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REPRODUCTION BV ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

MEMOIR

Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet

THEIR ANCESTORS AND IMMEDIATE FAMILY

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D., LL.D.

Member of the Virginia Chapter of the Phi Beta Kappa Society of
the University of Virginia; President of the Irish National Federa-
tion of America during its existence; made Knight Commander of
the Order of St. Gregory by Pope Pius X; Recipient of the Laetare
Medal; Fellow of the American College of Surgeons and many pro-
fessional and historical societies at home and abroad ; Author of
surgical works — last, Principles of Gynaecology, three editions, Phila-
delphia and London — with German, French and Spanisli translations,
together with many monographs, historical and professional, and
in addition, The Emmet Family (1898); Ireland Under English
Rule, two editions (1003 and 1900); Incidents of my Life (1911).

VOLUME I

THE EMMET PRESS
New York. 1915.

Ireland <was old when Greece was young. Before Rome had 'written her 'wondrous lams
Ireland had established civilization in the emerald isle of the West. Like the pyramids
of Egypt the round towers of Ireland stand among the architectural wonders of the
•world. Pliny and Julius Cxsar assert that Ireland's civilization was the "wonder of
the East, and Plutarch <writes that, compared with the Irish people, other nations are

THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY

astor, lenox and

tilD£n Foundations

B 1915 L

Hon. Martin H. Glynn, New York, March 4, 19H.

The Emmet Press, Inc.

16 East 40th Street

New York

Go into the length and breadth of the world, ransack the literature of all countries, find
'if you can a tingle book in -which the conduct of England towards Ireland is any-
where treated except -with profound and bitter condemnation.

Gladstone (Morley's Life).

A B

EM>°' '

What dot i the liberty of a people consist in? It consists in the right and power to make
la<ws for its own government. Were an individual to make laws for another country,
thai person is a despot and the people are slaves. When one country makes la<ws for
another country, the country -which makes the laws is absolutely the sovereign coun-
try, and the country for which those taws are made is in a state of slavery.

Blackstone.

Illustrations

The triumph of England over Ireland is the triumph of guilt over innocence.

John Philpot Curran

Every attempt to govern Ireland has been made from an English standpoint and as if for
the benefit of Englishmen alone.

Unknown.

Law in Ireland 'was the friend neither of the people nor of justice, but the impartial per-
secutor of both.

Aubrey de Vere.

Had Ireland desired to submit she could not have done so. England did not leave her the
choice. Risings, revolutions and civil 'wars were forced upon the country from cen-
tury to century. They were provoked by massacres, plantations and persecutions;
by the oppressions of landlords, by the injustice of the laivs. It <was England herself,
it was the English in Ireland that made the Irish rebels. But how comes it, one may
ask, that after so long an agony Ireland still survives, that the name of her people
has not been obliterated from the pages of history? The reason is, that do<wn to the
eighteenth century, so vigorous 'was her race, so powerful the influence of her climate
and of her pleasant nature, so great the charm of her soul on the souls of the new-
comers, that Ireland always assimilated her invaders. "Lord!" said the poet Spenser,
"how quickly doth that country alter men's natures." England, on the other hand,
was lacking in the first duty of a conqueror, which is to legitimatize his conquest
by the spread of civilization and by works of reparation. This is a truth that none
can fait to recognize.

i L'Irlande cotemporaire, by L. Paul Dubois,

Tr. Kettle.

It is an irksome and painful task to pursue the details of thai penal code; but the penal
code is the history of Ireland.

John Mitchel.

Native Irish civilization ceased, for all practical purposes with the defeat of the insurrec-
tion of 1641, and the break-up of the Kilkenny confederation.

James Connolly.

Illustrations — Volume I

Thomas Addis Emmet, from a miniature by Aubry, in Paris, 1803 Frontispiece

Dedication from "The Emmet Family"

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D., by Miss Anna Frances Levins (after

preface) facing page

Thomas A. Emmet, from Madden, by Herbert
Arms of the Emott, Emmott, Emett, Emmett, and Emmet Families
Salver presented to Dr. Robert Emmet by the Governors of St. Pat

rick's Hospital, Dublin, Ireland

Pedigree of the Morrice Emmet Family, London, 1687
Bible Record of an Emmet Family living in Ireland, 1647
Christopher Emett and Rebecca Temple Emett, his wife (previous t<

1744), from miniatures ........

Dr. Robert Emmet of Dublin, from a miniature about 1760
Dr. Robert Emmet's residence in Molesworth Street, Dublin
Residence of Dr. Emmet and his son, T. A. Emmet, facing Stephen':

Green

St. Patrick's Hospital for the Insane, Dublin

The garden at Casino .....■•■■

Casino, the country residence of Dr. Robert Emmet, near Dublin

Robert Holmes, Father of the Dublin Bar

Facsimile of a letter written by Mrs. Elizabeth (Mason) Emmet, the

last letter to her son Thomas Addis . . . .

Anne Western Temple, wife of Christopher Temple Emmet, from a

miniature ........-••

Christopher Temple Emmet, from a miniature ....

Facsimile of the legal diploma issued by Trinity College to Thoma

Addis Emmet, 1790

Mrs. Margaret (Thompson) Colville, taken by Mrs. Elizabeth (Emmet

Le Roy, from a miniature painted about 1730

William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester

Facsimile of a letter by T. A. Emmet on his increasing family, 1796
"The Press," Organ of the LTnited Irishmen, giving first letter written by

Thomas A. Emmet, signed "Montanus" ....
Facsimile of a letter written by Dr. Robert Emmet on the arrest of hi

son Thomas Addis ..... ...

Newgate Prison, Dublin

1
119

150
15'2
154

161
165
175

176

178
183
183
184

186

191
195

206

220
221
222

234

248
249

vi Illustrations

FACING PAGE

Kilmainham Gaol, Dublin . . . . ... . . 266

Sir John Temple and family, painting by Trumbull .... 291

Death mask bust of Dr. Robert Emmet 294

Trinity College Library, Dublin 310

William James Macneven, from Madden, by Herbert .... 332
Death mask of Robert Emmet by Petrie (See Volume II for its

history) 372

Thomas Addis Emmet by Martin, painted and engraved after 1804 . 391
Facsimile of the closing of Mr. Emmet's plea before Mayor De Witt

Clinton 399

A Political Broadside used in 1807 for the defeat of Rufus King . . 420
Mrs. Jane (Patten) Emmet, by Miss Elizabeth Emmet while a pupil of

Fulton 438

"An Evening at Home", from a pen drawing by Dr. John Patten

Emmet, 1818 ' . . . .439

John Patten Emmet, M. D., drawn by Miss Jane Macneven, 1842 . 446
Thomas Addis Emmet, painted by Miss Elizabeth Emmet while a pupil

of Fulton 453

Mrs. Jane (Patten ) Emmet, enlarged from a daguerreotype — 1840 . . 455
Silver pitcher presented to Thomas Addis Emmet by the Irishmen of

Greenwich village, near New York 465

View of St. John's Chapel . 472

Grace and Trinity churches, Broadway 482

St. Mark's Church in the Bowerie 484

Dr. W. J. Macneven by Jarvis 511

From an original pen drawing of Dr. Sam'l Mitchell made by Dr. J. P.

Emmet in 1819 while the professor was lecturing .... 513
Thomas Addis Emmet, supposed to be from Morse's portrait . . 517
St. Mark's Church in the Bowerie, before the streets were opened . 530
Bust of Thomas A. Emmet, made by his son, Dr. John Patten Emmet . 535
Emmet Monument, St. Paul's Churchyard, New York, as first rep-
resented 542

Facsimile of the title page on Macneven's report ..... 543

The Monument of Thomas Addis Emmet and St. Paul's Church . 553
Mrs. Jane (Patten) Emmet from a portrait by Mrs. Elizabeth (Emmet)

Le Roy . 561

There is nothing more desirable than that the sovereign of these realms should understand
the real nature of Irish history; should comprehend the secret springs of Irish discon-
tent; should be acquainted <with the eminent virtues <which the Irish nation have ex-
hibited in every phasis of their singular fate; and, above all, should be intimately ac-
quainted <with the confiscations, the plunder, the robbery, the domestic treachery, the
violation of all public faith, and of the sanctity of treaties, the ordinary "wholesale
slaughters, the planned murders, the concerted massacres, •which have been inflicted
upon the Irish people by the English governments-
Daniel O'Connell. M.P., Memoir on Ireland, 1844.

When Englishmen set to work to <wipe the tear out of Ireland's eye, they *t<wayi buy the
pocket-handkerchief at Ireland's expense.

Col. Edtv. Saunderson, M.P.

Illustrations — Volume II

Robert Emmet by H. Brocas

Frontispiece

FA C INC

Robert Emmet's birthplace, Stephen's Green, Dublin

l'acsimile pages of Locke's work, showing Robert Emmet's annotations

Facsimile page of Robert Emmet's note-book used at Trinity College

Facsimile of a pen and ink sketch by Robert Emmet

Seal for the United Irishmen, designed by Robert Emmet

Parliament House and Trinity College, Dublin

Parlor at Casino as it was in 1880

Robert Emmet's Bedroom at Casino ...

Anne Devlin

House on Butterfield Lane, leased by Robert Ellis (Emmet)
The unchanged entrance to Emmet's depot in Marshal Lane )
Map of the neighborhood (

Marshal Lane from Bridgeloot Street
James Hope ......

Col. Miles Byrne, 1840

Site of Robert Emmet's depot in Patrick Street )

Map of the neighborhood

Canal Bridge at Harold's Cross . . .

Dublin Castle Courtyard

House at Harold's Cross where Robert Emmet was arrested
Michael Dwyer ........

Facsimile of signature of Tresham Gregg, Gaoler of Newgate
The Devil's Brief, prepared for Robert Emmet's trial
Courtroom, Green Street, Dublin, where Robert Emmet was tried
A supposed portrait of Dr. Robert Emmet, painted about 1780
Broadside issued by the Provisional Government to the People of Ireland

Copied from the original used at the trial
Henry Charles Sirr, Esq., Town Major of Dublin
Lord Norbury, from a sketch made by Petrie during Emmet's trial
Facsimile of signed autograph bv Lord Norbury
Broadside issued by Government : "The Trial and Dying Behavior of

Mr. R. Emmett"

PAGIC

21
22
23
30
31
36
45

47
54
60

78
84
92
108
137
146
156
171

185
198

211

21?

viii Illustrations

FACING PAGE

Bill rendered by the Government for the diet of the State prisoners during
September, 1803, showing that of Robert Emmet on the day of
his trial 229

Monogram R. E., designed by Dr. Emmet for back of Comerford minia-
ture; Watch seals, including one designed and worn by Robert
Emmet and used on title page of Vol. II, motto "Alas my Country";
another showing a harp with shamrock and motto "Ubi libertas ibi
Patrya". designed and worn by Robert Emmet, given to his brother
and in 1800 given by Thomas Addis Emmet to Mr. Patten . . 234

The Hibernian Journal or Chronicle of Liberty, a Dublin newspaper
issued September 21st, 1803, giving an account of Robert Emmet's
trial and execution 236

Thomas Street, where Robert Emmet was executed, in front of Bridge-
foot Street and St. Catherine's Church 238

Petrie's sketches of Robert Emmet and Lord Norbury, taken during

Emmet's trial 253

Comerford's sketch of Robert Emmet enlarged 254

Broadside issued by the Government and engraved by Brocas, showing

Emmet speaking .......... 256

Government's false version of Emmet's speech, intended to mislead and

irritate the French 257

Robert Emmet, enlarged from Brocas's courtroom scene, to show the

head had been redrawn ......... 258

Facsimile of warrant issued by Alexander Marsden, Under Secretary for

Ireland, to pay for betrayal of Robert Emmet .... 261

Sarah Curran, from a painting by Romney ...... 262

A page from "The London and Dublin Magazine", 1825, containing

"Robert Emmet and his Cotemporaries" 272

A page from Whitty's Life of Robert Emmet to show the accuracy with

which Robert Emmet was quoted . . . . . . .276

A page from Locke's work, annotated by Robert Emmet, to show the

accuracy of the quotations made by Herbert 278

Stephen's Green, Dublin, 1798 281

Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet in 1880, visiting for the first time the grave in

Glasnevin churchyard claimed to be that of Robert Emmet . . 284

St. Peter's Church on Aungier Street, where the Emmet burial vault was

placed 285

Mural tablet placed in St. Peter's Church, Dublin 287

Interior of Trevor's vault, under St. Paul's Church, Dublin, showing the

supposed remains of Robert Emmet 296

Robert Holmes, as he appeared at John Mitchel's trial, from the Irish

Tribune, June 17, 1848 326

Supposed sketch of Mrs. Holmes 327

Facsimile of cablegram from Messrs. McCarthy and Dillon, asking for

funds 330

Illustrations

Facsimile of cablegram from the Committee of the National Federation
thanking Dr. Emmet for the fifty thousand dollars sent from the
Irish National Federation of America, which secured Mr. Gladstone's
election

Map of Dublin, showing the route taken by Robert Emmet to the place
of execution, and the situation of the depots, churches and other
points mentioned in the text .......

Tombstone of Christopher Fmett in the parish churchyard at Tipperary
Ireland ...........

Pedigree of the Emmott family of Emmott Hall, near Colne, Co. Pal
Lancashire, England .........

Portrait of Robert Fulton painted by Miss Elizabeth (unmet ( Mrs. W. H
I.e Roy ) ; the same as engraved by Leney, altered plate published by
Delaplaine as after P.enjamin West

Miniature of Fulton painted by himself after Miss Emmet's portrait

331

334
343

525
52?

The ivitl of the people is the only earthly authority -which can rightfully constitute civil
government. This <n>ill be absolute and independent of human convention.

Robert Holmes.

The misfitting of ye shirt-maker comes not that she be a Papist!

Unknown Cromwettian Writer in Ireland.

It has pleased the English people in general to forget all the facts in Irish History. They
have been also graciously pleased to forgive themselves all these crimes! And the
Irish people would forgive them likewise, if it mere not that much of the worst spirit
of the worst days still survives.

Daniel O'Connell, M.P.
A Memoir on Ireland, 1844.

The Union is not being repealed; the Union ts being made perpetual.

Tim Healy. M.P.

Has England ever done a voluntary or gratuitous favour? and if not <whither shall we
attribute this measure of an union, to a regard for us, or herself ?

Wm. ]. Macneven, 1799.

Aphorisms

Who could have seriously thought any promise 'would bind England, a country which
even then ivas notorious all over the world for broken faith and dishonoured treaties?

James Connolly.

The Rebellion of 1798 vva$ ■wickedly provoked, rashly begun, and cruelly crushed.

Earl Russell.

The last ten years of the eighteenth century ivill furnish to the historian by far the most
important events ivhich have yet marked the progress of the human race. The events
which have been crenvded into this short period are not only in themselves deeply in-
teresting to the present generation, but tuilt probably be viewed in their effect at no
distant era as decisive of the future destinies of every nation upon earth.

T. A. Emmet, 1800.

Do you see nothing in that America but the graves and prisons of our armies? What you
trample on in Europe 'will sting you in America. Grattan to Pitt.

My grandsire died, his home beside;

They seized and hanged him there;
His only crime, in evil time

Your halloiued green to <wear.

The Voice of the Nation.

Aphorisms

Chiefly on Economic and Historical Subjects

Addison, Joseph 11-476

Barrington, Sir J. 11-186; 273

Blackstone I-iii

Carnot 11-562

Casement, Sir Roger 11-310; 336

Castlereagh, Lord II-l

Charlemont 11-201

Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of I-xviii

Connaught Proverb 1-3

Connolly, James I-v; xi ; 4 ; 11-42; 60; 290; 328

Curran, John Philpot I-iii; 11-253; 580

Curran, Henry 1-71

Davis, Thomas 1-t ; 11-81; 303; 352; 382; 392; 393; 394; 430; 43S ; 443; 454; 464; 472
508; 589

De Beaumont 11-553

De Vere, Aubrey T-iv ; 4; 11-366; 429

Devlin, Joseph 11-353; 514

Drennan, William 11-145

Dubois, L. Paul (Tr. Kettle) I-iv ; 11-297; 362; 364; 398; 418; 422; 433; 434; 521; 528
546 ; 554 ; 560 ; 570

Emmet, Mary Anne 1-22; 25; 29; 44; 49; 68; 69; 11-10; 131; 122; 200; 227; 262; 310

Emmet, Robert 1-19; 11-217

Emmet, T. A. I-xii; xix ; xxv; 3; 147; 148; 161; 169; 170; 182; 183; 190; 191
201; 202; 219; 229; 230; 237; 238; 244; 245; 251; 252; 260; 270; 279; 280; 292; 293
302; 303; 314; 315; 329; 330; 334; 335; 339; 340; 347; 348; 366; 367; 382
383; 390; 391; 405; 406; 421; 422; 433; 434; 448; 449; 462; 463; 470; 478; 479; 492
493; 498; 499; 516; 517; 527; 528; 535; 542; 543; 558; 559; 562; II-xvi ; 11: 41; 68
69; 82; 93; 113; 121; 137; 261; 291; 349; 350; 359; 412; 439

Emmet. T. A.. M.D. I-xviii; xlvii ; 149; 11-333; 353

Fitzpatrick. Wm. J. I-xlvi ; 259

Flood, Henry 11-21

Froude. J. A. 11-402

Gladstone. William Ewart I-ii; 4; 11-20

Glynn. Martin H. I-ii ; 11-228

Golden, Peter 11-334

Grattan. Henry I-xii; 55; II-viii ; 242; 399; 407

xiii

XIV

Aphorisms

Hay Il-ix

Hayley 11-132

Healy, Tim I-x

Holme?, Mary Anne Emmet. See Emmet. Mary Anne

Holmes, Robert I-ix; 9; 11-311; 335; 361; 564

Hope, James 11-51; 52; 155

"Irish Freedom" 11-309 ; 443 ; 456 ; 578

"Irish Review'' I-xvi ; 11-333

Johnson, Samuel 11-572

Kavanagh, Patrick F. 1-72; 146: II-3; 31; 59; 144; 156; 185; 210; 211; 556

Kettle. See Dubois

Lake, Gen. 11-171

Lalor, James Fintan 11-329

Law, A. Bonar I-xlvii

Locke, John 1-504

McBride 11-216

McCracken. H. J. 11-298

MacLeda, Fergus 11-304

Macneven, -William J. I-xi

Madden, R. R. I-xxvii ; 471

Mill. John Stuart 11-393

Mitchel, John I-iv; 34; 11-272; 445; 516

Moira, Lord 11-170

Moore, Thomas 11-336

"The Nation" 11-360

Newman, Cardinal 11-331

O'Brien, William Smith 1-2; 70; 11-362; 444; 466; 474; 496

O'Connell, Daniel I-vi ; x; 1; 271; 11-455

Orr, William 11-145

Parliamentary Papers (1904) 1T-424

Parnell, Charles Stewart 11-417

Pearse, P. H. 11-252

Plato 11-94

Robinson, J. M. 11-471

Rosebery, Lord 1-160

Russell, Lord John I-xii; Il-viii ; 527

Saunderson, Edw. I-vii

Shakespeare Il-xvi; 112; 579; 5S7

Shelley, Percy Bysshe 11-136

Smith, Adam 11-406

Spenser, Edmund I-xlviii

"Spirit of the Nation" I-xxvi : H-522

Swift, Dean 11-395

Tone, Theobald Wolfe 1-71; II-2 ; 30; 312; 413; 460; 563

Truth Teller 1-5; 220; 534

Unknown I-iv; x; 11-362; 423; 564

Victoria, Queen 11-383

"Voice of the Nation" I-xiii ; xvii ; 11-310

Whitty's Life of Robert Emmet 1-52; 505; 337; 513

Wright, Thomas 11-463

Aphorisms w

The following portion of a poem was written by Christopher Temple Emmet, llie
elder brother of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet, who died before the political diffi-
culties of Ireland occurred, and when all in association were loyal to George the Third.
"King of the Kingdom of Ireland". He wrote among other poems "The Decree", men
tion of which will be found in the notice of Temple Emmet.

It is a remarkable prophecy, and although it has not been verified, England's record
during the past one hundred and thirty years and more, but the clearer marks the inevit-
able.

THE DECREE

But should Britain ere forget

What to Sister's claims are due.
Madly, should she ever threat

Tyrant laivs, or force, to you;

Should she ever claim a right,

Ireland's commerce to restrain.
Should she ever presume, by might.

Such oppression to maintain;

In that day, her doom is seal'd ;

By that act, her charter void,
Heav'n's condition d grant repeal'd,

Heav'n's intended boom destroyed ;

In that day — 'tis so decreed,

Letter'd large, enroll'd by Fate,
You to Britain shall succeed.
Yours shall be the rising state.

Christopher Temple Emmet,

Dublin, 1777-1780.

To understand British dealings 'with Ireland requires a. long memory. Who sups 'with the
Devil needs a long spoon. Anyone 'who thinks that British policy has changed, and
that England to-day intends to deal straight 'with Ireland and grant her a "measure
of freedom" for the control of her c*wn affairs, need only study the British handling
of the trans-Atlantic mail call at Queensto'wn to kno'w the truth.

The Irish Review, March, 1914.

While the nations of Europe are rapidly advancing in knowledge, civilization and free-
dom, <why are <u>e alone stationary? Is it because <we have no home to be proud of,
no flag to fight for, no country to honour, to labour for and to love?

The Voice of the Nation, 1843.

Bibliography

Let us cultivate a foreign policy and foreign information as useful helps in that national
existence which is before us, though its happiness and glory depend in the first instance
on "ourselves alone". Ireland has a glorious future, if she be <worthy of it.

The Voice of the Nation, 1842.

They found the utter EXTIRPATION of the nation {'which they had intended] to be
in itself very difficult, and to carry in it somewhat of horror, that made some impres-
sion on the stone-hardness of their own hearts. After so many thousands destroyed
by the plague 'which raged over the kingdom, by fire, sword, and famine, and after so
many thousands transported into foreign parts; there remained still such a numerous
people that they knew not how to dispose of ; and though they 'were declared to be
all forfeited, and so to have no title to anything, yet they must remain somewhere.
They therefore found this expedient, which they called an act of grace; there 'was
a large tract of land, even to the half of the province of Connaught, that <was sep-
arated from the rest by a long and large river and 'which by the plague and many
massacres remained almost desolate.

Into this space they required all the Irish to retire by such a day, under the penalty of
death, and all 'who should after that time be found in any other part of the kingdom,
man, 'woman, or child, should be killed by anybody 'who saw or met them. The land
'within this circuit, the most barren in the kingdom, was out of the grace and mercy
of the conquerors, assigned to those of the nation as ■were enclosed, in such propor-
tions as might 'with great industry preserve their lives.

Lord Clarendon's Life.

A little over half a million of the Irish people 'were thus left by Cromwell 'with the choice
of going to "Hell or Connaught". These 'were chiefly of the nobility and gentry and
from them nearly all of the Irish of the present day are descended.

The Author.

For six centuries Ireland has been schooled as a province and she betrays alt the vices of
her education.

T. A. Emmet.

Bibliography

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American, New York, Nov. 14, 18S7; June 15, March 20, 1829.

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Antiquity and Constitution of Parliaments in Ireland, H. J. Monck Mason, ed. O'Han-

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an Appendix, Charleston, S. C, and Philadelphia, 1852.

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Notes and Queries.

XXIV

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Richard R. Madden, M.D.

Historical Preface

HE author's earliest recollection of any knowledge of Irish
affairs is the expression of his father's opinion that Ire-
land could have no prospect of a bright future until she
should have gained full management of her own affairs,
and that desideratum, lie was confident, could only be at-
tained after a total separation from England.

The author, as an American of Irish descent, offers
no apology for the views he expresses in this work; his
convictions are as the warp in the construction of cloth;
the fabric would be worthless were it omitted. He claims little originality and
no responsibility for the views held by him, bred as they are in the bone.
His utterance of them is but a reflection of what would be said by his father,
grandfather, great-uncle and great-grandfather, were they living.

As a foundation to this work it will be necessary to call the attention of
the reader to certain historical facts not generally known. The recital may
seem out of place in the Preface, but the writer being in possession of all the
facts, can alone be the judge of the fitness of this.

In no other country does there exist a condition similar to that in the
United States, where many individuals, even native-born, underrate the standard
worth of their Government, and their own people, in contrast with England,
which is their ideal. Their influence, so far as it can be exerted, is obstructive;
like the particles of vagrant dust in the atmosphere which, although worthless
in themselves, may obstruct the action of the finest mechanism. Few realize
the truth of Aubrey de Vere's statement, that with a free people — "A nation
forms its institutions as a shell-fish forms its shell, by a sort of slow exudation
from within, which gradually hardens as an external deposit, and must there-
fore be fitted to the shape of that which it invests and protects." England's
form of government is best fitted for her people, and would be worthless for
any other nation. The shell of the clam would be no more suitable for the
oyster than would the oyster's shell for the clam, nor could either be expected
to thrive under the protection of that meant for the lobster.

At one time we owed legally such an obligation to England, but it was
never merited by the so called "mother country"; she certainly neglected her

xxvii

xxviii Historical Preface

American Colonies, leaving them to shift for themselves until through their
own effort they had prospered sufficiently to be worth robbing, and the attempt
then made to fit us to England's shell, caused our separation. A similar result
must follow the attempt in Ireland.

Unceasing efforts are made to prove that we in the United States are an
English race, whereas no statement could be more devoid of truth. Those in;
the world at large, who may find themselves holding very different views from
those advanced by the writer, do so through ignorance, as they do not know
how great is the power exerted in this country through English influence
with the press, in the writing of our school books, and as is claimed to be
the case, in the teaching given in our public schools, and all for England's
profit alone. A knowledge of the truth of this statement can only be acquired
by special investigation.

Since the American colonies gained their independence, England has never
for a moment ceased to intrigue and look forward to the opportunity when by
some chance she may recover her loss.

If it can be shown that we in the United States are not an English people,
and that a majority of the inhabitants of this country are descended from Irish
and German ancestors, we, as a rival people, can certainly hold no interest in
common with England, once the romance attached to the mythical relation of
mother and daughter has been removed.

For the past century or more, England has striven to dominate the world
by grasping every commercial advantage within her reach, and has like a.
bully, by means of her powerful navy, restricted the trade of every other nation
to some extent, until she has become as much of a menace as the military spirit
of Germany may prove.* She has seized and held as a colony every foot of
land she could wrest from a weaker power. By craft and sharp practice she
has gained the greater portion of the carrying trade of the world, and has
hesitated at no procedure whereby she could aid in placing the centre of the
financial world in London. Notwithstanding the fact that she has gained
control of the greater portion of the world's wealth, she covets the whole, and
will not brook a rival without making every effort for her destruction. Despite
her efforts, however, Germany and the United States have proved a check.
Consequently, for some years past, there has been a secret effort made by Eng-
land to gain a close legislative alliance with the United States, by which she
would occupy a position enabling her. under the guise of friendship, to reap
every advantage. But every attempt to place us in a false position has been
frustrated, and this has been accomplished chiefly through the vigilance of the
descendants of the Irish and German people in this country. f

•This militarism is claimed to be necessary for self-defence.

|The "Anglo-Maniacs" are alone responsible for all the trouble in this country, due to religious
bigotry. Some of the most active among them have not been citizens of the country, and have
been besides profoundly ignorant of the situation here. As English sympathisers, they have
arrogantly claimed a right, as if it were in England, to denounce the "foreign vote" and the "low
Irish". "Those among them who were citizens certainly were traitors to their adopted country in
expressing a doubt as to the validity of her laws. If the laws of naturalization are complied with,
all should be treated alike, and when an individual legally becomes a citizen of the United States,
he can no longer be termed a foreign voter. The "low Irish" in this country have proved the
equal of any other race by fully demonstrating their worth. The most ignorant individual, if
questioned, would seldom hesitate to name some person of Irish or German blood, well known for his

Historical Preface xxix

Previous to our Civil War this country commanded to a great extent the
■ carrying trade of the world and her flag was seen in every port. But England
made good use of her opportunity and gained what the United States had lost.
For reasons which cannot here be considered, this country neglected to make
any serious effort to regain her former position until within a recent period,
and it has been asserted that this neglect was due to a wish to conciliate Eng-
land, the "mother country". After the Franco-Prussian war ( Germany gradually
established herself as a serious rival to England's future prosperity, her ad-
vantages being a greater average degree of intellectual development of her
people, and a greater mechanical skill, joined to thrift and industry. Within
the same period this country also made great advances, the result being that
at the present time England is dependent on Germany and this country for
many industrial products with which she formerly supplied the world. The
possibility has already been recognized that with her many threatening domestic
troubles she may find it difficult to maintain herself as a first class power.

The English Government, through selfishness, seems devoid of all principle
of either honesty or fair play towards a neighbor, so much so that she is always
intriguing against other nations with both falsehood and craft until an oppor-
tunity is created, without cost except in money, for her puppets to strike an
unexpected blow in the dark, and if possible it will be a mortal one. With
undoubtedly good men constantly at the head of the English Government, they
are, as individuals, helpless to make any change from the accepted policy of
centuries.

With every outward pretence of good will, England in truth secretly holds
for this country only most malevolent feelings. It has been stated that: —
"Great Britain makes friends only with inferiors, never with an equal". As
the two countries are destined to be rivals in every respect, and as we have
never equalled her in statecraft, it is not to be expected that England, with
her well known vindictive character, can honestly hold anything in common
with this country. She stands apart in this respect from every other nation of
the earth and we have never had any treaty or relation with her that it has not
been to her gain alone.

The assertion has been made that about thirty-four thousand families in Eng-
land represent the descendants of the Normans, who have remained essentially
one people in directing the policy of the English government. They form the
foundation of the House of Lords and hold among them over seven hundred
permanent titles. Thus it has been hidden from the world how continuously,
century after century, certain families have filled every office of importance and
profit. These are designated the "Upper Classes". The descendants of the
Saxons, with a conglomeration of all other races, form the English people, hav-
ing little intercourse with the "Upper Classes" beyond an occasional intermar-
riage. It is seldom that any individual of the "Middle Classes", outside of the

personal contributions to the welfare and development of the country. On the other hand, those most
familiar with the history of this country would hesitate, and probably fail in being able to mention
offhand the name of a single man of English birth and education, who had benefited this country by his
emigration.

xxx Historical Preface

House of Commons, has any connection with the "Governing Class". With
full allowance for exaggeration, few persons realize how true is the general
statement as to the influence still exercised in England by the descendants of
the Normans.

The want of truthfulness and honesty, with many other disreputable traits,
claimed to be connected with the working of the English Government, seem a
direct inheritance from their thieving and piratical Norman ancestry.*

The writer has had no means of obtaining any accurate or detailed knowl-
edge as to the methods of the British Government, except those practised in
connection with Ireland and the colonial management of this country. But
it is supposed to be the counterpart of the sixty' or more "Bureaucracies" in
Dublin Castle, which have existed for centuries, without direct responsibility
to any one. This political combination, with no interest beyond their own
profit, have remained as a moral leprosy, self-propagating and poisoning
the body politic of the country. Lord Dunraven, in his book "The Outlook
in Ireland", has fully depicted the working of this system and his showing is
well worth the attention of the historical student.

In a paper readf before the American Irish Historical Society, of New York
City, the writer claimed that over sixty per cent, of the population of the
United States were to some extent of Irish blood. $ In the same paper
he held that there were more negroes in the country who could
prove their African origin, than individuals who could establish the fact
that they were of English stock. It was also shown that the English
people did not come to this country in the seventeenth century, and the
reason why they did not was given, while no one can question the fact
that the Irish did come, being made to leave from England as English emi-
grants. Moreover, the Irish were the frontiersmen and Indian fighters from
the Alleghany Mountains to the Pacific Coast. The author will cite in illustra-
tion an instance known to him. A kinsman by the name of Temple located,
after 1719, over ten thousand persons in the course of several years on the
"New Hampshire Grants," where he held a large land grant, and on which
Temple, Dublin, Mason and other towns were settled, such names showing
their Irish origin. Every individual was Irish and a Catholic, from Co. Kerry
and Co. Cork, and all spoke Irish almost exclusively. In time, they lost their
faith and language, many changed their names, and from the writer's investi-
gation, it is doubtful, if at the present time, a single individual, descended. from
the original settler, knows anything of the family history. Yet the history of
these towns, giving the names of the earlier settlers, does not contain the name
of a family of which there cannot be found at the present time a representative
of the same stock in Co. Kerry and Co. Cork.

In this connection the Irish legend on the title page — Fag a Beala'c, having

*Elsewhere in this work will be found Ralph Emerson's estimate of the ancestry of the House
of Lords.

f'lrish Emigration during the 17th and 18th Centuries", printed in the Proceedings of the
American Irish Historical Society, Vol. IV.

^Subsequent investigations have convinced the writer that the true proportion was even greater, and
so continued until, within recent years, the German and Italian emigration began to dominate.

Historical Preface xxxi

in English the milder meaning -Clear the Way", and pronounced phonetically
as one word Foogabalah, — is of interest as being the very ancient Irish battle
cry. Dr. Thos. Dunn English, an expert, some \ears before his death, informed
the writer that it was referred to by some Roman author, but the authority
he mentioned lias been forgotten. Possibly it was Tacitus in his Life of
Agricola, by whom it must have been heard, for he served for many rears
during the first century of the Christian era as the Roman coast surveyor, and
was the first to make known that Great Britain was not a portion of the
European Continent. He likewise urged on Roman authorities in England
the advisability of conquering Ireland, at that time a formidable maritime
power. This battle cry was also referred to by English writers in Queen
Elizabeth's day, and was therefore not "Scotch-Irish", but mentioned in proof
of the Irish being a barbarous people. It was heard at Fontenoy, at the battle
of the King's Mountain in 17S0. and throughout our Civil War. "The Con-
federate Yell" was the last indication preserved proving the origin of the
people who settled the Alleghany Mountain valleys from the southern border
of Pennsylvania to the French Broad River in Carolina, and into the mountains
of Tennessee. Nearly a million of young Catholic Irishmen were driven out
of their country early in the seventeenth century. Those of them who did not
enter the service of some European nation, came to this country and, by fighting
the Indians on the frontiers, were a shield to the settlers on the coast. The
writer is indebted to the editor of "The Spirit of the Nation" for the correct
mode of spelling Fag a Beala'c ; with the other facts given in the same place
he was already familiar.

As those who left Ireland were chiefly from Connaught and Minister, the
soldiers abroad were generally known as "The Connaught Rangers", or the
"Fag a Beala'c Boys". Napier in his "History of the Peninsular War" states:

Nothing so startled the French soldiers as the wild yell with which the Irish regi-
ments sprang to the charge, and never was that haughty and intolerant shout raised in
battle, but a charge, swift as thought and fatal as flames, came with it, like a rushing in-
carnation of Fag a Bcalac!

The English learned to their cost the meaning of the cry.

Nothing is proved by the tradition held by many that their ancestors sailed
on some date from an English port, and generally from Bristol, England. No
record was kept of the few English who emigrated during the 17th century,
while every vessel containing Irish emigrants was throughout this century,
compelled to go to an English port, to pay a head tax, and to sail from there
as an English vessel, its passengers registered as English emigrants. More-
over, they were made to change their names and take English ones.

The followers of Raleigh, William Penn and Lord Baltimore, were nearly
all Irishmen, as Raleigh and Penn had spent the greater part of their lives in
Ireland, where Penn became a Quaker, while Baltimore was born there.

A large portion of western North and South Carolina was settled exclu-
sively by Irish people. As a matter of record it is a noteworthy fact that
Cromwell and his friends found it profitable to send many Irish women to

xxxii Historical Preface

New England ! For his purpose the most attractive-looking young Irish girls
were kidnapped and shipped to the New England colonies, as well as to some
of the West India Islands, where they were sold as slaves. This is shown by
Prendergast's "Cromwellian Settlement in Ireland". There were more young
girls thus sent to New England from Ireland, than would have given a wife
apiece to every Puritan settler in that country. The author has stated* "If
we take into consideration the total number of "Puritan Fathers" in New
England at this time, it would seem not improbable that these two hundred
and fifty young Irish women, with many others sent over from Ireland about
the same time, must have all eventually been transformed at least into Irish
Puritans. If so, their progeny must in time have given quite a Hibernian tint
to the pure blood of the descendants of the Mayflower. I have not seen that
the New England writers, who make our histories, have noted these facts,
but probably they failed to do so, on evidence that they were not "Scotch-
Irish women".

It is known that some of these Irish women did not continue among the
Puritans, but escaped to their countrymen, who were in the mountains and had
a large settlement in the wilderness on the present site of Lowell, Mass., con-
cerning whose assistance to the settlers on the coast, history is equally silent.
This Irish settlement, which occasionally is referred to, was, it is stated —
"tolerated" by the Puritans, yet they protected those on the coast from the
Indians, otherwise the English settlers there would have been exterminated
at an early period. But such is our history !

The Irishmen in the "back country" always volunteered to fight the Indians
when there was trouble, and on the roll of the soldiers who served, for instance,
in the Pequot War, there are over fifty names recorded which no Puritan ever
bore. On the contrary the Patricks, Michaels and other names show the
Catholic faith of their bearers, and prove conclusively that the Irish were the
frontiersmen, as has already been stated.

The history of Ireland is reflected in every step of American history and
development of the country from the beginning of the 17th century; this is
due to the fact that in every station of life Irish brains and brawn contributed
more to the development of this country than those of any other race. There
is no country where the Irish people are more at home, than in the United
States, and with no other race does there exist a greater veneration, than the
Irish hold for this asylum of their people. The Irish take more interest in
the development and political condition of the country than any other race,
deprived as they were of this privilege in their native land. They also
possess a more accurate knowledge of its history than do the native-born, not
of Irish descent. The author obtained from his father his first knowledge of
the history of his native land, and with it was taught Irish history and some
knowledge of the Irishmen who had aided in the development of the country.
As a consequence, he may claim without conceit, to be an authority on the

"Ireland Under English Rule", Second Edition, Vol. I, page 115n.

Historical Preface xxxiii

history of his native land, and he will yield to no one claiming to possess a
greater degree of love and patriotism.

The suffering and consequent training to which the Irish race were sub-
jected during past centuries in Ireland made the descendants, as a rule, a better
citizen in this country, and the Irish-American with a knowledge of Irish
history cannot hut have a greater love and veneration for the land of his
birth.

Those who are most ignorant of both Irish and American history, are the
only persons in this country who are prejudiced against the "low Irish", and
who through English influence, even regard them as interlopers in the country,
notwithstanding their history. This opinion is held after the Irish have com-
plied with every constitutional requirement, whereby they become legally en-
titled to the enjoyment of every privilege.

Such people would be astonished could they realize that the greater part
of the world outside of English influence regards the Irish as being most
worthy of such privileges. Those who are so unwilling to be just in obtaining
some knowledge of the truth, are blinded by the influence of England, which
country for more than seven hundred years has never relaxed its effort to
underrate the truth concerning the Irish people and prevent it being known.
This ink-fish procedure has been utilized by England as a political policy, to
mislead the world as to the degraded and unworthy condition claimed as a
justification of her treatment of the Irish people before and after the alleged
English civilization.

Col. Philip Roche Fermoy, of the Army of the French Republic, wrote in
his "Commentary on the Memoirs of Tone" (page 62) :

For the character of this brilliant people, where, by having been removed from their
native country, they had passed beyond the shade of influence spread over them at home,
by "the most humane, generous, and benevolent government upon the earth", another
witness may be appealed to. not less worthy of credit than the two former. In a letter
from Doctor Franklin's works (Vol. II, page 08, 4th edition) dated 19th of August
1T-.4. and giving a character of the Irish emigrants in America, he says — "It is a fact
that the Irish emigrants and their children are now in possession of the Government of
Pennsylvania, by their majority in the assembly, as well as a great part of the territory;
and I remember well the first ship that brought any of them over."

On this fact, as related by Doctor Franklin, it may be observed that the scene of
action was Pennsylvania — a province colonized by Quakers — the Quakers, a sect, what-
ever their virtues may be, remarkable for persevering industry, and a rigid attention to
order, punctuality and decorum. Could the Irish emigrants without a strict conformity
to these Quaker-like observations have got in Pennsylvania so far forward as to have
secured, within the short period of the life or rather within the shorter period of the
observation of one man, a lead, both on the territorial property, and in the political
power of so remarkable a state as Pennsylvania?

Such, on the habits and character of the Irish, was the effect of a riddance from the
influence of "the most humane, generous, and benevolent government on the earth".

The reader must not be misled as to what the author has written, but seek
to learn the truth by personal investigation. Nothing in this book will be
found written more to the purpose, for just in proportion as it can be shown

xxxJv Historical Preface

the United States were not settled by the English people, and that we owe
nothing whatever to that Government but mistrust, can it be seen that the
history of the Irish people in Ireland and their course in this country are
inseparable.

After an exhaustive study of the subject in close connection with family
traditions, Thomas Addis Emmet was found to have been an uncompromising
advocate for the total separation of Ireland from England. He reached this
conviction before he became chief Director, at the head of the affairs of the
United Irishmen, and these views he transmitted to his brother Robert, before
he had passed his boyhood. During Mr. Emmet's examination before the
Secret Committee of the Irish House of Lords on August 11th, 1798, he was
asked if he did not think Ireland would do better to continue the connection
with England, and his answer was : — "I do not. I think this might be the
happiest country in the world if she was established as an independent Re-
public". But for some cause now unknown he was opposed to the open rebellion
of the Irish people in 1797.

The indications are that it was a question of expediency, both as to time
and circumstance, in depending upon aid from France. This he wished to
obtain only within a limited extent, hoping thus to save Ireland from becoming
a French province, a contingency he greatly feared. As a non-military man it
seemed to him that any attempt made by the Irish people alone could but result
in defeat. With these views, as it has been shown, Mr. Emmet possessed the
power to influence every Irish leader except Mr. Arthur O'Connor. O'Connor
desired to have the closest relations established between Ireland and France,
and immediate action taken, with the hope that, as the heir claimant, he might
finally be made King of Ireland by Napoleon. How far the influence exerted
by Mr. Emmet was conducive to the welfare of Ireland is not at this point the
question, and it must remain one to be determined by others. It is certain,
however, that Mr. Emmet alone did exercise this influence, and particularly
with Lord Edward Fitzgerald who, although in command of the military branch
of the organization, yielded his own judgment in the matter. The outbreak
was prevented for fully eighteen months by Mr. Emmet's influence, until finally,
to force the issue to one of open warfare, Mr. Emmet and all the other leaders
were suddenly arrested and imprisoned by the English Government. The
management of the United Irishmen then passed into other hands, and Eng-
land at once gained her object, which was to force the country into an outbreak,
and thus prepare the people to accept the Union as a last alternative to ex-
termination.

With this event Mr. Emmet ceased to be an active leader in Irish affairs.
His principles, however, were firmly established and he was able to exercise
his influence with his brother Robert, so that their political views were in full
accord, and at the same time it is frequently shown that Mr. Emmet had the
greatest confidence in his brother's judgment.

So far as the author has been able to understand the principles and purpose
of the Young Ireland Party in 1848, and the Fenian Organization later, they

Historical Preface xxxv

must have had an origin in Mr. Emmet's teaching alone At least it can be
claimed that of all the organizations formed since the Rebellions of 1798 and
1803, the Fenian was the only one with which Thomas Addis, and Robert
Emmet could have been affiliated. The movement of Robert Emmet and that
of the Fenians were alike, inasmuch as they are judged to have failed in
accomplishing anything for Ireland's profit, but to the student of Irish history
at the present time, this is clearly a fallacy. Robert Emmet's demonstration
and the Fenian movement, with the object of separation from England, were
closely related, in being the only attempts ever made against England's rule
in Ireland, which came so near being successful as to strike the English Govern-
ment with terror of the possibilities, should another attempt be made along the
same lines. The fear of a Fenian movement is as real today as with the recep-
tion of the first shock from their action, and but for this fact the much or little
now claimed to have been gained for Home Rule would not exist.

In after life Mr. O'Connor charged Mr. Emmet with cowardice for his
course at the beginning of the Rebellion of 1798, but for this course it is
certainly unnecessary to offer any vindication. Had he known what Irishmen
could do with the pike, and how readily the best soldiers in the world, as the
English were considered to be, could be driven out of Ireland in 1798, if the
Irish had been able to keep together with an adequate supply of food, he cer-
tainly would have advocated and have struck the first blow for Ireland's
freedom.

From boyhood the writer accepted bis father's teaching, that the regenera-
tion of Ireland could not have a beginning until she became an independent
country. He learned in addition from his own investigation, that during the
past seven hundred years, England has in no instance observed in good faith
a single promise or pledge made to Ireland, nor to the world at large, unless
through self-interest or fear. He has never held any ill will against the Eng-
lish people as individuals, for he came of the same stock, and a large proportion
of his personal friends throughout life have been of that nationality. But, no
word or words exist in the English dialect, by which he could express his dis-
trust of that political machine termed the British Government; and his contempt
for its bad faith and other characteristics of the policy which has been employed
since the days of the Normans, to the detriment of all but the English people
themselves. Consequently, the writer cannot have the slightest faith in any
political promise in relation to Ireland made by an English official, from the
Prime Minister to the most humble clerk.*

The writer has passed the greater portion of a long life in the service of
Ireland, without question as to what was being done, and without regard to
his own private opinion. He recalls a meeting of the Hoffman House Com-

*The writer's taste may be questioned in subjecting the reader to a consideration of an individual
opinion based, it will be claimed, on prejudice. This might be accepted, were it not that two-thirds or
more of the Irish people hold the views expressed by him, and their convictions should therefore
be placed on record, as part of the history of Ireland. England has only the acquired rights of a

*xxvi Historical Preface

mittee in the early days of Mr. Parnell's career, where he either offered a
resolution or advocated the establishment of the principle, that no suggestion
should at any time be made from this country to the Irish leaders as to the con-
duct of Irish affairs, and that resolution has been strictly adhered to. For the
past thirty years and more, the views held by the majority of the Irish leaders
have received full and loyal support from this country without relation to
individual opinion as to details.

Whatever has been accomplished by Mr. Redmond and the members of his
party in Parliament should stand to their credit, and they alone will be held
responsible in case of failure.

The delay in the effort to obtain Home Rule during the past thirty years
has at least been of advantage in preparing the people to take charge of their
own affairs, and an even longer period of probation may be necessary. If so
it should be utilized, since in the history of a nation, time is of secondary im-
portance. The regaining of their native language is of yet more importance to
the Irish people than even Ireland's independence would be at this period, an
advantage which independence would certainly follow. Until the Irish language
becomes the spoken one of the country, Ireland can claim no nationality, nor
can there be perfect union of her people, nor any certainty as to the maintenance
of their future integrity. So long as the English dialect is alone spoken by the
Irish people they are under subjection, and English influence and corruption
cannot be checked.* Many of the Irish people have yet to realize that they
are themselves to blame for the fact that their country has not long since been
a free and independent nation. Ireland has needed no aid from outside ; she
has been able at any time within the past seven hundred years to have driven
every Englishman out of the country, had she been united and made the effort
to help herself. The future lies entirely within her own grasp and only a
fighting faith is needed to be at least ready for an opportunity. "Let Ireland ,
do what she can and she will accomplish everything." Until the majority of
her people give less thought to the past, and more to the existing conditions and
the future, to advance Ireland's interests, England's power will continue.
God has done everything for Ireland, but many of her people are unworthy in
having done nothing more to advance the interests of their native land than
the utterance of so many idle words.

In 1908 the author contributed an open letter to "The New York Irish
World", for the issue of June 7th, in which he said :

I have long reached the conclusion that there has been no real failure for many years
on part of the Irish people to advance the cause of self-government. The idea is generally
held by those who had not given thought to the subject, that each special Irish movement,

*So important did the author deem the revival of the Gaelic that after he had well passed
his seventy-fifth birthday, he began the study of the language as an example to others, and within a
reasonably short time he. without difficulty, acquired a knowledge of the grammar and obtained a
fair reading facility, with the occasional use of the dictionary. But with the deafness of old age
existing for some years previous nothing could be accomplished in learning to speak the language.
It was a source of great regret that the writer had to abandon the study, and devote himself to
literary work which could not be delayed on account of his advancing age. This study is well
worth the attention of the educated, and is so for a special purpose. The student who acquires an
advanced knowledge of the Gaelic insensibly becomes a learned man, as no other exercise trains
the mind so well for acquiring knowledge.

Historical Preface xxxvii

outbreak or rebellion, was a separate undertaking; and as no result was in evidence but
the punishment of the participators, the whole was judged a failure. This is not true.
As well might it he claimed in war, that it has a beginning with each battle. Every mi
nient made by the people during the past one hundred and twenty-five years, in the nature
of resistance to the power of England, accomplished something, and was a step towards
the end. Consequently the act of every individual Irishman who made any effort to
benefit his country, rendered essential aid, and furthered the completion of that particular
step in which he took part. Personally 1 have always had a feeling of the greatest respect
for every individual who has ever made an effort to serve Ireland with the courage of
his convictions, and I have maintained the sentiment, without regard to his special
political views.

This was certainly a true representation of the situation, for the gain
throughout the last century was a steady one.

The final movement of the Irish people, or rather of "the privileged
classes", to improve their own condition alone, had its beginning in 1782-Sli,
just at the termination of the Revolutionary War in this country, and naturally
failed ; but from that time to the present there has existed no inertia among
the Irish people at large, nor has the standard ever lacked a bearer.

The action of the "Grattan parliament", composed entirely of Protestants;
the efforts of the Presbyterians of the North for religious freedom and Catholic
Emancipation; the Rebellion of 1798; the outbreak of 1S03; Catholic Emanci-
pation; Daniel O'ConnelFs efforts for repeal of the fraudulent "Union"; the
Young Ireland movement in 1848; the efforts of the Fenians; the Disestablish-
ment of the so-called Irish Church "as by law established"; the first Land
Act, and all subsequent ones ; the Land League and the breaking-up of the
landlord system ; the beginning of the redistribution of the land among the
people by purchase, with a number of measures equally important in their
way, — these were all part of the one general movement for the benefit of the
Irish people.

The above stated record was the result entirely of Irish agitation, and not
one single point was gained from the English Government through any other
incentive than political necessity, backed by the demands of a sufficiently
united people.

With each concession thus gained and fitted in its place, as a properly
chiselled and squared stone in a well constructed wall, the whole now forms a
solid' foundation for what is to come hereafter and to be based upon it.

The first step towards bringing about what has been accomplished, was
made by Protestants in the Irish Parliament to correct the abuses there exist-
ing, which had rendered that body probably the most corrupt in Christendom.
With no less zeal was the attempt made through Protestant effort in the Irish
Parliament to bring about Catholic Emancipation, against the opposition of
the Government, the King, the English people, and especially Irish aristocracy.

When the demand was made for Home Rule by the Irish Parliament in the
name of the Kingdom of Ireland, the English Government, through fear of the
consequences in case of a refusal, promptly repealed what was a usurpation on
the part of the British parliament, namely, the "Act of George the First" —

xxxviii Historical Preface

with the official acknowledgement, signed by the King of England and attested
by England's great seal of state, as to Ireland's independence of England, as
a distinct kingdom, which had never had its special rights impaired by the
dual system. George the Third was King of Great Britain, and King of Ire-
land, as sovereign of two separate countries.

As Great Britain was unable to afford any protection to Ireland against an
expected attack from the French, the Kingdom of Ireland organized its own
army under the command of Irish officers through the "Volunteer Movement",
and legislative measures were adopted for the purpose of correcting the abuses
which had been brought about through misgovernment and the influence of the
English Government. During a period of fully six hundred years, and until
a very recent period, the course of England towards Ireland was not upright,
just, nor even honest, but that of a cowardly bully; during that period she
carefully bided her time to persecute and to punish Ireland, a country she could
not conquer, and dared not attack except when Ireland was disabled through
dissensions of England's creation.

While England was engaged in strife with France she acquiesced in their
demand, and granted what the Irish people asked in justice, doing so with the
most attractive promises and good wishes for the future.

Henry Flood, held by many to have been the ablest man Ireland ever pro-
duced, was at this period active in public affairs of the country. In one of his
speeches in the Irish parliament and in relation to the reputation of the English
Government, he said: — "When have you negotiated that you have not been
deceived? When have you demanded, that you have not succeeded?"

A most remarkable body of men, both as to numbers and talent, now became
prominent in Ireland, and in Dublin particularly, to direct her public affairs.
But by law they were all of the privileged class and advocates of "Protestant
Ascendancy". They advocated the unrestricted right of worship for the Cath-
olics, and many other political changes, where they themselves would be
chiefly benefitted. Catholic Emancipation was a measure of policy; as
Protestants of the Church of England, their motive was political gain; but as
Protestants they were blind as to any necessity for changing the political con-
dition of those not of their faith. They were Irishmen by birth, but English-
men in all their sympathies, with no thought for the political right of the
Catholics, who were in the proportion of about six out of eight of the total
population. During fully two hundred years these people suffered from a
religious persecution to an extent never equalled in any other part of the world.
They had not a legal right in the land of their birth, even so much as was
concomitant with the existence by law of a dumb beast.

The bounds of the civilized world resounded in echo, responsive to the
eloquence of Grattan and his associates, but no claim in justice was made for
the Catholics beyond their nominal religious emancipation, simply to permit
the public exercise of their religion, which, as was well known, was fully
practised in private, and which during two centuries the Government had been
unable to suppress.

Historical Preface xxxix

Universal suffrage was unthought of, except by a limited number who
sturdily advocated the right of full citizenship of tlie Jew, Catholic and
Protestant Dissenter. "Protestant Ascendancy", from a political standpoint,
advocated only a limited suffrage with a local vote for the serf, to be controlled
by the thus increased power of the I'roteslant landlord.

Yet, Ireland began to prosper from the brilliant prospect set forth "for her
future. Henry < irattan led the Parliament, as well as all those holding the
power and wealth of the country, so that there was no opposition to the attain-
ment of every reform needed for the full regeneration of the country. Yet, he
and his party accomplished nothing throughout the greater part of a genera-
tion. Grattan spent his life in the utterances of promises and platitudes,
eloquently put forth with the most irridescent coloring, but based on as little
substance as an ignis fatuus. The vacillations of his followers as to purpose,
their want of union, and, above all, cowardly neglect of opportunity for bene-
fitting their country, gave both time and indication to Pitt as to when to bring
about the Union ; a consummation hoped for by the English from the days of
Elizabeth.

Grattan and the "Opposition" leaders acting with him, through their policy
of considering Ireland's needs of secondary importance in comparison with
England's interests, were thus responsible for the sacrifice of the lives of over
one hundred thousand Irish men, women and children, by legal murder, mas-
sacre and strife, to accomplish Pitt's purpose of the Union. A political and
illegal result which, so long as it exists will be a bar to any real union between
England and Ireland, and which can only be maintained by force. Moreover,
until repealed it must defeat legally every effort for the gain of true Home
Rule, as two entirely distinct provisions for the government of Ireland cannot
exist legally at the same time. Will not a neglect to repeal the "Act of the
Union" furnish England with the legal power at any time to wipe out all that
Ireland may gain from opportunity for Home Rule, whenever it may be to
England's interest to do so?

The course of Grattan and his friends of English sympathies led to the
formation of the Society of United Irishmen. Lecky, who has written the
"History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century", the only exhaustive work on
the subject, was necessarily familiar with all the historical details connected
with the Rebellion of 1798. He has stated (Vol. Ill, p. 174) :—

The name of Grattan was still so great, his eloquence was so transcendent, his
character was so transparently pure, that few open murmurs were heard against him,
but from the "Opposition" as a hody, the United Irishmen were wholly separated.
Wolfe Tone wrote that he had long entertained a more sincere contempt for what is
called The Opposition than for the common prostitutes of the Treasury Bench, who
wanted at least the vein of hypocrisy.

And Lecky continues : —

Emmet, who was perhaps the ablest member of the party, declared that "the United
Irishmen and their adherents thought the Opposition had forfeited all pretence to public

xl Historical Preface

confidence by consenting to the measures for the repression of disaffection, — at least
before any advance had been made to correct the acknowledged radical vice among the
representation in Parliament."

Emmet and Tone were very close friends. Tone and Samuel Neilson
organized in Ulster what was to be the first branch of the Society of United
Irishmen. Emmet, however, for special reasons, did not become a sworn
member of the organization for several years after. It is not now known
with which of these three men the general plan originated, but the credit is
generally given to Tone, while Emmet, throughout his connection with the
Society, was essentially the organizer, in which work he had the efficient aid
of others. Tone and Neilson often sought his advice and were guided by
their friend's opinion, but there is no instance on record in which either Tone
or Neilson directed Emmet's course.

In some respects Tone had the advantage of Emmet, as his manner was
such that he attracted attention as soon as he began to speak, but all were
finally convinced who listened to Mr. Emmet's argument, and with this power
he was unequalled as an organizer. He commanded from the beginning the
profound respect and confidence of the Catholics, and of all others who
knew him. He had more sincere friends in all ranks of life who were devoted
to him personally, than any other Irish leader, with the exception of Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, while many had but little confidence in the latter's judg-
ment as a leader.

Thomas Addis Emmet, withal, was regarded as the head of the Society
of United Irishmen, and especially by those who wished Ireland's wrongs
redressed without resorting to arms ; with so much accomplished they believed
that separation from England would for a time be unnecessary, but he never
lost sight of absolute separation as a final essential. In these views he was
supported by Samuel Neilson, Thomas Russell, Dr. James Macneven, John
Sweetman, and every other leader of importance in Irish affairs, with the
exception of Arthur O'Connor, who had no confidence in any one but himself.

While Tone and Fitzgerald agreed with O'Connor as to the necessity for
a military organization of the Society, with the ulterior object of a separation
of Ireland from England, the friendship of these men for Emmet never weak-
ened. They continued to act under his advice, until finally Mr. Emmet became
convinced that nothing could be obtained for the relief of Ireland without a
separation from England. This change in the character of the organization
was known at once to England, as she was fully informed by her spies in the
society, and the arrest of the leaders who, acting under Mr. Emmet's in-
fluence, were delaying the outbreak, at once forced the country into open
rebellion. ,

This work has been the result of over fifty years devoted to study and
collecting material. It was at length written to show that full justice had
never been rendered to Mr. Emmet, owing to the want of adequate knowledge
as to his services in the Irish cause, and which England had done everything

Historical Preface xli

to underrate. From these circumstances it was natural that the reputation of

the elder brother should have been overshadowed by the romance attached to
the memory of Robert Emmet.

At the request of the early leaders in the Society of United Irishmen, Mr.
Emmet was for nearly two years engaged in forming new branches of the
Society throughout the country, while he was on circuit in the practice of his
profession. So quietly did he carry on this work that his friends were un-
aware that he took the slightest interest in politics. That his work should not
be suspected he apparently took no part in the trials of those under arrest,
yet his private advice aided those who had charge of the defence. During all
this time he was fully trusted, notwithstanding its being known among the
leaders that he had never taken the oath of association. At length he joined the
organization regularly, and shortly after he became a member he was elected
to the Directory with Mr. O'Connor, Dr. Macneven and two others who never
served. Arthur O'Connor was a man of the greatest ability and he had ren-
dered most important service to the Irish cause before he and Mr. Emmet
met for the first time in Dublin, when they became members of the Society
of United Irishmen.

On being placed in a position of responsibility as a Director O'Connor
proved himself unlit to direct. Actuated by jealousy he at once refused to
advocate any plan which did not originate with himself, and his only purpose
while in office seemed to be to lead by intrigue, or to destroy the work of
others. When he found that he could not weaken the influence of Mr. Emmet,
who was supported by the full co-operation of his other colleagues, he made
every effort among the members until his arrest, to have Mr. Emmet removed
from the position of supreme executive.

It can be claimed that by means of this work an exhaustive effort has been
made for the first time to bring together all the material known to exist in
connection with the lives of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet, and no other
writer except Dr. Madden, has succeeded by an individual effort in offering
so great an amount of original material as will be found within these pages.

It is a noteworthy circumstance that few but the close students of Irish
history have ever read in full or had access to all the documents in connection
with the political course of these men. On account of the length of the official
papers and the penurious spirit of the publishers, only a portion or a synopsis
of the papers has ever been printed except in official form and these have not
always been accessible. For the first time, so far as the writer is informed, the
trial of Robert Emmet is herein given with the full text of the testimony of
each witness, as to questions and answers, with every document in its full
integrity, and incorporated in its proper place with the text, or else the por-
tion there omitted is to be found in the Appendix. The only other place
where the evidence, in connection with the trial of Robert Emmet is printed
in full is Ridgway's official report, where it appears in the same volume with
other trials ; yet even here in three instances, where the witness has given
the same testimony in another trial, the reader of Emmet's trial is referred

xlii Historical Preface

back to the first presentation. The trial of Robert Emmet as given in this
volume is therefore the only published instance where every feature can be
found in consecutive order.

Almost every circumstance in the life of Thomas Addis Emmet as first
given to the public, was based on the sketch written by Mr. T. A. Emmet, Jr.,
and placed at the disposal of Dr. Madden, who embodied the whole in his
"Lives of the United Irishmen". The information then possessed by the
son, however, was comparatively limited, and in the absence of other material
it often misled. Through the effort of the writer much has been gained from
the collection of Mr. Emmet's scattered correspondence, and through study
of the official records. Unfortunately Mr. Emmet seldom made in these
private letters any reference to the historical portion of his life, but he partly
supplied this want by his own writings, the existence of which was largely
unknown to his family or the public. His letters and essays on the political
situation of the country, which were printed chiefly in "The Press", a Dublin
newspaper and the official organ of the United Irishmen, are most valuable,
and for the first time these papers have been published collectively in con-
nection with his life.

Previous to the printing of "The Press", "The Northern Star" was issued
in Belfast by Neilson and Tone until destroyed by the British troops, but it is
not known that Mr. Emmet made any literary contribution to its columns.

Arthur O'Connor, as part owner and for some time editor, issued "The
Press" with great ability, and to the annoyance of the Government, which
did not dare suppress it until Grattan and his friends furnished the oppor-
tunity by showing that they would offer no resistance. During the issue of
"The Press" there appeared a number of letters from Mr. Emmet's pen,
written annonymously and signed "Montanus". These letters were outspoken
on the condition of the country and attracted the greatest interest. Numbers
of "The Press" are now seldom to be found, as they were destroyed by the
Government and consequently even their existence was known to but few.
A still smaller number were aware that Mr. Emmet was the author of these
letters signed "Montanus", or of the extent of his services in the management
of this paper, of which he frequently acted as editor, or of his influence at
the same time in the Society of United Irishmen. All of these letters have
been copied for this work, and reprinted directly from a file of "The Press"
itself, with a copy also of Emmet's last and scarcest letter, which was to
have been issued and was in type when the paper was seized by the Govern-
ment. Fortunately, "Extracts from The Press", in book form for refer-
ence, with all these letters and other articles of interest, both in this country
and abroad, were reprinted just after the rebellion, but without giving the
names of the authors; nevertheless these volumes are now almost as difficult
to obtain as a perfect file of the original newspaper.

While imprisoned in Kilmainham, Dublin, Mr. Emmet wrote some con-
tributions to Irish history which fortunately were preserved by the family,
who, however, were unaware of their value, and these are now given all

Historical Preface xliii

together for the first time. A portion of contributions was printed in New
York by his friend Dr. Macneven as "Pieces of Irish History". These essays
have also been reproduced in this work.

The general impression held by the public was that Mr. Emmet wrote but
little, whereas, as a matter of fact, no other Irish leader placed on record
so much with which he was personally associated. In proof of this the reader
will find at the head and end of many chapters a ([notation, generally on some
economic subject, taken from his political writings and given as an
aphorism.

The extent of religious prejudice and race hatred among the Irish people
previous to the existence of the United Irishmen, cannot now be realized.
All of this had to be removed by personal influence, a condition not existing
in our day. A larger proportion of the people were reconciled and enrolled
by Thomas Addis Emmet and through his personal influence than through all
other means. In the beginning the difficulty was greatest with the Protestants
in consequence of the special privileges enjoyed exclusively by them. Their
ignorant prejudice was fostered by falsehood issued through the influence of
the English Government with the object of maintaining its own influence and
strength in the country. As an inheritance from his father and mother, Mr.
Emmet from early manhood labored to effect the emancipation of Catholics,
and was fully trusted by all of that faith. At one time while he was at the
head of the United Irishmen, over one hundred thousand men were enrolled
.and in active service, Catholics and Protestants being associated in the closest
bond of membership. Some one warned Mr. Emmet of his danger and of the
certainty that information would be conveyed to the English Government
concerning his connection with the organization.

Mr. Emmet's reply was: "I am fully in the power of over twenty thousand
men, and am well known to a greater number, yet I do not believe one will
inform on me". Such proved to be the case, as the Government was never
able to obtain any legal evidence on which he could be brought to trial. Yet
at that time the organization was permeated by the spy and informer in the
English interest, men who joined at the beginning and were not suspected,
and they held responsible positions throughout. Fortunately for Mr. Emmet
these informers were chiefly from the higher walks of life, persons with whom
he had but little intercourse, his work having been among the masses of both
Catholics and Protestants, with whom his influence was great.

At the suggestion of Mr. Emmet, Tone began his wonderful work for
Catholic Emancipation and to bring about the needed reconciliation with the
Protestants, but unfortunately Tone was often absent on other service. After
Tone's death Mr. Emmet had to take up this work and, whenever he was
engaged with tasks temporarily of more importance, direct others in its execu-
tion. What Mr. Emmet taught in the letters of "Montanus" has been trans-
mitted to the present day, and has exercised its influence from time to time,
long after the source was forgotten. Among Mr. Emmet's teachings can be
found almost every expedient utilized from the time his service ceased down

xliv Historical Preface

to the present, and which rendered possible Catholic Emancipation and Home-
Rule for Ireland.

In comparison with what has been collected in relation to the life work
of Thomas Addis Emmet, that gained for the better elucidation of Robert
Emmet's plans and work, is equally important.

A study of this work will show that Robert Emmet's plans of action were
far-reaching and well digested, so far as the execution rested with him.
Unfortunately he had not James Hope with him at the end when, of all men
associated with him, this man's personality would have been invaluable.
Emmet's efforts failed because he was unsupported by many leaders at a time
when he most needed assistance, and although he was unaware of it at the
time, it is probable that not a single order was carried out, or reached the-
person for whom it was intended. When we consider Robert Emmet's project
and the close attachment which existed between him and his elder brother it
is inconceivable that his plans and purpose were not influenced by the judg-
ment of that brother.

In truth, the influence of the service rendered by these two men to forward
Ireland's regeneration, will remain as one and indelible. When Robert
Emmet's epitaph can be written, for the same reason that of his elder brother
will be needed, as their purposes were inseparable.

The investigation for collecting the material bearing upon the life of
Thomas Addis Emmet shows two instances apparently reflecting upon either
his honesty of purpose or his ability, — his course with Arthur O'Connor and
that with Rufus King. The following was Mr. Lecky's opinion as quoted
from his "Ireland in the Eighteenth Century" (Vol. IV, p. 253), and there
need be advanced no additional authority, as no one could be found who had
less sympathy for Mr. Emmet's work. He states :

Emmet and Arthur O'Connor were perhaps abler, they were certainly more con-
spicuous men than their colleagues, and the first is one of the few really interesting
figures connected with the rebellion. He was a respectable lawyer, an excellent writer,
a very honest and disinterested man, and he had certainly not embarked in treason
either through motives of selfish ambition, or through any mere love of adventure and
excitement. He became a United Irishman in order to obtain a radical parliamentary
reform and Catholic Emancipation ; he found that these things were never likely to be
attained except by force, and he at last succeeded in persuading himself that if Ireland
were only detached from England she would soar to an unprecedented height of pros-
perity.

Nature had intended him much more for the life of a man of letters than for the
scenes in which he is often found in the earlier stages of a rebellion, but is usually
discouraged or eclipsed in blood, long before the struggle has run its course. His
writings and his examination before the Privy Council are singularly interesting and
instructive, as showing the process by which a humane, honourable, and scrupulous man
could become the supporter of a movement which was the parent of so many crimes.
Grattan knew Emmet slightly and admitted his integrity, but he had a profound contempt
for his political understanding. He described him, somewhat unceremoniously, as a
quack in politics who despised experience, set up his own crude notions as settled rules,
and looked upon elections and representations as if they were operations of nature,
rather than the work of art. Anyone, Grattan maintained, who could bring himself to

Historical Preface xlv

"believe that a country like Ireland, in which the people were so destitute that one-third
of them were exempted from the payment of hearth money on account of their poverty,
could be safely or tolerably governed, must he politically mad, and have forfeited all
right to be considered in Irish politics. Emmet afterwards rose to considerable dis-
tinction in America and became Attorney-General of New York. Grattan, perhaps
unjustly, thought his success was much beyond his talents, and such as he would never
have attained if he had remained at home.

This is perfectly true, as the Government would have made every effort,
as in the case of Robert Holmes, to retard his advancement. The public will
learn for the first time that Pitt, to bridle Mr. Emmet's political influence,
offered him the position of Solicitor General of Ireland before he had reached
his twenty-ninth birthday. This bribe Mr. Emmet promptly declined, and
thereby incurred the implacable enmity of Pitt and Castlereagh, and suffered
from the consequences to an extent never known to the public.

In a footnote Lecky writes :

See a curious conversation of Grattan in his Life (IV.. 360, 361). Grattan acutely
added :— "England should take care. She transports a great deal of hostile spirit to
that quarter."

Judge Story (of the United States Supreme Court), however, than whom
there can -be no higher authority, said that Emmet was "by universal consent
in the first rank of American advocates," and he speaks with much respect,
both of his character and his talents. See his sketch of Emmet in his own
published Life by his son, and in Field's "Irish Confederates" (New York,
1851, pp. 335-339).

Lecky continues :

Arthur O'Connor was a different type. ... He now believed the organization
[when he became a member of the Directory' with Emmet and Macneven] to have be-
come sufficiently powerful for independent action, and in conjunction with Fitzgerald,
he strongly advocated it. The dispute ran very high and it made O'Connor a bitter
enemy of Emmet, whom he accused very unjustly of cowardice.

It is not necessary to offer any defence for Mr. Emmet. Time has ren-
dered a verdict on which his reputation firmly rests, and it will not suffer from
any comparison with that now held by Mr. O'Connor.

The first judgment likely to be passed by the superficial reader will be to
the effect that this work is to a great extent a compilation. This is not cor-
rect, as the student will find. Few books of its character can ever be written
without being necessarily based on the evidence of others, and at the same
time it will be found that few works have been issued of a biographical nature
and not contemporary, which contain more original material.

The mason in constructing his building selects each brick needed, and
when completed, the result certainly cannot be claimed for a single one of the
different brick-makers, nor for all of them. The structure is all original, due
to the judgment and knowledge of the mason, who was able to establish the
value of each part of all the material he needed. The judgment exercised by
the writer or the mason, is based on the knowledge obtained from study of
details.

xlvl Historical Preface

Much of his knowledge the writer acquired directly from his grand-
mother. This was supplemented by many explanations which came almost di-
rectly from Dr. Macneven himself, and he gained a knowledge of family
tradition from those who were cotemporaries with the events here related, and
who, from childhood, would often recollect many trivial details of more value
in forming a consistent narrative than the possession of a few isolated facts.
He also was fortunate in gaining access to material which had been forgotten,
or was not known to exist before the writer began his investigation. He may
therefore justly claim to have written, as well as compiled, an original work.

At some future time another may recast this material into a more
attractive form, but certainly the claim is valid that for the first time the
political life of Thomas Addis Emmet and of his brother Robert, has been
written in more than outline. The fact must now be accepted that
Thomas Addis Emmet, more than any other leader in the early part of
the movement of 1798, left an indelible and individual impression on
Irish affairs, which is followed to the present time, although the source has-
been forgotten. Robert Emmet, although he failed from adverse circum-
stances, was the originator of everything in the Fenian movement which made
it most formidable, and he established the necessity for securing Dublin as the
first step in every revolutionary movement, although the idea was not strictly
original with him.

The purchaser of this work is to be congratulated, as it is the first work
of the kind ever published where his interest has been consulted to a like
extent. Apart from their priceless value and number the illustrations are
unique from an historical standpoint. They certainly represent all that the
skill and good taste of Miss Anna Frances Levins, the artist, could accomplish.
There are, moreover, many other special features of great interest : the
prophecy of C. Temple Emmet, to be found after the list of aphorisms in the
first volume ; the reproduction from the only known copy of a work by St. John
Mason, bearing on the treatment of English political prisoners; most im-
portant of all is the unique portrait of Robert Emmet, which is likely to be
accepted in the future as the only perfectly reliable portrait, inasmuch as every
opportunity for securing a good likeness was enjoyed by the artist. A price-
less memento of the poet, Shelley, is found in the heretofore unpublished por-
tion of his poem to the grave of Robert Emmet. This was obtained through
the efforts of Frank J. Sullivan, Esq., of San Francisco, Cal. But two verses
of the poem were ever allowed to be published, so that in the pages of this
work this poem reaches the public for the first time as it was written and in
its entirety.

There m>ere few voices more influential in the national councils than that of Thomas
Addis Emmet. Humane, disinterested, 'warm-hearted, zealous, he glided through
the meetings of the Irish Unions remonstrating 'with some, suggesting to others, and
advising all.

William J. Fitzpatrick.

Engl.md and Ireland can never prosper together. It is as impossible to bring about such a result,
in defiance of the attributes of nature, as that the mixing of oil and water should
ever blend into a homogeneous product. The experience of seven centuries has proved
this. The t-wo nations have nothing in common. They need a different civilization
and a different language, as every aspiration of life is at variance between them.
Could England divest herself of the greed for gain, she would advocate a total sep-
aration to the gain of both countries.

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D.

Armed resistance to tyranny is justifiable and a duty on every citizen.

A. Bonar Lavj,
"Against Imposing Home Rule on Ulster", Bristol, 1914.

Ireland may some day be justified by Ulster's course in fighting for her independence.

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D.

Through the grace of God individuals are sometimes regenerated and the change may be
possible for nations, after the millennium. Home Rule may be granted and every
other concession, yet the locked ball and chain of the prisoner <will still be there. The
experience of the centuries has taught that England alone will prosper by any union
'with Ireland, as she can never be satisfied <with even the lion's share, but must have all
profit. I should like to see England and Ireland good friends for their mutual ad-
vantage. But I have Ireland's welfare too much at heart to be satisfied with any
relation between them short of absolute separation and Ireland an independent coun-
try. An orange devoid of its contents is of no value but in recollection of that derived
from it, and England may find the analogy applicable.

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D.

Marry, so there have bin divers good plottes devised and wise councells cast already
about the reformation of that realm, but they say it is the fatall destiny of that land
that no purposes 'whatsoever which are mentioned for her good will prosper or take
effect, <which, whether it proceed from the very genius of the soyle or influence of the
starrs, or that Almighty God hath not yet appointed the time of her reformation, or that
hee reserveth her in this unquiet state still for some secret scourge which shall by her
come unto England, it is hard to be knotvne but yet much to be feared.

Edmund Spenser, State of Ireland, 1596.

ASTOS, LtNOX
T|LDEN. FOONDXTIO'-

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Thomas A. Emmet, from Madden, by Herbert

Lei them loun. _. o<w. arbours ana cays tunic n never vietvea . „«..,

let them shed a tear over their unhappy country. She had been too long misruled by
cruel men; but by the exercise of that morality <which forbade a crime, vjhich shud-
dered at it as the pestilential gate of mephitic cholera, they should be rescued from
the tyrant and despot. Ireland ought, should, and shall be free.

O'Connell — Repeal meeting, Connemara.

Historical Essays in connection with Ireland

WRITTEN BY

T. A. Emmet

The nations are fallen, but thou art still young;

Thy sun is but rising, <whilst others have set;
And tho' slavery's gloom o'er thy morning hath hung.

The full moon of freedom shall beam round thee yet.

Davis.

military invasion, or a combination of hostile fleets, united to deprive her of com-
mand of the sea, not to enumerate any other events to •which the chances of an hour
may give birth, would render England helpless, unless she tvas sustained by the hearty
supporl of Ireland.

William Smith O'Brien, The Nation— Nov. 13, 1847.

The minister Pitt confessed a truth, -which the complicated -wretchedness of ages loudly
proclaimed— that the constant object of the policy exercised by the English Govern-
ment in regard to Ireland had been to disbar her from the enjoyment and use of her
o-wn resources, and to make her completely subservient to the interests and opulence
of Britain.

T. A. Emmet.

OBSERVATIONS

on the

CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES

of the

CONQUEST OF IRELAND BY BRITAIN

from

1171 to 1789

WRITTEN IN KILMAINHAM GAOL,

DUBLIN

THOS. ADDIS EMMET

and

INTENDED TO BE PRESENTED IN MANUSCRIPT

to
The Right Honorable Charles James Fox.

Three things for a man to avoid: the heels of a horse, the horns of a bull and the smile
of an Englishman.

An old Connaught Proverb.

We have somewhat else against you; for compacts broken and frauds displaced by frauds.

Aubrey De Vere.

It is difficult to believe that either Grattan or Flood could have seriously thought that any
promise 'would bind England, a country ivhich even then ivas notorious all over the
'world for broken faith and dishonored treaties.

James Connolly-

There is no blacker or fouler transaction in the history of man than the making of the
union bettoeen Great Britain and Ireland.

Gladstone.

There was one man engaged in that struggle <who possessed all the elements of greatness,
and ■whose judgment could alone check the violence of insurrectionary success, and
bring all within the limit of order, — that was Thomas Addis Emmet.

"The Truth Teller". August 11, 1842.

Observations on the Conquest of Ireland

Part I

State of Ireland previous to introduction of English power — An object of boast
by natives, of derision by malicious foreigners — One harmless in effect; the other
intended to justify wrong inflicted by oppression — Invasion under Henry II begins
the era meriting the deepest recollection as a starting point — Its record calamitous
and sickening — Education of a people not in change from one form of polity in
social customs and laws to another, but in the progressive formation, of its moral
and political character and in a common principle called Country — The proud feel-
ing of an independent national existence, the State and its members acting recipro-
cally on each other — Where this is wanting and one country bound to another its
character and conduct will betray invariably the vileness of its conditions — National
Independence incompatible with provincial subjection in every sphere — Slavery in
every form destructive of the virtue, the genius and the spirit of man.

j(HE state of Ireland at a remote period, previous to the intro-
duction of the English power, has been a subject of
unmerited panegyric, and of still more unmerited abuse.
The vain or indignant native boasts of ancient heroes,
literature, political institutions and refinements. The
ignorant or malicious foreigner denies every pretension
to early fame, and draws the darkest picture of barbarism
and crimes. The national vanity which emblazons doubt-
ful pretensions in the splendid coloring of fancy, is not
malignant in origin, and is harmless in its effect, but the deliberate
calumny, which blackens the character of the injured in order to
justify the wrongs of the oppressor, deserves a harsher epithet than falsehood
and a severer chastisement than contempt. However, Milesian antiquity or
Milesian fame, is, to the present question, a barren boast and a melancholy
alleviation of the closing scene of the eighteenth century. Curiosity may be

6 Ireland a Province

amused and vanity gratified by the real or fancied attainments of primitive
independence; but in those events alone, by which his present condition has
been determined, or may be changed, is man seriously concerned.

The invasion of Ireland by Henry the Second is the first era in its
annals which merits the deep recollection of the present times, and it is an
era which may be remembered long. From this era the progress of events in
Ireland may be traced and connected as essentially affecting the character,
the fortune and the hopes of the present and succeeding generations.* But,
however important such events may appear as illustrative of the actual state
of things, or as pregnant with speculations on the future, the detail will be
found, until a very late period, rather calamitous than interesting. The reader
is sickened and fatigued with uniform repetition of the same policy, the same
crimes and the same suffering. The mind is seldom enlightened or elevated
by examples of genius or magnanimity, either in the conquerors or the con-
quered. The imagination is not dazzled by the splendor of victory, and the
misfortunes of the vanquished seem hardly to excite even the pity of the
generous and humane.

That the subjugation of a country, superior in almost every natural ad-
vantage to the country by which it was subjugated, should produce neither
glory in victory nor sympathy in defeat, is a singular historical phenomenon.

Uninterested in the detail of facts, the inquisitive mind becomes interested
in accounting for the very apathy which it feels, and, while the annals of
Ireland are perused with indifference or disgust, as a particular history of
events, they become important and engaging in the abstract investigation of
cause and effect. Perhaps, too, from this view of its history, while the
philosophic temper is gratified by observing the influence of moral causes
counteracting the physical destinies of nature, producing weakness and
want and ignorance, emasculating and debasing, where all the outlines of
creation seemed traced for happiness, the feeling mind may be led to sym-
pathize with the fortunes of a people, brave, generous and intelligent, sub-
dued and enslaved without even the consolation of many a hard-fought field.

Had the liberties of Greece perished with Leonidas at Thermopylae, Spartan
glory would have been the same. Had the days of Marathon, Salamis and
Plataea been days of defeat, instead of victory to Greece, the orator might
still have sworn by the sacred memory of the dead. When a nation which
refuses to bend is broken by the tempest, its fame is measured by the storm.
But in the sad picture of her destruction, Ireland exhibits not the majestic
ruins of a nation. Before Ireland could be a nation, she became a province;

*Mr. Emmet cannot be accepted as an authority on early Irish history, as he had no other source
but what the English published. This the Irish people themselves had accepted through ignorance of
their own history, as was England's purpose. The Germans, since Mr. Emmet's death, have given
authentic proof that the English tribes were in their breech-cloths when Ireland was already a civilized
country, as early as that of Rome. This has been proved by the manuscripts found in the early Irish
monasteries of the continent. By this means, also, it is known that to Ireland is due all of our present
knowledge of Greek and Roman literature, after the fall of Rome, and possibly the preservation of
Christianity itself after the inroads of Attila, at the end of the fourth century, for a hundred years
later the Irish missionaries converted the invaders and rechristianized Europe. The Irish people, after
the invasion of Henry the Second, lost all knowledge of their early history, as England, from the
beginning, systematically destroyed every evidence of Irish civilization, and it is now taught as history
that Ireland was civilized by English precept and example!

Education and Nationalism

before Ireland could be a people, her inhabitants were made slaves, attached
not to their country, but to their soil.

As individuals or as clans or as septs, they have wandered for long cen-
turies through a dreary existence, without any central principle of attraction
and light and warmth. For six long centuries Ireland has been schooled as
a province, and she betrays all the vices of her education.

Civilization has frequently been diffused by conquest, and even imposed
by force. But such civilization can be relative only ; above the barbarism
which it has succeeded, far below the standard of independent, voluntary
improvement. When civilization is imposed, it will be fashioned by the
habits, the prejudices and the interests of conquest to form a society of slaves,
not a community of freemen. Civilization imposed in an age of barbarism
has its use, it might preserve or propagate what might be otherwise lost or
only partially known, but it never can generate a nation. Man may be com-
paratively civilized by conquest, may be raised above the brute, but, in order
to attain the true dignity of his nature, he must shake off the conquest, he
must dare to think as he pleases, and to speak as he thinks. The education
of a people must be its own work, the spontaneous effect of its own genius,
roused by accident or example, enriched by all that it can invent, and all that
it can borrow, leading or led by the knowledge around. But Ireland has not
received her education from herself, she has been educated by another country,
which for a long time had but little to bestow, would not communicate even
that little, and at length, studied to check the growth which it feared. Ireland,
to have been well educated, ought to have been left to herself, to work her
way in the world of science and government and trade, by her own talents,
her own spirit and her own industry. But, instead of this, she was rudely
seized in an age of barbarism, and thrust out of the sphere of light. She
could neither create nor imitate. She could neither give birth to a Solon,
nor send for her twelve tables to Greece.

The education of a people is not the changing of its garb, nor the allure-
ment of its chieftains to a Court; it is not the substitution of English for
Brehon law, the gibbet for the epic; it is not to be found in Protestant
charter-schools, nor in Catholic seminaries, in the university of Dublin, nor in
the college of Maynooth. The education of a people is the formation of its
moral and intellectual and political character, measured by its advancement
in government, in laws, in manners, in science, in arts, in manufactures, in
trade, in the general diffusion of knowledge and virtue, and of the comforts,
the conveniences and the refinements of life. Nature is the volume, and
experience is the school. The benefits of law and policy, of manufactures
and trade, of arts and science, are the effect of individual talent, and of united
labor. But genius and industry, the powers of a few and the labors of the
many, combining toward a common end, can only exist where there is some
common, invigorating principle of life and motion. This common principle
is country, the proud feeling of an independent national existence, by means
of which every action is reflected from the individual to the State, and from

8 Industry and Freedom

the State to the individual, and fame and emolument are enjoyed in the two-
fold capacity of man and citizen.

The State and its members act reciprocally on each other, the public and the
private energies are intimately connected. A sense of national glory, of high
national character, acquired and maintained by self-exertion, a love of the
common weal (the fertile source of noble nations and ingenuous sentiments),
inspire and animate and dignify the individual, exalt the soul above selfish
affections, develop the powers of the understanding, give birth and vigor to
the sciences and arts, and, if they sometimes rouse the ambitious and destruc-
tive, they more uniformly call forth and exercise the generous and useful
passions of the human breast. But where this common invigorating principle
is wanting, where a people is reluctantly bound to the will, subservient to the
interests, and attached to the fortunes of another State, its character and
conduct will invariably betray the vileness of its condition. National inde-
pendence by no means necessarily leads to national virtue and happiness ; but
reason and experience demonstrate that public virtue and general happiness
are absolutely incompatible with a state of provincial subjection.

Added to the sufferings peculiarly attached to such a condition, the very
consciousness of dependence on another power for advancement in the scale
of national being, must weigh down the spirit of a people, manacle the efforts
of genius, repress the energies of virtue, 'blunt the sense of common glory
and common good, and produce an insulated selfishness of character, the
most certain marks of debasement in the individual and mortality in the State.

