for us to have on hand a great
abundance of tobacco, rice, indigo, flour, and other valuable
articles of merchandise, if prevented from exporting them
by having the whole naval power of Great Britain to contend
against. It is not only for our interest, but clearly so for
the benefit of Europe in general, that we should not be hin-
dered from freely transmitting our products, that abound
here, and are so much wanted there. Why should the avarice
and ambition of Great Britain be gratified to the excessive
injury of other nations? We feel sensibly the disagreeable
situation Mr. Deane must have been in. from early in June
to the date of his letter, in October; but this was occasioned
by accident, not neglect, of writing, since letters were sent
to him in all the intervening months, which must have un-
luckily fallen into the enemies' hands, or been destroyed.
Mr. Bingham informs us, from Martinique, that he learned
from a Spanish general there, on his way to South America,
that the king of Spain was willing to do the United States
offices of friendship, and that a loan of money might be ob-
tained from that court. As the power sent you for borrow-
ing is not confined to place, we mention this intelligence that
you may avail yourselves of his Catholic majesty's friendly
designs. Perhaps a loan can be obtained there on better
terms than elsewhere. Mr. Deane recommends sending fri-
gates to France, and to convoy our merchandise : but it
should be considered that we are young in the business of
fitting ships of war ; that founderies for cannon were all to
be erected, and the difficulty of getting seamen quickly, when
privateers abound as they do from the states where sailors
are chiefly to be met with ; and lastly, that our frigates are
much restrained by the heavy ships of the enemy which are
placed at the entrance of our bays ; in short, the attention of
Great Britain must in part be drawn from here before France
can benefit largely by our commerce. We expect it will
not be long before Congress will appoint commissioners to

APPENDIX. £93

the courts formerly mentioned ; and, in the mean time, you
will serve the cause of your country, in the hest manner pos-
sible, with the ministers from those courts to that of Ver-
sailles. Earnestly wishing for good news, and quickly, from
you, we remain, with friendship and esteem, honourable gen-
tlemen, your most obedient humble servants.

P. S. Congress adjourns this week back to Philadelphia.

29 i iFPENpu

NUMBER IX.

FISHKILL, the 23d ot May, 1778.

Sir — Although I have hut the honour of a short acquaint-
ance with you, heing upon the eve of my departure from this
country, I take the liberty of troubling you with a few lines.
After having complied with all the orders of Congress, I
Avas sent back to Albany, in the latter end of last month. I
then represented to General Washington, to the board of
war. and to the president of Congress, that I being a French
officer, and the most advanced in rank in the French army,
(in spite of the stories and false pretensions of Mr. Kalb,) of
all the French officers who came over, I could not think of
being idle in a town, while others were fighting, that this
was neither becoming my character, nor consistent with my
principles ; I therefore requested to be put in the way of ac-
tion, and if any services were not thought necessary, I ex-
pected that Congress would give me such a certificate, as
might justify me in returning to France, at the opening of
the campaign. In answer to this pressing demand of mine,
Congress resolved to accept of my resignation ; but I did not
hear a word about the certificate to which I am entitled. I
do not blame the Congress at large for this extraordinary
usage. I am told that it has been the effect of a cabal preju-
diced against me. I do not meddle with any cabal, but what-
ever might be the influence of my unknown enemies in Con-
gress, I expect that in your dispassionate view, Congress will
consider that 1 have served with zeal and honour, that I have
been invited, solicited, and sent over, by Mr. Silas Deane,
that I was detained by Congress, that I have complied with
a1! orders directed to me, that if my desire of serving in the
field, of being in the way of action, is not agreeable, I ought
to be disrhaged in a manner becoming the dignity of Congress,
as an officer called for by your agent, and who bears an ho-
nourable rank in the army of the power allied with the United
States. This, sir, I have mentioned to President Laurens,
and as 1 set a value upon your esteem, I thought it would not
be improper to let you know, that when a number of Frenrh
officers, (or who are said to be so.) are devouring the pay
and rations of the continent far from the army, I was discarded

APPENDIX. 295

from the army, because I strenuously applied for being em-
ployed in the field ; it is the first instance, I believe, of such
an application being reckoned criminal. I am, with much
regard, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

THOMAS CONWAY.

Col. Richard Henry Lee.

CAMP AT WHITE PLAINS, August 17th, 1778.

Sir — I received both letters you honoured me with, dated
15th of February, and 23d of March, last past, but rather late,
the first came to hand the 20th of May, and the second in June.
A long sickness, the march of the army when I was yet very
unwell, and a good deal of business since my recovery, have
prevented me from answering before now. You are much in
the right, sir, to think that the change in political matters,
must place your independence beyond all doubt, and far be-
yond the power of England to disturb ; I heartily rejoice
with you and all true Americans, on the occasion. It is to
be expected, also, the alliance with France and the real as-
sistance the king intends to the states, must needs procure
you a speedy and lasting peace. This day I wrote to President
Laurens, in favour of Mons. le Vicomte de Mauray and Mons.
le Chev. de Fayolles, which will be laid before the /supreme
council of the states. I need not to trouble you with the
contents of it- I will only observe to you, that I am ordered
to do the same by Marshal Duke de Broglie, and the count,
his brother, and as they expect my answer, on that account,
I should be greatly obliged to you, if you would be pleased to
let me have the reasons for, or against, as the matter will be
debated in Congress, and to be very particular in that respect.
Though I ardently wish Mons. de Mauray's request be granted,
yet I am afraid it will not, by reason of a letter he wrote, as
I understood, to Congress, not very acceptable. If he is re-
fused on that account, I should be glad to have it mentioned,
because I think his noble protectors, are unacquainted with
this piece of bad policy of his. I have the honour to be, with
great respect and esteem, dear sir,