The industry of man arises not from the mere impulse of instinct. The
industry of man arises from instinct and reason, from feeling and from
experience, from a sense of duty and a love of fame. The industry of man
embraces the material and the intellectual world; is impelled by the sordid,
and animated by the generous affections; is connected with everything mean
and everything noble in the human breast ; it grovels on the earth and it
ascends to heaven ; the gross portion of its nature may exist in any clime
where the animal can breathe; but every celestial particle will perish where
the mind dare not think. The soil of Attica is still visited by the same sun,
yet "the Athenians walk with supine indifference among the glorious ruins
of antiquity, and such is the debasement of their character, that they are
incapable of admiring the genius of their predecessors". The soil of Attica
is still visited by the same sun, but his beams no longer illumine a land of
liberty, whose alchemic power transmutes whatever it touches into gold. The
republic of Athens is no more, and the genius and the spirit and the virtue
which once covered that scanty and rugged soil with glory, now only live in the
records of her fame. "Nothing can be more advantageous to the common-
wealth than what Themistocles has proposed," said Aristides, "but at the
same time, nothing can be more unjust". It must be done, was the in-
stantaneous and unanimous resolution of a free people. Will the actions of
a free people be always just? No, but the actions of an enslaved people will
never be sublime. Slavery in every form which it can assume is destructive

Ireland Enslaved

of the virtue, the genius and the spirit of man. The subjection of one people
to another is of all species of slavery incomparatively the worst, and the
history of human calamity has not yet exhibited such an instance of com
plicated and long-continued wretchedness, of forced and mortifying- debase
nient, as the subjection of Ireland to the English power has produced.

Ireland — "Her virtues are her o<wn — her vices have been forced upon her".

Robert Holmes.

Part II

Causes and consequences of British Conquest — Invasion found Ireland in a
state of internal disorder favorable for the invader — Had invasion not taken place,
evolution would have effected a radical and salutary change in conditions — England an
example of the value of independence since departure of the Romans — England
only changed King — The principle of national life was destroyed before Ireland
could renovate herself — England seized moment Ireland was weakest — Divide et
impera became the policy of the foreign government — Parliaments and charters
too often the trappings of the slave — Long after doom of country was fixed some
provincial or sept chief rebelled, but no national effort — The system of Pale and
Plantation, at first one of national antipathy, culminated finally in antipathy of
religion aggravated by England's attempts to impose her religion by force — Re-
ligious dissension became permanent basis of English power in Ireland — Ireland
never derived advantage from wisdom or virtue of English sovereigns, but has been
the victim of their follies and crimes — Elizabeth and James had different policies,
but their effects were the same — Charles I and his deputy Strafford laid the
foundation of calamities that followed — Loyal attachment of Catholics to Charles
caused by fear of Puritans of Scotland and England — Cromwell combining hypoc-
risy with genius broke Catholic strength and followed it with the most inhuman
proscriptions of all of that faith — Progress of events drove Catholics over to
Royalist cause — Great anticipations when Charles II was restored — Disappointment
followed and things remained as before — James II brought new calamities, though
his intentions towards Ireland were benevolent — The will of the people the only
foundation of government — Benefit of this principle kept for England — Ireland
always governed by a minority — This in time became the Protestant — Three-fourths
of Irish people proscribed. — The religious division of the people eventually con-
stituted the solid basis of foreign domination — Dissenters more numerous than
Established Churchmen joined in common persecution of Catholics — Both alike
shared plunder of the Irish — Protestant atrocities concealed ; Catholic magnified — Penal
Code at length relaxed, but religious creed remained basis of political degradation —
This condition and evils arising out of it inevitable consequences of English rule — Civil
commotions in England benefited Englishmen, but never Ireland — English domination
not assured by the sword but by policy, which made war on the mind, depressed the
genius, broke down the spirit, corrupted the morals and withered the industry of Ireland.

HATEVER may be the truth or falsehood of her early
attainments, Ireland, at the time of the expedition of
Henry the Second, was in a state of internal disorder,
most favorable to invasion, but which, had it not been for
this very invasion, must soon, in the natural and ordinary
progress of events, have effected a radical and salutary
change in the government and manners of this ill-fated
island. This will appear in the highest degree probable,
whether we reason upon general principles or attend to
the strong authority of experience. England herself is a luminous example

Divide and Rule H

of order springing from confusion, liberty from civil strife, and strength from
weakness.

No credulity can believe that had Ireland, girt with the Atlantic and em-
braced within the sphere of European mind, been left as independent in will
as in station, she could at this day, exhibit such a miserable contrast as she
presents to the strength, the opulence and the policy of her neighbor.

When England ceased to be a Roman province, though successfully in-
vaded, she still preserved national independence. Vastly superior in natural
advantages to the countries of the invaders, she invited and fixed in her more
genial, more fruitful, more commodious, or more extensive soil, the Saxons,
the Danes and the Normans. The Saxons and the Danes were enterprising
adventurers, seeking a settlement merely in a foreign land, not a provincial
dependency to their own. William of Normandy was an adventurer of an-
other kind. He aspired to the throne of an independent kingdom, and Nor-
mandy became a feudal appendage to the British crown. But had the Duke
of Normandy been King of France, and had the strength of France been
consolidated by the union of the great fiese to the Crown. Britain might be
at this day to France what Ireland is to Britain, a miserable province, without
a constitution, without a navy, and without a name.

By what is called the Norman Conquest, England but changed a king.
Ireland presented to the ambitious Henry the sole idea of a desirable acces-
sion to a feudal crown, and conquest necessarily involved the loss of inde-
pendence to the vanquished. Before Ireland could, by self-renovation, acquire
a new existence, before her scattered and discordant tribes could be united
by a sense of common interest, or by the chances of internal war, giving to
some chieftain of superior genius and fortune, some Boroume of a later
age, the creation of a people, the principle of national life and movement was
destroyed. No sense of common interest, no example of other states, no
talents and fortune of the soldier, no wisdom and virtue of the sage, could
henceforward unite the scattered elements of a people.

There is frequently an interval of repulsion, which precedes cohesion in
political as in natural bodies. This interval is a moment of weakness. It was
observed and seized. The natives, improvident, turbulent and divided, brave
in war, but rude in arms, continually sacrificing to personal or family revenge
every consideration of general good and common safety, became the easy prey
of invaders more civilized, or rather less barbarous, who could understand and
employ the obvious policy of profiting by disunion, and converting the inde-
pendence of septs into national subjugation.

Divide ct impera, is no refinement in the science of conquest and despotism.
It is the policy of circumstances, not of any age or country. When a nation
is to be governed contrary to its interest and inclination, and when the union
of the people would render such a government impracticable, the sense of com-
mon interest, and the wish of common liberty must be counteracted by creat-
ing or strengthening divided interests and hostile feelings. Nor is the task
difficult.

12 No National Resistance

The selfish and malignant passions are so powerful in man, that it requires
no uncommon effort of genius, or dexterity of management to make them the
instruments of his weakness and dishonor.

The facility with which a number of Irish chieftains submitted to the first
English invaders is not surprising, but it was fatal. A firm acquisition of
territory, however small, and a formal recognition of sovereignty, however
partial, would necessarily be sufficient, under the relative situation of the two
countries, to secure to Henry, his heirs and successors, the absolute dominion
of Ireland.

It is idle to dispute about the precise terms and nature of the sovereignty
with which he was invested. It is idle to appeal to early charters and to
triumph in early parliaments. The appeal is delusive and the triumph is vain.
Parliaments and charters are too often the trappings of the slave. Evidence,
stronger than parliaments and charters, evidence written in the tears and the
blood of the natives, exhibits Ireland, from the invasion of Henry, in all the
horrors of provincial servitude, as the pure acquisition of conquest, begun,
and to be completed and retained, by the sword.

As soon as this conquest had become an object of ambition to the English
monarch, and the invaders had secured a footing in the country the annihila-
tion of Ireland as an independent state appeared to be inevitable. The sub-
jugation, however, of the inhabitants was tedious and afflicting. Long after
the doom of their country had been fixed, the chieftains of a province or a
sept, stung with insult, provoked by injury, roused by indignant feeling,
tormented by the bitter recollection of departed power, or impelled by the
keen sense of self-preservation, fought for vengeance or for safety, and
struggled for local independence with a frequency, and an obstinacy, which
prolonged common misery, without the chance, or indeed the design, of
effecting common emancipation.

From inability, ignorance, prejudice or private interest, no vigorous, com-
prehensive system of conquest and civilization was ever adopted by the
invaders. Enough was always done to secure national subjection, but not
enough to make that subjection, either profitable to the master, or comfortable
to the slave. Crude, desultory, unconnected plans succeeded or supplanted
each other, according to the leisure, the ability and the temper of the English
Court, or the talents and character of its deputies, without a consciousness
of the real importance of the acquisition, or an enlightened or liberal idea
either of colonial connection, or provincial dependence. The system of Pale
and Plantation, founded in the unjust and cruel expulsion of the natives from
their possessions, was at first a system of national antipathies, and at length
terminated in the more lasting and deadly antipathies of religion.

Owing to a variety of circumstances, which it is unnecessary to detail, while
the Protestant religion had become the religion of a large majority of the
people of England, the Catholic continued to be the religion of the great
body of the Irish. One cause alone seemed to be adequate to the effect. From
the very first, the reformed religion appeared in Ireland, not recommended

Religious Divisions 13

by reason, but imposed by force, imposed t'>i> by a power, whose prog
"in the beneficial work of conquering and therebj breaking a savage nation

to the salutary discipline of civil order and good laws", could he traced only
by mangled carcasses and desolated plains.

The right of private judgment in matters of religion, a right most clearly
founded in reason and in Scripture, justified the Protestant in renouncing
the tenets and authority of the Church of Rome. But this right, the irre-
fragable justification of his own conduct, the Protestant respected not in
others. The profession of Popery became highly penal and hence arose a
religious division of the people, a new and more permanent basis of English
power in Ireland.

By means of this religious division the English nation could in future be
more easily inflamed against the Irish, and the Irish more fatally armed
against itself. The name of l'apist became a sufficient apology for any act
of injustice or cruelty committed against the person who bore it; and the
fury of bigotry was added to the desire of forfeiture, in continuing a system
of the most flagrant robbery and the most barbarous extirpation.

It has been the curse of Ireland to derive no advantage from the wisdom
and virtue of English sovereigns, yet to be the peculiar victim of their folly
and their crimes. Elizabeth is the pride of English annals. But the conduct
of Elizabeth or that of her deputies towards the Irish, was savage and im-
politic in the extreme. The unceasing and merciless fury of her commanders
drove the miserable natives to despair. Mercy was considered as incom-
patible with the fiscal interests of the crown. The Acts of Supremacy and
Uniformity were imposed upon the nation by force or fraud, and its attach-
ment to Popery was confirmed or increased by persecution.

lames the First was pedantic, conceited, hypocritical and arbitrary. His
favorite scheme of plantation could be carried on only by injustice and
crueltv. New severities were exercised in order to produce new insurrection,
and consequently new forfeiture. Notwithstanding, however, multiplied
provocation and favorable opportunities, no considerable commotion took
place in Ireland during his reign.

Yet the nobility and gentry of Ulster were stripped of their possessions
without proof of treason, and in the other provinces the design was com-
menced, which was afterwards so faithfully prosecuted, of seizing on the
estates of the natives, under pretense of judicial inquiry into defective
titles.

The penal statutes were rigorously enforced by His express instructions,
and the most barefaced oppression and extortion were practised in the
ecclesiastical courts.

The character and conduct of Charles the First, a miserable tissue of
tyranny, duplicity and meanness, were calculated to deceive and abuse the
Catholic, and to excite the suspicion and distrust of the Protestant. His
deputy, Strafford, haughty, imperious, arbitrary, and systematically faithless.
laid the foundation of the calamities which followed. The lords justices,

14 Insurrection of 1641

Parsons and Borlase, connected with the Parliamentarians, the prevailing party
in England, aggravated the complaints of the Catholics, and, from the most
corrupt motives, endeavored to provoke a general insurrection.

The cause of the Catholics, as a religious sect, contending for the free
exercise of that mode of worship, which they preferred, was founded in the
clear and inalienable rights of conscience.

As Irishmen, provoked by accumulated wrongs, and contending for the
independence of their country, their cause might have been founded in rights
as clear and as inalienable. But their views were not national. Their con-
nection with Charles, either as negotiating insurgents, or as allies, was incom-
patible with the idea of national emancipation, and their interests, even as a
party, were destroyed by their own dissensions, and the interference of a
turbulent, vain and bigoted foreign ecclesiastic.

The loyal attachment of the Catholics to Charles, notwithstanding his ex-
treme duplicity, arose principally from their dread of the triumphant Puri-
tanical party in England and Scotland, which seemed to threaten their religious
tenets and worship with a severer persecution than they had hitherto ex-
perienced.

That their views and conduct were sectarian and not national, is by no
means surprising. But their insurrection terminated, as all former insurrec-
tions had done, in extending and confirming the English power. In this
respect it was more ruinous in its effects than any which preceded. It laid
the deep foundation of that religious animosity and mutual intolerant bigotry
which almost destroyed the social sympathies and benevolent affections by
which men are held together.

Hypocrisy, genius and courage advanced Oliver Cromwell to command.
Appointed chief of the Parliamentarian forces in Ireland, his conduct was
marked by vigor and by cruelty. The strength of the Catholics was soon
entirely broken, and their discomfiture was followed by the most inhuman
proscription of their entire sect, in person and property.

In the progress of events, the Catholic cause had become identified with
the Royalist. The Royalist cause embraced at first a number of Protestants
as well as Catholics, but they had never united with confidence and affection.
The Protestants were, without much difficulty, detached from the party, and
joined to the Parliamentarians. Hence the Catholics, who composed the great
mass of the Irish people, had alone sustained the wide-spreading and ruthless
vengeance of Cromwell and the Parliamentarians.

From the commencement of this insurrection to the restoration of Charles
the Second, Ireland exhibited a scene of the most complicated woe. Whatever
government prevailed in England, the great body of the Irish were sure to
suffer every indignity and oppression ; being constantly considered by the
English nation as a conquered people, suspected, hated, dreaded and persecuted.

Upon the restoration of Charles the Second to the throne, the Catholics
naturally expected an essential alteration in their favor.

In this, however, they were disappointed. The administration of Irish

Revolution of 1088 15

affairs had always been considered in England a mere subject of policy, never
of justice. Whatever system of administration seemed, at the moment, best
calculated to secure the dependence of Ireland, was adopted without any re-
gard to the rights of the natives, or any feeling for their calamities. Upon
this occasion it appeared politic to suffer the mass of the people, not more as
Catholics than as Irishmen, to remain as they were found, plundered and
degraded.

From the character of James the Second, Ireland was doomed to ex-
perience new calamities. His conduct in favor of the Catholics arose not
from the just and enlightened policy of extending the benefits of legislation
and government equally to all his subjects without distinction of religious
belief. It arose from a bigoted attachment to the Church of Rome, which he
had displayed in an intemperate zeal for the re-establishment of the Catholic
religion in England ; also, an attempt, which was connected with his design
of subverting the constitution and liberties of that country.

His cause was espoused by the Catholics of Ireland, not because he was
a bigot and wished to be despotic, but from a variety of motives religious and
political, independent of his mere personal character, some of which influenced
them in common with the Jacobites in England, who composed a very large
portion of that nation ; others arose from their appropriate situation, from a
feeling of religious and civil degradation and a desire of regaining that rank
and that property, of which, with reason, they deemed themselves most
iniquitously deprived. But whatever was its origin, this attachment of the
Irish Catholics to the cause of James, was unfortunate in every sense of the
word. It is highly improbable that success under such a man could have
served any good national purpose, and defeat more than ever confirmed the
power of England. The contest increased religious antipathies ; victory in-
flamed the desire, supplied the means, and sanctified the pretext of new
religious persecution and the union of a people, whose only chance of inde-
pendence and happiness rested in a combination of sentiment and strength,
seemed more impracticable than at the time, when Ireland was divided into
a number of hostile petty sovereignties and discordant septs.

The will of the people is the only rightful foundation of government. On
this basis has the English constitution been professedly raised. The English
Revolution of 1688 derived its unanswerable vindication from the inherent
and imprescriptible government agreeably to its own judgment of the best
means of attaining its own happiness. To the practical application of this
right, England is indebted for the liberty, the glory and prosperity which she
has enjoyed. But the application and its fruits she reserved to herself. Her
happiness has been incommunicable. The system of supporting the English
government in Ireland has remained the same. A small portion of the people,
itself enslaved, fattened on the misery of the nation. The Catholics con-
tinued to be the peculiar objects of legislative persecution. The Articles of
Limerick, to which the public and royal faith had been pledged were soon
shamefully violated, and, in times of profound tranquillity, without even the

16 Rule of the Minority

pretense of insurrection or conspiracy, new laws of unexampled severity
were enacted and rigorously enforced against this devoted portion of the
community.

From the period of the capitulation of Limerick, the English power may
be considered as completely established, and patiently, or tamely acquiesced in
by the Irish. From that period an end seemed to be put to the desolation of
the sword. The slower, but not less certain, and more consuming desolation
of the law remained. The English power had advanced by unequal, and
frequently interrupted steps, but its progress could be uniformly traced in
blood, and its final triumph was succeeded by a system of provincial adminis-
tration at once barbarous and unwise.

From the situation of Ireland at the invasion of Henry the Second, from
the system of subjugation which had been pursued, and from the event which
that system had in its operation necessarily produced, as division had been
the great instrument of conquest, so it continued to be the mainspring of
English government in the country. Conformably to the general policy of
statesmen, and the general constitution of governments, which is almost always
framed for the emolument of a few at the expense of numbers, the minority
of a people is made the instrument of ruling the majority and of enslaving
the whole. If from this cause the minority of the Irish people would become
the instrumental government of the nation, enslaving and enslaved, the cir-
cumstances of the country, and the train of events, which had long stained
its annals and mutilated its strength, confined the minority to a very small
number of its inhabitants.

This small number, in the progress of time, came to consist almost entirely
of the Protestant sect of the Church of England. This sect had been made
the established sect in Ireland also, and its ministers were to be supported at
the general expense of the nation. This sect was composed of the Ulster
English adventurers, who had been settled on the forfeited lands, of which
Catholics had been deprived. Hence from the mighty influence of property,
as well as from sectarian sympathy, the interests of this sect and of the
English power were soon considered as inseparably connected. And the
religious division of the people, from this twofold cause eventually con-
stituted the solid basis of foreign domination.

The Dissenters from the Church established, who were not Catholics,
chiefly the Presbyterians, who far outnumbered the established sect, while they
reprobated an hierarchical establishment in general, had yet cordially joined
in a common persecution of the Catholic. The religious antipathy of the
Presbyterians to the Catholics was still stronger than that of the Episcopalians,
and under the English scheme of plantation, grounded on the extirpation of
the natives, they too enjoyed lands, from which the original proprietors had
been expelled. However, the conduct of the great numbers of the Presby-
terians in supporting the English power was derived from the most disin-
terested and honorable motives. Owing to events which had taken place in
England previous to the revolution, the cause of the English power in Ireland

Triumph of Protestantism

had become, or appeared to be, the cau.se of civil liberty, and as such, was
warmly espoused, and supported and confirmed by the Presbyterians.

Mere sectarian difference in belief and worship could never, without the co-
operation of other causes, have produced in the Protestant mind such lasting
hostility towards the Catholic. But the latter wars in Ireland had originated
in, and been fatally marked in their progress, by the religious division which
had succeeded and absorbed the former divisions among the people. In these
wars, particularly in the commencement of the insurrection of 1641, the most
shocking acts of barbarity had been committed both by Protestants and Cath-
olics. But the Protestant was finally victorious, and, while his own atrocities
were concealed, or palliated, or justified, those of the Catholics were studiously
recorded, magnified, and painted in the black colors of bigotry, interest and
fear.

The Protestant child imbibed, with the tale of horror, the most deep-rooted
detestation of the Catholic, and religious rancor became transmissible by
descent. The Protestant was victorious and had divided the spoil. The
Protestant was legislator, and, with every prejudice of education and impression
of fear, with every selfish and every angry passion engaged on the side of
severity. Laws of the most promiscuous devastation, affecting the Catholic in
mind, in person and in property, were blindly accumulated, and long rigorously
enforced. On this strong and lasting principle of division, the English power
in Ireland seemed to rest securely. The Protestant was taught by education
and by interest to identify this power with life and property; and the mass
of the people, shut out from the social state, and helots in their native land,
seemed destined to remain the victims of a penal code, the most cruel, the
most singular, and the most impolitic that has ever been exhibited in the
legislative annals of any country.

In these religious contests, which so long and so miserably afflicted this
unhappy land, the respective merits of the contending parties are of little im-
portance, or rather are altogether lost in the consideration of their common
errors and common enormities, and of the advantage which these afforded
to the common enemy in completing the subjugation of all. Melancholy is the
comparison which arises, not from the emulation of virtue, but from the calcu-
lation of crimes. Certain it is that had the delinquency of the Catholic been
as flagrant as the most exasperated Protestantism can paint, it never could
justify a code of penal laws, affecting a vast majority of the people with such
dreadful punishment and such vile humiliation, attached to opinion and entailed
upon successive generations. The very idea of such a proscription of three-
fourths of a people is utterly incompatible with the idea of civil society. They
can not exist together in the mind. The end of civil association is the common
happiness of all the members of the State in their various relations and de-
pendencies, and no sacrifice can be necessary or just except that of partial
interest to general good. But by this iniquitous system the order of civil asso-
ciation was reversed. The government was radically framed for the exclusive
advantage of a few. and the mind, the life, the industry of millions, were

18 Irish Disunion

considered as the rightful property of these few, the sport of their prejudice,
their intolerance, their ignorance, their selfishness and their fears.

Such a monstrous violation of all the principles of society and all the rights
of nature could not last forever. When the fury of persecution had been
glutted with extensive confiscation, and the total prostration of Catholic rights,
civil and religious, by Parliamentary omnipotence, the cooler reflection, experi-
ence and feeling of the Protestant gradually led to a mitigation of the law, not
so much of importance in itself as from its being a happy omen of some
better destiny. In the year 1778 the severity of the Popery penal code was in
some degree relaxed. That code, however, still continued to exhibit a dis-
graceful monument of bigotry and impolicy, and strong religious prejudice
continued to mark the character and influence the conduct of the Irish people.

Though the Protestant, satisfied with vengeance, or softened by time, ceased
from active persecution, and had even remitted something of former legislative
severity, he still considered the exclusion of the Catholic from a community
of rights as essential to the preservation of his power, and, while he boasted
of toleration, made a religious creed the badge of political heresy, and the basis
of political degradation. On the other hand the Catholic, hated and hating,
conscious of debasement, yet unconscious of his rights and his strength,
sensible of injury, yet tamely acquiescent in punishment, ignorant and bigoted
and spiritless, seemed incapable of understanding and asserting the sacred
rights of conscience or of country.

This unnatural and miserable state of religious animosity and civil disunion,
by which the great majority of the people was thrust out of the pale of the
body politic and the nation was enslaved, arose not from any appropriate char-
acteristic of the Irish mind, from any peculiar defect of intellect or depravity
of disposition. It was the inevitable consequence of British conquest and
British policy, combined with and acting upon the different successes of the
Reformation in England and in Ireland, the conduct and fall of the House of
Stuart, the rise and usurpation of Cromwell, and the Revolution of 1688.

The benefits finally resulting from civil commotion in England, by the
triumph of liberty and extension of trade, were exclusively confined to that
country. The shock had extended to Ireland, but was felt only by the havoc
which it had produced. Provincial dependence was the law of her political
existence, and every event was essential to the life by which she grew. The
disunion of her inhabitants was the original cause of her dependence, and by
that disunion alone has the dependence been secured.

The disunion has continued. The causes of disunion have varied. The
mutual jealousy of chiefs, the blind vengeance of clans, hereditary feuds, dis-
tinctions of colonist and native, had all their respective and proportionate
influence in the lamentable work of subjection and desolation and weakness.
But all these causes of calamity were comparatively feeble and transitory.
They had their day of ruin and they ceased. The cause was forgotten and the
ruin might have been repaired. Religious bigotry succeeded and remains,
potent and inveterate, blind and unforgiving; it embitters the present with the

Policy of Persecution 19

memory of the past, loads the living with the crimes of the dead, exalts creeds
above practice, admits the evidence of metaphysics, denies the evidence of
facts, and promotes hatred and hostility among those whom common sufferings,
common interest and common country, should indissolubly unite in sympathy,
in affection, in object and in action.

The foregoing rapid sketch, not so much of particular facts as of the
general result of facts, may convey some faint idea of the miseries attending
the conquest of Ireland by the English power. But whoever traces its progress
in detail, with the common feelings of humanity and the catidor of an honest
man, will say that no general description can paint in colors sufficiently strong
the miseries of that conquest, its devastation was not confined to the ravages
of war. The ravages of war may be repaired. Fields may be again cultivated,
cities and villages may be rebuilt and repeopled. War is a hurricane which
sweeps before it man and the works of man, but it spares enough to cover the
face of nature again with new abundance and with new beauty. It does not
annihilate the very elements of reproduction. It violates the rules of morality
and the rights of mankind, but it does not eradicate the principles on which
these rules and rights depend. It does not systematically corrupt the human
heart. It rouses all its energies and displays the heroism which saves, as well
as the ambition which destroys.

It is not the sword which slaughtered her people, whose ravages Ireland
deplores ; it is that sword which would have "cut the Charter of King John
to pieces". It is the policy which considered charters and parliaments but as
instruments of domination, to be granted or withheld, new-modeled or resumed,
as best calculated to insure the vassalage of the slave ; it is the policy which
made war upon the mind, which depressed the genius, broke down the spirit,
corrupted the morals, and withered the industry of the land ; it is the policy
which converted a religion of harmony and peace into a religion of discord
and persecution, which dissolved the social sympathies of life, which assailed
the principles of morals and the feelings of nature, rewarding ingratitude in
the child and honoring the basest of crimes as a conversion to truth ; it is the
policy which covered the land with petty tyrants, in whatever concerned the
poor, knowing no rule of conduct but their own will, which made the protection
of law the boon of beneficence, not the inheritance of right; it is the policy
which goaded a starving, houseless peasantry to outrage, then murdered them
by law ; which darkened the intellect, gibbeted the body, and stigmatized the
objects of its malignant dispensations as incorrigible barbarians; it is the policy
which "brayed the people as it were in a mortar", and affected to wonder at
the writhings of agonized nature, which Ireland deplores.

1$ not Ireland already traceable in the statute book as a ivounded man in a crotvd is
traced by> his wounds? Robert Emmet

"My Lords of Strogue''

Part III

English Law— Early Charters and Parliaments — History of English Law in
Ireland important — Benefits of English law exclusively confined to English Colonists
who had not degenerated by intermarrying with Natives and adopting their customs
— Also to a few Irish Septs who had been enfranchised by special favor — Sir John
Davis and Lord Coke testified that no people loved Justice better than the Irish
and its equal execution — But English adventurers counteracted this wish and it was
no felony to kill Irish in time of peace — English Parliaments and Charters in Ire-
land were the title to plunder and oppress — England's policy always that of the
despot to the slave — It always differentiated between the native and the foreign
colonist — An Act of Henry IV ordained that Irish hostile to their foreign rulers
could not leave country without special license.

ROM a view of the desolation of law the mind flies for
relief to a history of the law itself. That history is
important. The early grants and repeated confirmations
of English law, and of the privileges of distinct legislation,
have been often appealed to as demonstrative of early
national independence by compact. Their existence may
be indisputable, but the inference is absurd. Had such
a compact been really made between the invaders and the
Irish nation, the observance of it by England would, in-
deed, have been a curious anomaly in the history of ambition. Wretched is the
people, whose chance of liberty hangs on an indenture of independence.

Whatever compact did exist, or whatever benefits English law and distinct
legislation might confer, were long exclusively confined to the English colonists,
who had not degenerated by intermarrying with the natives, or adopting their
customs and manners, and to a few Irish septs, who had been enfranchised by
special favors. It is the honorable testimony of Sir John Davis, that "there
was no nation under the sun that did love equal and indifferent justice better
than the Irish, or that would rest better satisfied with the execution thereof,
although it were against themselves, so as they might have the protection and
benefit of the law, when upon a just cause they did deserve it". The celebrated
Lord Coke also declares that "there was no nation of the Christian world that
were greater lovers of justice than the Irish, which virtue", he adds, "must
necessarily be accompanied by many others". Yet for the space of three hun-
dred and fifty years at least, from the commencement of their subjugation, the
benefit and protection of English law were not communicated to the Irish,

Statute of Kilkenny 21

though they frequently desired to be admitted to that precarious privilege.
The wish was counteracted by the English adventurers, that their cruelty
and injustice to the natives might be indulged without restraint. The Irish
were reputed aliens and enemies in their native land, it was adjudged no felony
to kill them in time of peace; "the law did neither protect their life, nor revenge
their death."

When Henry the Second had once secured a lirm footing in the country,
whatever compacts he may have formed, either with his own haughty and
licentious barons, or with the native chieftains, can never be seriously viewed
in any other light than as the elements of domination, which, from the
relative situation of the invader and the invaded, was destined to comprehend
both colonist and native in one common dependence. The most solemn engage-
ments with the natives were sure to be violated, whenever the violation ap-
peared necessary to the extension of dominion; and, with respect to political
privileges, the proud invaders soon became a feeble and dependent race.
Parliaments and charters were to the Englishman in Ireland but precarious
evidences of an unhallowed title to plunder and oppression. The insolent and
rapacious foreigner was doomed eventually to feel, in common with the native,
the humiliation of provincial servitude. He was first instrument and finally
the victim of conquest.

Every internal distinction among the people was mutable in its nature and
controllable by events. But the internal connection with England afforded a
necessary relation of rule and dependence as permanent as the connection
itself. On this relation of a superior and a dependent state, every change in
the destiny of the people immediately or remotely depended.

Measures of legislation and measures of policy were either purposely de-
vised with a subserviency to this principle of imperial authority and provincial
subjection, or naturally took their tone and tendency from its powerful im-
pulse. The policy of England towards Ireland, even as a dependent State,
was unwise, illiberal and unfeeling, but it was uniformly the policy of the
despot to the slave.

To represent the existence of early parliaments in Ireland as a proof of
early national independence, is a solemn mockery of sufferings unexampled
in extent and severity. The memorable Statute of Kilkenny, said to be long
quoted with reverence on account of its salutary provisions, is an illustrious
record of the nationality of such parliaments, which, instead of wisely and
humanely embracing the colonist and native within the protection of equal
law, studied to mark more strongly the fatal line of distinction between them.
Even the desire of the Crown to impart, as well as the native to receive the
protection of English Law, was long withstood by these parliaments. Yet
the people, whom they refused to incorporate into the body of subjects, whom
in peace they would not govern by the law, and in war could not root out by the
sword (such was their matchless injustice), they endeavored to prevent from
seeking refuge in another country from the miseries of their own. By an Act
passed in the reign of Henry the Fourth it was ordained, that no Irish enemy

22 Irish Confined to Realm

should be permitted to depart the realm without special licence, and that the
person and goods of an Irishman (an enemy) attempting to transport himself
without such licence, might be seized by any subject, who was to receive one
moiety of the goods, the other to be forfeited to the King.

England tuouuld banish commerce from yoour coasts, ■would sap the source of industry if
she did not knonu, that to her resulted all the advantage.

Miss Emmet.

Part IV

Origin and Nature of Poynings' Law — Distinction between English by birth and
English by blood began in reign of Edward III — The English adventurers of English
birth affected to despise the English by blood — The English by blood espoused
cause of House of York — When Henry VII had borne down all opposition he re-
duced both factions to insignilicance — Made Irish Parliament mere court of record
of Royal edicts — This was effected by Poynings' Law which was insidious in its
operation — Its details — Ireland became a country without a Constitution or Trade
— Its people, impoverished and divided, and its Parliament a compound of pride,
bigotry and meanness.

if HE famous distinction between the English by blood and
the English by birth commenced in the reign of Edward
the Third. The English by birth, the later adventurers,
as they successively came over, affected to despise and
degrade the descendants of the earlier invaders, or the

English by bl 1.

The English by blood, from a long tenure in the
country, were more numerous and more powerful than
their adversaries, though the latter were favored by
the Crown as being- more immediately devoted to its interests. The
English by blood were attached to the House of York. They even warmly
espoused the cause of the impostor Simnel, and afterwards showed a disposition
to favor the pretensions of the impostor Warbeck. But, when Henry the Seventh
had borne down all opposition to his claims, he took advantage of the dismay
attending an abortive attempt and disappointed wishes. He new modelled a Par-
liament, which had been too much under the influence of powerful deputies, and
too much the instrument of turbulent factions to be a ready and useful instru-
ment of the Crown and of English supremacy. This politic prince seems to have
been determined to reduce all factions to a state of common insignificance,
and to simplify the exercise of foreign domination, by making the Parliament
a mere court of record for registering the edicts of the sovereign.

This was effected by the celebrated law of Poynings, which concealed its
purpose under the fair appearance of correcting some acknowledged abuses,
and disclosed not at once its full and decisive effect on the future powers of
Parliament.

Previous to this period the Irish Parliament, such as it was, had claimed
and exercised the right of legislation, though interrupted by some usurpations
on the part of England, in the same manner as the right of legislation was
enjoyed by the Parliament of that country. The Irish Parliament passed laws

24 Poynings' Law

for Ireland with a negative power merely vested in the Crown. But by this
law of Poynings, as afterwards explained and enlarged by the third and fourth
of Philip and Mary, the order of legislation was reversed, the original and
efficient powers of legislation were essentially vested in the Crown, and to
the Parliament was left but a negative voice on the ordinances of the prince.
Upon the construction of the statute of Poynings and the explanatory act com-
bined neither Lords nor Commons in Ireland had a right to frame or propose
bills. A bill was first framed by the Deputy and Privy Council of Ireland,
afterwards transmitted for approbation to the King and Council of England,
who had a power of alteration and of really making it a new hill unalterable,
by sending it back under the great seal of England, and lastly it was presented
to the Irish Parliament, to which remained the single insignificant privilege
of agreeing to the whole of the bill or rejecting the whole, as thus modelled and
returned by the Crown. This practice was strictly observed until the reign of
James the First, when the Irish Parliament assumed the privilege of being
humble remembrancers to the Deputy and Council of what bills were to be
transmitted to England.

Hence arose the custom of framing in either House what were called heads
of a bill, which was carried to the Council, from thence transmitted and in the
form of a bill laid before the King and Council of England. Here it might
be suppressed or altered at pleasure. If it was returned to the Irish Parliament,
the power of that Parliament extended only to the simple acceptance or rejec-
tion of the bill in the very form in which it came back, however changed from
its original nature. Thus the high court of Parliament, the supreme delibera-
tive assembly of the nation, was in truth little more than a court of enrolment
for the imperial rescripts of the English monarch.

The importance of Poynings' Law did not appear in its full magnitude
for a considerable time. The ministers of the Crown in Ireland even contended
on some occasions for a suspension of its provisions, as they happened to be
influenced by a desire of extraordinary dispatch, or some other temporary
motive. Yet such was the miserable state of the people, such its dread of the
power of a deputy, supported by a small parliament composed of his own crea-
tures, that every attempt of this kind excited alarm, and a strict adherence
to the Law of Poynings was long considered as the great security on the sub-
ject. But, when by the extension of the English conquest in Ireland the
business of Parliament grew more important, and the number and weight of
the Commons had increased, the ideas of the Government and the people
changed. In the reign of Charles the First, the artful Strafford, who well
understood the value of such an engine of power, admonished his royal master
that "the previous allowance of laws to be propounded in the Irish Parliament,
should be held as a sacred prerogative, not to be departed from, in no point to
be broken or infringed."

A prerogative held sacred by a Strafford could only have derived its sanc-
tity from a profanation of the rights of the people. In England, the Crown and
the people, equally oppressed by the overbearing tyranny of the feudal lords,

Submission of Parliament

had conspired in its destruction. Restrictions on alienation and feudal de-
pendence were gradually abolished, commerce increased, the Commons rose
first into wealth and finally into power, which in its paroxysms subverted the
monarchy, and in its more moderated efforts established British liberty on the
basis of the revolution. But no change of circumstances could give lasting
life and spirit to the Irish Parliament as constituted by the Law of Poynings.
The Commons might increase in number, in wealth, and in knowledge, but
must still remain obscure and impotent. Such abject, mute submission to a
foreign yoke debased their sentiments and paralyzed their powers. The law
indeed might be done away; some passing shock might restore the palsied
energies of nature. But, while the law remained, no permanent vigor could
ever mark the existence of that assembly. In England, with the revolution
came liberty, and strength, and science, and glory. The miserable province
exhibited the most humiliating contrast of servitude and weakness, without
constitution, without trade, its people impoverished and divided, its Parliament
a motley compound of pride, bigotry and meanness.

Persecution has made many martyrs; but it has never made one convert, and never <will
— the nature of man resists it; the feeling implanted by the God of Justice revolts
against it.

Miss Emmet.

Part V

Power of binding Ireland by its laws usurped by English Parliament — The
Poynings' Law left a simulacrum of liberty to Irish Parliament — That was ended
by an express declaration of a right by the English Parliament to bind Ireland by
its laws — Protests were of no avail and the exterminating colony of lawless in-
vaders eventually became the dupes and victims of their own injustice — Ireland's
right to Liberty — Instances of direct exercise of dominion from year 1641 to the
Revolution frequent and flagrant — Policy toward Ireland invariable no matter what
bigotry and meanness.

SHE Law of Poynings may seem sufficiently to have marked
the inferiority and secured the dependence of Ireland.
It was an absolute surrender by her own Parliament of
its best powers.

However injurious to the interest and degrading to the
spirit of the nation, it had become the rule of legislation,
and the acknowledged bond of subjection. But it pre-
sented the idea of a distinct Parliament legislating for a
distinct country, claimed as a right, not held by suffer-
ance. It, therefore, appeared to British pride a species of domination
too subtile and refined. A formal undisguised exercise of sovereignty alone
could fully display the relation of imperial rule and provincial obedience.

The policy of a Caesar condescended to leave to an enslaved people the
image of a free constitution. The policy was prudent. It was a sacrifice of
pride to wisdom. But the individual despot will often stoop to appearances,
to which the despot nation will not bend. That England should govern Ireland
by the Parliament of Ireland was not enough. It remained to close the scene
of conquest by a mortification of the feelings as well as a triumph over the
liberties of the conquered. This was achieved by an express declaration from
the Parliament of England of a right to bind Ireland by its laws.

The English Parliament, at a very remote period, had occasionally exer-
cised the power of legislating for Ireland, particularly as to foreign trade,
and some distinction had even been taken, though it does not appear to have
been practically adhered to between external and internal legislation.

This occasional exercise of legislative authority on the part of England,
however, had been generally protested against by the Irish Parliament as a
manifest usurpation.

Indeed, the formal adoption by that Parliament, from time to time, of laws
previously enacted in England and considered as expedient in Ireland, seemed

English Legislative Supremacy

to be a virtual declaration that no law of the English Parliament, as such,
could have force in Ireland ; hut that the sanction of the Irish legislature was
necessary to give it validity; and that the English Parliament was followed
as an example, not obeyed as an authority. Thus much may he stated as
matter of fact with respect to the exclusive legislative power of the Irish
Parliament and the ideas which that Parliament entertained of its own inde-
pendence.

Bui in investigating the political relation between England and Ireland,
we must not he led away by any formal grants of liberty, by any formal con-
veyances of constitution, by any pompous claims of right, by any solemn
protests against wrong. A country always suffering, though always com-
plaining and deprecating its sufferings, affords but an odd idea of independence.
The relation between England and Ireland must be appreciated by attending
to the general tenor of facts ; and facts must be appreciated with a due regard
to the probable effects of certain general causes, existing throughout the whole
time of that relation and constant in their operation. Undoubtedly no antici-
pation, however specious, of probable results from given relations between
nations or individuals ought to hold a single instant against the actual result
of well authenticated fact. But as no evidence can satisfy the mind of the
existence of facts whose existence is demonstratively impossible, so it is certain
that general probabilities ought always to be attended to in estimating the
nature and evidence of any alleged particular existence.

If, contrary to all the conclusions of experience, the invasion of Ireland
by Henry the Second should be said to have introduced into that country a
distinct national legislature, mystically united to the Crown of England, and
by that mystical union, rendering it an independent imperial kingdom, merely
subject to the Crown of England in the same manner that England is subject
thereto, and pursuing its own happiness according to its own will, the
philosophic mind, well acquainted with the history of man, with the relative
condition of England and Ireland at the time of that invasion, with the state of
European opinions and manners, with the ideas entertained by the invaders of
themselves and of the people whom they invaded, with the pious professions and
real intentions of Henry, would no doubt wonder most exceedingly that such
an independence should be the result of that invasion, but would, at the same
time, be prepared impartially to consider the nature and proofs of that inde-
pendence, and, however antecedently sceptical, would be ready to yield to the
force of truth.

But if a view of the history of Ireland for a period of six centuries from
the time of that invasion should exhibit a scene of calamity and debasement,
which even a knowledge of the general nature of ambition and its conquests
could have but faintly anticipated ; if the conduct of England throughout the
whole of that period should be marked by the most unfeeling cruelty and
contemptuous pride towards the nation ; if, instead of the English colony
carrying with it liberty and independence, every successive band of invaders
should appear to come solely for the purpose of plunder, affecting to despise

28 Ireland's Right to Liberty

their predecessors as contaminated and degraded by their residence in a bar-
barous and conquered land, thus proclaiming aloud the opinion which England
entertained of the object of colonization; if, during the progress of a long
protracted conquest, Ireland should appear covered with blood and desolation,
and, at the end of ninety years of uninterrupted peace after that conquest was
finally achieved, should still appear wasted and impoverished, without manu-
factures, without trade, with a people ignorant and starving in an age of
science and in a land of the happiest soil and climate, if such should be the
record presented by indisputable facts, some future historian, who will not
seek to build a claim of right to liberty on parchment precedents, but to in-
vestigate truth by every species of evidence, will know how to appreciate the
value of musty records of independent legislation transmitted by an exter-
minating colony of lawless invaders.

He will observe these invaders to be themselves the dupes of parliaments
and charters, destined finally to suffer the penalty of their own injustice. He
will observe England actually exercising, under various appearances, the pre-
eminence of dominion, and Ireland enduring the wrongs and the contumely
of oppression ; and he will conclude that, if Ireland can not produce a better
title than precedent, to independence, she is of right enslaved.

But she can produce that title. The title of man to liberty is derived from
heaven, from the bounty of that Providence which made him the piece of
workmanship he is, "noble in reason, infinite in faculties, in action like an
angel, in apprehension like a god." She can produce the immortal record of
independence traced by Deity on the mind of man. A charter of liberty is but
evidence of an agreement to enjoy liberty according to certain forms; it can
never be evidence of a right to enjoy. Even as evidence of that agreement it
derives its whole authority from the will of the people, which prescribes or
consents to the mode. The charter of John was to the barons at Runnimede
but a record of the manner in which they wished to be governed by their kings.
Their title to liberty rested not on the charter, it rested on the rights of man.
Yet man considers his title to liberty like the title to an estate, and anxiously
inquires if his ancestors have registered the deeds.

Man looks to antiquity for a right to be free. As well might he look to
antiquity for a right to breathe. Man looks to antiquity for a right to be free,
and is a slave by precedent when he could not be made a slave by force.

But be the precedents in favor of the exclusive legislative sufficiency of
the Parliament of Ireland as they might, England respected them not. From
time to time, as it gratified her caprice or served her policy, she legislated for
Ireland. She regulated the commerce, she disposed of the territory and of the
people of Ireland, and affected to regard the Irish Parliament but as a sub-
ordinate assembly, subject to the interference and control of the superior State.
It may also be observed, not as anything extraordinary, but merely as an his-
torical fact, that in proportion as Ireland increased in importance to England
by the progress and final completion of conquest, and in proportion as England
succeeded in her struggles for liberty, so did her direct and open exercise of

Destruction by Legislation

dominion over Ireland advance to its full and formal avowal. The instances
of this direct exercise of dominion from the year Kill to the revolution, were
frequent and flagrant. Whether England was ruled by a king, by a parliament,
or by a protector; whether her government was a government of prerogative
or of privilege, founded in right or in usurpation, her conduct to Ireland was
the same, unvaried in the despotic principles from which it flowed, varied only
by the different notions of expediency, which her rulers entertained.

When at last, by the revolution, the political dangers of England seemed
at an end, when her constitution seemed to repose securely after all its storms,
when the triumph of liberty after long and doubtful warfare might have in-
spired the just and generous sentiment that it was as dear to others as it had
been to herself, a change of system with respect to Ireland might not unrea-
sonably have been expected. It might have been expected, not that England
would abdicate her sovereignty, but that she would exercise it with more
justice, and with more feeling, that she would pay some regard to the wants,
if not to the rights of the province, and advance its industry while she secured
its dependence. It might have been expected that she would prefer the security
of that dependence through the indirect and less offensive means of its own
Parliament, than by a haughty assumption of direct legislative supremacy,
which insulted the slave without exalting the despot.

If such expectations were entertained, they were miserably disappointed.
That revolution which gave liberty to England, seemed to increase the dis-
position as it increased the power to oppress. The English Parliament con-
tinued to legislate for Ireland. It not only legislated for Ireland, but it
ruined her by legislation. It assailed her manufactures and trade, and as it
diminished the value, so it not inconsistently, destroyed the means of life.

Have you ever tried conciliation; have you ever attempted amelioration? — Never. From
the first moment thai an English foot pressed this ground, to the present, the system
has been a system of cruelty, untinged with mercy.

Miss Emmet, Letter to the Irish Parliament.

Part VI

Molyneaux's "Case of Ireland"— Was member of the Irish House of Commons
— Roused by legislative interference of English Parliament in Irish affairs, published
his Case not long before Revolution in England — He demonstrated that conquest
gave England no rightful domination over Ireland — His definition of conquest —
Molyneaux erred, not in his definition of conquest, but in its application to historical
fact — His perversion of fact lay in maintaining that submission of chieftains turned
body of Irish people into loyal subjects of an English King — The work of exter-
mination had left in Molyneaux's time only one in a thousand of the original
natives in Ireland — England made Ireland a province, and the province made its
people slaves — Ireland not governed by the King and Parliament of Ireland — It
was the King and Council of England that governed the King and Parliament of
Ireland — The King of Ireland was a mere metaphysical abstraction — Parliament of
Ireland a body without a soul — Molyneaux befogged himself in a mysterious con-
fusion of ideas, and burned his book.

'OT long after the revolution, Molyneaux, a member of
the Irish House of Commons, roused by some recent
instances of legislative interference by the Parliament of
England, highly injurious to his country, published his
celebrated "Case of Ireland". This production chal-
lenges one or two observations.

The author demonstrated (the demonstration was

easy), that conquest could, on no possible supposition,

give to England a rightful dominion over Ireland. But

England held Ireland by the fact of conquest, and cared little about the

right. Molyneaux, it is true, denied even the fact of conquest, but the denial

is altogether unworthy of his talents and his cause.

He defines conquest to be : "an acquisition of a kingdom by force of arms,
to which force likewise has teen opposed". Now this definition is evidently
erroneous in not being sufficiently comprehensive. Certainly no peaceable ac-
quisition of a country by the free and voluntary submission of its inhabitants
is, in the present argument, to be called a conquest. But the acquisition of a
country by the terror of force, without any exercise of force, is upon every prin-
ciple of reason, as much a conquest, as an acquisition by force, to which force
likewise has been opposed, can possibly be. It would not be easy to distinguish
between the acquisition of the robber, who with a pistol at your breast, makes
you deliver up your purse at once, and the acquisition of him, who cannot
compel you to surrender it until after a struggle in which you have been
worsted. Molyneaux doubts not but the barbarous people of the island were

" Case of Ireland ?I

struck with fear and terror of King Henry's powerful force, and yet, according
Jo him, all was transacted with the greatest quiet, tranquillity and freedom
imaginable. He talks of the easy and voluntary submission of the nati\<
though struck with fear and terror of a powerful force, and concludes that
"there was no hostile conquest, for where there is no opposition, such a con-
quest can take no place". His conclusion might be true, if his definition was
just.

But the great error of Molyneaux lies not in his definition, it lies in his
application of the definition to historical facts. He admits that some of
Henry's vassals, by his licence and permission, but not by his particular com-
mand, having landed hostilely in Ireland, vanquished the natives in several
engagements and by that means secured an establishment in the country.
Upon this Henry, though lie had not commanded the expedition, yet finding
that his subjects had made a very good hand of it, went himself into Ireland
with an army, where he obtained from his successful subjects the fruits of their
very good handy-work.

Then comes the free and voluntary submission of the kings, princes, chiefs,
archbishops, bishops and abbots of all Ireland, swearing allegiance and sub-
mitting- themselves and their posterity for ever to Henry and his heirs as true
and faithful subjects, and here, according to Molyneaux, terminated the acqui-
sition of an entire kingdom, with the greatest quiet and tranquillity and freedom
imaginable.

Whoever reads and believes that Henry, long before this magical acquisition
of the Kingdom of Ireland, had meditated the conquest of it, that he only
waited for an opportunity and a pretence, and that, when the pretence was
offered, being engaged in more urgent affairs, he permitted his subjects in the
meantime to embrace the opportunity, which he had anxiously desired, will not
find it very easy to form a clear idea of the difference between such a permission
and a command. Henry took advantage of the actual force of his own sub-
jects, to which force had been unsuccessfully opposed, and of the fear and
terror caused by the presence of a powerful army, which he had brought with
him, the formidable nature of which the success of the first invaders had
taught the natives fully to comprehend, and it will not be more easy to perceive
the distinction between the acquisition of a kingdom by such means, and the
"acquisition of a kingdom by force of arms, to which force had likewise been
opposed". Had the matter even terminated here, and had the acquisition been
in this manner completed, it never could be called a peaceable acquisition by
the voluntary submission of the natives ; it would have been to all intents an
hostile conquest.

But the grand perversion of facts consists in maintaining that the sub-
mission of the native chieftains, which Molyneaux describes, is to be considered
as a conversion of the entire body of the natives of Ireland into liege subjects
of the King of England ; that the scene of acquisition closed here ; and that
every subsequent conflict between the English invaders and the native Irish
is to be viewed, not as a link in the chain of "acquisition of kingdom by force

32 Living Servitude

of arms, to which force likewise was opposed", but as a contest between a
lawful prince and his rebellious subjects. Subjects! whom these rapacious
and blood-thirsty invaders persisted for centuries in denominating the "Irish"
enemy, that the law might neither protect their lives nor revenge their deaths,
that they might be extirpated without restraint as without mercy.

So well was the work of extirpation carried on that, by the calculation of
Molyneaux himself, but a mere handful of the ancient Irish remained in his
day, not one in a thousand. He urges this very extirpation of the natives as
an argument against the claim of any right by conquest over Ireland in his
day, since thereby the great hody of the people consisted of the progeny of the
English, over whom at least England could not claim dominion by conquest,
being the instruments of its settlement, not the objects of its effects.

An attempt to demonstrate that the subjection of Ireland to the English
power has not been the effect of force, but of the voluntary submission of its
ancient people, is like an attempt to demonstrate the non-existence of matter,
the existence of which is proved every moment of our lives by the testimony
of every sense. No pompous or politic description of real or iffected sub-
mission, no representations of ignorant, weak, malicious or prejudiced his-
torians, no sophistry of argument advanced in the service of religious and
political monopoly, can ever persuade the candid and feeling mind, that the
dominion of England over this devoted land has not been founded in a con-
quest, as unprovoked in its origin, as hypocritical in its pretences, and in its
prosecution and completion as inhuman and inglorious, as ever stained the
annals of ambition.

But the victorious invaders and their posterity cannot be called a conquered
people. They were not conquered by arms, but they were conquered by policy,
or rather they were conquered by the force of moral causes. By the influence
of moral causes both conquerors and conquered were equally doomed to de-
pendence. Their fortunes could not be separated. The victorious invaders
were undone by their own victory. They conquered not for themselves, they
conquered for England. They made Ireland a province, and the province
made them slaves. That Ireland, subjugated as she was, could retain national
independence seems a moral impossibility ; that she did not retain it is an his-
torical truth, irresistibly forced upon the mind by facts which cannot be
controverted, and a character which cannot be misunderstood.

Read that character in the champion of her rights ; read it in a member of
their insulted legislature, read it in a descendant of the victorious invaders, read
it in Molyneaux himself, the friend of Locke, whose reasoning he could apply,
but whose spirit he could not imbibe ; for Locke had a country and Molyneaux
had none. "If what I offer herein seems to carry any weight in relation to my
own poor country, I shall be abundantly happy in the attempt, but if after all,
the great council of England resolve the contrary, I shall believe myself to be in
an error, and with the lowest submission, ask pardon for my assumption". What !
Appeal from the demonstrations of reason to prejudiced, interested, proud
authority, and model belief by the decrees of a Parliament which was robbing

What Molyneaux Proved 33

his poor country of her trade, and her legislature of its ancient rights. What!
Ask pardon for daring to utter the conviction of his reason and the dictates
of his conscience in a cause, which he felt to he the cause of truth and of his
country. Molyneaux did live in a conquered country ; while he denies the
conquest by his argument, he proves it by his example. Molyneaux did
live in a dependent country ; and while he appeals to written liberty, we may
appeal to living servitude.

Molyneaux does not prove, he could not prove, the independence of Ireland.
He admits the reverse in express terms. "Nor do I think that 'tis anywise
necessary for the good of England to assert this high jurisdiction [direct legis-
lative supremacy] over Ireland. For since the statutes of this Kingdom are
made with such caution, and in such form, as is prescribed by Poynings' statute
10. Hen. VII, and by the third and fourth Philip and Mary, and whilst Ireland
is in English hands, I do not see how 'tis possible for the Parliament of Ireland
to do anything that can be in the least prejudicial to England". Such is his
reasoning, and beyond all controversy under these laws of its existence, it was
not possible for the Parliament of Ireland to do anything, that could be in the
least prejudicial to England, or in the least serviceable to Ireland, but according
to the will of the superior state. The exclusion of a possibility of injuring
England necessarily includes an impossibility of serving Ireland, except as
directed or permitted by that supreme will. Both the one and the other could
only be founded in the absolute want of independence in the Parliament of
Ireland. It was not the King and Parliament of Ireland, that governed Ireland.
It was the King and Council of England that governed the King and Parlia-
ment of Ireland. Or rather the King of Ireland was a mere metaphysical ab-
straction, as the Parliament of Ireland was a body without a soul. What then
does Molyneaux prove? He proves incontestably that conquest can give no
rightful dominion to nation over nation. He proves the early existence of a
distinct Parliament in Ireland, claiming and generally exercising an exclusive
power of making laws for Ireland, considering its own sanction necessary to
give Acts of the English Parliament validity in Ireland, and negativing any
contrary presumption as an infringement of its privileges. He admits many
late instances of interference by the English Parliament, but proves them to
be unjust innovations. He proves the existence of early grants and charters
of liberty to Ireland, and resists the claim of legislative supremacy in the Par-
liament of England as contrary not only to precedent, but to reason and the
rights of mankind.

It rested with the minister of England to determine the merits of the ques-
tion. He well knew it was not to be a question of reason or of right, but a
question of policy supported by power. He well understood the nature of that
distinct parliament, for the privileges of which Molyneaux contends, and how
little it was really connected with the independence of Ireland. He well under-
stood the nature of those boasted grants of liberty, which Molyneaux proclaims,
on whom they had been conferred, and to what purpose they had been em-
ployed.

34 Fate of Molyneux's Book

He well knew how little England need respect the instruments of conquest,
now that conquest was complete, that the work of extermination had been but
a work of substitution, that success had levelled all distinctions but those, which
policy might feel it necessary to create or support. He well knew that England
had always exercised a virtual supremacy over Ireland, and was conscious on
what little that supremacy reposed. But he did not wish to declare all these
things. As England possessed the supremacy of strength, he determined she
should exercise the supremacy of legislation. But he did not choose to publish
her real title. He wished that to be concealed in the mysterious confusion of
ideas, which different intellects, prejudices, passions and interests would infal-
libly throw around it.

He wished to assume the right of legislative supremacy in England as too
evident to be disputed, or too sacred to be discussed. The minister would no
doubt have preferred precedent to mystery, and argument to assumption. But
the precedents were against him. On the only ground of argument which he
could with prudence have adopted, the case of Ireland was unanswerable. It
presumptuously assailed by reason what he resolved should be held as an in-
controvertible article of faith, and, like Omar, he burned the Book.

It may be affirmed that whatever there nvas of religious rancour in the contest tuas the
•work of the Government through its Orange allies, and <with the express purpose of
preventing an union of Irishmen of all creeds — a thing which is felt to be incompatible
•with British government in Ireland.

John Mitchell.

Part VII

An enquiry into the causes which determined the policy of England — England's
greatness arose from liberty and commerce — Her liberty was her own — Her com-
merce is a source of greatness depending more on chance and others and less on
will and herself — As an object of speculative discussion and partial imitation the
British constitution' may be calculated to interest mankind — The British policy de-
rived from it but the motives of injustice and oppression — Her power rests upon
her external commerce — It is a question whether a people which has never respected
the rights of others is entitled to respect of any kind from others — The develop-
ment of England's tyranny in Ireland — Ireland's Parliament used to destroy Ire-
land's manufactures and. trade — Ireland kept weak by poverty and disunion — Eng-
land's mistake was in destroying constitutional liberty and at the same time the means
of life — Comparison with the empire of ancient Rome — Lord Lyttelton's speculations
on what Ireland might have been had Magnus, King of Norway, succeeded in con-
quering Ireland at beginning of twelfth century — Detestable policy of English
statesmen in time of Elizabeth — England's malignant jealousy of Ireland increased
with her expanding commerce — Ireland a favorite of nature, a victim of England's
policy — Ireland must not be independent, is England's proposition — Her extinction a
question ever present in the mind of English statesmen' — The nation which is feared
ought to be aspiring — With strength to be free it is a crime to be enslaved.

1KX the nature of the Irish Parliament, impotent and
abject (not only as modelled by Poynings' Law, but as
composed of every element of dependence), is considered,
an enquiry seems pressed upon the mind why England
should persist in a haughty assumption and contemptuous
exercise of the supremacy of direct legislation. It ap-
pears unnecessary to the support of a supremacy of will,
by which she could always govern Ireland through the
agency of its own Parliament, and secure its dependence
without wounding its pride, or seeming to trench upon real or fancied privileges.
It might be unwise to provoke by recent usurpation an examination of ancient
right, which might itself be found to be indeed but an usurpation of an older
date. It might be dangerous to make domination palpable to the most vulgar
capacity, and to exercise it in a manner, which might rouse the tamest spirit.

To the slave without hope it may be enough to feel that he is enslaved.
To investigate the motives of his ruin might be only adding insult to oppres-
sion ; but to the freeman, who would be wise, or to the slave, who may be free,
an enquiry into the motives of tyranny, which seem to spring not from caprice
but design, not from accident but system, not from casual and temporary, but

36 English Commerce

from necessary and permanent causes, must be useful, and ought to be in-
teresting.

The greatness of Britain has arisen from liberty and from commerce. Her
liberty she may peculiarly call her own. Her commerce may have first sprung
from that liberty, and may be still intimately connected with it; but it is a
source of greatness depending more upon chance and less upon will, more
upon others and less upon herself. Commerce is a good, comparative and
dependent. Its relations are infinite. It is connected with the ignorance and
the knowledge, the wants and the luxuries, the idleness and the industry, with
the situations and the governments, with the opinions and with the prejudices
of different countries, not only in themselves, but as compared. It depends
much upon design and much upon accident, much upon wisdom, and much
also upon fortune.

In contemplating the policy of England, we are led to consider her chiefly
in a commercial point of view. In estimating her character as a nation we,
no doubt, observe the constitution of her government and the administration
of her laws as eminently distinguishing her from surrounding States. But it
is in the influence, which that constitution, in its practical existence, may have
had on her general policy in peace and in war, as connected with other powers,
or her own dependencies, that these powers and dependencies are principally
concerned. As an object of speculative discussion, or of partial imitation, the
British constitution may be calculated to delight, to instruct and to ameliorate
mankind, while British policy may have derived from that constitution, but the
motives and the means of injustice and oppression.

It is not by her existing power that we are to measure the greatness of
England, but by that power compared with her native strength. England
possesses not in herself independent greatness from extent of territory, fertility
of soil, and consequent population. Her colossal power rests upon external
commerce, and other nations are chiefly interested in her constitution, as that
constitution has been connected with her commerce, and as her policy has been
connected with both. If her constitution and her commerce have grown and
must perish together, and if her policy has rested the security of both on the
perpetual violation of justice, a respect for her constitution will not protect
her commerce. A question may even be excited how far the liberty of a people
is entitled to respect, which has never yet in a single instance respected the
rights of any other people, when tempted to infringe them by ambition or
avarice, and not restrained by force.

But an enquiry into the policy of England must now be limited to a view
of the nature and motives of her conduct in a haughty assumption of a right
to bind Ireland directly by her laws, and in an intemperate depression of the
Irish people. The connection between England and Ireland, always a con-
nection of rule and dependency, had been modelled originally by the cir-
cumstances of the times. It had commenced in feudal times, and it exhibited
in its progress all the uncertainty and inconsistency which marked those times.
The manner in which the conquest of Ireland was effected by the intervention

Variation in Policy 37

of English settlers, necessarily produced charters and parliaments, and all the
forms of liberty and independence in a country which actually experienced the
most cruel and humiliating servitude.

The power of England, comparatively strong, but really feeble, rendered a
vigorous plan of conquest impossible. A conquest, prolonged from this weak-
ness in England, through many ages of calamity and disgrace, was subject to
the vicissitudes of capricious, temporary, unconnected schemes. The original
design of conquest, which might have been defeated by a seasonable union
among the natives, was obstinately persisted in and finally achieved. But it
had been conceived in an age of rude, desultory warfare, in a mere spirit of
acquisition, with a determination to subject, but without any precise object in
subjugation. Hence the idea of dependency was constantly connected with
Ireland in the contemplation of British policy, as it must always be connected
with the acts of the conquered in the mind of the victorious people, when the
victorious and the conquered continue as before, distinct people in distinct
countries. But though the general idea of dependency was immediately and
invariably associated with Ireland in the English mind, and though it led to
the most unqualified exercise of dominion on the part of England, no clear
and accurate idea appears to have been conceived for a length of time of the
manner in which England might best fashion that dependency to her wants
and wishes.

Before any precise notions of political liberty had been formed in England,
the feudal barons carried with them into Ireland such notions as then pre-
vailed, and the formal basis of such a constitution as England then possessed.
But after some time it was discovered that even in this formal basis too much
had been conceded by England in Ireland. When the English settlers had
been so long and so firmly established in the country as apparently to secure
the acquisition, when retreat seemed destruction to them and their continuance
absolutely dependent on England, it was then discovered that a parliament,
similar to that of England, was too formidable in the faction to be useful in
despotism. Poynings' Law repaired this defect. By this law was introduced
a settled form of subjection and an established organ, by which imperial will
might communicate its mandates. But, in the occasional paroxysms of domina-
tion, or in the confusion of troubled times, even this form of provincial gov-
ernment was violated, and at length the violation of principle, when that
violation appeared subservient to the aggrandizement of England, came to
be considered by the English Parliament as itself a principle, or, at least as
grounds upon an antecedent principle, which it would be presumption to deny
or to arraign.

But whence arose this variation in the policy of England? Whence did it
arise that England, not content with the instrumentality of the Irish Parlia-
ment, assumed a power of direct imperial legislation? It arose from that
change in the circumstances of Europe, which substituted trade for chivalry
and commercial speculation for feudal ambition.

When England, adapted for commercial pursuits and formed for com-

38 Irish Parliament a Tool

mercial greatness only, had directed her views principally to commercial
aggrandizement, it appeared that a provincial legislature, possessing even a
negative upon imperial regulation, might be an obstacle to that simple and
imperious exercise of dominion, which the interests of trade might require.
Did the legislature of neither country interfere, were Ireland left to the free
exertions of her native strength, not a doubt could exist of her powers and
success. The Irish Parliament, it is true, could not, unless permitted by the
British Cabinet, encourage Irish trade and promote Irish manufactures by
active beneficence. But, except under peculiar circumstances of depression,
commerce, perhaps, flourishes most when least encumbered and enthralled by
legislative interposition. Ireland certainly did labor under severe artificial
disadvantages, and required the fostering care of a patriotic and provident
legislature. Still, however, such is her vital power, she must have advanced
rapidly in health and vigor if her Parliament, impotent to create, should not be
active to destroy, but by a bare neutrality, leave her to the bounty of heaven,
to industry and fortune. Indeed, from such a Parliament neutrality could not
be expected, and England might, and did, through that Parliament, carry
on active and deadly hostility against the manufactures and trade of
Ireland, directly by commercial prohibition, indirectly by religious perse-
cution.

But even such a parliament, however shackled and debased, might form
some barrier against the unfeeling policy of a foreign State, considering
Ireland at once in the twofold light of a dependent and a rival. A sense of
self-preservation, an identity of interest with the country, must in some degree
prevent even such a Parliament from entering blindly into the fears, the pre-
judices, the avarice and the ignorance of the British merchant and manu-
facturer, and from sacrificing to the ephemeral popularity of a British Minister
the fortune and the hopes of the latest generations.

An attachment to country will cling to the basest minds unless counteracted
by some powerful personal interest, and hence there would exist the trouble-
some and expensive necessity of constantly maintaining this personal counter-
action. Or, perhaps, an attachment to country is in base minds but an
attachment to self, to some personal advantage enjoyed from the country, un-
connected with one social feeling or generous sentiment. Such vileness must
be bought, and self alone could outweigh self. The Parliament of Ireland,
therefore, would be chiefly impracticable with respect to the trade of Ireland.
The prejudices of this Parliament were all in favor of the British policy of
national division ; but its interests were all against the British policy of national
depression and impoverishment. This Parliament would persecute the Catholic,
but might not wish to destroy the woolen manufacture of Ireland. But the
double object was to be secured of keeping Ireland weak by poverty and weak
by disunion. The first object could be most certainly and easily attained
through the British Parliament, and the latter through a domestic legislature.
The prejudices of the British Parliament would be all in favor of British
monopoly in trade, the prejudices of an Irish Parliament in favor of the policy

Irish Industry Crushed

of exciting the Protestant against the Catholic, and thus depressing and de-
basing the great body of the Irish people.

Indeed by this blind persecuting spirit in the Irish Parliament, that Par-
liament was made the instrument also of the commercial jealousy of England.
Even if the religion of the Catholic was really with the Irish Parliament the
only object of the Popery Laws, yet his industry, though indirectly, was much
more fatally assailed. A solitary convert might not now and then proclaim the
wretched triumph of liberty or terror, while an ignorant, a bigoted and a
starving population betrayed the direful and permanent effects of that abom-
inable code.

Thus, by the assumption of legislative supremacy in the Parliament of
England, whatever the Parliament of Ireland might wish to spare could be
destroyed, and Irish industry could be directed or crushed, as might best
promote the commercial ambition, or gratify the commercial malignity of Eng-
land. The Irish Parliament would answer the subordinate purposes of a pro-
vincial legislature, prejudiced and odious, full of apprehension and distrust,
limited not only in its virtual but in its formal powers, and exhibiting the
appearance as well as the reality of subjection, appearing to act by a delegated
authority, and by the very abuses of that authority, securing the dominion of
the power, from which it seemed to emanate, and by which it might be con-
trolled.

The right of supreme legislation in England as the supreme State, assumed
as a general right, unlimited and undefined, necessarily implied a right of
exercising that legislation in every instance, according to the suggestion of
prudence or the impulse of caprice; and the Irish Parliament could be con-
sidered as existing only by sufferance, and permitted to exist only from policy.
That Parliament was destined, in one short moment of passing glory, to alarm
the fears and to humble the pride of England ; but it was also doomed to perish
for ever by the policy, which in that short moment it could disappoint and pro-
voke. Before that short moment of its triumph, and that fatal moment of its
doom arrived, England continued to employ it in the domestic drudgery of
routine legislation, or in the more vigorous but more disgraceful office of civil
and religious persecution.

But why should England thus study to depress and to debase so much
more than seemed necessary to her safety, and so much more than seemed even
consistent with her interest? Would not wisdom prescribe a more generous
policy, must not the extreme weakness and impoverishment of Ireland defeat
the rapacity which demanded the sacrifice, and enfeeble the power which tri-
umphed in desolation? When England had subdued the country and had
formed the province, why could she not, like ancient Rome, govern with au-
thority but govern without fear, destroy all constitutional freedom, but destroy
not the means of life?

That England might, by an enlarged and liberal policy, have secured to
Ireland happiness and to herself glory and strength, and have exhibited to
surrounding nations a singular union of conquest and moderation was certainly

40 Roman and English Systems

within the limits of moral contingency. That England would have oppressed
with a milder tyranny might have been expected, even upon the cold calcula-
tions of common political prudence. But a comparison of the native powers
and capacities of the two countries, which loudly proclaimed a competition
of native strength, the consciousness of aggravated wrongs, the dread of long
provoked vengeance, the pride of power, the jealousy of commerce, all con-
spired to produce on the part of England a policy, narrow, suspicious, selfish
and sanguinary. Ireland had been subdued without any settled, preconceived
plan of conquest and dominion, and throughout the entire duration of her
dependent existence she has exhibited not only an opposition between form
and reality, but the more wonderful opposition of rivalship and servitude. By
nature a rival, by fortune an appendage to Britain, the bounty of Providence
has been her curse, the equal has been punished in the slave. A conviction of
what Ireland might do and ought to do seems to have impressed upon the policy
by which her destiny has been controlled a character of cruelty and fear, of
jealousy and meanness, unexampled in the annals of provincial administration.

The history of ancient Rome, from her humble origin to the zenith of her
power, presents an almost uninterrupted scene of conquest, and the imagination
is constantly occupied and elevated with the renown of military achievement.
We are astonished and improved by the wisdom of their admirable institutions,
which gave harmony and strength and permanence to the solid fabric of her
greatness, and we ascribe the victories of the republic not to fortune but to
genius. The Romans were trained to conquest upon a system uniform and
comprehensive. The design of universal dominion could only have been
gradually inspired by successive triumphs, but the policy which led to that
dominion was early formed and steadily pursued. It was simple and grand,
capable of universal application, not depending on individual caprice or talents,
nor on the varying impulse of the people. Domestic struggles terminated in
a well-construed government, and domestic peace must have given energy
to foreign exertions ; but their institutions, which were more immediately con-
nected with conquest, continued their uniform advancement and operation,
undistinguished by political storms. The imperious policy of war controlled
all parties and combined all talents. The unity of conquest was preserved
entire. In maintaining the honor, enlarging the boundaries and advancing the
glory of the republic the efforts of all its citizens were voluntary, ardent and
persevering.

As the surrounding countries were successively subdued, they were de-
prived of national existence and freedom, but once deprived of independence,
they were no longer considered as distinct objects of jealousy or apprehension.
By a singular and happy policy universally applied to all the members of the
empire, the fortune of the province was almost identified with the fortune
of the ruling state, and all seemed blended into one mighty mass, actuated by
a common principle of life and intelligence. The provinces were, no doubt,
servile and debased. But the liberal and fearless policy of Rome permitted
them to enjoy every advantage not absolutely inconsistent with its universal

Rome's Temperate Rule 4I

views, and freely imparted the benefits of a superior advancement in science,
laws and manners. The provinces were degraded, and they must have felt their
degradation ; they were oppressed and they must have felt the oppression,
but that degradation and that oppression were only such as seem inseparable
from the loss of national independence. They were the necessary incidents of
conquest, not the studied aggravations of malevolence. The Roman province
was not brutalized and impoverished upon system. The very principle upon
which it was governed was not a principle of deterioration. Every vestige of
independence was destroyed, but all the fountains of happiness were not
poisoned. Industry was oppressed by exaction, but not prohibited by law.
Every province was held in subjection by the united force of the empire, and
governed by a common rule of domination applied to every part without dis-
tinction and without fear. The idea of jealousy arising from a rivalship or
competition of interests between the empire and the province could not exist.
The despotism of Rome over her dependencies was not the despotism of dis-
trust, suspicion and envy; it was the despotism of a power which, having
formed the ambitious design of conquest, was soon taught by success to con-
sider itself irresistible, and which viewed every new acquisition as an accession
of strength, not as an object of apprehension.

The vanquished nations, with their inhabitants, their wealth and their
capabilities, were embraced within the common circle of empire, interest and
protection. In the loss of independence they lost everything most interesting
and elevating to man, the ennobling consciousness of a power to be free, but
that loss was not embittered by the vexatious, petty, malignant hostility of a
suspicious tyranny. The objects of a policy, absolute but wise, consistent and
temperate, the provincials were ruled, not persecuted ; destitute of freedom,
they were not also destitute of ease; they enjoyed without envy and without
control all the advantages which can be separated from self-government.

Had the reduction of Ireland to the state of a Roman province completed
the extensive plan of Agricola, we might demonstrate by the contrast of facts
applied to Ireland herself the difference between the condition of a dependency
of Rome and a dependency of Britain. We might demonstrate by the melan-
choly contrast of her servitude, the superior misery of being subject to a power,
strong enough to subdue and oppress, but which, from situation, from circum-
stances and from character, must ever view with suspicion and dread, a country
formed by nature for commercial pre-eminence, and, by the very means em-
ployed to enfeeble and debase, instructed in the secret of her strength and in
the remedy of her misfortunes. It is a miserable policy, which betrays the fears,
while it inflicts the wrongs of oppression. By exposing the weakness as well
as the injustice of despotism, a reiteration of cruelty seems necessary to self-
defence. When in the sad history of his undoing the slave has been taught a
lesson of independence, the tyrant can see no safety but in an accumulated
weight of chains, the slave no retreat from suffering but in death or emanci-
pation.

Lord Lyttelton, after mentioning an unsuccessful attempt of the conquest

42 Disunion Fostered

of Ireland by Magnus, King of Norway, in the beginning of the twelfth cen-
tury, makes the following observations :

If this enterprise had been more wisely conducted, and the success had been answer-
able to what the divisions among the Irish princes, and the inclination of the Ostmen in
favor of a Monarch, from whose country most of them originally came, seemed reason-
able to promise, it would have erected in Ireland a Norwegian Kingdom, which, together
with Man and the other dominions of Magnus, full of shipping and good seamen, might
in progress of time, have composed a maritime power capable of maintaining itself
perhaps for ever, against that of the English, and disputing with them the sovereignty of
the sea. It may indeed be esteemed most happy for this nation [England] that no King
of Denmark or of Norway, or of Sweden, nor any prince of the Ostmen settled in
Ireland, ever gained an entire dominion of that isle, for had it remained under the orderly
government of any of these, its neighborhood would have been, in many respects, prej-
udicial to England.

The conclusions of the noble historian appear to be indisputable, and as
important as they are probable. He might, too, with equal sagacity, though
not, perhaps, with equal prudence, have made another supposition, and might
have drawn conclusions as instructive and as irresistible. He might have said,
had Ireland, breasting the Atlantic, been left to the fortune of her native
independence, unassailed by foreign ambition, she might, in progress of time,
have composed a maritime power capable of maintaining itself for ever against
England, and preventing the growth of that inordinate domination, which has
oppressed with its crimes the east and the west, the African and the Hindoo;
and he might have said, that should Ireland ever be restored to the independ-
ence which she has lost, Britain might resign, and resign forever, the empire
of the seas.

The formidable aspect of Ireland, as an independent state, appears, indeed,
to have made a strong and fatal impression on the councils of England at an
early period.

In the reign of Elizabeth the unfeeling and detestable policy of ruling Ire-
land by means of her intestine divisions, her barbarism and her poverty, was
openly avowed by the ministers of that princess.

Should we exert ourselves, said they, in reducing this country to order and
civility, it must soon acquire power, consequence and riches, the inhabitants
will be thus alienated from England, they will cast themselves into the arms
of some foreign power, or perhaps exert themselves into an independent and
separate state. Let us rather connive at their disorders, for a weak and dis-
ordered people never can attempt to detach themselves from the crown of
England.

It is true. Sir Henry Sydney and Sir John Perrot, who perfectly understood
the affairs of Ireland and the disposition of the inhabitants, a generous dis-
position easily won and attached by kindness, both expressed the utmost indig-
nations at such abominable maxims. "Yet this doctrine found its way", says
the historian, "into the English Parliament". Certainly that was not the first
era of its appearance in that Parliament. From the time that Ireland can be

Policy of Depression W

said to have seriously engaged the attention of the British Cabinet, the doc-
trine of binding Irishmen, not by voluntary attachment, but by hopeless debility,
has uniformly pervaded its councils, while the British Parliament, untouched

by individual pity, unrestrained by individual honor, or the feeling of individual
shame, has been ready to execute, and even to anticipate, the worst purposes
of this vile policy of depression.

This malignant jealousy towards Ireland increased with the increasing
commerce of England. It was impressed upon the measures of each successive
minister, not merely by his own prejudices and apprehensions, but by the more
intemperate fears and prejudices of the people. A minister of genius, in-
trepidity and virtue, might soar above the hackneyed and barbarous policy of
ages. But the fate of Ireland rested not even on the remote and precarious
chance of a generous and wise administration. It rested on the passions and
the prejudices, or the ignorance, the pride and the avarice of an entire people.
The boasted pre-eminence of the British constitution in giving effect to popular
will was a source of calamity to the province. In the progress of the com-
mercial system of England, an intimate union was formed between the state
and the commercial interest of the nation. The commercial gained a complete
ascendancy over every other interest whatever. Trade not only received a
peculiar and constant and anxious protection, but the most unreasonable de-
sires and apprehensions of the trading part of the community were nattered
by the ministers and the Parliament. The power of the British merchant,
manufacturer and mechanic multiplied the wrongs, perpetuated the independ-
ence, and aggravated the mortifications of Ireland. The Irishman and the
negro were enslaved upon the very same principle. In acts of foreign tyranny
the British minister was the servant both of the Crown and the people. In
acts of foreign tyranny the British Parliament faithfully represented the
wishes of its constituents. To increase the commerce of England seemed a
sufficient motive and justification for the foulest injustice and most licentious
despotism towards other nations and its own dependencies.

Had Ireland been less the favorite of nature, she would have been less the
victim of policy. But her great natural advantages, which impressed the
ministers of Elizabeth with the well-founded opinion that, possessed of a good
government, she must soon acquire power, consequence and riches, seem to
have marked her for destruction. The maxims of the ministers, though not
so directly avowed, were embraced by their successors. They have been in-
variably pursued, and can be easily traced in characters deep and lasting. Had
Ireland been less formidable, England might have been less unjust both to
Ireland and to herself.

The contracted genius and dastardly spirit of a government, filled with the
constant dread of competition or revolt, seem to have marred the fortune of
the empire, as well as the fortune of the province. Instead of the wise and
magnanimous conception of comprehending Ireland within a common circle
of hopes and fears, of interests and wishes, the mean and dangerous principle
of exclusion was adopted.

44 A Crime to be Enslaved

Ireland must not be independent, was a proposition which involved a
melancholy train of base and malevolent ideas. It was a maxim which con-
stantly led the mind to jealousy and suspicion. It seemed to put a negative
on the communication of happiness, to confine the genius to petty temporary
expedients of prevention, and to limit the benefits of conquest to the mere
extinction of a rival. And is not that advantage great? Would not the actual
physical extinction of Ireland be to England a subject of congratulation com-
pared to the existence of Ireland as an independent separate state? Such in-
deed does appear to be a question ever present in the mind of British states-
men, and their idea of continuing Ireland impotent, abject and dependent,
seems to have bounded their ambition.

A conviction that nature, in assimulating the powers, had contrasted the
interests of the countries, seems to have precluded every generous attempt to
unite them by sympathy or affection derived from a participation of common
advantages, and a consciousness of reciprocal benefaction.

The haughty spirit of conquest could not stoop to equality, the contracted
spirit of commerce either could not conceive or would not tolerate a community
of rights. The idea of keeping Ireland down was the only idea which could
satisfy the pride and the prejudices of Englishmen, which could reconcile all
interests, allay all fears, please all fancies, indulge all passions, and silence
all complaints.

But in this conspiracy of weak, sordid and malignant principles against her
peace, Ireland might learn to respect herself — to respect that strength which
could excite the jealousy and provoke the persecution of her oppressor. She
might learn in her humiliation a lesson of lofty ambition. If nature had not
created an opposition of interests, policy, at least, had produced it. If nature
had given the means of independence, policy had made it necessary to self-
preservation. The nation which is feared ought to be aspiring. With strength
to be free it is a crime to be enslaved.

Bigotry . . . it has been a pestilence to the land . . . in the hand of power
. . . religion has retired to tueep over the horrors committed in her name — and
appeals to her Founder, to the Founder of universal benevolence, from the charge of
exciting these crimes.

Miss Emmet.

Part VIII

English Declaratory Act — 6 George I. Blackstone — From era of the Revolution
Irish Parliament presented spectacle of vilest debasement — The Catholics instead
of reposing on the bosom of their country, were forced to cling for safety to the
mercy of the English crown — By the Act 6 of George I, the Parliament of England
sanctified all its past usurpations and Ireland acquiesced — Blackstone justified the
"right of conquest".

}f ROM the era of the Revolution the Parliament of Ireland
presented a spectacle of the vilest debasement. Humbled
by the Parliament of England to the abject condition
of a subordinate legislature, even the limits of its cir-
cumscribed authority were not ascertained by any fixed
distribution of powers and privileges, but depended on
the undefined, capricious and arbitrary inclinations of the
superior assembly. Whenever the English Parliament
deemed it expedient to interfere either in the legislative
or judicial capacity, its will constituted at once the principle and the justi-
fication. The transient and feeble complaints of the Irish Parliament
were treated with insolent contempt. Yet this Parliament, thus degraded
and insulted, became the miserable instrument of the tyranny which
oppressed it. More debased by its own passions, than by the des-
potism to which it bowed, the very period of its greatest servitude was
stained by the most unprovoked and senseless persecution. At the very
period, when it presumed to feel the infringement of its own privileges and the
destruction of Irish commerce, it wantonly outraged the most sacred rights of
nature, and assailed the most sacred duties of social life. In a country beg-
gared and debilitated by a foreign parliament, this domestic legislature, blinded
by religious bigotry, or moved by baser self-interest, enacted laws ruinous to
the peace, the morals and the industry of its people. The Catholics, instead of
reposing on the bosom of their country, were forced to cling for safety to the
mercy of the Crown. The policy of disunion became completely triumphant.
The good sense or pleasantry of a deputy might now extend protection to the
persons of men deprived of every right, without endangering the power, which
rested securely on their ignominious proscription and on the delusion of the
Protestant.

This frantic or corrupt persecution of the Catholic seemed to be revenged
in the severe mortification of the Parliament. This Parliament, thus powerful

46 Act 6. Geo. I

to destroy, and uncontrolled in desolation, was at length formally and expressly
declared by an English Act of Parliament to be, what it had long virtually
been, the dependent instrument of foreign domination. By the memorable
Act 6th. Geo. I the Parliament of England, with imperious despotism, sanctified
all its past usurpations, and recorded the high prerogative of strength to tyran-
nize over weakness.

Whatever ideas of self-importance the provincial legislature might have
hitherto indulged, were now completely banished. The dream of independence
was at an end, and the Parliament of Ireland awoke to all the meanness of its
condition. This wretched assembly now exercised an authority confessedly
subordinate and precarious. The same power which had declared its depend-
ence might destroy its existence. That existence could be considered as con-
tinued only from convenience. When it was declared "that the British Parlia-
ment had, hath, and of right ought to have full power and authority to make
laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the People and Kingdom
of Ireland", it was really declared that the Irish Parliament existed entirely
by sufferance, as the instrument of those menial offices, which the British Par-
liament might consider beneath its dignity and unworthy its regard ; or those
offices of desolation, which the British minister might think best suited to the
interests, prejudices and passions of the provincial assembly. Since by the
Declaratory Act 6th. Geo. I the authority of the Parliament of England to
bind Ireland by its laws was assumed to be an authority original, universal,
absolute and without control, it is demonstrative that the Parliament of Ire-
land was permitted to legislate from policy merely. As the Parliament of Eng-
land was declared to have a right to legislate in every instance, the Parliament
of Ireland could have but a licence to legislate in every instance, and could be
permitted to enjoy that licence only the better to promote the views of the
haughty power which had arrogated the right.

While the friend of freedom disdains to advocate the cause of the Irish
Parliament, he must sympathize in the fate of the Irish people, through all
the changes of British policy, still doomed to endure the bitter curse of insult
and the gloomy horrors of servitude, and still seize every opportunity, which
the history of that policy presents, to illustrate its motives, and to reprobate
its injustice.

The object of England was monopoly in trade, as the support of present
greatness and the source of future aggrandizement. Most of her dependencies
seemed, by situation and productions, naturally excluded from competition,
calculated to consume the produce of British industry, and to return what
British luxury might consume, or British industry might diffuse, either in its
original state, or with the additional improvements of ingenuity and art, and
what the wants or the luxury of other countries might finally consume. But
Ireland in every point of view, in geographical station, in soil, in productions,
in people, presented the constant idea of competition favored by superior ad-
vantages from nature. Ireland irresistibly forced upon the mind the image of
a country, the inhabitants of which would easily fall into the three great classes

Ireland's Unique Situation i~

of husbandmen, manufacturers and merchants, from whose various and recipro-
cal connections and labors, wealth, strength and independence would necessarily
be derived in the free and unrestrained advancement of her means Happy
in the facility of supporting a multitude of laborious hands, in the means of
varied and abundant agriculture, in many productions of nature, the raw ma-
terials of art, and in an industrious and ingenious people capable of adding
to these materials or to the productions of other climates the incalculable value
of diligence and skill, Ireland seemed formed to supply the wants and minister
to the convenience and even luxury of numerous other states. Placed on the
western skirt of Europe, and three-fourths of her shores washed by the At-
lantic, after the discovery of a new world had opened to European ambition
new sources of aggrandizement, she seemed destined to connect the intercourse
of eastern and western hemispheres. Independently of the discovery of
America the situation of Ireland appeared peculiarly fitted for commercial en-
terprise. She was not only cast between England and the West, but she also
possessed a greater facility of communication with the East, and with many
regions of Europe. The power of independent competition seemed, indeed,
marked in such bold characters by nature that it required the unceasing efforts
of an active and malicious policy to defeat the obvious purposes of creation.
But, as the fears or folly of England prevented the experiment of excluding
the idea of competition between the countries, by cherishing the idea of com-
mon interest founded on the enjoyment of common rights, the desperate and
cruel alternative was embraced. It was determined to exclude all competition
by the impotence of ignorance and the torpor of despair, by insidious artifices
to counteract the tendencies of nature, and by open and direct interference to
assail the energies, which artifice might enfeeble, but could not destroy. By
fraud or by force it was resolved so to mould and fashion the natural ad-
vantages of Ireland as to convert the very means of independence into sub-
sidiary instruments of servitude. Hence, among a thousand instances, the
unsheltered peasantry and starving manufacturers of Ireland manned the fleets,
and recruited the armies which enslaved her.

When England seemed to have added strength to her constitution by seat-
ing the House of Hanover on the throne, when her commerce and her arms
had exalted her power and resources above every other European state, her
policy towards Ireland could only be satisfied by the most unequivocal ex-
pression of the most unbounded despotism.

By the statute for "better securing the dependency of Ireland", a formal
enunciation was made of the vile connection between tyrant and slave.

The grave commentator on the laws of England was now to initiate the
British youth in the pride of power and the sophistry of ambition ; and the
future senator was to imbibe in early life the unhallowed principles of op-
pression. Ireland was now enrolled in the pompous catalogue of countries
subject to the dominion of England. She was now told by high authority that
even previous to the 6th. of Geo. I she was bound by Act of the British Par-
liament, whenever that parliament condescended to have her in its contempla-

48 Right of Conquest

tion under general words or particular nomination. She was not only in-
structed in the rule of her subjection, but in the reason of the rule. "It followed
from the very nature and constitution of a dependent state ; dependence being
very little else but an obligation to conform to the will or law of that superior
person or state, upon which the inferior depends." She was also informed of
the reason and true ground of this superiority to which she was submissively
to bend. It was "what we usually, tho' somewhat improperly, call the right
of conquest ; a right allowed by the Law of Nations, if not by that of nature ;
but which in reason and civil policy can mean nothing more than that, in order to
put an end to hostilities, a compact is either expressly or tacitly made between
the conqueror and the conquered, that if they will acknowledge the victor for
their Master he will treat them for the future as Subjects, and not as enemies".
When Molyneaux denied that Ireland ever had been conquered, when he sup-
ported her rights to liberty by charters, and to independence by her distinct
legislature, he only attempted to defend a good cause by means unnecessary or
fallacious. He erred through an extreme anxiety to fence his argument from
every possible attack. He erred through the vain imagination that precedent
might control those whom pity could not melt, whom a sense of justice could
not influence, and that men, who wielded the sword of power, would regard
the recorded privileges of weakness. When Molyneaux bowed with the lowest
submission to the great council of England he only betrayed the involuntary
dejection of an honest mind unconscious of its own humiliation.

But when the sanctified commentator on the rights of Englishmen, who
breathes a pious prayer for their perpetuity, maintains that force can be a just
foundation for dominion; when he affirms that Ireland by right of conquest
continued in a state of dependence, and must necessarily conform to such
laws, as the superior state might think proper to prescribe, and that when this
state of dependence was almost forgotten and ready to be disputed by the
Irish nation, it became necessary in order to bring back these mutinous slaves
to a recollection of their condition and a sense of their duty, to declare how that
matter really stood, and solemnly to record in the rolls of the British Parliament
its own opinion of its own title to subdue, to plunder and to oppress ; and when
he delivers this with all the gravity of a professor, in the midst of an elaborate
panegyric on laws and liberties and constitution, the indignant advocate of truth
cannot stoop to refute doctrines so impudent and absurd.

What is the right of conquest, the original and true ground of the de-
pendence of Ireland and of her obligation to conform to the will of the
superior state, according to the definition of this liberal and scientific pre-
ceptor of British youth? "It is a right allowed by the Law of Nations, if not
by that of nature, but which in reason and civil policy can mean nothing more
than that, in order to put an end to hostilities, a compact is either expressly
or tacitly formed between the conqueror and conquered, that if they will
acknowledge the Victor for their Master he will treat them for the future as
Subjects [bound to conform to his will as their only law] and not as enemies".
Thus was the ardent and ductile mind to learn the principles of justice in the

Crime of Oppression 49

practice of nations, to set up the laws of ambition again>t the laws of nature,
and compacts of compulsion against the inalienable rights which they infringed,
to respect in the sword of Zinges or Tamerlane the just foundation of govern-
ment, and in the sword of Mahomet the just foundation of religion. Thus the
men who were to bind Ireland by their laws, were piously taught that to have
stopped short of the crime of extermination sanctified for ever the crime of
oppression, and that Irishmen might be murdered as enemies, or must submit
to be manacled as slaves.

As <well might you seek to stem the impetuous ocean <with a mound of sand as hope to
confine the current of public opinion, and public toishes, by making it criminal to
think, and punishable to <wish; as toell may you seek to calm the raging •winds of
heaven by bidding them be still, as hope to limit the human understanding by penal
restriction.

Miss Emmet.

Part IX

Free Trade — Repeal of Poynings' Law, and of the Act 6, George I. — In 1778
the wretchedness of Ireland appeared for the first time to interest the English
Parliament — Not from sense of justice or generosity, but from fear — England made
sacrifices to fear which she refused to justice — But they were insincere— The effect
of the American Revolution — It assisted, interested and elevated the Irish mind —
The formidable change irom feeble lamentation to bold demands and the array of
60,000 volunteers demonstrated to England the necessity of concessions — Something
resembling Free Trade was given — Poynings' Statute and the 6th of George I were
repealed — The English Parliament renounced "for ever" the right to bind Ireland
by its laws — Generous and confiding Ireland, in a delirium of unsuspecting en-
thusiasm, accepted it all as genuine.

jl'HILE an unjust and unprovoked invasion, which had in-
volved Ireland in centuries of darkness and blood, was
deliberately advanced as a rightful origin of British
domination ; while force, which she could not resist, was
made a justification of the servitude, to which she was
consigned, her condition exhibited a dreadful illustration
of the principles of her dependence.

The policy of depression had been carried to an
extremity which seemed inconsistent with the very
selfishness from which it flowed. In the year 1778 the wretchedness of
Ireland appeared for the first time to interest the British Parliament. But
it was not the justice or generosity of that Parliament which the wretchedness
of Ireland had moved. It had alarmed its fears. Individuals in the zeal of party,
or perhaps in the sincerity of virtue, might seem to feel, or might really feel
the truths which they proclaimed, but the mass of that Parliament was actu-
ated by the cold maxims of prudence alone, in a wish to relax in some degree
the commercial bondage of Ireland. For some time, however, the people of
England, less prudent than the Parliament, could not see that even selfishness
was deeply concerned in the demands of justice.

Ireland was not only ruled by the artful temporising policy of the Cabinet
of England; she was also subject to the blind, bigoted selfishness of the English
manufactory and counting-house, which would not feel or would not confess
that Ireland might be sunk too low even upon the base calculations of com-
mercial arithmetic.

The Minister yielded to prejudices, which, however marked by folly and
pregnant with mischief, he had not the virtue or courage to resist. The

Free- Trade 51

conduct, which is not founded on the unbending principle of right, but on the
pliant maxims of expediency, is often mortified by severer sacrifices to fear
than need have been made at first to justice. The Parliament and people of
England were soon humbled to concession, which the haughty spirit of
despotism could never have anticipated, and which it was impossible could be
sincere. The unfeeling and impolitic exercise of legislation terminated in the
entire and absolute renunciation of legislative supremacy. Ireland was at
length taught by necessity a lesson she might have long known from reason,
and which she ought never to forget. She was taught to look to herself for
justice, and to liberty for happiness.

The effect of the memorable war between England and America will long
be felt by the nations of Europe. America has triumphed, but the struggle
between despotism and liberty has been transferred from the western to the
eastern hemisphere. Europe has been convulsed by the shock of contending
principles, and the happiness or misery of ages may depend on the final issue
of the contest. From the era of the American War, Ireland may be considered
as acting in some measure by a distinct individual impulse, as contrasting her
existence with that of England, and forcing herself upon the notice of man-
kind as a country which might one day be worthy of a rank among inde-
pendent nations. The power, which had enslaved, impoverished, and insulted,
was reduced to the mortifying confession that it was unable to protect. Ireland,
abandoned and cast upon herself, discovered in the exertions of self-preserva-
tion the means of greatness as well as safety. The important discussion, to
which the American War had given rise, and the magnanimous struggle of the
American people against the arrogant pretensions of tyranny had assisted,
interested and elevated the Irish mind. The keen sense of appropriate suffer-
ing had produced a much stronger sensation than mere sympathy. The
instincts of nature were confirmed by the decisions of reason, and ennobled
by the energies of freedom. The events which followed produce mingled
sensations of admiration and disappointment, exultation and sorrow.

The extreme distress to which Ireland had been reduced by the policy of
England, the extraordinary and formidable change from feeble lamentations
to bold demands and active retaliation in a country which had so long lan-
guished in obscurity and contempt ; the awful sanction impressed on the
language of truth by the array of sixty thousand Volunteers ; the embarrassed
situation of England from a war unjust in its principle and disastrous in its
events, at length demonstrated to the Minister the necessity of prompt and
decisive concessions to Ireland. But it entered not into his imagination that
these concessions should extend beyond a relaxation of the excessive and
absurd restrictions on her trade, which had been intemperately accumulated,
without even an attention to the obvious maxim of a prudential tyranny.

The concessions proposed as a relief of the distress and a satisfaction of
the complaints of Ireland were entirely commercial. Though limited in their
extent, and in many respects illusory in their operation, they were important.
Contrasted, at least, with the past commercial bondage of Ireland, these con-

52 Poynings' Statute Repealed

cessions might well justify the proud boast of a Free Trade. That there should
be some relaxation of that bondage seemed universally acknowledged. That
such ample concessions were made arose from the perplexity of fear and the
temporising spirit of expediency. While England possessed the supreme
legislative power these concessions might be recalled or modified. Perhaps
in the very moment of liberality the minister anticipated a season of less
danger and more arrogance, in which England might resume whatever should
appear formidable to her jealousy or humbling to her pride. But the pride
of England was soon to experience much severer mortification. The spirit
which had demanded and obtained for Ireland an emancipation in trade dis-
dained to submit to the foreign despotism, which had reduced her to beggary
and despair. The emancipation of the Irish Parliament from the shackles of
Poynings' Law and of Ireland from the supreme control of the Parliament
of England seemed from recent experience absolutely necessary to existence.
In the delusion of unsuspecting enthusiasm it seemed all-sufficient to the inde-
pendence and happiness of Ireland.

Poynings' Statute was repealed, the 6th Geo. I was repealed, and the
British Parliament renounced for ever the right to bind Ireland by its laws.
These lofty claims were opposed as long as they could be opposed with safety.
The desperate counsels which lost America had been succeeded by more
temper and more prudence in a new administration, and the apparent com-
placency, with which the pretensions of a foreign legislature were finally
relinquished, completed the satisfaction of a generous and confiding nation.

Liberty is the child of oppression, and the birth of the offspring is the death of the parent.

Robert Emmet— Whitty's "Life".

Part X

New Theory of Irish Government — British power was humiliated not subverted
by these concessions — The theory of British despotism was unchanged, and the
despotism remained — In the emancipated Parliament of 1782 Ireland did not obtain
an independent legislature — The triumph of 1782 ivas the triumph of the Volunteers —
But it was limited by their objects — In the events of 1779 their first hopes had cen-
tered and their best strength had perished — They did not emancipate Ireland from
British tyranny — The hopes of Dungannon were soon disappointed — Their plan of
reform still excluded three-fourths of Irishmen from the rights of citizens, and
from that moment their strength was gone — The efforts of the more liberal, daring
and decisive minds failed, and later repentance was vain

HE humiliation of British pride was not the subversion
of British power. The theory of despotism was un-
changed ; the despotism remained. That the Crown of
Ireland was an imperial crown inseparably annexed to the
Crown of Great Britain ; but that the Kingdom of Ireland
was a distinct kingdom with a Parliament of her own.
the sole legislature thereof, and a negative power alone
vested in the Crown ; and that on this annexation and dis-
tinction the interest and happiness of both countries essen-
tially depended, now constituted the sublime doctrine of Irish independence.
The idea of an inseparable annexation of the imperial Crown of Ireland, as a
distinct independent kingdom, to the Crown of Great Britain, is a metaphy-
sical subtlety, which the mind, no doubt, can comprehend, but which it also
perceives to be totally inapplicable to the solution of a question of fact. The
mere power of comprehending an abstract idea can not influence the investi-
gation of general probabilities, nor can it determine the truth or falsehood of
any alleged particular existence. The nature of the connection between Eng-
land and Ireland must depend on historical evidence, and not on the faculty of
forming abstract ideas and defining possible contingencies. Yet an acknowl-
edgment of the mental compatibility of ideas, not conceded by the reason, but
extorted by the fears of England, was supposed to annihilate her ambition,
her injustice, her jealousy, the feelings and prejudices of ancient power, the
habits of oppression and the poignant recollection of pride chastised. No, but
in her own Parliament, Ireland now possessed her security against the long
habits of uncontrolled dominion, against the sordid apprehensions of com-
mercial avarice, against the inveterate principles of jealous policy, against the
moral tendencies of the British mind ! Ireland in the bold eminence of station,

54 The Irish Volunteers

which proclaimed her as "the best friend or the worst enemy in the world to
Britain", possessed a security that Britain, dreading her enmity, would hence-
forth conciliate her friendship !

Had Ireland indeed obtained an independent legislature, the improbability
of being unjust might have imposed upon England the necessity of being wise.
But in the emancipated Parliament of 1782 Ireland obtained not that legislature.

Her fatal pre-eminence of station had early doomed her to servitude, and
the Parliament of 1782 could not rescue her from bondage. That Parliament
had even opposed its own elevation. Trained to provincial vileness, it seemed
lost to every sentiment of generous ambition. At length swept before an
enthusiasm which it could not feel, it presumed to boast of glories which it
was unworthy to reflect.

The triumph of 1782 was the triumph of the Volunteers. It is an era in
the political existence of Ireland which may he remembered with pride, not
because Ireland then ceased to he a province, but because Ireland then displayed
the powers which mark her destiny to be a nation. In her Volunteers may be
seen at once her strength and her weakness. Endeared by recollection, inter-
esting to the feelings of a gallant, a generous and a grateful people, the name
of the Volunteers seems consecrated to eternal praise, but the faithful page of
history, which records their virtues and their triumphs, will also transmit their
errors and their humiliation. "It was a sacred truth and written as it were in
the tables of fate, that the Irish Protestant never should be free, until the Irish
Catholic ceased to be a slave." When the Volunteers at Dungannon declared
their respect for the inalienable right of private judgment in the matters of
religion, their joy in the relaxation of penal laws against their Roman Catholic
fellow-subjects, and their opinion that it was a measure fraught with the hap-
piest consequences to the union and prosperity of Irishmen, they uttered a
sentiment more honorable to themselves and more interesting to their country
than any other contained in the splendid resolutions of their celebrated assem-
bly. Such a sentiment proclaimed in a season of growing energy, where the
resistless impulse of an hour might bear down the prejudices of ages, seemed
to announce the most auspicious effects. But darkness still rested upon the
fortune of Ireland. The principle of energy in the Volunteers was limited by
its early objects. In the events of 1779, 1782 and 1783 their first hopes had
centred and their best strength had perished. In these events were involved
merely the emancipation of the trade and Parliament of Ireland, the trade
from extravagant restrictions, the Parliament from Poynings' Law and the
direct supremacy of the British legislature. The emancipation of Ireland from
British tyranny was a distinct object, demanding new and more difficult exer-
tions, opposed by the most powerful interest, prejudices and passions of the
human breast. Healed by the importance of their first exertions, the Volun-
teers seemed not to have timely perceived how very little complete success in
these might be connected with the independence and happiness of their country.

When cooler reflection had succeeded to the ardor of victory, the real im-
portance of the acquisition could be more distinctly ascertained. Reason soon

Decline of the Volunteers 55

discovered that much indeed remained to be done. But the spirit of enthusiasm
had fled, and unassisted reason was much too feeble for the contest. Whatever
hopes might have been formed from the early liberality of Dungannon were
soon disappointed.

The extent of that liberality appeared to be bounded by a relaxation of
positive penalties against Catholics merely. When the Volunteers, seated in
national convention in the capital, announced to an anxious people their mem-
orable plan of reform, by which they would have excluded three-fourths of
their countrymen from the rights of citizens, when they thus deliberately
recorded the bondage of Ireland and solemnly consecrated the unhallowed
policy of the oppressor — from that moment their strength was gone.

In vain did some liberal, daring and decisive minds point out the only road
to honor and to safety. In vain did late and magnanimous repentance attempt
to repair the fatal error. The ruinous advice to desist from a pursuit which
might create disunion among the friends of reform of the Protestant sects,
produced or increased the mischief which it affected to prevent, or professed
to deprecate. Oppressed by their own dissensions on the question of Catholic
Emancipation, by their reverence for the opinion of men of great talents and
undoubted integrity who were adverse to that measure, by the artifices of the
secret or avowed enemies of reform, who dreaded in the union of Irishmen
the certain overthrow of a growing system of foreign influence and domestic
corruption, oppressed by the accumulated weight of the fraud and the preju-
dices of ages, the Volunteers gradually sank into the common mass of an
abused, insulted, and enslaved people. The clouds which hung over their
descending glory could not obscure the splendor of their achievements. They
did not rescue their country from tyranny, but they rescued her from the
calumnies of her oppressors. In their virtue they illustrated her title to liberty ;
in their errors and misfortunes they demonstrated the causes of their debase-
ment. They have left to posterity an illustrious example in victory and a mis-
erable lesson in defeat.

Believe me, you may as -well plant your foot on the earth and hope by that resistance to
stop the diurnal revolution, <which advances you to that morning sun, tuhich is to
shine alone on the Protestant and Catholic, as you can hope to arrest the progress of
that other light, reason and justice, 'which approaches to liberate the Catholic and
liberalize the Protestant.

Grattan— Irish Parliament.

Part XI

Parliamentary Reform — The Repeal of the Declaratory Act, 6th George I. and
the repeal of the Poynings' Act did not in any sense change the dependent char
acter of the Irish Parliament — The Revolution of 1688 had merely illustrated the
right of the English people to change their government — It limited the power of
the crown, but it left the system of popular representation, which was utterly in-
adequate to its acknowledged object, untouched — A new method was adopted — Art
was substituted for violence and corruption for prerogative — These the crown used
freely to evade the limits placed on its direct exercise of power — The constitution and
system of election and representation of the Irish Parliament rendered it incapable
of regenerating Ireland — To expect it to work for the good of Ireland could only be
the baseless vision of a disordered imagination — Domestic corruption became the
necessary instrument of foreign domination — The Volunteers bowed to the con-
temptuous recommendation "to convert their swords into plough-shares". The
English government seized the occasion and the result was that a majority of the
Irish Parliament was found capable of conspiring against National independence
by recognizing the absolute right of the English Parliament to legislate for Ireland
— The downward course of the Irish Parliament to self-extinction is traceable to its
failure to legislate for the benefit of the people — Progress of Protestants toward
more liberal treatment of Catholics was rapid, but did not reach the point of
granting them complete participation in civil and political rights — Impossibility of
regeneration by political methods led up to a genuine Irish movement — The name
assumed by the men composing it was "The Society of United Irishmen".

REPEAL of the Declaratory Act of the 6th. Geo. I and a
renunciation of any right or claim in the British Parlia-
ment of legislating for Ireland, together with a repeal of
Poynings' Statute, gave or restored to Ireland a distinct
legislature, the sole acknowledged authority, by which
laws could in future be made, and exhibiting all the
forms of an independent national legislature. But, while
the Parliament of Ireland, from the era of these boasted
acquisitions, exhibited the forms of independent legisla-
tion, that Parliament remained essentially unaltered. It remained a de-
pendent provincial assembly, neither representing the will, influenced by the
feelings, nor identified with the interests of the Irish nation.

The acquisitions which had just been made, however splendid in the
attainment, soon appeared to be of importance only as they might be esteemed
necessarily antecedent to a radical change in one of the three estates, of which
the Parliament was composed. According to the admirable theory of the

Influence of the Crown

Mntish Constitution, which the Irish Constitution was now supposed to re
semble in its spirit, and the forms of which it now possessed, the I louse of
Commons ought to consist of a number of delegates, freely and frequentl)
chosen by the people, and really representing the general will, so that no law
should be made nor tax imposed without the consent of the nation. While a
variety of opinions might prevail on the extent and mode of elective suffrage .
and the duration of the delegated trust best adapted to produce the desired
effect, there was not a man, who felt or who professed a love of liberty ami
of the British Constitution, who did not maintain that, by the principles of
both, the House of Commons ought faithfully to represent the collective bod)
of the people, and be, at least so constituted, that, though not chosen by all,
it could not possibly have any other interest than to prove itself the repre-
sentative of all.

Reason demonstrated that on this representation of the people by the
House of Commons the existence of the distribution and of balance of power
in the constitution, and the secure and permanent enjoyment of every right
which it conferred or guaranteed, must absolutely depend. Experience had
confirmed the deductions of reason. The Revolution of 1688 in England had
practically illustrated and enforced the natural and indefeasible right in the
people of forming a government agreeably to its own will, of deposing gov-
ernors and new-modelling a constitution. By -that Revolution a solemn declara-
tion was made of the rights of the people and new limits were assigned to the
powers of the Crown. But the popular representation was left untouched.
That representation was completely inadequate to the acknowledged object
of its action in the political system. Art was henceforth substituted for vio-
lence, corruption for prerogative, and the constantly increasing influence of the
Crown from the periods of the Revolution presented to the attentive mind the
irrefragable evidence of fact, that the necessity of another revolution could
not be averted save by restoring or establishing that intimate relation between
the constituent and the representative which, making the House of Commons
the faithful image of the people, might secure liberty to the nation and perma-
nence to the throne. Every sincere and provident friend of the constitution,
devoted to liberty and fond of peace, saw with deep concern, in the means
of corruption and in the progress of venality, the principles of that constitution
becoming only the theme of declamation or the vision of theory, and in the
reform of its practice by its principles discovered the only road to safety. The
greater the blessings of civil liberty actually enjoyed by Englishmen, the more
illustrious the station to which their country had been raised by the superiority
of its constitution, the greater ought naturally to be the anxiety to preserve
that part of the constitution from which its superiority evidently flowed, sound
and entire, or, if degenerated and corrupt, to restore it to health and vigor.
Every right and every blessing must be insecure unless the people, by their
representatives in Parliament, should be made, or continue, the guardians of
their own happiness.

The proud pre-eminence of the British constitution rested on this founda

58 Intrigue in House of Commons

tion : on the government of the community by the general will, without the
evils of democracy. The legislative powers of the Crown and of the aris-
tocracy could only be considered as wise and salutary checks, designed and
fitted to secure the deliberative, well-advised, and real expression of the
general will. But while the theory of British liberty presented a fair and
fascinating picture, it could not be denied that the very reverse of the picture
was the true representation of the actual state of things — that, while English-
men exulted in Magna Charta, in trial by jury, in a bill of rights, in a habeas
coipus act, in the sanctity of the "straw-built shed", which the King dared not
violate, the continuance of these blessings depended on a House of Commons
notoriously under the influence of the Crown.

A conviction of the excellence of the principles and the magnitude and
danger of the abuses of the constitution had impressed on the minds of the
wise and virtuous in England a conviction of the necessity of a reform in the
representation of the people in that country, as the certain and salutary means
of preserving its liberties without the shock and hazard of a revolution ; and
their talents and their hearts had been accordingly long turned towards the
attainment of this object, which in the rapid progress of parliamentary corrup-
tion gained daily new importance and excited increasing solicitude. While
such was the state of public sentiment in England on the necessity of reform
in its legislature ; every general topic which could be urged in favor of the
measure there applied with ten-fold force to the Parliament of Ireland. But
it was not merely general reasoning, however strong, derived from the principles
of political liberty, and the glaring inadequacy of the existing representation
of the people to give efficiency to these principles, which demonstrated the
necessity of parliamentary reform in Ireland. A variety of appropriate causes
belonged to this country, which identified reform with national existence which
presented it to the understandings and feelings of a long oppressed and im-
poverished people, not as the regeneration, but as the acquisition of a consti-
tution, as the only means of emancipating their country from the bondage and
repairing the desolation and debasement of six hundred years.

It required no proof from experience to determine that, constituted as the
Irish Parliament was, the late changes in its political powers would only render
it a more expensive instrument for administering British domination in Ire-
land ; that the mode of governing the province would indeed be varied, but
that, without a radical reform in the representation of the people, it must still
remain a province, dependent and degraded. What was the state of that repre-
sentation? Out of the three hundred members, of which the House of Com-
mons consisted, the counties, counties of cities and towns, and the university,
returned but eighty-four, leaving two hundred and sixteen for boroughs and
manors (of this number two hundred were returned by individuals instead of
bodies of electors; from forty to fifty were returned by ten persons). With
respect to the boroughs, several of them had no resident elector at all, some of
them but one, and on the whole two-thirds of the representatives were returned
by less than one hundred persons. Even the county representation, the only

Need of Parliamentary Reform

portion of this miserable system which could, by any effort of the mind, be
conceived to express the popular will, was grossly defective in its principles
and corrupt in its practical existence. While the House of Commons was thus
composed, its slender connection with the people, by means of such members
as could be called elected, was renewed but once in every eight years, unless
accelerated by the royal prerogative of dissolution. Even the election of this
very small portion, which alone bore the semblance of representation, exhibited
a disgraceful and afflicting scene of bribery, intemperance, riot, animosity and
revenge.

The necessity of ruling Ireland through her own Parliament, introduced by
recent events, soon made a seat in the House of Commons an object of keen
and expensive contention to the court and rival factions among the aristocracy.
Every engine of influence, intrigue and corruption was employed by the hostile
parties; the peace of society was disturbed; the integrity of the elector awed
or seduced, while a few rare instances of talents and patriotism returned to
the Parliament served but to illustrate more strongly the baseness of the sur-
rounding crowd, unmoved by the charms of reason and eloquence, by the power
of virtuous example, or the dread of public execration.

To denominate a system of which such a House of Commons constituted
a part, and that the part on which the character of the whole essentially de-
pended, a free constitution was an insult to the understanding and a cruel
mockery of the wretchedness which had groaned for ages beneath a foreign
yoke. To look to such a House of Commons for the exercise of independent
legislation, for protection to infant trade, for encouragement to arts, science
and morals, for healing religious animosities by impartial and magnanimous
justice, for raising Ireland from a state of poverty and humiliation to pros-
perity, dignity and strength, for guarding her rights and her interests from the
force or the fraud of foreign despotism long exercised without control and
without mercy, to look to such a House of Commons for virtue like this, could
be only the baseless vision of a disordered imagination.

Scarcely had the Irish Parliament been emancipated from the usurped
supremacy of the British legislature, when the question of reform in the na-
tional representation began to engage the attention of the men by whose spirit
and perseverance that emancipation had been effected. The absolute necessity
of reform, in order to complete the great work of national regeneration, forced
itself with irresistible conviction on every reflecting and unprejudiced mind,
while the formidable array of a Volunteer convention seemed calculated to bear
down all opposition to the measure. In that convention, however, the ardor
of a generous enthusiasm had already subsided. By the demands of exclusive
liberty that convention seemed to court and to deserve the mortification which
it endured. History has seldom to record the triumph of reason over preju-
dice; her common and melancholy task is to portray the disastrous effects of
false principles and malignant passions, to connect the degradation of man
with the causes of his weakness and corruption, and to trace the conspiracy
of a profligate' few against the rights and happiness of millions.

60 Two Plans Defeated

If upon the late change in the political condition of Ireland, a conviction
of the necessity of a further and more important change has been immediately
pressed upon the public mind, the very state of things, which had produced that
early and well-founded conviction, began as immediately to operate its natural
effect, in creating a determined and fierce resistance to every attempt at refor-
mation. The English Court had recovered from its perplexity and alarm, and
had formed a fixed determination to oppose to the utmost the growing spirit
of national emancipation. The Irish Parliament presented the obvious means
of opposing this spirit with success. That Parliament had been raised to a
rank in legislation by which the great majority of its members became more
firmly leagued together than ever, by the constant and powerful operation of
private interest against the rights and interests of their native land. Foreign
influence quickly succeeded foreign legislation, and domestic corruption became
henceforward the necessary instrument of foreign domination.

The Parliament felt at once the advantage of its situation, and appropriated
to itself as real characteristics all the figurative epithets with which a glowing
eloquence had emblazoned its recent exaltation ; when called upon to reform,
it assumed the lofty tone of offended majesty. The Volunteer convention
bowed before the idol, which superstition had clothed with omnipotence. The
affected importance of national delegation served but to render the humiliation
of that convention more complete, from the secret conviction that three-fourths
of the people, uninterested in its success, could not sympathize in its defeat.
The Protestant mind, as yet only disposed to cease from persecution, but
neither expanded to benevolence nor enlightened to justice, was startled at the
idea of Catholic liberty. The convention, conscious of its weakness, shrank
from a contest to which it was unequal, and the Volunteers of Ireland experi-
enced the first effects of independent legislation in a contemptuous recom-
mendation "to convert their swords into ploughshares". When the first plan
of reform was introduced into the Irish Parliament, one of the professed
grounds of rejection was the character of the assembly by which it had been
prepared. It was said to have originated with a body of armed men and to
be proposed to the House at the point of the bayonet. This objection, however
fallacious, and notoriously adopted for the purposes of deception, was studi-
ously removed. The attempt was renewed, supported by numerous petitions
from all parts of the kingdom. Mr. Pitt was now minister of England. His
disastrous career had commenced with brilliant exertions in favor of reform.
His lofty eloquence had been mistaken for the emanation of an ardent and
virtuous mind, and the cold duplicity of his character had not yet been un-
folded. His advancement to power was considered as an era auspicious to
liberty, and Ireland rejoiced in the commencement of an administration, which
had deluged her with blood and contemplated her destruction. The second
effort of reform met with the same determined opposition from the Parliament
as the first. The murmurs of a disunited people were heard with indifference,
and could be despised with impunity. As the cause of defeat, however, was
either not yet understood, or could not be removed, a new attempt was soon

Public Sentiment Defied <>1

made to carry the measure by merel) a new disposition of the force, by which
it was originally conceived that success might be secured. Delegates chosen
by counties and cities met again in the metropolis in 11.S5, to concentrate the
scattered sentiments of the country on this great question of national safety.
and to digest a new plan of reform.

A new plan of reform was accordingly prepared, in some respect differing
from the former plans, but still founded on the same narrow basis of exclusive
rights. As its principle was the same, so was its fate. It was rejected by the
House of Commons with the most marked contempt for the wishes even of
that portion of the people, to whose reiterated demands no objection could be
raised on the ground of religious incapacity. In these inefficient efforts for
obtaining reform, while a variety of objections were raised by the Parliament
to the particular nature of every plan proposed, it was the reform and not the
plan, which really excited its reprobation. Every possible modification of
reform would have been received by that assembly and by the British min-
isters with the same hostility, as a presumptuous attempt to subvert a system
of monopoly and corruption in a vile and venal aristocracy, by which that
aristocracy was to be the instrument of British supremacy, now that the direct
legislative supremacy of the British Parliament had been formally renounced.
Resistance to reform originated in the same principle of ruling Ireland as
a subject state, by which she had been so long desolated and enfeebled ; and in
the same intestine divisions, which had hitherto confirmed the bondage of Irish-
men, oppression still found its ignoble support. This resistance on the part
of the government was soon marked by acts of injustice and violence, which
exposed the vain imagination that with the forms had been also transferred
to Ireland the spirit of a free constitution.

In attacks on the liberty of the press ; in attempts to prevent legal peaceable
meetings of the people for the purpose of deliberating on the best means of
reform ; in proceedings by the summary and unconstitutional mode of attach-
ment against sheriffs for convening and presiding at such meetings, proceed-
ings subversive of the trial by jury, and a flagrant usurpation of power in the
King's Bench, in matters clearly out of its jurisdiction ; in these and similar
exertions of licentious authority was early evinced a contempt for all ac-
knowledged rights and privileges, whenever their violation should appear
necessary to awe or restrain the voice of the people. From the beginning of
the conflict the desperate determination of the government, to defend an ini-
quitous system by every means and at every hazard, may be discovered and
ought to be traced, in order to form a just estimate of the real causes of the
calamitous scenes which followed.

In the temper and conduct of Government from the beginning may be seen
fatal symptoms of those arbitrary principles, of that haughty defiance of public
sentiment and feeling, of that settled purpose of subduing the rising spirit of
the nation, which led first to a system of legislative coercion, silencing the
voice of truth, and terminated in a furious and sanguinary system of exter-
mination by law and by the sword.

62 New Commercial Arrangement

While such was the early and obstinate resistance opposed to parliamentary
reform, a memorable example was presented to the nation of the imperious
necessity of the measure, as the only means of guarding its recent acquisitions
and future hopes against foreign encroachment and domestic treachery. The
plan of a new commercial arrangement between Britain and Ireland proposed
by the British minister in 1785, with all the circumstances attending its progress
and final issue, afforded a striking illustration of the nature of these acqui-
sitions and the foundation of these hopes. It was demonstrated by an experi-
ment addressed to every understanding, that the security of whatever Ireland
had obtained, that the hope of whatever she might anticipate, depended abso-
lutely on the attainment of such a reform in the representation of the people
as would make the House of Commons the faithful guardians of the rights
and interests of an independent nation. Without such a reform the destiny
of Ireland appeared evidently to rest on the mere will of the British Cabinet
and on the quantum of corruption which that Cabinet might at any time think
it expedient to employ for the accomplishment of its wishes ; without such a
reform it was manifest that the commercial and political views of British
statesmen, the jealousy, the avarice, or the folly of the British merchant and
manufacturer, must continue to be the standard of Irish prosperity. •

In the commencement, indeed, of this interesting transaction, the minister
confessed a truth, which the complicated wretchedness of ages loudly pro-
claimed : "that the constant object of the policy exercised by the English gov-
ernment in regard to Ireland had been to disbar her from the enjoyment and
use of her own resources, and to make her completely subservient to the in-
terest and opulence of Britain".

Within a very few years this system, according to the minister had been
entirely reversed, and a liberal, enlightened and comprehensive policy had suc-
ceeded to the jealousy and bigotry of past ages.

Upon this new policy he now prefessed to act. With his mind irradiated
with this recent illumination he brought forward his new system, liberal, bene-
ficial and permanent. But this upright and beneficent statesman, this elo-
quent advocate of Irish commerce and negro emancipation, had been led away
by the romantic visions of speculative justice, and was soon compelled to
acknowledge the necessity of modifying his original plan by the vulgar standard
of British liberality. <i

The original plan, in the form of eleven propositions, had been warmly re-
ceived and hastily adopted by the Irish Parliament. But, notwithstanding this
general approbation, which seemed at first to have also pervaded the nation,
the proposed arrangement, however specious and alluring, was in reality a
covered attack on the newly redeemed rights of Ireland in commerce and con-
stitution. The sagacity of a few had at once discovered and marked the de-
ception. But it became unnecessary to impress by argument their conviction
on the minds of others. The nation was soon roused from its dream of British
generosity by a direct attack too flagrant to be disguised or mistaken.

The eleven original propositions were returned to Ireland from the English

Original Measures Changed 63

Parliament enlarged to the number of twenty, so modified and changed as to
excite in a large portion even in the Irish Mouse of Commons sentiments of.
horror, indignation and contempt. Yet even these latter propositions, thus
altered, containing a formal surrender of the lately acquired independence
of the Irish Parliament, in commercial laws and external legislation, together
with a grant of perpetual tribute to England, and an abdication of Irish Ma-
rine; even these propositions, thus injurious and insulting, thus restrictive of
the infant trade and mortal to the infant constitution of Ireland; even these
propositions, in three years after the lofty assertion of the national inde-
pendence of Ireland, were supported by a majority of her house of repre-
sentatives, the supposed delegated guardians of that independence.

The measure, it is true, was abandoned by the minister. At the com-
mencement of his political career he did not judge it wise to press a measure
so justly odious to the Irish nation, when he found that the spirit, which had
awed Britain in 1782 was not yet extinct. The corruption of the Parliament,
which in 17S5 could surrender the glories of 1783, might inspire him with
reasonable confidence that at some future period, a more fatal attack might be
attempted with success. With such a Parliament he might deem it unnecessary
to stipulate expressly for the controlling supremacy of England in external
trade or in anything else ; or, meditating on the nature of a Parliament, thus
vile and traitorous in three years after its deliverance from bondage, he might
even then have anticipated the consummation of its baseness at the close of
the eighteenth century. Though the measure was abandoned by the minister,
it was, in its nature and circumstances, calculated to awaken the most serious
alarms in the people of Ireland for the safety of that trade and constitution,
from which so much prosperity had been fondly expected.

The measure had professedly originated in a conviction of the justice and
expediency of a more equal and liberal arrangement of the commercial inter-
course between the countries. From that free trade, which had been granted
by the policy, or extorted from the fears of England, Ireland had derived few
of those advantages, respecting which such sanguine expectations were at first
indulged. With all her boasted attainments of commerce and independence,
her manufacturers were starving. Protecting duties were loudly called for
by the people, and sternly denied by the Parliament under the influence of the
minister. The Irish trade presented an appearance of national agency alto-
gether incompatible with the British policy of imperial regulation. That policy
could only be satisfied by compelling the Irish nation to look from its own
legislature to England for relief. The original plan of the minister was
viewed by the most discerning with distrust, as illusory in its benefits and
insidious in its compensations. But admitting it to be as liberal as its advo-
cates proclaimed, it soon appeared that Ireland must depend, not on the com-
prehensive wisdom of the statesman, but on the narrow bigotry of the counting-
house ; that either the minister had never been sincere, or had quickly learned
that to sacrifice the interests, invade the rights and despise the sufferings of
Ireland were traditional dogmas of British policy, which he must hold sacred

64 Parliamentary Corruption

if he wished to be the British minister. His liberality was found to terminate
in an attempt to take advantage of the dejection of a distressed people to
cheat them into a surrender of both trade and legislation, and a majority of
the Irish Commons was found vile enough to conspire with foreign perfidy
against national independence. When within three years after repeal and
renunciation, within three years after England had abjured all claim to im-
perial legislation, and had in the most solemn manner recognized the unlimited
absolute right in the Irish Parliament to legislate exclusively for Ireland, such
an attempt could be made by a British minister and supported by an Irish
House of Commons, all abstract reasoning on the necessity of a reform became
superfluous.

An example pregnant with the most melancholy instruction was now ad-
dressed to the common sense and common feelings of every man who could
reflect or feel on the rights and interests of his country. In proportion to
the joy of a present escape was the dread of future calamity, when calm re-
flection had succeeded to the tumult of victory.

The temporary transport passed away, and the pride of a precarious triumph
was soon humbled by a view of the real danger and real weakness of the
victors. Uniformly plundered and oppressed by Britain, and almost blotted
out from the memory of nations, Ireland in a moment of glory had redeemed
herself from obscurity and reproach. But her difficulties seemed to multiply
with her pretensions.

The claim of independence was a claim to danger as well as to happiness.
The danger seemed every day to increase, the chances of happiness to diminish.
The Parliament advanced in confidence, as it advanced in corruption. Neither
emanating from the nation, nor sympathizing in the national distress, it uni-
formly condemned the sentiments and sacrificed the interests of the people.

As a great measure in the representation, so, with perfect consistency, every
attempt at subordinate reform was opposed with haughty defiance, or dismissed
with insulting disdain.

A place bill, a pension bill, a responsibility bill, were successively rejected
by rank majorities, and with circumstances of such marked indifference to the
opinion, the grievances, and the complaints of the people, as not only demon-
strated the magnitude of corruption, but evinced the desperate purpose of de-
fending it to the last, under every form, and in all its abominations. The
corruption was even presumptuously avowed by the servants of the Crown in the
representative assembly of the nation. Peerages were sold by Government to
purchase seats in the Commons, and all enquiry into this monstrous prostitution
of the royal prerogative refused. The infamous traffic of boroughs was con-
ducted with the most shameless publicity. Private jobs for the aggrandizement
of particular families or individuals, either originated in the Parliament, or re-
ceived its sanction. A system of profligate expense was supported by a system
of profligate taxation, destructive of the industry, the health and the morals
of the people. A vile aristocracy, courted, flattered, paid and despised, calumni-
ating the country which it plundered, and converted the new legislative powers

Radical Changes Imperative

of the Irish Parliament into a source of private revenue. The nation, taxed
without its consent, paid the very bribes by which it was undone, and Britain
raised a tribute in Ireland, by means of an Irish Parliament, to perpetuate the
old relation of imperial rule and provisional subjection, under the new phrase-
ology introduced at the era of 1782.

In the course of a very few years from that memorable era, the anticipa-
tions of reason had been fully confirmed by the evidence of experience. A
reform in the national representation, which political sagacity had immediately
connected with the events of that period as indispensable to Irish independence,
was a measure soon brought home to the understanding of ordinary men, by
personal observation of existing abuses ; and a strong sentiment of its necessity
had easily pervaded the reflecting and disinterested part of the nation.

The foreign power, which had roused to resistance, by an arrogant as-
sumption of direct supremacy in legislation enforced with senseless severity in
point of trade, still continued, through the medium of corruption, an indirect
but absolute and injurious domination, exercised with more temper as to the
commerce, but with the same violation of the natural rights and dearest in-
terests of Ireland. By what it vouchsafed to communicate were discerned more
clearly the benefits withheld. Even the security of commercial advantages
depended upon interested views of policy in England.

On her own Parliament Ireland could have no reliance; and if happiness
consists not more in the actual possession, than in the prospect of its continu-
ance; if enjoyment in the present rests in excluding all apprehension of the
future, it was impossible that Irishmen could rejoice in their condition, had
that condition been as prosperous and exalted as it was calamitous and degrad-
ing. While the recent advancement of Ireland in trade was freely admitted, it
was observed to bear no proportion to her capacities ; and the amelioration of
the wretched state of the lower orders of the people seemed not in the least
promoted by the change. The same squalid poverty, the same debasing ignorance,
the same vices and the same crimes, the offspring of that poverty and that
ignorance, continued to betray unequivocal symptoms of deep and untouched
defects in the constitution of the government, by which their destiny was
controlled. Their wretchedness depended upon a variety of causes, constitut-
ing in the aggregate that miserable system, by which the country had been
ruled for centuries of desolation, and which nothing but a radical change in the
principles of legislation, finance, and in the entire political economy of the
state could ever effectually remove. Such a change could only be expected
from a national parliament, which, identified in interest with the community,
would consider the comfort and morality of the mass of the people the great
object of its care, as the great end of its institution.

While the lower orders could only be sensible of their misery, but could
discern neither the cause, nor the remedy, it was felt and acknowledged by
every enlightened person in the country, uninterested in perpetuating abuse, and
the opinion had deeply impressed all the middle classes of society, that from
parliamentary reform alone could be hoped any general and permanent good.

66 Catholic Rights Considered

But, though the popular sentiment in favor of this measure was thus gen-
eral and ardent, the minds of those, who could most influence and direct public
opinion, had been much agitated and divided as to the nature and extent of the
reform, which ought to be insisted upon as necessary and safe. This difference
of sentiment in the friends of reform among the Protestant sects arose chiefly
from the interesting question, whether the Catholic should be comprehended
equally with the Protestant in the proposed improvement of. the representation?
This was a question calculated to engage the most violent passions, the most
obstinate prejudices and the most lively apprehensions of the Protestant mind.
Protestants in general had been rapidly advancing towards the idea of emanci-
pating Catholics from the inhuman penalties and prohibitions of the Popery
Code ; but the idea of granting the Catholic a complete participation of all civil
and political rights was violently resisted by any number of honest and en-
lightened Protestants, whose tolerant principles and zeal for liberty could not
be doubted, but whose reasonings had taken a bias from their prejudices, or
their apprehensions, too powerful to be easily changed by argument or by ex-
perience.

The opinion that to admit the Catholics to a community of rights would en-
danger the established religion and property of the country had hitherto pre-
vailed. It was an opinion which the first great advocates of reform either
actually entertained, or to which they submitted from a belief that the measure
could be more easily carried unencumbered by Catholic claims ; and that under a
reformed Protestant government, at no very distant period, all distinctions
might with safety be for ever abolished. The experiment of exclusive reform,
however, had been repeatedly made, supported by the greatest talents that
ever adorned the Irish Parliament, and had been made in vain. These talents
had been supported from without by whatever of authority or of intimidation
could be derived from the sentiments and resolutions of an armed association,
formidable in fame, in numbers, in prosperity, in a union of no inconsiderable
proportion of men of rank, with a mass of general respectability, in such a
combination of circumstances and character, calculated to impress weight upon
opinion, that the decided and high-toned reprobation of their interference by
the Parliament seemed to astonish and confound the delighted representatives
of such various and commanding titles to respect. The experiment of ex-
clusive reform had been made under other auspices and had failed. It was op-
posed by a combination of external power and internal corruption, too power-
ful to be overcome by the partial efforts of a disunited people.

While the evil and the remedy agitated all passions, and were canvassed
by all understandings, the cause of defeat became every day more discernible,
and the necessity of calling forth the energies of all seemed first to demonstrate
the injustice of exclusion. In tracing the subjection and calamities of Ireland
from the introduction of the English power down to the formal abdication of
the legislative supremacy of England, the disunion of Irishmen must have ap-
peared to every attentive and candid observer to have been the direful source
of their degradation.

Efforts Towards Reform 67

This disunion had invited invasion and had made conquest permanent. At
different intervals the power of the rapacious and sanguinary foreigners was
shaken, hut the want of national views and general co-operation among the
natives terminated at length in the common subjugation of all.

When every attempt to expel the invaders from the country was finally re-
linquished in despair; when a vast portion of the original inhabitants had been
rooted out by the sword, or by legal proscription, and the space, which they had
occupied, filled up by Englishmen ; when the descendants of these colonists
had grown Irishmen in interests, in feelings and in sufferings, it might seem
reasonable to expect that the connection, by which the two countries were united
under a common king, would become a connection of reciprocal advantages
and equal rights, and that Ireland, in her utility and her strength, would pos-
sess the guarantee of her prosperity and independence. Such indeed might
have been the final issue of things, but for the unfortunate circumstances, by
which the disunion of Irishmen was prolonged in a new and more disastrous
form. But the ultimate division of the people into two great religious denomi-
nations enfeebled both, and surrendered them an easy prey to the insidious
policy of England.

Mutual bigotry blinded the Protestant and the Catholic; it destroyed or
blunted the social and benevolent feelings ; it engendered the most cruel and
inveterate suspicions, the events of history, viewed through this deceitful
medium, were seen neither in their just color nor proportion, and the personal
experience of the existing generation was borne down by the traditional
prejudice of the preceding. Towards the era of the Volunteers these religious
antipathies had become less violent, and in the progressive liberality of that
illustrious body might have for ever perished.

But the growing sentiment of general liberty was checked by the artifices
of the interested, the violence of the intolerant, the apprehensions of the timid,
and above all by the authority of some men of revered worth and talents, who
from prejudice or from prudence were decidedly adverse to the admission of
the Catholic to an equality of political rights. Before the error was fully
understood and felt in its effects, the early ardor, which might have repaired
the ruin, had ceased.

It became necessary to kindle a fresh spirit proportioned to the ends to be
attained, and the difficulties to be encountered. The magnitude of the abuses
to be reformed, the obstinacy, with which they were defended, the discomfiture
of past exertions, the increasing danger of delay, seemed to demand new and
extraordinary efforts.

To emancipate public opinion from destructive prejudice, to redeem the
Protestant character from the stain of persecution, to exalt the Catholic from
mental darkness and political debasement, to turn all parties from the bitter
remembrance of past hostility, and from mutual crimination, to the contempla-
tion of a common country, oppressed and impoverished through the miserable
delusion of its people ; to dissolve the artificial and mischievous connection be-
tween politics and religion, to substitute national enthusiasm for sectarian

68 The United Irishmen

bigotry; to unite all hearts and combine all talents in the pursuit of parlia-
mentary reform by interesting the entire nation in its attainment, and by
means of a legislature really independent ; to secure to Ireland the free exer-
cise of her powers, and the full enjoyment of her own resources, presented to
the benevolent, the ardent, and the aspiring mind, the noblest objects of am-
bition.

With such objects before them, a few individuals conceived the idea of
forming a political association, the essential characteristic of which should be
the promoting of union among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, in the
attainment of an equal representation of the people in Parliament, without am
distinction, founded merely in a difference of religious belief and worship.
Impressed with a conviction that a radical reform in the popular representation
could alone establish and secure the liberties of Ireland, and that no reform
could be either practicable, efficacious or just, which did not comprehend Irish-
men of every religious sect , deeply impressed with the important conclusion,
furnished by every page of Irish history and confirmed by the events of every
passing hour, that the intestine divisions among Irishmen had produced, and,
while they continued, must confirm their degradation ; the founders of this novel
institution submitted to their countrymen in forcible and animated language their
principles and their pretensions. The striking truths which they proclaimed,
the bold doctrines which they advanced, the great and beneficial ends, which
they proposed, soon attracted the attention both of the government and the
people. To the government these appeared most formidable ; to the people
most alluring.

The name of the ''Society of United Irishmen," assumed by this celebrated
association, pointed out at once the source of past calamity and the foundation
of future hope. It is a name which has been loaded with every reproach, and
adorned with every praise ; it has left upon the minds of friends and foes im-
pressions deep and lasting; it has kindled the most violent and opposite pas-
sions ; it has engaged the most powerful and hostile interests ; it has made the
noble tremble for his titles, the man of wealth for his abused possessions, an
endowed priesthood for their Establishment ; it has been connected either really
or artificially with the most momentous events ; it has presented to the heated
or affrighted imagination the most magnificent or the most terrific objects; it
has awed oppression ; it is now allied to misfortune ; how shall it be transmitted
to posterity in the faithful characters of truth ?

If you allo'w your foundations to be undermined, your resources destroyed; you must
expect to see the baseless fabric of Irish independence sink.

Miss Emmet— To the Irish Parliament— 1799

Part XII

Conclusion— Separation of Ireland from England and its erection into a dis-
tinct and independent nation avowed.

fBJJGMBS^HCTWl ' ' ' ' ' eighteenth century will furnish

to the historian by far the most important events which
have yet marked the progress of the human race. Tin-
events which have been crowded into this short peril id
are not only in themselves deeply interesting- to the
present generation, but will probably be viewed in their
effects, at no very distant era, as decisive of the future
destinies of every nation upon earth.

The mighty struggle between despotism and the
rights of manhood is indeed suspended for a season, but a triumphant
issue to the cause of truth and liberty may well be anticipated by sober
and unprejudiced reason. Insignificant as the history of Ireland may have
appeared previous to this period, as connected with the fate of other nations,
the late war between France and England has given an importance to Ireland,
in the great question between old establishments and the rights of the people,
which has been widely felt and will not easily be forgotten. That the existence
of Ireland, as a distinct and independent nation, must necessarily involve the
subversion of the British monarchy, a revolution in the commerce and a still
more momentous evolution in the ancient government of Europe, seems to have
been a proposition well understood and universally conceded by all parties. As
this proposition is supposed either to have originated with the societies of
United Irishmen, or to have been eagerly embraced by them when proposed
by France, an enquiry into the objects and conduct of these associations will
present a view of Ireland from the year 1?'90 to the peace with France in 1801
embracing the most important and interesting events in its history during that
period.

Without the concurrence of the Irish Parliament, the power of the English minister
•would have been innoxious ; against the wishes of the Irish Parliament, it <would have
been impotent.

Miss Emmet.

A large majority of the Irish nation have irrevocably pronounced their determination
that Ireland shall sooner or later be released from the grasp of the British Parliament.
That <oom> is lisped in the first orisons of the child, and mingles 'with the latest
prayer of the aged and of the dying.

William Smith O'Brien, "The Nation".

// it England <who supports that rotten aristocratic faction, among <which not the tenth
part of your population has arrogated to itself five-sixths of the property and power
of your nation.

Theobald Wolfe Tone.

PART OF AN ESSAY

TOWARDS THE HISTORY OF IRELAND

T. A. EMMET

WRITTEN WHILE A PRISONER

FORT GEORGE

Merciful God! 'what is the state of Ireland, and •where shall you find the 'wretched in-
habitant of this land? You may find him perhaps in a gaol, the only place of security,
I had almost said, of ordinary habitation ; you may see him flying by the conflagra-
tion of his own dwelling; or you may find his bones bleaching on the green fields of
his country, or he may be found tossing upon the surface of the ocean, and mingling
his groans 'with those tempests less savage than his persecutors, that drive him to a
returnless distance from his family and his home.

Curran, in defence of Wm. Orr, 1797.

As to the personal and political virtues of the United Irishmen, there can be no difference —
the world has never seen a more sincere or more self-sacrificing generation.

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh, "The Insurrection of 1798"-

Part of an Essay Towards the History of Ireland

By T. A. Emmet.

•TKR the king's recovery from his indisposition in 1789,
the Parliament of Ireland became an object of ridicule
and contempt from its profligate versatility. Several
measures, founded more or less on popular principles,
were proposed by the ( Ipposition ; they were, however,
uniformly lost, and the failure seemed to excite but little
public interest.

The year 1790 was for the most part spent in the
agitation and corruption of contested elections.
But an event was now taking place, which seemed calculated to make an
epoch in the history of every nation, and which has peculiarly acted on the con-
dition of Ireland. The French Revolution was beginning to unfold its im-
mense importance. In order the better to understand its effects on that country,
it may be advisable to take a short view of its situation and political sentiments
at that period.

The situation of Ireland, in respect to strength, opulence, prosperity and
happiness, was never a subject of exultation or praise to the humane or reflect-
ing mind. Her destitution of every manufacture but one, her fisheries unex-
plored, her noble harbors unoccupied, her navigable rivers unheeded, her
inland improvements neglected, her unreclaimed bogs and mountains, her
uncultivated fields, her unemployed, houseless, starved, uneducated peasantry,
had been long the theme of sorrow to the patriot, and of contempt to the
unfeeling. That her situation, in many of these respects, had greatly improved
within the ten preceding years, could not admit of doubt ; but enough still
remained to excite considerable discontent in a suffering people, and to de-
serve the most serious attention from an honest government. Whatever may
have been the amount of those grievances, they gave rise to very opposite
opinions, as to their cause.

Some supposed, — what has also been asserted of the negro race, — that the
Irish were an inferior, semi-brutal people, incapable of managing the affairs
of their country, and submitted, by the necessity of their nature, to some
superior power, from whose interference and strength they must exclusively
derive their domestic tranquillity, as well as their foreign protection ; and to
whose bounty they must owe whatever they can enjoy of trade, commerce,
comfort or opulence. Those who entertained this opinion, said, that from the

74 Act of Uniformity

insignificant extent and unfortunate locality of Ireland, she was doomed to be
dependent either on England or France ; and that, of course, not only gratitude,
but policy should make her cling to that state, with whom her interests had
been interwoven for ages, and from whose fostering protection she had derived
her civil and religious liberty, together with all the blessings of which she
could boast. These assertions, both of a natural inferiority, and of the im-
mutable necessity of submission, which had been for ages not uncommon in
England, chiefly found their Irish advocates in those who might lay claim to
be regenerated by the force of English connections and habits, or who, at least,
felt themselves qualified, by a peculiar felicity of exception, to fill the office
and enjoy the emoluments of the Irish government.

Others, however, whose pride, perhaps, would not permit them to allow a
natural inferiority, asserted, that the source of Ireland's misfortunes was to
be traced back to remote antiquity.

History and a knowledge of her laws and government enable us, they said,
to detect the cause of all her calamities. She was subdued and ruled by the
sword; she was depopulated by the ravages of war, and wasted by perpetual
and bloody conflicts between settlers and natives ; she was occasionally tran-
quillized by despoiling from a fresh portion of the aboriginal inhabitants their
hereditary properties ; and repeopled through confiscation and forfeitures.
Even the Reformation itself, by which so many other countries were illustrated
and improved, was made an instrument for brutalizing Ireland. Without con-
sulting the opinions of the Irish; without compassionating or endeavoring by
reason to dispel their errors ; without affording means of improvement, or
time for those means to operate, their religion was regulated by Act of Parlia-
ment, to the precise standard of English faith. Although the natives entirely
rejected, and scarcely any, even of the settlers, adopted these new tenets, yet,
by force of the Act of Uniformity, every man was compelled to attend on,
and conform to the Protestant worship ; while, by force of a royal proclamation,
every man was interdicted the exercise of the Catholic religion, its clergy
were banished, and the severest penalties denounced against those who dared
to give them hospitality or shelter. Nor was this all ; a code of disfranchise-
ment, robbery, persecution, oppression and debasement was further, and in
more civilized times, erected as a buttress to what might in mockery have been
called, the Church of Ireland. The inhabitants of that devoted country, in
name a nation, in fact a province planted with a colony, — were studiously kept
at variance and distracted by civil and religious pretexts, that they might never
coalesce for the attainment of national objects. Her government was per-
mitted to extend over the land, only in proportion as the English Pale was
widened; and even then, its members (for the most part, from their birth or
dispositions), its feelings, legislation and ordinances, were entirely English.
Whenever a clashing of interests between the two isles was perceived or ap-
prehended, Ireland was forced to yield to the overbearing ascendancy of an
insatiable and jealous rival. Her commerce was fettered, her manufactures
surrendered, her raw materials delivered over, her population drained, her

The Irish Government

resources exhausted, her agriculture neglected, — all to aggrandize the power
from which her government was derived, and with which her governors are
connected.

If, in one instance, a brilliant exception cheers the afflicted memory, to what
is it to he attributed? To the military array of Ireland; to the transitory dis-
play of something like national energy m the Irish people; to the alarm of
England; to the panic of its government, lest another oppressed province
should imitate the example of America, and assert its independence, in alliance
with France. The restrictions on the Irish trade were repealed by the English
Parliament itself, in the moment of consternation and weakness; their removal
was not a gift from liberality or affection, hut a restoration from fear. Even
the constitutional arrangements of 1782, insignificant as subsequent experience
has shown them to he, were solely produced by the momentary influence of
the Irish people on the English Government. The Parliament of Ireland con-
stantly resisted every proposal for asserting the national independence, so long
as that resistance was agreeable to the ministers of England ; nor did its
chameleon color change, until the object on which its undeviating eyes were
fixed had assumed a short-lived splendor.

Those arrangements, however, gave to Ireland no more than the mere
name of independence. She is still a province, and still destitute of a national
government. Her rulers are English, and totally divested of all kind of Irish
responsibility. Her legislature is devoted to the English ministry, and prac-
tically unconnected with the Irish nation. On the Lords it would be absurd
to bestow a thought ; nor are the Commons deserving of more attention.
Three-fourths of the people are formally excluded, by the Catholic laws, from
being counted among their constituents ; and the other fourth is but as dust in
the balance. Exclusive of private adventures in the political market, about
thirty individuals, principally Lords, possess the power of returning a majority
in the House of Commons, and even two-thirds of the representation are en-
grossed by less than one hundred persons. These wholesale dealers as regu-
larly sell their members as a country grazier does his cattle, and the steady
purchaser is the British agent. Such is the Irish Government.

As to inferiority of nature, added they, it is peculiarly absurd, when asserted
of a people composed of settlers from so many different countries. It is
obviously false of the Irish, who, even at home, though deprived of whatever
stimulus to genius or industry may result from trade and commerce; though
nearly interdicted from education by law, and for the most part, debarred
from it by poverty ; though brayed and crushed under the weight of so many
vicious institutions, yet show themselves sagacious, brave, warmhearted and
enterprising; but wdien abroad, they are released from the oppressions of their
native land, and can enter into the career of fair and honorable competition ;
then, even unsupported by interest or connection, they prove themselves worthy
of the utmost confidence, and of the highest distinctions in council and in
the field.

As to the natural necessity of seeking protection from a superior state.

76 Natural Resources of Ireland

it is scarcely credible, said they, of a country which is intersected with navi-
gable rivers and indented with the finest bays ; which is blest with a temperate
climate, a diversified and fruitful soil, productive mines and inexhaustible
fisheries ; which is also situated in one of the most advantageous points for uni-
versal commerce, particularly since the rapidly increasing demands of America,
seem to open an incalculable market. The assertion can not be true of a
country, which, in itself protected by its insular situation, contains 19,000
square miles ; which, by being sacrificed to the aggrandizement of England^
and turned into its best market, instead of its most formidable competitor,
has probably increased the capital and opulence of that kingdom by almost
one-third ; which, notwithstanding repeated wars, constant emigration, and
want of trade, manufactures or agriculture, has been able to create and sup-
port a population of five millions ; which furnishes to Europe some of her most
distinguished officers, to the British army about one-half of its soldiers, and
to her navy almost two-thirds of its seamen ; and which, after paying the ex-
penses of its own extravagant government, and many useless establishments,,
is able to pour without reserve or return, four millions annually into the lap
of Britain, — even perhaps an infinitely larger sum, if a fair estimate could be
made of the enormous rents unproductively remitted to Irish absentees, — and
of the losses, that Ireland still sustains, to the benefit of England, by the
slowly disappearing effects of those commercial restraints, which for a cen-
tury, annihilated her trade, in every article but linen ; and which, by their sur-
viving consequences, still continue to surrender her foreign and domestic
markets to a country, in natural productions, as well as in every commercial
and manufacturing point of view, essentially her rival.

Scarcely any, however, of those who entertained these sentiments har-
bored a thought of destroying the connection between the two kingdoms.

Ireland, said they, in its early infancy received an incurable organic injury,
which will always prevent her rising to her natural strength and stature as a
nation. But since it is incurable, it must be borne with resignation, and the
best office that affection or science can perform, is to relieve, by occasional
palliatives, whatever symptoms may become urgent or dangerous. Let us en-
deavor to procure some alleviation for our peasantry, by encouraging agricul-
ture, by bettering their situation, and by mitigating their burthens ; let us
bargain, as prudently as we can, for the commercial arrangements that remain
unsettled ; but, above all things, let us labor to give a national and patriotic
spirit to our legislature, by restraining the force of English influence, by
checking the profligate extent of corruption, and by correcting the enormously
unequal and inadequate state of the representation in Parliament.

Such were the views and objects of even the most ardent Irish patriots
before the commencement of the French Revolution.

It must not be supposed that one or other of the very opposite opinions
already stated, respecting the cause of Ireland's calamities, and the system
of policy she should pursue, was entertained, in its full extent, by every person
in the country. On the contrary, each intermediate sentiment had its advo-

Protestant Support of* England

cates ; and, contradictory as the extremes may appear, they were sometimes
blended, almost always diversified and modified, according to the different
points of view, in which the I'.riiish constitution and connection were regarded,
from interests or prejudices, from education or habits, from information or
ignorance, from inconsideration or deep reflection. Perhaps a knowledge of
these points of view may be best obtained by examining into the state and
opinions of the leading religious sects.

Religion may be said to have separated Ireland into two people, the Prot-
estants and Catholics. The Protestants were divided into the members
of the Church of England and the Dissenters. Both of these had been in their
origin foreign colonists, introduced and enriched in consequence of long-
continued massacres and warfare, of confiscations and new grants, of ousters
under the Popery Laws, and acquisitions as Protestant discoverers; by all of
which the original Irish had been systematically dispossessed or extirpated,
and the dependence of their country on another state permanently secured.

The members of the Church of England, not exceeding one-tenth of the
people, possessed almost the whole government and five-sixths of the landed
property of the nation, which they inherited by odious and polluted titles.
For a century they had nearly engrossed the profits and patronage of the
Church, the law, the revenue, the army, the navy, the magistracy and the cor-
porations of Ireland, deriving their superiority and consequence from the
interweaving of the ecclesiastical establishment with the civil authority of
the country. Independent of religious animosity, their desire to retain what
they possessed, made them regard with aversion and mistrust the Catholics
whom they had oppressed, and from whom they dreaded a resumption of
property, should any change render the measure practicable ; and their eager-
ness to monopolize what they so largely enjoyed, excited the jealousy of the
Dissenters, who shared with them somewhat of the emoluments of power.
Conscious also of their natural weakness, they saw their only security in the
superiority and assistance of England to the aggrandizement of which they
were therefore uniformly devoted. The protection of that country was indeed
afforded to them ; but in return they paid the surrender of the commerce and
liberties of Ireland. During the American Revolution, concurrent circum-
stances had enabled and emboldened the other sects to hurry them into measures,
by which that commerce and those liberties were partially resumed ; but their
dispositions remained unchanged, and faithful to their interests, they still
continued to defend the British connection as the bulwark of their importance
and strength.

The Dissenters, who were originally settled for the most part in Ulster,
regarded no doubt with filial affection the country from whence they came, and
with contempt and dislike the people whom they displaced. They also detested
Catholics with the fanatic fervor that characterized the early disciples of
Knox and Calvin. Their descendants, however, possessing few overgrown
landed properties, and being mostly engaged in manufactures and trade, did
not feel a dependence on England as essential to their existence or happiness ;

78 Dissenters and Catholics

but they felt the commercial restrictions to which it gave rise as injurious to
their prosperity and pursuits. They were twice as numerous as the Lutherans,*
and had not the same inducement of weakness and fears, for seeking support
and succor in the arms of a foreign power. The predilection for their native
country being therefore checked by no extraneous causes, they gradually
ceased to consider themselves in any other light than Irishmen; they became
anxious for Ireland's welfare, and sensible of its wrongs. Lovers of liberty,
and almost republicans from religion, from education and early habits,
they sympathized with the Americans, when that kindred people was struggling
to shake off the British yoke. They principally composed in their own island
the never-to-be-forgotten Volunteers, and most energetically raised their voices
and their arms in favor of its commercial freedom and constitutional independ-
ence, as far as those points were at that time understood. They were even
suspected of aiming at separation from England. There was, however, no
union of sentiment or sense of common interests among the different religious
sects sufficiently strong to justify the hope that Ireland could maintain itself
as a distinct power ; and many, in whom the efforts of the transatlantic colonies
had necessarily excited congenial wishes, apprehended that it must be de-
pendent on either England or France.

In this alternative the Dissenters saw no room to hesitate ; for however great
their admiration of America and its constitutions, they preferred England when
contrasted with France, for the freedom of its government ; and would not by
a change of masters risk the horrors of Popery and slavery which they had
been taught to .believe and boast that their forefathers had combatted and
repelled. They, however, continued to be distinguished by their zeal in pursuit
of parliamentary reform, and of every other measure founded on the principles
of democracy and liberty.

The Catholics were the descendants of the primitive Irish, or of those early
settlers whom the Reformation had identified with the aboriginal inhabitants.
While in the violence of contest, the adherents of the Pope everywhere re-
garded with hatred and horror the sects that had separated from his Church,
unquestionably the Irish Catholics strongly participated in the common feel-
ings; but they were rapidly disappearing in Ireland as in the rest of Europe.
Those men, however, still continued estranged from their Protestant country-
men by causes much more substantial than religious bigotry. They were nearly
three-fourths of the population, and instead of enjoying the estates of their
forefathers, they scarcely possessed one-fifteenth of the landed property of
the kingdom. To this state they had been reduced by various causes which
might have been forgotten in the lapse of years, but that one still remained in
the code called the Popery Laws, which by its continued operation perpetuated
the remembrance of the past, excited resentment for the present, and appre-
hensions for the future. Nor was that the only injury they experienced from

*When Mr. Emmet wrote the above those who accepted Luther's views were termed "Lutherans"
and those who followed Calvin were "Calvinists." The Lutherans formed the Protestant Churchy now
the Church of England "as by Law Prescribed," and claimed to be tlie Protestants. The Calvinists
were termed Dissenters and not Protestants, as they had dissented from the Established Church. The
term Anglican is in use only from about the middle of the last century.

Popery Laws

these laws, which undermined the affections, controlled the attachments, re-
strained the industry, closed the prospects, prohibited the education, and pun
ished the religion of those against whom they were enacted. This code had
indeed suffered some mitigation within the last twelve years; but enough still
remained to injure and to degrade.

The effect of such a complicated system of persecution and oppression upon
its victims may be easily conceived. The peasantry were reduced to a lament-
able state of physical wretchedness and moral degradation. Even the gentry
were broken down ; and, though individually brave, and characteristically na-
tional, they seemed devoid of collective courage and political spirit. The
Catholics loved Ireland with enthusiasm, not only as their country, but as the
partner of their calamities; to the actual interposition of England, or to its
immediate influence, they ascribed their sufferings, civil and religious, with
those of their forefathers. Hereditary hatred, therefore, and sense of injury
had always conspired with national pride and patriotism to make them adverse
to that country and enemies to British connection. This they had often mani-
fested, when there was a prospect of doing it with success. Now, however,
they appeared only anxious to soften the rigors of their situation by an uniform
support of Government, which had carefully insinuated to them that it was
their protector against the other sects, but most especially against the Dis-
senters, and that it alone prevented the severe execution of the Popery Laws.
This obsequiousness on the part of the Catholics, their former well-known
attachment to the French Court while they could hope for its assistance, and
some remaining prejudices against their religion itself, caused them to be
regarded by the Protestants as unfit for liberty and hostile to its establishment.

Much mutual distrust and alienation naturally flowed from this difference
of interests, sentiments and opinions. Some progress towards conquering them,
had, indeed, been made in the time of the Volunteers ; but the antipathies of
centuries were far from being completely removed. For that reason, when,
in the Volunteer Convention, called together in 1784, for the purpose of bring-
ing about a parliamentary reform, the delegates from Belfast, obedient to the
early liberality and enlightened instructions of their constituents, supported the
equal admission of Catholics to the rights of free men, they were left almost
alone. The plan of representation proposed by that assembly was founded on
the exclusive privilege of Protestants ; and because its base was so narrow
(the prejudices of the times not perhaps admitting of its being enlarged), it
was easily defeated ; for the people felt no interest in that from which they
were to derive no benefit. The French Revolution, however, paved the way
for the entire accomplishment of what the Volunteer institution had begun.
A Catholic country had, by its conduct, contradicted the frequently repeated
dogma, that Catholics are unfit for liberty ; and the waning glory of the British
constitution seemed to fade before the regenerated government of France.
These things sunk deep into the minds of the Dissenters, who likewise saw
another lesson of liberality enforced by their new teachers : that no religious
opinions should be punished by civil disfranchisement. The Catholics, on their

80 Injustice of Tithes

part, perhaps, derived some instruction from the same event. If there was
any truth in the imputation of their being unfit for freedom, which is much
more than problematical, it must be confessed that this striking example
quickly changed their opinions and feelings ; and that as the French Revolution
reconciled the Protestant reformer to his Catholic countrymen, so it ripened
the Catholics for liberty.

Another circumstance seemed also to draw nearer together the Catholics
and Dissenters, and to excite in them a common admiration of that Revolu-
tion ; an identity of opinions and interest on the subject of tithes, which had
for many years been a topic of violent discussion at home, and were recently
abolished in France. Nowhere, perhaps, on earth, were tithes more unpopular,
or considered by the people as a greater grievance than in Ireland. They went
to the support of an Established clergy that preached a religion which was
adopted by only one-tenth of the nation, and which was not merely disbelieved,
but considered as heresy, by three-fourths of those that were forced to pay
them. They had been the frequent subject of partial insurrection, and were
always the fertile source of general discontent; so that the French reformers,
by abolishing them, exceedingly increased the numbers, and awoke the energy
of their Irish admirers. Accordingly, the approbation of that Revolution was
very early, as well as extensive in Ireland; and the impulse it communicated
to the public mind has given direction to all that country's subsequent political
proceedings.

The example of France, in not permitting civil disqualification to result
from any profession of religious belief, impressed itself most powerfully on
the minds of many Protestants. They felt not only the justice, but the wisdom
of liberality, and became convinced that a similar measure, with an entire ob-
livion of all religious feuds and jealousies, was necessary to the peace and
prosperity of Ireland. Some of them, considering more maturely the argu-
ments respecting the admission of Catholics to the rights of citizenship, which
had been fruitlessly urged in 1784, during the exertions for amending the
parliamentary representation, and deriving instruction from the defeat of that
measure to which they were ardent friends, wished to array the members of
that religion also in support of reform, by giving them an interest in its success.
If it were combined with Catholic Emancipation, and its Protestant advocates
could be induced to forego their sectarial prejudices, the chance in favor of
both objects would be infinitely increased by the union. Reform would be
again raised from the neglect into which it had fallen since its rejection by
Parliament, and would derive additional consequence from a fresh reinforce-
ment of popular support. The Catholics would count among their friends
those whose hostility had hitherto appeared to be the chief obstacle to their
relief; and the two sects being engaged in pursuit of the same object, their
former distrust and animosities would vanish before their common interest.

The first step towards the accomplishment of this plan was naturally taken
by the Dissenters in the North, whose habit of public discussion, ardent love
of liberty, and greater independence of Government, emboldened them to

Influence of Clubs 81

begin. They felt also that, as their forefathers had been pre-eminently instru-
mental in oppressing the Catholics, justice as well as policy required them to
make the earliest advances towards conciliation and union. Before that time,
the violent prejudices, vaunted superiority and repulsive arrogance of the
Protestants in general, had placed Mich a gulf of separation between the
followers of the two religions, that the Catholics, the most enlightened and
attached to liberty, despaired of effecting anything in conjunction with their
countrymen; and. however reluctantly, were forced to purchase occasional
mitigations of the penal code by dependency on the Court and humble solicita-
tions at the Castle. But it is unquestionable that when that body saw itself
likely to be supported by a considerable portion of the Protestants, it mani-
fested a perfect willingness to make common cause. The spirit of religious
liberty having made great progress in the province of Ulster, it was intended
at a public celebration of the French Revolution, on the 14 July, 1791, at Bel-
fast, the political capital of the North, to introduce a collateral resolution in
favor of admitting the Catholics to the rights of citizenship, which was, how-
ever, withdrawn, from an apprehension that the minds of those present were
not yet fully prepared for the measure. It was shortly afterwards received
and adopted by the first Belfast Volunteer Company, a remnant of the old
Volunteers.

That resolution drew from the Catholics of Elphin and Jamestown others,
expressive of their thanks, which were forwarded to Belfast ; and this, at the
time, almost unheeded event, was the first foundation of an union which in its
progress seemed destined to strike a tremendous blow against British connec-
tion.

More energetic measures remained still to be adopted. Clubs were long
used in Great Britain and Ireland for the accomplishment of political objects.
At this very time, the parliamentary opposition, with its adherents, was asso-
ciated under the name of the Whig Club ; the most public-spirited citizens of
Dublin had formed themselves into a society called the "Whigs of the Capi-
tal" ; and other similar institutions existed in the country parts of the kingdom,
particularly at Belfast, all professing to revive the decaying principles of
Whiggism. To the French, however, is the world indebted for completely
demonstrating the political efficacy of clubs ; and the proof that they were then
giving pointed out the advantage of employing an instrument which promised
so much benefit, and which seemed peculiarly calculated for overcoming those
antipathies that opposed the progress of reform in Ireland. The clubs already
established seemed by the ancient principles of the party from which they were
named, as well as by the prejudices of many of their members, rather to exclude
religious toleration. In consequence, therefore, of an agreement between some
popular characters in the North and some of the most enterprising Catholics
of Dublin, together with a few members even of the Established Church,
whom the progressive spirit of the times had liberalized, societies were to be
instituted for uniting together objects of parliamentary reform and Catholic
Emancipation.

82 United Irishmen and the Press

Accordingly one was constituted in Belfast, in October, 1791 ; in the Novem-
ber following, another in Dublin ; and shortly after many others throughout
the North, all under the attractive title of United Irishmen. In their declara-
tion they stated, as their "heavy grievance", that they had "no national govern-
ment, but were ruled by Englishmen and the servants of Englishmen" ; and,
as its "effectual remedy", they pledged themselves "to endeavor hy all due
means, to procure a complete and radical reform of the representation of the
people in Parliament, including Irishmen of every religious persuasion".

The press, too, that most important engine in popular proceedings, it was
determined to employ in this cause. There was, therefore, established by some
of the most active and zealous in Belfast a newspaper, called the "Northern
Star", which began with the commencement of 1792, and during the whole of
its existence was undeviatingly devoted to the principles and views of the
United Irishmen. A pamphlet written in the preceding September, by Theo-
bald Wolfe Tone, under the signature of a "Northern Whig", was likewise
made extremely conducive to the same purpose. Its scope was to show to the
Protestant friends of reform that they could never hope for success unless by
embodying with their measure a repeal of the Popery Laws, and thus giving
to the mass of population an interest in its favor. The eloquent and forcible
development of this principle, though proceeding from an unknown, and at
that time, perfectly unconnected individual, did not fail to excite the attention
and approbation of those who were occupied in endeavoring to give it effect.
They bestowed on the author their most confidential friendship, and employed
his work as a powerful instrument for spreading their opinions. Ten thousand
copies of it were struck off in Belfast, and circulated with unceasing industry
and perseverance throughout the province of Ulster, while a cheap edition of it
was selling in Dublin ; and its effects were proportioned to the abilities of the
writer.

Such were the measures adopted by a few men, of inconsiderable rank,
and of no peculiar importance in society, to subvert the exclusive principles,
both constitutional and religious, which had for ages characterized the Irish
government ; and, when the difficulties they encountered are considered, it is
almost astonishing that the success of their exertions should ever have entitled
them to the historian's notice. In the first place, they had to surmount the
prejudices and suspicion of different sects, which length of time and tradition
had almost interwoven with their respective creeds. This they hoped to accom-
plish, and they succeeded to a great degree, by bringing Catholics and Prot-
estants together into societies and familiar intercourse, that mutual knowledge
might remove mutual distrust ; but the hatred of the lowest order of Catholics
and Dissenters was, in -many places, still violent and inveterate; so that, not-
withstanding the utmost efforts of the United Irishmen, it was sometimes sub-
sequently fanned into actual hostilities.

In addition to this original difficulty, they were counteracted by the mem-
bers of the Church Establishment, who, with very few exceptions, were alarmed
at the new combination of parties, and endeavored to dissolve it with a zeal

The Catholic Committee

proportioned to their fears. Besides, even those Presbyterian men of property,
who had obtained reputation by co-operating with Lord Charlemont, and the
Whig interest, cried out against and opposed the visionary wildness of obscure
men, who were outstripping them in the career of politics, and rendering in-
significant the exertions by which they hoped to have signalized their names.
Thus abandoned by the rich and the respected, and not yet supported by the
poor and despised parts of the community, the societies of United Irishmen
were left exposed to the attacks of Government and its adherents from every
quarter. The insignificance of their individual members was derided, the sin-
cerity of their principles and professions was denied, and they were charged
with harboring concealed designs of republicanism and separation from Eng-
land. This assertion was subsequently made against them by high authority,
and a letter quoted in proof from Tone (the original planner of these societies)
to one of his friends, in which he declared himself a decided enemy to British
connection. Whether that enmity be deserving of censure or panegyric, it was
unquestionably felt by him and by many others ; but no design of interfering
with the connection was entertained by the bodies at large; nor can it be justly
ascribed to them, at that time, whatever changes may have been since produced
by the progress of principles, which have swept away all veneration for ancient
establishments, merely as such, and substituted in its stead new feelings and
opinions.

While these things were going on, the Catholics were likewise soliciting,
by their accustomed organ, a relaxation of the penal code. About twenty years
before, a committee for conducting their affairs had been instituted with the
knowledge and tacit sanction of Government. It consisted of lords and gentle-
men of rank and fortune, who sat in their own right, and of delegates from
towns and cities. As their business was little more than presenting addresses
of congratulation and loyalty to every newly-arrived viceroy, and endeavoring,
by humbly suing to his secretary, with occasional petitions to Parliament, to
procure some mitigation of the Popery Laws, the constitution of the committee
was found fully adequate to all its purposes. Auguring favorably from the
progressive liberality of the times, this body in the latter end of 1790, prepared
a petition to Parliament, presuming to ask for nothing specific ; but merely
praying that the case of the Catholics might be taken into consideration. Major
Hobart, the Lord Lieutenant's secretary, was waited on with this petition, to
implore the countenance and protection of Government ; but, liberal as were
the times, Government deemed this a season for resisting innovation of every
kind, and its protection was refused. The committee were, however, inclined
to persevere ; but such was the Irish Parliament, that they could not prevail
on any one member of that body to bring in their petition !

Another circumstance, too, strongly marked the determination of Govern-
ment respecting them. In the summer of 1790, Lord Westmoreland, then
Lord Lieutenant, visited the South of Ireland. On his arrival at Cork, it was
intimated to the Catholics there, that an expression of their loyalty would be
acceptable. Accordingly an address of that nature was prepared, which, how-

84 Division in Committee

ever, concluded with a hope that their loyalty would entitle them to some
relaxation of the present code. Before its being formally presented, it was
submitted to His Excellency, and was returned to them, to strike out the clause
which expressed the hope. With a feeling rather natural to men not perfectly
broken down by oppression, they refused to strike it out, and declined present-
ing any address at all.

In the beginning of 1791, the Catholic Committee were again disposed to
urge their suit. They deputed twelve of their body to go to the Castle with a
list of those laws, and entreat the protection of Government to remove any
part of them it thought fit; but more forcibly to mark disapprobation, delegates,
who were soliciting on behalf of three millions of people, were dismissed with-
out the civility of an answer !

The patience of the Committee was not yet exhausted. They had been
repulsed by the Irish Government; but, perhaps, without the concurrence of
its English superiors. Mr. Keogh was. therefore, delegated to London, to
make a similar application at the fountainhead. After three months' solicita-
tion, he was informed that no opposition would occur from England to the
Irish Catholics being admitted to the profession of the law, to their serving
on grand juries, to their being county magistrates and high sheriffs; and, that
their admission to the elective franchise should be taken under consideration.

But, in the meantime, the Irish administration appears to have attempted
defeating the Catholic application, 'by working on some members of the Com-
mittee, and to have hoped, at least, to draw from it some pledges that it would
never connect itself with the United Irishmen. For this purpose, some of the
country gentlemen who sat in right of their rank, and who were always the
most prominent persons in every humble application at Court, directed by its
obvious wishes, perhaps by its secret suggestions, endeavored to induce the
Committee to adopt the resolution of seeking no removal of the existing dis-
abilities, but in such manner and extent as to the wisdom, liberality and benevo-
lence of the legislature should seem expedient. This was resisted by others,
as a real abandonment of their object, and, on a division in the general Com-
mittee, in December, 1791, this last opinion prevailed by a majority of ninety
to seventeen. This success, and the account of the exertion that produced it,
were received with enthusiasm in the North. Coming from that part of the
Catholics which was thought the least likely to resist administration, it was
considered as shaking off hereditary aristocracy, and as a convincing proof
that the body at large was sincerely determined to coalesce with the Protestant
reformers. It, therefore, gave a deep root to the union there, in Dublin, and
elsewhere.

These proceedings deserve also to be particularly noticed, as having given
birth to the first general discussion of politics by the Irish Catholics in their
distinct capacity. The landed gentlemen, who had so long assumed to be the
head of that body, could not be easily brought to feel their weakness, or sur-
render their situation. After having gained a reinforcement, by a very diligent
exertion, of fifty-one other names, Lords Fingal, Gormanston and Kenmare,

Langrishe's Bill 's5

with the rest of the Sixty-eight, published to the world the resolution that had
been negatived in the Committee. It has been alleged in their excuse for this
obsequious exertion, that it was procured by the promise of a more extensive
relief than was solicited by the Committee. Perhaps they also presumed to
hope, that the display of so much strength and importance would silence or
confound their not much more numerous opponents. It, however, produced
counter resolutions from the Catholics of almost all the counties and principal
towns in the kingdom, approving of the conduct of the Committee, and censur-
ing that of the Sixty-eight. In the course of the meetings, where these counter
resolutions were passed, the condition of the Catholics was the subject of
universal discussion ; and thus the sense of their rights, and indignation at their
wrongs was exceedingly increased.

On the other hand, the friends of what has since been called the Protestant
ascendancy had taken considerable alarm, and declared themselves against the
Catholic claims and measures with the utmost violence and passion. As they
were almost entirely members of the Established Church, in possession or
expectation of all the exclusive benefits derived from their religion, and in
general the uniform supporters of administration, they were either actually
members of Parliament, or at least more peculiarly connected with that body.
This, therefore, will account for the proceedings of the session which com-
menced on the nineteenth of January, 1792.

On the first night of its meeting, Sir Hercules Langrishe (a confi-
1792 dential servant of Government, but an early and decided enemy to
the Popery Laws), gave notice in the House of Commons of his in-
tention to introduce a Bill for the relief of the Catholics, which was accordingly
brought in on the fourth of February. It opened to them the Bar, up to the
rank of King's Counsel; permitted their intermarriage with Protestants, pro-
vided it were celebrated by a Protestant clergyman ; but continued the dis-
franchisement of a Protestant husband from marrying a Popish wife; and
subjected a Catholic clergyman, celebrating such intermarriage, to the penalty
of death; at the same time, declaring the marriage itself null and void. It
further gave the Catholics the privilege of teaching school without licence from
the ordinary, and permitted them to take two or more apprentices.

Whether this Bill was intended as a reward for the fidelity of the Sixty-
eight, or a compliance of some order from the English Cabinet, does not clearly
appear ; but it certainly was introduced without consulting the Catholic Com-
mittee. That body, however, in pursuance of its resolution, and of the decided
wishes of those who declared in its favor, prepared a petition, which detailed
at large the peculiar hardships of their situation. This Mr. O'Hara attempted
to present on the twenty-fifth of January; but he quickly withdrew it, in con-
sequence of some formal objections, and of the hostile temper of the House,
very unequivocally manifested by the furious speeches of some members, and
the heat and ferment that seemed to agitate the whole. Another petition was
substituted a few days after, and presented on the eighteenth of February by-
Mr. Egan. This last was couched in language the most humble, and simply

86 Belfast's Petition Rejected

entreated the House to take into consideration: "Whether the removal of
some of the civil incapacities under which they labored, and the restoration
of the petitioners to some share in the elective franchise, which they enjoyed
long after the revolution, would not tend to strengthen the Protestant state,
add new vigor to industry, and afford protection and happiness to the Catholics
of Ireland".

A petition was likewise presented by the inhabitants of Belfast in favor of
the Catholic claims. While the sufferers themselves were supplicating partial
relief, in terms almost abject, their northern friends, little accustomed to
temporize with the passions or prejudices of their opponents, boldly relied on
the justice of the application, and asked for a complete repeal of all penal
and restrictive laws against the Catholics; so that they might be put on the
same footing with their Protestant fellow-subjects. It has been already men-
tioned that a resolution expressing similar sentiments was withdrawn, lest it
should be lost at the preceding celebration of the fourteenth of July in Belfast ;
but such had been the progress of liberality among the Dissenters, that this
unqualified application to Parliament was accompanied by six hundred Prot-
estant signatures.

The House of Commons, however, was not actuated by the same spirit.
These petitions were indeed received ; but after some days they were taken
off the table, on the motion of the Right Hon. David Latouche, and rejected
by a very large majority; thereby cementing the already formidable union of
sects, and binding the Catholics and Dissenters more closely together by a
community of insult.

In the debate on this motion, Mr. Grattan reprobated the bigotry of the
Protestant ascendancy, and predicted the final success of the Catholics, by
one of those sublime comparisons that peculiarly characterize his eloquence.