Your most obedient and very humble servant,

The Baron de KALB,

Cpl. Richard Henry Lee, .Delegate in Congress,

29{j A IT END J V

WILMINGTON, Align* 1 3, 177$.

Sir — I am arrived here these two (lavs, with all the ca
valry, and expecting the infantry in four, will present myself
with my corps to the Congress, to pass the review in the end of
this month, and pursue the enemy immediately after. I should
have been very glad to be ready sooner ; but I hope every
body shall be persuaded, that it is not the business of one day,
to raise and form a corps. However, I heard the honourable
Congress don't seem to be much satisfied with my applica-
tion : I can't guess what may be the reason of it, for I always
did all in my power to prove to them, that honour, and a true
desire of distinguishing myself in defence of liberty, was
alwavs the only motive which fired my breast, for the cause
of the United States. I do trust myself enough in your know-
ledge, to be in hopes, that you'll be kind enough to support
me against the false preventions which might have been made
against me. I am, with respect, sir,

Your most humble and obedient servant,

C. PULASKI.

Hon. Colonel Lee, Esq.

P. S. Captain Baldesqui, paymaster of my legion, who
will deliver you my letter, is acquainted with all the parti-
culars of the legion's business; you may know anything
from him.

BRISTOL, Sept. 16, 1777.

Sir — 1 am unable to tell you, with how much reluctance
and even sorrow, I must acquaint you, that I cannot accept
of the honour Congress intended to me, for the various rea-
sons I explained to you, sir, to several members of Congress,
but more particularly to Mr. Lovell, and which I repeat to
Mr. Secretary Thomson, they are all of great weight with
me. I beseech you, dear sir, to lay before Congress, that I
have, and always shall retain the highest sense of thankful-
ness and veneration, for the whole of so respectable a body of
men, and for each of the members in particular. My most
sincere vows will ever be, for success to all their measures
and undertakings, and for the general welfare and happiness
of your states. I will never forget the private obligations I
owe to several of your gentlemen, but especially to your

APPENDIX. 297

kindness to me. I never will be happier than when I shall
hear from you, or when I shall be able to convince you of the
esteem and respect, with which I have the honour to be,

Sir,
Your most obedient,

And most humble servant,

THE BARON DE KALB.

The Hon. Colonel Richard Henrt Lee,
Philadelphia.

TOX. I. — P p

£98 APPENDIX.

NUMBER X.

Letter from the Count De Grasse, to Richard Henry Lee.

Je m'empresse, Monsieur, de vous faire passer toutes les
expressions de ma reconnoissance, tout au sujet des choses
flatteuses et obligeantes que vous voulez bien me dire dans la
lettre dont vous m'avez honore. qu'au sujet des differentes
provisions, et rafraichissements que vous avez eu la bonte de
m'envoyer. Faites moi je vous prie l'amitie de croire que
mon plus grand regret en quittant res parages, sera de n'avoir
pas ete assez heureux pour vous faire mes remesciments de
vive voix et faire avec vous, une connaissance personnclle et
particuliere. Cliargez vous, si'l vous plait, Monsieur, de
presenter les temoignages de ma gratitude a ceux de voscom-
patriotes qui eut bien voulee contribuer a la marque d'amitie
que vous m'avez donne, et croyez que la reconnaissance que
j'en conserverai sera aussi durable que l'attachement sincere
avec lequel j'ai l'honeur d'etre,

Monsieur,
Votre tares humble ettres obeissante serviteur,

LE COMTE DE GRASSE.

Abord de la Ville de Paris,
le Jy 8vre. 1731.

[translation.]

I hasten, Sir, to transmit you every expression of thank-
fulness, as well for the nattering and obliging expressions you
have been pleased to use in the letter with which you honour-
ed me, as for the variety of provisions and refreshments,
which you have bad the goodness to send me. Do me the
favour, I entreat you, to believe, that my greatest regret at
quitting this country, will be, the not having been so happy
as to have returned you my thanks in person, and to have
made a personal and particular acquaintance with you. Be
pleased, Sir, to testify my gratitude to those of your country-

APPENDIX, 299

inen, who have been so good as to contribute to the proof of
regard which you have given me ; and be assured, Sir, that
my gratitude will be as durable as the sincere attachment,
with which I have the honour to be,
Your most obedient,

And most humble servant,

THE COUNT DE GRASSE.

END OP VOL, JL

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Full text of "Memoir of the life of Richard Henry Lee, and his correspondence with the most distinguished men in America and Europe, illustrative of their characters, and of the events of the American revolution"

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