What! never be free? (exclaimed this overwhelming orator). Three millions of
your people condemned by their fellow-subjects to an everlasting slavery, in all changes
of time, decay of prejudice, increase of knowledge, the fall of papal power, and the
establishment of philosophic and moral ascendancy in its place! Never be free! Do
you mean to tell the Roman Catholic, it is in vain that you take oaths and declarations
of allegiance ; it would be in vain even to renounce the spiritual power of the Pope, and
become like any other Dissenter, it would make no difference as to your emancipation:
go to France : go to America : carry your property, industry, manufacture, and family,
to a land of liberty. This is a sentence which requires the power of a god and the
malignity of a demon : you are not competent to pronounce it. Believe me, you may as
well plant your foot on the earth, and hope by that resistance to stop the diurnal
revolution, which advances you to that morning sun, which is to shine alone on the
Protestant and Catholic, as you can hope to arrest the progress of that other light,
reason and justice, which approaches to liberate the Catholic and liberalize the Protestant.
Even now the question is on its way, and making its destined and irresistible progress,
which you, with all your authority, will have no power to resist ; no more than any other
great truth, or any great ordinance of nature, or any law of motion, which mankind is
free to contemplate, but cannot resist: there is a justice linked to their cause, and a
truth that sets off their application.

Notwithstanding the adverse disposition of Parliament, Sir Hercules

The Whig Club 87

Langrishe's Bill was allowed to pass into a law; but in the debate to which it
gave rise, the speakers on both sides of the question, even many of il -> sup-
porters, who were likewise adherents of Government, vented the most un-
measured abuse against the Catholic Committee, against tln»e who defended
it by resolutions and addresses, against the people of Belfast, and the Societies
of United Irishmen. Of these last, that of Dublin was attacked with peculiar
severity, because it had made itself pre-eminently obnoxious, by several publi-
cations of various merits and importance. One of these, "The Digest of the
Popery Laws," prepared by the lion. Simon Butler, an eminent lawyer, and
the first chairman of the society, was admirably calculated to promote the
cause for which it was written. By merely stripping the statutes of their
preamble and recitals, and bringing the enacting clauses together in a simple
arrangement, it presented, at one view, such a monstrous mass of tyranny and
oppression as shocked almost every reader.

Indeed, although this society appeared to be actuated by the purest prin-
ciples of patriotism, it had so conducted itself that it did not seem to have
gained a single friend in either House of Parliament. The Castle and its
followers were such enemies as it must have counted on from its very origin ;
but their enmity was not more marked than the aversion of the Opposition.
This party had formed itself, as already stated, about the time of the regency
dispute, into a Whig Club, and had hoped to collect the nation under its
standard, by pledging itself to a Bill for preventing placemen and pensioners
from sitting in Parliament, with others of a similar nature and equal im-
portance. The members of the Opposition were by no means agreed as to
the Catholic claims or a parliamentary reform ; although the able and eloquent
Mr. Grattan, whose talents, exertions and public estimation deservedly made
him the head of the party, together with Mr. Curran and some others, were
avowed friends to both. In order, therefore, to preserve the appearance
of co-operation and unanimity, the club remained intentionally silent on these
two vital questions. Its prudence, however, did not increase its strength ; for
so entirely had the United Irishmen succeeded in drawing general attention
to their own objects, that a place Bill and a pension Bill were considered as
petty evasions of more important measures. The candidates for political situ-
ation who rested their pretensions on them were despised and derided, and
those societies had not been instituted many months before they destroyed the
popularity and extinguished the power of the Whig Club. No wonder, then,
that the members of Opposition were not their parliamentary advocates, and
were in some instances among their most inveterate abusers.

But the effects of the abuse thrown out against the Catholics and their
Committee were infinitely more important. The members of that religion had
been charged with tenets inimical to good order and government ; with harbor-
ing pretensions to the forfeited estates of their forefathers ; and with wishing
to subvert the existing establishment that they might erect a Popish one in
its stead. These declarations were denied by a very full and unequivocal
declaration from the Committee; which was subsequently subscribed both by

88 Committee Reorganized

&«

the clergy and laity. It also published the answers of foreign universities to
queries proposed at the desire of Mr. Pitt, by the Committee of English
Catholics on the same religious opinions attributed to their communion ; which
in all their answers are explicitly disavowed. The faculty of divinity at Lou-
vain in particular expressed itself "struck with astonishment that such ques-
tions should, at the end of this eighteenth century, be proposed to any learned
body, by inhabitants of a kingdom that glories in the talents and discernment
of its natives". These measures exceedingly comforted the timid Protestants.

The majority of the Committee had also been stigmatized in Parliament
as turbulent and seditious agitators, whose conduct should rather operate to
prevent the relief granted to the good demeanor of the Sixty-eight. The
petition of the former was said to be only the act of an obscure faction, con-
fined merely to the capital, disavowed by the great mass of the Catholics,
ignorant of their sentiments, and incompetent to speak on their behalf.

If it was intended ever to proceed further, by any secondary body, in pur-
suit of emancipation, this objection of incompetency could no longer be over-
looked, urged as it had been with peculiar force, and well-founded as it cer-
tainly appeared to be, were the organization only of the Committee con-
sidered. The necessity of unequivocally showing, that whatever future appli-
cation might be made, was conformable to the wishes of the Catholics at large,
and, perhaps, also, the desire of shaking off an hereditary aristocracy, which
had become odious in consequence of the conduct of the Sixty-eight, deter-
mined the Committee to devise a plan, whereby the sentiments of every in-
dividual of that persuasion in Ireland should be ascertained. To this it was
further impelled, by an assurance which was possibly given under an idea that
compliance with the requisite would be impracticable, and which is alluded to
in the plan itself, in the following words :

We have the first authority for asserting, that this application [a petition to the
king] will have great weight with our gracious sovereign and with parliament, if our
friends are qualified to declare that it is the universal wish of every Catholic in the
Nation.

The necessary unanimity was further promoted by a declaration from the
leaders of the Sixty-eight (repentant from the inadequacy of the relief granted
to their good demeanor), that they would never again enter into any act to
oppose the general Committee, in its endeavors to obtain emancipation.

The plan itself proposed, that electors should be chosen by all the inhab-
itants of that religion in every parish, and that those electors should, in each
county, choose its delegates to the Committee. This manner of conducting the
election was most satisfactory to the United Irishmen, who had now begun
to maintain universal suffrage, as the only just mode of appointing represen-
tatives ; and it removed from the Dissenters all remaining apprehensions that
the Catholics might be unfit for liberty.

This project for re-organizing the general Committee was at first strongly
opposed by the Catholic bishops, who probably foresaw from its accomplishment
the annihilation of their own influence in that assembly, as well as the dis-

Meeting of Volunteers 89

pleasure it would afford to Government. They strenuously insisted to their
flocks that the measure was not only impolitic, but illegal, and imminently
dangerous to those who might attempt to cany it into effect. This charge oi
illegality, which was also made from other quarters, determined the Committee
to submit the plan itself to the opinion of two eminent lawyers, whose pro-
fessional characters might remove all apprehensions or doubt, while the inde
pendence and the liberality of their principles would guard against the injurious
operation of corrupt influence or religious prejudice. For this purpose they
chose the Hon. Simon Butler and Beresford Burston, whose answers being
entirely favorable, were printed, and universally dispersed throughout the
country. From thenceforward no farther mention was expressly made of the
illegality of the measure, and Catholic opposition to it gradually died away.

The proceedings of the Committee were seconded in the strongest manner
by Belfast and its neighborhood, at their commemoration meeting on the four-
teenth of July. As Volunteer associations had never been totally discontinued
in Ulster, that day's immense assembly consisted not only of those with the
other inhabitants of the town and the vicinity, but also of a very considerable
number of distant Volunteer companies, together with a great concourse from
a wide circuit of the North. The objects to be proposed to the meeting having
been the subject of a year's general and public discussion, were perfectly well
understood by all before their assembling. These objects were to express a
decided approbation of the French Revolution, with entire confidence in its
success, and to adopt its principles as far as they were applicable to Ireland,
through the means of Catholic Emancipation and parliamentary reform. A
number of principal Catholics and others from Dublin attended this meeting
by previous agreement, that they might themselves witness the spirit of the
North. The resolutions and addresses were carried with acclamation, and the
visitors returned satisfied as to the present and sanguine as to the future issue
of the popular exertions.

But the agitation which the plan of the General Committee produced
throughout the kingdom, during the summer and autumn of 1792, was most
extraordinary. Wherever their adversaries were sufficiently strong, corporate
or county meetings were held to reprobate the plan, and to resist the exorbitant
pretensions of the Catholics; but if defeat, or even formidable resistance was
dreaded, similar resolutions were entered into by the grand juries, where suc-
cess could be easily secured from the mode of their appointment.

These resolutions breathed no common opposition. In general, they charged
the Committee with the interests of overawing the legislature ; they drew a line
of circumvallation round the Protestant ascendancy, and pledged those who
adopted them, as solemnly as could be done 'by words, to resist with their lives
and fortunes every attempt to regain a right within its limits. The corporation
of Dublin went still further ; for, alluding to the possibility of Government's
finally acceding to the Catholic claims, it expressly says, that

The Protestants of Ireland would not be compelled, by any authority whatever, to
abandon that political situation which their forefathers won with their swords, and
which is therefore their birthright.

90 Protestant Ascendancy

And to this threatened resistance against the constituted authorities, it
solemnly pledged the lives and fortunes of its members. That no doubt might
be entertained as to the extent of what it was determined at all hazards to
maintain, it gave a definition of Protestant ascendancy in these words :

A Protestant king of Ireland, a Protestant Parliament, a Protestant hierarchy,
Protestant electors and government, the benches of justice, the army and the revenue,
through all their branches and details, Protestant; and this system supported by a con-
nection with the Protestant realm of England.

What gave to those resolutions a still more important appearance was,
that they seemed to be made with the immediate sanction of Government,
inasmuch as the most confidential servants of the Crown, and even its ministers,
stepped forward to give them countenance and support in their respective
counties. This authoritative interference on the part of persons high in the
administration of the country (such as Mr. Foster, the Speaker of the House
of Commons, in the County of Louth, and the Lord Chancellor in the County
of Limerick), against a plan, calculated to ascertain an universal wish, formed
a very striking and suspicious contrast with the assertion of the Committee,
that it had the first authority to declare an application would have infinite
weight, if it appeared to be the wish of every Catholic in the nation.

The friends of emancipation were not on their parts much less active. The
United Irishmen of Dublin and several Catholic bodies, treated with indig-
nation, argument, contempt, severity and ridicule, the pledges and menaces
of the opposite party. Those in the capital particularly directed their attention
to the circular letters issued by the corporation of that city, and in«a pointed
declaration denied its assertions and replied to its reasonings. The meeting
convened for that purpose was remarkable, among other things, for affording
to the Catholics the first public opportunity of exerting their unknown, and
almost despised talents. All the speeches on that occasion, but particularly the
able, artful and argumentative declamation of Mr. Keogh, the classic and cul-
tivated eloquence of Dr. Ryan, filled their ascendancy opponents with mortifi-
cation and surprise.

In order to further do away the effects of the grand jury resolutions, and
to consider the situation of affairs, a great number of meetings of different
towns and districts was likewise held throughout the province of Ulster during
the winter of 1792. At all of them it was declared, that a radical reform in
the representation of the people was the only remedy for the many existing
grievances. Some few, with Londonderry at their head, expressed themselves
as favorable to the gradual admission of the Catholics into this basis of reform ;
but the great majority followed the example of Belfast, and declared for the
immediate and unqualified extension of the right of suffrage to the whole
Catholic body.

These declarations, from different assemblies, having testified some slight
disagreement on one of the great questions, it was proposed to call a convention
of the province, as had twice before been done, and on one occasion with

Influence of the French Revolution

marked success. Dungannon, the former place of meeting, and even the fif-
teenth of February, its anniversary, were deemed auspicious, and were there-
fore selected. It was also judged tit that the delegates should be appointed
on the plan then pursued by the Catholics.

Their elections had been everywhere carried on, even during the heat of the
grand jury and county resolutions, with tranquillity, and almost without obser-
vation. But the threatened hostilities of the Protestant ascendancy roused a
martial spirit in its opponents. The ranks of the old Volunteer corps were
filling, and new ones springing up in every part of the North. Vague and
obscure notions, that the resistance of those who benefitted by the existing
exclusions, together with the tide of political opinions now strongly setting in
from France, would cause Ireland to be the theatre of revolution and the seat
of war, seemed already to have possessed the minds of many; and the military
dispositions and habits of the Irish were not such as to make them shrink
from the struggle. Ever since the defection of the Sixty-eight, the Catholics
had been kept in constant heat and agitation by political disputes and discus-
sions. They first stepped forward to resist that aristocracy and support their
Committee : their attention was then more peculiarly turned inwards upon
their disabilities, by those occurrences, and by the debates in Parliament, while
their affection was in no respect conciliated by the temper with which these
debates were marked. The ensuing summer called forth all their reasoning
faculties in their own defence, and excited all their animal feelings by insult,
asperity and menace. To them, therefore, the proceedings of the last year had
been a continual study of the Rights of Man, and a gradual incitement to
assert them. The Dissenters, who never stood in need of much preliminary
preparation, contemplated with enthusiasm the progress of the French Revolu-
tion, and remembered their own fame in 1782. They saw indeed that their
dearest objects, Catholic Emancipation and parliamentary reform were likely
to be resisted, and conceded only to force: but so far from being terrified at
the prospect, they rather began to speculate upon the ulterior consequences
of the conflict. What those consequences might be, the eventful tenth of
August and twenty-first of September seemed to develop. The first of those
days dethroned the King of France, and the last of them made that country a
republic. But this extraordinary change was far from disagreeable to men who
had been republicans in theory ever since the establishment of American
independence; or whose minds were now rapidly advancing towards the same
principles, almost without their consciousness.

Irish enthusiasm was likewise raised to its highest pitch, by the rapid and
surprising victories with which the French, after their first disasters, had
signalized the war. Nor was it overawed by the fear of opposition ; for the
military force in the country was small, and the gentry of more liberal senti-
ments, but who had kept aloof from fear of shame, were beginning to flock
round the popular standard.

Such were the auspicious circumstances under which the Catholic Com-
mittee assembled on the third of December, 1792, and its meeting could not

92 Petition to the King-

but afford some matter fox speculation. The body which had previously held
its meetings in Dublin, under the same name, and with the privity and consent
of Government, though of no alarming appearance, either from its numbers
or importance ; and though during almost the whole of its time, religious preju-
dices seemed at least dormant, did not think proper to make itself an object of
any notoriety; so that even its existence was nearly unknown to the greater
part of the Protestant community. Now, however, notwithstanding that civi!
war had been denounced by the ascendancy, and the menace countenanced at
least by men very high in the government of the country, or enjoying very
lucrative places in the administration, this Committee assembled with the
utmost publicity : and so imposing was its appearance from numbers and
respectability, that its original title was soon merg-ed in the more expressive
appellation of The Catholic Convention. To what was this change attribut-
able? To the consciousness of strength which its constituents had acquired,
by being repeatedly involved in political discussions ; to the increasing
liberality and firmness of the Protestants who espoused their cause; but most
peculiarly to the unequivocal and energetic support they derived from their
former enemies, the Northern Dissenters, by many strong and explicit
declarations, together with corresponding military preparations.

The most active Northerns, who had the year before procured a petition
from Belfast to Parliament for a complete repeal of the whole Popery Code,
now pressed upon those of the Committee with whom they were in habits of
communication, that it should also make the same extensive claim. If there
had been any difference of opinion, the effectual co-operation which they had
always given, would have added infinite weight to their advice. But in truth,
the Committee from the very outset seemed perfectly disposed to assert all the
rights infringed on by those laws.

It replied in a very dignified style to the different corporation, county and
grand jury resolutions, by its vindication. Well knowing the authoritative in-
fluence which a royal recommendation would have on both legislative Houses,
it prepared a petition to the king, setting forth all the disabilities of the Cath-
olics ; praying that he would recommend to his Parliament of Ireland to take
into consideration the whole of their situation ; and expressing their wish to
be restored to the rights and privileges of the constitution of their country.

The next question was, how this petition should be forwarded to England.
Some were for transmitting it, in the ordinary mode, through the viceroy ; and
this, Government itself seemed very solicitous to procure. The measure was
expressly solicited 'by Lord Donoughmore, who, with his family, had always
espoused the Catholic cause ; and who was likewise among the most steady sup-
porters of administration. He waited outside the Hall where the Committee
met, to know their determination: he was informed by order of the meeting,
that if the Lord Lieutenant would promise to forward the petition, with a
recommendation in its favor, it should be intrusted to him. Lord Donoughmore,
having carried this communication to the Castle, and returned with an answer
that His Excellency could not in his official situation pledge himself to the re-

The First National Battalion 93

quired recommendation ; a remembrance of the hostile denunciations during the
preceding summer, a suspicion of the manner in which they were excited, pie-
vailed, and it was determined that the petition should lie presented to the king
himself, by deputies of the Committee's own appointment. These were Messrs.
Edward Byrne, John Keogh, James Edward Devereux, Christopher I'ellew
and Sir Thomas French, Bart. They were accompanied by Mr. lone, who,
though a Protestant, had in consequence of his very uncommon talents and ex-
ertions in the Catholic cause, been appointed one of the secretaries to the
Committee, and the secretary to the delegation.

This Committee was also remarkable for having as one of its members a
Protestant and officer in the king's service, Major Edward Sweetman, returned
by the County of Wexford, a place since accused of having manifested a spirit
of bigotry and intolerance. The representative which it chose proved himself,
however, every way worthy of the trust, by his firmness, liberality and splendid
talents.

The delegates, on their way through the North, were received at Belfast
with the most marked affection. Their horses were taken from their carriages,
and they were drawn through the streets by a Presbyterian populace, who
wished to mark the sincerity with which they embraced the Catholic cause.

The Volunteer corps were at this time continuing to increase and extend
rapidly through the North. In Belfast, particularly, a very numerous town-
meeting was held and attended by even the most moderate and opulent in-
habitants. Resolutions were there passed, urging in the strongest manner a
complete re-establishment of the Volunteer institution, and determining to
form a military fund.

While these things were going on, Government seemed to be feeling its way,
and hesitating whether it should concede or resist. Its measures accordingly
often appeared experimental, embarrassed, and when compared together, the
result of contradictory sentiments.

A new military association was forming in Dublin, called the First National
Battalion, which unequivocally avowed republican principles by its emblematic
device, — a harp without a crown, surmounted by a cap of liberty. As repub-
licanism had not then stricken deep root in the capital, this very avowal served
exceedingly to discredit the corps and to prevent its increase. In consequence,
therefore, of a proclamation which appeared the eighth of December, and was
well known to be directed against that body, under the vague description of
seditious associations, it was never able to parade in public, because it was
conscious of wanting public support. The proclamation not being generally
supposed to allude to the old Volunteers, they, however, still continued to as-
semble. At a meeting of some of the Dublin corps on the fifteenth of De-
cember, thanks were voted to the United Irishmen of that city, for their
address of the night before to the Volunteers, calling upon them to resume
their arms, stating the necessity of a reform in Parliament, pointing out the
advantages that would accrue from a convention's meeting for that purpose,
and suggesting the propriety of calling provincial assemblies preparatory to

94 Revised Petition Distributed

the national meeting. As this address became a subject of criminal prosecution,
the resolution of thanks gave great offence to Government.

A publication having appeared in the "Northern Star", which was deemed
libellous, an officer was sent down to arrest the printer and proprietors of that
paper, then nineteen in number, and consisting of some of the most popular
characters in the town. When the officer arrived there and saw the disposition
of its inhabitants, he began to doubt the propriety of executing his warrant,
and communicated his opinion to some of the friends of Government on the
spot, whose apprehensions rather corresponded with his own. In this state
of indecision he remained for many days, waiting ulterior orders ; when the
nature of his commission having transpired, the proprietors informed the
sovereign of the town that if the warrant was legal they would surrender them-
selves ; but if it were otherwise they would forcibly resist its execution. He
directly brought them the warrant to satisfy them of its legality, and they sub-
mitted to a voluntary arrest. On their arrival in Dublin, as if no opportunity
were to be lost of marking the union of sects, they were attended to the chief
justice's house by a numerous retinue of Catholic gentlemen of the first im-
portance, and every bail bond was jointly executed by a member of that religion
and by a Protestant.

The Catholic delegates having presented their petition at St. James's
1793 on the 2d January, the Lord Lieutenant, in his speech from the throne

on the tenth, communicated a particular recommendation from His
Majesty to take into serious consideration the situation of his Catholic subjects,
and relying on the wisdom and liberality of his Parliament. This recommenda-
tion seemed to work a rapid change of sentiment in many of those who had
before brought forward the counties and grand juries, to pledge their lives
and fortunes against any further restoration of rights to their fellow-subjects.
In general it was received with a chastened and meek submission; but those
who had most signalized themselves by their effusions of Protestant zeal could
not so easily subject themselves to the charge of tergiversation. The Lord
Chancellor and Dr. Duigenan, as if speaking by concert, each in the House
of which he was a member, in the debate on the address, accused the Catholics
of having deceived the king by a tissue of the greatest falsehoods and misrep-
resentations in their petition, and pledged themselves to prove this assertion
at the proper period. The chancellor in particular said there was no such
legal disabilities as stated in the petition, the laws relating to them having ex-
pired or been repealed. These assertions by the highest judicial character in
the country were very unceremoniously contradicted by the Catholic sub-
committee, which was appointed to act during the adjournment of the General
Committee. In two days after the assertion was made, they published a second
edition of their petition with notes specifying the different statutes, sections
and clauses, on which the alleged falsehoods and misrepresentations were
grounded, and this they caused to be distributed to every member of either
House of Parliament. His lordship never thought fit to confute their false-
hoods or correct their misrepresentations.

Resolutions of Citizens 95

Four days after the opening of Parliament, the House of Commons, on
the motion of Mr. Grattan, amended by Mr. Corry (a supporter of adminis-
tration), unanimously agreed to a committee for enquiring into the state of
the representation; and the staunchest courtiers appeared eager to promote
the great work of parliamentary reform. The two objects of the United Iri^li
men seemed now on the point of being peaceably accomplished, and hope took
possession of every mind.

Parliament having been understood to sanction the discussion of those
two heretofore proscribed subjects, an aggregate meeting of the citizens of
Dublin was convened on the twenty-fourth of January to take them into con-
sideration and instruct their representatives. In the resolutions adopted by
this meeting the House of Commons was said not to be freely chosen by the
people : and that House, as then influenced by places of emolument and pen-
sions, it was alleged, did not speak the sense of the people. These resolutions
having appeared in the "Hibernian Journal", the printer was ordered to attend
at the bar of that House on the twenty-ninth of January, for a breach of
privilege. When questioned as to his defence, he said the resolutions were
sent to him authenticated under the signature of Henry Hutton, one of the
high sheriffs of the city; and that the sheriff authorized him to say he had
signed them, as chairman of the meeting, and was ready to avow the fact if
called upon. After a long debate the printer was ordered into custody, where
he was kept for a few days and then discharged : but no notice was taken of
the sheriff, who was attending, dressed in the insignia of his office, and ready
to justify his conduct.

On the twenty-seventh of the same month, when the Goldsmiths' Corps of
Volunteers was marching to exercise, as it had been in the habit of doing every
week, it was informed by a civil magistrate that its meeting was contrary to
the proclamation of the eighth of December, and that he had orders to disperse
it, but would not call in the military except in case of refusal. Unprepared
and surprised at this totally unexpected application of the proclamation, it
declined committing the country.

This proclamation was taken into consideration by the House of Commons
on the thirty-first of that month, and it was there stated by Mr. Secretary
Hobart, that the Goldsmiths' Company was dispersed because it was one of
those which had, on the antecedent fifteenth of December, thanked the United
Irishmen ; and also because it had sometime in the November before issued
a summons entitled "Citizen Soldiers", and dated "last year, would to God it
were the last hour of slavery". Which summons, reciting that the delegates
of the corps were to assemble to celebrate the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick,
and the French victories in the Low Countries, called upon the members of that
body to attend. An address of thanks was unanimously voted to the Lord
Lieutenant for the proclamation ; but Lord Edward Fitzgerald, intending to
oppose it, began thus :

I give my most hearty disapprobation to that address, for I do think that the Lord
Lieutenant and the majority of this house are the worst subjects the king has.

96 Influence of War

His words were instantly taken down, and he was ordered to the bar. On
his explaining, it was unanimously resolved that his excuse was unsatisfactory
and insufficient. The next day, however, an apology that was rumored to be
an aggravation of the insult, was received by a great majority.

The inhabitants of Belfast, finding that the king's speech had opened a pros-
pect of success to their Catholic brethren, again petitioned the House of Com-
mons in their favor. Such was the progress of liberality, and this petition was
signed by almost two-thirds of the adult male population of the town. But as if
to manifest the utmost extent of contempt towards the House, which they alleged
had insulted the petitions of the people, and then crouched to a recommendation
from the throne, their present was an exact transcript of that which had been
rejected the year before. No attempt was made, however, to repeat the indig-
nity.

So far administration and its adherents seemed to fluctuate between con-
cession and resistance. But on the twenty-first of January, Louis the Sixteenth
had suffered death, and his execution caused a great revulsion of public sen-
timent. On the first of February, war was declared between France and Eng-
land, and the armies of the former were for months after everywhere repulsed
and driven within its territories. The affairs of that republic were thought to
be rapidly tumbling to ruin, by those who conceived the possibility and enter-
tained the hopes of replacing a Bourbon on the throne. Perhaps these changes
in the appearances of a revolution, the influence of which operated powerfully
on Ireland, banished indecision from the councils of the Castle. Perhaps, too,
the hope occurred to men, who always regarded the union of sects in the com-
bined pursuit of Catholic Emancipation and parliamentary reform with hatred
and dread, that by carefully keeping separate the two questions, an opportunity
might arise of breaking the union, which rendered them irresistible ; and that
by conceding enough to meet the actual necessities of a considerable number of
the Catholics, such a temporary content might be produced among them as
would destroy their energy in co-operating with the other sect, and would
facilitate the subduing of both in detail.

That Government did not wish to do more than meet the actual necessities
of such a number of the Catholics, and destroy their co-operation with the
Dissenters, seems probable from the following circumstances. While some
of the delegates from the Committee were yet in London, the sub-committee,
apprehending from private circumstances that it was advisable to make the
extent of their wishes fully known to the Irish administration, deputed some
of their body to wait on Major Hobart, and acquaint him that the object and
expectations of the Catholics were the entire repeal of the Popery Laws. This
declaration the secretary received with perfect politeness, but without impli-
cating his responsibility by an indiscreet reply. Some days after, a second in-
terview on the same subject having been judged necessary, the sub-committee
feeling that it was called upon to be precise and specific, desired its deputies
to read to Mr. Hobart on its part, the same declaration reduced to writing.
When this was accordingly done, Mr. Hobart addressed himself to Mr. Keogh,

Relief Measures 97

one of the deputation, and asked, did he not think that if Government went
for the elective franchise, and the repeal of the Catholic laws relating to juries,
with some minor circumstances then stated, enough would be done. Mr. Keogh
replied, that as one of the deputation he could only answer, that it would not
content the Catholics, and that there lie had no right to deliver any private
opinion. "Bui it is your private opinion 1 request to know," rejoined the
secretary. "Why then", said Mr. Keogh, "if 1 was to give my private opinion
I should say, they are substantial benefits". "It is not in Government's power",
directly answered the minister, "to grant more". Some vague discour.se was
then carried on with others of the deputation, as if it was possible to negotiate
on the footing of partial emancipation. When the convention (in substance
at least, the same as the foregoing), was reported to the sub-committee, it was
exceedingly irritated, and hoping to retrieve what was past, instantly sent a
new deputation, consisting of different members to reiterate the declaration in
stronger terms: hut the secretary had taken his ground.

Accordingly on the seventh of February he obtained leave to bring- in a Bill,
for giving to the Catholics the elective franchise ; the right of being grand
and petty jurors in all cases; of endowing a college and schools; of carrying
arms if possessed of a certain property qualification ; of holding subordinate
civil offices ; and of being justices of the peace. It also repealed all the remain-
ing penal laws respecting personal property.

The progress of this Bill through Parliament was by no means rapid. It
was violently opposed by the ascendancy phalanx. They insisted that yielding
to the Catholic claims was incompatible with the constitution and connection
between the two countries, and a violation of the coronation oath. "They have
done this", replied Mr. Grattan, "when a new enthusiasm has gone forth in the
place of religion, much more adverse to kings than popery, and infinitely more
prevailing — the spirit of republicanism. At such a time they have chosen to
make the Catholics outcasts of a Protestant monarchy, and leave them no
option but a republic ; such a policy and such arguments tend to make Irish
Catholics French republicans." "You are trustees," said he again, "to preserve
to Great Britain the physical force of the Catholics of Ireland, and nothing but
you can forfeit it — not religion — not the Pope — not the Pretender — but your
proscription, which argues that the franchise of the Catholic is incompatible
with British connection, and of course teaches the Catholic to argue that British
connection is incompatible with Catholic liberty".

In the House of Peers, indeed, the opposition of the Lord Chancellor did
not seem so violent and determined as at the first agitation of the question.
This very striking change gave an air of credibility to certain rumors then
in circulation. It was reported that his lordship had been reminded of his
being the first native ever permitted to hold the Irish seals ; and that the im-
propriety of departing from constant usage in his favor would become very
manifest if he set himself at the head of any Irish party in opposition to what
had been decided on by the English Cabinet. The doctrine to which he owed
his elevation was that the government of Ireland should be subordinate to that

98 The Ulster Convention

of England, and as such was the condition of his appointment, he must concur
in the measures of those by whom it was conferred.

The Bill, however, was not only opposed but procrastinated in its different
stages, by circumstances that seemed scarcely accidental, and created frequent
anxiety and suspense in those who were to profit by its success. While this
uncertainty was hanging over their heads, and restraining their exertion for
any other political object, Parliament carefully separated the questions of
reform and Catholic Emancipation, which the Dissenters and reformers so
ardently wished to unite; for it repaired the error it had fallen into through
indecision, when it consented to the Committee on the state of the representa-
tion. At the first sitting of that Committee on the ninth of February, Mr.
Grattan proposed three resolutions, stating:

That the representation of the people is attended with great and heavy charges
in consequence of the elections and returns of the members to serve in parliament, and
that said abuses ought to be abolished.

That of three hundred members elected to serve in parliament, the counties and
counties of cities and towns, together with the university, return eighty-four members,
and that the remaining two hundred and sixteen are returned by boroughs and manors.

That the state of the representation of the people in parliament requires
amendment.

In the speech, by which these resolutions were prefaced, he asserted that
of three hundred members, above two hundred were returned by individuals;
from forty to fifty by ten persons ; that several of the boroughs had no resident
electors at all ; some of them had but one ; that on the whole, two-thirds of the
representatives in the House of Commons were returned by less than one hun-
dred persons.

The resolutions were opposed by Sir John Parnell, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, who proposed instead of them, but in the form of an amendment:
"That under the present system of representation the privileges of the people,
the trade and prosperity of the country have greatly increased, and that if any
plan be proposed likely to increase those advantages and not hazard what we
already possess, it ought to be taken into the most serious consideration". After
a long debate this resolution was carried by a repentant majority of a hun-
dred and fifty-three to seventy-one.

Notwithstanding the inauspicious bodings which were caused by this divi-
sion, the Ulster convention met at Dungannon on the appointed fifteenth of
February. When it was assembled Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Tyrone,
Donegal and Monaghan were found to be very fully represented; several dis-
tricts in Armagh, Fermanagh and Cavan had totally failed to meet, or appoint
any delegates. On the whole, however, it was considered a more complete
representation of the province than either of the preceding meetings, because
the delegates had been chosen directly by the whole people, which was not
formerly the case.

In order to prevent any danger from the coming together of violent or fac-
tious men, the gentlemen of rank, property and moderate principles, were

Militia Bill

anxious to be chosen, and were very successful. This body after a sitting of
two days came to a decision in favor of the absolute necessity of a radical
reform, including the unqualified and immediate admission of the Catholics.
A resolution was also entered into, declaring in very pointed terms the protest
of that province against the war with France; another was likewise passed
expressing disapprobation of the militia establishment, as tending to supersede
the Volunteers.

For, among the strong measures which were proceeding at least ywrx passu
with the Catholic Bill, was one for raising sixteen thousand militia in Ireland.
An augmentation of live thousand men was also made to the ordinary estab-
lishment of twelve thousand regulars. Besides, obviously in order, by pre-
venting the Volunteers from being supplied with arms or ammunition, to strike
at their existence, and to throw every practicable impediment in the way of
the people's arming, a Bill was passed to prevent the importation of arms
and gunpowder into the kingdom, and the removing or keeping of arms or
gunpowder without licence. Directly after the assent had been given to this
Bill the artillery belonging to the Liberty Corps in Dublin was seized, that of
the Merchants' Corps was taken by private agreement, and the lawyers with
a public procession gave up theirs. The houses of gunsmiths and others in
that city that were suspected as containing concealed arms were searched, and
every manifestation given there that the Volunteers were to be no further
tolerated than should be agreeable to administration. An Alien Bill was also
enacted similar to that adopted in England.

These Bills were agreed to in Parliament with so much readiness on all
sides that Opposition could not be charged with clogging the wheels of govern-
ment. Both parties concurred in the necessity of repressing faction and sedition ;
while the United Irishmen and their adherents thought that Opposition for-
feited all pretence to public confidence, by consenting to such measures, at
least before any advance had been made to correct the acknowledged radical
vice in the representation.

Sir Lawrence Parsons, indeed, pressed strongly that this reform should be
included in the same Bill, and incorporated with the restoration -of the Catholic
franchise, which he imagined would secure both by uniting the nation in one
common interest.

But sever these measures, said he, and what is the consequence? The minister
will think that he has grartified so great a part of the people by the Catholic measure,
that he may venture to control the rest; and under this delusion he may crush the
reform. And what a multitude of mischiefs the rejection of the reform would produce,
it is for you to consider after the public expectation has been so much excited upon it. Or
if you say that the Catholics having got franchise would join in calling for reform,
true; but what would the minister think? that the Catholics having obtained so much,
would abate much in their fervor. He would hope, after he had drawn off by the
Catholic Bill so great a portion of discontent, that he might venture for a while to
leave the rest to ferment, resolving, however, at his leisure to put a heavy curb on
your future exertions.

During this part of the session, another subject occupied the serious atten-

100 Origin of Defenders

tion of the Upper House of Parliament. Disturbances had broken out, and
outrages were committed in the county of Louth, and the neighboring counties
of Meath, Cavan and Monaghan, by persons of the very lowest rank in life,
associated under the name of Defenders. This body had its origin in religious
persecution, and was an almost inevitable consequence of the system, according
to which Ulster had been colonized and settled and Ireland ruled since the
Reformation. In that province English and Scotch planters had been estab-
lished on the forfeited lands of the native Catholics. These last were for the
most part obliged to retire to the bogs and mountains ; but even there they
were not permitted to lose the remembrance of their forefathers, their power
and opulence, in the tranquil enjoyment of security and content. The bogs
and mountains afforded them no refuge against the Acts of Uniformity and
Supremacy or the accumulated oppression of the Popery Laws. Nor were the
wretched inhabitants exempted by their defenceless condition from the hatred,
contempt and persecution of their privileged and arrogant neighbors. Hence
arose a mutual, rancorous animosity between the new settlers and natives, or
in other words between the Protestants and Catholics, transmitted from genera-
tion to generation, until at last it became more violent and intolerant than in
any other part of Ireland.

The Volunteers by the benign influence of their institution, had for the first
time considerably abated this spirit, and by their successful activity as military
men in keeping the peace, had prevented its receiving fresh provocation by out-
rage or insult. But in proportion as that body declined or was discouraged,
prejudices and hatred revived, especially in districts remote from the principal
Presbyterian towns, where the growing liberality of the most enlightened
Dissenters could scarcely operate. These prejudices which, chiefly prevailing
in the county of Armagh, extended, less or more, into the adjoining districts
of the counties of Down and Tyrone, began to break out into something like
open hostility, in the year 1791. About that period, several associations among
the lower orders of the Protestants were founded under the appellation of
Peep-o'-Day Boys, whose object was to scour the Catholic districts about the
break of day, and strip the inhabitants of fire-arms, alleging that they were
warranted in so doing by the Popery Laws, which had indeed for a long period
forbidden to the members of that communion the use of arms, even for self-
defence.

The Catholics, thus exposed and attacked, entered into a counter associa-
tion called Defenders, which derived its name from the necessity of their situa-
tion, and its excuse from the difficulty, or as they stated, the impossibility of
obtaining justice against the aggressors. This association, at first local and
confined, as much as mutual hatred would allow, to actual self-defence, began
in 1792 to spread through the other parts of the kingdom, and not a little to
connect itself with more general politics. To this it is said to have been im-
pelled by a harsh, unfounded persecution, which some leading friends of
Government did not think it consistent with their characters to carry on in
the County of Louth, and which seems to have prepared the way for subse-
quent disturbances elsewhere.

Napper Tandy 101

In proportion as this association extruded itself into districts, where no
Protestants of inferior rank in life were to be found, and therefore no out-
rages like those committed by the Peep-o'-Day Boys to be apprehended, it
gradually lost its characteristic of being a religious feud, and became in fact
an association of the lowest order, particularly for procuring a redress of the
grievances of the very lowest orders. Even in the counties wdiere it originated.
it ceased to be actuated by religious animosity before the end of 1792, in con-
sequence of the exertions of the early United Irishmen (whose chief en-
deavors were always directed to reconcile the Protestants and Catholics), to-
gether with the influence of some liberal-minded men of both persuasions, and
still more from the publications peculiarly adapted to that purpose, which were
incessantly circulated through the medium of the "Northern Star"; for by
these means the hatred of sects was lulled, until a subsequent period, when
it will appear to have been aroused by fresh aggressions.

The Defenders, after their association had changed its type, were bound
together by oaths, obviously drawn up by illiterate men, different in different
places, but all promising secrecy, and specifying whatever grievance was, in
each place, most felt and best understood. Tithes therefore were, in all of
them, very prominent. The views of these men were in general far from dis-
tinct ; although they had a national notion that "something ought to be done
for Ireland"; but they were all perfectly convinced that whatever was to be
done for themselves or their country could only be accomplished by force of
arms. They therefore formed themselves, as far as their knowledge would
permit, upon a military system, and in order to procure arms, used to asssemble
by night, to take them from the houses of those who they conceived would be
eventually their enemies.

They seem to have been entirely without any connection in the upper, or
even middling ranks of life, except what has transpired relative to Mr. Napper
Tandy. Observing the commotions that were taking place in the County of
Louth and its vicinity, and guessing that they were not without some motive
and object, he was desirous of penetrating into the secret. He contrived to
communicate this wish to some of the Defenders ; and as his character was
long known to them, they agreed to inform him if he would bind himself to
secrecy. To this he consented, and met a party of them at Castlebellingham,
where the oath of secrecy was administered. This fact having been dis-
covered by an informer, bills of indictment for felony were found against him
with great privacy by the Grand Jury of the County of Louth, where it was
hoped he would be easily entrapped, as he was on his way from Dublin, to
stand his trial there for having published a libel. Information, however, of
his new danger was given him before he reached Dundalk ; he therefore ab-
sconded, and shortly after left the kingdom.

These disturbances also attracted the attention of the House of Lords early
in 1793, and a secret committee was appointed to inquire into their causes, to
endeavor to discover their promoters, and to prevent their extension. This
committee consisted very much of peers who were avowed enemies to the

102 Imprisonment of Reynolds

Catholic Bill, and had during the preceding summer committed themselves
against the meeting of what they emphatically called "the Popish congress".

The secret committee in the course of its proceedings proposed questions,
to which it required answers on oath, that might eventually have criminated
the persons under examination. As a knowledge of this fact had been ob-
tained by the United Irishmen of Dublin, some of whom had been thus inter-
rogated, they alleged that the researches of the committee were not confined
to the professed purpose of its institutions, but directed principally to the
discovery of evidence, in support of persecutions, previously commenced, and
utterly unconnected with the cause of the tumults it was appointed to investi-
gate. They therefore published a series of observations, calculated to show
that the committee had no such right. They distinguished the legislative from
the judicial capacity of the House of Lords; denied its right to administer an
oath in its legislative capacity ; asserted that as a court it was bound by those
rules of justice which were obligatory on all other courts, both as to the limits
of jurisdiction, and the mode of conducting inquiry; and farther insisted, that
these rules deprived it of all right to administer an oath, or exact an answer,
in similar cases, or to delegate its judicial authority to a committee.

For this publication, the chairman and secretary of the society, the Hon-
orable Simon Butler and Mr. Oliver Bond, with whose names it was signed,
were brought before the House itself on the first of March. They both
avowed the publication, and were in consequence sentenced by that assembly
to six months' imprisonment, and a fine of £500 was imposed on each. The
society was not, however, deterred from espousing their cause. They were
sumptuously entertained, as if in defiance of Parliament, during the whole of
that time, and their fines paid by the voluntary subscriptions of the United
Irishmen.

Well calculated as was the sentence passed on these gentlemen to prevent
others from disputing the authority of the committee, yet it did not entirely
succeed. Doctor Reynolds, a physician from the North, having been sum-
moned before their lordships, professed his conviction of the truth of the
observations published by the United Irishmen, and refused to be examined
on oath. He was, therefore, committed and detained a prisoner for near five
months, till the expiration of the session ; during all which time he experienced
the same attentions as were shown to Butler and Bond.

While the report of the secret committee was preparing, lively alarms were
excited, and rumors very current through the metropolis that it would impli-
cate many leading members of the Catholic Convention, even to capital
punishment, cover the whole of that body with suspicion and odium and hazard,
if not defeat, their Bill, which was still only in progress. On the day when
the report was expected it was not made; a noble lord, however, sent a con-
fidential and mutual friend to Mr. Sweetman, the secretary of the sub-
committee, to inform him, that should it appear, his life would be exceedingly
endangered, and the Bill itself run a great risk; but that if he would sign any
kind of paper in the form and wording most agreeable to his own feelings.

Peep-o'-Day Boys

103

acknowledging his indiscretion, and expressing his regret at having connected
himself with the Defenders, his lordship was authorized to say the report
should never see the light, and all difficulties respecting the pending law
should be removed. This, Mr. Sweetman peremptorily refused, but offered,
in consequence of the subsequent conversation, to call together the sub-com-
mittee, that it might receive any proposal his lordship should think fit to make
to them. Accordingly, in the course of an hour, they were collected in one
room, while his lordship occupied that adjoining. lie then offered to them,
by means of his friend, the same benefits if they would disavow their secre-
tary. This they also refused. The report appeared the next day.

Its object was to connect the Defenders with all that was obnoxious to the
administration, and principally to implicate the General Committee, or at
least the sub-committee of the Catholics. This it attempted to do, by inference,
from the secrecy and regularity of the Defender system, which it said seemed
as if directed by men of superior rank; from the collecting of money to a
considerable amount by the voluntary subscription of Catholics, in conse-
quence of a circular letter from the sub-committee, expressing the necessity
of raising a fund for defraying the heavy and growing expenses incurred by
the General Committee, in conducting the affairs of their constituents; and
lastly, from some letters written by Mr. Sweetman to a gentleman at Dundalk,
in which, the report states, that the secretary, in the name of the sub-committee,
directed inquiries to be made, touching the offences of which the Defenders
then in confinement were accused. One of these letters is given, dated ninth
of August, 1792, which mentions that the brother of a person whom the secret
committee states to have been committed as a Defender, left town truly
disconsolate at not being able to effect something towards the liberation of his
kinsman. This chain of circumstantial evidence was strengthened by the
assertion, that Mr. Sweetman's correspondent had employed, at a considerable
expense, an agent and counsel to act for several persons accused as Defenders.
The report, seeming to presume that the money used for that purpose was
supplied by the Catholic Committee, and part of the voluntary subscription it
had collected, has the candor to state, that nothing appeared before the secret
committee which could lead it to believe that the body of the Catholics were
concerned in promoting these disturbances, or privy to this application of their
money. The secret committee then couples (but only by the insinuation which
results from juxtaposition in their report) the Defenders with the Volunteers,
the reformers and republicans in the North and in Dublin.

This attack on the organs and adherents of the Catholics, having been
generally conceived as aimed in hostility against the Bill then depending for
their relief, no time was lost in counteracting its effects. A reply to it ap-
peared almost directly from the sub-committee, and another from the secre-
tary. The defence by the former stated, that while religious quarrels were
going on between the Peep-o'-Day Boys and the Defenders, in consequence
of personal application from several Protestant gentlemen, three of the com-
mittee had an interview in July, 1792, at Rathfryland, in the County of Down,

104 Catholic Bill Defended

with above twenty respectable Protestant gentlemen of that neighborhood,
who admitted, that in no one instance had the Catholics been the aggressors;
but on the contrary, had been repeatedly attacked, even in the solemn offices
of their religion and burial of their dead. At this interview it was further
stated to have been agreed that the committee should use all its influence with
the lower orders of Catholics, to induce them to desist from their meetings,
and that the Volunteers should adopt resolutions expressing their determina-
tion to protect every man equally, without distinction of party or religion.
In order to effectuate this agreement, the General Committee framed a cir-
cular address to that district, stating the agreement and the determination of
the Volunteers :

Entreating the lower orders of Catholics to abstain from parade and meetings,
and all other measures that might tend to alarm their Protestant brethren ; pointing
out the embarrassment that would necessarily be thrown in the way of the great Catholic
objects, by anything of riot, tumult or disorder; promising to those who should observe
the peaceable demeanor recommended by that address, all possible protection, as well
as by applications to Government, as by supporting at ithe common expense, the cause
of those who, if attacked in their houses, property or persons, should dutifully appeal
to the law of the land for redress, where circumstances might not enable them to seek
that protection themselves ; but that the General Committee would in no case under-
take the defence of any man who should assist in any riotous or disorderly meeting.
or should not behave himself soberly, peaceably, and honestly.

The defence further stated that this address and the resolutions of the
Volunteers restored peace and harmony to that part of the country, which had
been harassed for many years before. It likewise mentioned that the person
alluded to in Mr. Sweetman's letter was recommended by that gentleman's
commercial correspondent as coming within the description of those whom
the committee had promised to support ; which, on examining his brother,
there was found cause to doubt, and on that account all advice and assistance
was refused. The sub-committee then solemnly asserted that this was the
only instance of their ever having had any kind of communication with the
Defenders. As to the levying of money, it specified the different expenses
which had been incurred in pursuing the Catholic claims, and the necessity of
voluntary contributions for their discharge. It also denied that any part of them
was ever applied to any other purpose. Mr. Sweetman's refutation dwelt on
the same topics, and entered into a minute detail of his communications with
his commercial correspondent, the gentleman alluded to in the report of the
secret committee. Notwithstanding the alarms that had been excited previous
to the publication of the report, no attempt was made to proceed against any
of the sub-committee or its secretary.

But, about this time a tumult of another nature occurred, which never
became an object of parliamentary cognizance; which was stated but imper-
fectly, even in the "Northern Star", from motives of not very unreasonable
apprehension ; and which perhaps from a similar cause was scarcely noticed in
the Dublin prints. It deserves, however, to be rescued from oblivion, and
assigned to its proper place in history. For some days previous to the fifteenth

Attack on Lisburn 105

of March, various movements of the military were made towards Belfast,
which were supposed to indicate some extraordinary measure. A train oi
artillery, consisting of two mortars and two field pieces, was brought to
Lisburn, within seven miles of that town, and the inhabitants were also warned
from different quarters of some impending mischief. On the fifteenth, at
about two o'clock, four troops of the 17th dragoons having arrived in the
vicinity by different routes, galloped into the centre of the town from its two
Opposite extremities with their sabres drawn, as if in full charge. After this
singular manner of entering into a place where profound tranquillity pre-
vailed, where cavalry had never been quartered before, and where none ivas
at that time expected, they were billeted on the principal taverns.

The inhabitants had not in general risen from their dinners when a most
alarming tumult began to take place. The dragoons had issued out from
their respective quarters with their sabres drawn, generally in parties of from
ten to twenty, under the orders of a sergeant or corporal. They proceeded
to attack every person, of every age and sex, who happened to be in the
streets and wounded many very severely. They had provided themselves with
two or three ladders, upon which they mounted to demolish obnoxious signs,
among which was that of Dr. Franklin. This having been made of copper
cost them much useless labor with their swords ; and the delay it occasioned
gave some little opportunity to the inhabitants to recover from their astonish-
ment, and think on their situation. The soldiers proceeded with a written
list to attack the houses of several individuals who had been long known for
their popular principles. They also broke such windows of milliners or
haberdashers as contained in them anything green.

This scene lasted until quite dark, when the inhabitants having begun to
assemble in groups, and consult together, were preparing to fly to arms. The
magistrates and the officers then interfered, and shortly put an end to the
military outrage. It is worth notice, that during the whole of this transaction,
the 55th regiment, at that time in garrison in Belfast, was drawn up under
arms within the barracks ; but did not interfere until the dragoons had retired,
when they were ordered out to line the streets, and prevent any assemblage
of the townspeople. So ended the evening of the fifteenth.

The night was spent in anxious alarm, few of the inhabitants went to bed,
lest the attack should be renewed. From what occurred next day, however,
it is evident that the Volunteers were not remiss during that time in making
preparations for defence.

On the morning of the sixteenth the streets were almost deserted. The
sovereign, .Mr. Bristow (who appears, in this awful dilemma, not to have
forgotten the duty he owed to the community), called a meeting of the in-
habitants by public notice at the different places of worship. This meeting
was so numerously attended that it was held in the open air. The sovereign
informed the inhabitants of his having waited upon General White, who com-
manded in the district, but who had been out of town the night before, and
that the general expressed some regret at what had occurred, and was willing

106 Claim of General White

to concert measures for the future peace of the place. The meeting appointed
a committee of twenty-one, including all the magistrates, to confer with him
on this subject.

Meanwhile the dragoons were manifesting every determination to re-
commence their proceedings as soon as it should be dark; they were even
observed marking the houses of the most obnoxious persons, that had escaped
them the night before from their ignorance of the town, to which they were
all utter strangers. It was evening before the committee could meet the gen-
eral : even his sincerity was doubted, for one of the warnings of danger
to the town which had been given, and was believed, consisted of an
assurance, that he had some time before written to Government, expressing
his apprehensions that when he should be committed with Belfast, he should
not be able to prevent his soldiers from plundering the town, as the inhabitants
were rich, and had a great deal of plate in their houses. But if the general
was sincere the discipline of the troops was very questionable; no time was,
therefore, to be lost; night was coming on. The Volunteers, to the number
of about seven hundred, being all who had arms, repaired as privately as
possible to two places of parade, both near the centre of the town. They had
also placed a guard in every house where an attack was expected. Several
of the neighboring country corps had sent them assurances that they would
march to the support of the inhabitants on the first intimation of its being
necessary. Thus prepared, and certain of reinforcements, they calmly waited
the result of the conference between the committee and the general.

This was for some time prevented from taking place by a demand on the
part of General White to be admitted as a member of the committee, he
having been shortly before appointed a magistrate of the county. His ap^
pointment was made pursuant to the system which administration had even
then adopted, of associating into the commission of the peace many military
officers, quartered in what it conceived to be unfriendly places. It did so
without any regard to habitual residence, to local connections, or fortune, and
without any view to their interfering in the ordinary duties of the office, but
merely to elude the ancient provisions of the law requiring that the army,
whenever called out to act, should be under the direction and control of a
civil officer. The general's claim was, therefore, peremptorily refused by the
committee, who insisted that by magistrates were meant such as had some
stability and property in the county, not ephemeral agents, constituted only
because they were military men, for a time stationed in the district. In con-
sequence of this delay, one division of the Volunteers, apprehending that
matters would come to extremities, moved from its parade, and took post in
the exchange. This General White soon perceived, and sent his aide-de-camp,
Captain Bourne, to the sovereign, then presiding at the committee, to demand
the keys of the market-house in His Majesty's name, as the Volunteers had
taken the strongest position in the town, and he insisted on having the second.
Some of the committee, not apprized of the movement of the Volunteers, said
it was only a guard which was placed in the exchange. "I know it is not a

Last Effort of the Volunteers 107

guard," replied the aide-de-camp, "I have just examined ii by order oi ( ieneral
White, and the area is a grove of bayonets. I therefore demand, in the king's
name, the keys of the market-house". The sovereign answered that the market-
house did not belong to him; that he was then in the midst of the magistrates
and principal inhabitants of the town, and would be guided only by them; the
keys were therefore withheld.

At length, at about seven o'clock, the committee and the general met.
The general demanded that the Volunteers should disperse, as a preliminary
to the conference. This was refused by the committee, on the ground that
these corps had assembled merely as a precautionary measure of defence, and
that when they were satisfied as to the safety of persons and property, their
members would immediately repair to their homes. The general complained
that he was in an irksome situation, and knew not well what to do. He could
not enter into terms which would appear as a compromise, or rather a capitu-
lation on the part of His Majesty's troops; but he would answer for the
safety of the town and the discipline of the dragoons. To this it was replied,
that if the outrage was merely a mutinous excess of the men, contrary to their
orders, it was impossible for the general to answer that it would not again
occur; his pressing such responsibility would rather confirm the suspicion that
the violence had been sanctioned by authority, and that his absence the night
before was not merely accidental : in short, that there was only one way of
allaying all apprehensions, and that was to remove the dragoons. To this at
length the general acceded, and a written agreement was entered into, wherein
he pledged himself publicly and personally, for the safety of the inhabitants
during the night, and that the troops should be removed next morning. To
this agreement the sovereign signed his name as a witness, and upon its being
communicated to the Volunteers, they instantly dispersed. The dragoons were
accordingly removed, and not afterwards replaced by any other corps.
Whether that agreement was considered, what General White apprehended it
would be, a "capitulation on the part of His Majesty's troops", it is not easy
to say; but he did not long continue in the command of that district.

That was the last effort of the Volunteers; for shortly afterwards Gov-
ernment expressly commanded that every assemblage of that body should
be prevented by military force : and a review of some country corps at Doah,
in the County of Antrim, having been previously fixed upon for some few
days after, the army was marched out of Belfast, on the very morning of the
review, to meet and disperse them. But the Volunteers, having been fortunately
apprized of these steps, were able to guard against the melancholy conse-
quences that might have ensued, and entirely avoided assembling.

The Catholic Bill having at last found its way through the forms of
Parliament, and received the royal assent, the general committee again met
on the twenty-fifth of April. After expressing its thankfulness to the king
for his interposition on behalf of its constituents, and voting some substantial
and honorable proofs of its gratitude to individuals who had labored in the
Catholic cause, it directed its attention towards one of the most desrradin<r

108 Commercial Distress

and deleterious consequences of the lately repealed Popery Laws ; and ap-
pointed a committee to consult, communicate and correspond upon the means
of procuring an improved system of education for the Catholic youth of
Ireland. The general committee further signalized itself by marking, in its
last moments, its attachment to the entirely unaccomplished object for which
the Protestant reformers were so anxious. It "most earnestly exhorted the
Catholics of Ireland to co-operate with their Protestant brethren, in all legal
and constitutional means, to carry into effect that great measure, recognized
by the wisdom of Parliament, and so essential to the freedom, happiness and
prosperity of Ireland, a reform of the representation of the people in the
Commons House". Having done this, it dissolved itself: since, by the restora-
tion of the elective franchise, the Catholics of Ireland were enabled to speak
individually the language of freemen, and that they no longer wished to be
considered as a distinct body of His Majesty's subjects. Glad as the govern-
ment was at the quiet dissolution of this committee, it was deeply offended at
their valedictory resolution.

Public attention, however, was now occupied by the distresses of traders
and manufacturers, particularly in the cotton line, who were reduced to great
embarrassments by the first consequences of the war. Their warehouses were
overstocked with goods, which they were unable to send to any market ; they,
therefore, became incompetent to answer the demands for which they were
responsible, and the workmen were reduced to the greatest distress for want
of employment. The immediate pressure of this calamity was wisely removed,
and credit greatly restored by advances from Government, to such persons as
could deposit goods to a sufficient amount, or produce equivalent security.
The sum of £200,000 was entrusted to the management of commissioners, who
granted out of it, to the different claimants, such sums as they judged necessary.

The country was also distracted by risings in many places to resist the
execution of the militia law. The people in almost every county opposed the
ballotting, and sometimes ventured to resist the regular forces that were
brought against them. In the County of Wexford particularly, the insurgents
attempted to attack the chief town, in order to liberate some prisoners from
the gaol; and in the conflict, Major Vallotin, who commanded the army, was
killed. By allowing, however, that enlisted men should be taken, and substitutes
found; by making some provision for the families of those who were drawn
by lot ; but still more by the constant and vigilant interposition of military
force, resistance to the measure was gradually subdued.

Another instance of opposition to Government occurred where it was
scarcely expected: in the month of June, at the annual meeting of the Synod
of Ulster, a body consisting of the whole Dissenting clergy of the North, and
the presbytery of Dublin, together with a lay delegate from each parish.
Notwithstanding a recent addition to the regium donum, supposed to be given
to obtain their influence against the union of sects, this body, in its address
to the king, expressed its dislike of the war, and its satisfaction at the ad-
mission of Catholics to the privileges of the constitution.

Address of Catholic Bishops ""

l*'ar from the same ungrateful nature was an address with which the Lord
Lieutenant was honored by the bishops of the long oppressed and reluctantly
enfranchised religion. Their effusion of thankfulness did not confine itself to
mere panegyric on his adminstration : it virtually contradicted many of tl
charges which had been preferred by the laity of the same persuasion. It
applauded that spirit of conciliation by which it is said I lis Excellency's go\
ernment was eminently characterized, and went, by implication, to sever the
union of the sects. Its compliments were not very consistent with the further
pursuits of freedom, and its candor was conspicuous in the approval of the
manner by which Defenderism had been suppressed, and in deploring that the
majority concerned in that unhappy system of infatuation were of their re-
ligion. The indignation and astonishment which this address excited among
the Catholic laity can he easily conceived. It seemed called for-hy no par-
ticular occasion. It was clandestinely conducted, and even remained a pro-
found secret until after it had been some days delivered. It was a violation
of solemn declarations which these very prelates had made from time to time,
amounting to the fullest assurances that they would never take a step of a
political nature, but in conjunction with the laity. It was also generally con-
sidered as an unprincipled coalition with those who exhausted every effort in
resisting the claims of the Catholics, and whose intolerance compelled that
body to look upon them in no other light than that of enemies. But it was
not without an object. The persons to whom the general committee entrusted
the formation of a plan for the education of the youth of their religion had
made considerable progress. After several meetings in the early part of the
summer they had agreed to these general principles : that the plan, while it em-
braced the Catholic youth, should not exclude those of any other persuasion;
that it should depend on the people for its support, and be subject to the joint
control of the clergy and laity. They had, by correspondence with different
parts of the kingdom, assured themselves that there would be no deficiency of
ample resources for carrying it into effect. They had also submitted their
general principles to the prelates themselves, the majority of whom expressed
the most decided approbation. They had even held meetings with those
reverend persons upon the best mode of bringing those principles into action.
At one of those meetings, Dr. Reily, the Catholic primate. Dr. Troyr, the Arch-
bishop of Dublin, and four others who were present, made very considerable
offers of pecuniary aid. more than might have been expected from their
limited incomes. Dr. Reily likewise proposed the sketch of a plan nearly as
follows : that there should be a grammar school in each diocese, where the
lower branches of education should be elementarily taught ; that there should
be four provincial academies, where such youths as were designed for the
Church, for other professions or literary pursuits, should be received from
the diocesan schools, instructed in the languages and sciences ; lastly, that there
should be one grand seminary, in which those who had passed through any of
the provincial schools should be entered for the purpose of standing public ex-
aminations; such as were destined for the Church, to receive the necessarv testi-

11° Plan for Catholic Education

monials for their ordination, and such as were otherwise disposed to qualify
themselves for degrees, in whatever college they should think fit, which might
be authorized by law to confer those dignities.

This outline, with some other material, had been referred to Dr. Ryan,
Dr. M'Neven and Mr. Lyons, three gentlemen extremely well qualified for
digesting a more detailed plan, and they were actually occupied on the sub-
ject. They hoped by its accomplishment to deserve, and probably to acquire
to themselves and their fellow-laborers, the gratitude of their countrymen and
of posterity, for a wise and comprehensive system of education, which should
not only benefit the Catholic body, but also embrace the general civilization of
Ireland; which, independent of its direct advantages, might by the force of
emulation, awake the established institutions from their present torpor, and
perhaps even excite the silent sister of the English universities into something
like literary exertion. But while they were indulging their enthusiastic ex-
pectations, there is strong reason to believe that the Catholic hierarchy had
privately stated these proceedings to Administration, and given it the option
either to permit the members of that religion to establish a popular system of
education, which might not be conducted entirely to the satisfaction of the
Court, or to assist the prelates with its influence and resources to establish
another, over which they, having entire control, could so manage as to make it
subservient to every purpose which Government might wish to derive from
such an institution. On these latter terms a bargain appears to have been
concluded, in which the address to His Excellency was to be part of the price
for Court protection. Certain it is, that after that address was presented, all
co-operation and confidence between the prelates and the laity were destroyed,
and the gentlemen who were preparing a popular plan were assured they
might desist from their labors, as an arrangement had been made for Catholic
education, which should be solely conducted by the bishops, under the auspices
of Government and the sanction of Parliament.

The projected system of strong measures was now to be completed by the
legislature. The report of the secret committee of the lords, asserted, with a
strange confusion of expressions, that the existence of a self-created, rep-
resentative body of any description of the king's subjects, "taking upon itself
the government of them, and laying taxes or subscriptions", to be applied at
the discretion of that representative body, or of persons deputed by them, was
incompatible with the public safety and tranquillity. The Convention Bill
was, therefore, brought in and passed; but although it was professed to be
calculated solely against such bodies as were described in the report, its title
was to prevent the election or appointment of unlawful assemblies, "under
pretence of preparing or presenting public petitions, or other addresses to His
Majesty or the Parliament." The Bill enacted that all such assemblies should
be unlawful; but it had the mercy to declare that His Majesty's subjects might
still petition the king or Parliament. A traitorous Correspondence Bill was
likewise enacted, conformable to that in England. To preserve the same
uniformity, and perhaps also as an equivalent for the sacrifices to which

The Friends of Peace hi

Opposition had freely consented, a Libel Bill and Place Bill were permitted
to pass.

On the nineteenth of July, Mr. George Ponsonby, in the name of his
brother, presented a bill for the more equal representation of the people in
Parliament. The former gentleman, with his connections, had ever since the
regency dispute joined the Opposition; and by their influence, as well as by
his own abilities, be had acquired as much consideration and import rune as
could be conferred by a part), which adhered neither to Government nor the
people. The outline of the plan proposed by this bill was, that three repre-
sentatives should be appointed for each county, and for the cities of Dublin
and Cork. With regard to other cities, boroughs, towns or manors, that per-
sons residing within the distance of four miles every way from the centre of
each (within such variations as necessity might demand), should have a right
to vote for its representatives, if possessed of a ten-pound freehold ; that no
person admitted to the freedom of any corporation should thereby acquire such
a right, unless he were also seized within the city or town corporate, of a five-
pound freehold, upon which he or his family resided for a year before the
election and admission ; that this regulation should not extend to persons ac-
quiring that freedom by birth, marriage, or service ; and lastly, that an oath
should be taken by every person returned to serve in Parliament, that he had
not purchased his seat.

This plan may perhaps not unjustly be considered as flowing from the
principle of property qualification, adopted by a society which called itself
the Friends of the Constitution, Liberty, and Peace. When the union of
Catholics and Dissenters in pursuit of the same objects had succeeded in rais-
ing the question of reform from the neglect into which it had fallen after the
Convention of 1784, and the force of public opinion was bearing powerfully
upon that point, a number of noblemen and gentlemen of the first rank and
fortune, with the Duke of Leinster at their head, collecting around them as
much as possible the friends of reform in Parliament, in the Whig Club, and
at the Bar, formed themselves in the latter end of 1792, into a society under
that name. It was expected by its respectability to overawe, and by its modera-
tion to curb, the much more democratic United Irishmen. When it had thus
superseded what its partisans termed faction and sedition, it intended to put
itself at the head of the people. That its loyalty might be unquestioned, a
disavowal of republican principles was made an integral part of its admission
test. So long as the Irish ministers were balancing upon their line of conduct,
they patronized, as much as was consistent with their characters, this check
upon their most formidable opponents, by means of which silent approbation,
and of the society's own landed connections, it was enabled to put out some
offshoots in other parts of the kingdom. But w-hen reform was to be seriouslv
resisted, the Friends of Peace were not found forward to struggle against the
storm, and the society expired of languor, while the United Irishmen were
maintaining themselves against denunciations, prosecutions and imprisonments.
These last in Dublin had also submitted to public consideration a plan of

112 Session of 1794

parliamentary reform, on the broad base of universal suffrage, for which they
were become unequivocal advocates.

In truth, however, by this time all prospect of accomplishing anything on
that subject had everywhere disappeared. The hope that had been excited by
the unanimous consent of Parliament to go into a committee was disappointed
by the rejection of Mr. Grattan's resolutions, and the adoption of Sir John
Parnell's amendment; it was completely blasted by the successive adjourn-
ments, which defeated every attempt to render the committee's proceedings of
any avail ; and the presenting of Mr. Ponsonby's bill was rather considered as
the formal discharge of a promise long since made, than as a step towards
success.

The expression, too, of that spirit which called for reform, was greatly
restrained by the coercive measures of Government and Parliament at home,
and by the gloomy appearances abroad. France was agitated by the defec-
tions of its generals, the insurrections in the West, the contest between the
Mountain and the Girondists, and the successful pressure of foreign armies.
Even when that country again began to assume an offensive aspect, and deter-
mined on the motion of Barrere to rise in mass, the enthusiasm by which it
was actuated failed of exciting correspondent demonstrations in Ireland ; very
much indeed from the effects of domestic terror, but in many cases unques-
tionably from a contemplation and horror of that beginning system in the
French Republic. The professions of atheism and the open mockery of Chris-
tianity shocked a people that always cherished and respected religion. The
carnage committed by the revolutionary tribunals and the tyranny of the Com-
mittee of Public Safety deeply afflicted the lovers of liberty and justice. The
assertions boldly made by the anti-reformists and the adherents of government
that those outrages were essentially connected with the march of democracy,
alarmed the timid, revolted those whose liberal politics were more the result
of feeling than of reflection, and even co-operated with the measures of Gov-
ernment, in compelling many of the philosophic reformers to wait in silence
a more favorable opportunity, when what had been lost of public reason and
public strength should be again restored.

In this state of active outcry on the one part and temporary inaction
1794 on the other, Parliament again met on the twenty-first of January,
1794. During this session Opposition in almost every case melted
itself down into the common mass of ministerial advocates. The address to
His Majesty was unanimously voted without amendment, Mr. Grattan having
only broken silence to state his determination to preserve the connection with
Great Britain, and to assist her in the war, even if it were more unsuccessful.
He afterwards, in the course of the session, introduced a motion relative to
an equalization of duties between the two countries, but Mr. Secretary Douglas,
having moved the question of adjournment, he declined pressing his own
motion, lest it should seem to imply a distraction of sentiment in the House.
The Alien and Gunpowder Bills were continued likewise without resistance
or comment, and that precedent was afterwards constantly followed.

Volunteers Dispersed 113

The only instance where * opposition seemed to assume anything of us
former tone was in the debate upon Mr. Ponsonby's reform bill on the fourth
of March; but even then that party was particularly careful to mark its abhor-
rence of democracy, of French principles and universal suffrage. Sir Law-
rence Parsons, indeed, very strikingly pointed out what he called the imposture
and mockery of the existing representation:

When the Americans were deliberating, said he, on their new constitution, if
any one had got up among them, and had proposed such an institution as our present
borough representation, and had said, there is a certain ruin in Virginia, let it send
two representatives, to he named by any twelve persons Mr. Washington shall appoint;
and there is a certain tree in Pennsylvania; let it send two representatives, to be named
by any twelve persons Mr. Franklin shall appoint; and so on — would not the man
have been deemed mad who made such a proposition. An institution, then, which
any rational set of men upon earth would deem a man mad for having proposed, can it be
sound sense in you to retain?

Mr. Grattan, too, among other arguments in support of the plan before
the House, asserted that ninety, or, as he believed, about forty individuals,
returned a vast majority in the House of Commons :

Of property, said he. it will be found that those who return that majority (it is I
believe two-thirds), have not an annual income of three hundred thousand pounds, while
they give and grant above three millions, — that is, the taxes they give are ten times,
and the property they tax is infinitely greater than the property they represent.

Hut his speech was most particularly remarkable for a series of epigram-
matic invectives against the United Irishmen of Dublin, their plan of reform,
and the principle of universal suffrage.

To this display of what they styled "the highest genius with the lowest
ribaldry", they replied in an answer full of argument, and which cannot be
refused at least the merit of temper and moderation ; but in doing so they
made their last public effort. Mr. Hamilton Rowan had been found guilty on
the preceding twenty-ninth of January of publishing a seditious libel, by dis-
tributing the address of that society to the Volunteers of Ireland, and sen-
tenced to two years' imprisonment, and a fine of five hundred pounds.
Government then felt itself emboldened, after the rejection of Mr. Ponsonby's
bill, by a majority of one hundred and forty-two to forty-four, to disperse
the only body under its immediate observation, that presumed to brave its
power, and persevered in pursuing reform. This Mr. Sheriff Giffard accom-
plished by its order, and without resistance, in consequence of the general
apparent apathy, and of a conviction on the minds of the members themselves,
that there now remained no hope of acquiring the object for which they
sought, by similar meetings, or by public discussions.

This society from its first formation, had been a mark for the abuse of
Government and its adherents. To the perseverance and exertions, however,
of the United Irishmen of Dublin, may be attributed much of the change which
took place in the public mind in favor of the Catholic claims. Just before the
existence of their society the followers of that religion would not be permitted

114 Hints at French Invasion

in an address of loyalty to the viceroy to express a hope of relief; and not a
member of Parliament could be found even to present a petition to the legis-
lature, praying that their case might be taken into consideration : yet the
institution had not been eighteen months established when, in spite of denun-
ciations of war from the Protestant Ascendancy, and with only the ungracious
and constrained assent of the Irish Government, the Popery Laws, the dis-
grace and scourge of a century, were reduced to a few comparatively insig-
nificant restraints.

A reform in Parliament seemed at one time, too, on the point of being
conceded to that spirit, which the same society had been very instrumental in
exciting, and was always among the foremost to evince. Whether that spirit
be characterized as patriotism and firmness, or as faction or sedition, if all
the friends of reform had concurred in displaying as much of it as was shown
by the United Irishmen, and had marched pari passu with them, there can be
no reasonable doubt but that their efforts would have been crowned with com-
plete success. Thus might Ireland, under the vigilant protection and ameliorat-
ing cares of a free, regenerated legislature, have emerged from her debase-
ment, poverty and wretchedness ; have rapidly risen to importance and opul-
ence, to prosperity and happiness ; have escaped her subsequent calamities, her
scenes of persecution, desolation, outrage and horror; have still continued a
distinct and independent, as she would have been an admired and respected
nation.

The present inaction on the part of the people, does not, however, seem to
have deluded Parliament into an opinion that coercion had produced conviction
in the lower orders, or that the Gunpowder and Convention Bills, with all their
consequences, had removed a sense of grievance from the Irish mind. Colonel
Blaquiere (as if he had the wildness to suppose that such a motion could be
entertained in the assembly he addressed), proposed that every member should
send for each of his tenants, who paid him under forty pounds a year, and
refund him three shillings in the pound of his last September's rent. There
was not a man among them, he said, who in case of commotion could find
fifty followers on his estate, perfectly attached to the constitution. He went
on, and said the French were meditating something wicked ; he inclined to
believe it was Ireland they meant to visit — half the nation was attached to
them — he would be right if he said more than half. This was reprehended
with such an irritation on the part of the House, as sometimes betrays itself in
those who are unexpectedly offended by the statement of an undeniable and
unwelcome truth. Sir Lawrence Parsons urged Administration to take
measures for putting the country into a proper state of defence, by raising and
officering independent companies. His importunity on this subject was almost
deemed troublesome; but in pressing it on ministers, he told them he thought
they were sleeping on a volcano.

And deep and terrible, indeed, was the volcano, which secret discontent was
forming, and gradually extending throughout the land. The press had been
overawed and subdued ; numberless prosecutions had been commenced against

Offer of French Aid 115

almost every popular publication, but particularly against the "Northern Star".
The expectations of the reformers had been blasted, their plans had been
defeated, and decisive means had been taken by Government to prevent their
being resumed. It became, therefore, necessary to wait for new events, from
which might be formed new plans. Nor did such events seem distant; for
now the French armies were again emblazoning their cause with success, and
hiding in the splendor of their victories, the atrocities of their government.
This raised a returning hope, that the crimes and calamities of the moment
might pass away from that republic, and the permanent consequences of its
revolution still shed a happy influence on Ireland. The utterance of opinions
favorable to reform and democracy was prevented in the upper and middling
ranks, by the coercion they experienced and by the outcries that were raised
against France, against her principles, and from them against liberty itself.
But those restraints and reflections scarcely affected the lower orders, in
themselves nineteen-tw entieths of the population ; whose proceedings were
unobserved, whose reasonings were confined to their own misery, and whose
views were entirely directed to its alleviation. The system of Defenderism,
therefore, continued to spread from Ulster into Connaught, Leinster and
Munster, privately and uninterruptedly, although its progress was marked in
those places by some appearances of assembling and disturbance. The De-
fenders, likewise, began to entertain an idea, that possibly the French might
visit Ireland, and that from thence benefits would result to them and their
country; for in some places it was made a part of the oath, and in others
well understood, that they should join the French in case of an invasion.
There is not, however, any reason to believe that this expectation arose from
any communication with France; but only from the strength and ardency of
their own wishes. They were also, as yet, unconnected with any persons of
information or an higher order. But even these last were not induced by their
defeats and disappointments entirely to relinquish their political pursuits: on
the contrary, some of them began to resolve on more important measures.

At an earlier period, when the Brissotins had declared war against England,
they sent a confidential agent to Ireland, with offers of succor, if it would
attempt to liberate and separate itself from their enemy. This gentleman
arrived in Dublin sometime in the summer of 1793, with an introduction to
Lord Edward Fitz-Gerald. His offers were made known to Messrs. Butler
and Bond, then in Newgate, to Mr. Rowan, Dr. Reynolds and some others;
but those persons, then so obnoxious to Government, discountenanced the
proposal, and it was dropped. Now, however, a similar application was dif-
ferently received. When the Committee of Public Safety came into power they
employed the Reverend William Jackson, who had been for some years
resident in France, to go to England and Ireland for the purpose, among
other things, of getting accurate information of the state of each. In London
he contrived to obtain a paper descriptive of the state of England, which
asserted that all parties would unite to repel an invasion. He then determined
to proceed to Dublin ; but first made Mr. Cockayne (an attorney who had been

116 Tone's View of Ireland

his acquaintance for many years), privy to his mission. Mr. Cockayne
directly communicated the intelligence to the English ministry, and was or-
dered to contrive that he might be Mr. Jackson's travelling-companion, and
a vigilant reporter of his proceedings. They accordingly set out together,
about April, 1794, for Dublin, when they accidently met a gentleman, who had
known Mr. Cockayne in London, and, of course, invited him and his fellow-
traveller to dinner. The company consisted of men whose principles were
democratic, and the conversation was consequently of that cast. By means of
an acquaintance which Mr. Jackson there formed with Mr. Lewines, and by
some intimation of his not being an unimportant character, he contrived to be
introduced to Mr. Hamilton Rowan, then in Newgate, and by him to Mr. Tone
and Dr. Reynolds. To them he communicated the motives of his journey, and
showed them the paper he had procured in England. This caused Mr. Tone
to draw up, for the purpose also of being sent to France, a succinct and
forcible statement of what he conceived to be the actual situation of Ireland.
He divided its population into religious and political classes, of each of which
he pointed out the strength, interests, dispositions and grievances, together
with the effect that would be produced on each by an invasion.

In a word, concluded he, from reason, reflection, interest, prejudice, the spirit
of change, the misery of the great bulk of the nation, and above all, the hatred of the
English name, resulting from the tyranny of near seven centuries, there seems to be
little doubt but an invasion in sufficient force would be supporte3 by the people. There
is scarcely any army in the country, and the militia, the bulk of whom are Catholics,
would to a moral certainty refuse to act, if they saw such a force as they could look to,
for support.

Mr. Jackson was so pleased with this paper and its author, that he pressed
him very strongly to go to France, and enforce in person its contents ; promis-
ing him the utmost success, both as a public and private man. At first Mr.
Tone agreed to this proposal; but afterwards declined it, on account of his
wife and children. Mr. Rowan then suggested that Dr. Reynolds should go
on the same mission, which he was not unwilling to do, but was dis-
countenanced by Mr. Jackson, who wished it to be undertaken by no other
person but Tone, of whose consent he had not entirely despaired. While this
was going on, Government was minutely informed of every particular by the
intervention of Cockayne; and having intercepted some of Jackson's letters,
enough to form a body of evidence against him, he was arrested the latter
end of April. Dr. Reynolds shortly after got privately to America. Mr.
Rowan escaped from Newgate on the night of the first of May, and was
conveyed on board a small vessel in Dublin harbor, that had been secured for
him by a friend. A proclamation was directly issued by Government, offering
£1,000 reward for his apprehension, and another by the corporation of Dublin,
from whose gaol he had escaped, offering £500 for the same purpose. The
sailors of the ship in which he was concealed, knowing whom they had on
board, showed him the two proclamations, to which he answered : "Lads, my
life is in your hands", and made them fully acquainted with the cause of his

Tone's Escape 1 17

danger and flight. They instantly assured him they never would betray, but
would protect him to the last extremity. Accordingly, on the first change of
wind, they put to sea, and landed him safely in France. Tone, on the other
hand, made no attempt at concealment or escape. It was not at first ascer-
tained that Cockayne was an informer, and even after he had reason to be
otherwise convinced, he persuaded himself that no more could be proved
against him, than misprision of treason, in concealing a solicitation to go to
France, which he had rejected. In this opinion he was probably mistaken,
but the point was never tried, owing to the interposition of private friendship.
Mr. Marcus Beresford and others, whose government connections were of the
first importance, interested themselves zealously and successfully, to screen
him from prosecution. Attempts, however, were made to induce him, by
threats and offers, to appear against his associates; but this he rejected with
indignation. He communicated unequivocally to the servants of the Crown,
everything he had done himself; but refused to disclose what might affect
others; and added, that if he was left unmolested, it was his intention, as soon
as he could settle his affairs, and receive payment of the £1500 that had been
voted him by the Catholic Committee, to quit Ireland; that if, however, Gov-
ernment chose to prevent his doing so, it might arrest him, and if he was
put upon trial, he would justify his political conduct. The influence of his
friends, with perhaps his own firmness, prevailed, and he remained undisturbed.

The arrest of Jackson, and the publication of his designs, conveyed no
unwelcome information to the body of the Irish people. From thence they
derived the first authentic intelligence, that their situation was an object of
attention to France, and that they might perhaps, at some future period, receive
assistance from that quarter. These expectations were cherished with the
more ardor, on account of the surprising victories of the Republican armies in
the summer of 1794, and not a little sweetened by the fall of Robespierre, and
the consequent hope, that the reign of terror and cruelty was about to cease.

In the sullen broodings also of secret discontent, republicanism and the
desire of separation from England, found powerful auxiliaries. Men, whose
moderate principles and limited views had been bounded by reform thought
they read in the proscription of Parliament, and the obstinacy of the borough
proprietors, that reform was equally difficult of attainment as revolution; and
that the connection with England was the firmest bulwark of the abuses they
sought to overthrow. From hence they inferred that everything must be
hazarded before anything could be gained. Some, undoubtedly, were driven
by the force of this conclusion to rally round the ministerial standard; but
the immense majority, even of simple reformers, were rather impelled by it to
aim at more important objects. Nothing, not even a reform, they imagined
could be accomplished without foreign succors, incompetent as they deemed
themselves to cope with England and the aristocracy at home. No nation,
however, could be expected to give effectual aid, unless the end proposed to it
was, in point of interest, equivalent to the risk. A reform in the Irish
Parliament was not that equivalent to any foreign State; but the weakening

118 A New Oath

of England, by destroying its connection with Ireland, was of supreme im-
portance, as they thought, to every maritime power. This train of reasoning
was further strengthened in men of more democratic principles, by a con-
viction of the superior excellence of a republican government. Reform and
a republic, said they, are surrounded with equal difficulties, if only the internal
strength of the Irish people be considered; but the most valuable of these
objects is by much the most attainable, if reference be had to the chance of
foreign assistance.

No steps, however, were at this time taken for action, or even for prepara-
tion; but all parties were speculating upon some change, in consequence of the
French successes. There were persons, indeed, who began to think, that after
the experience of failure from the abandonment by leaders in 1784, and after,
perhaps, a subsequent experience in 1793, the only sure plan would be, to make
the mass of the people act ; they never would betray themselves ; nor be satis-
fied with anything short of what their own wants required. Besides, as the
remnants of religious animosity were still chiefly to be found in the lower
orders, it was hoped that by bringing together those of that description, though
of different sects, they might soon learn the identity of their views and
interests, and as ardently love, as for centuries past they and their ancestors
had feared, each other.

These ideas seemed to influence one of the three societies of United Irish-
men that had been formed in Belfast ; which having escaped from observation
by the obscurity of its members, had never entirely discontinued its sittings;
and also another club of men, principally in the same sphere of life, some of
whom had indeed been United Irishmen ; but others never were. As there was
scarcely a possibility of assembling in public, or of openly expressing their
political sentiments, they wished to devise other means, and determined, as
far as in their power, to influence the Friends of Liberty to come together
again, and institute a system of secret association ; this they soon in part
accomplished. Instead of the United Irish test an oath mostly copied from
it was adopted; but the substance was so altered as to correspond with the
progress of opinions. It did not, like the test, simply bind to the use of
abilities and influence in the attainment of an impartial and adequate repre-
sentation of the Irish nation in Parliament ; but every member was sworn to
"persevere in his endeavors to obtain an equal, full and adequate representa-
tion of all the people of Ireland", thus leaving ample room for the efforts of
republicanism. Secrecy and mutual confidence were also necessary, and the
laws, which stood in the way of the pursuits and objects of these societies,
were to be disarmed of their terrors. For this purpose it was made part of
the admission oath, that neither hopes nor fears, rewards nor punishments,
should e\er induce the person taking it, directly or indirectly, to inform or
give evidence against any member of those societies, for any act or expression
pursuant to the spirit of the obligation; thus stamping as a perjurer the man
who should become an informer; attaching an additional sense of moral guilt
to a dereliction of their cause, and destroying all regard of those recently-

Portland's Policy H9

made laws, which they said were enacted by a government it was criminal
to support.

This plan was adopted, and the new test was taken by the two Belfast
clubs; several others were also organized in that town and its vicinity, during
the autumn and winter of 1794. As the name of United Irishmen was dear
to the people, from the obloquies which had been cast upon them by the
friends of Government ; and as it so well expressed their own intentions, the
title of that body was adopted for the new associations; and this identity
of name has generally led into an erroneous belief, that the new system was
only a direct continuation of the old one.

It has been already hinted, and can not be too forcibly impressed on the
reflecting reader, that this institution, which from its very outset, looked
towards a republican government, founded on the broadest principles of
religious liberty and equal rights ; that this institution, the consequences of
which are yet to be read in the history of Ireland, was not the cabal of
ambitious leaders, of artful intriguers, or speculative enthusiasts. Its first
traces are to be found among mechanics, petty shop-keepers and farmers, who
wanted a practical engine, by which the power and exertions of men like
themselves, might be most effectually combined and employed ; accordingly the
scheme was calculated to embrace the lower orders, and in fact to make every
man a politician. From the base of society it gradually ascended, first to the
middling and then to the more opulent ranks. Even in the very town where
it had its origin, its existence was for a long time unknown to the generality
of those who had previously been the most prominent democratic characters;
nor did they enter into the organization until they saw how extensively it
included those below them.

While this system was making its advances silently but rapidly in the
North, a change took place in the lieutenancy of Ireland. When Mr. Pitt
thought it advisable to dismember the English Opposition, by detaching from
it those whose opinions on the subject of the French war most nearly coincided
with his own, the Duke of Portland was prevailed upon to enter the Cabinet,
by such offers as can be best inferred from Lord Fitzwilliam's letters to
Lord Carlisle, which have been published by the authority of the writer. These
offers are sufficiently expressed in the following passages:

When the Duke of Portland and his friends were to be enticed into a coalition
with Mr. Pitt's administration, it was necessary to hold out such lures, as would make
the coalition palatable. If the general management and superintendence of Ireland
had not been offered to His Grace, that coalition could never have taken place.

The superintendence of that country having been vested in the duke, he
seems to have been seriously intent on remedying some of the vices in its
government. The system of that government, he said, was execrable ; so
execrable as to threaten not only Ireland with the greatest misfortune, but
ultimately the empire. So strong was this opinion on his mind, that he
seemed determined on going himself to reform those manifold abuses; if he

120 Fitzwilliam

could not find some one in whom he might have the most unbounded con-
fidence, to undertake the arduous task. Such a person he found in Lord Fitz-
william, his second self, his nearest and dearest friend. That nobleman was
far from desirous of undertaking the herculean office ; but he was urgently
pressed and persuaded by the Duke of Portland. They both had connections
and political friends in Ireland, members of the Opposition, whom they wished
to consult on the future arrangements, and whose support Lord Fitzwilliam
conceived of indispensable importance. Mr. Grattan, Mr. William Ponsonby,
Mr. Denis Bowes Daly, and other members of that party, were, therefore,
invited to London. They held frequent consultations with the Duke of Port-
land and Lord Fitzwilliam, at which Mr. Edmund Burke also occasionally
assisted.

As they had, during the preceding session of Parliament, even under the
unpopular administration of Lord Westmoreland, expressed their approbation
of the war, and assented to the strong measures of Government, they were
very ready to join with the Duke of Portland in rallying under the standard
of Mr. Pitt, provided certain domestic stipulations were acceded to, from which
they hoped to secure some share of public confidence. Among these were
unqualified Catholic Emancipation, the dismissal of what was called the
Beresford faction, with adequate regulations for preventing embezzlement,
and for securing order and economy in the collection and administration of
the treasury and revenue. Mr. Burke also suggested a further measure of
liberality, flowing to the Catholics from Government itself. They, he asserted,
were far from being conciliated even by the partial repeal of the Popery Laws
in 1793 ; inasmuch as Administration, while it acceded to the law, showed
dislike to its relief, by avoiding as much as possible to act under its pro-
visions ; although it rendered them admissible to certain offices, no appoint-
ment had been made which realized to any individual the benefits it promised.
He, therefore, advised that those places should, in some ascertained proportion,
be conferred on Catholics, so as to bind more closely the members of that
communion to the State.

These consultations lasted for some months, and when the Opposition leaders
had determined upon their project, it was communicated to the British Cabinet,
as containing the terms upon which they were willing to take a share in the
Irish Government. Mr. Pitt wished, and indeed tried to obtain, that some of
those measures should be at least delayed in the execution for a season ; but
Mr. Grattan and his friends insisted that they should be brought forward the
very first session, in order to give eclat to the commencement of their adminis-
tration. In the propriety of this demand the Duke of Portland uniformly
concurred, and even Mr. Pitt himself, zuho had previously kept in the back-
ground, and avoided personal communication with Lord Fitzwilliam' s friends,
was present at some of the latter interviews, and certainly did not prevent its
being believed that he acquiesced in those demands, with which it was impos-
sible to doubt his being acquainted. The members of the Opposition had no
great experience of cabinets ; they conceived that they were entering into

Fitzwilliam's Powers 121

honorable engagements, in which ever} thing that was allowed to be undei -tood,
was equally binding on whatever was absolutely expressed. They rested satis-
fied that their stipulations were known and acceded to; they neglected to get
them formally signed and ratified, or reduced to the shape of an instrument
from the British Cabinet to the viceroy; they put them unsuspectingly in their
pockets, and set off to become ministers in Ireland. Dr. Ilussey, too, an Irish-
man and a Catholic ecclesiastic, who, it is said, had more than once been
entrusted with important missions by English administrations, was sent over
by the Cabinet, to superintend and frame a plan for the education of the Irish
clergy, in coincidence, it was supposed, with the other benefits intended for the
members of that religion.

Mr. Grattan and his colleagues were scarcely arrived when, finding that
public expectation, particularly on the Catholic question, had been awakened
by the negotiations in England, and by Lord Fitzwilliam's appointment, they
determined to begin without delay the system of conciliation, for which, as
they conceived, they had received sufficient authority. It was therefore com-
municated so early as the fifteenth of December to some of the most active
members of the late Catholic Committee, that Lord Fitzwilliam had full powers
to consent to the removal of all remaining disabilities ; but that, as opposition
to that measure was naturally to be expected from the Protestant Ascendancy,
it behooved the Catholics to be active in their own cause, and to be prepared
with petitions from all quarters. This intimation overcame a resolution
formed by very many of that persuasion, that they would never again consent
to meet as a distinct body. On the twenty-third, the former sub-committee,
therefore, advised the Catholics to petition in their different counties and
districts, for the entire restoration of their rights.

Lord Fitzwilliam arrived and assumed his office on the fifth of
1795 January, 1795. As experience had shown how much reputation might

be hazarded by ministerial coalitions, the friends of His Excellency
deemed it advisable to counteract the suspicions which his and their novel
connections might inspire ; they therefore let it be known that he came to
reverse the system of internal misrule, under which Ireland had been pre-
viously oppressed. To this assertion instant belief was given, when it was
understood whom he had called to his councils, and whom he was inclined to
repel from his presence. Mr. Grattan, Mr. Curran and the Ponsonby family
were, of late, pledged to the utmost extent of Catholic Emancipation, and, to a
certain measure at least, of parliamentary reform. An expectation of some-
thing beneficial was, therefore, entertained from an administration in which
they were to be conspicuous ; but as the instability of political characters had
been too often proved, more sanguine confidence was excited by the rumored
intention to disgrace and dismiss such men as Lord Clare, Mr. Beresford.
Messrs. Wolfe and Toler. The complete repeal of all the remaining Popery
Laws was considered as essentially connected with this change, and some even
ventured to hope for more important public benefits.

The appointment, therefore, of His Excellency excited a lively interest, and

122 Catholic Claims

gave universal satisfaction to those Catholics, Dissenters and liberal members
of the Establishment, who as yet had not turned their eyes towards republi-
canism and separation from England; or having done so, had not fixed their
views so steadily, as not to permit them to be diverted by minor considerations.
The determined republicans, however, and members of the new organization,
while they favored the demonstrations of pleasure, because some internal,
temporary alleviations might be gained, regarded the appointment as a mere
change of ephemeral politics, which would serve to agitate the ambitious and
interest the unthinking, but the importance of which was soon to vanish before
the mightier objects, that were rising to occupy the Irish mind. These men
also deemed the administration itself eminently suspicious ; because it designed,
as they alleged, by the popularity of partial measures, to turn public attention
from more real grievances, and to excite if possible, a general approbation of
the war with France.

Lord Fitzwilliam had scarcely assumed the reins of government, when he
perceived the irresistible propriety of conceding all the rights peculiarly with-
held from the Catholics. He was waited upon by a very numerous and re-
spectable assemblage of that body, with an address expressive of their satis-
faction at His Excellency's appointment, and at his taking to his councils men
who enjoyed the confidence of the nation, and hoping that, under his adminis-
tration, an end would be put to all religious distinctions. An interview of
congratulation was likewise had with Lord Milton, the Lord Lieutenant's sec-
retary, in which he recommended the most peaceable demeanor and good
conduct to all ranks ; but mentioned that, whatever steps the Catholics meant
to pursue, he trusted they were such as would meet the approbation and support
of the whole body. On the very third day after His Excellency's arrival he
wrote to the British Secretary of State, declaring his sentiments on the subject
of their claims; and his expressions are remarkable, because they clearly
show, not only his own urgency, but also an apprehension that he might be
thwarted in one of his favorite schemes, to the execution of which he seems
conscious he had not gotten an unqualified or willing consent. He trembled,
he said, about the Catholic question ; he stated that he found it already in
agitation, and concluded by giving his own opinion of the absolute necessity
of the concession, as a matter not only wise, but essential to the public tran-
quillity. That letter went by the same mail as one of the preceding day, relative
to the removal of Messrs. Wolfe and Toler, the attorney- and solicitor-general.
The Duke of Portland, however, in his reply of the thirteenth, made an omi-
nous selection of topics ; he omitted saying a word on the Catholic question,
but informed His Excellency that His Majesty consented to Mr. Wolfe's
peerage. This letter was far from satisfactory. Lord Fitzwilliam, therefore,
on the fifteenth, again urged the matter still more forcibly; he stated that,
from the circumstances of the case, no time was to be lost, and added that if
he received no peremptory instructions to the contrary, he would acquiesce.
In that letter he also mentioned the necessisty of dismissing the Beresfords.

Before those peremptory instructions arrived, Parliament met on the

Grattan's Speech 123

twenty-second of January. Mr. Grattan moved the address to His Majesty,
and his speech on that occasion developed enough of the new system of
government to confirm the suspicions of the republicans, and considerably to
impair its popularity with the mass of the people. lie declaimed against the
French, with the utmost force of invective, and hurried by his zeal to hyper-
bole, almost to bl.i>pliemy, he said the objects at stake in the war were the
creature and his Creator, man and the Godhead ; as if the Almighty were to
be hurled from heaven and deprived of His omnipotence by the success of the
French Republic.

In one respect, however, his speech was admirably calculated for its object.
Supplies to an unprecedented amount were wanting; and they are voted
by Parliament, not by the people; it therefore dwelt on the topics that were
most likely, by agitating the passions and exciting the fears of members of
Parliament, to open the purse-strings of the nation.

"You know enough", said he, "of levels of Europe to forsee that that great ocean,
that inundation of barbarity, that desolation of infidelity, that dissolution of government,
and that sea of arms, if it swells over the continent, must visit our coast" ; and again
speaking of Great Rritain, "vulnerable in Flanders, vulnerable in Holland, she is mortal
here [in Ireland]— Here will be the engines of war, the arsenal of the French artillery,
the station of the French navy, and through this wasted and disembowelled land,
will be poured the fiery contents of their artillery".

Mr. Duquery proposed an amendment to the address, imploring His
Majesty to take the earliest opportunity of concluding a peace with France,
and not let the form of government in that country be an impediment to that
great and desirable object. This was negatived, and the address agreed to
with only three dissenting votes.

On the twenty-fourth of January, no peremptory instructions having yet
arrived, Mr. Grattan presented a petition from the Catholics of Dublin, pray-
ing to be restored to a full enjoyment of the blessings of the constitution, by
a repeal of all the penal and restrictive laws affecting the Catholics of Ireland.
Petitions couched in the same terms now poured in from every part of the
kingdom; no serious opposition to the measure was expected. Parliament
seemed at length ready to render justice with an unsparing hand; the Prot-
estants nowhere raised a murmur of dissatisfaction, and a petition in favor
of this expected liberality, was once more presented by the indefatigable town
of Belfast.

Meanwhile, constant correspondences were going on between the govern-
ments of the two countries. Though Lord Fitzwilliam declared on the fif-
teenth of January that he would acquiesce in complete Catholic Emancipation,
unless he should receive peremptory instructions to the contrary, the subject
was not even touched on in either of the Duke of Portland's letters prior to
the second of February; on that day he received another, silent like those
that preceded it on that subject, and merely relating to the intended dismissal
of Mr. Wolfe. Lord Milton, His Excellency's secretary, also received one of
the same date from Mr. Wyndham, mentioning Mr. Pitt's reluctance to the

124 Catholic Relief Deferred

removal of Mr. Beresford, but nothing more. This last now appears to have
grown into a subject of some importance, for on the ninth Mr. Pitt himself
wrote to Lord Fitzwilliam, expostulating on the intended dismissal of Mr.
Beresford, but still silent on the less material Catholic question ; Mr. Pitt,
however, concluded with an apology "for interrupting His Lordship's attention
from the many important considerations of a different nature, to which all
their minds ought to be directed".

The Duke of Portland, Lord Fitzwilliam's ''nearest and dearest friend",
was the person appointed to break the unwelcome intelligence that, notwith-
standing the length to which the Irish Government was pledged to the Cath-
olics, its steps must be retraced. In a letter of an earlier date by a day than
Mr. Pitt's, he brought that business "for the first time into play, as a question
of any doubt or difficulty with the British cabinet".

"Then", says Lord Fitzwilliam, in his letter to Lord Carlisle, "it appears to have
been discovered that the deferring it would be not merely an expediency or thing to
be desired for the present, but the means of doing a greater good to the British
empire, than it has been capable of receiving since the revolution, or at least since the
union".

His Excellency, in his reply to this unexpected communication, set forth
the danger of retracting, and refused "to be the person to raise a flame, which
nothing but the force of arms could keep down".

The business of Parliament, however, was still proceeding, and the budget
opened on the ninth of February. Before entering on the preparatory state-
ments, Sir Lawrence Parsons rose, and, after expressing the highest confi-
dence in the noble lord at the head of the government of the country, and in
the administration, who aided his councils, wished, on the part of the people,
to be explicitly informed whether the gentlemen now in power were determined :

To carry into effect those measures they so repeatedly and ably proposed when in
opposition — whether the repeal of the Convention Bill — whether the abolition of sinecure
places, which they had inveighed against — whether the disqualification of placemen from
sitting in Parliament, which they had branded with corruption — whether a reform in
Parliament, which they had deemed indispensably necessary, or an equalization of
commercial benefits between both kingdoms, which they had insisted to be just, were
now meant to be carried into effect.

To these questions Mr. Grattan replied in general terms:

The honorable member has asked whether the same principles which were formerly
professed by certain gentlemen, with whom I have the honor of acting, were to be
the ruling principles at present in his majesty's councils? To that I answer, they
certainly are.

This answer not appearing sufficiently specific, Sir Lawrence again asked :

"Whether it was their determination to carry a repeal of the Convention Bill? whether
they meant to carry the Reform Bill?" He further desired to know "whether the places
that had been created for corrupt purposes during the close of Lord Buckingham's
government were to cease? whether the trade between Great Britain and Ireland was
to continue on its old footing, or to be reduced to a system of justice and perfect
equality?"

Debate in Parliament 125

These were plain questions, he said, which were easily answered. He pro-
fessed himself willing to co-operate in supporting the war in the most vigorous
manner; but while Parliament called upon the purse of the nation, he thought it
their duty to remunerate the people by constitutional benefits, lie did not press
for particular information ; his questions went only to general measures. On the
subject of them, the gentleman upon whom he called had frequently gone so
far as to produce bills, and in a quarter of an hour preparation might be made
to bring them forward. It would be consolatory to the people to know, before
the supplies were granted, that a redress of grievances was to follow. These
gentlemen he had heard say of the Convention Bill, "that it struck at the root
of every free constitution in the world". If that were true, and that it were
such an enormity, it ought not to be continued an infection in ours. He con-
cluded with repeating his respect for, and confidence in Administration. Mr.
Grattan. after a considerable debate had taken place, during which he had
ample time for reflecting within himself, and consulting his colleagues, an-
swered those specific questions in these words :

To mention every particular bill is unusual — it would be presumptuous. Influence,
however it may be possessed, ought never to be avowed by a minister in the face of
Parliament. What has fallen from the honorable baronet, however, induces me to
say, and I am authorized to mention for the gentlemen with whom I have the honor
to act. that the same principles which wc professed while in Opposition, continue to
govern our conduct now, and that we shall endeavor to the utmost of our power to
give them effect.

In a subsequent part of the debate, Mr. W. B. Ponsonby (who had intro-
duced the Reform Bill the year before) said:

He held it right to notice some expressions that had been thrown out in the
course of the night, in order to sound whether the gentlemen who possessed the confi-
dence of Administration, were determined to persevere in the same line of conduct which
they observed while out of office, and to endeavor for a redress of grievances. For
his own part he believed and trusted Ihey would go as far as possible to reform abuses,
to obviate popular complaints, and he should only say, that if not convinced that they
were of the same sentiments with himself, they should never have his support.

These replies to specific questions, answering, by something more than
implication, in the affirmative, had perhaps no influence on the conduct of a
Parliament, the members of which knew each other so intimately and thor-
oughly ; but they contributed very much to give confidence in the Fitzwilliam
administration out of that assembly, and to induce a patient acquiescence in
the unprecedented grant of one million six hundred and twenty-eight thousand
pounds, additional debt, and eighty thousand pounds, as estimated by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, but two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, as esti-
mated by Sir Lawrence Parsons, of additional taxes.

When the Duke of Portland's letter of the eighth was not yet perhaps
known to Mr. Grattan, he proceeded to carry into effect the conciliatory meas-
ures for which he conceived that he and his friends had stipulated with the
British Cabinet. Accordingly on the twelfth of February, he obtained leave

126 Fitzwilliam's Recall

to bring in a bill for repealing the police laws, which were extremely obnoxious
to the citizens of Dublin, and against which every parish in that city had re-
cently petitioned. He then likewise obtained leave to bring in the Catholic
Bill, which was only resisted by Colonel Blaquiere, Mr. Ogle and Dr. Duigenan.
On the same night, in pursuance of the same plan, it was announced by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, that a new arrangement would be made of the
duties on beer and spirits, the object of which was restraint in the abuse of
spirituous liquors among the lower orders, and the substitute of a wholesome
and nourishing beverage for a liquid poison. He also stated, that a new
arrangement of the hearth tax would form part of the financial system. The
session before, an attempt had been made to ease poor housekeepers of this
burthensome tax; but such perplexing formalities had been established, that
many people had continued to pay the tax, rather than take the necessary
trouble for procuring the remission ; this year, it was determined to exempt,
absolutely and unconditionally, all houses having but one hearth. The tax,
however, upon leather was continued from the preceding session, although it
was strongly resisted, as oppressive to the poor, by Mr. Duquery, who sug-
gested, in lieu of it, two shillings in the pound on all pensions, salaries, fees.
perquisites, etc. This conduct was pointedly reprobated both by Mr. George
Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan ; by the latter, with an irritation such as he has
more than once manifested, during his short connections with the Government.
Mr. Duquery, however, continued his opposition, and on a subsequent night
proposed, as a commutation, a tax on absentees, which was supported by Sir
Lawrence Parsons, but rejected by the House.

On the twenty-third of February, the new Administration brought forward
their proposed regulations of the treasury board. Lord Milton obtained leave
to introduce a bill on that subject, founded on some resolutions proposed by
Mr. Forbes, the scope of which was, to give to the Irish board an equally
efficient control with that possessed by the Board of Treasury in England ;
to compel the payment of balances by public officers, to exclude the commis-
sioners of the treasury from sitting in Parliament ; to establish in correspondent
officers the mutual checks and control with which the auditor, clerk of the
rolls and teller of the exchequer in England are vested ; and that all money
arising from the receipt of the revenues should be paid into the bank of Ire-
land. On the following day, Mr. Grattan suggested the propriety of revising
the revenue laws, and bringing the whole code within the compass of one
consistent act.

But now the differences which had arisen between the English and Irish
governments were made public. What was the motive for the change in
the British councils has given rise to various surmises. The ostensible reason
was a difference of opinion respecting Catholic affairs. Lord Fitzwilliam,
however, has uniformly denied that they were the real motives for his recall.
Mr. George Ponsonby, too, in the House of Commons, declared upon his
honor as a gentleman, that in his opinion, the Catholic question had no more
to do with the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam than Lord Macartney's embassy to

Beresford Goes to London 127

( lima. "Lord Fitzwilliam was to be recalled," said he, "and this was con-
sidered as the most important pretext fur the measure". Those who do not
suspect from Mr. Pitt's cautious reserve, while the arrangements were under
discussion, a preconcerted design to be executed as soon as the supplies were
voted, and his lordship with his friends disgraced by having entered into the
coalition, attribute the change to the successful representations of Mr. Beres-
ford.

That gentleman, perceiving the blow that was aimed against himself and
his connections, did not foolishly waste his time in the antechamber of the
Castle, or on the Opposition benches of the House of Commons. He repaired
to London, and there, it is presumed, set before the highest authority the
ingratitude of ministry, and the services of himself and family. They had
been faithful servants for many years, during which time they could never
be reproached with a murmur of disapprobation, or an expression of unwil-
lingness, in undertaking anything for the advantage of England. They had
adhered to their sovereign in the trying crisis of the regency, and had not
turned, like some of his newly-adopted friends, to worship the rising
sun. The situation of Ireland, too, and the temper of the times, Mr.
Beresford perhaps alleged, were such as should make every kind of re-
form, and of course, his dismissal, be resisted. The debate of the
ninth of February may likewise have afforded ample room for awaken-
ing fears and exciting indignation ; Mr. Grattan and Mr. Ponsonby
appeared to have pledged themselves, at least by implication, to a reform
in Parliament, which it was the firm intention of the English ministers to with-
stand, and to a repeal of the Convention Bill, which had enabled Government
to stifle all expressions of discontent in Ireland. The Catholic Bill may, under
this point of view, have had its influence: it may have been represented as
creating disaffection in the Protestant mind, as inconsistent with the con-
nection and contrary to the coronation oath. It is not improbable, too, that
in this interview, some suggestions may have proceeded from that gentleman,
which gave rise to the discovery mentioned in Lord Fitzwilliam's letter, that
deferring that measure would be the means of doing a greater service to the
British empire than it had been capable of receiving since the union with
Scotland. Whether these surmises are just, it is scarcely possible to ascertain;
but perhaps the disagreement between the two governments ought to be
ascribed to a coincidence of Mr. Beresford's exertions with the deliberate
resolutions of some of the British Cabinet and the weakness of others. A
favorable pretext for carrying the consequences of that coincidence into effect,
was afforded by the equivocal conduct of Lord Fitzwilliam and his friends;
for while the former appeared, in his correspondence, to wish it had been
practicable to keep back the Catholic claims, and thus abandoned whatever
there was of positive stipulation, on his part, for their being settled the very
first session, his friends were giving explicit assurances and effectual assistance
to the Catholics in bringing them forward.

When the disagreement and its probable consequences were known, grief

128 Widespread Discontent

and consternation seized upon all who had flattered themselves, that the meas-
ures of His Excellency's administration were to redress the grievances, remove
the discontents, and work for the salvation of Ireland. The event was also
a subject of regret to those who, though they knew and did not disapprove
of the irresistible progress with which men's minds were advancing to ulterior
objects, yet wished to pass the intermediate period of expectation under an
ameliorated system. The active republicans and new United Irishmen, how-
ever, were not sorry that the fallacy of ill-founded political hopes had been
so speedily exposed, and they rejoiced that the agitation and controversies
which were springing up would so entirely engross the attention of their
opulent, interested and ambitious adversaries, as that they and their proceed-
ings would pass unnoticed. They well knew that, in the midst of disputes for
power, places and emoluments, neither the great nor their connections would
condescend to bestow a thought upon despised malcontents, or the advances
of an obscure system. They, therefore, not unwillingly assisted in keeping the
attention of Government, and of the higher ranks, occupied with party con-
tests, and even themselves yielded to that indignation which disinterested spec-
tators naturally feel at the commission of a perfidy and injustice.

Thus a very general expression of popular dissatisfaction was produced
by the rumored recall of Lord Fitzwilliam. In the House of Commons, on
the twenty-sixth of February, Sir Lawrence Parsons and Mr. Duquery, who
had, in some instances, opposed the measures of his administration, were the
foremost to prove their sorrow and alarm, by moving and seconding an ad-
dress to His Excellency, imploring his continuance in the country. This was
withdrawn at the earnest request of Mr. George Ponsonby. On the second
of March, Sir Lawrence moved to limit the money bills to two months, in con-
sequence of the conduct of the British Cabinet ; but Lord Milton and Mr.
George Ponsonby deprecated the measure, and after a long debate it was
rejected. The House of Commons, however, unanimously resolved, that His
Excellency had, by his conduct since his arrival, merited the thanks of the
House and the confidence of the people.

Out of Parliament the discontent was more manifested. The Catholics
from every part of Ireland, had petitioned for a repeal of the remaining Popery
Laws ; not because they felt any extensive interest, or great anxiety, that their
rich merchants and landed gentlemen should have an opportunity of selling
themselves, in a corrupt Parliament, or of acquiring high offices and commis-
sions, which could afford no benefit to the poor or middling classes ; but these
laws were a violation of rights, a remaining badge of inferiority, and a leaven
for fermenting religious differences. The Catholics, therefore, felt affection
and gratitude to His Excellency for his intentions in their favor, and a strong
sense of insult offered to themselves when they found those intentions made
the pretext for his recall.

Those of that religion in Dublin, impelled by such feelings, assembled on
the twenty-seventh, the second day after the disagreement was made public,
and voted a petition to the king, on the subject of their own claims, and for

Appointment of Camden 129

the continuance of Lord Fitzwilliam in his office. This, from motives of
delicacy, they forwarded by delegates. It is, however, not unworthy of re-
mark, that they appointed as secretary to this delegation, Mr. Tone, whose
talents and services to their cause, were unquestionably of the utmost im-
portance, but whose connection with Mr. Jackson and whose intentions with
regard to France were matters of public notoriety. The Catholics in most
parts of the kingdom met and by resolutions or addresses expressed the same
sentiments.

The Protestants, too, assembled extensively, and as warmly spoke their
indignation at what they considered ministerial treachery and a public calamity.
The freemen and freeholders of the city of Dublin, like the Catholics, agreed
to a petition to the king, and transmitted it by delegates. The merchants and
traders of that city, with Mr. Abraham Wilkinson, the then governor of the
Bank of Ireland, at their head, expressed their sorrow at the rumored recall
of His Excellency, and their entire concurrence in the removal of all religious
disabilities.

The corporation, indeed, faithful to its principles, raised its voice against
the Catholic claims ; but this measure of monopoly experienced a more for-
midable opposition than could have been expected in the sanctuary of the
Protestant Ascendancy. Many other parts of the kingdom, such as the Coun-
ties of Kildare, Wexford, Antrim, Londonderry, etc., followed the example
of the freemen and freeholders in the capital ; and the same sentiments seemed
to pervade every part of the kingdom.

But whatever were the motives for recalling Lord Fitzwilliam, they had
more weight in the British Cabinet than those expressions of dissatisfaction
on the part of the Irish people. As the noble viceroy still continued to main-
tain the measures he had adopted for the government of Ireland, a cabinet
council was held on the tenth of March, in which the Duke of Portland, who
had been himself almost determined to enter in person upon a crusade, against
wdiat he did not hesitate to call the execrable system by which that country
was ruled, concurred in the vote, and submitted to be the official instrument
of transmitting the letters, recalling his second self, liis nearest and dearest
friend — whom he had persuaded to accept the Irish government, and to whom
he had committed the important office of reforming the manifold abuses in that
government. Earl Camden was appointed his successor, and sworn in the
next day. He arrived in Dublin and assumed his office on the thirty-first.

The expression of dissatisfaction was not repressed in Ireland, even by its
being known that the determination of the Cabinet was fixed and irrevocable.
Resolutions of sorrow and regret were now as general, as had been petitions
and addresses. The workings of discontent appeared also, from certain minute
traits, to be leading to an extensive adoption, or at least to a covert approba-
tion, of the United Irish system. The words "union of the people", "united
with our brethren", are everywhere studiously introduced, and almost always
distinguished by capitals or italics.

The Catholics of Dublin met on the ninth of April, to receive the report

130 Catholic Resolutions

of their delegates ; and their resolutions would not afford an unfair inference
of the sentiments entertained by the generality of their persuasion. They
unanimously thanked Mr. Tone for the many important services he had ren-
dered to the Catholic body : "services", which they truly declared, "no gratitude
could overrate, and no remuneration could overpay".

We derive consolation, said they, under the loss which we all sustain by the
removal of the late popular administration, in contemplating the rising spirit of harmony
and co-operation among all sects and descriptions of Irishmen, so rapidly accelerated
by that event; and we do most earnestly recommend to the Catholics of Ireland, to
cultivate, b>; all possible means, the friendship and affection of their Protestant brethren ;
satisfied as we are, that national union is national strength, happiness and prosperity.

Referring to passages in Lord Fitzwilliam's letters, which appeared to
imply an intimation from the Cabinet that, if the repeal of the remaining
Popery Laws was then withheld, it might, at a future opportunity, be used
as the means of procuring a legislative union between the two countries, they
unanimously adopted the following resolution :

That we are sincerely and unalterably attached to the rights, liberties and independ-
ence of our native country; and we pledge ourselves, collectively and individually to re-
sist even our own emancipation, if proposed to be conceded upon the ignominious terms
of an acquiescence in the fatal measure of an union with the sister kingdom.

If these resolutions had stood in need of interpretation, they would have
received it, from the eloquent and daring speeches that were made at that
day's meeting, by men, some of whose names are now well known to the
public. Among the most conspicuous speakers were Dr. Ryan (who died
shortly afterwards, deeply deplored as a national loss, by those who knew his
talents and worth), Dr. MacNeven and Mr. Keogh.

Another incident also signalized that day, and was peculiarly characteristic
of the public sentiment. It has been the constant custom with the University
of Dublin, to present addresses of congratulation to every newly-arrived chief
governor: that day was appointed for presenting their offering to Lord Cam-
den. While the procession was on its way the students, as if with one consent,
broke off, and left the provost and fellows to make what appearance before
His Excellency they might think fit, while they themselves turned into a
coffee-house at the Castle gate, and there prepared an address to Mr. Grattan,
approving of his public character and conduct. This they presented directly;
and having done so, they repaired in a body to Francis Street chapel, where
the Catholics were assembled. They entered while Mr. Keogh was speaking;
and that ready as well as able orator instantly seized the incident, and hallowed
the omen. They were received with the most marked respect and affection ;
the Catholics taking that opportunity of showing that the language of union
and brotherly love, which they were uttering, only expressed the sentiments
nearest their hearts.

If the discontent that was raised by the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, proved
conducive to the views of the republicans and United Irishmen, their cause

Jackson's Trial and Death 131

was still further promoted by the entire development of what were to have
been the measures of his administration. These were enumerated by Mr.
Grattan, when moving, on the twenty-first of April, for a committee to inquire
into the slate of the nation. Besides the Catholic Bill, he stated:

That this administration had paid attention to the poverty of the people, by plans
for relieving the poor from hearth-money: had paid attention to their morals, by a
plan increasing the duty on spirits; had paid attention to their health, by proposing a
plan to take off all duties on beer and ale; that a plan for education had been intended;
that a more equal trade between the two countries had not escaped their attention ;
that an odious and expensive institution, that obtained under color of protecting the
city by a bad police, was abandoned by that government, and a bill prepared for correct-
ing the same; that a Responsibility Bill had been introduced; and a bill to account for
the public money by new checks, and in a constitutional manner had been introduced
by persons connected with that government ; that it was in contemplation to submit for
consideration some further regulations for the better accounting of the public money,
and for the better collection of the revenue.

But not a word of reform in Parliament, of a repeal of the Convention Bill,
or of a mitigation of the strong measures by which the former administration
had coerced the people. Indeed Colonel Stewart (since Lord Castlereagh),
deprecating such measures, explicitly asked whether the late ministers, had
they remained, would have supported a parliamentary reform, or a repeal
of the Convention Bill ; and Mr. Archdall said that everybody knew it was Lord
Fitzwilliam's fixed determination to oppose every tendency to what was called
parliamentary reform. Such queries and observations being suffered to pass
without reply, it was clear that those measures, to which many considered that
administration as bound, were never in its contemplation. The objects which
it proposed to accomplish, were urged as proofs, that it was the best govern-
ment Ireland could possibly hope for, in the present order of things ; and those
to which its professed principles would have seemed to lead it, but which, not-
withstanding apparent pledges, it was forced, by the very nature of its sub-
ordinate situation, to relinquish, were coupled with the measure, in which it
was thwarted and perhaps duped, to show to persons who wished to advance
no further than reform and constitutional redress, that those things were
rendered absolutely unattainable by the connection with Great Britain.

Mr. Jackson's trial for high treason came on upon the twenty-third of
April, and he was convicted on the evidence of Cockayne : he did not, however,
suffer the penalties of the law, for a few clays after, previous to his being
brought up to receive sentence, he contrived to swallow a large dose of arsenic.
The firmness with which he bore the excruciating pains of that poison was
very remarkable. A motion in arrest of judgment was to be made; but it is
manifest he entertained no hope of its success, and only wished it might con-
tinue, until he should have escaped from all earthly tribunals. He concealed
the pangs he was suffering so well, that, when he was called upon to know
what he had to say, why sentence of death should not pass upon him, though
at the time actually unable to speak, with a smiling and unembarrassed air, he
bowed and pointed to his counsel. His fortitude did not fail him to the last;

132 The Covenanters

for it was scarcely suspected by the spectators that he was ill, until he fell
down in the agonies of death, in the midst of his counsel's argument.

This man possessed distinguished talents and acquirements ; and the fol-
lowing anecdote shows that he entertained a high sense of honor. While he
was preparing for his trial, and was fully apprized of what would most prob-
ably be its ultimate issue, a friend was, by the kindness of the jailor, permitted
to remain with him until a very late hour at night, on business. After the
consultation had ended, Dr. Jackson accompanied his friend to the outward
door of his prison, which was locked, the key remaining in the door, and the
keeper in a very profound sleep, probably oppressed with wine. There could
have been no difficulty in his effecting an escape, even subsequent to the de-
parture of his friend, and without his consent, but he adopted a different con-
duct ; he locked the door after his guest, awoke the keeper, gave him the key,
and returned to his apartment. During his imprisonment he wrote and pub-
lished a learned and able answer to Paine's "Age of Reason" ; and after his
death various prayers and homilies of his own composition were found in his
pocket. His funeral was attended by numbers, even of a respectable rank of
life, who, though they had been unconnected with him while living, dared to
give this presumptive proof, that they were friendly to his mission.

The publicity which this trial gave to the schemes of the French, coincided
aptly with the extension of the new United Irish system. From the very out-
set of that organization, a French invasion was deemed by its members, if not
absolutely necessary, at least very advisable to the accomplishment of their
objects. That trial reminded them afresh that such a measure had been con-
templated, and they imagined it had become more easy, after Jackson's arrest,
by the conquest of Holland in the intermediate winter, and by the possession
of the Dutch fleet.

The United Irishmen were at this time beginning to spread very rapidly in
the Counties of Down and Antrim, and the effects of their system might easily
be traced by the brotherhood of affection, which, pursuant to the words of their
test, it produced among Irishmen of every religious persuasion. Men who
had previously been separated by sectarial abhorrence, were now joined to-
gether in cordial and almost incredible amity. Of this, perhaps, no instance
more remarkable can be conceived, than the conduct of the Covenanters, a sect
still numerous in those two counties. By all the prejudices of birth and
education, they appeared removed to the utmost possible extreme, from any
kind of co-operation or intercourse with Catholics. Their adherence to the
Solemn League and Convenant, bound them to the accomplishment of the
Reformation in England, and Ireland, "according to the word of God, and the
example of the best Reformed Churches" ; while the traditional notions, which
they inherited were, that the Reformation could only be brought about by
coercion and penal laws. They were, however, lovers of liberty and republi-
cans by religion and descent; their concurrence in the general system was,
therefore, not unimportant. To this effect, it was laid before them that per-
secution, in itself unjust, had been also found insufficient for reclaiming Cath-

Their Reception of Quigley

olics; that the desired Reformation could only be accomplished by the efforts
of reason, which would be best promoted by mixing with the misled, and
gradually convincing them of their errors; that affection worked more strongly
upon ignorance and obstinacy than hatred; and that in doing justice to those
men, hy permitting to them the enjoyment of all their rights, the object of the
Solemn League and Covenant would not be in the least counteracted, and the
cause of liberty (for which an almost equal enthusiasm was felt), would be
exceedingly promoted. Arguments so appropriate and just were too strong
for prejudice. Covenanters in numbers became United Irishmen, and the most
active promoters of the system. After this had gone on for some time among
them, Quigley, a Catholic priest (whose name is since well known from his
trial and conviction at Maidstone), went to a part of the country where they
were settled, and was introduced as a fellow-laborer in the common cause.
The affection which these poor men showed to one, whom, shortly before, they
would perhaps have regarded as a demon, was truly astonishing. Intelligence
was dispatched to every part, of his arrival, and from every part they crowded
to receive and caress him. But when they learned that this Romish priest was
so sincere a lover of liberty, as to have been actually fighting at the capture of
the Bastile, their joy was almost extravagant.

Such were the efforts of this new system, as far as it had extended, while
the zeal of its members was overcoming every other obstacle, and establishing
it in every direction. It was almost entirely destitute of funds by which mer-
cenary assistance could be procured ; but numbers were found ready to quit
their daily occupations and go on missions to different parts of the North.

As secrecy was one of its vital principles, care was taken, from the very
beginning, to guard against large meetings, by an arrangement that no society
should consist of more than thirty-six, and that when it amounted to that
number, it should split into two societies of eighteen each, the members to be
drawn by lot, unless in country places, where they might divide according to
local situation ; they were connected together and kept up their occasional com-
munication by delegates. As they were now become very numerous, particu-
larly in the County of Antrim, it was found necessary to form a general system
of delegation, on a scale sufficiently large for their growing importance, and even
capable of comprehending every possible increase. Accordingly, delegates were
expressly appointed from almost every existing society, and the representatives
of seventy-two met, for that purpose, at Belfast, on the tenth of May, 1795.
In addition to what they found already established, respecting individual so-
cieties, they framed a system of committees, and thus completed the original
constitution of the new United Irishmen, a brief abstract of which is as
follows :

It first states the object of the institution to be, to forward a brotherhood
of affection, a communion of rights, and an union of power, among Irishmen
of every religious persuasion, and thereby to obtain a complete reform in
the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political and religious liberty.
It then proceeds to the rules of individual societies, such as the admission of

134 Constitution of Irish Union

members by ballot; the raising of a fund by monthly subscriptions; the ap-
pointment of a secretary and treasurer by ballot, once every three months ;
the election by ballot of two members from each society, who with the secre-
tary were to represent it in a baronial committee, the regulation of some minor
internal affairs; the taking of the test by every newly-elected member, in a
separate apartment, in the presence of the persons who proposed and seconded
him, and of a member appointed by the chairman ; after which he was to be
brought into the body of the society, where he was again to take it publicly;
the splitting of every society amounting in numbers to thirty-six, into two
equal parts ; the eighteen names drawn by lot were to be the senior society,
and its delegates were to procure from the baronial committee a number for
the junior, according to which it was to be classed and recognized, and its
delegates received by that committee ; no society was to be recognized by any
committee, unless approving of and taking the test, and amounting to seven
members ; lastly was laid down the order of business at each meeting. From
these societies committees took their origin, in an ascending series ; the baro-
nials consisted of their immediate delegates. When any barony or other district
should contain three or more societies, it was determined that three members
from each, appointed as already mentioned, were to form a baronial for three
months. In order to preserve the necessary connection between all the parts,
no committee in any new barony or district could act until properly constituted :
for that purpose the secretary of the senior society was to request a deputation
from the nearest baronial to constitute a committee for that barony or district.
When the number of societies in any barony amounted to eight, in order to
prevent the committee's becoming too numerous it had a right to form
another baronial ; but each was to represent at least three societies. That none
might be unrepresented, baronials were empowered to receive delegates from
the societies of a contiguous barony, which did not contain three. The
baronials were also to correspond with societies or with individuals, who had
been duly qualified as United Irishmen ; and any business originating in one
society, should, at the instance of its delegates, be laid by the baronial before
the others. The county committees were to be formed when any county had
three or more baronials, by two persons from each, to be chosen by ballot for
three months : and until that took place, the existing baronial in any county
had liberty to send delegates to the adjacent county committee. Provincials
were in like manner to take place, when two or more counties in a province
had their committees, by three from each, also chosen for three months by
ballot; and where a provincial was not yet constituted, the county committees
were to send delegates to the nearest provincial. The national committee was
to consist of five delegates from each provincial. The names of committee
men were not to be known by any person but those who elected them.

Whoever reflects on this constitution for a moment, will perceive that it
was prepared with the most important views. It formed a gradually extending
representative system, founded on universal suffrage, and frequent elections.
It was fitted to a barony, county or province, while the organization was con-

Who were the United Irishmen? 135

fined within those limits; but if the whole nation adopted the system, it fur-
nished a national government.

The tenth of May, 1795, therefore, produced the most important conse-
quences to Ireland, and such as will be remembered by the latest posterity.
Curiosity will naturally be solicitous to learn, who and what manner of men
they were, that dared to harbor such comprehensive and nearly visionary ideas.
They were almost universally farmers, manufacturers and shopkeepers, the
representatives of men certainly not superior to themselves ; but they and their
constituents were immovable republicans. After the business, for which they
had been deputed, was finished, the person whom they had appointed their
chairman, stated that they bad undertaken no light matter; that it was advisable
to be ascertained whether their pursuits and objects w-ere the same; and that
he would, therefore, with the permission of the meeting, ask every delegate
what were his views, and as he apprehended, those of his society. This being
done, every individual answered in his turn, a republican government, with
separation from England, and assigned his reasons for those views.

Statesmen and historians have been, perhaps at all times, too much inclined
to characterize the people as a blind, unthinking mass ; and to attribute its
movements to the skill and artifice of a few factious demagogues, whom they
suppose able, by false pretences, to excite or still at pleasure, the popular storm.
In the present instance it is unquestionably a mistake, which has led to many
erroneous conclusions, and even to some false steps, to imagine that the people
were deluded into the United Irish system, by ambitious leaders, who held out
as a pretence, Catholic Emancipation and parliamentary reform. These were
very seriously pursued, until the first was to a great degree acquired, and the
attainment of the last became desperate. From this despair, and the measures
that produced it, arose a change of objects ; but it arose with the people them-
selves. In Ireland the Catholics in general, particularly the poor, had long
entertained a rooted wish for separation, which they considered as synonymous
with national independence. The desire for this and the more modern spirit
of republicanism, having been equally the result of undoubted grievances and
protracted sufferings, sprung up principally where those grievances were most
oppressive and longest endured — with the lowest orders, whose experience
and feeling supplied the place of learning and reflection. As the United Irish
system ascended into the upper ranks, it engulfed into it, numbers who after-
wards indeed appeared as leaders ; but while these men were ignorant of that
system, and very earnestly aiming at reform, multitudes of the people, whom
they are supposed to have deluded, were as earnestly intent upon a republic :
and even after they coincided in endeavoring for that form of government,
they would, perhaps, have been more ready than their poorer associates to
abandon the pursuit, if reform had been granted.

In the meantime, Parliament was occupied with measures of a very dif-
ferent nature and importance, from those just described: its attention was
engaged in discussing the motives of Lord Fitzwilliam's recall, and in adopting
or rejecting the proposed measures of his administration. The bill for regu-

1-36 Arthur O'Connor

lating the treasury, the alteration of the police laws, substituting in lieu of that
institution a parochial watch for Dublin, as well as the regulations restraining
the abuses of spirituous liquors, and giving encouragement to the brewing
trade, were allowed to take effect; the project of equalizing the commercial
duties between the two countries, was evaded by adjournment; but the Catholic
Bill introduced by Mr. Grattan was rejected on the fourth of May. That ques-
tion had now lost much of its public interest, not only because its absolute
importance was little, and that little daily vanishing, but also because, from
the change of administration, the urging of it was attended with no prospect
of success. It served, however, to produce a very long and animated debate
in the House of Commons. The splendid talents and argumentative powers of
Mr. Grattan were called forth again, to illustrate, adorn and diversify a sub-
ject on which he had more than once bestowed such efforts as would have
exhausted any ordinary mind.

Opposite in opinions, reasonings, matter and manner was the speech of
Dr. Duigenan, conceived and delivered in a style peculiar to himself.

On this night Mr. Arthur O'Connor first attracted public notice. Quitting
the uninteresting question before the House, and profiting by a well-known
argument against the Catholic claims, that if complied with, they would over-
turn the constitution and the Church Establishment, he took a bold and com-
prehensive view of both ; examined what he alleged to be the principles on
which they were founded, the corruptions by which they were supported, and
the vices to which they gave birth : from thence he inferred, that if the pre-
dicted subversion were, in truth, to take place, great good to the whole nation
would be the immediate consequence. Although it was impossible to arrive
at this conclusion, except by arguments familiar to all reflecting republicans,
and often, 'but covertly, urged in the "Northern Star" and other favorite pub-
lications, yet this speech excited the utmost astonishment: partly from its
ability, partly as coming from an unknown man, that had previously supported
the measures of Government, and partly because it was spoken within the
walls of Parliament. It also procured to its author uncommon popularity with
the Irish people, who are always ready to receive with open arms, a repentant
friend.

The bill was lost by 155 to 84 ; a disparity that may perhaps excite con-
jecture as to what the numbers would have been, if Lord Fitzwilliam had con-
tinued chief governor.

Another question also relating to the members of the same religion, was
still in agitation. Dr. Hussey had been sent over, as already stated, by the
British Cabinet, to prepare and superintend a plan for educating their clergy,
and one was accordingly submitted to Parliament. Whatever connection it
may have had with the bargain, said to have been entered into between their
prelates and Lord Westmoreland's administration, it was highly approved
of by those reverend persons ; but a strong petition was presented against it
by a number of Catholic laymen. Their objections were, that in the college,
which the proposed plan went to establish, trustees different from the prin-

Mr. Ottiwell in Contempt 137

cipal and professors were empowered to regulate the course of education, and
also'to appoint professors and scholars on the foundation, without any kind
of examination into their merits or qualifications; and also, that the plan, as
far as it operated, obstructed the educating together of Catholics and Prot-
estants: the petitioners, therefore, strongly reprobated it as tending to per-
petuate a line of separation, which the interest of the country required to be
obliterated, and as preventing early habits from producing a liberal and friendly
intercourse through life. Such objections might perhaps have deserved the
attention of philosophic legislators; they were, however, entirely disregarded
by Parliament, and the plan was adopted without alteration, — almost without
discussion or debate.

The conclusion of this session was rendered remarkable, by something
like impotency or unwillingness in the House of Commons to defend its own
dignity. A Mr. Ottiwell, a subordinate clerk in the revenue, had proposed to
the commissioners of wide streets in Dublin, for a large quantity of ground,
near Carlisle-bridge: his proposal was accepted, and in consequence of the
bargain, the public lost sixty thousand pounds. Some circumstances having
raised a suspicion that it was the result of fraud and collusion, accomplished
through the influence of Mr. Beresford, who was generally believed to be a
partner in the profits, a committee to enquire into the transaction was appointed
in the reforming administration of Lord Fitzwilliam. When that nobleman
was displaced, however, the Beresford interest having been restored, Mr.
Ottiwell took courage, and refused to answer to the committee certain ques-
tions not tending to criminate himself. The contempt was reported to the
House, and he was summoned to the bar. Having refused there likewise to
answer, it was moved to take him into custody. This motion being resisted,
the speaker rose, and desired that, as the House was thin, gentlemen should
not go away. Instantly above a dozen members withdrew, as if they had con-
ceived the caution to be a hint ; on a divison, the total numbers not amounting
to forty, the House was of course adjourned, and Mr. Ottiwell returned home
unmolested. In two days after, the motion was renewed and carried; but Mr
Ottiwell stayed within doors, and his servants refused to let the sergeant-at-
arms see him. Thus did this man, who appeared to be concealing, by contu-
macy, an alleged fraud upon the public to the amount of sixty thousand pounds,
continue, to the very end of the session, to insult the dignity of that House,
and to defy those privileges which had so often stricken terror into the editors
of newspapers and others accused of abusing the liberty of the press.

The labors of Parliament were interrupted by prorogation on the fifth of
June ; but the business of the United Irishmen had been carried on, and still
proceeded without interruption. It has been more than once stated, that they
were anxious to procure the co-operation of France : and the circumstances
about to be detailed, will show that they never lost sight of that cardinal
object. Very early in 1795, while their organization extended no further
than individual societies, communicating by delegates, they ventured to appoint
a person to go to that country for the express purpose of soliciting an in-

138 Tone Goes to America

vasion ; his departure, however, was postponed by various circumstances ; and
the trial of Mr. Jackson took place. The facts that were disclosed on that
occasion, and the payment of the vote of fifteen hundred pounds by the Cath-
olics, which was not made till after the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, determined
Mr. Tone to go to America. His talents and inclinations were indisputable;
it was, therefore, conceived that his emigration might be rendered subservient
to the views of the United Irishmen, without the intervention of any other
agent. At this time their system had reached no higher than a committee for
the County of Antrim. Certain members of that committee, having then cast
their eyes upon Tone, consulted with confidential friends, not actually in the
organization, but with whom he had been in habits of unreserved communica-
tion. The result was, that after his arrival at Belfast, on his way to America,
perfectly ignorant of the business and of the new system, to which he did not
belong, he was empowered by those persons, some of whom held the highest
situations at that time in the system, to set forth to the French Government,
through its agent in America, the state of Ireland and its dispositions. For
that purpose, they were completely developed to him; the rising strength of
the organization was pointed out; and also the great probability of getting
into it all the Defenders, the ground of which was, even then, actually laid.

Mr. Tone left Ireland on the sixteenth of June. When he arrived off the
coast of America, he was near having all his prospects, personal and political,
blasted by an outrage which British ships of war were in the habit of com-
mitting, with impunity, against the American flag. The vessel in which he
took passage (the "Cincinnatus" of Wilmington), was stopped and boarded
by three English frigates (the "Thetis", the "Hussar",, and the "Esperance"),
for the express purpose of pressing into the British service, such sailors and
passengers as might be thought fit. The party entrusted with the execution
of this duty, after treating the officers and crew of the American ship with
characteristic rudeness, pressed all the hands but one, and about fifty of the
passengers, who were obviously not seafaring men, and were sailing under
the protection of a neutral flag. Mr. Tone, on one occasion, attempted to
interfere in favor of the father of a family whose wife and children were on
board ; but the only consequence of his interference was, that he himself was
dragged into the boat, to be made a common sailor in the British navy.

This would probably have been his fate, but that the heart of the com-
mander was accessible to the distraction and despair of a sister, a wife and
children. He was so far affected by the screams of Mrs. Tone, by the agonies
of a beautiful and interesting female, and by the tears and cries of her children,
that he released his victim.

Soon after Tone's landing in America, having waited on Citizen Adet,
the French minister, he communicated to him the information and commis-
sion with which he was charged, but had the mortification to be very coldly
received.

Those, however, who deputed him, had every reason to be convinced that
their conduct met the wishes of the United Irishmen. Not long after Tone

Negotiations with France 139

had left Ireland, a provincial committee for Lister was organized, in con-
sequence of the committees for the Counties of Down and Antrim having been
constituted. As this provincial was to meet only once a month, and its mem-
bers to come from different and distant parts of the country, it determined,
about the end of August, to form a body, not specified in the constitution,
which was called the executive, because its duty was entirely confined within
the limits denoted by that term, it having no originating power, and being
totally subservient to the provincial. During the intervals of that committee's
meetings, the executive was to execute what had been ordered, and afterwards
to report its own proceedings at the next opportunity. It was to be a watch
upon the Government, and to call extra meetings of the provincial, if neces-
sary. As its connection was only with that committee, its members were un-
known to any but those who appointed them.

While this organization was advancing, the wish of the people for French
alliance developed itself more and more, in each successive stage. At a county
committee held in Antrim, during that summer, a member from an obscure
district, proposed it should be recommended to the provincial, to open a com-
munication with France. This was unanimously agreed to, and the recom-
mendation transmitted to the provincial, by whom it was unanimously adopted:
it was then given in charge to be carried into effect by the executive ; which,
thereupon, was informed of everything that had been done respecting Tone.
It therefore did not think fit to take any new step, further than causing
fresh advices to be despatched to him, setting forth the state of Ireland at the
time of writing; the risings, prosecutions and convictions at the assizes in
Leinster and Connaught ; the transportation without trial in the latter province
during that summer, and the growing discontents that were becoming more
apparent and formidable. He was, therefore, urged to press, both on the
score of French and Irish interests, for an invasion. In consequence of this
communication, he again waited on Citizen Adet, whose manner of reception
was now entirely changed. That minister had in the interval written home
for instructions, and the answer of the Directory had arrived, ordering him
to press Tone to repair to France without delay. This was accordingly urged
in the strongest manner, and Tone sailed from America on the twenty-fifth
of December. After a very quick passage, he was received by the Government
in the most confidential and respectful manner. In some time, and on a more
intimate knowledge of him, he was placed in the army, and promoted to the
rank of chef-de-brigade, and adjutant-general.

The statement which had been transmitted to him, amply justified his im-
pressing on the Directory the magnitude and universality of popular discontent
in Ireland ; for after he had left that country, insurrection and open disturb-
ances began to show themselves in many places, but particularly in the
provinces of Leinster, Connaught, and Ulster. The Defenders in the two
former were active in increasing their numbers, and seemed at length to imagine
themselves equal to some great exertion ; they assembled very frequently in the
counties near Dublin, especially Meath, and stripped many houses of arms.

140 Defender Trials

They appeared in still greater strength in the Counties of Leinster, Roscom-
mon, and Longford, where at first there seemed no force equal to resist them.
These proceedings made the summer assizes of that year remarkable for the
number of convictions and capital executions. Of these, the trial and con-
viction at Naas, in the County of Kildare, of Lawrence O'Connor, a school-
master, and the most respectable person, in point of rank, that had been yet
discovered in the Defender system, was made particularly conspicuous by his
firmness and devoted attachment to his principles. When sentence was going
to be passed upon him, he boldly defended the institution, on the ground of
the oppressed state of the poor; and when the judge who was performing
that awful office, struck with his appearance and conduct, asked him, had he
any wife or children, "My lord", he replied, "God will take care of them, for
I die in a good cause". He suffered on the seventeenth of September, with-
out derogating from his previous demeanor.

In the Connaught counties, the trials were not as numerous in proportion
as in Leinster. Lord Carhampton had gone down to quell the insurrection,
and after he had succeeded, thinking perhaps that legal proceedings were
tedious and sometimes uncertain in their issue, he delivered the £raols of most
of their inhabitants, by taking such as he thought fit, and sending them, with-
out form of trial, or other warrant but his own military orders, to serve on
board the fleet. In this manner, nearly 1300 persons were transported, not by
their own connivance, nor as a kind of voluntary commutation of what they
might suffer if rigorously prosecuted. On the contrary, it was not even pre-
tended, that those selected were accused of the most serious crimes, or the
most likely to meet conviction before a jury; nor was the act attributed by the
inhabitants of the country, to a misjudging lenity. Indeed, the objects of this
summary measure were frequently seen tied down on carts, in the bitterest
agonies, crying out incessantly for trial, but crying in vain. This conduct
marked his lordship's attachment to Government too strongly not to have its
imitators. Magistrates, therefore, without military commissions, but within
the influence of his example, assumed to themselves also the authority of
transporting without trial.

In the province of Ulster, the County of Armagh and its borders ex-
hibited a scene of more melancholy disturbances, and more abominable op-
pression than afflicted or disgraced the rest of Ireland. The religious ani-
mosities that had raged so violently in 1793, appeared to have been subdued
by the combined efforts of liberal Catholics and Dissenters, by the unremitting
exertions of the United Irishmen of that day, and by the conciliatory senti-
ments which flowed from the press, as far as it was in the same interests.
The press, however, was subsequently reduced almost to silence; and the
recent coercive statutes had nearly annihilated all public efforts by United,
or even liberal Irishmen, on any subject of general politics, except during the
transitory administration of Lord Fitzwilliam. The barriers to the revival of
those animosities being thus broken down, they again desolated the country
with augmented fury. The Peep-o'-Day Boys, who originally pretended only

The ( )rangemen m

to enforce the Popery Laws by depriving Catholics of their anus, now affected
more important objects. They claimed to be associated for the support of a
Protestant government, and a Protestant succession, which they said were
endangered by the increased power of the Catholics in the State, and they
therefore adopted the name of Orangemen, to express their attachment to
the memory of that prince to whom they owed their blessings. With this
change of name, they asserted they had also gained an accession of strength;
for the Peep-o'-Day Boys only imagined they were supported by the laws of
the land, in their depredations on their Catholic neighbors; but the Orangemen
boasted a protection greater than even that of the law, the connivance and
concealed support of those who were bound to see it fairly administered.
Thus emboldened, and as they alleged, reinforced, they renewed their ancient
persecutions: but not content with stripping Catholics of arms, they now went
greater lengths than they had ever done before, in adding insult to injury,
sometimes by mocking the solemnities of their worship, and at others, even
by firing into the coffins of the dead, on their way to sepulture.

The Catholics were by no means inclined to submit with tameness to these
outrages. The Defender system had nearly included all of that persuasion in
the lower ranks, and scarcely any others were to be found in the neighborhood.
They seized some opportunities of retaliating, and thus restored to Defend-
erism, in that part of the country, its original character of a religious feud.
These mutual irritations still increasing, at length produced open hostilities.
An affray near Lough Brickland, on the borders of the Counties of Down and
Armagh, and another at the Fair of Loughgall, preceded and led to a more
general engagement in the month of August, at a place called the Diamond,
near Portadown, in the County of Armagh. For some days previous to this,
both parties had been preparing and collecting their forces ; they seized the
different passes and roads ; had their advanced posts, and were in some
measure encamped and hutted. No steps, however, were taken by the magis-
trates of the country; nor, as far as can be inferred from anv visible cir-
cumstances, even by Government itself, to prevent this religious war, publicly
levied and carried on in one of the most populous, cultivated and highly im-
proved parts of the kingdom ; nay, more, the party which provoked the hostili-
ties, and which the event has proved to have been the strongest, boasted of
being connived at, for its well-known loyalty and attachment to the con-
stitution.

Whatever may have been the motives for this inaction, certain it is, that
both parties assembled at the Diamond, to the amount of several thousands.
The Defenders were the most numerous, but the Orangemen had an immense
advantage in point of preparation and skill, many of them having been mem-
bers of the old Volunteer corps, whose arms and discipline they still retained,
and perverted to very different purposes from those that have immortalized
that body. The contest, therefore, was not long or doubtful ; the Defenders
were speedily defeated, with the loss of some few killed and left on the field
of battle, besides the wounded, whom they carried away. After this, in

142 ' ' Hell or Connaught

consequence of the interference of a Catholic priest and of a country gentle-
man, a truce between both parties was agreed upon, which was unfortunately
violated in less than twenty-four hours. The two bodies that had consented
to it, for the most part, dispersed ; the district, however, in which the battle
was fought, being entirely filled with Orangemen, some of them still remained
embodied, but the Catholics returned home. In the course of next day, about
seven hundred Defenders from Keady, in a remote part of the county, came
to the succor of their friends, and, ignorant of the armistice, attacked the
Orangemen, who were still assembled. The associates of the latter being on
the spot, quickly collected again, and the Defenders were once more routed.
Perhaps this mistake might have been cleared up, and the treaty renewed, if
the resentment of the Orangemen had not been fomented and cherished by
persons to whom reconciliation of any kind was hateful. The Catholics, after
this transaction, never attempted to make a stand, but the Orangemen com-
menced a persecution of the blackest die. They would no longer permit a
Catholic to exist in the county. They posted up on the cabins of those un-
fortunate victims this pithy notice, "to hell or to Connaught" ; and appointed
a limited time in which the necessary removal of persons and property was to
be made. If, after the expiration of that period, the notice had not been
entirely complied with, the Orangemen assembled, destroyed their furniture,
burnt the habitations, and forced the ruined family to fly elsewhere for shelter.
So punctual were they in executing their threats that, after some experiments,
none were found rash enough to abide the event of non-compliance. In this
way. upwards of seven hundred Catholic families in one county, were forced
to abandon their farms, their dwellings, and their properties, without any
process of law, and even without any alleged crime, except their religious
belief were one.

While these outrages were going on, the resident magistrates were not
found to resist them, and in some instances were even more than inactive
spectators. The arm of Government, too, seemed palsied; or its strength ex-
hausted by its efforts in Connaught to restrain the subdued insurgents, and by
the vigilant activity of the commander in that province, to transport the sus-
pected without trial. The County of Armagh, however, and its neighborhood
were not destitute of military force, able and willing to repress those out-
rages. The Queen's County militia, consisting mostly of Catholics, was there,
and exceedingly incensed at the unresisted, unrestrained, and even unnoticed,
persecution against that religion, which it was forced to witness.

But though the protecting hand of Government, or of the magistracy, was
not held forth to the oppressed, they were not utterly abandoned. The United
Irishmen endeavored to allay the animosities by conciliatory efforts, as well
as to bring to punishment the most daring violators of the law, and the magis-
trates, from whose suspicious inactivity they derived most succor. This, it
was hoped, would produce many advantages. The United Irishmen would
convince those forlorn people of their sincerity in seeking for the entire aboli-
tion of all religious distinctions, and perhaps induce them, by gratitude and

Fresh Outrages 143

interest, to enter into the union. If redress was to be obtained or the Prot-
estant persecution to be checked, the Catholics would owe to their exertions
at least a temporary relief from immediate sufferings, until the fulness of time
should arrive for decisive remedies; but if the alleged connivance and support
of magistrates anil higher authorities should succeed in frustrating legal prose-
cutions, at least the horrible atrocities themselves would be exposed beyond
the possibility of concealment or denial ; and from the failure of the experi-
ment, it was expected the proscribed would at last conclude, that their pro-
tection was not to be found in perverted laws, or delusive tribunals.

Prosecutions were therefore commenced and carried on by the executive,
at the desire of the provincial committee of the United Irishmen, against some
of the most notorious offenders, and some of the most guilty magistrates; but
that measure appeared only to redouble the outrages. Many of those who
attempted to swear examinations, were killed or forced to fly, and others com-
pelled by the fear of death, to retract or contradict the depositions they had
given. The applications were, in this manner, almost entirely defeated ; or,
if they succeeded, the proceedings were studiously protracted by every legal
artifice; even the verdicts of juries, summoned by sheriffs, and influenced by
magistrates, themselves laboring under heavy suspicions, were sometimes
interposed between the prosecutors and justice. Effectual relief was thus in-
deed, for the most part, withheld from the oppressed; but they learned to look
upon the United Irishmen as their only friends, to confide in the sincerity of
those Protestants who had joined in the union, and no longer to look, with hope
or affection, towards the existing law or its remedies.

These objects were likewise accomplishing, at the same time, by other
means. The steps that were taken against the Defenders in Leinster and Con-
naught, and the house-rackings in the County of Armagh, had forced many
wretches to abandon their homes, and seek for shelter where they might be
unknown and unsuspected. Some of these unhappy fugitives were invited to
Belfast, whence they were received by the Presbyterian families in the
Counties of Down and Antrim ; they were secure from danger, provided with
employment, treated with affectionate hospitality, and the hereditary prejudices
they had imbibed against Northerns and Dissenters were lost in the overflow-
ings of their gratitude. To their friends, whom necessity had not compelled
to flight, they communicated the intelligence of their safety and happiness ;
thus spreading the fame of United Irish sincerity and attachment to remote
districts, where the system was then unknown.

But the most important accession of strength gained by that body, at this
period, arose from their successful interference with the Defenders, particu-
larly in the Counties of Down and Antrim. From the first formation of the
Union, its most active members were extremely anxious to learn the views
and intentions of the Defenders. The latter, it was manifest, wished a redress
of many of those grievances, against which the efforts of the former were
also directed ; but their wishes were not sufficiently seconded by intelligence,
nor did their institution appear calculated for co-operation on an extensive

144 Defenders and United Irish

scale ; it seemed almost exclusively Catholic, and so far as could be ascertained,
was not sufficiently representative. Besides, as most counties had something
peculiar to themselves, either in their test, their formalities, or their signs, a
Defender in one county was not, therefore, one in another; and the associa-
tion, or rather mass of associations, wanted an uniformity of views and
actions. As it owed its origin to religious animosities, and was almost entirely
composed of illiterate persons, there was reason to apprehend, it might still
be vitiated by bigotry and ignorance, and that instead of reserving its physical
force for one object and one effort, it might waste itself, as was actually the
case in Connaught, in partial and ill-directed insurrections against local griev-
ances. The United system, on the other hand, by pursuing only one thing,
"an equal, full and adequate representation of the people", secured an uni-
formity of views, and by fixing attention on the state of the representation,
as the fruitful parent of every other evil, it suggested, wherever it gained
admission, a remedy for the oppressions by which the inhabitants were most
afflicted. Proceeding as it did, on the principle of abolishing all political dis-
tinctions on account of religion, and establishing a brotherhood of affection
among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, it struck at the root of bigotry,
received the support, and secured the co-operation of every sect that was not
rendered hostile by an immediate interest in the abuses it proposed to remedy.
Organized as it was under a series of committees which were connected to-
gether to the highest rank, it was capable of the most perfect co-operation, and
had in itself, all the advantages of a provisional representative government,
to which it was habituating its members, before they could be called upon to
establish a national constitution.

This immense superiority of advantages in favor of the United system,
which clearly proved that it was the result of settled design and reflection,
while the other seemed to derive its birth from accident and ignorance, was
pointed out to the Defenders in the counties where the union was most preva-
lent. There was no repugnancy in the tests of the two bodies, and many Cath-
olics had, from the commencement, belonged to both. They persuaded other
Defenders to follow their example. Protestant United Irishmen, too, resolved
to break the exclusively Catholic appearance of Def enderism ; there being
nothing in the test or regulations to prevent them, they were sworn into that
body, and carried along with them their information, tolerance and republi-
canism. They pointed out to their new associates, all that has been already
stated in the comparison between the two systems; and set before them, that
the something which the Defenders vaguely conceived, ought to be done for
Ireland, was, by separating it from England, to establish its real as well as
nominal independence ; and they urged the necessity of combining into one
body, all who were actuated with the same views. At last their exertions were
favored with entire success. The Defenders, by specific votes in their own
societies, agreed to be sworn United Irishmen, and incorporated in large
bodies into the union. Thus did they in those counties, merge into the broadest
and best-concerted institution, which from henceforth, spread through their

Spread of Irish Union 145

Catholic districts with surprising rapidity; the inhabitants having abandoned
whatever were the peculiarities of their own association.

The Northern United Irishmen likewise pursued their scheme still further.
The executions in Meath, Kildare, and latterly in the capital itself, showed to
them that Defenderism had reached so far, and was likely to extend through
all the Catholic parts of the kingdom. Weldon, Hart, Kennedy, and others,
were found guilty in Dublin, in the latter end of l?!)."), of high treason, all
being Defenders, and met their fate with that enthusiasm and fortitude, which
political as well as religious sufferers have, in almost all ages, exhihited. The
evidence on those trials showed that the views of the Catholics of that rank
of life, in and near the metropolis, though they had never yet heard of the
United system, were perfectly conformable to those of the Northern repub-
licans. This coincidence determined the latter to open a communication which
should pave the way for the extension of their own organization. They accord-
ingly despatched persons up to Dublin, who found means to explain themselves
with some of the principal Defenders of the Counties of Meath, Dublin and
elsewhere. This caused deputies from them to be sent to Belfast, to examine
if the views of the North corresponded with theirs, and how far its sincerity
might be relied on. These men, on their arrival there, were soon convinced
that the Northerns were more enlightened, and as ardent as themselves, and
that their sincerity was too often proved and too explicitly manifested to be
doubted. On their return home, they communicated a detail of the views of
the union, and laid the foundation for the adoption of that system by the
Catholics who deputed them.

The impression which was made by all those measures on the Defenders,
gave the United Irishmen a ready access to the militia regiments, as they
arrived in the North. These were mostly composed of Catholics, having come
from he other provinces; in many instances they were already Defenders,
that as jciation having spread into the counties where they were raised. The
progressive steps were now made easy : the Catholic soldier had no reluctance
to become a Defender ; the Defender was quickly induced to follow the example
of those where he was quartered, and to become an United Irishman. The
union thus spread among them very extensively, and the militia regiments were
often vehicles by which both systems were carried to different and remote
districts.

The author would state that no leader of the movement in 1798, with the exception
of Tone, and he only for a limited period, could have written so graphic and valuable a
contribution to Irish history, based on personal knowledge in relation to every detail.

The one unique and remarkable trait in Mr. Emmet's character is here well illustrated,
where, in absence of all vanity he as usual made no reference to himself. No one on
reading the essay just given would suppose he was personally connected to some extent
with every incident and was frequently an active leader.

Under all circumstances and throughout Mr. Emmet's life, he unconsciously assumed
the position, and his associates recognized his leadership. With all his modesty of char-
acter, he was unyielding as a leader and always carried his purpose through by the facility

146 Mr. Emmet's Services

he possessed of impressing each individual with their own importance. There was no
desire to mislead on Mr. Emmet's part, but to educate and make use of every one asso-
ciated with him to the fullest extent of his intellectual development. While Mr. Emmet
gave credit to every one but himself, he had the facility of gaining the fullest degree of
confidence as a leader from all without question, as each felt when Mr. Emmet expressed
an opinion, he had in some degree based the conclusion upon their conversation.

This faculty was as of value in a leader, but it caused his own services to be under-
rated.

The last of the men of "98" sleep peacefully in their graves, their sons are grey-haired
men; but the nation for tuhose freedom they fought still ivears her ancient chains,
■ — her voice has been unheard amongst the nations, save nuhere agony ivrung from
her a cry that reminded the tuorld at once of her existence and of her misery.

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh.

Your interference ivas then, sir, made the pretext of detaining us for four years in custody,
by 'which very extensive and useful plans of settlement 'within these states tuere
broken up. The misfortunes ivhich you brought upon the objects of your persecution
lucre incalculable. Almost all of us wasted four of the best years of our life in
prison. As to me, I <would have brought along •with me my father and his family,
including a brother, 'whose name perhaps even you tvilt not read 'without emotions
of sympathy and respect. Others nearly connected iviih me 'would have been partners
in my emigration. But all of them have been torn from me. 1 have been prevented
from saving a brother, from receiving the dying blessings of a father, mother, and
sister, and from soothing their last agonies by my cares; and this, Sir, by your un-
warrantable and unfeeling interference.

T. A. Emmet.

Letter to Rufus King —

April 9th, 1807.

History of the Emmet Family

There is not nonx> in Ireland an individual that bears the name of Emmet. I do not <wish
that there should 'while it is connected <with England and yet it <will perhaps be re-
membered in its history.

T. A. Emmet
to Peter Burrcwves —
Nov. 19th, 1806.

To 'what extent I ought to yield to you for talents and information is not for me to decide.
In no other respect, however, do I feel your excessive superiority. My private char-
acter and conduct are I hope as fair as yours; and even in those matters <which 1
consider as trivial, but upon 'which aristocratic pride is accustomed to stamp a value,
I should not be inclined to shrink from competition. My birth certainly 'will not
humble me by the comparison; my paternal fortune 'was probably much greater than
yours; the consideration in 'which the name I bear <was held in my native country
<was as great as yours is ever likely to be, before 1 had an opportunity of contributing
to its celebrity. As to the amount of ■what private fortune I have been able to save
from the 'wreck of calamity, it is unknown to you or to your friends; but t'wo
things I 'will tell you: 1 never ■was indebted, either in the country from 'which I came,
nor in any other in ■which I have lived, to any man, further than necessary credit for
the current expenses of a family; and am not so circumstanced that I should tremble
"for my subsistence", at the threatened displeasure of your friends. So much for the
past and the present, no'W for the future. Circumstances ■which cannot be controlled
have decided that my name must be embodied in history. From the manner in ■which
even my political adversaries, and some of my cotemporary historians, unequivocally
hostile to my principles, already speak of me, I have the consolation of reflecting, that
'when the falsehoods of the day are 'withered and rotten, I shall be respected and
esteemed. You, Sir, 'will probably be forgotten ■when I shall be remembered 'with
honour; or, if, peradventure, your name should descend to posterity perhaps you 'will
be kncnun only as the recorded instrument of part of my persecutions, sufferings, and
misfortunes.

T. A. Emmet.
Letter to Rufus King, 1807.

^. <^V A A A

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Arms of the Emott, Emmott, Emett,
Emmett and Emmet families

From Robert Emmet's death and the emigration of Thomas Addis Emmet <with his
family to the United States there has been no one of the name in Ireland or elseiuhere,
except the daughter of their brother, Temple, <who bore a legitimate relationship to
the family nearer than 210 years.

Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D.

Chapter I

Documentary and Traditional History of the Emmet Family*

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a-*

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N the 3d of October 1G19, Thomas Emmott, of Emmott
Hall, died in the parish of Colne, Co. Pal. Lancashire,
England, where he had been for many years the head of
a family whose ancestors had lived for centuries on the
same lands. The eldest son generally bore the name of
William, while Thomas, Robert, John and Christopher
were the Christian names most frequently used. This
family has twice been reduced to a single female member,
whose husband adopted the name. By special Act of
Parliament, about 1745, Richard Wainhouse, the husband of Mary Emmott,
took the surname of Emmott, and within a few years a similar change of name
took place, so that the present head of the family is Richard Greene-Emmott,
Esq. The family for an indefinite period — certainly previous to the seven-
teenth century, as shown by monumental remains — has borne the same arms.
In the Somerset Herald Office, London, is to be found the record of an
Emmet family living in London at the time of the Herald's visitation in 1687.
The right of this family to bear arms was then both recognized and recorded
by the Herald. These arms are identical with those granted several centuries
before to the Lancashire family of Emmott, and they are, moreover, the same
arms that were used in Ireland by the ancestors of the American branch of
Emmet. But "Edmondson's Heraldry", 1780, gives the arms of "Emmett,
Emmott [Westminster] and of Emmot in Lancashire — Per pale az. & sa. : a
fesse engrailed, erm., between three bulls' heads cabossed, or", and the crest,
"out of a ducal coronet, or, a bull salient, ppr."

The arms used by the Emmet family in Ireland are shown on a silver
salver in the possession of the writer. This was given in 1783 to Dr. Robert
Emmet by the Governors of St. Patrick's Hospital, Dublin, an institution
founded for the insane by Dean Swift in 1745, and it was the first public
asylum for the insane ever established in Ireland. After a service of many years
Dr. Emmet resigned his position, and was then made the recipient of this
piece of plate, which is thirty-one inches in diameter, and on which is en-

"See Appendix, Note I, for the earlier history.

149

150 Coat of Arms

graved the following inscription : — "Presented by unanimous consent of the
Governors of St. Patrick's Hospital, Dublin, to Robert Emmet, Esq., State
Physician, as a Memorial, not compensation, of the many services rendered
by him to that institution, as Governor, Physician, and Treasurer thereto. —
Feb. 3, 1783". The Governors of this Hospital were, ex-officio, as a body,
composed of the chief officials of the city of Dublin.

At that time great importance was attached to the use of heraldic arms,
so much so that no one was allowed to bear them in Great Britain, or Ireland,
unless entitled to do so and after paying a tax for the privilege. Therefore,
under the circumstances, the presence of these arms engraved on this salver,
and the fact that they were placed there by direction of this Board of Gov-
ernors, proves beyond question that Dr. Emmet was entitled to use them.
This is an important circumstance in its bearing on the history of
the family, and in the inference to be drawn from it, that this branch at least
came from the Emots of Lancashire.

It has also a more general bearing from the fact that wherever a branch
of the family has been found entitled to bear arms, and without reference to
the different modes of spelling the name, the arms have been essentially the
same, or very similar to those which were used by the Emot family of Colne,
Lancashire, and were in all probability the same as those granted or borne,
by Robert de Emot in the fourteenth century. The three bulls' heads cabossed
have been found with generally a fesse engrailed, erm. ; but in one instance
as borne by a London family of Emmet, a chevron engrailed was used. In
the first grant of the arms it is supposed the color on the shield was azure,
from the fact that this tincture appears on the earliest rendering found. The
same is still used by the Emmott family, and generally by the Emmet branches,
but a party per cross, as well as per pale, has been used with azure and sable.

The greatest variation has been found in the crest and motto, as the choice
of either or both rested with the individual. In the original grant the crest
was — "Out of a ducal coronet, or, a bull rampant, ppr," and not "salient", as
given by Edmondson. The oldest motto, and the one still borne by the Em-
motts of Lancashire, is "Tenez le Vraye", while Dr. Robert Emmet used
"Constans".

The only exception met with in the use of the bulls' heads was found in
the granting of arms to a Peregrine Emmit, of Spilsby, Co. Lincoln, about
the middle of the last century. In this instance the two bulls' heads in the
upper part of the shield were placed on an engrailed chief of ermine, with
two crossed thighbones and four ants* on the basse in azure, and with a
different crest.

•This introduction into the Emmet Arms has reference to the old English and the root in the
Anglo-Saxton, of Emmet, an Ant. The word is still to be found in some of the dictionaries. In "King
James' Version" of the Bible, in the Book of Proverbs, the rendering is — "Go to the emmet, thou
Sluggard". Shakespeare in "King Lear" shows the significance of the word, as typical of industry,
"Or we'll set thee to school to an Ant". The writer has been informed that there exists
in the Hebrew a similar word signifying constancy or trustworthiness. If true, this would ex-
plain the use of the motto, Constans, derived from an old Gaelic root, a supposedly older language
than the Hebrew. But there exists no trace of such a word in the modern Irish. In a record of over
three hundred years of the Emmet family abroad, it is remarkable how large a proportion there were
among them, of men of brains, enterprise, thrift, and steady workers.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Salvei presented to Dr. Roberl Emmet by the Governors of St. Patrick's Hospital,

I >ublin, Ireland

THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY!

ASTOft, LENOX
TIL DEN FOUNDATIONS

Tipperary Emmets 151

From the circumstantial evidence collected it seems probable that the im-
mediate ancestry of Christopher Emett, of Tipperary, may have been con-
nected with the following branch of the family, which had connections in
Kent and Middlesex, living in London, bearing the same arms, and claiming
to have been from the Lancashire stork :

Maurice Emmet, the son of ■ — — Emet, married Elizabeth Pynes, and
at the time of the visitation of the Herald-at-Arms in 1687 he was living
in Peter Street, London, and was in his sixty-eighth year of age. They had
the following children at this visitation, and their ages were then recorded :

1. William Emmet, of St. Bride's Parish, married Elizabeth, a daughter
of John Browne, and had one child, Mary.

2. Maurice Emmet, "His Majesty's Bricklayer", married Elizabeth Bur-
rage, of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, and in 1687 he was thirty-
five years of age. His children were John, aged fifteen, Maurice, twelve, and
Elizabeth, thirteen.

3. Richard. He had several children, but the particulars could not be
obtained.

4. George Emmet, unmarried, and at the age of thirty-two years.

5. "Henry Emmet, citizen", "His Majesty's Glass Painter and Stainer".
He was at the time thirty years of age, and had married Mary, the daughter
of Edward Hill, also of London. Their children were John Emmet, then
twelve years of age, and Mary, who died in infancy.

The visitation is signed by "Henry Emmett", with the following marginal
note made at the time by the London Herald : "The arms, from a silver
seal, and Mr. Emmet alleged the colours as they are here marked. He affirm-
eth that he is descended from Emmet of Emmet Hall in Lancashire, but
nothing found of that family in the visitation of that county".

"Emmott- Hall", as we have shown, existed at that time, and the family
were recorded by the Visitation Herald, and they bore these same arms. It
is, therefore, possible, as the original mode of spelling the name was Emot,
that in a previous generation the name of this branch had been spelled Emmott ;
or, it is quite possible that the residence of another branch in the same county
had been called "Emmet Hall", for the evidence is conclusive that the an-
cestors of all of the name, whatever the mode of spelling, came originally
from this neighborhood.

It will now be well to consult the will of William Emet, of Tipperary,
who expected his "kinsman", Henry Emet, to come from England according
to his order. As William left a bequest to his brother George, Henry was
probably the son of another brother. The eldest brother of Henry, of London,
was named William, and he also had a brother George.

But for the facts that William, of Tipperary, died in 1671, and William,
of London, was possibly living in 1687, it might be held that they were
one and the same person. On the other hand, if William, of London, was liv-
ing at the time of the visitation, it is remarkable that his age was not recorded
in consequence of being the eldest son. In the same connection should be

152 Emmets in Plymouth

considered the notes relating to "John Emmet of London, Esq.", who received
a pension of one thousand pounds per annum in 1711, and left his property
at his death to his wife and his son, Henry Emmet.

Notwithstanding that Maurice Emmet is styled "His Majesty's Brick-
layer", and his brother Henry "His Majesty's Glass-stainer", it is not believed
that either of them followed so humble a calling.* This family was evidently
well off at the time, possibly wealthy, with an estate in Middlesex County,
and had doubtless rendered some service to the Government. At that time
no greater service could be rendered to the King than by making him a loan
of money, which he was never expected to repay in any other manner than
by a grant of some position or office, which afforded his creditors an oppor-
tunity to recoup with interest from the public purse and by methods not to
be too carefully inquired into. "His Majesty's Brick-layer" and "His
Majesty's Glass-stainer" doubtless received some stipend from their nominal
offices until something better presented itself ; and it might be readily assumed
that, with some like existing obligation, Henry Emmet was given the contract
for furnishing "clothing and accoutrements" for the regiment commanded by
Schomberg, and that John Loudon, as copartner, was in all probability the
man-of-straw selected to do the work in the most profitable manner. The cir-
cumstance of being entitled to bear arms renders the supposition impossible
that under the then existing social code either Maurice or Henry Emmet
could have followed a trade.

Henry showed by his seal that he used the arms in 1687, and at that time
he satisfied the London Herald-at-Arms that he was entitled to bear them,
and, as has been stated, the right was officially recognized and recorded at
the time. On the other hand, if he had not fully satisfied the Herald as to
this right, the seal would have been seized and destroyed.

Henry Emmet and his son John were for some reason closely connected
with the town of Plymouth, England, in their business relations with Ireland,
and at the same time with a Mr. White, a merchant of that place. Unless for
some special reason the town of Plymouth had been selected, this circumstance
becomes the more worthy of note, as many other ports in England were more
favorably situated for commercial relations with Ireland. Dr. Christopher
Emett, of Tipperary, also had some connection with the same town, as one
of his sisters married a Mr. White, of Plymouth, and his wife, Rebecca Temple,
had an uncle, Mr. Nathaniel White, a merchant, who was living in 1717. This
fact is shown in a letter written at the time by Capt. Robert Temple, her brother.
A copy of this letter was obtained by the writer from Capt. Temple's great-
grandson, the late Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston. It is also known that
Thomas Temple, the father of Robert, sailed from this port when he first went
out to settle in New England, during the early part of the eighteenth century.
It has been shown that a large branch of the Emmet family lived in Plymouth
according to the record of the burial of Thos. Emmet in 1588, and the burial of
Mary Emmet in 1707.

*The one was no more "His Majesty's Brick-layer" than the late Queen Victoria's equerry was her-
stableman.

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An Old Bible 153

A family bearing the surname of Emmetson once resided there, and a Dr.
Remmetson [R. Emmet's son] was a very distinguished physician in the town
during the early part of the last century. The writer possesses a large folio en-
graving of this physician, which most probably was published by a dealer, for
under ordinary circumstances it would have proved too costly for a private
individual to have had it engraved for a limited circulation.

There exists no clue, but quite possibly there was some connection between
the family of Dr. Christopher Emett and Thomas Emet, who was supposed
to have died without children, and whose estate passed to Thomas Moore
through his grandmother, Katherine Emet. The social relations of these two
families were with the most prominent in the county, and they were more nearly
the same than of any of the other branches then living in Ireland; they
seem to have been associated with the same families in their neighborhood
which were known to Dr. Robert Emmet and his children a generation later.

Many years ago a young man named Moore, from the south of Ireland,
got into some pecuniary difficulty while in this country, and was aided by
Mr. T. A. Emmet, an uncle of the writer. Moore knew nothing of the early
history of his family, but came to Mr. Emmet for assistance on the strength of
a tradition that in some manner Robert Emmet, "the patriot", was related to his
family. In proof, he promised to send to Mr. Emmet, on his return, a Bible
which had belonged to some one of the name of Emmet, but none of his
family knew how or when it came into their possession. Moore kept his
promise, and shortly after the book was received by Mr. Emmet it was pre-
sented by him to the writer. This Bible is an octavo volume, printed in London,
1638, and it contains a record of the birth of five children, placed, as usual,
on the record sheet between the Old and the New Testament. The first two
entries were made in the handwriting of an educated man in middle life, while
the last three were written by a female who wrote with some difficulty ; but,
from the propinquity and order of the dates it is evident that the whole record
was one of the same family of children. At the back of this book there had been
written what seemed to have been an extensive family record, but apparently
a child had seized these leaves and in an attempt to get them into its pos-
session they were pulled out, leaving just enough along the binding to indicate
the nature of the manuscript. In 1734, eighty-seven years after this record
had been made, some one wrote in the tremulous hand of old age : "I desire
this leaf may not be taken out."

On going through the Bible, on page after page was found written in a
child's hand, "Mary Moore's", along the margin, as if it were done to mark
the chapter which she had to memorize. The whole interest in the book
turns on this name, and the possibility that it may have belonged to Mary
Moore, the sister of Thomas, who inherited the property of Thomas Emet.
The family tradition held by the Moores, that they were connected with Robert
Emmet's family, cannot be accepted or be relied upon alone as evidence, since
the origin of the tradition may have been due entirely to their possession of
the book.

154 Settlement in America

The following is the Bible record :

1647. My daughter Deborah Emmet was borne ye 7th day of November 1647, —

being Sunday, and was baptized ye Sunday following, being the 14th day of

November.
1650. My daughter Mary Emmet was borne and Baptized upon Fryday, being

ye 22nd day of November, 1650.
My sonn Honri [Henry] Emott was borne upon Sonday, being the 25th day of

November, 1653.
My daughter Elossoboth Emott was borne the 21st day of November, 1655.
My son John Emott was borne the 21st of November, 1658.
I desire this leaf may not be taken out. — 1734.

As early as 1658 the name of James Emott appears among the first settlers
in Amboy, N. J., and in 1686 he was appointed Secretary of that Province.
There have been several distinguished men of this family, the most prominent
being the late Judge James Emott, of Poughkeepsie, N. Y., who died in 1850.
Some years ago an uncle of the writer inquired into the early history of this
family. Judge Emott, of Poughkeepsie, then stated that little was known
of his ancestor, the first Emott settler in Amboy, and that he was ignorant
of the date of his arrival ; nor could he tell whether James Emott had emigrated
from Holland with the first Dutch settlers, or had come from England at a
subsequent period.

New Perth, on Ambo Point, hence in time Perth Amboy, was named after
James, Earl of Perth, one of the proprietors of East Jersey, and it was settled
by Scotch and emigrants from the north of England. Under the circum-
stances, that James Emott came originally from either Lancashire or York-
shire, in the north of England, is a natural inference, connected as he was with
the early settlement of Perth Amboy.*

Dr. William James Macneven, one of the United Irishmen during the
troubles of 1798, was confined in Fort George, Scotland, with Thomas Addis
Emmet. He married a Mrs. Tom, nee Riker, of Bowery Bay, Long Island, who
lived to an advanced age. The writer, when a young man, learned from her the
history of a member of the Emmet family, who came with his brother to New
York about the middle of the 18th century. She also stated that towards
the close of the Revolution her family returned to their country place, which
had been abandoned for some years, as the English held New York and the
neighborhood. It was then found that the British soldiers in seeking for
plunder had violated the family vault and had left the coffins broken and
open. As a child Miss Riker was particularly struck by the dark hue of the
bones in one of the coffins, in such marked contrast to the blanched appear-
ance of the other skeletons. Her father told her they were the remains of a
young Irishman, named Emmet, a great favorite with everyone who knew
him, who had come to this country with his brother some years before the
Revolution. Mr. Emmet had begun as a teacher, but later studied law. Dur-
ing one of his frequent visits to Mr. Riker's house he was struck by lightning

*The name Emott is quite a common one at the present time in Yorkshire, England. In a list

o{ wills (Appendix, Note I) is one of James Emott, who died in York, 1561.

~>rf

• 2

^-»x~ ' ._.«■_._■

^•»

l«£££

Emmittsburg 155

while mending a pen at an open door. The history of this young man inter-
ested her so much that she frequently got her father to repeat the story, and
it apparently made an indelible impression on her, for she never forgot its
details. Shortly after Thos. Addis Emmet's arrival in this country Mrs.
Macneven made his acquaintance and told him the story of this young Irish-
man. Mr. Emmet then recalled having heard his father mention that, when
a boy, one of his uncles, a brother of Christopher Emett, had come into pos-
session of a farm near New York, and that he had sent two of his sons out
to look after it. They were never heard of after their arrival in America, not
an infrequent occurrence in the early settlement of this country, owing to the
uncertainty of any intercourse by letter, which could only be transmitted by
one individual to another. The coincidence in dates would lead to the infer-
ence that this young Emmet and his brother were these two nephews of
Christopher Emett; and, moreover, Mrs. Macneven had the impression that
Mr. T. A. Emmet believed that such was the fact. Nothing is known of the
subsequent history of the brother.

James Emmet, of the Hillsboro' District, was appointed Captain in the
Third North Carolina Regiment on April 16th, 1776, and served throughout
the war. The writer has in his possession a copy of a letter written by Col.
James Emmet on April 27th, 1781, to General Greene, and the late Mr. James
A. Garland, of New York, had in his possession a number of others, showing
that Col. Emmet was an active and trusted officer. The writer also recalls see-
ing among the list of officers of the North Carolina Confederate troops, who
surrendered at the end of the Civil War, a Col. Emmet, who was, no doubt, a
descendant of the Revolutionary officer. So far it has been impossible to
discover the existence at the present time of this family in North Carolina.
But the query here presents itself: Was Col. James Emmet of the Revolu-
tion the other nephew of Christopher Emett, of Tipperary, Ireland, or was he
a descendant of James Emott, of Perth Amboy?

The name of Emmet seems to possess some special attraction for the
struggling play-actor, the negro minstrel, and the clog-dancer. The writer has
known of three instances in this country, and of one in England, where persons
on the stage have assumed the name. One of the most noted instances was
the late clog-dancer, "J. K. Emmet," whose real name, it is said, was Kline,
and who had not the slightest claim whatever to the name of Emmet ; how-
ever, his family still continues to use it.

Among the early settlers in the neighborhood of Frederick, Md., was a
family of Emmitts, and their place was the site of the present Emmittsburg.
The writer has been unable to obtain any information concerning the early
history of this family.

It is most remarkable that, occupying so prominent and influential a posi-
tion as did the progenitors of the American branch early in the eighteenth
century, a break could exist in the family record which obscures entirely all
previous history. It is well known that the church records, as well as those
in private hands, were frequently burned or otherwise destroyed in Ireland

156 Lack of Family Traditions

by the British troops ; in fact, both public and private property was wantonly
destroyed whenever the pretext of a possible rebellion could be made. This
is one reason for the obscurity which surrounds this portion of the family
history, but the lack of traditional information in the family is to a still
greater degree responsible for it. This condition must to some extent be at-
tributed to Mr. Thomas Addis Emmet, who had suffered so much during the
troubles of " '98," and had so little pleasure associated with the past in Ireland,
that after his arrival in this country neither he nor his wife ever referred to
Irish affairs or to the family history if it were possible to avoid doing so. He
felt bitterly about the tragedies of this portion of his life — so much so that
in a large number of his letters which have come to the notice of the writer,
and which cover many years of his life in America, in but three instances
did Mr. Emmet make any allusion to his family or past history. In one letter
to a daughter he made reference to "the fortitude with which his wife had
borne the privations of her prison life. In another letter he expressed the hope
that "no one of the name would ever put foot on the soil of Ireland while she
remained under British Rule". And the other instance was to the effect that
he wished the past forgotten, and the history of the family to begin with its
settlement in this country.

In a letter by T. A. Emmet, given in the twenty-fifth chapter and written on
November 10th, 1806, to Mr. Peter Burrowes, an old associate in Ireland, we
find expression of the same sentiment: "There is not now in Ireland an
individual that bears the name of Emmet. I do not wish that there ever should
while it is connected with England, and yet it will perhaps be remembered in its
history".*

*The following letters may be of interest to the reader, as they were written by the first individual
of the name to visit Ireland over forty years after her father had been banished from his native land.
These letters were written by Miss Margaret Emmet, Mr. Emmet's eldest daughter, who was born in
Ireland, and was with him during his imprisonment at Fort George, being then about eleven years of
age. Mrs. Graves, her youngest sister, born in New York, and her husband, formed the party.

The first of these letters written by Miss Emmet is to her niece, Susan L,e Roy, the daughter of
her sister Elizabeth:

Dublin, August 1st, 1842.
"My Dear Susan:

As you have redeemed your character, as a correspondent, by a pleasant letter which I received
the other day, I must avail myself of a very few spare moments to write to you a short answer,
which is all that I can do at this time as the steamer sails so soon. You will wonder, I have no doubt,
that we should have so much to occupy us in such a quiet place as Ireland, but we are staying at
Uncle John's, and although they have seen great reverses of fortune, from loss of property, still the
hospitality of the land will break out in them and we are feasted either at home or abroad every day,
and after bein^ here almost a week this is the first chince I have had of writing. Your Uncle Graves
is writing to Mount Alto [the country place of Bache McEvers] and of course giving a glowing account
of our first reception in Paddy land, which was rather in the loafer style, as we spent the night in the
street begging admittance from door to door without success. I longed for uncle Bill to sing Barney
Brannigan while I was sitting on the handle of the wheel-barrow that held our luggage. I think he
would have made the windows of the houses around fly open by the magic of his voice, and our dis-
consolate situation would have been made known to more than the flinty heart who answered us from
behind the closed door that there "was not a spare bed in the house." But long life to the moon, for
a sweet noble creature, as she shone out in all her splendor silver bright; and when we had no other
resource we returned to another hotel and there got a carriage and drove into Dublin by broad day-
light, for the steamer landed the passengers at King's town, seven or eight miles from Dublin, and
immediately falls back into the stream, — otherwise we would have returned to sleep in it. When we
reached Dublin we went to bed for a few hours and breakfasted before we drove to Uncle John's, who
lives about two miles from Dublin. When once inside of a house the warm feeling of the country
began to show itself, for the waiter who attended at breakfast shed real silent tears when he heard
who we were ard I have ro doubt told the other servants in the Hotel, for there were men and women
on every landing as we went down stairs, and all looked kindlv at us.

At Sandy Mount, where we are staying, we are treated like spoiled children, and nothing can
exceed the kindness of all. Even every member of Uncle John's wife's family, who although in con-
stant attendance on a brother who is very ill, have asked us to their houses. We went out today and
I am obHe^d *o finish my letter in the small hours, as Mr. Delprat says. On that account we went out
to a beautiful country seat of a cousin of your grand mother, who asked after his cousin Jane and
called me Margaret soon after he knew me. At that place I am sure we would have spent some pleasant

An I lonorable Name 157

In a letter written by Thomas Addis Emmet to Rufus King, of New York,
in L807, during a p< ilitical contest, he writes, "'and even in those matters
which I consider as trivial, but upon which aristocratic pride is accustomed
to stamp a value, I should not be inclined to shrink from competition. My
birth certainly will not humble me by the comparison, my paternal fortune was
probably much greater than yours; the consideration in which the name I hear
was held in my native country was as great as yours is ever likely to he, he fore
I had an opportunity of contributing to its celebrity".

Dr. Madden states that ''Emmet's vanity was of a peculiar kind; he was
vain of nothing but his name." Robert Emmet when answering, at his trial,
the accusation that he was an emissary of France that he might advance his
own ends, repudiates the charge as follows: "Oh, my country, was it per-
sonal ambition that influenced me! had it been the soul of my action, could

days, but one of the family, a favorite son, is lying at the point of death and Mrs. Colville, his mother,
could only leave him for a few moments to see us when we called there. But they are constantly
sending fine fruit &c and showing what they would do but for circumstances.

I must draw this to a close per force, but your uncle Graves has written so \on% a letter to your
Aunt Jane, that this is only to tell you that I have not forgotten you and tell Libby [her sister
Elizabeth] that her little letter was very nice indeed. Your Uncle will not allow me to write another
word.

Yours ever,

Margaret Emmet."
Miss Susan Le Roy,

New York.

The next letter from Miss Emmet is to her sister, Mrs. Le Roy:

Dublin, August 15th, 1842.

"After sipping the sweets of the Devil's Punch Bowl at Killarney, you will think, My dear Eliza-
beth, that I must be just in good order to answer your folio letter of six pages, which I received on
my return to Dublin and read with the greatest pleasure; not excepting the two scrub epistles at the
end, and were I not again pressed for time while writing I would try what virtue there is in crossing,
but I am afraid I cannot today. Mary Ann also received one from you a week later, we conjecture, for
Jane began it and put no date.

I am grieved to learn that John [her brother] is still so much a sufferer as you state, I had hoped
that he would have recruited fast when among you all and with summer weather. It seems too hard
that he should be obliged to go before our return when we are so near it, but I know how necessary a
warm climate is to him and the end of September may be too late for him to travel.

We leave this for Scotland in a couple of days taking the North of Ireland first. We spent four
days in Killarney and would willingly have remained longer, as we had such torrents of rain some part
of the time that we had to forego several excursions on that account. The lakes are very beautiful and
the mountains fine and water falls, all with some legend of fairies and enchantment about them, with
O'Donoghues and O'Sullivans for the heroes. Indeed there is not a rock or island that has not its tale
of romance.

We have not been able to hear as much genuine Irish wit as 1 expected. But the common
people we have come in contact with, have been spoiled by being guides &c. — and training their wit.
However, the old man who took us in for the night, in our trouble on the road, told me that I "spoke
a deal entirely plain" for one coming from America and a day or two in the bogs would have brought
the real stuff out I am sure. The same ill luck about houses attended us on our return from Killarney,
although travelling a different route and we were once actually floored by two or three countrv gentle-
men "who pay the rent," (pigs) who in settling some private quarrel dashed between our horses' legs
and threw them both down, postilion and all. It had been raining hard and we had to dismount from
the carriage in a perfect sea, and found both horses' knees shockingly cut. They proved to be but
flesh wounds, but had we had any other resource our humanity would have prompted us to take it
instead of going on with them, which we were obliged to do after a time on a slow walk, however,
and for a short distance. From Limerick we had no trouble, and on our way we paid a visit to Mrs.
Harper, a cousin of Mama who was Miss Colville, and Miss Margaret Colville. They had written
to Dublin hoping we would spend a day with them on our way to Killarney, but we went a different
direction and the family are in much trouble about a son of Mr. Colville at Ctontarf who died the day
after our visit. As we passed through the town, where they were living, coming back, we thought we
would call even if they were not at home, and I am glad we did, for it is delightful to see how affec-
tionately Mamma is remembered and to feel so warmly welcomed for her sake. Had Mr. Colville's
family not been in distress I am sure we would have spent part of our time with them, and they
seemed to live very pleasantly in the country. As it is they have been constantly sending fine fruit
and the delicacies of the season to Uncle John for us. Uncle John is a perfect contrast to Mamma,
slow in speaking and very absent, but he has a great deal of fun and such perfect good humor that
everybody loves him and he has a mind stored with information. In traveling whenever we were in a
difficulty, he always had some improvement or invention which was just making that would have suited
our case exactly, had it been in general use. Once when our boat was aground, he said there was one
just invented with wheels at the bottom, for such an emergency; again when we could not stem the
rapids and were wishing our boat could be carried, there was an India rubber one making by some
one, and so on in his quiet way.

We have seen Mr. Holmes twice; he was absent when we first arrived and did not return until
a day or two before we went South. He is a fine looking old man, but not one my heart warms to,
for altho' he is not what you would call a reserved man, there is no glow about him which would draw
you near to him as a relation."

158 Social Status

I not by my education and fortune, by the rank and consideration of my family,
have placed myself among the proudest of your oppressors."

In the history of the family a series of letters will be given which were
written to T. A. Emmet while in prison. Frequent reference is made in these
letters to prominent persons in Ireland, and in a manner to show clearly what
had been the social position of the family before the political troubles of the
day overwhelmed its members.

The writer recalls seeing his grandmother, Mrs. T. A. Emmet, burn a large
mass of letters, or other papers, during the winter of 1841, while on a visit
to one of his uncles, then living in Broome Street; in fact, as a thoughtless
boy, he aided her in doing so by gathering up what had fallen from the grate.
But one single record seems to have been preserved, and that is a Bible con-
taining the family record of the grandfather and father of T. A. Emmet; but
for this nothing would be known beyond the name of his father.

It has, unfortunately, been only within the past fifty years that any attempt
has been made, and only by the writer, to ascertain anything of the family
history. While this search has been essentially an exhaustive one in both
England and Ireland, it was productive of little beyond the accumulation of
a mass of material bearing only on a part of the general history of the family,
and chiefly relating to the political courses of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet.

A portion of these papers showed that there were certain striking pecu-
liarities or facts strangely associated almost everywhere with the name of
Emmet. We may recall the circumstance stated in relation to the close re-
semblance of the arms borne by the different branches of the family for
centuries past, and without relation to the different modes of spelling the name.
It has also been found in nearly every generation, and in every branch, that
the Christian names of Christopher, Robert, William, Thomas and John have
been those most commonly used. Again, the records of England and Ireland
show, during the past three hundred years, that an unusually large proportion
of the Emmets, with the various modes of spelling, have been professional
men, generally "married well", and evidently to superior women, as a rule,
who were able to train their children to the best advantage.

So far as could be judged, from a large number of wills examined, there
is no evidence that the Emmets at any time possessed great wealth, but all
seemed to have been in comfortable circumstances, as, with a single exception,
no one of the name was found on the records of the Bankruptcy Courts. This
would indicate a prudent, thrifty race, with little taste for show, and one in-
clined to live within its means. But the most remarkable circumstance noted
was the fact that the family has occupied essentially the same social position
from our earliest records to the present day — a fact doubtless to be attributed
to the training of professional life and to the consequent development and
maintenance of the intellectual faculties. Medicine seems to have been a
favorite profession, and many have been successful at the Bar, but not a clergy-
man bearing the name has been found in Ireland. In the north of England
there have been several of the Established Church of the name of Emmott,

Family Connections 159

and at a more recent period the Rev. M. Emmet became prominent in England
as a Methodist minister.

Spooner, in his "History of the Fine Arts", etc. ( New York, 1865 I, men-
tions Win. Emmett, "an English engraver, who flourished about 1710. He
engraved a number of prints for the booksellers, among which is a large view
of the interior of St. Paul's Church, executed with the graver in a neat, clear
style."

In O'Hart's "Irish Pedigrees" it is stated from Agnew's "French Pro-
testants" that an individual bearing the name of Emet was naturalized in Ire-
land between 1689 and 1701. It would seem that he was of Huguenot descent
from Holland, and came over to Ireland among the followers of William,
Prince of Orange.

Within the personal experience of the writer there have been seven different
families of Emmet (with the name variously spelt) unknown to each other,
and from different parts of the world, who have claimed to be in direct descent
from Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet, or more remotely connected with the
same family. So fixed has the tradition become that it is impossible to prove
how the question of relationship originated, it becoming finally accepted as
true, on the alleged claim of some progenitor who knew the facts, but has since
died.

I recall two noted instances ; that of Mrs. General Botha and the Reverend
Thomas Addis Emmet, S. J., whose father was an Irishman. A member of
the Tucker family who was of position in the East India Company, when the
British Government annexed India, was a first cousin of the writer's grand-
father, on his mother's side.

After a visit to Bermuda some sixty years ago the writer became pos-
sessed of some papers connected with this official, where frequent mention
was made of a General Emmott, who had spent his life in the East India
service. He was a native of Yorkshire in England, and when the East India
Company ceased to exist the General was pensioned and given some office con-
nected with the government at Cape Town, where he finally died. Mrs. Botha's
father was undoubtedly descended from this General Emmott, but her name
had been changed to Emmet and she had two brothers, Thomas Addis and
Robert Emmet who served through the Boer War with great credit. Through
the aid of the late Michael Davitt, the writer was able to correspond with Mrs.
Botha, but she had no proof of relationship nor extended knowledge of her
own family's settlement at the Cape nor of any connection with Ireland, and
yet the family continues to hold the claim.

The family of the Catholic clergyman was from Ireland, but he possessed
no knowledge of his history and held nothing more than the tradition that a
relationship did exist.

From the birth of Christopher, the grandfather of Thomas Addis and
Robert Emmet, every connection of the family is perfectly well known. Chris-
topher, who was born in 1700, may have had a brother or sister of whom the
present members of the family have no record.

160 Question of Descent

But Christopher, as will be shown, had only two children. The eldest
son, and his child, died young. Dr. Robert Emmet, the remaining child and the
youngest, had three sons and a daughter who passed the period of adolescence.
Temple, the eldest, died as a young man, and had but one daughter who also
died at an early age.

The children of Thomas Addis Emmet all settled in New York, except
the writer's father, and an uncle, who died early in life as a midshipman in
the United States navy. The history of all these was known to the writer
in as close detail as ever the life of one individual could be to another. There-
fore, the claim of relationship with the family of Robert Emmet at any time
within at least 210 years can only rest on an illegitimate connection.

But from the writer's intimate knowledge of the lives of the male mem-
bers of the family, it seems an absurdity to suppose they ever had any illegiti-
mate children. There can not exist the slightest basis for the claim of those
who hold they have descended directly from Robert Emmet. He never mar-
ried and both friend and foe who knew him from childhood, agree that his
moral character, in every relation, was in accord with the highest standard
of purity.

The Irish question has never passed into history because it has never passed out of
politics.

Lord Rosebery.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Christopher Emett and Rebecca
Temple, his wife

In the sad picture of her destruction Ireland exhibits not the maiestic ruins of a nation.
Before Ireland could be a nation she became a province; before Ireland could be a peo-
ple her inhabitants 'were made slaves, attached not to their country, but to their soil.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter II

Irish relations and ancestors of the present generation of the Emmet family in the
United States of America— Christopher Emett, M.D., marriages and connections — Dr.
Robert Emmet of Dublin— Author— Medical work and a number of poems.

T has been shown that different branches of the Emmet
family were in Ireland during three hundred years, and
in England for centuries before. Yet between them and
the ancestors of the family now in the United States no
direct communication could be traced, nor is there any
record of this branch earlier than the beginning of the
eighteenth century.

The American family came from Thomas Emett, the
father of Christopher Emett, of whom nothing more is
known. Christopher was born in 1700, as was ascertained from the
headstone over his grave in the yard of the Tipperary parish church.
He was a physician or surgeon, and, according to Dr. Madden's state-
ment, had a large practice at the time of his death. He probably
practised surgery chiefly and did not take the degree of Doctor of Medi-
cine, which would explain why he had never styled himself "Doctor", and in
fact nothing more than "Christopher Emett, Gent"," as his signature appears
upon several documents. He married, February 9th, 1727, Rebecca, only
daughter of Thomas Temple, Esq., of Ten Hills — near Boston — and grand-
daughter of Sir Purbeck Temple, Bart.* Her father resided for the greater
portion of his life in America, as did his son Robert, and his grandsons Robert
and John Temple. They married in New England, and their descendants, as
will be shown, became afterwards more closely related to the Emmet family.
Christopher and Rebecca Emett had but two children :

1. Thomas Emett, who was born in 1728, married Grace Russell, and had
one child. The father died of smallpox June 27th, 1758. His child expired
on the following day from the same disease, and both were buried in the same
grave in the town of Tipperary. Mrs. Emett died in Dublin, about 1788, at
the house of Dr. Robert Emmet, and in her will she directed that she should be
buried in the same grave with her husband and child.

"See Appendix. Note II, for history of the Temple Family.

161

162 Will of Christopher Emett

2. Robert Emett was born in Tipperary, November 29th, 1729, and the de-
tails of his life will be given hereafter.

Christopher Emett died in Tipperary, leaving the following will :

In the name of God, Amen. I, Christopher Emett, of Tippperary, in the County of
Tipperary, being at present in a bad state of health, but of sound mind and memory,
thanks be to God, do make and declare this to be my last Will and Testament, revoking
all former wills by me made and declaring this and no other to be my last Will and
Testament, in the manner following :

First, I give to my dearly beloved wife Rebecca Emett the sum of fifty pounds,
and my plate and household linen, which fifty pounds I desire she may be paid first,
the debts justly due of me having been discharged. I farther bequest unto my wife,
during her widowhood, the use of her choice Room, and the furniture thereof, in the
House we now dwell in, together with the Interest I now have in the Fairs and Mar-
kets of this Town, she discharging, paying, and fullfilling the several Articles which I
am subject to in the Lease which I have of the same, and if my said wife should
think proper to marry after my decease, my will is that both my sons pay her two
hundred and fifty pounds sterling over and above the fifty pounds first given and be-
queathed to her, or if my said wife and all, or any, of my Executors, jointly with her
hereafter named, shall think proper to Iett or sell all or any of my Freehold Leases,
real or personal Estate, which I hereby empower them to do, my Will is that She re-
ceives the said fifty pounds as in case of such marriage.

The remainder of my worldly substance to go and be equally divided between my
two sons Thos. Emett and Robert Emett, and in case of the death of both before
arriving at the lawful age, then my Will is that if my wife be living that she may be
paid two hundred pounds more than heretofore given her, but if she should not be
living my Will is that one hundred pounds of the above two hundred pounds intended
for her be paid to my sister in law Elizabeth Temple, of the city of Dublin, if she be
then living, and fifty pounds to my sister in law Agnes Cuthbert, of Castlebarr, if she
should be then living, and not otherwise, and if not, that and the remainder of my Sub-
stance to be equally divided between my brothers and sisters, or as many as shall be
living of them, except fifty pounds which I leave to my nephew Christopher Emett, son
of William Emett, and forty pounds to my nephew John Mahony, in case of such con-
tingencies as hereinbefore expressed; and it is further my will and desire that neither
of my sons should marry before they arrive at the age of twenty-two years without
the consent of my wife first had, and the consent of Joseph White, Esq., or of Ambrose
Harding with hers, and in case either of them should, then he to receive twenty-five pounds
and no more, and the Legacy herein intended for him to go to his brother. But in
case they should both marry before they arrive to such age, then their legacies to be
disposed of between them, as my wife, Ambrose Harding, Esq., and Joseph White,
Esq., see proper, and it is my will that if any dispute arise between my sons on account
of the legacy herein intended for them, that the same may be determined by Ambrose
Harding, Esq., Joseph White, and my wife, or any two of them, and in case of them
refusing, then to any other three honest gentlemen, of which James Reardon, of the
town of Tipperary if living be one, which determination shall be final to such dispute,
and in case either of them shall not abide by such determination, then to receive twenty
pounds and no more.

I nominate, constitute and appoint the aforesaid Ambrose Harding, Joseph White,
Rebecca Emett, my wife, and Samuel Taylor, of Waterford, Gentn, executor of this my
last Will and Testament; I appoint my said wife Rebecca and said Samuel Taylor
guardians of my said sons Thomas and Robert during each of their minorities.

In witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal this twentyeth day of
April, in the year of our Lord God one thousand and seven hundred and forty-three.

Christopher Emett [seal].

Kindred of Christopher Emett 163

Signed, scaled, published and declared liy the said Testator to be his last Will and
Testament in presence of us who have signed our names as Witness in his Pri i
the words "and I appoint my said wife Rebecca and Samuel Taylor, guardians of my
said sons Thomas and U'ol.i'U during each of their minorities", being first above inter-
lined between the thirty-third and thirty-fourth lines.

Witness:

John Armstrong, Saml. Corbett, Rudolph Holib.

The last Will and Testament of Christopher Emett, late of Tipperary, in the county of
Tipperary, Gent., deed., leaving and so forth, was proved and approved in common form
of law and registered in his Majesty's Court of Prerogative and the Burden of the
Executive of the said Will and administration of the goods of the said deed, were
granted by the Most Rev. Father John and so forth, also Judge and soforth, to Rebecca
Emett, widow and relict of the said deed., and Samuel Taylor, of the city of Dublin,
Gentn., two of ye Execrs. named in ye said Will, they being first sworn. Saving the right
of Ambrose Harding and Joseph White, Esqs., the other Execrs. and soforth. Dated the
fourteenth day of November in ye year of our Lord 1743 — and they have to exhibit an
Inventory on or before the last day of May next ensuing.

Christopher Emett evidently had a number of brothers and sisters, as is
shown by the provision made in his will that under a certain contingency the
property should "be equally divided between my brothers and sisters, or as
many as shall be living of them". He mentions by name only his brother
William, and so far no clue has been obtained to indicate the names of his other
brothers or their place of residence, consequently it is impossible to trace the
relationship between those of the name known to have been living at that time
in Ireland. Possibly Christopher's other brothers were without male children,
or if this was not so their male descendants, as well as those of their nephew
Christopher, died out in the next generation.

The proof of this rests on the letter given in the twenty-fifth chapter and
written to Peter Burrowes by Thomas Addis Emmet, shortly after settling in this
country, and already referred to, in which he states — "there is not now in
Ireland an individual that bears the name of Emmet." This positive assertion
must be accepted without question, as it cannot be supposed that Mr. Emmet
could have been either ignorant of the facts or indifferent to the truth of such
an important statement.

It seems not unlikely, from evidence to be presented, that one of Christo-
pher's sisters married a Joseph White, who was probably of the same family
as Nathl. White, the Plymouth merchant, and that the Joseph White who was
executor to Christopher Emett's will was the son of Nathaniel. It is also
likely that one of the sisters of Christopher married a Mr. Taylor, and that
he was the father of Samuel Taylor selected by Christopher Emett as one of
his executors and to be the guardian of his children. It is also likely that still
another sister of Christopher married Thomas Addis, a merchant of Cork. It
is thought that Mr. Addis married twice, Joana Emett being his first wife and
Jane his widow. His will was dated May 19th, 1719, and it was proved June
6th, 1724. It may be inferred from the date of proving the will that Mr. Addis
died in the spring of 1724.*

•The Addis family was one of importance in Cork. Ireland, throughout the 17th century. Mem-
bers of this family frequently served as mayor or sheriff of Cork. The cutlery, and particularly the

164 The Addis Family

He left one son, Fenton Addis, who was an only child and by his first wife.
Fenton Addis was a lawyer by profession and practised in Cork for many
years. While we have no positive proof of the exact degree of relationship,
it is known that one did exist. Mr. Addis lived well past the middle of the
eighteenth century, and his connection with Dr. Emmet's family could only
have been based on some relationship. Fenton Addis's wife died in 1744; he
had no children, and evidently on his death his effects passed to Dr. Robert
Emmet. In proof of this surmise the writer has a number of books which he
inherited from his father, and which doubtless originally formed part of the
library of his grandfather, T. A. Emmet. These books contain the bookplate
or signature of Fenton Addis, and from the date of publication of some of
them it is evident that he was alive as late as the birth of Thomas Addis
Emmet. In precisely the same manner the family inherited a silver snuffbox
with a large bloodstone on the top set around with Irish garnets. On the in-
side of the cover is inserted what is supposed to be a rare form of bloodstone,
perfectly white, with a blot in the center resembling a fresh drop of blood.
Around this stone is the inscription: "This Box to be kept in ye family of
Thomas Addis for ye last of his male line, A.D. 1708. — Value 10 pds." At
the time of Fenton Addis's death his immediate family had apparently died
out, and this snuffbox naturally-. went to _pr. , Emmet for his son bearing the
name of Addis.

One of the bequests made in Christopher's will was to Elizabeth Temple,
his wife's sister, and also "fifty pounds to my sister-in-law Agnes Cuthbert, of
Castlebarr, if she should be then living, and not Otherwise."* There is nothing
to show who this "sister-in-law" could have been. The only possible explana-
tion seems to be that she was his sister and not a sister-in-law, as stated in the
will. This view is suggested from the reading of the will of Dr. Wm. Cuthbert,
as follows :

In the name of God, amen. I William Cuthbert, of the city of Dublin, gent., being
of sound and disposing mind, memory and understanding, do make my last Will and
Testament in manner following, — that is to say I give, devise and bequeath unto my
beloved wife Mary Cuthbert, otherwise Phibbs, in addition to her marriage articles with
me, which I hereby confirm, all my real and personal estate of what kind and nature
so ever towards her better support and maintinance, except my books in physick and
chirurgery, which I hereby devise to my former wife's nephew Dr. Robert Emmitt,
and do nominate, constitute and appoint my said wife Mary sole executive of this my
will, hereby revoking all former wills by me made and declaring this to be my last Will
and Testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal, this
twenty-fifth day of April in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-three. Willm. Cuthbert [sEAL]t

carving tools, made by the Addis family, were noted features of Irish industry for generations. The
family seemed to have died out during the following century in Cork or emigrated to New England.
The following newspaper cutting was sent to me while writing this work and it would seem to indicate
that some of the family had settled in Connecticut:

(3651.) 1. Addis, Ancestry wanted of the following-named: James Addis of Durham, Conn.,
a soldier in Revolution. Samuel Addis who married Submit Bartlett. Thomas Addis of Durham, Conn.,
born 1739, died April 14, 1827. Thomas Addis of Westbrook, Conn., 1764. Thomas Addis of Litchfield,
Conn., who married Abby De Wolf. Thomas Addis, who married Susanna Larrabee in Boston, 1748.

*The author recently looking over a file of papers printed in Dublin during the later portion of
1797, saw the advertisement of a house to be let in Dublin, and "possession given immediately or sooner
if desired".

tAmong the State Prisoners at Fort George and a leader in the organization of United Irishmen

IS 1

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

DR. ROBERT EMMET
of Dublin, from a miniature, about 1 760

Dr. Robert Emmet 165

Signed, scaled, published and declared by the Testator as his last Will and testa
merit in presence of us who in his presence at his request, and in presence of each
other, have subscribed our names as witnesses:

Thomas Taylor, Wm. Bill, Alex*. Sparow.

It is evident from this document that Agnes Cuthhert was a sister of Chris-
topher Emett and the first wife of Dr. Cuthhert.

Christopher Emett also mentions his nephew, John Mahony, whose mother
was Diana Emett, another sister. John Mahony's sister married a Dr.
Macoubry, of Anacloy, Downpatrick, Ireland. A letter from T. A. Emmet
to his kinswoman, Mrs. Macoubry, relating t<> the birth of a sun, and one
from Dr. Emmet, referring to the arrest of his son, will be given hereafter, and
reference to these letters is made, as through them the relationship to Diana
Emett was traced. Mrs. Macaubry's daughter, Diana, married Mr. John Gerd-
wood, originally of Edinburgh, but who settled afterwards in the north of
Ireland. The widow of her son, Mrs. Sarah Gerdwood, presented the writer
with these letters to Mrs. Macoubry, with an account of the family connection.

Another point of interest is presented in this last will. The testator desig-
nates himself as "Wm. Cuthhert, of the city of Dublin, Gent.," without making
any reference to his profession, which he most likely would have done if en-
titled to the degree of "Doctor of Medicine." This explanation applies equally
to Dr. Christopher Emett, who was termed by others a physician, though he
never used the title himself, notwithstanding that he no doubt practised both
medicine and surgery. The only explanation is the one already given, that he
obtained the degree of surgeon, and consequently would have been ad-
dressed, according to the English custom, as Mr. Emett, while his social posi-
tion entitled him to the designation "Gentn."

Robert Emmet, the youngest son. became a noted physician. He received
his degree of medicine from the University of Montpellier, France, about 1750,
and began the practice of his profession in Cork, Ireland. In 1753 Dr. Emmet
wrote a medical work* on some of the diseases of women, which was originally
published in Latin and was afterwards translated into French and English,
with two editions printed in Paris, and one in England. f

Dr. Robert Emmet wrote quite a large volume of poemsj while a medical
student, and for several years after, between 1750 and 1765. The writer felt
a delicacy in making any attempt to pass judgment on the merit of these poems

was a Joseph Cuthbert, but no mention is known to have ever been made of him by Mr. Emmet, as
would have been the case had he been a relative of Dr. Wm. Cuthbert.

*Tentamina Medica, de Mensium Fluxu et de Curatione Morborum Cephalicorum. Auctore,
Roberto Emett, Med. Bacc. e Societate Regia Scientiarum, Monspeliense, MDCCLIII.

fThe writer has possessed the four editions.

JThe volume in which these poems were written is bound in vellum, made of thick Dutch paper,
and despite its having been subjected to rough usage, the skill of the book-binder has preserved its
condition.

Previous to being put to its present use. 25 or 30 pnges were cut out, so close that the nature of
the manuscript which has been removed cannot be determined. The first poem written in the book
bears the title "A Poem on a Harvest Day, in three parts, (Morning. Noon and Night), Cork, Sept.
1758". The poems bear various dates between the first written and the last in 1763 while near the end,
1754 and 1755 are given, showing the^e had been composed at a previous time and were copied in after
"The Harvest Day" was written. These poems were written while Dr. Emmet lived in Cork, a
number, before his marriage, and several while a student. Many years after, it would seem, Robert
Emmet, Jr. had as a child been reading his father's poems, many of which he had seen were signed
by the elder. A particular one he noticed had not been signed so he supplied the deficiency with
the signature "Robbert Emmet", in a large copy-book form, an accomplishment he had evidently but
recently acquired.

166 Dr. Emmet's Poems

of Dr. Robert Emmet and hesitated to choose what parts were worthy of pub-
lication. He, therefore, submitted the matter to an old friend, Mr. J. I. C.
Clarke, the journalist and poet. Had Mr. Clarke never written more than
"Kelly and Burke and Shea", in prose or poetry, he would be entitled to a most
prominent position in the literary world. Mr. Clarke's reply was as follows:

I have found Dr. Emmet's verses extremely interesting. He was, I presume, at
the time a young man, probably under thirty, educated to the full and in touch with
all the literature and art of his day. He had the true poetic bent, and an admirable
technique. As you know, it is impossible for anyone to write outside his cycle, that is he
must express himself in the line of the greater writers around him. Hence the influence
of Pope, the dominant note of his time, is most felt, but in a particular way he was
influenced also by Gray. The "Harvest Day" is very largely so, several phrases from
the "Elegy in a Country Churchyard" finding their way into his lines. However, I
have chosen the third or "Evening" part for copying, because it gives a picture of
country life in Ireland of 1758 that is fairly illuminative. The affectation that colors
most of the poetry of the eighteenth century is naturally present. These were described
in a pompous way. The classics were plentifully drawn on for illustration.
The names of gods and goddesses are sprinkled over it. You get the idea when you
read the eighteenth century poets of England that they wrote with ruffles on their
shirts, with periwigs and wore red heels. I am having a number of the poems copied,
making them as varied as possible. He is most natural in "A Letter to a Friend".

In a subsequent letter, as to the advisability of placing the remaining por-
tion of The "Harvest Day" in the Appendix, Mr. Clarke wrote —

The whole poem is good mid-eighteenth century verse. The thing that is most
valuable in it to me is the light that it throws on the agricultural and rustic customs
of the times in Ireland. "Evening" has most of these. The other parts "Morning" and
"Noon" are poetically all right, to go in the Appendix. As I wrote before, the "Letter
to a Friend" is the best and most human thing in the book, and the Lyrics are good also.
(See Appendix, Note III.)

Evening*

No more the cooling streams delight

The coverts please no more,
The Sun descends his mid-day height

And coasts Ierne's shore.
The lab'rer eyes his steep career,

And marks well pleas'd the ray
Which speaks the well watch'd hour near

And ends the hir'd day.

2.
The goaded oxen now set free

Tend loweing in the vale
And slowly winding o'er the lee

Their fellow oxen hail.
And now wide stretching o'er the lawn

The lengthen'd shades appear
Of peasants who at russet dawn

The silent valleys cheer.

*See Appendix, Note III, for remainder of the poem.

"Evening' 167

3.
In sportive groups they quit the field

Nor toils their vigour marr
For there behold one active wield

And loss the massive barr.
Here with a rock's enormous weight

I [igh on his arm upbore
Each arduous strives to emulate

The Swains who cast before.

4.
Still more laborious, there one joyns

A seeming frantick train
Which tightly girt around their loins

Drive furious o'er the plane.
The youth of neighb'ring villas, they

Met eager to decide
Superior strengtli and skill in play,
For villagers have pride.

5.
And active now they hurl the ball

And eagerly pursue,
They cross, they jostle, tripp and fall

Each other to outdo,
And stung with love of rustick fame

Each anxious plays his part
Runs, pants and toils to win the game
And prove superior art.

6.
But hark! the Groves harmonious ring,

And crowding to the fray
The fledg'd musicians fondly sing

The vespers of the day.
In concert wild their notes arise

As fades the setting light
An instinct hommage to the skies
And bid the Day good night.

7.
For now disrob'd of all his blaze

The West'rn Sun behold
His glory cropt and dimm'd his rays

A lucid sphere of gold;
Now scarce above the upland height

Appears the fading ray
And sudden now withdrawn from sight

It dips into the Sea.

8.
Now home the peacefull sheperd tends

His fleecy charge secure
Th' endearing glance fond Mopsa sends
And greets him at the door.

168 "Evening"

And there light tripping o'er the vale

The merry milk-maids come
Or burthen'd with the foaming pail

Return jocund home.

The attentive ploughman there behold

Gaze on the ruddy sky
And from just observation bold

Pronounce the morrow dry.
Or now tho' settl'd and serene

The gilded clouds appear,
He dooms it lost in constant rain

Without one ray to cheer.

10.
His knowledge not from books he draws

Or schoolmen's learn'd pride
Hydraulick rules or nature's laws,

Experience is his guide.
Instructed hence the field he leaves

Eve low'rs the' impending tide
And counts the future harvest's sheaves

Stretch'd by his fire's side.

11.
Instructed hence, t' elude the flight

And save the embryo grain
He waits the moon's returning Light

Nor trusts th' abortive wane.
But hark ! in close of Ceres rites

The hagart's toil complete
The frolick bagpipes' sound invites

The Lab'rers to a treat.

12.
And there behold the sportive band

Pleas'd with th' Eolian sound
Give each to each the willing hand

And dance the merry round.
No artfull modes of dance they know

The Louvres measur'd pace
The Rigadoon, the Pasby slow

Or minuet's easy grace.

13.
By nature's laws alert they move

And vigour wings their heels,
And there observe intent on Love

How gracefull Sic'ly wheels.
With looks intent wher'ere she turns

Young Roger's eyes pursue,
And Sic'ly too for Roger burns

Could Roger but be true.

Evening" 169-

14.
But see pale Cynthia lights her lamp

And spreading o'er the sky
Thick charg'd with chilling aguish damp

The dusky vapours fly.
Now home the ru Stick Swains retire

That peacefull happy home
Where dread cabals and vengefull ire

Are seldom known to come.

15.
Nor sooner on the peacefull bed

Their cumbrous limbs are thrown
Than Somnus waves the scepter'd lead

And marks them for his own.
Sleep on, ye Sons of health full toil,

Enjoy the soft repose,
No tortur'd dreams your slumbers spoil

With scenes of fancy 'd woes.

16.

The sultry heat is now forgot

The day's fatigue is o'er
Joy, Health and Peace await your Lot,

What has a monarch more?
Not oft so much, since anxious cares

Their secret hours employ
And thousand doubts, distrusts and fears

The regal peace destroy.

17.
Learn hence this truth, ye grave and gay

Wherewith intent to please
The rustick muse would close her lay

And set each heart at Ease.
In want or wealth, in hinds or kings

Proportion'd bliss you'll find,
Content from no condition springs,

Its source is in the mind.

The education of a people must be its otvn 'work, the spontaneous effect of its o<wn
genius.

T. A. Emmet.

It has been the curse of Ireland to derive no advantage from the 'wisdom and virtue of
the English sovereigns, yet to be the peculiar victim of their crimes.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter III

Poems of Dr. Robert Emmet continued — Marriage — The Mason family — Families
in Co. Kerry connected with the Emmet family by this marriage — Their mode of living —
Never very loyal to Great Britain — Dr. Emmet's residence in Dublin— Birthplace of
Robert Emmet, Jr. — Names of some of the visitors to Dr. Emmet's house — Buckingham,
appoints Dr. Emmet State physician, and to other positions — Different modes of spelling
the name of Emmet — Madden's opinion of Dr. Emmet and his wife — His sons — The
writer's meeting with Dr. Madden — The Temple family in New England — As loyalists
returned to Ireland and lived with Dr. Emmet — How Dr. Emmet became a republican —
Thomas Addis Emmet a republican — How the sons were influenced — The family's distrust
of Napoleon — Ireland would probably have been a French province had the brothers
Emmet acted otherwise — Patten's account of Dr. Emmet's course in training his sons — Dr.
Emmet the father of seventeen children — All but four dead in early childhood — The sup-
posed cause — Injustice of Grattan and Curran in their account of Dr. Emmet — Training
of his sons — The loss of the Emmet effects after the imprisonment of T. A. Emmet —
Grattan's portrait in possession of Dr. Emmet— Emmet residence at "Casino".

S it was felt that "Harvest Day," the poem from which
the selection given in the last chapter was made, was
too lengthy to incorporate in the text, the "Morning"
and "Noon" portions will be found in the Appendix
(Note III). The following selections consist of shorter
complete poems.

From a Poem — On the Death of a Friend

IN IMITATION OF MR. YOUNG

Almighty God, thou great eternal cause,
Primceval source of all things which exist,
Who by the mere volition of thy will
Didst call forth matter from the shapeless Void,
And on the warring Elements impress
That beauteous harmony which all pervades.
Thou God to whom this perdurance of time
Which seems so wondrous to the human thought
Appears as bounded as immense to man.
Oh ! how can we, the helpless sons of earth,
Of whom such millions perish in the birth
Without one bit of judgement or of thought
And loose Existence 'ere they well exist.
170

1757.

'On the Death of a Friend" 171

Or if existing for so short a space
Its longest period seems luit ;i day,
Much less! a moment, with respect of thee
How can (I say), this helpless human race,
The short liv'd tenants of a pigmy sphere,
Which when in ballance with creation's scale
Seems like an atom ballanced with a world,
How can such beings impotent to stretch
And Life protract one moment to their wish
Expect to rise immortal from the Grave
Exist eternal and coequal Thee?
Here Reason staggers and Reflection fails
"Tis Faith alone, enlivening faith can cheer
And give the glad assurance of hereafter.

A Letter to a Friend

1.
Whence, prithee, Bob, proceeds this sullen mood
This sulky silence which you have pursu'd
For three whole weeks? What, not one word of news
But what the Journal can supply or Pues?
In vain you'll plead attention to the Laws
For that, my friend, could never be the cause
Silent and guiltless now the Four Courts stand
And Justice still may loiter in the Land.
But if to silence me your scheme was meant
'Tis all in vain, I'll baffle your intent
And write to you as free as I'd converse,
Nay more to plague you too, perhaps in verse.
'Tis true this method may take up some time
To sort the words and hitch them into Rhime
But that I may comply with ; for to you
My friend, I own I've little else to do.

2.
Physicians now in vain would boast their knowledge
Improv'd by books, and ripen'd at a colledge
It stands them, faith, in very little stead
As Boerhaave great, as elegant as Mead
'Tis all a jest in vain they'd hope to rise
In twenty thousand men how many wise?
Perhaps one dozen ; good, the odds are great ;
And could this dozen wise afford them meat?
I fancy not ; then take the saveing Rule
A wise man's interest is to play the fool ;
Judgement and sense are trimmings to his coat
But 'tis address that makes a man of note;
And hence it is the art of every trade
Is that by which a fortune must be made,
Hence fawning Quacks defraud us of our bread
And safe since silence rules the toung-ty'd dead.

172 "A Letter to a Friend "

3.
Still on they venture with assassin hand
Heavens great vice-gerents, to destroy the Land
As bold as Ignorant, they wickedly advise
Nor think by them the victim patient dies,
But talk familiar on all points inform'd
And boast of cures miraculous perform'd.
Miraculous indeed ! if potent nature
Or Providence in pity to its creature
Eludes their Ignorance with doubtfull strife*
And bids the poison'd wretch escape with Life.

4.
Lamprey sells sword blades yet has too much sense
Because he sells them, to inferr from thence
That he might venture to instruct by rule
And from a cutler keep a pushing school.
Read makes good Lancets, Bistories, Trephines
Gripes, Scalpels, Crochets, Gorgerets, Grephines,
Yet (farr as I could ever learn) the man
Has never yet attempted to trepan,
Nor do I think it could be fairly shewn
He ever cut one patient for the stone
Much less the Hands employ'd about the wheel
To give the polish or fine edge the steel.

Not so by Physick all whom she employs
Nurse tenders, midwives, pothecaries' boj'S
Druggists of both sorts, a tremendous tribe
With wondrous ease and confidence prescribe,
Surgeons and barbers horrid to endure !
The very pestle-boy can boast some cure.
Well, then, suppose our knowledge thus despis'd,
I should resolve on what you have advis'd,
Read Wood's Institutes and then proceed
To Coke on Littleton, the lawyers creed,
With tropes and figures all in order plac'd
Conscience thrown off and Bashfullness effac'd
For here I own true modesty appears
To stop preferment for at least ten years,
And thus equipt should enter at the barr
A willing soldier for the quibbling warr.
Heavens, what a thought ! my very heart recoils
At the bare project and your counsel spoils;
What. — Hire out my Lungs, my Life, and more
My very honesty — to prove some whore,
Some publick prostitute a virtuous mother,
And for her bastard cheat her husband's brother ;
To crush the orphan, swell the widow's cries,
Oppress th' oppress'd and on their ruin rise.
Term after term, still protract a cause
Expound, mistake, distort, confuse the laws,

*The expression seems a little bold here, as if the omnipotence of Providence was scarce able to
overcome and baffle the ignorance of quacks, I own it is so. I have not a properer to substitute, and
certainly if omnipotence could be baffled it would be in this instance. [Dr. Robert Emmet's note.]

'In Vain My Dear Betty" V3

Wrest honest words from their most ohvious meaning
And baffle justice by my false explaining.
Or if supporting in so strange a way
So slow, so venal, for such monstrous pay
That equity gives up, alike undone
If costs go for her or against, all on<
No, rather still let poverty be mine
Than by such methods heap th' Asturian mine
What wealth in millions of such illgot gold?
None sure to me when decripit and old
Reflection holds her mirrour to record
The actions past, and seal the great award.
January, 1760.

The Ninth Ode of Horace

Avoid my friend th' unlicens'd stretch of mind

To know what Length, or State of Life's assign'd ;

Nor ask the Babylonian Cheats what Power

Or Starrs presided at your natal hour.

If fate allows you many years to run

Or with this Season the short thread be spun,

Be wise alike and promt of your time

At best 'tis short; indulge in mirth and wine

Nor trust to Hope: for that in prospect lies

Whilst with each breath a hasty minute flys.

Then snatch the present, that alone is given,

Resign'd, submit futurity to Heaven.

In Vain My Dear Betty

1.
In vain, my dear Betty ; your bosom you steel
Against the soft anguish you surely must feel ;
In the bloom of your youth and so pleasing to sight
You'll be teaz'd into Love and must yield to delight.

2.
Even now while you slight me examine your heart
Yet a novice in Love, and a stranger to art,
Don't you feel some emotions you cannot explain,
A something you know not if pleasure or pain?

The innocent blush spreads a bloom on your face
And beauty disordered acquires new grace;
Consult your own heart, what I say it will prove
I tell you my dear, they're symptoms of Love.

4.
Then since you must love ; and sure love is no crime,
Indulge its first essays, the present's your time;
Enjoy life's best blessing, improve the soft flame
Whose joys can't be painted, whose bliss wants a name.

174 " No More My Fond Bosom ' '

5.
Nor dread those distastes which so often are said
To ruffle Love's pleasures and Hymen's blest bed,
For believe me, my dear, they can only take place
When choice has been founded on fortune or face.

Their rage you may smile at 'tis all a mistake
Distrust should attend but where merit is weak,
You may ever depend on your power to sway
Whose temper must please tho' your beauty decay.

7.
Then choose from amidst the fond youth of the town
Some one to make happy and call you his own,
But oh, dare I counsel, and speak my wish free,
1758. The choice, my dear Betty, should fall but on me.

Let Green Spring Deck the Fields

Let green Spring deck the fields and the meadows look gay
With Enamel of flowers and graces of May,
From each spray let the warbling songsters proclaim
Their joy to see Emma advance on the plain.

2.
Attentive, ye fair ones, behold how she moves,
With what ease in her shape, how invested by loves,
Yet repine -not the rivals that Emma's more fair
Since a Goddess and you the same judgement must share.

3.
For Venus herself struck with rage and surprize
Laid a hold on young Cupid and banded his eyes
Afraid least the urchin should rather approve
To call Emma his mother and Goddess of Love.

No More My Fond Bosom

No more my fond bosom with anguish shall heave
Or Love unpropitious my reason enslave,
No longer her conquest coy Phillis shall boast
Alarm my peace or give gout to the toast;
To Reflection and Reason the reins I'll resign
Nor regret the dear fair that can never be mine.

What tho' she says no ; I'm resolved not to fret
And since she can't love me must strive to forget ;
Yet how vain our resolves, and how weakly maintain'd
Whilst obstinate Love keeps the ground he has gain'd
And by Reason or Right or by Passion betray'd
Still approves of the choice which in Phillis I made.

a
a

-C

The Mason Family 17^

Dr. Emmet married, November 16th, 1760, Elizabeth Mason, of Cork.
His marriage was announced in the "Dublin Journal" November 21. 1760:
"Married; Robert Emmet, Esq., of Cork, Doctor of Physic and corresponding
member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Montpelia in France, to Miss
Mason of said city." Her father, James Mason, Esq., was from Ballydowney,
Co. Kerry, where be was born and still held a country place. Her mother,
Catherine, was a daughter of Pierce Power, Esq., of Elton, Co. Kerry. Up
to this date the family of Emmet never had any direct connection with or
interest in the Irish people. They had been members of the English garrison
living in Ireland, and in all probability, as was generally the case, regarded the
Irish people proper as a conquered and inferior race.

By this marriage the children of Dr. Emmet became affiliated with Irish
blood through the Power, O'Hara, McLauklin, Blennerhassett, Conway,
Mason, Spring-Rice and other families. These were all English originally,
but had freely intermarried with the native Irish people of Co. Kerry, and
other portions of the West of Ireland, so that eventually many of the
descendants became more Irish than the Irish people themselves, and were
always in conflict with the English Government, as they were all free traders,
and regarded smuggling as a most praiseworthy occupation. (See Appendix,
Note IV, for record of the Mason family.)

It is not known where Dr. Emmet lived in Dublin when he began the prac-
tice of his profession. His residence from about 1770 to 1776 was on the
north side of Molesvvorth-street, near Kildare with a street lamp in front as
shown in the print. Mr. David S. Quaid, solicitor, of Dublin, in 1902 issued
a little work, "Robert Emmet, His Birthplace and Burial", and as a result of
his investigation it is now proved that Robert Emmet was born in Stephen's
Green and not in Molesworth-street, as held by Dr. Madden. Mr. Quaid
states :

The Dublin Directory for 1777, and the entry of his son Robert's Baptism, on 10th
of March, 177S, in St. Peter's Church Record, show conclusively that Dr. Emmet's resi-
dence was Stephen's Green, West, for at least two years earlier than the date mentioned
by Dr. Madden. ... If further proof is thought necessary that the houses Nos. 124 and
125 Stephen's Green, West, at Glover's Alley corner, were Dr Emmet's it is afforded by a
partnership deed of February 27th, 1808, made between David Sherlock and Thomas
Sherlock. "McCready's Dublin Street Names" states: "that Glover's Alley (which runs
from Stephen's Green, West, to Lower Mercer Street) was known by that name as far
back as 1766, that Glover's Alley was formerly known as Gregory's Lane, that the house
had certainly been refronted and divided into two houses". The house, on a lot 34 feet
in width, may have been divided into two by Dr. Emmet as seems likely because I find
that Thomas Addis Emmet, according to the Dublin Directory, was living, about 1796,
next door to Dr. Emmet. The baptism of John Patten Emmet [father of the writer], a
son of T. A. Emmet, is thus recorded in the Parochial Register of St. Peter's Church,
on the 15th of April, 1796 — "John Patten Emmet, son of Thomas (Addis) and Jane Patten
of Stephen's Green." It would seem, therefore, fairly certain that there were two houses
beside each other in 1796, Nos. 109-110. The present numbers are 124 and 125. There is
a good deal of difference in the appearance of the brick work in front of the houses from
that in the side back wall. The roof, too, is very old.

1/6 Visitors at the Emmet Home

No alteration seems to have been made in the back of the houses, which,
viewed from Glover's Alley, seem antiquated. There had been no alteration
in the appearance of these houses since the building of the College of Surgeons
in 1828, as shown by a large engraving of that building in the possession of
the writer, but changes had been made at the time of the marriage of T. A.
Emmet. Dr. Madden gives the names of some of those who were frequent
visitors at Dr. Emmet's house. Dr. William Drennan, Arthur O'Connor, Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, Rev. Walter Blake Kirwan, Mr. (afterwards Chief Baron)
Pennefather and his brother Judge Pennefather, Surgeon Richards, Dr. Mac-
neven, Mr. (afterwards Judge) Chamberlain, Mr. (afterwards Chief Justice)
C. K. Bushe, Mr. (afterwards Judge) Peter Burton, Sir Edward Newenham,
of St. Donlough's, Peter Burrowes, K. C, Lady Anne Fitzgerald and Mr.
(afterwards Baron) George. Mr. St. John Mason, B. L., a nephew of Mrs.
Emmet, was also a constant visitor. He was an intimate associate of Robert
Emmet, the two being first cousins. So oblivious was Mr. Baron George of
his early friendship with the Emmet family that he actually sat with Lord
Norbury in 1S03, at the "trial" of Robert Emmet.

Shortly after Dr. Emmet's marriage, Earl Temple, a relative, then the
Marquis of Buckingham, became Viceroy of Ireland. He advised Dr. Emmet
to settle in Dublin, and then appointed him "State Physician." Through the
appointments thus afforded him Dr. Emmet soon became a prominent man and
most successful in his profession. He took an active part in politics and ac-
quired a reputation as a noted political writer of the day.

Christopher Emett spelled his name with one m and double t, and so did
his son Robert while studying medicine and for some time after he began the
practice. It is not now known when he made the change or the reason for
doing so, but he apparently adopted the present mode of spelling about the
time of his marriage and while living in Cork. The first positive evidence we
have is from the marriage contract made with Elizabeth Mason on November
15th, 1760, when he signs his name "Robert Emmet", but in the body of the
instrument it is differently spelled. He again made a change within the next
ten years, when he moved to Dublin. Dr. Madden writes :

In 1770, Dr. Robert Emmett, as he then wrote his name, appears to hare commenced
practice in Dublin. In 1771, the name of Robert Emmett first appears in the "Dublin
Directory," and in the list of State officers as "State Physician," having been appointed
Feb. 25th, 1770, and his place of residence "Molesworth-street," — the name is thus given
with double t 'till the year 1781, when it appears in the Directory of that year "Emmet,"
and so continued, while he lived on Stephen's Green, and to the last appearance of his
name in the Directory of 1802.

It is thus shown that Dr. Robert Emmet changed the method of spelling
his name no less than four times during his life — from Emett to Emmett,*
then Emmet, again to Emmett, and finally to Emmet. Other like instances
were noticed in looking over the public records, where the change was made

•The minutes of the Irish House of Commons for 1771, have a record of the presentation of a
petition of Robert Emmett, M.D., stating that the Petitioner is Physician to St. Patrick's Hospital for
the reception of Lunatics and Idiots; setting forth his duties, and the lack of adequate compensation,
and praying such aid as to the House should deem fit.

—
—

D
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The Temple Family I"7

at different periods of life, as in the case of Dr. Emmet. But the most remark-
able variation in spelling the name has been found in several instances where
the letters o and e seemed to have been used indiscriminately by the same
individual.

Dr. .Madden states that :

Dr. [Robert] Emmet was a man of warmth of feeling, frank, upright, and stead-
in his opinions. His lady was a person of noble disposition, and of a vigorous
understanding, fit to be the mother of three such children as Christopher Temple, Thomas
Addis, and Robert Emmet.

When giving the "Folk-lore of the Emmets," at the beginning of the second
chapter in the "Life of T. A. Emmet", Dr. Madden refers to the material which
has been furnished as follows :

The notes of the sons of Thomas Addis Emmet, that have reference chiefly to the
career of their illustrious father, leave many deficiencies to be supplied in the accounts
given of the origin of this remarkable family — perhaps one of the most remarkable, in
an intellectual point of view, of any family we have authentic account of.

During a visit to Ireland in 1880 the writer had the good fortune to meet
Dr. Madden, and on one occasion he expressed the opinion, as one based upon
his personal investigation, that the father and mother, the three sons and the
daughter of this branch of the Emmet family constituted the "most talented
family, in every respect, that he had ever known of."

Sir John Temple and his brother Robert were natives, it is believed, of New
England, having at least lived there for the greater portion of their lives, and
had by their marriage with the Shirley, Bowdoin and other families become
connected with many of the prominent people of New England. When the
American Revolution began they were rather in sympathy with the movement,
and were personally acquainted with many of the leaders. But when separa-
tion was brought about by the passage of the Declaration of Independence, the
Temples, as loyalists, left the country and went abroad.

Robert Temple and his family after their arrival from New York and Bos-
ton resided in Dublin for some eighteen months with his cousin, Dr. Robert
Emmet, after whom he had been named. Mr. Temple had been opposed to a
separation of the colonies from the "mother country", but his views underwent
a great change, and he became more of a sympathizer with the movement be-
fore his sudden death, which occurred towards the close of the struggle. While
Robert Temple was residing in Dublin, Christopher, Dr. Emmet's eldest son,
married his cousin, Anne Western Temple, a daughter of Robert. On the
death of the father, Dr. Emmet became the executor of Mr. Temple's will and
the guardian of his two youngest daughters. Shortly afterwards the youngest,
Mehitabele, married the grandfather of the late Marquis of Dufferin.

In a list of pensions on the Civil Establishment, taken from "The Parlia-
mentary Register," Vol. IV, there appears the following :

Robert Emmet, Doctor of Physic, in trust for Harriet Temple, from 4th of February
1782, during pleasure— I SO.

Mehetable Temple from 4th of February, during pleasure — £.">0.

178 Dr. Emmet a Republican

The following letter written by Dr. Emmet to an unacceptable suitor for
the hand of one of his wards, would show that he at least made the attempt
to discharge his duty —

Presuming that a Letter which I had the honor of writing to you about a month
ago had not reached you by the sixth of last month; when you addressed a second letter
to a young Lady under my guardianship and which was this day delivered to her by Mr.
Nelson, I think it but proper again to inform you, that all applications on the subject of
that Letter will be unproductive to you and disagreeable to the Lady. Your own Prudence,
Honor and Discretion will therefore I hope determine you not to prosecute it farther. In
my last I inform'd you, by desire of the Lady: that subsequent Letters from you would not
he received ; if however, or if receiv'd not repl/d to. As my former, however, possibly
might not have reached you ; am again necessitated to repeat that Resolution to you.

Indeed it is not to be avoided. The young Lady's father's dying injunction was, that
such a proposal should not be accepted — his testamentary appointment — that if accepted,
no division of his property should accompany it. Under such circumstances you see Sir,
that even Hope must be precluded. The young Lady is not in the least degree dispos'd to
violate her father's Injunctions; on the contrary, she is determined in the most strict and
punctual means to adhere to it and so must Sir Your obed'nt Humb. Serv*.

Rob4. Emmet.
Dublin, Feb. 2, 1783.

This letter was addressed to "Mr. Saml. White — in care of Mr. Johnth"
Williams, Mantz, France.'"'

It is evident that Mr. Temple and his brother exercised a great influence
in changing the views which must have been held by their kinsman, Dr. Emmet.
This is shown by the gradual withdrawal of Dr. Emmet from the associations
which his family had always held with those still termed the "Castle people",
who were in sympathy with the British Government. He gave up the different
governmental positions which he had so long held in consequence of being the
"State Physician", the salaries of which, it has been stated, aggregated over two
thousand pounds a year. The last move was to sever, after so many years of
service, in 1783, his connection with St. Patrick's Hospital, and then it was
that he was presented with the silver salver, the history of which has already
been given. From this period Dr. Emmet became an enthusiastic advocate for
a republican form of government as understood in the United States of
America, and in time he fully indoctrinated his two sons, Thomas and Robert,
with his principles.

Far-reaching, indeed, was his teaching. It is impossible to estimate its
full bearing upon the immediate past or the future history of Ireland for many
generations to come, while its influence upon the fortunes of his own family
was great indeed. Temple died before there was any special trouble in the
country, and he died a loyal subject of George the Third.

Thomas Addis, uninfluenced to any great degree by his father's teaching,
thought for himself. He did not contemplate - a separation from England
unless driven to the decision as a last resort, after failure in obtaining certain
needed changes in the Constitution.

Not a member of the family wished for disunion until Pitt, the Younger,
by his merciless policy of misrule, had purposely forced the greater portion of

WbUC

:0"^ \

Distrust of Napoleon 179

the Irish people into rebellion. The situation was such that there seemed to
be no future for Ireland unless a separation was brought about, by which
means, it was expected from the effort of 1798 and 1803, the people would
gain Home Rule in a more complete form than the present generation can hope
to acquire it in the near future after a century and more of agitation.

By a letter to be given hereafter, it will be shown that on the arrest of
his son Dr. Robert Emmet had no knowledge as to how far he was implicated,
beyond being dissatisfied with the general mode of governing the country.
Eventually every member of Dr. Emmet's family favored separation from
England as the only preliminary to any change for the better in the government
of Ireland; and they held the greatest admiration for the republican principles
formulated by the United States. Under these circumstances they loathed
the teaching brought forth by the French Revolution. Yet, it is persistently
held that Dr. Emmet and his family were in full sympathy with the French
movement. Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet, as their father in the previous
generation, had many warm personal friends among the titled and educated
classes in Paris, who subsequently lost their lives at the hands of
the French rabble. With these friends they were in full sympathy,
and naturally detested French politics, so incompatible with a true
republican form of government. Above all, not a member of the
family had the slightest confidence in Bonaparte's truthfulness or
honesty of purpose. The sons, in politics, were often obliged to
yield, from expediency, their personal views to the will of the majority among
their associates. This policy Thomas Addis Emmet was able to follow, with
great success, until his arrest, and the delay enabled him to exercise his per-
sonal influence. The Emmets were at one time in hope of being able to obtain
a controllable aid from France, such as was given to the United States, but
never ceased to fear that if France rendered any aid, the result would only
be a change of masters. Whether this was a fortunate or unfortunate circum-
stance for Ireland will always be a matter of conjecture. The result would in
all probability have been different had the Emmet brothers for personal ad-
vantage been willing to become satellites of Napoleon. At least the separation
of Ireland from England would have been accomplished, and the country
would have remained a French province until the fall of the Emperor, when
the Allies would have restored Ireland to England, if an exchange had not
already been made by Napoleon with England for some of the sugar-bearing
West India Islands, but Ireland's condition would beyond a doubt have been
infinitely worse than it is today.

Madden states :

The person living who is the best qualified to speak of the habits and principles of
Dr. Emmet [evidently John Pattenl, a gentleman intimately connected by ties of friend-
ship with his family, who lived under his roof and still has a perfect remembrance of his
character, and of his conduct towards his children, declares that beyond passing observa-
tion on the duty which every man owed to his country, there was no ground for these
injurious statements now to be considered.

180 Grattan's Account of Dr. Emmet

Dr. Emmet was the father of seventeen children, but only four lived beyond
childhood.* These were Christopher Temple, Thomas Addis, Mary Anne and
Robert. In reference to these sons of Dr. Emmet it is stated in Grattan's
"Memoirs" that they "were three most singular men, few families could boast
of such individuals." While these three men were particularly noted for their
intellectual development a stranger would scarcely draw the inference from
the statement. Henry Grattan had been a school-mate and for many years
was an intimate friend of Dr. Emmet in early manhood.f so that he was as
familiar with the doctor's views as any friend could be, yet in this Life it is
recorded in a most unjust and cynical manner: — "Emmet had his pill and his
plan and he mixed so much politics with his prescriptions that he would kill
the patient who took the one, and ruin the country that listened to the other."
Dr. Emmet was said to have resigned the positions of honor and profit he
held under the government and misled his two sons with false views in rela-
tion to a republican form of governmet based "upon the teaching from the
leaders of the French Revolution" . Doubtless it was on Grattan's authority
that Charles Phillips, in "Curran and his Contemporaries", based a version of
the same story accredited to Curran :

The memorable year 1803 reintroduces — sadly enough upon the scene — the name of
Emmet. The father of this remarkable family was a physician in good practice, resident in
Dublin, he was a very ardent politician and according to Mr. Grattan, was ever "mixing up
his pills with his plans," sometimes much to the perplexity of the patients. He had three
sons, all gifted with very rare genius, and these it was his delight to educate in his princi-
ples. Curran used facetiously to describe the old doctor giving them what he called 'their
morning draught: — "Well, Temple, what would you do for your country? Addis, would
you kill your brother? would you kill me?"

Grattan's version of the story is slightly different.

Little, alas, did that unfortunate father foresee the consequences of the lesson he was
inculcating! and little also did Curran dream, when he turned this inappropriate tuition
into a jest, how mournfully it was one day to affect himself! How revolting, how heart-
rending it is to hear the unfortunate Robert thus apostrophizing that deluded parent on
the eve of his execution : "If the spirits of the illustrious dead participate in the concerns
of those who were dear to them in this transitory scene, dear shade of my venerable father
look down on your suffering son and see has he for one moment deviated from those moral

*In a subsequent chapter will be found a letter written by Mr. Emmet to his daughter in 1822.
He here mentions the fact that the water was so unwholesome in that part of Ireland where he lived
as a boy, that it all had to be boiled before drinking. He doubtless refers to some place near Dublin
where Dr. Emmet sent his children during the summer where the water was contaminated from
sewerage. It was not then known that washing the dairy utensils in this water would poison the
milk. This may account for the unusual proportion of deaths among Dr. Emmet's children, where
both parents were healthy. The milk carried off the infants, and typhoid fever the elder children.

fAt the time of Dr. Emmet's death he had in his possession an oil portrait of Grattan as a young
man, presented to him by his friend. On closing "Casino", with Thomas Addis Emmet in prison,
and never likely to return to Ireland, Mrs. Holmes, through fear of confiscation of Mr. Emmet's
effects, distributed many articles of value and all the library among the friends of the family for safe-
keeping. Very few of these things were ever returned, or could be traced in after years. Unfor-
tunately Mrs. Holmes did not make a list of where these things were left. A few years ago two
photographs claiming to be of Robert Emmet, Jr. were sent to the writer, stating they were held as
heirlooms and not for sale. Although one of these portraits was marked R. Emmet and had been
in the possession of the family for an unknown period, neither of them could have been a portrait
of Robert Emmet, Jr., for he was a younger man at the time of his death, but it is very likely that
both were at one time the property of Dr. Robert Emmet, and this is rendered the more probable
as the holder claimed to have been a distant relative. From an anatomical study of the shape of the
bones forming the brow and nose, as shown by enlarging the photograph, the writer is willing to ac-
cept one as the likeness of Dr. Robert Emmet without any knowledge of its history beyond the
resemblance to the death mask. As a portrait of the Doctor the other is doubtful, it is most probably
a photograph of the oil painting of Henry Grattan.

Residence at "Casino" 181

ami political principles which you so early inculcated into his youthful mind, and I i u hit h
he has now to offer up his life"!

Alas! Alas! indeed unhappy father, could this mournful appeal have reached him '
Of this family, Temple, the eldest, passed through the University with such success that it
is said the examiners changed in his case, the usual approbation of "Valdc Rene" into the
laudatory one of "0 Quam Bene"! llis rise at the Irish bai was unexampled, and at the
earlj age of thirty with a reputation to which time could not have added, he was called
away.

The second brother . . . had he confined himseli to his profession there could have
been no doubt from the eminence to which he soon attained, of his ultimately realizing
every object of his ambition. Hut the aspish-seed sown in his youthful mind had fallen on
a too genial soil and was rising fast to obscure the brightness of his prospects. He devoted
himself to the unhappy politics of the day and became at last so inextricably compromised
that with the consent of the government he was self-expatriated. . . . Emmet himself I
never saw. He was in America some years before I was called to the Irish bar. But I
found his memory still fresh there, and many of his associates still remaining. From
their report of him, it was quite clear that his presence in Ireland was incompatible with
its peace, and his public manifestations were the more dangerous, because in private life he
was altogether irreproachable. Peter Burrowes, his friend and correspondent (in the
( lath of an act of Parliament) used to revel in the recollections of him.

These comments are from the pen of a man who desired to be just, and
was so to the extent an Irishman with English sympathies could be. Curran,
to make a good story, was not always truthful.

Dr. Emmet's position has never been understood. As will be seen in the
memoir of his son Robert, neither he nor any member of his family held any
sympathy with French republicanism.

The only insight we have, casting any light upon the domestic life of the
family, is given in the letters to Thomas Addis Emmet and received while at
Fort George. These were all written from "Casino", the family country place,
at Miltown in the suburbs of Dublin, where Dr. Emmet retired after relin-
quishing his practice, in consequence of his advanced age and after his son's
arrest and imprisonment. The town house was then rented and the family
remained at "Casino" until the final breaking up. After the arrest of his son,
Thomas Addis, many old friends and acquaintances drifted away in conse-
quence of the family troubles. While Doctor Emmet and his wife were de-
serted by a large proportion of their fair-weather friends, this most worthy
couple held the sincere sympathy of many among the middle-class and the poor
of Dublin. This city had always been burdened with more than a fair propor-
tion of the destitute, and at this time the number was unusually great, and not
the slightest effort was made by the authorities for their relief. During a long
life Mrs. Emmet was probably the only woman in her station of life in Dublin
who had ever made any individual effort for the relief of the poor. Dr. Emmet
derived a large income from the official position he held as "State Physician",
so that he was able to devote the great part of his professional life to the
charitable relief of the indigent, and for many years he held the largest
medical practice in Dublin among the rich and poor. In consequence of the
fact that Dr. and Mrs. Emmet were so well known for their charitable life,
their youngest son Robert became known to a larger number of persons in

182 Popularity of Robert Emmet

Dublin than many a noted man. While he was at Trinity College many became
aware that he had been dismissed on account of his political views. This was
resented to a remarkable extent and Robert Emmet was regarded, by these
people, as a martyr for the popular cause years before he had become identified
with the politics of the country. He was devoted to his mother and as a
young boy was constantly by her side and had few other companions. She
probably made use of him in her charitable work and he thus became ac-
quainted with many whom he would never otherwise have met.

For years before Doctor Emmet's death he had devoted much time and
money to improving the grounds and gardens at "Casino", and the result was
one in which he took great pride. After the arrest of Thomas Addis Emmet
and the long delay to which he was subjected, without preferred charges or
prospect of trial, these poor old people in their seclusion, rapidly lost their
interest in their surroundings. With the knowledge that their son Robert was
in full sympathy with the views of his brother, and that his life's prospects
were already lost from being unable to engage in any professional work after
expulsion from college, they became crushed by the uncertainty of the future.
Their death blow had been received, long before the fact was realized by theii
friends.

That England should govern Ireland by the Parliament of Ireland iuas not enough. It
remained to close the scene of conquest by> a mortification of the feelings as 'well as
a triumph over the liberties of the conquered.

T. A. Emmet.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

THE GARDEN AT CASINO

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The English Parliament at a very remote period had occasionally exercised the pozuer
of legislation for Ireland, particularly as to foreign trade. . . . This occasional
exercise of legislative authority on the part of England, hoivever, had been generally
protested against by the Irish Parliament as a manifest usurpation.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter IV

"Casino" and its history for fifty years after it passed from the family — Dr. Emmet's
death and place of burial — The fate of the Earl of Qare — Dr. Emmet's will — Thomas
Addis Emmet's letter to his mother — Her answer and its history — Death of Mrs. Emmet —
"Casino" closed — Town houses rented — The Emmet family a remarkable one at this
period — Something about permanent traits of character among the Temple, Mason and
Emmet families — Speculations by the writer — Those along the same line of Louise Imogen
Guiney, the author of Robert Emmet's Life.

[|N 18S0, before any material change had been made, the
writer had the good fortune to see "Casino" near Mil-
town beyond the city about three miles to the south, and
the family arms were still in evidence on each stone gate-
post. A Mr. Meldon, who died shortly afterwards, owned
it at that time. He had held the property some fifty years
and before it had undergone any change. The previous
owner had purchased it from the family and had taken
care to preserve everything intact. So in 1880 the appear-
ance of the house and grounds was essentially the same as when occupied by the
family, with the single exception that the window-frames in the front of the
house, having become decayed, new ones filled with plate-glass had been sub-
stituted. The garden had been preserved just as Dr. Emmet laid it out; and
when the greenhouses became decayed, new ones in facsimile had been put up
in their place. The wall-fruit, too, which the doctor had planted and trained
was all preserved by building new trellis work about it when necessary. It was
stated that even the vegetables found on the place were continued of the same
stock and occupied the same locality. The parlor was still covered by the
tapestry paper which no doubt had been a source of delight to the younger
generation of the past.

After the death of Mr. Meldon and the expiration of his lease, the house
was said to have been pulled down, but this was proved not to be the case
and it is still occupied as a private residence.
Dr. Madden states :

Dr. Emmet died at Casino, near Miltown, in the autumn of 1802. H'e was buried
in the graveyard of St. Peter's Church, in Aungier-street (Dublin), on the right-hand
side of the entrance, close to the wall on the south side.

183

184 Fate of the Earl of Clare

He also notes that the tomb of vault has the following inscription on it :

Here lies the remains of

Robert Emmet, Esq., M.D.,

who died the 9th of December, 1802,

In the 73rd year of his age.

In 1880 the writer could not find his tomb, nor that of any other member
of the family. On inquiry he ascertained that all the tombstones had been re-
moved some years previously, but were yet preserved, and several feet of
earth had been put on the original surface of the ground to raise it to the level
of the street in front. The tombstones after removal were all placed in piles
at a distance, and though these were carefully examined, no trace of any con-
nected with the family could be found. The only compensation for the labor
of investigation was that at the bottom of the pile was found the headstone of
John, Earl of Clare, broken and forgotten, notwithstanding the fact that it
had been elaborately emblazoned with the arms of his mushroom title. This
man had been honored by the British Government for services rendered in
bringing about the so-called "Union", with which the Irish people themselves
had nothing to do, and by means which we know today were the most corrupt
and damnable ever devised by mortal man or designated as statecraft. The
enjoyment by Clare of his honors was deservedly brief. He died in January,
1802, despised by every honest man in the country, and but for this accident
no one today would know where the remains of this unhallowed man had
been hidden away.

Mr. Quaid states :

Dr. Emmet, by his will, dated 3rd February, 1800, appointed as his trustee, his son
Thomas Addis Emmet, then a State prisoner in Fort George, and by an undated codicil,
[which, so far as I can learn, has never been published before] he directed that "in case
it should be inconvenient to my son, Thomas Addis, to act as my executor as by the
within will appointed, I then and hereby appoint my son-in-law, Robert Holmes, Esq.,
to that trust".

Here in the events which happened we find Mr. Holmes occupying a posi-
tion of the greatest trust in relation to his wife's family.

Thomas Addis Emmet never saw his native land again, and on the 28th
of December, 1802, Mr. Holmes obtained, as executor, a grant of probate to
Dr. Emmet's will, of which I give the following extracts: —

In the name of God, amen, I, Robert Emmet, of Casino, near Miltown, in the County
of Dublin, Doctor of Physic, being of sound and disposing mind and memory and under-
standing do make -and publish this my Will and Testament in manner and form following.
I order and direct that my just debts be paid. ... I give, devise and bequeath my
leasehold interests in lands of Knockena in the County of Kerry and also my leasehold
interest whether freehold or chattel in the dwellinghouse and lands whereon I now
reside. . . . with my household furniture, plate, stock of cattle and farming utensils
to my eldest son now living, Thomas Addis Emmet, subject to the payment of f2,500 to
be paid by him as purchase money and to be considered by him as part of the residue
.... of my fortune, and in case my said son shall not choose to accede or agree to
the foregoing bequest upon the said terms, then my will is that my said two leasehold

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

ROBERT IK »l MES
[Father of the Dublin Bar.] From an oil painting in Dublin

I TH

Dr. Emmet's Will 185

interests, together with my said furniture, plate, stock of cattle and fanning implements
shall be sold, and the money arising therefrom shall be paid into and considered as part
of my personal estate.

Thomas Addis Emmet did not accept the terms of the will as proposed by
his father, as he was absent from Ireland with no expectation of ever returning.
Mr. Quaid continues to elucidate Dr. Emmet's will as follows: —

By the terms Mrs. Emmet was to have been entitled during her life to the invested
proceeds of £5,500, which was directed by Dr. Emmet to be raised for that purpose. The
testator's direction was "to pay and hand over unto my dearly beloved and most deserving
wife Elizabeth Emmet, formerly Mason, the interest money accruing .... upon the said
principal sum of £5,500 .... which, with £30 per annum settled upon her at her mar-
riage and charged upon the lands of Ballydowney, in the County of Kerry, will make
her income £360 per annum".

Dr. Emmet also directed that after the decease of his wife "the interest money, of
£2,000, part of the said sum of £5,500, shall go and be paid to my daughter Mary Anna
now married to Robert Holmes, Esq., during her life, and after her decease the said
interest money to be applied for the maintenance of her child or children", and included
a provision in his will for the payment of the entire £2,000 to Mrs. Holmes' child or
children after her decease. If she had no children, which did not happen, the testator
directed that the £2,000 "shall revert to my two sons, Thomas Addis Emmet and Robert
Emmet, to be divided equally between them''. The testator also directed that "as to
£2,000 more of said principal sum of £5.500 the interest money whereof I have bequeathed
to my dearly beloved wife during her life my will is that after her decease, said £2,000
shall be handed over and paid to my son Robert Emmet, and as to the remaining £1.500
of said principal sum of £5,500, . . . my will is that said £1.500 shall be paid to my
grand-daughter, Catherine Emmet, daughter of my late son. Christopher Temple Emmet

" The last-mentioned provision made by Dr. Emmet for his grand-daughter. Miss

Catherine Emmet, clearly indicates that Dr. Emmet was one of the most high-minded
of men. It appears, as recited in the will, that Mrs. Temple, mother of Mrs. C. T.
Emmet, paid over £1,000 to C. T. Emmet in consideration of being paid an annuity of
£50 a year for life. Through some oversight the £1,000 was never received, but notwith-
standing the annuity was regularly paid to Mrs. Temple, until her daughter. Mrs. C. T.
Emmet, died after her husband. The testator stated he had afterwards paid the £1,000
himself, and directed the life annuity to be paid to Mrs. Temple, after his death out of
the lands of Ballydowney, County Kerry, and if it was not so paid, that it should be
paid out of the interest on the £1.500 bequeathed to his grand-daughter.

Dr. Emmet's will concludes with a bequest of the remainder of his fortune to his
sons, Thomas Addis Emmet and Robert Emmet, share and share alike. The codicil is
in Dr. Emmet's handwriting.

The testator directed that the rent-charge of £150 per annum before referred to
should, after his wife's death, be paid to her son Thomas Addis Emmet, and he was also
to have "Casino". The testator adds — "By which here above regulation I think that ray
dearly beloved wife and both my sons will be eventually benefited, as she will be given
an addition of £30 per annum to the provision first appointed for her. My son, Thomas
Addis, will after her decease acquire an annuity of £150 per annum during his own
and his brother Robert's life, peaceably and well secured, instead of a disputable and
uncertain interest .... I hereby appoint the above regulation, written by myself of
a codicil to my within will, and in case it should be inconvenient to my son Thomas
Addis to act as my executor as by the within will appointed, I then and hereby appoint
my son-in-law, Robert Holmes, Esq., to that trust". The testator added — "And whereas,

186 Mrs. Emmet's Grief

my said grand-daughter may die without being married or leaving any issue by marriage
whereby her fee-simple estate in the County of Kerry would rest with my son Thomas
Addis, now, my will and appointment in that case is that the sum of £1,500 herein be-
queathed to my said grand-daughter, shall in that contingency, go and be paid to my
son, Robert, and his heirs".

In December, 1802, Thomas Addis Emmet learned of his father's death
and wrote to his mother in the following strain: —

The first comfort you can know must spring up from within yourself, from your
reflection and religion, from your recalling to memory that my father's active and
vigorous mind was always occupied in doing good to others, that his seventy-five years
unostentatiously and inestimably were filled with perpetual services to his fellow-creatures.
That although he was tried, and that severely, with some of those calamities from
which we cannot be exempt, yet he enjoyed an uncommon portion of tranquillity and
happiness, for by his firmness and understanding he was enabled to bear like a man
the visitations of external misfortunes, and from within no troubled conscience or
compunction of self-reproach ever disturbed his peace.

Some one indorsed on this letter: "In his father's character his own has
been drawn".

Within a month after her husband's death Mrs. Emmet wrote to her son,
but as she directed it to New York, Poste restante, it did not reach Mr. Emmet
until long after her own death. It is a most pathetic piece of writing, and.
one well worthy the last place in their correspondence. That it was the last
letter which passed between them is most probable, as all communications with
Ireland was soon afterwards cut off by reason of the war with France. This
letter shows that her son Robert was with her at *he time of his father's death.
It doubtless was a fortunate circumstance, for, poor broken-hearted woman
that she was, his support must have been most grateful and even necessary to
her. Her letter shows how fully she appreciated it. The following is a copy

of this letter.

January 7th, 1803.
My dearest Tom,

After some struggle with myself I have determined to write to you; it is an effort,
but it is such an one as I shall feel the better for having made, knowing that a letter
from me will be a cordial to you, and the more so as I can give you a better assurance
of the state of my mind than any other person could do for me. I do not wish to excite
your feelings or my own. We both know the magnitude of our loss, all we now have
to do is to endeavor to lull our uneasy and melancholy sensations. I have had many
mitigations afforded to me; the presence and support of our dear Robert was one of
the greatest that could have happened in such a situation. I am consoled by all my
children, for surely never parent has been more supremely blessed than I am in the
affection, the virtues, and the disposition of my children. I am strongly impressed
thereby, but while I feel grateful for the blessings, I feel humbled by the consciousness
that I by no means merit the too high opinion which their filial affection and partiality
have of either my power or disposition. I do not mean at this time to sue for compli-
ments when I assure you that I feel a great unworthiness about me. That I should
enjoy so great a calm as I do is a matter of astonishment to me, whose married life of
forty-three years were all embittered by the apprehension of what has now befallen me;
it is of such a kind as to cause self-reproach that it is unworthy of my situation or of
the strong affection which I bore, and which both you and I know was pure, ardent,

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REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

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REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Deatli of Mrs. Emmet 187

and sincere. I do not delude myself by a spiritual vanity that any supernatural aid has
been afforded to me, nor can I console myself that it was the effect of religion or resig-
nation. I know it proceeds from a cessation of long-endured, agonizing agitations that
tore my heart tho' they have not injured my frame. I have for a length of time lived
under an uplifted axe, it has fallen, and 1 am not destroyed. My dear, dear Tom, I
am unfortunately at liberty to see you; I shall not go to Brussels because I should only
impede your plans, and 'till our affairs are arranged 1 do not wish to incur any expense
that I do not know how far I may be warranted in. If life is granted to me, I mean
the summer after next to spend a year with you in America, and if the dangers of the
voyage do not operate too strongly upon a coward heart, the rest of my life will probably
be divided between you and Mary Anne [Mrs. Holmes]. She has, beyond the ties of
affection strong claims upon me, and upon us all, as she has stood in the pass and borne
the first assault of all our distresses, and she has always endeavoured to lighten them,
generally to the prejudices of her own health.

Your dear, tender, and ever to be honoured father had so arranged his affairs as
to enable him, if he had been spared, to allow one hundred a year to you and another
hundred to Robert during his life. The too ample provision that has been made for
me, tho' it will not enable me to do thus much, will I trust leave it in my power to
allow fifty pounds a year to each of my children; they all deserve alike and all hold an
equal place in my affections.

I do not want riches for myself, but I wish I could do more for all of you. Assure
Jane of my best affections. I know how she has felt, and I know that, however strong
her attachment, it was no more than adequate to that which was felt for her. Mary
Anne is but just recovering from a bilious fever which succeeded her lying-in ; it was
what was to be expected as a natural consequence of the preceding circumstances.
Mr. Holmes is heavily laden with our business; the confidence we have in him is great,
and he will fully fill the trust your father had in him with rectitude and ability. Your
children here are as they should be; the dear ones with you I feel an increased affection
for them. May the blessings of the best of fathers light upon you, and may the prayers
and wishes of my heart be heard in favour of you, your wife, and children; how
strongly do I feel myself inclined to invoke a departed spirit. Adieu, my dearest Tom,
I am

Your truly affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Poste restante, New York.

As the stone found by Dr. Madden in St. Peter's churchyard over the
Emmet tomb was a flat one covering the entrance to the family vault, doubtless
it was simply covered in and not disturbed. Dr. Madden writes in addition :

Here also the remains are interred of the widow of Dr. Emmet, who survived
her husband only nine months. She preceded her youngest son, Robert, to the
tomb by a few days. From the period of the arrest of her son, T. A. Emmet, in March,
1798, her existence was a blank. She died, mercifully was it ordained, some days before
the execution of Robert Emmet. The deatli of this amiable, exemplary, and high-
minded lady, whose understanding was as vigorous as her maternal feelings were
strong and ardent, took place at a country residence of the late Dr. Emmet, on the
Donnybrook-road, at the rear of the Hospital of the Society of Friends. She survived
her husband about nine months, and evidently, like the mother of the Sheares, was
hurried to the grave by the calamity which had fallen on her youngest son, who, it was
vainly hoped, was to have occupied one of the vacant places in the house, and in the
hearts of his afflicted parents. Vainly had they looked up to Thomas Addis Emmet to
supply that place which had been left void by the death of their eldest and most gifted

188 Ancestral Traits

son, Christopher Temple Emmet. And when Thomas Addis was taken away from them
and banished, to whom had they to look but to that younger son? and of that last
life-hope of theirs they might have spoken with the feelings which animated the
Lacedemonian mother' when one of her sons had fallen fighting for his country, and
looking on the last of them then living, she said: — "Ejus locum expleat frater". And
that son was taken from them, incarcerated for four years, and doomed to civil death.
Thomas Addis Emmet was then a proscribed man in exile. The father had sunk under
the trial, although he was a man of courage and equanimity of mind; but the mother's
last hope in her youngest son sustained in some degree her broken health and spirits,
and that one hope was dashed down never to rise again, when her favorite child, the
prop of her old age, was taken from her, and the terrible idea of his frightful fate became
her one fixed thought, — from the instant the dreadful tidings of his apprehension
reached her 'till the approaching time of the crowning catastrophe, when, in mercy to
her, she was taken away from her great misery.

In Chapter XIII of the second volume will be found an account of the last
interview between Robert Emmet and his devoted mother.

The mental and physical individuality of Dr. Emmet and his wife was
remarkable, and all their children, although there was no family resemblance
as to mind or countenance, reached a still higher degree of development. It is-
not unusual for a child to be born, whether of a noted family or in the lowest
walks of life who, resembling no member of his family, in after life becomes
noted for his intellectual attainments, but it is unique for an entire family
to reach an extraordinary degree of perfection.

Before the marriage of Christopher Emmet and Rebecca Temple, no mem-
ber of the Emmet family, during several hundred years, reached a higher posi-
tion than that of a successful professional man who thus gave evidence of
possessing more than the average amount of brains, and this success was more
the rule than the exception. It was a well marked trait of all bearing the
name of Emmet, to attend strictly to their private business, seldom to hold
office or take the least prominence in public affairs.

The Temples, on the contrary, having with the Emmets been in the country
since the Norman Conquest, at an early date became connected with the
dominant race by marriage, and were from the beginning prominent in their
self-assertion as military leaders and directors in the management of State
affairs. They were always typical Normans and were seldom at home, while
the Emmets made good husbands and, the Saxon element predominating, their
whole happiness seemed to rest on their domestic relations.

When might made right, the Temples were ever ready to take what they
could get and sometimes were not over-scrupulous. As a rule, they had always
been narrow-minded and bigoted in everything relating to religion and politics,
but were truthful, trustworthy and fearless. Withal, their religion was gen-
erally based on the simplest form, dogma carried little weight and their chief
reliance seemed to be on human judgment. Until a late period they favored
the simplest form of government, one in which all power should rest with
the people. The writer has given much study to this subject and has been
able to recognize many characteristic features which the Emmet family of
later days inherited from their Temple ancestors. In the same connections the

Miss Guiney's Views 189

Masons of County Kerry were found to have much in common with the
Temples and from their isolated position for centuries on the west coast of
Ireland, they were never much impressed witli England's claims to Irish
loyalty.

But it was through the Masons that all bigotry and intolerance in religion
or politics which previously existed in the family, disappeared, Dr. Roberl
Emmet's wife being the person who brought about the change. No woman
outside of a convent could have passed through life more influenced by the
teaching of Our Lord, as to Christian charity and love of her neighbor. So
completely was the life of this noble wife and mother passed in a spirit of
self-abnegation and good deeds in the service of others that almost all knowl-
edge as to her own humanity was obscured, leaving us only the results to base
any judgment on as to her well-spent life in charitable work.

Several years after the completion of this portion of the writer's work, his
attention was accidentally called to a statement along the same lines of investi-
gation expressed by Louise Imogen Guiney in her sketch of Robert Emmet,
and it may be of interest to give here the views of one unbiased.

The Emmets were of Anglo-Norman stock, Protestants (converted by the methods
of Henry Sth) settled for centuries in Ireland. The Masons, of like English origin,
had merged it in repeated alliances with women of Kerry, where the Normans, the Dane,
and later invaders from nearer quarters had never settled down to perturb the ancient
Celtic social stream. Dr. Emmet was a man of clear brain and incorruptible honor. The
mother of his children, to judge by her letters, many of which have been privately
printed, [in the "Emmet Family" and reproduced in this volume] must have been an
exquisite being, high-minded, religious, loving, humorous, wise. Her eldest son. Christo-
pher Temple Emmet, was named for his two paternal grand-parents, Christopher Emmet
of Tipperary and Rebecca Temple, great-great-granddaughter of the first Baronet Temple
of Stowe, in Buckinghamshire. The mention of the prolific, wide-branching, and ex-
traordinary family of Temple, as forebears of the younger Emmets, is like a sharply
accented note in a musical measure. It has never been played for what it was worth ;
no annalist has tracked certain Emmet qualities to this perfectly obvious ancestral
source.

The Temples had not only in this case the bygone responsibility to bear, for in
a marked manner they kept on influencing their Emmet contemporaries, as in one con-
tinuous mood thought engenders thought. Says Mr. James Hannay : — "The distinctive
fiflos of the Temples has been a union of more than usual of the kind of talent which
makes men of letters, with more than usual of the kind of talent which makes men of
affairs". The Emmets, too, shared the "distinctive '^#<h ' in the highest degree. Added
to the restless two-winged intelligence, they had the heightened soberness, the moral
elevation, which formed no separate inheritance. The Temples, were, and are, a race
of subtle but somewhat austere imagination, strongly inclined to republicanism and to
that individualism which is the norm of it. The Temple influence in eighteenth century
Ireland was, obliquely, the American influence ; a new and heady draught at that time,
a "draught of intellectual day". If we seek for these unseen agencies which are so
much more operative than mere descent, we cover a good deal of ground in remembering
that Robert Emmet the patriot, came of the same blood as Sidney's friend, Cromwell's
chaplain, and Dorothy Osborne's lean and philosophic husband. And he shared not only
the Temple idiosyncracy, but unlike his remarkable brothers, the thin, dark, aquiline
Temple face.

Rebecca Temple, only daughter of Thomas, a baronet's son, married Christopher

190 Love of Liberty

Emmet in 1727, brought the dynastic names, Robert and Thomas into the Emmet family
[correct as to Thomas, but Robert de Emott was the first of the name known in
England]. Mrs. Emmet lived in the house of her son, the Dublin physician, until her
death in 1774, when her grandchildren, Temple and Thomas Addis, were aged thirteen
and ten ; Robert being yet unborn. Her protracted life and quiet character would have
strengthened the relations, always close with the Temple kin. Her brother Robert had
gone in his youth from Ireland to Boston, where his father was long a resident ; and
where he married a Temple cousin. This Captain Robert Temple died April 13, 17S4,
at his seat, Ten Hills, at Boston, in New England. His three sons, the eldest of whom,
succeeding his great-grandfather, became afterwards Sir John Temple, eighth Baronet
of Stowe, all settled in New England and married daughters of the Bowdoin, Shirley,
and Whipple families — good wives and clever women .... The latter day Winthrops
of the Republic are directly descended from him, and the late Marquis of Dufferin
and Ava, from his brother. A certain victorious free spirit, an intellectual fire, whimsi-
cal and masterful, has touched the whole race of untamable Temples and the Emmets,
, the very flower of that race. Love of liberty was, in both Robert Emmet and in Thomas
Addis Emmet, no isolated phenomenon, but their strengthened and applied inheritance
.... This community of ideas was further cemented by the marriage of Anne Western
Temple, Robert Temple's daughter, to Temple Emmet, Doctor Emmet's eldest son.

The only daughter of Dr. Emmet, Mary Anne, had what was termed, by way of
adequate eulogy, a "masculine understanding", with which she wrote pertinently and well.
Her husband was the celebrated barrister of Dublin and devoted Irishman, Robert
Holmes. He was the true friend and adviser of the whole Emmet family after the
death of Doctor Robert Emmet.

Ireland has not received her education from herself, she has been educated by another
country, which for a long time had but little to bestow, 'would not communicate even
that little, and at length studied to check the growth which it feared.

T. A. Emmet.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

ANNE WESTERN TEMPLE
wife of Christopher Temple Emmet

The malignant jealousy toivard Ireland increased ivith the increasing commerce of Eng-
land.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter V

Christopher Temple, the eldest son of Dr. Emmet— Sketch of his life from the
"Dictionary of National Biography" — A man of remarkable ability and a dis-
tinguished lawyer in Dublin before the age of twenty-seven — His death and burial
— Grattan's statement as to Emmet's talents — Emmet's only child a daughter who
died young and unmarried — Something of her life — Peter Burrowes' recollections
of his college-mate — Burrowes a noted lawyer, but absent-minded — Mr. Emmet's
early poems — Two of these poems printed in Edkins' Collection after his death —
"The Decree", an allegory from his pen — Remarkable production, as Emmet took
no special interest in politics — He predicts the ultimate fall of England if justice
be not rendered Ireland — "The Myrtle" — At the time of his death he holds from
the government the position of King's Counsel, indicating that no doubt of his
loyalty was entertained — Temple Emmet a member of the "Monks of the Screw"
— History of this exclusive society of professional men of Dublin.

ERFECTLY in accord with the Family records the "Dic-
tionary of National Biography" states :

Christopher Temple Emmet, barrister, eldest son of Robert
Emmet, M.D., and elder brother of Thomas Addis and Robert
Emmet, was born at Cork in 1761. He entered the University
of Dublin in 1775, and obtained a scholarship there in 1778. He
was called to the bar in Ireland in 1781, and in that year he
married Anne Western Temple, daughter of Robert Temple, an
American loyalist who had settled in Ireland. Emmet attained
eminence as an advocate ; he possessed a highly poetical imagina-
tion, remarkably retentive memory and a vast amount of acquired knowledge of law,
divinity, and literature. Under the chancellorship of Lord Lifford, Emmet was advanced
to the rank of king's counsel in 1787. His death occurred in February, 17S8, while he
was on circuit in south of Ireland, and his widow died in the following November.

The "Hibernian Magazine", Feb. 1788, states that he died in York-street in
Dublin. This is an error. Temple Emmet died away from home, at the age
of twenty-seven, but was buried from his residence in York-street, and the
tradition exists in the family that he died from over-work. As has been
stated, his wife, Anne Western Temple, of Ten Hills, near Boston, Mass., was
a second cousin.

The following is a copy of the official entry in the Church Records, which
is in the possession of the writer: —

191

192 Christopher Temple Emmet

This is to certify that Temple Emmet, Esq., late of York Street in the City
of Dublin, was interred on the ninth day of March, 1788, as appears by an entry
thereof in the Register of this Parish.

Given under our hands this 10th day of March, 1830.

John [Illegible], Minister
George Gray } Church Warders
Edwd. Brewster j

Dr. Madden wrote of Temple Emmet:

His brilliant talents and eminent legal attainments obtained for him a character that
in the same brief space was probably never gained at the Irish Bar.

He also quotes from the testimony of Mr. St. John Mason, that :

He was certainly one of the most bright ornaments of the Irish Bar, and the most
eloquent man of his day . . .

His death created a great sensation at the time and notices of his character
and death and the high estimation in which he was held, will be found in the
public journals of the day.

Mr. Grattan, in the life of his father, the celebrated Henry Grattan, gives
it as his opinion that:

Temple Emmet, before he came to the Bar, knew more law than any of the
judges on the bench; and if he had been placed on one side and the whole bench
opposed to him, he could have been examined against them, and would have sur-
passed them all; he would have answered better both in law and divinity than
any judge or bishop in the land. He had a wonderful memory, he recollected everything,
it stuck to him with singular tenacity.

C. Temple Emmet left one child, Catherine, who died unmarried. Nothing
is now known of Catherine Emmet's life after the death of her grandparents,
Dr. Emmet and his wife, beyond the fact that she once visited her uncle in
America and there established a friendship with his two older daughters. It
would seem that she did not preserve the acquaintance closely, as only one
letter from her to her cousin, Elizabeth Emmet, has been found among the
family papers. This letter, however, gives every indication that she was a
talented woman, and we learn from it of her bad health, which was probably
the reason that she was not able to keep up a correspondence with her relatives.
It is also probable that Miss Emmet was an invalid for many years before her
death, as she inherited a delicate constitution from her mother. The following
is a copy of her letter:

Combe Down, near Bath,
27th February, 1817.

My beloved Elizabeth will not, I hope, reject a few lines from me to whom she
is very dear, though various circumstances have for some time obliged that one
to be silent towards her and the other members of the family. That every one
of these members of the family is nevertheless as tenderly beloved as ever, she
can, however, most sincerely assure them, and she trusts that they will not refuse
their pardon for an offence which she could not in fact avoid, since the debility to
which she was at one period reduced, rendered her incapable of writing to anybody
whatever. Do not, therefore, my friend, condemn me without hearing, but rather
grant me a generous pardon, and let me if possible soon hear from you, and hear

Letter from Catherine Emmet l(->3

too some particulars concerning my uncle and aunt, my dearest Robert, and all
those other friends so dear to you as well as to myself, and in whose society you
have the happy prospect of spending your days, a bliss of which I have given up
even the remotest hope on this side of the grave. I have promised in this to give
you some account of my health and of my present situation.

I must not therefore allow myself to run forth into fine speeches, but will begin
with telling you that, persuaded by the arguments of Mrs. Tinton, who had paid
me several visits since I came to Bath, and likewise by those of the excellent family
in which I reside, 1 have entirely given up the system of Dr. Parry as it contributed
only to weaken me without diminishing the complaint which it professed to erad-
icate. This you may suppose was to me no trifling disappointment, for if I had
set my mind too earnestly upon any earthly object, it was upon getting free from
a complaint which must render me a burden to those around me and prevent me
from feeling that independence which nothing could otherwise deprive me of.
Since however it is so ordained I must only remain satisfied, and most grateful
do I feel for having met with a friend such as my dear Miss Hazlitt, who can
feel and allow for all my weaknesses. We are now, together with her good Father
and Mother, residing on Combe Down, near the town of Bath. The situation itself
is most delightful, and the air is reckon'd uncommonly wholesome for all who have
in their constitution anything of a consumptive tendency. My dearest Elizabeth
Holmes* has more than half promised to pay me a visit here in the course of next
summer, on her return from Devonshire, where she is now spending some time
and where she has already derived some benefit from the mildness of the climate.
I saw her as she passed through Bath on her journey thither, and was much shocked
by the visible weakness of her frame, but I trust from the favorable accounts which
I have received since that all may yet be overcome. She spoke to me much about
those friends in America whom she so much long'd to see and from whom a few
lines were, she said, to her more precious than anything besides. This I could
easily believe, for I myself felt the same emotion. I look forward to some hours
of enjoyment in the summer with this object of my fond affection, and I think that
she too will enjoy herself amid the scenes about, and, what is more to be desir'd
than anything, that each of us will become acquainted with the character and dis-
position of the other. Such are the hopes in which I at present indulge.

To any greater happiness I durst not look forward lest the whole should ter-
minate in disappointment. Sometimes, when I think of you and those around you,
I cannot help indulging in the wish that I could once more see you and converse
with you, though for ever so short a space of time. But the idea vanishes from
my mind, almost as soon as formed, for I quickly perceive its fallacy. My dear
Miss Hazlitt could tell you how often our conversation is of New York, and how at
such moments rather than any other, my tongue can discover the art of extending
itself without fatigue in praise for those most dear to my heart. As to company,
we see none. Our enjoyments are totally of the domestic kind. In strength I
can perceive myself daily to be gaining something, and when again established to
the same point of health which I enjoyed before I entered upon this unfortunate
experiment, when able to use my limbs for myself and those around me, as I then
did, I shall be thoroughly satisfied, for I shall then have it in my power to be
useful, and you, my dear Elizabeth, do not know and cannot well form an idea of
the horror of that sensation connected with the consciousness that you are of use to no
one, and perhaps forgotten by those whom you best love.

Forgive me for saying this. The thought will sometimes enter into the soul,
and it cannot always be banished just at pleasure. The way by which you will
oblige me totally to dismiss it will be by writing soon and sending me even the
most trifling particulars that relate to my belov'd aunt and uncle. To yourself,

•Her cousin; afterwards Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham.

194 "Monks of the Screw"

or my dearest Margaret, or to any other member of that Family which I so
frequently reflect upon, and for whose happiness these lips daily offer up so many
prayers, to all these you must remember me as if particularly named, and I hope
that from some of you I shall soon hear.

In the meantime I can only assure you that whatever may be the distance that
lies between us and however long the time of our separation, you will at all times
and in every situation possess in me a most faithful friend and affectionate cousin.

C. Emmet.

Miss Elizabeth Emmet,

Peter Burrowes' "Memoir" contains the following notice of his college
mate : —

Temple Emmet died prematurely. His eloquence was great, but spoiled by
imagery. He could not speak prose; it was poetry. Having on one occasion to
close the sitting of the College Historical Society by a speech from the chair, he
prepared the speech and sent it to Mr. Burrowes desiring him to curtail it as he
thought proper, and so alter it, if necessary as that it should appear to the best
advantage. Mr. Burrowes tried, but ineffectually; he could not alter it without
changing the entire. It was all poetry. One passage he used to repeat wtih great
earnestness and animation : "America ! America ! the land of arts and arms, where
that goddess, Liberty, was wooed and won, and twelve young eaglets springing
from her nest, bore freedom upward on her soaring wings".

The entire speech was in this style; and Mr. Burrowes returned it, being un-
able to comply with the speaker's wishes. He did however pronounce a most
flowery and eloquent address from the chair on that occasion; it was full of talent,
but it was a speech of blank verse.*

Temple Emmet's professional standing is indicated by the fact that he
was a founder and member of a social club called the "Monks of the Screw",
composed of fifty members selected from the learned professions in Dublin,
who dined together at least once a week at the club-house on Dublin Bay.f

Mr. Emmet possessed a most logical mind, and it had been stated that
when he engaged in the practice of his profession, his arguments were so
concise in statement and so logical in the deductions drawn that there was
no one at the Irish Bar during his service who could equal him. In this
respect Temple Emmet possessed a mental development rarely found in any
individual with a poetical tendency. In his early life Mr. Emmet had pub-
lished in London a large volume of his original poems. So diligently and

*This is a very clear criticism from one said to have been the most absent minded man in
Ireland. According to Phillips in "Curran and His Contemporaries": "It is recorded of him
[Burrowes] that on circuit, a brother barrister found him at breakfast time standing by the fire
with an egg in his hand and his watch in the saucepan."

tSome years ago the writer possessed a work of two or three volumes bearing the title, he
thinks, of "The Monks of the Screw", written evidently by one who had obtained access to
their minutes, or who had known some one most familiar with the individualism of the different
members and their work. This book gave a report of much that was said and done by the members
at their Dinners. These men were the most learned in their professions, and noted for their wit
and story-telling. In a recently published work "John Philpot Curran", 1750-1817, by R. W. W.,
Dublin, 1907, it is stated: — "When Lord Avonmore [Barry Yelverton, a friend of Curran]
founded the patriotic convivial society of 'The Monks of the Screw' in 1779 [to 1795] Curran was
made Prior of the Order: and a glance at the names of the men who accepted him at twenty-nine as a
special leader will attest the position he had already won.

"Their chapter song, written by the Prior, and a picture of their proceedings, will be found in
'Charles O'Malley'. Curran, who was a host in himself — though according to Lever's pun, his
elevation could not be depended on — gloried in his title, and named his estate of Hally Park, near
Rathfarnham, some four miles from Dublin, 'The Priory'.

"He gravely told the inmates of a French monastery who thanked him for his advocacy of the
Catholic cause and offered him the keys of the house, that he was a prior himself in Ireland, and
that he would merely accept the key of the wine cellar."

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

CHRISTOPHER TEMPLE EMMET

Poems of Temple Emmet 195

during so many years hail thi^ work been sought for, that the writer would
doubt the accuracy of the statement, were it not that the elder members of
the family, who have long passed away, all remembered seeing the work and
hearing it spoken of in Ireland during their early childhood.

That Temple Emmet possessed a poetical faculty and that his poems were
published there can be no doubt. By means of the cross-reference card cata-
logue at the Public Library in New York city, two poems of some length from
his pen were found which were previously unknown, to the present generation
at least.

"The Decree" was found to have been printed several times, and for the
last time in "A Collection of Poems, Dublin, MDCCLXXXIX, issued for the
editor Joshua Edkins". In the Public Library of New York there were
found copies of three annual issues for 1789, 1790 and 1801 — "The Decree"
was published in the first volume of the series, known as "Edkins' Collec-
tion of Poems", and the following year appeared "The Myrtle" by Emmet
with an anonymous poem supposed to have been also from his pen. "The
Decree", an allegory of thirty-two stanzas of four lines each, according to
the "Dictionary of National Biography" : —

Was written during the administration of, and inscribed to, the Earl of Buck-
inghamshire, Viceroy of Ireland from 1777 to 1780. In these verses the author
predicted that the future eminence of England would be imperilled if she delayed
to act justly toward Ireland, by annulling harsh laws, and by removing the enact-
ments which prohibited commerce between the Irish and America, which he styled
'the growing western world'.

It is not known when "The Myrtle" was written, but the volume of poems
by Christopher Temple Emmet was published in London during his lifetime
and must therefore have been written previous to 1788, in which year he died,
and these poems reprinted in "Edkins' Collection of Poems"* must have been
taken from the work issued by Mr. Emmet himself years before.

The Decree

Written During the Administration of, and Inscribed to

His Excellency

John Earl of Buckinghamshire

By Christopher Temple Emmet, Esq.

High enthron'd, in godlike state,
Rising from the wat'ry plain,
Mighty Neptune sat, elate;

Neptune's trident shook the main.

*Tbomas Addis Emmet's name appears among the list of subscribers with Henry Grattan. Edmund
Burke, Richd. Brinsley Sheridan, The Rt. Hon. C. J. Fox, George Robert Fitrgerald ("Fighting"
Fitzgerald, afterwards banged for murder), John Kemble, Saml. Whyte, Dr. Drennan, and many
others.

196 "The Decree"

Dazzling glory, round his head,
Beam'd a blaze of orient light;

Mermaids left their sea-green bed,
Gaily, rob'd in azure bright.

In their shells, blue Tritons rode
Round their monarch's wat'ry car;

Naiads hymn'd a nautic ode,
And the shores resounded far.

Then, sweet Sirens, gently, sung
"Rule, Britannia, rule the waves!"

And responsive Tritons rung
"Britons never shall be slaves".

Distant valleys caught the sound,
On a swelling surge convey'd,

And the sportive Echoes round
Tuneful, lent their mimic aid.

Ere the notes well dy'd away,
Lo ! a beauteous form arose,

Zephyrs, soft, began to play,
Soft as new-born April blows.

Drest, she stood in vernal green,
Floating, loosely, to the wind ;

At her side, an harp was seen,
And her hair flow'd loose behind.

Careless, circling round her head,
Gather'd fresh from off the plain,

Three-leav'd grass compos'd a braid ; —
Gayer dress may suit the vain.

Soft, she struck her trembling lyre;

Soft, the warbling notes were play'd;
Soft, addressing then her sire,

Thus the mild-ey'd beauty said.

"Ne'er be Britain's honours faded,
Long may Britain rule the main,
Long, her flag fly, undegraded,
Dread of France and haughty Spain.

"May she humble ev'ry foe,
May her honours ever rise,
Still, in greatness, may she grow,
May her glories reach the skies.

"Happy, thus, that she is great,
Happy, thus, that she is free,
May I, humbly, ask what Fate
Has resolv'd on, touching me?"

Neptune wav'd his hoary head,
Tritons trembled at his nod,

Ocean shrunk beneath its bed,
Nature felt the lab'ring God.

The Decree" 197

Pausing, then, at length, he ciy'd,

"Britain's monarchs long shall reign,
Long her fleets, in triumph, ride,
Neptune's bulwarks, on the main.

"But if ere, in thoughtless hour,
Freedom's rights she shall invade.
Struck with lust of lawless povv'r,
BRITAIN'S laurels, then, shall fade.

"Vainly, then, her fleets shall roam,

Half mankind, combin'd, her foes;
She may strike — but not strike home ;
Heav'n itself shall blast her rose.

"Older, stronger, mark'd by Fate,
Hers it is to rule the main,
Nor do thou the humbler state, —
Stiller joys of life, disdain.

"Britain, in that higher sphere,
Must ten thousand ills endure,
Whilst, divest of anxious care,
You may sit and smile secure.

"But should Britain ere forget
What to Sisters' claims are due,
Madly, should she ever threat
Tyrant laws, or force, to you ;

"Should she ever claim a right,
Ireland's commerce to restrain,
Should she ere presume, by might,
Such oppression to maintain ; —

"In that day, her doom is seal'd ;
By that act, her charter void,
Heav'n's condition'd grant repeal'd,
Heav'n's intended boon destroy 'd ;

"In that day — 'tis so decreed,
Letter'd large, enroll'd by Fate,
You to Britain shall succeed,
Yours shall be the rising State."

"Oh ! far distant be the day,"

Quick, the mild-ey'd Maid reply'd,
Ne'er let Britain's pow'r decay,
Ne'er be Britain's title try'd.

"Ne'er let wrongs her honour stain,
Still, her sway let Britain keep;
In her stead should Ireland reign,
Ireland in that pomp would weep.

"Never may I so be prais'd,
Never so obtain renown ; —
If on Britain's ruin rais'd,
I reject the proffer'd crown."

198 "The Decree"

"What Jove wills must be obey'd,
What Jove wills is ever best,"
Neptune said, with voice dismay'd,
And, in sorrow, smote his breast.

"Hark ! — methinks, I hear the word ;
Hark ! — methinks, the loud alarm ;
See ! — oh, see ! the half drawn sword !
See! the half uplifted arm!

"Right, provok'd by wrong exceeding,
Drest in Terror's garb appears;
Oh, how stay my children bleeding!
How prevent the widow's tears !

"Prudence, mild, must sooth the storm;
Prudence stop my children's woes;
Prudence, drest in Hobart's form,
Must the growing ills compose.

"Patient, faithful, mild, and just,

He shall make their discord cease,
Greatly, godlike in his trust,
He shall seal their mutual peace.

"Injur'd Ireland he shall guide,
Britain's errors shall upbraid,
He shall open Wealth's fair tide,
And set free restricted Trade.

"Then shall Commerce gladly smile,
In each flying gale, unfurl'd,
Hov'ring 'twixt her fav'rite Isle
And a growing Western world.

"Ireland, happy in redress, —

Britain, sav'd by cancel'd laws, —
Each shall Hobart's conduct bless,
Each proclaim her loud applause.

"High, amidst the good and great.
Honour shall enroll his name ;
Friend and father to each state
He shall fill the trump of Fame !"

Ireland, raptur'd struck the lyre
Neptune still'd the roughen'd main

Nymphs and Tritons caught the fire ;
Heav'nly music clos'd the scene!

"The Myrtle" ' "

Sent to

a Lady

With a Present of

Myrtle

By Christopher Temple Emmet, Esq.

Once on a time, as poets tell,
And poets, sure, knew old times well,
When simple swains and virgins fair
Tended in vales their fleecy care,
And each, like the wild flocks they fed,
On earth's soft lap reclin'd their head;
Then Jove, for Jove o'er Ida reign'd,
On Ida's top the Gods conveyn'd;
And each God, e'er th' assembly rose,
Some Tree from hill or valley chose,
Jove took the Oak, a tree divine !
And little Bacchus took the Vine;
The Laurel Phoebus made his care,
For still he lov'd the Flying Fair;
The Olive pleas'd the blue-ey'd Maid;
But Venus chose the Myrtle's shade.

First Jove arose, and first he spoke,

And gifted thus his chosen Oak;

"O'er all the mountains thou shalt reign,

And spread thy branches to the plain;

High on the hills, my Oak shall rise

And, first of trees, approach the skies;

In vain loud storms and rattling hail

Thy leafy honours shall assail ;

But, in the Dodonoean grove,

Men shall thy pow'r prophetic prove;

While priests in holy madness wait

To catch from thee the voice of fate; —

And thou shalt grace the wat'ry plain,

Long as Britannia rules the main,

Her floating bulwark thou shalt prove,

To Britain sacred — and to Jove."

Next Bacchus to his Vine began,
"Sweet Tree ! which smooths each care of man ;
To thee shall truth her altars raise,
Parent of mirth and child of ease,
By thee shall dull reserve be drown'd,
When with thy fruit the cup is crown'd;
Thy floods shall fright away despair,
Dazzle deep thought, and drown old care;
And all, who feel the force of wine,
Shall pay due honours to my Vine;
For thou can'st ev'ry grief destroy,
And, in their place, plant ev'ry joy".

200 "The Myrtle"

Apollo, too, his Tree display'd,

And, speaking, wept the Penian maid;

"Henceforth 'tis will'd, fair favour'd Tree!

Each honest breast shall beat for thee;

And who feel fame's pure kindling fire

To thy green honours shall aspire;

Thy leaves shall prove the victor's praise,

And sacred make the poet's lays;

Thy wreaths shall twine the champion round,

And conquest, with thy boughs, be crown'd".

Minerva, thus, her Tree addrest;

"When men by war's black scourge are prest,

And discord, high in air, displays

Her bloody torch and wasteful blaze,

My Olive shall its branches wave,

To snatch from death the bold and brave;

No more the trembling maid shall weep,

Nor frightful visions scatter sleep;

No starting fair, with faded cheek,

Her promis'd love in vain shall seek;

No more the orphan's tears shall flow,

Nor death awake the widow's woe;

To white rob'd Peace shall Terror yield

His gorgon crest and snake-hung shield;

Nor sullen, view th' ensanguin'd plain

And whirl his car o'er heaps of slain;

But fury pale shall learn to cease, —

My Olive still the pledge of peace".

Last, Venus took her Myrtle fair,

And drest each sprig with happy care;

"For thou shalt be supremely blest,

And far more favour'd than the rest ;

In future times her care you'll prove

Who reigns on earth the Queen of love;

For her my Myrtle I design,

To her I'll give whate'er is mine;

In proof whereof, her waist around

With my own cestus shall be bound ;

At present, you'll remain with me —

Hereafter, one more fair you'll see;

And each new day and each new year,

In beauties new like her, appear,

Unsully'd as her native truth,

And blooming like her op'ning youth;

Perhaps with gentle hand, she'll pour,

From steaming urn, a silver show'r;

Perhaps, in gayest verdure drest,

You'll chance to deck her snowy breast,

There flourish, with superior bloom,

And, thence, your chiefest sweets assume,

And while, with concious grace she treads,

And Love around his glory spreads,

"The Myrtle" 201

The nymphs shall all in envy vie,
And all the swains with envy die;
The nymphs shall envy her they view,
The swains, blest Myrtle! envy you ;
Because, design'd to give delight,
Your sweets attract my Delia's sight ;
Because you grace her gentle breast,
Where Sorrow's self might learn to rest!
And thus what each aspires to be
Becomes the fate rcserv'd for thee".

Man looks to antiquity for a right to be free; as 'well might he look to antiquity for a
right to breathe.

T. A. Emmet.

The policy of England towards Ireland, even as a dependent state, >was unwise, illiberal
and unfeeling, but it iuas uniformly the policy of the despot to the slave.

T . A. Emmet.

Chapter VI

Birth and early life of Thomas Addis Emmet — His course at Trinity College, Dublin,
compared with the standing of his brother Temple — Studies medicine in Edinburgh — His
course there— Thesis for graduation— Dr. Samuel Mitchell's account of Emmet's career—
His great popularity in the literary societies— His college friends— Served in Guy's Hos-
pital, London— Begins practice in Dublin— Gets rapidly into a large practice — Associated
with his father — He and his father become state physicians for the king — Sudden death
of his brother Temple — Studies law at the wish of his father and is equally successful as a
student — His acquaintances while a law student among men afterwards distinguished — In
less than a year he fully establishes himself at the Dublin bar — His early connection with
the United Irishmen — Takes an active part in forming the organization prior to becoming
a member — Takes the oath of the United Irishmen in open court, during the trial of his
client for the same offence — Emmet's early association with Theobald Wolfe Tone — Dr.
Madden's work — An early advocacy of Catholic Emancipation and parliamentary reform
and work in advancing the movements— Tone's visit to the United States — Pitt's course
towards Ireland for bringing about the Union with England — England's promises to Ire-
land never observed in good faith — Had Pitt and Napoleon an understanding?

'HOMAS ADDIS EMMET, the second son of Dr. Robert
Emmet and Elizabeth Mason, was born in Cork, Ireland,
April 2-4, 1764. He was educated in a school kept by Mr.
Keer in Dublin. Nothing is now known of his course be-
yond the fact made evident from the number of prize-
books gained by him that he possessed more than average
ability and application. According to family tradition
Mr. Emmet, when passing into manhood, was fond of
all out-door sports, particularly of hunting, and he was
considered to have been an unusually good horseman. He entered Trinity Col-
lege, Dublin, 1778, when he was fourteen years of age, and was graduated at
the end of the course with very high honors. His elder brother Temple was
graduated a few years previous with such distinction as to establish a standard
so high as never since to have been reached by any other individual. Thomas
Addis Emmet obtained a scholarship in 1781, and the Degree of B.A. in 1782,
and established for himself a standard which has remained to his individual
credit. During a visit to Trinity in 1880 the writer learned from an official,
who seemed fully acquainted with the circumstances, that while some individ-
ual occasionally reached Temple Emmet's standard in some special line, as in
mathematics or the Classics, no student up to that date, in his final examina-
tion for graduation, had since reached the standard established by these

202

Graduation Thesis 203

brothers for the whole course. The early death of the one and the political
difficulty and exile of the other so soon after graduation had caused this re-
markable fact connected with them to be forgotten.

After receiving the Degree of LL.B. from Trinity University, Mr. T. A.
Emmet began the study of medicine in Edinburgh and graduated in 1784,
achieving there comparatively as high a standard as he held at Trinity. We
are indebted to the funeral oration delivered by Dr. Samuel Mitchell, who was
a fellow-student with Mr. Emmet, for the following information:

In October, 1784, I found T. A. Emmet at the University of Edinburgh. He had in
the September preceding received the degree of doctor of medicine in due form, pursuant
to a decree of the faculty, and an order of the academic senate. The velvet cap had been
put upon his head by the distinguished Principal William Robertson. He staid there during
the winter which succeeded his graduation, for the purpose of further improvement.
Gentlemen who can afford it, and are not pressed immediately into business, not un-
frequently do so. I soon became acquainted with him. I even sought an introduction,
for he was in high consideration among the students, and he was reputed by the pro-
fessors and seniors as having performed his exercises, and gone through the prescribed
course of study, with more than common ability.

The statutes imposed upon a candidate for the doctorate among other tasks, the
publication of a dissertation upon some professional subject in the Latin language — Mr.
Emmet possessing a taste for chemistry did defend at the solemn examination [for the
degree of medicine] a composition* "De aere fixo vel acido aereo" : the production upon
which Professor Black had founded much of his well-earned fame. Experiments had
proceeded at that day far enough to ascertain that it was an air, fixed in, or attracted to
other bodies as by chalk, for example, and they had proved that it was an acid quality,
capable of changing the purple of litmus to red. But they had not discovered that its
basis was elementary charcoal, nor, that in correct nomenclature, it ought to be called
carbonic acid. The performance was considered to have been his own, and not the work
of one of those useful hirelings, who prepared exercises for the dull and lazy.

As to the style, it was deemed a good specimen of modern latinity, and in regard
to the matter, it was reckoned one of the best inaugural tracts. Mr. Smellie, one of the
printers to the University, a good naturalist and a fair judge of literary and scientific
matters, had made a selection of those collegiate pieces that went through his hands,
which he published in a volume from time to time, under the title of "Thesaurus Medicus".
Emmet's dissertation had the honor of being reprinted, and preserved among the choice
articles there. . . . The dissertation states that it is Chymico-Medical. . . . The
first section or chapter, contains the history of the substance, as it was understood forty-
seven years ago. That his diligence may be duly appreciated it becomes me to tell you
he quotes the English philosophical transactions, and the writings of Priestley, Cavallo,
Falconer, Lavoisier, and Bergman, as reigning authorities. He likewise manifests his
acquaintance with the labors of Percival, Nooth, Black, Macbride and Pringle, to whom
he makes becoming reference and acknowledgment.

In the next division of his subject, he examines the "nature of the Aereal Acid", and
after an elaborate discussion of the matter from the facts and opinions before him, he
concludes his enquiry, by observing, like a candid, modest and sensible man [p. 45] : "If I
should be required to give a theory of the Aereal Acid, I should not venture to do it at
present; we are probably ignorant of many qualities belonging to the gases; but further
removed from an acquaintance with their peculiarities and constitutions! This, how-
ever, I will venture to assert, that fixed air, as far as I can judge, approaches as nearly

*Tentamen Chymico-Medicum de Aere Fixo sive Acido Aereo, Edenburg mdcclxxxiv. See Ap-
pendix, Note V.

204 Early Oratorical Efforts

to a simple substance as any gas, or any acid, and in the two cases, we are equally unac-
quainted with their constituent ingredients" !

The chief part of his discussion is directed to the employment of the aereal acid in
medicine. Herein he exhibits a summary of its use in gangrene, diseases of the stomach
from a defect of vigor, in putrid typhus fever, in angina maligna, in confluent smallpox
and putrid measles, in consumption of the lungs, in dysentery and in scurvy, after the
manner of an industrious enquirer, who had exerted every effort that health, oppor-
tunity and assiduity could apply, for the elucidation of the subject.

Mr. Emmet's paper on aereal acid was read at the first meeting of the
National Philosophy Society in its new hall, which on the same occasion was
dedicated, and he took his seat as president. At this time he was also presi-
dent for the year of the Royal Society of Medicine and the Society of Natural
History and Research. The work was dedicated by Mr. Emmet to : "Nobi-
lissimo et integerrimo viro, Georgio Grenville Nugent Temple, comiti de Temple
&c."

Dr. Mitchell goes on to say:

The capital city of Scotland abounds in Societies, composed mostly of the higher
order of students, who meet for mutual improvement.

The Royal Medical is one of these, in which memoirs are read and debated. Mr.
Emmet was a conspicuous orator in these discussions. He was thought to be one of the
best speakers if not the very best. He was sufficiently esteemed, to be chosen one of the
four presidents. It was a regulation that a part of the discussion in the order of business
should be in Latin, and therein perhaps Mr. Emmet excelled every person who took the
floor. His knowledge was various, his memory retentive, his ideas methodical, and his
utterance impressive.

There was another society in which he appeared to great advantage, in these juve-
nile pursuits. This was the Royal Physical Society. The objects of this association
were virtually the same with the former. A new hall had been constructed and a formal
inauguration ordered. Dr. Emmet, one of the presiding officers, was appointed to deliver
the discourse. This he executed much to the satisfaction of his audience in the Latin
tongue; although in the preface of the pamphlet he informs the reader that it was but
a work of three days [tridui opus]. The copy I possess of the tract is noted as having
been received from the author. I recollect, almost as well as if it was yesterday, his
attitude and manner, and the motion of his right hand which grasped a roll.

There was a third society, to the presidential chair of which he was elevated. This
was the association for the promotion of Natural History.

I believe I am correct in remarking that the distinction and praise he obtained while
yet at the university, operated upon me as incentives to industry, after a model so con-
spicuous and admired, with the hope of gaining similar rewards.

There was yet another society, called the "Speculative", to which he belonged, and
over which he also became presiding officer. The exercises here were of a different
character from those of the others; inasmuch as they embraced almost every subject
except physical, natural and medical science. The whole extent of politics, metaphysics,
economics, literature and history were considered at the meetings.

He was the presiding officer of five of the literary societies at the same time, while
it was a great honor to have held the position once.

Young Emmet had gained in this place as much reputation as one of his years could
attain. He was prepared to enter the world of business and give counsel to rich and
disabled. And in this function he would probably have been able and successful; adorn-
ing from year to year a profession he had cultivated with extraordinary diligence and
ardor.

Personal Characteristics 205

Dr. Mitchell mentions among Dr. Emmet's intimate friends the names of Sir
James Mackintosh, Dougal Stuart, Mr. Hope, Dr. John Rogers of New York
and Dr. Casper Wister of Philadelphia, all of whom became in after life dis-
tinguished men. On leaving Edinburgh he went to London, where he entered
Guy's Hospital as a resident physician and served the usual course in that
institution. He then proceeded to the Continent for an extended tour, accom-
panied by an intimate friend from the north of Ireland, Mr. George Knox, a
son of Lord Northland. With Mr. George Knox, Dr. Emmet corresponded
for several years during a portion of his life of which we have little knowl-
edge. This correspondence is still in existence, hut the writer was unahle to
obtain permission to have the letters copied. Dr. Madden in early life had
the good fortune, as a foundation for his "Lives of the United Irishmen," to
become personally acquainted with many who had taken part in the political
movement of 1798. He thus knew many of Dr. Emmet's contemporaries and
from them he was able to portray for our benefit the personal attributes of
Dr. Emmet as they existed at this period of his life. In Madden's work, to
which we have to make such frequent reference, will be found the following
analysis : —

His career at college, if less brilliant than that of his brother Temple, was such as
gave ample promise of his future eminence. His qualities were not of the same shining
character. The powers of his imagination were less remarkable than the solidity of his
judgment and the logical precision and acumen of his reasoning faculties. His oratorical
efforts were distinguished by no bold flights of impassioned eloquence; they abounded
not in the flowers of a poetic imagination, but in plants of a less precocious maturity — of
a more enduring bloom: an impressive earnestness of manner, an honesty of purpose,
and sincerity of conviction in the delivery of his sentiments; a strict adherence to truth;
a manly scorn of the meanness of subterfuge or falsehood; a closeness of reasoning that
never deviated from its essential line of argument; and on occasions which called for the
display of fervid feelings an outbreak of indignant or enthusiastic eloquence, which
formed a striking contrast with the apparent calmness of reflection and coldness of
feeling which his staid demeanour and contemplative cast of countenance would seem
to indicate.

His physical conformation was not robust; he was measured in his gait, and retiring
and unobtrusive in his deportment. In his dress he was careless — almost negligent; he
bestowed no attention on personal appearance. His head was finely formed — it had all
the compactness that a phrenologist would look for in the head of a man of profound
thought ; and the expression of his countenance was indicative of integrity and straight-
forwardness that inspired confidence and respect, and made those who came into con-
tact with him feel the presence of a man of inflexible principles, and of fixed, well
considered opinions. A slight cast in his eyes, accompanied by a habit of closing his
eye-lids, incidental to what is termed "nearness of sight", gave a kind of peering expression
to his regard. It was that of a man who communed more with himself than with external
things, but its predominant expression was benevolence : it was the regard of a man
whose suavity of disposition was too great to be spoiled by studious habits, by strong
convictions on political subjects, or a determined purpose to act upon these when the
occasion came for action.

Dr. Madden, in his Life of Thomas Addis Emmet, claims in the dedication
that he was :

206 Admitted to the Irish Bar

A man of great worth and virtue, sound understanding, solid judgment, fine talent,
and highly cultivated tastes ; of singular equanimity of mind, urbanity of manners, and
kindness of disposition; yet of inflexible integrity, steadfast principles, just views, and
well weighed opinions.

Emmet's vanity was of a peculiar kind; he was vain of nothing but his name: it
was associated with the brightest of the by-gone hopes of Irish genius, and with the
fairest promises of the revival of the latter in the dawning powers of a singularly gifted
brother. No man could say with truth that vanity or selfishness was the mental in-
firmity of Emmet.

No malignant act was ever imputed to him. The natural kindness of his disposition
was manifested in his looks, in his tone of voice ; those who came in contact with him
felt that his benignity of disposition, his purity of heart and mind were such, "and the
elements so mixed in him, that nature might stand up and say to all the world — this was
a man." Malignity and Emmet were as dissimilar in nature as in name.

A restless mind was not the mind of Emmet; the calm, tranquillizing influence of
philosophy had given its serenity to his intellectual organization. The repose, if one may
so speak of his character, was apparent in the composure of his demeanour and the
quietude of his deportment.

Emmet's ambition was to see his country well governed, and its people treated like
human beings, destined and capacitated for the enjoyment of civil and religious freedom.
For himself he sought no pre-eminence, no popular applause ; he shrunk from observation
where his merits, in spite of his retiring habits, forced themselves into notice. No man
could say that Emmet was ambitious.

The reader should bear this statement of Madden's fully in mind as it is
the key to Mr. Emmet's political life, and the explanation why he failed to
such an extent in gaining due credit when no other leader in the Rebellion
of 1798 accomplished so much.

Dr. T. A. Emmet, from the beginning, took a prominent position in the
practice of medicine in Dublin, where he was very extensively known, and
was soon appointed by the Government "State physician" in connection with
his father. This was a position of great importance, to which was attached
a good salary. He thus became a "Court physician", and ex officio, the physi-
cian to any member of the royal family requiring medical services while visit-
ing Dublin. The position also connected him with several hospital appoint-
ments, and made him a member of the Corporation of the City of Dublin and
of several important commissions.

In Mr. Emmet's twenty-sixth year, when holding a position in his pro-
fession acquired by few before middle age, his brother Temple suddenly died,
having already reached the head of the Dublin Bar before he was thirty years
of age. The father, judging of his son's ability as a physician, believing he
would occupy even a more prominent position and take his brother's place,
urged him to give up medicine for the legal profession.

He at once acquiesced in his father's wish and proceeded to London, where,
for two years and a half, he applied himself to the study of law, at the Temple
and in the courts at Westminster, and on returning to Ireland was admitted
to the Irish Bar in the Michaelmas term of 1790.

Mr. Emmet's advance in law was quite as rapid as it had been in the prac-
tice of the medical profession.

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Sue librae

PUBLIC

LEI^CX

Case of Napper Tandy

Archibald Hamilton Rowan has written:*

In January or February, 1792, I had been arrested by a warrant from Judge Downes
on a charge of distributing a seditious paper. ... I had at first declared my wish to
employ no other counsel to defend me than those who belonged to the Society of United
Irishmen; but Messrs. Emmet and Butler both declined the task, as they said it might
look like arrogance in junior counsellors to conduct so great a case as that which would
probably ensue.

It soon became evident to Mr. Emmet's friends that he could not remain
longer in retirement, even to serve the cause of the Society of United Irish-
men in the work of organization, which he was so desirous of doing.

Within two years after Mr. Emmet's admission to the Irish Bar, he made
his first appearance in Court, together with Simon Butler, Leonard M'Nally
and Matthew Uowlin, the attorney, to conduct the noted case of Napper Tan-
dy, begun on June 27, 1792. The final hearing was on Nov. 29th, 1792,
"Against the Viceroy, the Earl of Westmoreland, the lord chancellor, the
Right Hon. John Foster and Arthur Wolfe (afterwards Lord Kilwarden),
Timothy Dillon and George O'Reilly. The action was on the question —
"Whether any action, civil or criminal, can be brought against a Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, pending his viceroyalty."

As in so many other matters concerning this period we are indebted to
Dr. Madden for the only information which throws light on much that would
otherwise be obscure, particularly for his reproduction of the account written
by St. John Mason, himself a lawyer of ability. Dr. Madden states: —

The proceedings were instituted on the ground that the official rank of the lord
lieutenant was conferred by letters patent under the great seal of Great Britain; while
the great seal of Ireland was the only one which could be recognized in any court of law
in Ireland.

Those who advised the course of proceeding adapted in Tandy's action against the
lord lieutenant and privy council were men of a time that was productive of boldness.
The circumstances of Tandy's case are briefly these: — He was Secretary to the Dublin
Society of United Irishmen. It became the object of the Society to discover the views
of the Defenders: he accordingly met a party of Defenders at Castle Bellingham, where
he took the oath; he was informed against, a bill of indictment was privately prepared
against him at the Louth assizes, the authorities expecting to take him on his way t'o
Dublin where he had shortly to stand his trial for libel. He was informed of his danger,
however, at Dundalk, and soon after quitted the kingdom.

The final hearing of the motion came on the 26th of November, 1792.

The result was what might be expected ; and the case is not only remarkable for the
question raised in it, but for the report of Emmet's speech on this occasion, the first of
his on record, and the longest of any that has reached us. In that speech there were
sufficient indications of ability of the first order to justify the anxiety felt to take him
from the Bar, and to shelve such formidable talents on the Bench.

The great object of those proceedings it was desirable to keep undiscovered in the
preliminary steps; that object was to contest the validity of the lord lieutenant's patent,
as having been granted under the great seal of England, instead of that of the chancellor
of Ireland. The object, however, was disclosed to the crown lawyers, and Tandy's ad-
vocates were obliged to bring forward the main question prematurely.

•Autobiography of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Esq., &c, Dublin, 1840.

208 Report of Emmet's Speech

Mr. Mason stated :

With respect to the proceedings in the King's Bench against the viceroy, Lord West-
moreland [on account of a proclamation which the latter, in council, had issued for the
apprehension of James Napper Tandy, who had fled the country on the issuing of an
order for his arrest, in consequence of a report of a secret committee of the House of
Commons, charging him with treasonable communication with the Defenders] the object
was to contest the validity of the appointment of Lord Westmoreland as lord lieutenant,
and indeed of all those who had previously filled the office of viceroy; and to produce
the Earl of Westmoreland as a witness in these proceedings of Tandy, for the purpose of
showing that his lordship's appointment was invalid, inasmuch as it was in virtue only of
letters patent, granted under the great seal of England, and not under the great seal of
Ireland, which was then a separate kingdom. On the occasion, a subpoena having been
issued for the attendance, as a witness of Lord Westmoreland, T. A. Emmet moved for
the plaintiff, that the defendant, John Fane, Earl of Westmoreland, of the Kingdom of
Great Britain, do enter into security for his appearance at court on the day of next term.
The court refused the motion. The attorney-general declared that the lord lieutenant
would not give security.

Mr. Mason in addition states :

On the renewed proceedings in this case, 26th November, 1792, T. A. Emmet spoke
strongly on the subject of the lord lieutenant's appointment. One passage created a sen-
sation throughout the kingdom : — "I boldly assert that there has been no legal viceroy in
Ireland for the last six hundred years, and not only the counsel of Lord Westmoreland
will not deny that fact, but they will not dare to let his patent come under a train of
legal investigation".

Mr. Mason made the charge :

Leonard McNally, the barrister, betrayed the cause by disclosing the object to the
government, or the judges, or legal advisers of the crown who had been previously igno-
rant of it.

M'Nally as an informer was already in the employ of the British Govern-
ment.

A full and authentic report was given of Mr. Emmet's speech, which is
worthy of being presented in full to the reader, it being his first made at the
bar and the only one while Emmet was engaged in Dublin practice of which
so full an account is given.

Mr. Emmet began his speech by explaining the nature of his action. It
was made necessary by the attorney-general avowing himself not to be counsel
for the Lord Westmoreland, no course being in court on which to ground this
application before appearance and unsupported by any affidavit. It was not
a motion, and it would not be called a motion, if the counsel on the other side
could call it by any other name. He would, however, tell the court what it
was, — it was a message from a great man, desiring the court to stop the pro-
gress of the law against him; and he would say on the authority of 2 Inst. :56,
that it is exactly that against which the nulli negabimus justitiam of Magna
Charta was enacted. The ground of the application, as stated by the attorney-
general on a former occasion, was that Lord Westmoreland would not appear,
and that it would be inconvenient and even dangerous to arrest him in the

Even the King Can be Sued

midst of his guards. "If by law he can not be compelled to appear the menace
was unnecessary; if by law he may be compelled to appear, the menace was
indecent. If he can he compelled to appear, he must appear; and notwith-
standing the character given of him by his own immediate advocates, I cannot
believe that while he claims to be the viceroy of this Kingdom, lie will set the
example of resisting the laws to the subjects of his sovereign. But by law
he may be compelled to appear; no privilege exempts him from being sued."

It is a principle of the law, laid down in 1 Com. Dig. 104, Title action, C. 3,
that "every subject of the King, ecclesiastical or temporal, man or woman, vil-
lein or free, may be sued". So great was the protection to the subject's right
of suing that the common law code was preserved even against the King
until another was pointed out [for this Mr. Emmet cited 1 Com. Dig. 104, C.
1 : until the time of Edward I the King might as an ordinary individual have
been sued in all actions]. The court observing that there was doubt expressed
in that very passage as to the fact, he then cited 43 Ed. Ill, 22 ; Thel. Dig. 1 , 4,
C. 1, 3; 24 Ed. Ill, 55; and having established that position, proceeded to
argue that even supposing Lord Westmoreland to be, what he claimed to be,
lord lieutenant, "his privilege is only an emanation from and cannot be
greater than the King's prerogative. But even the King can be sued by peti-
tion, and would still continue suable by the common law mode, if another
more adapted to the subtlety of the times, had not been found out; therefore
the lord lieutenant must still continue suable by the common law mode, since
he can not be sued in any other way. The court have no right to quash its
process for anything but irregularity and none is alleged here. But the only
foundation of the application is that an action will not lie against the lord
lieutenant".

"That may be true, and yet he may be sued. There are many men in many
cases, against whom actions will not lie, and yet they may be sued and must
appear. If the viceroy has such a privilege, he comes too soon — he must plead
it". In "Nostyn versus Fabrigas Comp. 172", Lord Mansfield says: — "If it
were true that the law makes him that sacred character, he must plead it, and
set forth his commission as special matter of justification, because prima
facie the court has jurisdiction". Mr. Emmet then cited several authorities
to show that this was the rule of all privileges, and observed that this attempt
to avoid pleading and setting forth the lord lieutenant's commission resulted
from fear; for his counsel knew that if it was spread on the record it might
be demurred to, and could be proved to be a nullity. This endeavor to deter-
mine the question in a summary way has also another object, to prevent the
plaintiff from being able to appeal, or from taking advantage of a writ of
error; but that very reason ought to induce the court to refuse the application.
A question of novelty and importance ought to be put in the most solemn and
conclusive mode of determination, and the court ought to decline deciding in
a manner summary and final on a matter in which the subject ought to have
the power of appeal. He next questioned the dictum that no action will lie
against a governor locally during his government. "It is my Lord Mansfield's

210 Legal Status of Viceroy

opinion, unsupported, as far as I know, by any other authority in the books ;
and fortunately my Lord Mansfield has given the reason of his opinion: —
'because upon process he would be subject to imprisonment'. The guarded
manner of expressing the dictum shows its weakness. He says locally no ac-
tion would lie against him out of the place where he is governor, and yet his
imprisonment in England would as much impede and embarrass his govern-
ment as if it were at Barbadoes. But it is not necessary that he should be
subject to imprisonment in order that an action should lie. They are every
day brought against peers and persons whose bodies are privileged from
arrest. If the rights of the subject to have remedy for injury must be re-
stricted as far as that policy renders it indispensable the principles of the
common law and the right of the subject ought not to be sacrificed even to the
attainment of that great object, the security of a viceroy's person, if it can
be attained in any other way. The consequence therefore is that the court
must so mould its process as to attain the redress of the subject without vio-
lating that privilege. This can be done by making the next process after this
subpoena distress and not attachment, and he by letting the plaintiff proceed
at his peril to a parliamentary appearance. Mr. Emmet then cited by way
of analogy to his last position a case from Raymond, 152, in which it was de-
termined that an officer of the King's household, whose person was conse-
quently free from arrest, might be sued, so as that the King might not be
deprived of his service, and so might be outlawed. He then observed that the
inconveniences of the opposite doctrine would be most monstrous, and show
it cannot be law. . . . Here Mr. Baron Power intimated that the court knew
the cause of action, for the attorney-general had told it to them ; upon which
Mr. Emmet replied that neither the court nor the attorney-general could pos-
sibly know the cause of action, that no one but Mr. Tandy, his counsel and
his attorney could know the cause of action ; and that "the court, if they de-
cide against the plaintiff, must say that no action whatsoever will lie against
the lord lieutenant. But, if the governor be entitled to such a privilege as is
contended for, he must be a legal governor, and legally appointed inasmuch
as the privilege is a legal one. The court may know that he is a de facto
governor, and that may be sufficient to warrant and induce them to pay him
every obeisance and attention, or perhaps to sanction any ministerial act which
he must do, but he can never have a legal right to a legal privilege in a court
of law unless he had a legal right to his office, for he is appointed under the
great seal of England. It was but lately that some of the ablest lawyers on
the bench, and at the bar, were of opinion that the great seal of England can
appoint a regent ; for it can appoint a viceroy, whose name and whose func-
tions differ but little from those of a regent. The attorney-general depre-
cated on a former day the supposition that this country had been for six
hundred years without a legal viceroy. To that I answer with the sincere
wish that this country may not continue to be as it has been for the last six
hundred years; its independence was ascertained in 1782, and if there was
any abuse crept in before, it ought to have ceased then. For the last ten years

Takes Oath of United Irishmen 21 1

I boldly say there has been no legal viceroy in Ireland; and the counsel for
Lord Westmoreland will not only not venture to contradict me, but they will not
even dare to let his patent get into a train of legal investigation". Mr. Emmet
concludes: "this is an application which Lord Westmoreland has no right to
make, and which the court has no right to grant".*

This case attracted general comment throughout Great Britain, because of
the ability and learning displayed by Mr. Emmet, and above all for the un-
daunted courage he showed in the defense of his clients.

The other case, charging the prisoner with treason in having openly ac-
cepted the oath as administered to those becoming members of the Society
of United Irishmen, was brought to trial, and Mr. Emmet with great clear-
ness informed the court that the purpose of the United Irishmen was entirely
free from all treasonable purpose, their object being to restrain the people
from outbreak, and to unite them, regardless of religious belief, by bringing
about Catholic Emancipation, and the correction of certain parliamentary
abuses. Mr. Emmet then stepped forward in front of the bench, and in full
view of all in the court room, after invoking the aid of the Almighty, he
slowly and impressively read aloud the oath, kissed the Bible as he declared
himself thereby a member of the United Irishmen. He then took his seat. The
whole scene was so striking and dramatic as to have the effect of stopping
all further proceedings. The judge, without comment, discharged the prisoner
and dismissed the court. Tandy was thus saved from being sentenced to be
hung early on the following morning, as was the usual practice, with a packed
jury and without the slightest regard for the evidence. There are many
instances on record where the innocence was clearly established and yet the
judge seemed to base his decision upon some fault of the prisoner's apart
from the question of guilt.

The Government became alarmed at Mr. Emmet's course and immediately
resorted to the usual measures of corruption and bribery, hoping to render
him harmless before he should become formidable. With this object, Pitt
delegated a Castle official to see Mr. Emmet and offer him in the name of
the Government the position of solicitor general of Ireland, with the additional
assurance that he would be promoted to the next vacant judgeship. Mr. Emmet
at once saw the purpose and realized that the offer was not intended either
as a compliment or an honor, but as a business transaction to secure his politi-
cal support. Much to the astonishment of the government at so unprecedented
an action on the part of an Irishman, and especially one who had not yet spent
two years in the practice of his profession, he promptly declined the offer.
Dr. Macneven told Judge Emmet that his father's course was not understood
by the Government and that their inference was that he set a higher price on
his services, and would only be satisfied with a pecuniary compensation in
addition. Another agent was therefore sent from Pitt to make the sugges-

•Report of Proceedings in Action — James Napper Tandy, Plaintiff, and John. Earl of West-
moreland, Defendant, Published by order of the Society of United Irishmen, December, 1782, Page
142.

212 Refuses Solicitor-Generalship

tion that Mr. Emmet should reconsider his course, assuring him that no man,
whatever his age or position, could afford to offend Government in a way that
he must eventually regret. Notwithstanding the official warning given by a
man with the suavity of a swine- feeder, Mr. Emmet promptly reiterated his
former answer and doubtless in doing so clearly expressed his contempt for
the whole proceeding. Castlereagh afterward became involved and accepted
Mr. Emmet's refusal as a personal matter, and until his final release years
after, allowed no occasion to pass without a reminder of his vindictive and
spiteful spirit.*

"The Press", published in Dublin as the organ of the United Irishmen, by
Arthur O'Connor, gives, in 1797, a speech of some length made by Thomas
Addis Emmet, at the trial of some United Irishmen he was defending. Twelve
prisoners had been confined nearly seven months in the Belfast barracks, and
were brought up to Dublin by habeas corpus for trial before the Court of
Kings' Bench, on October 10th, 1797. This occasion was one of the few
instances where Mr. Emmet appeared as counsel on the trial of the United
Irishmen, for the leaders thought it advisable he should follow this course
since he had been busy for more than a year extending the branches of the
organization of the United Irishmen throughout the country.

There remains now but little record of this period of Mr. Emmet's life,
with the exception of what Dr. Madden was able to obtain from the Emmet
family when he contemplated writing his work on the United Irishmen, to-
gether with all the odds and ends, as it were, that he could gather from the
few individuals then alive, who were contemporary. All of this he succeeded
in working together, but with little system and many errors. Still without
Dr. Madden's labors there would have existed a hiatus in Irish history. This
statement is necessary as the writer has found frequently, that Dr. Madden em-
bodied in his work the material furnished by Mr. T. A. Emmet, Jr. As the
writer had access to the same authority, he has not always given Dr. Madden
credit for originality. Dr. Madden also had the advantage of being a personal
friend of Mr. John Patten, Mrs. Emmet's brother, and he knew Mr. Robert
Holmes who married Miss Emmet, the sister of T. A. and Robert Emmet.
He happily availed himself of the opportunity to place on record the details
obtained from these sources, details known also to the writer. f

The first mention made of Mr. Emmet taking any active part in Irish poli-
tics is recorded in Tone's Journal. On Emmet's introduction to the sub-
committee of the Catholics on October 15th, 1793, Tone states that he was

•Following a sketch of Mr. Emmet's life signed J. Ti. S. the reader will find (Vol. I, Chap. 34)
further reference to this subject, explaining why this offer was not made public.

fPr. Madden's work, issued in I860, is now out of print. This difficulty was about to be_ removed
by the enterprise of the Napper Tandy Publishing Company of New York, in the reprinting of
Madden's work in a very attractive form. The work was begun in 1911, but after the issue of the
eighth volume, covering about two thirds of the work, it was suspended. The writer is ignorant as
to the cause, but has supposed it was due to the serious difficulty every writer and publisher of
Irish works has to meet, that the Irish are not a reading people. After over two hundred years of
penal laws which made it a crime to learn to read or write, they have not yet recovered sufficiently
to become a reading people. In some respects this failure in the reproduction of Madden's work
may prove an advantage to the public, for. notwithstanding its great value, it contains so many errors and
requires such a different svstem in arranging the material, that it should be rewritten and properly
prepared from a literary point of view and to prove of profit to a publisher.

A Friend to Catholic Emancipation 213

well received by the members and richly deserved their admiration. "Emmet
was the best of all the friends to Catholic Emancipation, always excepting Mr.
Hutton, worth two of Stokes, ten of Burrowes, and a hundred of Drennan".

From this time Emmet, behind the scenes of Catholic agitation, continued
to give his pen to their cause and with his usual heedlessness of self allowed
others to take the merit of his services.

This trait in Mr. Emmet's character is fully illustrated in his contribution
to "Pieces of Irish History Illustrative of the Catholics in Ireland", published
by Dr. Macneven (New York, 1807). In this volume is to be found a memoir
termed "Part of an Essay Towards tbe History of Ireland", from Mr. Emmet's
pen. It consists of 144 pages, in which he gives a history of the efforts made
in Ireland to obtain a repeal of the Popery Laws, which held three-fourths
of the population of Ireland in a grievous state of bondage. He also details
the movement for organizing the United Irishmen, who had in view the same
purpose among other measures which were to be repealed or reformed. No
one had been more active or had been more familiar with every step taken in
advancing these political movements in Ireland than Thomas Addis Emmet, and
yet after having given due credit to others, Mr. Emmet makes not the slightest
reference to himself.

If the frequent reference made to Mr. Emmet by Lecky in his "History
of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century", in connection with the early movement
to bring about Catholic Emancipation in Ireland, be accepted as evidence of
the value of his services, he certainly has not received due credit elsewhere.

Mr. T. A. Emmet was throughout life absolutely free from all feeling of
bigotry towards those who differed from him in their religious belief. His
course was made all the more prominent in contrast to the marked prejudice
and illiberality shown toward the Catholics, both in Ireland and in this country,
by many of those occupying Mr. Emmet's station of life. The same generous
and charitable disposition which he had received from his father and mother
he transmitted to his children, who were as marked in their liberality as he had
been.

Mr. Emmet did not hold the feeling he did toward the Catholics simply
through a sense of liberality or indifference, but he made himself familiar
with their tenets, and while he did not fully share their belief, he never
misunderstood or misinterpreted their motives. During a noted ecclesias-
tical trial in connection with Trinity Church, held in the city of New York,
Mr. Emmet was suddenly called upon to take part and this without prepara-
tion. To the astonishment of all he showed that he possessed a profound
knowledge of theology and ecclesiastical law in all details. The writer was
informed of this incident by his uncle, Judge Robert Emmet, who stated
that it was generally conceded after the termination of this trial that his
father, as a theological scholar, had not an equal in the country. In this
respect Mr. Emmet was not unlike his elder brother, Christopher Temple,
of whom, as we have seen, Grattan held that he knew more law than any
judge on the bench and more divinity than any bishop in the land.

214 Early Association with Tone

In the winter of 1790, Tone organized a political club, consisting of Dr.
Drennan, Stokes, John Pollock,* Johnson, Burrowes, Stark and Russell.

Any two of the men present would have been the delight and entertain-
ment of a well-chosen society ; but all together was, as Wolsey says, "too much
honour". Tone adds :

In recording the names of the members of the club, I find I have strangely omitted
the name of a man whom, as well for his talents as his principles, I esteem as much as
any, far more than most of them, I mean Thomas Addis Emmet, a barrister. He is a
man completely after my own heart; of a great and comprehensive mind; of the warmest
and sincerest affection for his friends; and of a firm and steady adherence to his princi-
ples, to which he has sacrificed much, as I know, and would, I am sure, if necessary,
sacrifice his life. His opinions and mine square exactly.

Aggregate meetings of the Catholic body now became frequent, and every
person of any note connected with them took a part in their proceedings. Emmet
alone kept aloof : he rendered them all the assistance in his power — he devoted
his fine talents to their service, but he made no public display, and sought no
public approbation for them. At this time he was not a member of the Society
of United Irishmen, but long before he joined it he was the person in every
emergency consulted by its leaders.

When Tone was leaving Ireland on his visit to the United States, Mr.
Emmet wrote to him :

My dear Friend:

I have just this instant heard from Simon McGuire that you leave town tonight.
I can scarcely believe that you would entirely break yourself away from this country and
from me among the rest, without calling on me or even writing me a line. You know,
and I trust will always be convinced that my friendship and affectionate regard for you is
most undiminished. It is not of that nature to be shaken by adversity, which God knows
how soon it may be my lot to undergo. Wherever you are you shall always command a
steady friend in this country, as long as I reside here. Write to me at least when you
reach your destination, and as often as may suit your convenience. Perhaps your letters
may be useful to me for regulating my future settlement in life. God bless you. Give
my most affectionate compliments to Mrs. Tone.

We must now give some consideration to the purpose and expectation of
the United Irishmen. In the early organization and according to Mr. Emmet's
purpose it was not anticipated by the majority that force at any time would
be resorted to for bringing about the many reforms found necessary to insure
Ireland's future prosperity.

The organization was a representative one in all details, and until the
sudden removal of Lord Fitzwilliam as viceroy, the Irish people were con-
tented, sincerely believing in the truth of England's profession of honesty,
and in her desire to accede to the wishes of the Irish people.

But Pitt, the British Minister, feared that Ireland would soon become
too strong to be coerced, and by her prosperity rival England in her manu-
factures. It was then that this man, who was to prove a demon incarnate
in Irish affairs, decided on his course and determined to force the Irish
people into rebellion. It was his purpose, through the. horrors of a merciless

•Pollock had already become a spy for the government.

Pitt and Napoleon 215

war, and by means only resorted to by the mosl savage races, to force the
people by his severity to accept, finally, as a relief from exhaustion, the so-
called "Union" with England. This he wished them to do as a claimed nei es-
sity, that he might justify himself before the world for his line of action. He
violated every pledge England had made to the Irish people.

His course has impressed the writer with the belief that Pitt and Napoleon
must have entered into some compact to forward their own ends. This may
seem an irresponsible statement to one not familiar with the facts and the
unprincipled political character of both of these men to whom by nature the
truth was unknown. It was known to every Irish leader in Paris that a
number of French officers with whom they were constantly being thrown in
social life and who seemed to have no special occupation, were "in the pay
of England." No Irishman seems to have suspected that they could have
been "in the pay of England" for any other purpose than to spy on them.

Nor can there be any doubt that they were absent from their regiments
and could only be so with the connivance of the French Government, and
must have been assigned by the same authority to be "in the pay of England."
Fitzpatrick, in his "Secret Service Under Pitt", page 46, states :

The reason neither [Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor] proceeded to
Paris was lest the English government in whose pay most of the officers in Paris were
supposed to be, should suspect the design, and arrest their persons on their return.

In this suspicion Lord Edward and O'Connor were not far astray. "The
Confidential Letters of the Right Hon. William Wickham" reveal the fact
that Pichegru and other French generals were paid by Pitt to allow themselves
to be beaten in battle. Could this have been done more than once without
the knowledge and connivance of the French Government? Surely Napoleon
received some recompense from Pitt on his agreeing not to invade either
England or Ireland, for otherwise, with Napoleon's knowledge of England's
condition, a different course would certainly have been adopted at the begin-
ning and England would have been immediately crushed by his invasion. Both
Mr. Emmet and Dr. Macneven feared that some understanding existed at
one time between them. Throughout the course, for which they were directly
or indirectly responsible, the people incurred such an amount of misery and
suffering that Robespierre by comparison was an angel of mercy. In the
second edition of "Ireland Under English Rule," the author has placed on
record his opinion that :

Napoleon in France and Pitt at the head of the British government were the demons
of discord, who were at this time sacrificing the property and happiness of the world.
Yet, if it were possible to place in contrast all the crime, suffering and misfortune, with
all the consequences, which could be traced directly or indirectly to the acts of these two
men, Napoleon would appear as an angel of mercy in comparison with Pitt. It is simply
special pleading and a subterfuge to maintain that Mr. Pitt should not be held blamable
for the misdeeds of his officials in Ireland, in consequence of his many cares at the head
of the ministry in England which would have barred his personal supervision. No one
but himself was responsible for the policy of the English government previous to the

216 Camden Merely a Tool of Pitt

appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam and for the latter's selection and administration ; and
he was equally responsible for his sudden removal. He certainly approved of Lord
Camden who came to Ireland instructed to carry out a totally different policy, which
was to exasperate the people and thus furnish him a pretext to establish "The Union".
Nothing could have been done in either country without his approval.

The epigrammatic statement of Shakespeare, "the evil that men do lives
after them; the good is often interred with their bones", is applicable to Pitt
in his relation to Ireland, in so far as the evil for which he was responsible has
continued ; with his bones was interred not even a good intention.

In "Cloncurry and His Times" it is reasonably stated:

We are perhaps wrong to identify the cruelties practiced so much with Lord Cam-
den, for his many supporters to a man, allege that he neither was ambitious, wicked nor
unprincipled. An empty-headed puppet, an ingeniously devised automaton in the hands
of Mr. Pitt, that simply acted as that great Dictator willed and danced away, so long as
its machinery continued wound up, conveyed according to some writers, a tolerably fair
idea of his artificial lordship.

Sir Jonah Barrington.who was a contemporary, records:

He [Camden] fully carried out Pitt's policy, for from the day of his arrival the
spirit of insurrection "increased, and in a short period, during his lordship's government
more blood was shed, as much of outrage and cruelty was perpetrated on both sides, and
as many military executions took place as in ten times the same period during the san-
guinary reign of Elizabeth or the usurpation of Cromwell or King William.

Dr. Madden in his first series of "United Irishmen", p. 155, makes the
following statement, as to the value placed on Mr. Emmet's veracity but un-
fortunately he neglects to put on record the occasion calling for what he says
concerning Pitt :

A man in the secrets of the opposition part of that time — the head-piece of that
system which grew out of the insecurity of Irish independence and the failure of the
measures which terminated in the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, a man whose word was
never doubted by friend or foe — Thomas Addis Emmet — thus speaks of the proposals
of the Irish leaders made to the Duke of Portland, and acquiesced in by Mr. Pitt :

"Mr. Pitt wished, and indeed tried to obtain, that some of those measures should be at
least delayed in the execution for a season ; but Mr. Grattan and his friends insisted that
they should be brought forward the very first session, in order to give eclat to the commence-
ment of their administration. In the propriety of this demand the Duke of Portland uni-
formly concurred; and even Mr. Pitt himself, who had previously kept in the background,
and avoided personal communication with Lord Fitzwilliam's friends, was present at some
of the latter interviews, and certainly did not prevent its being believed that he acquiesced
in those demands, with which it was impossible to doubt his being acquainted. The mem-
bers of the Opposition had no great experience of cabinets; they conceived that they
were entering into honourable engagements, in which everything that was allowed to be
understood, was equally binding with whatever was absolutely expressed. They rested
satisfied that their stipulations were known and acceded to ; they neglected to get them
formally signed and ratified, or reduced to the shape of an instrument from the British
cabinet to the viceroy; they put them unsuspectingly in their pockets, and set off to
become ministers in Ireland".

Mr. Emmet has thus given his version of this episode now generally ac-
cepted as the true one. The historical student frequently meets with what

Falkiner's Estimate of Fitzwilliam

may be termed Irish historical enigmas, or unqualified perversion of facts,
for which no explanation can be offered. The following is taken from Falk-
iner's work, page 126:*

No episode in Irish history has heen the subject of more vehement controversy or
more abundant criticism than the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam from his brief and unfor-
tunate viccroyalty.

At the time it took place the incident strained almost to breaking-point the lately
formed coalition between Pitt and the Portland Whigs, upon which depended the whole
policy of England in the struggle with France. And even after the lapse of about a
century the passions it engendered can still lend warmth to the pen of the coolest of
historians, and inspire the most vigorous passage in the criticisms of the most moderate
and most detached of statesmen. The whole question of the justice of Pitt's action in
summarily recalling Fitzwilliam has been so recently and so fully investigated from the
point of view of Cabinet precedents and official propriety, by Lord Rosebery and Lord
Ashbourne, that it is unnecessary to re-state it here, though it is impossible to refer to
the subject without observing that the significance of the recall has been very greatly
exaggerated. It was certainly not the proximate cause of the Rebellion. Had it been so,
many of the arguments used in justification of the Rebellion must disappear. The recall
was no doubt in Lord Rosebery's phrase, "a land mark". It pointed the pause in that
policy of concession which had its culmination in the Franchise Act of 1793, and which
had encouraged extravagant expectation in the popular mind ; but it was not the occasion
of that pause. The publication by Lord Ashbourne of the Cabinet Memorandum drawn
up by Pitt and concurred in by Fitzwilliam's most particular friends and colleagues —
Portland, Spencer, Windham, and Loughborough — disposes, once for all, of all contro-
versy on that aspect of the question and fully justifies the censure which Lord Rosebery
has pronounced with all the authority of one who had held the Premiership, on Fitz-
william's extraordinary disregard of arrangements definitely sanctioned and prescribed
by the Cabinet and of pledges most explicitly entered into. That document entirely de-
stroys the case of Lord Fitzwilliam, convicting the viceroy not merely of weakness and
indiscretion but of actual bad faith: for it proves that every one of those acts of his
viceroyalty zvhich led to Fitzwilliam's recall, and in regard to which he claimed to have
been given complete liberty of action by his colleagues, had been expressly repudiated by
the Cabinet in advance, with Fitzwilliam's express assent.

Had the viceroy and his allies behaved with the commonest discretion, it is
impossible to say how far the intrigue might have succeeded. But their designs were
soon bruited abroad, and Fitzgibbon was not the man to sit still under such an attack.
If in the course of his administration he had made enemies, he also had powerful friends.
And though Pitt was far from sharing his strong anti-Catholic views, it was soon evi-
dent that the Chancellor was much more likely to dismiss the viceroy than the viceroy
to dismiss the chancellor. . . . Fitzwilliam had no sooner arrived in Ireland than he
entered upon a career of proscription, and one of the first acts was to dismiss Beresford
from his post in the Revenue. Beresford was not only Fitzgibbon's closest ally in the
Irish government, but from his connections, influence, and great ability in council he
had become one of the most powerful men in Ireland — and one of the most disreputable.
The whole question of Fitzwilliam's conduct in Ireland became the subject of a confer-
ence among the leading members of the Cabinet; his indiscretions censured by the Prime
Minister and repudiated by his closest friends were too glaring to be condoned, and he
was at once recalled ! Lord Camden was sent over in his stead and thenceforward, and
until after the passing of the Act of Union the supremacy of Fitzgibbon, now created
Earl of Clare, remained unchallenged.

•"Studies in Irish History and Biography, mainly of the Eigtheenth Century", by C. Litton Fal-
kiner, London, 1902.

218 Beresford Faction

This is given to the world by English sympathizers as history ! Is it not
a natural inference drawn by every one seeking the truth, that so-called Irish
history, as issued under English governmental influence, is one continuous,
egregious and wilful lie, beginning with that violater of every precept of the
Decalogue, Henry the Second, to the recital of this particular incident. I cast
no reflection on the writer of this article, for, unless he was in the direct em-
ploy of the government for the special purpose, he had at his command only
the material intended to be given to the world. He was not of Irish stock, or
he would have not only doubted, but have been prepared to disprove every
point after knowing its source.

Nothing was ever expected by the people of Ireland from Pitt, and nothing
to his credit stands there; for "the Union" so-called is but a flaunting lie,
and a monument to the practice of every crime for which Pitt, in the name of
the English people, was alone responsible ; and until repealed will stand as an
indelible red stigma upon every honest Englishman. There is no evidence to
show that he ever used his position to rob the country, as many did before
him, but he corrupted others by giving them a free hand, that he might use
them for his purpose. It is not necessary to go beyond the mention of the
Beresford family — or the mention of the name of that member of it who
with his friend Pitt was never known to speak the truth. The writer has
stated elsewhere :*

Marcus Beresford, the leader of the faction above referred to, belonged to a family
which for generations had lived on the country through its influence with the British
government under all administrations. Uncompromising advocates of Protestant As-
cendancy and active Orangemen, they were ever ready to do any disreputable service for
the government. The Beresfords and their connections at one time monopolized one-
fourth of the government offices in Ireland and, it was commonly held, had been able
to take more from Ireland and to give less than any other family in the country. In less
than three hundred years they have acquired over one hundred and sixty thousand acres
of land in Ireland alone.

Of Fitzgibbon, Lord Clare, it has been written :

It would seem that nature formed that man to show
How many vices in one heart might grow.
How much misfortune one man's crimes might cause
A Nation's right, her liberties and laws.+

Before Mr. Gladstone became the head of the English Government, the
only persons ever placed in charge of Irish affairs were the Beresfords, the
Fitzgibbons or some other of the same race, who had remained unchanged in
nature from their ancestors, the Normans. The writer has elsewhere
written :J

Comment to any great extent on this subject is unnecessary beyond presenting for
comtemplation the views of that classic writer and profound thinker, Ralph Waldo
Emerson. His views are the more applicable in connection with what a reviewer wrote :

•"Ireland Under English Rule", Vol. I, p. 161. The reader would find it interesting to refer
also to "Our Old Nobility" by Howard Evans.

f'Literary Remains of the United" Irishmen", R. R. Madden, 1887.
{"Ireland Under English Rule", Vol. I, p. 203.

"The Memory of Sorrows" 219

""Look through all Emerson's writings and then consider whether in all literature you can
find that aspiration staled in such condensed words by Joubert: 'To put a whole hook
into a page, a whole page into a phrase, and that phrase into a word!' [and the write]
is prompted to supply — robbery].

The writer would include in Emerson's word of deduction the iniquity of England's
dealings with Ireland, from the first days of the Normans. Emerson wrote:*

"The Normans came out of France into England worse men than when they went
into it, 160 years before. They had lost their own language, and learning the barbarous
Latin of the Gauls, had acquired with the language all the vices it had names for. The
conquest has obtained in the chronicles the name of 'memory of sorrows'. Twenty
thousand thieves landed at Hastings. These founders of the House of Lords were
greedy and ferocious dragons, sons of greedy and ferocious pirates. They were all alike.
They took everything they could carry; they burned, harried, violated, tortured and
killed, until everything English was brought to the verge of ruin. Such, however, is the
illusion of antiquity and wealth, that decent and dignified men now existing boast of
their descent from these filthy thieves, who showed a far juster conviction of their own
merits by assuming for types the swine, goat, jackal, leopard, wolf and snake which they
severally resembled !"

Evidently Emerson's Saxon blood had never been eliminated !

•"English Traits", Ralph Waldo Emerson, Boston, 1884, Chapter IV., on "Race", pp. 62-63.

Slavery in every form it can assume is destructive of the virtue, the genius and the spirit
of man. The subjection of one people to another, is of all species of slavery incom-
parably the 'worst.

T. A. Emmet.

Great as <were the talents of the men ivho stood beside Emmet in the early struggle for his
country's liberty, the pre-eminence may be claimed for him, for <while the profound-
ness of his judgment, and the justice of his views entitled him to the respect of his
associates, inflexible integrity commanded respect even from his enemies.

"New York Truthteller," July J 5th, 1843.

Chapter VII

Marriage of Thomas Addis Emmet — Some account of Mrs. Emmet's family — Nothing
known of their early married life, except the rapid progress made by him in his profes-
sion— Letter relating to the birth of his second son and to his family at that time —
Political condition of Ireland after the close of the American Revolution — The Volunteer
Movement — An unusually large proportion of remarkably talented men took part in Irish
politics at that time — Their policy and results — Their purpose only to secure "Protestant
Ascendancy" — Ireland temporarily prosperous under the "Grattan Parliament" — Theobald
Wolfe Tone becomes prominent as an Irish leader — The final failure by Grattan in ob-
taining any reform of abuses, and the cause — The Irish people ruthlessly driven into tne
outbreak of 1798 by a course of barbarous persecution on the part of the English Gov-
ernment, that the pretext might be furnished for bringing about the so-called Union
with England — Thomas Addis Emmet becomes a United Irishman.

1 OPEFUL as Thomas Addis Emmet was at this period of
his life for the future prosperity of his country, so dear
to him, he married in 1791, Jane, a daughter of the Rev.
John Patten, a Presbyterian minister, of Clonmel, Ire-
land, by Margaret Colville, the daughter of Win. Colville,
Esq., and Margaret Thompson. [See Marriage Settle-
ment— Appendix Note VI.]

From Richard Patten, of Waynfleet, Co. Lincoln-
shire, and Margery, the daughter of Sir Wm. Brereton,
of Co. Cheshire, England, the Irish branch of this family claimed direct
descent. Richard Patten, of Waynfleet, had three sons : the eldest was
William Waynfleet, the Catholic Bishop of Winchester; the next was Richard
Patten, of Baselow, Derbyshire, where the family was living at the time of
Tames the First, and from him the Irish family sprang; the youngest son was
John Patten, Dean of Chichester.

Mrs. Emmet died in 1846. A few weeks later, while passing along Fulton
Street, New York, the writer noticed in a show window the old folio edi-
tion of "Burch's Heads of the People", which was opened at the portrait
of William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester. The work was purchased be-
cause of the strong resemblance this portrait bore to the writer's grandmother;
in fact, when first seen from across the street the likeness was still more strik-
ing, for at that distance the bishop's miter closely resembled the cap generally

220

REPRODUCTION BV ANNA TRANCES LEVINS

Mrs. Margaret [Thompson] Colville, taken by Mrs. Elizabeth [Emmet] Le In<>\.
From a miniature painted about 1730

THE KEY
5BBLIC LIBRA

i TILDEN FQUNDATK

REPRODUCTION B> ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Mrs. Emmet's Ancestors 221

worn by Mrs. Emmet. Prompted by curiosity the writer looked up the
bishop's history and discovered that his family name was Patten, and thai he
hail assumed, on entering upon his ecclesiastical life, the name of Waynfleet,
from the name of his father's estate. After having obtained this information
the writer learned for tiie first time, from both his uncle Robert and his
aunt, Mrs. I.e Roy, that their mother had claimed her family was descended
from Richard Waynfleet, the bishop's brother, and that both her father and
grandfather had been educated in Oxford, and, she believed, in Magdalen Col-
lege.

The writer visited Oxford some years after to ascertain if any member
of the family had been educated in Magdalen College, but unfortunately it
was during the vacation and he was unable to verify the statement. But he
discovered that the arms of the college, which were those borne by the founder,
were the same as those given on a book-plate in a volume from his father's
library printed in the early part of the eighteenth century. . From the date,
the book, and consequently the arms, must have belonged to the Rev. William
Patten, of Dublin, the grandfather of Mrs. Emmet. The only difference in
the arms was the addition, in those of William Patten, of a white rose in the
right-hand corner of the shield, which doubtless was intended to indicate
that some subsequent member of the Irish family had taken part in the War
of the Roses.

By the bishop's will a grant of this college was made to the university,
it is said, and the writer has seen it stated somewhere, on the following condi-
tions— that a mass should be said daily for the repose of his soul, and that
the eldest of his family should be gratuitously educated at the college. If so,
the eldest of the family doubtless held the right of free education, but as the
authorities soon ignored one condition it would have been quite as easy for
them to have laid aside the other.

The bishop died in 1486 and was buried in his cathedral at Winchester.
The features of the marble effigy on his tomb bear even a more marked re-
semblance to Mrs. Emmet than do those of the engraved portrait. This is
certainly a most remarkable circumstance, that so marked a family likeness
should crop out after an interval of some four hundred years. Moreover,
there seems to have been a clergyman in nearly every generation of the family,
and the same family names were preserved.

The descendants of William Colville Emmet, the voungest son of Thos.
A. and Jane Patten Emmet, have in their possession a small tortoise-shell box
which was apparently intended for a snuffbox. On the top of this is an en-
graved silver plate, with a bishop's miter and so intricate a monogram that
W. W. can be traced as readily as any other combination.

It has been a family tradition, and one doubtless received from Mrs.
Emmet, that this box belonged to William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester.
This is doubtful, however, as tortoise-shell or horn is extremely liable to
crack and disintegrate, as the oil dries out, even in a much shorter period.
Moreover, it could never have been used by the bishop as a snuffbox, for he

222 Emmet Home at Rathfarnham

lived before the introduction of tobacco from America. If it had ever be-
longed to the bishop it would probably have been used for conveying the Host
to the sick. But such a box is always made of some metal, so that it can be
kept thoroughly clean, and the greatest care would be taken, even to its de-
struction, to guard against its being put to a profane use. The probable ex-
planation is that it was a snuff-box belonging to some connection of the Col-
ville family, which was a very extensive one. In corroboration of this view
the author has established the fact that towards the close of the seventeenth
and the beginning of the eighteenth century, several bishops in Ireland of the
Established Church were closely connected with the Colville family.

With the exception of her brother John the members of the Patten fam-
ily seem to have held no further intercourse with Mrs. Emmet after her
husband's connection with the Irish movement was brought to light by his
arrest. Consequently at the present time all trace of these connections has
been lost to the relatives in America, and on the death of Mrs. Emmet's
nephew, John Patten, Jr., an unmarried man, that branch of the family became
extinct.

Nothing special is known of Mr. Emmet's early married life, except that
he lived at Rathfarnham, and that for several years, as we learn from Tone's
diary, in which he gives an account of a visit he made to Emmet's home with
Russell. He lived on intimate terms with Curran and his family, and con-
sequently knew Curran's friends, who shared his political views. Among
these was a Mr. Hudson, as we learn from a letter from Lady Hudson-
Kinahan quoted in the sketch of Mrs. Holmes, who was doubtless the same
later sent with Mr. Emmet as a State prisoner to Fort George. The follow-
ing letter written to his second cousin, a granddaughter of Diana Emett,
the sister, of Christopher, is probably the first record made of the birth of
the son who became the writer's father.

Dublin, April 30th, 1796.
My Dear Mrs. Macoubry :

Tho' I was very sorry to hear of Mr. Forde's death on many accounts, yet I assure
you it gave me very sincere'pleasure to find by your letter that he had left you out of debt.
It was an act of kindness and generosity highly worthy of him. I am very much obliged
to you for having thought of making me acquainted with your good fortune and feel
something more than flattered by the expressions of gratitude you are so good as to use
towards me. I am only sorry it is not in my power to be of more essential service to my
friends and relatives.

You did not know at the time you were wishing me joy of the birth of my last
daughter, Mrs. Emmet was on the point of giving me another son, which she did in a
few days after I received yours. She is now, thank God, extremely well and the
mother of four fine children, two boys and two girls. So you see my family is increasing
fast. She is, thank God, extremely well and strong. So is my brother's daughter, who
is growing up a very sensible and sweet-tempered child. My sister Mary Anne is much
obliged to you for inquiring after her. My father, mother, Mrs. Emmet and all the
family join in the kindest good wishes to you,

Your affectionate friend and kinsman,

Mrs. Macoubry, care of Thos. Addis Emmet.

G. Knox, Anacloy, Downpatrick.

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The Volunteer Movement 223

Alfred Webb, in his "Compendium of Irish Biography," states:
The next year, 1796, he hegan to take a prominent and hading part as a United
Irishman. 1'ossessed of private means, already earning £750 a year at the Bar, with a
young family rising up around him, of domestic habits and irreproachable character,
nothing but the clearest conviction of duty cotdd have impelled him to range himself
against the Government.

Mr. Emmet was successful in the practice of his profession from the begin-
ning and rose rapidly to a prominent position at the Bar. The author of a
sketch of Mr. Emmet in "American Eloquence" wrote:

He rode the circuit with Curran — and in the opinion of many was his superior in
talents, legal attainments and general information. But this was not the time for him to
realize his hopes of legal preferment. The condition of his country impoverished by
the cupidity of the English, the dark and cheerless prospect that opened upon her des-
tinies, engrossed all his attention.

After the close of the American Revolution a remarkable movement was
instituted in Ireland by a number of men, the leaders of which were of great
talent, called "The Volunteers". They organized to have the legislative inde-
pendence of the country established as a distinct kingdom from England; to
reform many abuses in connection with the Irish Parliament, which had be-
come corrupt under the close-borough system. Few of the members were
elected, but were appointed by individuals, and they voted as directed, so that
it was possible to carry any measure by gaining the influence of three or four
persons. A general reform was needed throughout the country among those
holding office. None but those who conformed to the English Church, "as by
law established", and in the proportion of one out of six or seven of the
total Irish population, had a legal existence, or could hold any posi-
tion or exercise any privilege. The minority formed the English garrison in
Ireland and did so as a privileged class. They advocated under all circum-
stances "a Protestant King, a Protestant Parliament, a Protestant hierarchy,
and Protestant electors, and a government in connection with the Protestant
realm of England". Until within a comparatively late period those of the
Established Church alone claimed to be the Protestants, while the Presbyter-
ians were termed "Dissenters", and were allowed to exist in the land only under
many restrictions; while the Catholics forming the great majority of the
population, during over two hundred years under the penal laws, had no legal
existence in Ireland, and during many years if they ventured within the Pale,
could be shot down on sight without question.

These men, working for their own benefit alone as members of a privileged
class, included some of Ireland's most noted men, Flood, Grattan, Lord
Charlemont and many others who were never interested in any move for the
advantage of the Irish people at large and who never seemed to realize that
any effort should be made for their betterment. These leaders in the end
accomplished nothing for the advance of Ireland's prosperity. Yet, the "Grat-
tan Parliament" is being constantly quoted in evidence of what Ireland could
accomplish if she had the management of her own affairs; while there prob-
ably never existed throughout that period an executive body more corrupt, or

224 "Golden Age" of Ireland

one in which the people of a country had so little influence. Every move was
directed by English influence. To prove the necessity for parliamentary re-
form, Grattan, himself behind the scenes at the time, held that: "The viceroy
and the majority of this House [Irish House of Commons] are the worst
subjects the King has!"

Throughout this imaginary "Golden Age", which was one of bribery, the
majority of the leaders and Grattan's contemporaries, were man of remark-
able ability and of wonderful eloquence. Their purpose and promise of
bringing about great reform was ever before them, in appearance fair-looking
and irridescent as a soap-bubble; yet in the end Ireland gained no permanent
benefit. If it ever were possible for one in Irish sympathy to joke on so
serious a condition, we could show how Pitt, concealing himself and his pur-
poses, and acting as wire-puller, during nearly a generation, kept going well to
the front — a species of Punch-and-Judy show, for the amusement of Grattan
and his associates in the Irish Parliament House. When a change suited his
purpose, as if with the sudden issue of a bolt from the heavens, every individ-
ual in the land was punished by the agents of irresponsibility, until Ireland
was in extremis and accepted the Union with England as a merciful respite.

For a time Ireland prospered greatly, in consequence of the promises made
and the seeming absence of English domination, but it was due chiefly to the
efforts of the Dissenters, in whose hands was held the trade of the country,
and for the first time their prospects brightened.

This period of being diverted by Pitt's "puppet-show" was time lost to
Ireland. The British Government was being too sorely pressed with troubles
at home and by its enemies abroad to give any attention to Ireland. She
therefore granted without hesitation everything wanted by the Irish Parlia-
ment, but in words only, or with the usual mental reservation. Irrespective
of rank there are doubtless as many honorable and truthful individuals to be
found among the English as elsewhere ;. but the statecraft of the country has
been from the earliest day a lying fraud, in every relation with Ireland, and
no milder designation would be consistent with the truth. Ireland under
Grattan's influence thus rested for a generation in a state of false security, on
this pledge of the English government. The declaration of the English Par-
liament affirmed that Ireland's relation with England was that of a sovereign
state with her own separate king, to be, in the management of her own affairs,
entirely free from all English rule. This was accepted by Ireland in good
faith until too late to correct existing abuses and to strengthen her position
before England repudiated and disarmed her. May not history repeat itself?

Little more need be stated as to the action of the Presbyterians of the
North and these not in accord with the Anglo-Irish leaders. But the fol-
lowing taken from Taylor's "Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald," a recently
published work in this country, is worthy of the reader's attention:

There is something tragic, which leaves no room for reproach, even if it is
impossible not to see in it cause for regret, in the attitude of the men of whom Grattan
was the most distinguished representative. Loyal, true, and upright, they had given their

Deceived by English Promises

lives and had given them in vain, to further what the} conceived to be the best interest
of their country. Now defeated on all hands, they were forced to look on, an isolated
and helpless group, and to watch the people they had done their best to serve led, as they
believed, to destruction by other and less experienced guides.

"Alas, all the world is mad", wrote Lord Charlemont about this very tunc, "and
unfortunately strait-waistcoats are not yet in fashion". And again: "My advice has
been lavished on both parties with equally ill success. . . . Would to Heaven it had
been otherwise; but spurred on by destiny, we seem on all hands to run a rapid course
towards a frightful precipice. But it is criminal to despair of one's country. 1 will
endeavor yet to hope".

It is but a feeble hope which is kept alive by the consciousness that despair
is a crime.

The view he imagined his father would have taken of the United Irishmen,
is summarized, a little brutally, by Grattan's son — namely, that they were a
pack of blockheads, who would surely get themselves hanged, and should
be all put in the pillory for their mischief and nonsense. Grattan knew but
little of the individuals who composed the party and of some of them a more
intimate knowledge might have modified the rough-and-ready judgment at-
tributed to him. He did not associate with them, says the same authority ;
"they kept clear of him — they feared him and certainly did not like him. . . .
He considered their proceedings not only mischevious but ridiculous".

Grattan held in after life:

We did not approve of the conduct of the United men, and we could not approve
of the conduct of the government, and feared to encourage the former by making
speeches against the latter. It was not necessary . . . for me to apologize for not
having joined them. I would do neither. The one was a rebel to his king, the other to
his country. In the conscientious sense of the word rebel, there should have been a
gallows for the rebel and there should have been a galloivs for the minister. Men will
be more blamed in history for having joined the government than they would if they
had joined the rebels. The question men should have asked was not "Why was Mr.
Sheares on the gallows"? — but, "Why was not Lord Clare along with him"?

The Irish leaders of Grattan's day allowed themselves to be disarmed when
they had fully one hundred thousand men in the Volunteer organization, well-
armed, under the command of Eord Charlemont, who weakened in his sym-
pathy for the condition of his native country disbanded his troops, trust-
ing to English promises. England now resorted to her usual tactics in bring-
ing about religious dissension, and in Ulster she was entirely responsible for
the contention, crime and suffering resulting from the contest between the
Protestant Peep-O'-Day Boys and the Catholic Defenders.

In the autumn of 1791, Theobald Wolfe Tone came into notoriety when
he took a prominent part with Neilson, Russell, Fitzgerald, Hope and others
in organizing (October 12th) the first branch of the United Irishmen, with
the objects of uniting the Catholics and Protestants and of bringing about
parliamentary reform, although Tone and others already held the view that
there was no hope for Ireland's prosperity until a separation from England
had been brought about, and the Catholics had been emancipated with full
rights of citizenship. He wrote:

226 Tone Secretary of the Catholic Committee

To subvert the tyranny of our execrable government, to break the connection
with England, the never-failing source of our political evils, and to assert the inde-
pendence of my country — these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland,
to abolish the memory of our past dissensions, and to substitute the common name of
Irishmen in place of the denomination of Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter,— these
were my means.

In November, 1791, Tone returned to Dublin and on November ninth, the
first branch of the United Irishmen was formed in Dublin, chiefly through
his efforts. In Belfast Catholic Emancipation with equal rights received early
attention, and a Catholic Committee was formed for petitioning the King and
Parliament, and Tone acted as secretary.

A committee was sent to present the petition to the king in person and in
consequence of the active interest taken in the subject by many of the Pres-
byterians and Protestants in Ireland, the British Government was forced,
against their secret wishes, to have a Bill for Catholic Relief introduced into
the Irish Parliament. The Earl Fitzwilliam was appointed viceroy, with full
power to speedily grant relief to the demands of the people, and to reform
the many abuses claimed to exist. But within a few weeks England changed
her policy, Fitzwilliam was recalled, and a reign of terror was estab-
lished.

Moore, when treating of the sudden removal of Earl Fitzwilliam,
who was doing so much for the advance and prosperity of Ireland, and the
appointment of "The cold-hearted and cruel Camden as Viceroy", wrote :

Its natural effect was to reinforce instantly the ranks of the United Irishmen with all
that mass of discontent generated by such a defiance of the public will, and we have it
on the authority of the chief leaders themselves, that out of the despair and disgust of
this moment arose immediately an immense accession of strength to their cause.

It is stated in "Cloncurry and His Times" (p. 85) :

The spirit of faction never raged with greater fury than in 1795, when Camden,
scourge in hand, assumed the reins of government. The burning, pitch-torturing, half-
hangings, picketing, tarring and scourging to which the unhappy people were subjected
for long anterior to the rising of '98 must be recollected by every well-read Irishman.
The goading system was daily in requisition, forcing discontent into rage and provoking
rage to retaliation. The people, driven from their homes, were hunted as wild beasts,
slaughtered sometimes, tortured always. Whatever little property they possessed fell into
the hands of the despoiler. Fencibles, Hessians, and Ancient Britons (so many monsters
in human form), were turned by their officers loose upon the wives and daughters of a
virtuous peasantry, incited to the practice of every infamy and outrage, and commanded
to pitch-cap, flog and torture with gunpowder and fire those husbands, fathers, sons or
brothers, who ventured to raise feeble voices in opposition to the system. Government
afforded the people no protection and there was not one solitary magistrate — with per-
haps a single exception — who would take a deposition against any of the licenced perse-
cutors.

Lord Cloncurry was a personal friend of Thomas Addis Emmet at the
time when they both entered public life, and in "His Times", from which we
have been quoting, it is stated : —

Up to this period neither Macneven, Fitzgerald, Emmet, nor O'Connor had joined
the ranks of the United Irishmen.

Rebellion of 1798 Forced by Government

The Union with England was of course the ultimate object of this policy. . . .
The Ministerial scheme, which was wily and deep-laid, may thus be epitomised. In
secret conference it was arranged to filch from poor Ireland the very- moment when she
would be found prostrated and exhausted from a series of ineffectual struggles for free-
dom—when too much stricken down to entertain one atom of hope for future regenera-
tion— when so miserably debilitated from loss of blood to be unable to offer any resistant e
to the outrage — it was then, we say, proposed to filch, with characteristic treachery from
the breast of Ireland, her brightest and most valuable gem— the possession of her parlia-
ment.

"Sir", exclaimed Lord Castlereagh, in an unusual burst of candor during Macneven's
examination before the Secret Committee, "means were taken to make the United Irish
system explode" ; a truer sentence never emanated from his lips.

In order to bring about the Union measure it was necessary that the flame of re-
bellion should be fed ; and that Government were not backward in acting so, will we think,
be tolerably evident to any person who takes the trouble of reading those books of
Madden and Moore which treat more particularly of that eventful period of Irish
history.

In a footnote is given :

The Secret Committee's Report for 1798 contains, amongst others, the following
pregnant passage: — "It appears from a variety of evidence laid before your committee,
that the rebellion would not have broken out so soon as it did, had it not been for the
well-timed measures adapted by the government, &c."

It will be shown hereafter by Mr. Emmet's examination before the Secret
Committee that he stated under oath, that in his opinion and judgment, there
would have been no Rebellion if the government had not forced the outbreak.

In asserting that the people were driven into insurrection by a system
of persecution encouraged by Government, it is possible we may be accused by
some of partiality, and by others with a wanton exaggeration of facts. Even
though you may produce authorities, some critics may possibly exclaim, it
will be found that they are Irish ones, and doubtless partisans. It is with no
small satisfaction that we can in reply refer such persons to the recorded senti-
ments of some of the most distinguished cabinet ministers of England,
amongst whom the late Lord Holland and the late Lord John Russell must not
be overlooked.

"The fact", writes Lord Holland, "is incontrovertible that the people of Ireland were
driven to resistance by the free quarters and excesses of the soldiery, which were such
as are not permitted in civilized warfare, even in an enemy's country".

In a footnote an extract is given from "Memoirs of the Whig Party during
my Time, by the late Edward, Lord Holland, 1853" :

Trials, if they must be so called, were carried on without number, under martial
law, etc. . . . Floggings, picketings, death, were the usual sentences; and these were
sometimes commuted into banishment, serving in the fleet, or transference to a foreign
service, &c. . . . Dr. Dickson [Bishop of Down] assured me that he had seen fam-
ilies returning peaceably from Mass assailed without provocation by drunken troops and
yeomanry and the wives and daughters exposed to every species of indignity, brutality,
and outrage, from which neither his remonstrance nor those of other Protestant gentle-
men, could rescue them.

228 Emmet becomes a United Irishman

Lord John Russell, shortly before his death, observed in reference to the
Rebellion, that it was wickedly provoked, rashly begun, and cruelly crushed.

Long before Pitt as British Minister let it be known what his future policy
would be to bring about the Union, he showed in the heat of debate what the
government policy was to Ireland in relation to her prosperity.

In "Ireland Under English Rule" (2nd ed., Vol. II, p. 40), it is stated:

The charge has been made frequently, and the evidence has never been wanting, that
England from the beginning even to our day has followed a settled purpose in her de-
termination that the Irish people and Ireland should never prosper. The writer, how-
ever, is not aware that any of her statesmen have been as outspoken as the younger Pitt,
while debating the Irish commercial proposition on the 22nd of February, 1785. He
spoke as follows :*

"The species of policy which had been exercised by the Government of England in
regard to Ireland had for its object to debar the latter from the enjoyment of her own
resources, and to make her completely subservient to the opulence and interest of Eng-
land; that she had not been suffered to share in the bounties of nature or the industries
of its citizens!!!" Comment is unnecessary.

Madden in "Pieces of Irish History" writes concerning this subject:

So little was the policy of the British Cabinet on this subject, a secret even out of
Ireland that the director Carnot told Dr. Macneven [in Paris] in August, 1798, that a
union was Mr. Pitt's object in his vexatious treatment of Ireland and it behoved the
United Irishmen to be aware of his schemes.

In September, 1793, Mr. Emmet became conspicuous by his defence of
O'Driscoll, who was put on trial for sedition at Cork. Mr. Emmet was
soon recognized through his eloquence and learning as the leading Irish Na-
tionalist barrister, and by 1795, when he took the oath of the United Irishmen
in open court, his position was firmly established. In this year he was elected
secretary of the Society of United Irishmen, and in 1797 he succeeded Roger
O'Connor as a member of the directory. In this position it is said he showed
more prudence than his colleagues, in opposing with the aid of McCormick and
Macneven, a resort to arms and seeking aid from France, unless an outbreak
had to be resorted to as an extreme measure. Until Mr. Emmet joined in the
management of the organization of the United Irishmen, it was not known to
his friends that he was interested in the movement. Nevertheless he had been
actively engaged for several years in the organization throughout the country.
This he had been able to do with the aid of a number of individuals, while on
circuit in the practice of his profession.

J. J. Reynolds, in his "Footprints of Emmet", writes :

Of the celebrated Thomas Addis Emmet the head-piece and chief organizer of the
United Irishmen, little need be said. He may be described as the mind of the or-
ganization.

The Countess d'Haussonville, in her life of Robert Emmet states :

Thomas Addis Emmet was one of the principal actors in the Rebellion of 1793.
He entered into the association of the United Irishmen in 1796, and directed it by the

•See Debret's "Parliamentary Register"

Emmet and the Rebellion 229

wisdom of his counsel more- than by any active part which he took in the Insurrec-
tion. Naturally proud, reserved, and silent, though ardent, with a broad intelligence and
a kind heart, hut governed by inflexible principles and ready to make every sacrifice foi
the cause, Thomas Addis Emmet had several of the qualities necessary for the chief of a
party. Lord Edward Fitzgerald [the Irish used to say] was the most amiahle, nobl<
minded, and the hest of men, but he was not the man to conduct a revolution to a suc-
cessful issue ; the man we wanted was Thomas Addis Emmet.

"Of the United Irishmen", says Lord Holland , in his "Memoirs", "the man of great-
est ability and capacity was Thomas Addis Emmet"; again — "he is always said to have
been the ablest man among the Irish conspirators".*

Madden wrote :

In men who are "fit for treasons, stratagems, and spoils", the passions and mental
qualities we expect to find are ambition, vanity, malignity, restlessness, or seclusiveness of
mind. Were these the characteristics of T. A. Emmet? The question, with perfect safety to
the memory of Emmet, might be put to any surviving political opponent of his of com-
mon honesty, who was acquainted with those times, and the men who were prominent
actors in them . . . No man could say of Emmet, as Gregory of Nazianzen did of
Julian, his fellow-student, "that he prognosticated evil of him from the restlessness of
his regard, the wandering of his eyes, and the unsteadiness of his nature". i

The charge of recklessness or unscrupulousness of conduct never has been brought
against Emmet. Then, under what circumstances or impelled by what motive, did such a
person become a rebel? A man of moderate independence, of rising prospects at the
Bar, devoted to his family, his chief happiness in its circle of domestic habits, of irre-
proachable character; who had "given hostages to fortune", and had a father's interest
in the preservation of peace and quiet ; who had a stake in the soil, and being connected
with it by other ties besides those of love, was necessarily opposed to measures which
imperilled property and the privileges of its owners. If the reader would know the cause,
he will find it in every page of Irish history that is devoted to the illustration of this
period, and it may be comprised in a single sentence: The cruel policy of ruling the
country by means of the disunion of the inhabitants, and the abandonment of the power
and functions of government to a faction, whose interests and passions were arrayed
in deadly hostility against the great body of the people.

•The Whig Party During My Time (London, 1852), V. II, p.
(Gregory of Nazianzen, Orat. IV. in Julian., p. 122.

Had Ireland, breasting the Atlantic, been left to the fortune of her native independence,
unassailed by foreign ambition, she might in progress of time have composed a mari-
time po'wer capable of maintaining itself forever against England and preventing the
grovith of that inordinate domination <which has oppressed tvith its crimes the East
and the West, the African and the Hindoo.

T. A. Emmet.

This unnatural and miserable stale of religious animosity and civil disunion, by •which
the great majority of the people 'was thrust out of the pale of the body politic and the
nation 'was enslaved, arose not from any appropriate characteristic of the Irish mind,
from any peculiar defect of intellect or depravity of disposition It 'was the inevi-
table consequence of British conquest and British policy.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter VIII

Suppression by the Government of "The Northern Star" of Belfast — "The Press"
of Dublin then the organ of the United Irishmen — Samuel Neilson — The men now known
to have written for "The Press" — Thomas Addis Emmet as "Montanus" the most volu-
minous writer and at times acting editor — The Government's efforts to ascertain the
names of the writer of the "Montanus" letters fruitless — The Government ignorant that
Arthur O'Connor was the chief owner, for a long period the editor, and was a frequent
contributor.

j'O agent, while it lasts, is more irrepressible for secret
political work in Ireland than an official paper, which
existing only from day to day as a free lance can be all the
more outspoken in reaching the greater number of persons
before it is possible to suppress the whole of any one
issue.

. The chief organs of the "United Irishmen" [according to
Savage in his work "Ninety-eight and Forty-eight", p. 200] were
"The Northern Star" and "The Press". The former was estab-
lished in Belfast, January fourth, 1702. The chief owner and editor was Samuel
Neilson . . . The success of its teaching may be inferred from the persecution it
received from the government . . . He [Neilson] is generally looked upon as the
originator of the Society [United Irishmen] into which Tone breathed an actual
being; and was one of the most active, undeviating, and sincere of the leaders of
the Union.

Neilson was long imprisoned and when brought into court, heavily chained,
was called on "to plead". He answered in a stentorian voice : "No, I have
been robbed of everything ; I could not fee a counsel ; my property, everything,
has been taken from me". He then retired, but immediately returning to the
dock, exclaimed : "For myself I have nothing to say : I scorn your power,
and despise that authority that it shall ever be my pride to have opposed".

His refusal to engage counsel saved his life by the delay, as he was in-
cluded in the negotiation with the Government. He was imprisoned with
Thomas Addis Emmet in Dublin, and afterward at Fort George, being
throughout his political career a devoted friend of Mr. Emmet. Mr. Neilson
died in Poughkeepsie, New York, in 1803. The writer, having learned by

230

Contributors to the Press 231

accident of the condition of Neilson's almost forgotten grave, called the mat-
ter to the special attention of those present at a dinner of the American
Irish Historical Society held in New York, and urged those who were in a
position to do so to take steps towards having the grave reclaimed and put
in order for future identification. This was promptly done, and the local
branch of the Ancient Order of Hibernians erected a handsome granite monu-
ment over Samuel Neilson's grave after it had been fully identified.
Savage records :

The first number of "The Press" was issued in Dublin, September 2cSth, 1797;
the last, March 3rd of the following year, running sixty-seven numbers; besides
two, which were suppressed by the government. The writers in it were, as far
as known, Arthur O'Connor, Dean Swift ("Marcus") ; Thomas Addis Emmet ("Mon-
tanus") ; Wm. Preston, a distinguished scholar of Trinity and one of the founders of the
Royal Irish Academy; William Sampson (supposed to be "Fortesque") ; Dr. Drennan,
Roger O'Connor, and other able men under the signatures of "William Caxton," "An
Irishman," "Sarsfield," "Euergetes," "Dion," "Scaevola," "Bolingbroke," "A Militia Of-
ficer," "Vincent" and others.

In the eleventh number there is a clever, though not a remarkable piece
of verse, entitled "The London Pride and Shamrock, a Fable",
signed "Trebor" ; which Dr. Madden believes was written by Robert Emmet,
the signature, when read backwards, spelling his Christian name. Thomas
Moore tells us that he wrote something for "The Press", and that it was
included in the secret report of The Committee of the House. His contribu-
tions were of no moment, however.

Both friend and foe seem to have contributed to "The Press". It has been
stated on good authority that after the paper had been suppressed it was
found that one of the frequent contributors was a regular informer of Major
Sirr's Battalion in 1798, whose name was Brennan!

The writer having gone carefully through the whole issue of "The Press",
found "The London Pride and Shamrock", an accepted production by Robert
Emmet, but there was no other contribution in his judgment likely to have
been written by him. Yet there was found a letter in the issue of Decem-
ber 2nd, 1797, addressed: "To the students of Trinity College", and signed
"Sophister", which was in a general way suggestive of his style. If Emmet
wrote the letter he might also have written several others, where the identity
of authorship was unknown, and there also existed in some other contribu-
tions a similiarity of expression, showing at least that Emmet and the author
were close friends. It is not likely that Robert Emmet was the author of
these doubtful letters, although written in so natural a style. Had he been
the author and from their value, already so well known, this circumstance
would have caused this connection to be remembered.

Savage further states :

Those writings, however, which seemed to have created the most noise, and with
some justice, were written by Dean Swift, "Marcus", who is described by Barrington
as tall, thin, and gentlemanly, but withal an unqualified reformer and revolutionist;
also Addis Emmet's "Montanus" letters, and John Sheares' "Dion" letter to "The Author

232 Arthur O'Connor

of Coercion" [Lord Clare], which, some rumor of its embryo existence getting out,
caused the seizure of the 68th number of the paper, when all ready for publication.
Thus the 67th number was the last published ; but in a collection of the chief articles
and letters issued soon after, to fan, says Musgrave, the seemingly smothered flame
of rebellion, the 68th number is restored, as well as an intended 69th, being "The Ap-
peal of the People of Ulster to their Countrymen, and the empire at large".

In a footnote of Savage's work it is stated :

An American reprint is now before me; the title runs "Extracts from the Press; a
Newspaper published in the Capital of Ireland during part of the years 1797 and 1798,
including numbers sixty-eight and sixty-nine, which were suppressed by order of the
Irish Government, before the usual time of publication, Philadelphia ; printed by William
Duane, Aurora Office, 1802".

In connection with the leaders who wrote for "The Press", Savage ex-
presses the opinion :

Thomas Addis Emmet was precisely such a man as might, had not many occur-
rences combined against the party to which he belonged, have led the Irish Revolution
to a successful issue. In 1797 he was decidedly the ablest, though not the leading man
in Ireland.

The writer can not allow this last statement to pass unchallenged, while
he would have hesitated as to the question of ability. Arthur O'Connor,
Mr. Emmet's chief rival in both respects, was a man of phenomenal ability
in early life, when he could be gotten to exercise it in some other line than
a defence of an assumed grievance or of his inordinate self-conceit. He cer-
tainly was a very prominent man, if not the most so of all the Irish leaders,
and to hold the position he was at all times seeking to gain the attention of
the public. But at no time in his career was he considered a reliable man
except by a few individuals, themselves of no influence save one of detri-
ment, but who evidently prospered through their connection with him. Mr.
Emmet, on the contrary, avoided publicity, and as a consequence his service
as a leader was never known or fully appreciated. Fitzpatrick in his work
has made the following statement, based on a knowledge of the views of
Lord Cloncurry, a life-long friend of Mr. Emmet. The bearing of the quota-
tion is rather incidental, its importance consisting in its demonstration of
Mr. Emmet's purpose as a United Irishman, and is therefore of more value to
the reader if given as a whole. Fitzpatrick wrote :

Thomas Addis Emmet, a member of the Executive Directory [United Irishmen]
and one of the brightest ornaments of the Irish bar was interrogated rigidly by the
Secret Committee in 1798. There were few voices more influential in the national coun-
cils than that of Thomas Addis Emmet. Humane, disinterested, warm-hearted, zealous,
he glided through the meetings of the Irish Union, remonstrating with some, suggesting
to others, and advising all. In the course of his examination, he observed, parenthetically
in reference to some questions from Lord Clare — "Will you permit me to add, upon my
oath, that it was my intention to have proposed to the Executive, and I am sure it
would have been carried, had there existed any reasonable hope of reform, to send a
messenger to France to apprise the Council of the difference between the people
and the government having been adjusted and not to attempt a second invasion". England,
however, had a deeper game to play than the bloodless suppression of Irish disaffection.

Emmet's Restraining Influence 233

It knew a trick worth two of that and therefore resumed the work of torture witli re-
doubled rigour.

It is a remarkable circumstance that with a fact so easily proved, no his-
torical writer has expressly shown that through Mr. Emmet's personal in-
fluence alone several hundred thousand enrolled members, of the United
Irishmen or Union organization were restrained from outbreak during the
eighteen months previous to his arrest, during which time he directed the
policy of that organization. And this was done at a time when a majority of
both the leaders and members were in their individual judgment impressed
as to the advisability of following the opposite course. He certainly defeated
all of O'Connor's intrigues to undermine his influence and even persuaded
Lord Edward Fitzgerald, in command of the military department, to inaction,
and in opposition to his own judgment and wishes. As leader, Mr. Emmet only
yielded to a compromise after it was shown that the English Government could
not be trusted, and would make no reforms on any terms. The English Gov-
ernment was fully informed through her spies as to the situation. With every
desire to get Mr. Emmet out of the way, yet, with no evidence against him
and everything to prove his course had been consistent and unquestionably
loyal to the Government, the authorities did not dare bring him to trial on
the plea of a "devil's brief", or on any evidence to be supplied by the "Bat-
talion of Testimony"; but in a spirit of spiteful vindictiveness, since he was
a man of too much influence to be hanged as many thousands had been, with-
out the slightest justification and without even that of legal murder with a
packed jury, he was imprisoned for over four years and at times was subjected
to the greatest cruelty. The writer, therefore, on the facts of the case, does
not hesitate to claim that no leader during the troubles of '98 held and
exercised a greater influence both by pen and example than Mr. Emmet did
during the time he could exercise it, and no other leader showed greater and
more unflinching courage than Mr. Emmet did in his course, notwithstanding
the misrepresentation and intrigue to which he was subjected, without im-
pairment to his teaching even to the present day, as that teaching is shown
by his writings, although the source has been forgotten.

The following letter was published in "The Press" (October 3, 1797),
and accompanied the first letter written by Thomas Addis Emmet and signed
"Montanus".* It was held at the time these letters were published in "The
Press" that no other Irish leader contributed so much to direct public opinion
and to the spread of the organization of the United Irishmen as the author
of these letters.

To the Conductors of the Press :
Gentlemen,

I have read with much pleasure, the Prospectus of your paper. If you adhere to
your promise of conveying to your countrymen, without prejudice, and without weak-
ness, just views of persons and things you will render an essential service to Ireland.

•Madden, in the second series of his work, p. 253, writes in relation to the writers in "The
Press": — "Those under the signature of Montanus, eleven in number, are written with great power,
and bear evident mark of a mind deeply imbued with political and legal knowledge, and an intimate
acquaintance with the character and condition of the people. The spirit which breathes in these

234 Letters from the Mountains

The want of some sure vehicle of interesting truths, has been severely felt, at this
juncture — never was there a period when it was more necessary to enlighten the public
mind; for never was there a period in which the people have been placed in circum-
stances of greater delicacy and difficulty. It is the duty of every man who wishes well
to his country, to contribute according to the measure of his information and talents,
to the work of public instruction. Imprest with this idea I send you copies of some
letters which have fallen into my hands on the subject of the present discontent in
Ireland. They were written by an old gentleman of my acquaintance to a young friend,
who had requested his advice as a guide for his political conduct. If you think them
worth insertion in your paper, they are at your service; and I shall be happy to have
contributed, in its infancy (when even mean assistance may be useful) to a laudable

undertaking.

Agricola.

Letters from the Mountains

Being a series of Letters from an old Man in the Country to a young Man in Dublin;
issued by The Press.

October 3, 1797.
My dear Friend,

You require my sentiments on the situation of public affairs, at this juncture, and
my advice, as a guide for your conduct, in this critical emergency. My advanced age,
and my sincere affection for you, might well give me the privilege, did I possess the
capacity of advising and most ready, indeed, should I be to offer, nay, to obtrude my
counsels on you, could I be convinced of their producing a salutary effect; but, my dear
friend, it is now a most awful task to determine for oneself, still more awful it is to
determine for another, on a point which involves the safety or perdition of every object
which can be dear to man.

The situation of Ireland is become critical in the extreme. The dreadful forms of
public disturbance have stolen upon us, like a thief in the night. The horizon is blackened
around us; the island is shaken to its centre; and fathomless abysses seem hourly to
yawn with destruction beneath our feet. At such a season it will be difficult — difficult
did I say; it will be impossible for any man to remain neuter — he must put his hand to
the plough, and having done it, he must not look back. On this choice of party, to which
(I foresee it) we shall ultimately be driven, will depend the fate of the individual; and
on the choice of the majority of the people will depend the fate of the country. That you
may be found among the saviours of Ireland, is the earnest wish of your friend. Con-
sider the situation of this kingdom, the circumstances of other countries, and the temper
and spirit of the times. Decide for yourself with all the calmness and deliberation that
the tempestuous season allows; and may God Almighty lead you to a life of happiness,
or a death of honour.

While I profess myself unable to give you directions for the regulation of your
political conduct, you have a right to command my sentiments on the situation of public
affairs — as far as it is safe or prudent to communicate an opinion on the subject. I give
you, believe me, no small proof of my friendship, in the dwelling, for your sake, on a
contemplation so painful as that of Irish affairs. The present harrows up the feelings of
a man who loves his country; and as to the future, it requires no common fortitude to
meet, with eyes unmoved, the long dreadful perspective before us. I shall be well satis-
fied, however, to punish myself, if I can be useful to you. I shall give you my thoughts

letters is that of a calm determination, an imperturable disposition, a nature softened by philosophy,
insensible to fear and influenced by no sordid or selfish motive. The author of these letters on
authority of the late Dr. McNeven in a statement to the author (who ought to have known the
person he believes to have been the writer of them better than anybody else) was Thomas Addis
Emmet".

THE PRESS.

PfclCE 2D J

IBS

TO Itit CONUVCTQR& OF tut PRESS

CtNTltMIN,

1 HAVt reod w'.'h mui.fi pVrture, |hg Proi

Ipe-ldi ■ I /, - ,. ,-. |( j,„j ejt.P„ ,„ y„hf

pnrnisn, •>( oonwying to ».. „,, oau&rymtai
wiUkuI prejudita, onf wlihggl -<.>,«». Jim
W ugl perCUfii .InJ ihinja, y , „,i| .cjeraa
r*c?i/f( strvice to /«/«,*/ '[ ,lf wa« *J *,me
o»t» vohiuV of inlercal.nf Iroth*, ha* bevn .<
V*arcMcIt .»i Ihla Juodunj— imcr was ih^<
f)f*noJ - IN i if wai m..rr .«,ci*j.y i0 eBli^hlen
ihe pobi.e mind for never «si ll.ere ■ pen*]
in whuj) Lit people Law. been tl.v«) us ein.unv
vi.. ... : (lUlar deJkaty and U/fLuliy. I( It
i,t* u.Ji. -fBvri'y iti.to, who wishe, mcU to I. i
country, t.Mui.liibuh*n\cuMti.,; i.w.'ie '...svi.t- ,.,

fill lilfo'.n..f lu.i.,,/1 Wremi. |.i 0* Work of public
itataKijoii Imprest wilfi ihil i..<.. I ie„d y*.u
copiwof some Idled whirh h.nafalkn ihlo i„\
bonds, on me Mbjmfloffhc present dbcotiKBii
in /nr-W They wercwrltletrbyon ,.:,: ,, . .,
nun ol my aouainlarve, to a young friend', who
lind ies/utjird hli advice »i a Kuirie for his oo4i-
lictlconducl If tou think theinwonh insertion
In yo..r paper, ihry arc at your lerntr, BmJ t
shall tv happy to hjv conlnbulod, ,n in infancy,
<whc-n*v«n r<v:sr. AnUnrk-r tuny I- useful) to 3.
laudabla undertaking.

AGKICOLA.

UTTffU rkOM THr. MOUNTAINS.

B*-t J «W« j/ /,,•/„., ff»m « */./ ,«.,,, fa //#
Cat-aft r, ttajv**/, M*„ ,„ DuHn,
L E » 1 K K I.
itjit.tr Fr.tnJ,

• X?" TT*i""r "7 MftWnll »n the iiniRimt. <,f
public affol-t, ,t ihit jur>-l,i-c. and m> advice.
•i .i guide fo- JJWf cemdod, ». this critical err.er-
rr«y. M) ndaia ed age. « -d my tin ere after-

Jff.V) m«d givemt.he prWit^.

(Mil I puur^th* ..i!*,,^ ,j| iidv^irw— *nd m""it

rwdy. indMd, ■hoiljd I b" tojOlfw, .My, l„ nb-

IfM.I,. ,„y co idi«4i an you, could I b cone:rKr^ of

tii-r BT J:. n;i a wl..tjrv HT.-vl j but, mv (fcjr

Ir-c.-.l ir h .-ww. „ moat rhvTuI uik tu d«t«ruRn«
Wo.-wwlf,>iill(n«^ asyfnlu it to determine for
■nnHier, aq n p.,lni which invalvci the aalety nr
perditinnof aery object ulnci con be (Uaf"ro
nun.

The iftumlon of frt!*,tt\t become cri-ical in
th- mivne? T*"1 rfrcdjul fom«(i pubjie dii-
♦urtonrt hav- naien «pj.t ..a, hbi a Uuef m Hie
n.-h.—Tr.- Iwrtion d blackexd wound us— TrC
KlUnd u irtakeri to in ceJ,ire , add &lhomlcM
Bbytui t«m hour!) i0 >utsn with dewruClioli
brrn-jih mir fcef Al inch a k.iwb it will be
difteulprdiflifuii did lnji if will b«j iiupvUaU*
for an-/ min m mtii*m'i,nttfi»Wiemu*ipL|t hii
KiiJut'itfaa^. and hnemg don* *i, he mm
iwtlaok bick 0.ilhinli«|«uf pjffv. io which
flfweteeitlur jIibI! ullimarely be driv«n ™H|
dspeodlhe fslf of the individual t and on rhf
rhoiwofihe majority.efthc people will depend
Ihe biecfthe eeunlry Tha. yoo a»y be found
»ni«ii£thruiriotjr.af/,<,lW, a iheea.nMf wish
of yovr friend Consider ihe liluation ofth<s
kingdom, th« c.fcumttances of rxhef Oountriei.
and the lemrer «nd ipint of the iimet. Decide
for yourself, with all the calmnea *nd deliberati-
on rh.v the tempettdoui seaiod ^llow.-aud rriny
God Almiphly lead )(H, tg « lifeof happineM, or
a deaih of honour.

While I proth, myseir.unahlo lo gi.e you di-
rection!, for ihe rc£ularioiH of your political con-
duct, you have a right tu command niy jewr-
nwolton rbc *tl«ationofpublk affair*— a< far ai
o is saw- or.nrudent (o communicate an opinion
on the jubje.il I give you, believe roe, nn amall
proof or my friendship, in ihe dv«*lrinC for y0,,r
**.'"■ °? ,s couiem pla lion w painful as ther of
ln)h affairs The present harruwj up the fee!-
ingiof a man who tovw hi) country , and ai |o
the fufure it requ.rei no ctmrnon fortHodc io
meet with eyei unmoved the loos dreadful per-
speet.ve before ui I jhalj be wdf wtohed, ho^-
ever, to poitish mytelf, if 1 caui be uteful to yon
Ishall give you mf thongbu ta the wtuatian of
the country, without passion ond wiihoD[ prc,u
d.ee , and it it from |uch yieWf of the situation of
the^ountry. I»ken ,| d.fferen, poinl. ofooaeTvau.
•n. and bydinVreat obtervm, thai a conndemie
•"*« will lea.rn, to e-fcwe hi *«■/,, Jnd eMabl.ih
Ihe rote of ku poJi'iflCondwit.

The fint remark which! would vqc** io yon..
Iionih* aahsn'ihingiiupar ond inalieniion which
tee.ii to haw poasatt the govemmeTiU of £nrano,
wi.h few" exceptions, and presented ihem ntiend-
ing to ihe jreat revolution vMcfe hai been
wroojb „ ,be human charafler. A mighty
splrtl 'sawatened— the Por.iu» of raiijnal enquiry
hwgoneobroad with gujrtt itr.<l^-+e marrhet,
with freedont in hij train, |0 lrM; erd| of the
rarth Thij I; no lime Tor the powerful /m- to
wrap ihetxueKet np m a frlie.wiWy, and
dnpiie iheerlo, and irtsolnbe fcdinij» of the
oppta and iajund awa/ This i t» lime to
hu£ to the bosorn in*derata tuuic and ar-.em
errors ; to hold aovCrnnjem, and thoaa who ad
mirusierir oi J/.a-ff, the paoplt Brwaroed ai
■w*T The ma-imiof policy, which proved
aulf.cent for Itvo imperfeCI lights of put times,
will be found delaii*? guides al I hi* day. The
ooitoraj, the manocn, ihe kcowledge, ihe pyr-
auiit, aod cbintf of men, hat* .■-rt-™.
treat biw! -»r..d rk>». . ,.~* ^...:a T.

DUBLJN, TUESDAr, OCTOBER 3

t. -I KfK

tounlrj— • dul.ndi„„ for w),ithi
''-:.,. i^.l inlh« mjinlfru.KF
el •lu*o,.ou. Co«rl. and, «.n>bn>Ui oUbl.th
»""', yd I^Uod. if.lhfl«t,i„,0nofm,Dr,cu|(,

,"' ''"•'» you ilaUUKiaaiLi court,
oi j..«,^, Bnd Lr prone.io«d » tdU.o^ i,M by
».. I..d£, bu, | .J, ,uU , , (^

wilhotil oOcnce io lb- — -

loU]

powen i bar Dr. „,
'»* ilifftrnv/ between i
.— ...._. ..-//, .^a.^-.w. and*/.«,.»,.

PJ.I »jfc-l. BlrTl, „,„»„ ta,^, ,rf

SSh x!1"*1 " '<*,''"'d' •"'' "• '"o-« 15
"rt i.»Kfa . m-rary. „„„,„„., .„,. (^

uC"Ji*r h""" Tfc" " 'k' """"»« •?;

truly inoependtr.! country ,

i,..Vu.'y""'"'S,"i'i " ""ntd-ih. m,e

iTf.™,..,^,,,,,,,,^ ,

cr.ficod Io ,(,c ,„.,„„, ,, / ^ rj >^

is crpetxleiir- The pecple are supposed to cherish

KTJ .IS "'i"^"-'- -f-Tiriio

niTll" 5^1 ,T°"""';""!> tk'tnroiuol U,.
lOE.nar.Kleo, nul,,,,,^^ „, ,hc „, ,J

f 'tmrf, jowimnan. odopu a ^ur„ ,.* „., „ ,

,.p,c,o„ a„d co,„.,l,d l.« ,_rfW, M rat

i.«li ,!»,„ o /„o„„,e rr»,ioir„„|„ ^

r.T", S:,".™"' "f"1 ""™u"rc,e.
y Meujrrnientot tlicil-le. and every rar^. 0fw.
'riv. a.Klore openly professed ant) defended, as

Mean.me a^pot.roppresaiot, of .he P*op]0

burst for h ruun the Jipsortndipnant n,lu.,v „
.» severely rfttaluet under the Awioni.Mtioi;' of
« .edmous sp„„ , andalltltejfriEQUra, bvwhrth
he people « re , ram pled down to the d,,-. S

Ibw w°K >,' PV"U1l(''',f «M-«*T. and rn-
Mob!edw,thrhe,1|ail„b!enjrll„ of »,'
"""— a "-i"if a.im,p,UT«lUn -

It too rreouehily happens jn dependent pro-
• ■n*!, .t. v the insoleiKe and oppression of their
fiovernmeni grow* lo Iucl, . p(«ch |rtw.

-he people n0 middle course. beiwe«,.b»l„,a and
m.wrabie slarery ou.iha «nr hand, open tes.tt-

E ?f? I '"l1'*'* ' ^^ ** -"'vTrJeed trj
th,.,a the. such w«, ^ Jrtsatbn ol Ir.i^J^
Heuwa avert ,u(h a calamitooi state of ltnn»| I
b^lhecorwv^nhetWaanSwa/^ta/iiarKl I,.
Iv ' " ? i"' ^ P*cu'i»' <W«er. «nd nequiee,
W.„- nod lemeni maMgen«M.i: || should nerfcr

should fat^y pw^oo.he ver*. he.,, Df /„W.
criui. and benumb the energy of her anirhment

*JSSb •^'M-rJtfc.rcuial.OTof ,hW *l»|
pn.K.ple.., «hichd.irUSes health and animation
thro ihepoluicnl fmmce. I fear the Srtl„(, «.
hire, hat .loo ofien been led, to adopt a tery dtf-
ranat pol.ry grllaill hM beeniaught by a-ffittr;
cinl notioni, to consider ht-

hoocsi but bhiotled individuals. *,,».> attached
iheraaelvet h> iheir standard fiont dmoieiTsiecl

|bl i

ibltth Ihe (_--.. Il.-J. thai I hr y. ,,(.->,.

a.™.- «. ..,., ^oniry has alrooai uniformly pro-
posed wnlveU, -stheolntnor-artd of il( rja/icy.
the main'enancf ol an Eighth Inte-str a rrwt-
tmwil* i-oruns-dui.ni;iiith^l from rbe mre-<-r*> ef
ItJtnd. hya muhirodaof eaamptes, fromaott*ru
.'i. J ,. -1rrt< If.h hn-ryry , hat me toflv wouW-srst—
in-it ^ilic (ocriats of aor Crjrrernr.nderKt* .1 ah«It
c./..!ine myMlt io ihe period. Inrina whirj' Mr
r-lt has ruled the halm of ihrAsi,** Koipi.e.— a
perine! wlrnJi will be (.•■tingutsftc I in ih.- asissahl
of mankjnd, ta -he end of t|*ne,' for th« inrj-
meruoui «--rnr* and {i-atlfii- n-tcJurfom whuh
H U' pr-duced 1 feat- 1 have llrAi you wi "
ui long Wfure. I shall' for the pn.entco
tuiiscnbt) myieff, yours

MONTANU3.

»nwe™anaiB,o*,i ,, , ( . ,. '.
ma.) duiy, *, ,t ,hatl ^ ,,,,. ^
T-t r,..,, ,,, sarTt»t»at!lija*,| |h.| ,
»«^ICn«rJUJinvh<t^u^dlo^'lal.»^,■■

store mar, of rende,^ th,,n colleo-
- JM»Bi mthsn j to ciittasjjrlr lfc«
md tnduiirv. which mm
th'all he rfcid fa - ■

dude

TO THE F.DtTORS OF THE PRESS

an .iHstocmry i

iijior-
ofth.

TAKFnrpof imrodn

he republic ..I Liitri.
I .nn,*tfon irf'rxmli, or any' oligarchy ..f
snip in rhe mode of publiiatinn. Mnke bi_ ...
tjff, f rqualiry Brjuoli'ly unJ Emiiry are ijm.ni-
rnout termt Lei the Cornpc«ttSn fot public
opinion devrnd info tbaj areni ..I the pr«s, in
the ietf--.iine uniform .«f lypoc.raphy. nor do yon
venture to anticipate t!,e yAymem of that public-
by any innnu.vfon of the blade an, thnt tere
comes a ..;....! prodiiclion, bur ihere follows one
of leii cornrnirariw value. It it Poi always »eivr
manol ti,i,r, that A ill be iht- man of rhe people.
The p, inter •ttyjv i, nc^he rype of good wfiiiVitV,
ior Ih» can only cut <*pcrs m cnpinls. and erstl^-
rowr by btiiitf lerrrn to make nonsoose em
phalicnl. The J.Klietunt eye of the public uhII -
ol ilieif reidily tea-ognite tha great man, ii wanie
tiji itiloriri.iiion from 'he compositor to see tiifrglh

and sine* in Sorsfidd, to descry a nil! ..■

pen iD hu, fiwrnd. nor doetit refluirtf rfhai it Jim
noirermed. todiloover in rhe letter ofa Lawyer
orte of iheclearest. of hoadt, one of the Us.' ..I
beans. The manner declare* .he- man. Bum
co going .to VeriailJrs o/esied m the plaipest
manner, had a.Mn. altendants orrraroroted wiih
jjolj late and an yeli-et. He appeared the nat-
ter, and the whole court his servants: iFon-weU

■i^jfffeSK*"''" *" "* '^ ""'*

a of her

much i

and the

- -of heropuli
- be lamented, Aat.ihc.goveiiamtnts-of
i»ts coniilry, in ., fong mvcession, ant
jrceptioa*, have btentooaj,., toforr.
ielvev idea* of a certain foreign it*

with few

which.

f 'he couninrthe/on- appoinijed:
mcorripitible wfifi it.and tli^ o-eiee..

ley think

».and(hr t
■sight io be

fierfof"

-o t-o-

he utile

objeelnf thsiraq tPtttrtUon A.Wau-ordtn,*

fi|J"« of the Srit-.n erttpire" [ U^d they c..D- '
atdetala time rypher, or ereTi on' Une'qcctl.
-lomaia oeghtivc quanniy, and ^ riyse rjrin-
'<pl*i (hey have conducted 'themteU,, iXe- an m-
salted garrison, with' oifficuhy uiaialaimia. Its
t*.t I..., nodaupiKir-ag „K\r% in*oa.ts and de-
P»«".om, ]n , hoslite »Qd exhausted cc*,t»

VVhetherjueh a system prerails
t is not for me [■■(.'.■■-.■ .... »
alien i

(hi. d"y.

tllry y011

great and rapid cssaufe , and .stupid, indeed
mus- be ihe a dm ini it re: ton which doa not adoi,t
ih maaima to Ihe great -y. i . ,.. ,, lo the charac-
ters reaourcet. and lempers of men. This
proudly weak irwHenHon to the circutntfanwa of
ihe. limes, hasb^smnesTssliadyr^^able.assdpe.
culwrty WiumMsi „ those who havr had the «M
c* ro-e.0„lfi|wu>raj.

i.LT':' °tTCr7* "^ tK* ■"•»"»* Ireland Js

« honoured hy GsMs fiiiuio. vwuh ihee^rila-

jrlllAlioQ i-rf tfie

m»yjudesfors/otir.e!f That- it tor

appe«i« (mm the letl-r. of Pomate Boit."'",
cunons monument of the cnttopt an,H mistaken
manajremenr, which hat been considertd as
toond policy lor ifo-^aridasn of IrttmJ, and
vtiich rlhTO,n five* us a key to the teftVlIdf

hous- "

telpc
nipln
oaVhe natwe^ tha, tha rnbnee of pr,n->r Th Ire^.
l»od -t neglefled Constant and vf^.'jn- indor-'
art itfl r^re^ehrat.oni r,f the n^esjity 0( |>eWwA
«l 'It* pitmen.* of ,he counh-y, eccWiasTital
jndin.^ndmijiury, on u liens, i„ order ,„ k#e6
"P b predominant of ,he f-nglt.h trjertst U
«a.-h^,Untso»-d, ihaniysiem of go.emment
inim.-al ,» lru. f#<,piri fou\A ^ nianaped only
■imughthelrmrserHfonofr-^.grieTT Mi«r-ken
h*. fhvt thought » ir has bry?n

Thit honest mimics! h-rlfite

^rtrtponr/eBtT wph the Brilish fjibmet'

full of tomplniiil,; tha; prefer rr^nr: ai* h«...~i J

cnlighiened dn^i, ihar

pnlmcians'

.otered, ,

««*B J» 'rfrfeis. n^nygado Is the most ad

persecutor^ thme svho h.irt been hli brethren io

^tticihe tenegado Bn.j pervefletr frttNt-ae
"«n>mts ibe mow emel foe <o the lmete-ts of hti
laanwanuttuy. ,he most ot.oageou. sopporter^f
•vha: „ Impeoyeriy . alM ,h, £c£v,n [',,,„,

. From ihe aapIiMttanof this permdnu, role of
<f,t^r wWt/asjeratn I be nsaiwemiye of nn far^.y,
""KW ptareeded that miscfoetoui nArslitf
>»hKh h„. astifcnnly lah-am-d. and often .pi

cuecerrfunj- n, rnJlame a.c -pitir r,f p,rtt rare

and tel.(.R,us rorroosiiy, which has ndded no
lure poignancy to the neurr seme of- ofhn- eviN,
that tSare reied and consumed this detoted .™i.
lejf. Wotesiant was artfully inflamed ai
CaibaJic, Ca,hol,c

igeintt
i Protestant DiHenierj

NO maaim is more trtie than rhtt, - That no
Liberty can sonrivethe Liberty of rhe Pr-» -," it
breathes a sour inro fhebrtJy nf a People i tr
frf-m-: iheir manner), and byjeachung them Iheir
dotie; n.,Jtheirr,Ehii. onditBpixinj ihem.Wrh
tln-iesMinvema oi vfetttf-aiid counter, "by v.hich
boiharotobeenfinresl, tmrfJucesthatbipirc of
reason tn t)n* onicerre , it is ite_ vests, finj, up-m
, -he poatTvadrtrrof which, the fore of N-irtons de-
pends t and ihein-v: pcrehandi, offctatirg for
thewhotecomtmiu.ry, sJiooU MJtrcesttntts; em-
p^yed in ^eping it ollsre.' But it mvtt be ae-
kr!oi-!erlg.r3, ihat by, wme^mlirj; of lare. the
Pmsy (n rhis haflrmeed coantryhaaoeen eithe- nr-
gligsmiorapcrrure; u hai been n centlnel a-stwp
on Irs post>- „t sj. ^-pen jt^g^ ^)tw ^1iri!.t
il-elecfieand theircn-,ie, in iheserttttiofivhich
it affecletj to trolunteer. To ftawfr trnd betray,
has been tow e^'tsTeiTra-cli-rorrhoie wtkj hn>e
loiigr.rp^ratlarconMejfte-.no^^
''l'l'\«'a.ti^o>yacl)ai>dni( dm auipnii-r.
«a> what V«BStnjtiidai)dnKti*nriry in rhe be-
?>n»iog. ftttould.Jntheerid.be j-erfid'uxii and t. ;-
>"pf. Somiioyaotfto'tadW (Ktatneapnjta-
clrf n I,kh have token j>lac»..p .J, it reaiaaft, ,har
c^wpcicitothusiuluteoTc BSldtlerotDlrrry to ,he
%h Charcot bus- nbtoinerl, trad rhe bast rllsposcrf
ptCT, wi-htrt-.tf reav-u., Kij; bc^niVj to 'do"!*
tliecrtincnte.tfa $* 'ri, ttiotiwn, tJiaHbyad by
any mb.t«rc of iha selft.Ti pai:toas I >hev have
aemihrpiwiryro^uor^foiheih mall the chafm;
ola virlu,-: ujr^in, tbyrji^. degenemte and re-
eeite.ihr^..,;iict eiijbr.fr* «i iK- mmnter behind
ihecuitiiur-otac:*. tlrt iulder pan oil a publiV
ptfwiBj'eV

h ii^.v pr^-tj to itrabllih a NetvLimrvr.,
to b> toMy ao.f ujulteratily devoted io rhe ptopla .
oflrelaiidastd^eitlnietttts, under th# apBelk.
rtoAsE

THK PRe-SC-
Foa ihefenions before itsned, Iroewtrril thst
nsrf ao* wnte»ee in ihe form 6F pcofesaJon io iht
pKbhrfhoaW be urterred. bur raiher, tbaV iho
cnlo,m.iofT-rfi lajsiftouldUiiiKertd toipeak
fonthertve-ires, and ihe print let to IffVsrr d c by ■
ttr* csswrccsrr which ihey should tmfold'j yti the
pi'Wi-lri^fceTtam'yaHghfiobear^attiiedw.ih..
'he iritssnadt nr»on which their .i; n.^i.- n u t-i- '
•"*ed. and vvbuh shall tes.a-ed m aleit rtwrda

t'ertbrta Sort, pus t

a.iy. i
rtoM

seeds of sift lie hi
Inherent" in tnxiTnsi

■runnMiilri^,ifti»rt0fj^,(uw, ,.,.,, |r
folly awn iterp m ihat t-oodVnl „.„! he .t ,i-- U.
bw U twi rsi.l to eu][hnla pirin ifmll ,hey
s-Toot for-I, mall th^ Kfory ,., ,|l, .,,...,„/,„„„,
c^n ln»l-.iilo.i thesoale of NatWna, ur^ : ,
S-ehrronlmpenol, ,,„- tn ■. > - ,„ ra*£ott»pr|
to atsm and nhtnAi !Ter ...-,rf. ..j ,.p|„. ' ,ff
fe|«fej r^.Kdinbj BVi«i itLswKsftoly,
io incilone .h if masinia ol «•,.,..*.* and II-
beny, without nhi.h no n»rt..nr-.h h« atmndii-
mptyHblei toro,,„ jjpj tto„£>t (i r . '^,,,r1.,,i,
Jrid the etrj>I(,y ,,| o.-rfv ,.»einmu.,.

and incor.merse. in.Piw bhnjqi -v s.. ],K

lierlet. those mines r>Fwert1nS -h-,-t

pbi«oce.r.thei,--^-oTro«l,[~ m, 1,,,.

<■ed.wi.edin cntrntie iii-.a-l.rf, |o m'/it-..,,,..,,

rtort.d-purem-rairv m?ifo- tturrj Wera..-..

and to tve or en.l . n atteftt.ei.i.t.-tt'- liii Id . ,(

'^esofreHgton, in fh^ih-e,.-- ii^itA> '(■ Ltll> .

are a mockery, -r. m, -rmi, ,',„,' ,,liJ„luw^,' .,„^

Iichoppiness^yjTnMntaindHio^ onasati mind '

ihat, nesLitnalo^e ..[ God .. ri.e.-t-v.'* of t

thtnild hnre o_p!i»vsj in the niitf "n i '^iv . ,d

finally, if .• be « * loo prest^(hli^j, 0, ^' pots- "

jedl urierl) iropt..ii,o.hle. t-. proron-.a. t*tttt>r.«

■ n t'-e at-.seaof govcrnt-. . tthjet}, prr eeymg

and manifold ; ibese are rhe cr.nr . oa: which

rut rai-vyicr^yyonfiLlcnciw-riitai^.ii a lair

tnal, - ti-d'tnaj r: e momejjt of in defectfon, te

lhel«ofit»«iJ»etKe;'• A ijaein, such at no

News-paper hat p^ne to the expence of-beretr>-

flre. has been ^d-,p.ed for proet.ring dje oatlirst

in-elligeace, which shall be mspaniaiJy gate„ 4

arar^utaratiwttlrinshail be p>,d w ille-dctat! of

d.. meat io cKt^TTsthveaf auid'a fairhfbr rephn given

-Ttrie't.ati',ji tenttng-a.. ins, t'aKp0rtatipsitaissi

«etfiiTioisa, fajpioai the :wenemli.n of jadge or

jury To dittm'y scene- j» di ma». w>e ahull

glean "heyewmartjx. >rrt Vosr- fliveandanrj -

in^tn ihe StHts T.ttm* ■, there Ttillbc \hr moto

Tenni-foTthitgpitiiirntion of- oikf readefi.in the

.^i-seofiaaapprr^chiBg wiirer. a, ,hen- « *,

rwboWtiry-«fan> detsartr m the Hm«>i* C —^

tn^^aWtfihaThonou'aW Hoi. re i. ^,1, ht>

luff tent to Raw .he enrtipenr rrf ne,-, pe».| .-a-

lO^satatJSwJd there be any, ond the rtr-nre nnrl

jtaarisoajni of the neve ra*e». of >vh„h we mm

POSsQvetTie're t> jlj ne n V aft..

l^ktefw'wftn- wired to tvnid 'heir prod.c- *
tioSWWILPSrFS .-V,lr.i;1.„f,.fi,l],..
enssico on- Public SiB,e<9< _;■■■: ,t ■ -, , ,

diSrrajjs, cao «et.oibt odo-.nwtl ay oi:Win .,.-
aisc , pr,..,c ch.rr.clor Is™ ..ftlK ptcfe'tat*.
y. iifictSuitij ,o or h^d ,ocy-d i
mao .n.o ijv. t.rlp J ^.rtrc- Lfc,
■ ) i,f'.!irandlu-eo-i.w'.a'. f:if.rpTff
O'c- yef.il«.n.Jnify1 ut, Afl/rViU'W rhw-this c„.
.o.n.,»l.p>r,pVIi„f .. Th„,hr m,„i(,„hch
"^thT cr..t|, already beg'.rd .., „ ef^ „ „.„
" ihemi ku-ili tiru dcrrive •!. -ra of reorl ..._
" then ...Me, .ndihe osa tJ. r;^,t ,.
" ^ye»p diet, tiny «i,k ,h, d,
" peTLel.ed "

A LETTER , ,.„ SAREyi^l '.
bAtuoeetoa P.l.nphl,: s /(r, c„4' f. Uwt,„„

>in.4inin|tO|»enonooj o lie .-((rec'e.Aidrn.or
7^e A^/. /.Vr, ijYeryCjV.c-,-,,,

I. .h,. Dl.} Pcb! „:-eJ ,, [V „. ,, t^pj^,,-.

'--fjiajj

rdl*!*;e.
to follow .
wooldbfj,

By J. MuohX. Cuifc ..»,.,,
IHOlliltt :

rFiytcii'o viirorr,

CTIEJIT BetJT^' '.«, ^PLAND
AW junk. /, ,«„, ,- „,, r„, ^i

fXtirr rntwi^^jAL,
il* evr#pt~a>

r.V iVRTtl.EU K MAIL

E tt I C E.

The. greatest inle'erls of Europe arc ut Ihil day
■igitated m Inly. Whatever tends to. make
luigwn linly, and the men who ans acting a
conspicuous part ihcre, should be sought fur
and retcrded. A French- journal, primed ac
Milan, mulled "" /rimr.- ttitmd bj tfif eticj ef
ilalj: furnishes us with an article calculated
ro make us better atqoainicd both with the
present situation of Venice, anil ihe genius of
the hero who has etujuaed her destinies. — The
.municipality of ibis ttly had dispatched m
Buonapniie, ciiizerl Dautttru : the (allowing is
the account which DaudoiQ. gave to <Jy: 'l,um~
cipality of one of liii interviews with the de-

li.ci

of Jialy. .

" I spoke to the Ge a; ral concerning the. delapi-
dj/hiu or ihe difiViTrt sorts oT tfmber destined for
• rhe service of the navy. H* disapproved cf that
practice, testified much inreres; respecting the
subject, and auured me thai as Udtna he would
give orders ■va^lll should be scrupulouJy rc;peCI-
r; -. he desired, toe to- pnpejij-bim u niemonal oa
the vnpjeet

" 1 spoke to hinwf Adrka, whrch ha» cref
b«rn eoasidered as an in'ejtral >part oTihc Hi-
. ■:,[■" r, and at present for&s a pan of aha ife-
fjrtiDeaiof ParJua. He testified, his^urprut at
thii, tjoesriooed Genera! Sara^uey d/i4ii-i«r>,
.».„, decided --bat it snould be turned tu ouj- dc-
jUsrtrcca: ■■- ■ - ■-

" I submitted to. htra.«he- injpaiilbiliiy to*
were under of aiming with (trass gum, as he had
required, the five snips which we ur* -. ! •.;i,.i
him.. Me coniaiied ihat they shonld be armed
t\a\y with iroa guns, and trust rirtir armament
Ihould Decompiled >vuh brawouo.

" I asked him, with the frankness of a Re-
pesbiicaa spraJdag to a RepubTrcan, .whether the
h 'Ji-t".iii; bad coasented to the occupying of Istna
and.DaJmatia ay (he Anwrians' He aa,<vcTed
mi, not) and **l insisted cm this point, he re.
peairi U 10 rue *o positively thai 1 was Quite, (er-
fjMMJ, He i] .«si toned me concerning the d:i-
pciirion at thuae provinces, the fat tilt) of taking
•Zaraby a Itbdusj, a ni told me tu ■>■■ i:- him (he
'f»p0i)ranJucslc3Joa«i'»i)eeouiury-

'* I informed hub, riwa-ifce people of fatrla
>ittie vs>y.itie.-a»be Irtei axd tuoctuuKdivnh
Vffin )'ih.- i-rt-.u-j.-aii .' thecnant were
voy diCooujTtd with lh« Auii riant, ar.ri that
«ha w^f'.iic iscua of the Alteoce would repel
our, fittmy iy irb a^i itt bfce.
^'- " 1 did nor f «-get to ipea.k ro hito cooctrain*
the mutqoett oi ' vrhtb our Nan >o3l Grurdtore
»» i-.-h if-iiv U* .'.rn -.ei;J jbs, that Venice «ai
to ;■ |H i p vthb a'.) .y ■■: 1 three banaliooi of tlte
Bae. in complete iff; eigoiecTij 07 tbcrejbou'i,
to be lurniihed by "ur orethren of Italy 1 raat
ifmVihounnd stand tA »nm wuiit-e rcujiuitc
$»mbm purpne, andmai ne ln^Ui ireoy an-
pc+; of tht .remainder.

" 1 1 peke :n hjm vf tbi eoaSnnevi fntaoaa-
ttS by CKtr ctunmisaion agiiaai (out* guilty ppr-
*oa% sod won h rat«r wirh dathctum ia, liitir
- -**«u«too ODihcBMi of thMtommatAmMthant'n
«f ibe other bBmmn tlf **«" the ie<.vu4y ■■) a
oea-rat conurnMav. comptrted pt 0 . the ck9Mti-4
: eJ rh*en Vewiuatt 5est*. w.u-wte iadittrreritaW
JMmiwan, tniMitBiy* rWjund emit, mtd re-
form » Hwiiihir iH partwubt arlnwoistratiani,
Avaw ojltrar miM MrAguMfl tin. andollutle
' ntiliiy H*«ai9rtd |M-*1 htt I'm. it cui.mn to
all taes* Dtrm afld that ia a lew ttaya j
artotdd «ft ike wnoiapui in execution.
■ - <;-1 infarrDtd htni cftHs»M had tmit of
, thr fon'rr,ral» psJuic»l and tommfrcnl picture
ef Venic*, t^e Etappy mult tehich u oflercd, ood
th* publication *•» •vew |0i% to icik* oJ h —
Me intmrd'atety uked m* tor « copy of St, aadj
- r-rtnt, tied me totead 1; wkb (Ma? Manuij

" Ha tj.-ru'e wai ready : OP WAS fumg m «i
out. when, after >t<riruj, rttcitned Uiht^r and
a hull, he questioned ne t^a.o concerning the

- puoliti-£)»mf vUich prrrftUtd fei Vrnicr. A pa-
rriptic jociety," well isttnaanti( •nW^liSujnng
Rcfjiihlt-nneiiT^y— <* CJ>ic ihorri, ur«U fljoK-cdj
trifi.r iw; U-rrr^>;fjiK ttTHlinf"" "fitr the tvlal

- plmur: — one puoiit (ttrrngt daily •aAjhioirflg
the ample for therr traMWenriii, the^spint wfatcri
ao.'ii;-,-i-- ut .in— ihR, ml i, ti whir raiUjr ci-
viluet iheccrtimrv, and renews the brjllividan
«t in 3p;tndanf* ' .

K1LJV, Sift.' 8.
Th» people of UdJo.'hr.clnijthai )ht Tnx\
. c ji.miuionrm had impoaed a. milrary coem,
'rjuiion. upou thnn uluch (hey wers not ju,# to
[•J . ym deputies :.< unite repraeuiajtari .) tbew
cajetoBoMapane. The geteral advistij rhnn
[a setl-ch* ptnpwfiy trf^rhechurrh, and npply 11 to"
the duwrar^e <d- ibv^mitrSufton, " tUn," 06-
■eoed Ute. depttnet* " who will lenrare to ptir-
ch^i(* «.-c, ■ prj[-er'y r Will (hr yr jTiii.tul artn.,-
11 ■ ■ i< •'! ' ■■■- .-^ ' : rtrrn .-;. o ro preside al the
i-l.', "t >■» g 'ONdK in ilUfirfy ? —*+wtirttcm 03
ihiimu." said Butfuaparre, ' /an /AdZ/ twtainly
6t**virfr*t."' I- ..,..:«;. .1- .-j frotn ibis as-
luran.e, tftrt (he frrach gprfmnont hll detrr-
rninestoottcjcrd* aiiy parr of jhc^terra hrmu of
Venice to the rf6uae*T>Cr\tBaBXl»rr*: that dttn?-

1- if the nf-rninnir-i v-tr.rn; j! :, .ml.! f. 11 ineVi-

table, .if the cabinet of Vietuci persists in its
ciaifos.

A rraiitlatlonof the irorlt nf rh* ciiiien Se-,
Teilliere : ■ \.~ .■: ■ , mi the liberty of worship, hat
jiisi been pabjuhad neren -A trataiaiinn of r.
Paine'i tetter is printed ftlongi\titb it. Both ihrsa
^vritings nr; re^d ivith j^wt. ti vtdiry by all ihe
friends of liberty and sound philosophy.

The Cisalpine repubtk' begins to ei. tend its p©«
■ .lirica'l referiore fcevnod. ;lealy. . Onr direc'tury
havevippoint d nnrfa Cairapio, of Bergamo,
nrtn ilter pieaipo'en iiry 10 the court ol Spain,
TUcKlvocateCiav-jjii goes nnhhitn as secretary
of rfce embassy. Anr:her advo^ta Maxnani 13
3rn^irncdminis«rpl™ipotenriaryto''iha courfof
luseiny. It ij no: surprising that in our republic
tha advocates pe.-foTrti a pniicipaJ nan. both In
the in:eri'.r mxl ia foreign miuions. . I his c:s:s is
here, a; in most otlier coUDtri-Tt, composed oJ the
rn'*i enlightened cirueu*. They were, the fine'
and ilic rr^si ardent propagaiori of the twoi-Jtin-
nary pnrv.ipl«'io whichweaw ioirbwd for ocr

W-v'.vfv.-. Tb«y It-it. tWr&t:, tin £tV
righ,t to our ciufidcn.T.

FSMUii.4, Accvst =9.
Bcfo't General Bo ueaparta set tvtf far U'dlta,
he visited the Uiretflory nf ourreTjublic tit Milan.
to inform 1 hem ni the ohjKS of has joutoey. ond
t • recommend rhc interests of thn Country ro
their . ■ „.iu-. u We uadersund thai- the
members of rite directory wtre very wall satiified,
with ■ -e ast'lrathAt wbieb, (ha commar^trr in
chief made to them; but we have not [aimed,
■' -■ lie said any thing poiitive against the enntw

We ate assured ihat the territi^Tiei oF BreEnoo
and Mantua, axe 10 be deparr.-nenis.of the Cisal-
pine republic. We also e.'.pct that Venice will
be iitorparareJ, agreeably to the wishes of iu
iiihabitartn. We entertain no fears with regard
to the cooiequenm of the hostilttret which ixnr.c
etped will recommence. Tbe Krencb army is
a ihe best possible condition, and irstlisp>siiinni
. are most etje.'^etic. If ne.-eiary, ir wQ! b;
y>i led by 10000 Vietlinjnics^, 4,oco Genoese, snd
10.000 C"..i-p n-. all rvwly raised troops, bat
foil of ardcui and couiage.

The £si |n- 1 ■ . have be-in all pro* is tonal 'y do-
pmad of tliejr pemuios. They arc compelled
to appear bdorethe m3gts»cnei. ond give m'their
nam£St their agent and their employment.

Tlnr direiiiory rriae required an cka^I accannr
of ail the moults "v! ntios, and even the ti ... 1/
Wurrr a, Jt appean thai all the consent . and
.pnn.ipalty those of ibe Mr " ' >' jrv . are upon the
f.-e ot a -sterol utiori ,' and many confidently siaw,
that hrforethecodof IXIober, ail f> •.- ■■■ -c i---
ments will have ceased to exist.

The wishes, of people here, relatiTe ro peace,
are divided accordtug 10 thtf poiiticalscntimenrs.
Th^se who prefer their owtt tranquillity ro the
estab'ishment ->f the rep'iblic, are earnest in iriih-
in^that the war sliould cease ; but its conrinua-
tun it desired by all ■!;■.-.- tvhri :h«. it necessary
to^thrt cuBsolidattoii of our republic, to give It a
rc^venicnt eitensio:i ol territwy, and to itreojtb-
en the public mind.

SOME. Avcttrr sfi.

The tried of the conipirators proceed -aery
slowly. .".;.■- prrsont are arretted, but they are
nor •■'-■iJ. iviih |he rigour which nurgvacrament
has been accustomed to practise in sunt! >" cases
When General Murnt arriwd, •> >vaa Mpeclrd
rhat Buonaparte hie! tent hint tu demand the 11.
tvny of all the priuoafs. The event, hotvner,
hat not confirmed this cnojavlurc. Trrcren]'-
tionistt of this city, complain that the French
miais-'crCacauli did not intercede inisteir favour j
but the friends of the gns^rtscjunat arxtol his tare-
duct, and fear 1* will eut berstplaeedbya pen' n
10 much ;o their liking. He hat baea presented
with a line Mosaic picture, which be 'intends to
send] to the Municipality -if Ntnrx.

l p n a o v — uiTiMitt 19,

Seme «/ the M.irtrine papers . b*w aaiernd;

that Mr. Viefc was aent bscXtnam PrksKe unth
in tntirtwrtosv that the atsrver ol the Fren.li
crrmsoeiinrieri or the direct: ory *o the dJipatchei
witb,t*ruch a»r aaeswaerr traa charged, «r-j())d
be test ra Dover 6/ a Freucfc catnTief. We sc-
&ra* rsa> ihe cmnrarv.^hjt the HSia— I ill tvnifb ar-
peaied in (he Ccairsrr of vn-nerdse;, trot perirtfUy
ctsrsatcs, asstt ttaw ehe cari.-urrve aatur of the
French ccenmbsaaaaoa hnaajnt 10 atwen fcyUr.
Vick, rare, iha: she sirt>rsrssiaM «oaM auty be
eoeaett to the Emsb of a resririrriaojsf all cos*.
0 aeps. jA praclacmion on ilti« aufaje^l. are wet*
cterttand. mi!) > pubUihxd tiibv (o-uhutj**- oc
en !>Jorday, .

Toe Stschs. trakh soon after the esaenlnj af
the ■sserkai WKidasy. atn one par ctnt expe-
rienced just bctOTC the dos. , a tadekn rite, end
the 3 per omt. CoesoJi left off at #o| foe the
CVlabrraarrunt Thris trstsriiing. howfitr. thsry
JfjasafcU. The Brkst. tebcatba paper wai pas
■> naest, was tfl

W« reosned this trsoTTSusj, tW Bnsaasas easert
of (hr a jib iastant.

lntheGaaem of tSesi^h, anatior is ji'ptatby
toe Rip>t Hon. Henry AeJdiBSftrav tpe*h«J* rt aha
fcottw of Comraa-j, m pu-rsuarra of an a-fl a/
die fcsst wssinn a* pufliaiiase. ibar the tht+fiiut
anf the Bank -naean tqt aanat^olsj coin to rfce
atrrsourrt of the doftan now ai HrcAttco, aaal
which have been stomped at rh a Tower"

Genval La Fay rnc and hta rnmpana}' n sveef
reierkacd frjm crstshiseineTn pa t*W 1 j tb of Au ' an.
— Tatfce iirtAorj, «ivr1cr;iefly to a IflTter tnsxrn
BaritutttUtsoospane. the world U hsdeiitorl lor
stW etajaajaayaj assaeal hate eatrrieated theae Kalliai
BatniVmiiajetWaeaeinialOlmuia.

A fetter flora Nap Its, of the tct iasr, rtsasvlaats
in eitraordbary au ape af a Neapalian fruj.nc,
0/ at giraa, tTon fi»» istntsian RaBcya, ott the
khind U* Sardinia, it, undar Givour ef a breaxe,
aad by a sodden tat* asosk bf ska Irigase *i the
fnttant tSe galleys *« comin>; do en or board
bit, ihry were ihrsaaba aaeo tacb Wnruit>n. that
oojy sniecitliesn bujaj m>aic na Jay elcsajtide the
frigate, nW mugfa rrea-tneajr it tacelred inrioced
rhe t -j ti ■ .- tjjndaji the tmiTpnte. after Jo-. ■, -, z a
n m'.rr cd' ruea, lean 035 the 6ni jaLry iu the
hinds nf the Neapolitans.

1 he Dutch trootw, ehsembarlbrd from th- tram-
potji its d»e TexeL-are not sent buck to the* n-
rltons, but'dinnbarat) in rartrotraicr 1 m ?riej.
land, cVr.

The ihTps which rhe Spaniards npetfed from
South Amrirra and the Philippirat IlLsticfs, tilth
1 S.rnn ir-iit of psaatrcs on beard, are amir 1 .-,.
Tehentfe. Adnx Nclion'i squadrwo, 11 is added,
.ire gnrf to Gibraltar to refit.

IVarsaooTM. S,;i sU.— EilW thlt.day. the
Sasta ftireil, ir/join the Sen of Lord Bridpon j
bur. there be-,ng little or no wind, the it coming
inioSt. Helm's, tn brin^up Re the n^ht. The
Prompt* Ingare, and the fleet under her convoy,
thisfey (qt bndervvelgri from Erpuhertd. Srokes-
bay, -*c. in ! d-opt fl-"vn to St Hden'1

fljme*tfi Dtet Sept. 37.— Lrst cTenine; ■»
n*ed the StO' of 3; gtin', Cr-pt. Vni|te, w ith n
Ditch slup under French coloun, (rosn Amster-
il-rn, bovnd ba Brejt, laden with iron, etecJ. bu--
ter, cbeesei tjie. Armed alt.) the fte tsVp.-itrbrts; of
U guru. Capt James Drew, wtih a c«»tjy for
(he Weirwjrd. Satierl thcChsprnao rf 14 gt/ns,
Capt, Keen, wiih a cenvoy for Millord , also, this
day, the Galatea of j: gijni, C^r-Hu Byrg.^od
cA'roi it, Ctnt. Verhc,

^feTfrPifEKCH RFpTJaLIC.

Dei^L'. G^vrsl tf Dkiimm, Cn^mandtr in Ckif of

(tr .Iri'lLrj ef ' tht Ann; :'.-': ia-i.Vi cr.-; ,VJ- :„

6i .- *■ iit.!,i,-i Qirt&irj.

tfaud^ttsnen «t Wc'cuacri Se(- «• tf>7— ( A. t*.-

*.. t.l- ". Director:. " _.'"• ""

The ne\vi- wtdch 1 have CO- arrboance Co ybtl
roost a3b ' every friend to the republic. GesserfU
Uoche, Viiose health has for some time been in-
I jsred by fatigue and labour,- est pi red in my bice,
after a crisis of six bouts. This uacxpaefled -las*
aeprivW^owirnment.of.ciae of iit most zealouf:
c>ihmders, atjd leave; the army svithoa a coin-
ruandct. Until you shall have given orders res-
pcflinj his suxessor. General Letebire, rhe moe:
antient General of Division, will rake the com-
mand. My pen refuses ro write any more. tV
mourn for faiin as a broth.v and a Iriend i the
country oughr m, mourn for him as one of its most
rrnrt supporters.

(Signed J DF.RKU.E,

Iht Cf-medtr t> Ctir/e/>Af ArtBt-j tf-itn

Army if iht a'awtrr unJ ItUuit. It tfit isvrttfw

Dirre?jr-r.

Cttiwns Dirr.'l.ii,

I wrote 10 you rhii morning in tcirs, In ri:«
midit nfa family in afflirfn.in. und ■. c^itld iherc-
fore gi.e you no accouo'. of' the rircinhttas^es
which, ha** deprived France of General rfhche

Gifted with a ttrong nn4 ardetjfcoaviittrura'"
tFiOtfgh with an e*rraordin:.ry sensibility '-f oerrrl\
<^ncral H<scbee>LprTienccd only Jively aod ardent
seiiKt.ons. The leauMnhment effected him be-
yond e.preiiion': 1I1- rr.vo- ,r. r: .-..;,. T,-i ri C.s-
plav rh. , diapusiiion to a greater patfeclioo - '.

Thrown on- a wide thr-alrc, Hoche has erri-
ploj'ed all h-j ii -.llf- en rill with dignity the part
*hich he was to play, and he employed them rr>
iha ntrnosr extent The misfonunsj' which he
etpenaoatd during his im prison mctit nndar the
reifn of RoOeapierre; the Mttaordttiar.y fctiiJcsi
ivhichhe tooUmiSedepartmenfof the Vfcst, 10
pacify tJtac country ( the bad «icce:s of tjie et
pedition ae-iimt Inrland. asd the dangeii which
hr rail 6> sea, thejaccusafion brought againtt Bmi
iathe natitknal tribune by ibe late cor.splnstbrs,
tfce ardour with which he attempted to overthrow
rh* ra— ill these cirvum3tan*eixombined,ubac3red
his strength, and about a fin-. I- ago revived, rriih
alarmirs? symptoms acolrj, and a cumpbinc in
thai breesr, which he ^ad ai-rady eKpeneBcad 11
Brrsrr but which hebatlto^ mucriise?leifled. AD
theassuianceniaTT watirreiTecTtial to tare him.

For wen or eight chjj': he expeViciKed frorn
time ia rime firs of siitfieation, whtcrt pasatd off
wita earceedingrfrtiVale end onenmmoo atony j
ffas tmalleit rtvstioa prxkdure*iiri tie fin. Yestfr-
ebsy. about ten it* the evening, after having passed
a ifJerabif. calm day, and harlatf aten eppiiet] to
tmr.tbusiisera> hbr tiiBerriitrt were red., bled , a
tsreactrnl fit of iutrbcatioB ropk freen hun the u-a
oV h« teo-.es, and nfier lixbourtof iadesrribable
agony, he expired K my arrrti. Hoi body mil
be -j-eard to^ibrtntr. In orcter tb d*-.m.y iht re-
port i| c.ra*Jatraa>, «f ha) havinc beea pmsnoed.
On. the day atter ro^mraTow, ae ihaU be tent tnm
Weulaar with sll due pwap, to be- carried to
CoWeatr, Mirer* hr wiUrse tttrnred by the tide
aVG^MajratrJiattfc^ofPerttr.baT.h, ,

rfCwtl Hrtchts, G^sMederiCaief atf the
'tratM of Uatsaabre and »s>Jw, asai «T the
fchic* and Waar.V. who dirt at Waatlse- ott rfc*
itMhuart mthe ittltmrof fcllaw, otder mar
thaw iWll he a fsaetsJ Weatieaaay Is' the CaWp
aw Mart oa Data d I aaan. ' t "

TVWtsJssar of Waranttaf the Itmlm- stall
vsteeDetr-M the ctttsatatM' carry hi f ib.it i«t.iere;u.
uattH tad ahs.Il preietd this plan ta *W Dttec ory.

Th* ce*sm order shall be pruurdtad fxsred
">■

^saArWra/tvtrita'aVarawier.

TWtaa*!«weD*im^oryonJers, their Airrereac.
«rparal at Datiiiuii, ti aprritsved roramat4er la
Chiet «f the) lamscs U th* hum and IVtoaatte, and
thaaa^CMoadMaiias.

Tost AUaatre r of War it -tstetuniaratd to exe-
ttutt lbs prasan- order, u hid. shall be priai-rf
(Sienad)

B LEfrALX. Prtadcat.
_LAGAW»h, Sec. ties.

TassCatfauatwiitAistakaa) irotsa rh« ftipuUkmia
Francois J
Cttiaea Carnpessa. Hydraulic £a£tnee*, wrote,
anone moatirt at>o, the io!!o-Mrg iKiet toGenrtal
Btrsaapone -^The author do ires ut to publish
it | aod *■ ire of opinion that .1 Will CirUin.y
cscjat m-:th csricaiiy.
•* 7m GbtatM aWsaAaree. Genarea* i» C*"/ •/ iMt

" eiTi;iw etafaiu

" Vour gloriiirs tomraigrij, directed by the
new gnic-cioerii of the Ftettvh Republic, base
dt leni*th spread tb* dawn .-! ageacral peace over
our Coatinnnr.

. 1 he only enemy ivlitch remains for yoa to
enrnbst, Muepfatfd Iroen us by trtetea. riru-.h,
ii'h?»w nitDirt.iflnh.di v<iJ have br^wo,
'he.ti orti of a Cmi rrn m .peace 1 and then cutae"
nndrepeae yourself a.vhite arnoug 11* under your
la-atie. VeatiwaH wehold with pMatvrertrelton-
ri^hJTrf; tnn of the an;, which yog ha\-e ehe-
rivhed from y-uir infancy, and of wbicb ymi are
a ■(■.'■!■:■>■.,■- papil- Vour muiiiplied c»naue%rs
hb^-C rciove red, them It. n that abytt -nr . whkb
drr-atidite >var ....-.! plunged thoa. The ■met
who addresses yon, tiled wt'h ihe molt livery

■u .:■-. will <■ ■ ", if ibe -urna, «l eaeci.tioii
be udorded him. a van edifice, wturnce, at ihe
condution of hit ;■--.■■> that; will issufe «n
neria] vessel, cnpabJe ef tnrryinj up with you
more than tHii hundred pertotn, end tvhich ■ *y
be direcled to any point cf the . omj c I my
tell tv be your pilnr. Vou can thus, tvrrftout
any tt ■■,."•■. hovrr above ibe heetc of ene.i.in
jrnlous ot Our hjj.|iine<s, aca1 tlvcnder ngaintt
t.iem li>e a new |upiter, mrrely by throwing
prrpcndiccilnrly downward* file-br.indt made of ■
vuteianiT which will kindle oily by the com-eci
an.! larpussiou ac the end of its fall, bur winch it
uill be inipotiiblc iu-r*iin;u:Jb ; or perhaps you
may trtirkji more prudent to , bestir *t once by
forcsBsj tS?- British Cabinet tn cauju-Jate, v-'biri
jos. ino) ctiil^ d", c; yr.) tyi-! have ;: ir> t-aur

of the tsraririoic wtVu of t^land. T-r>m
cnUraiatioas I >.4\( tjttrtle.T am comiisdMa, tiiitJ
with 1 thtsmschiw. you mrtsrr«o from Peris t»
London. ™d mxra ba-k tetr&tii to ftrrtt, in «!• I
-•Vcwin, v*i thou ^c!t•iorrJd rag.

•' The penocJ of rim ctwefprise, tf tfcy WrW
vnkecao belmrd, it not tar ditta*. A thjaa'
etBrpaigD fcratd tetudicient to realeae else w*oi«
Cfmy plan. l>brn, then, ft^mtailAe, iu atssa
TuKor, by^yoor coire^.ndror- wjlb rfct lioectt-
nwt Dire.-lory nf tfre Fresxh repoblii: HjflrK^
j « nalde nnv fjMposal w fa govdnjarsuM, be>
crtc!elrwrinrrire:rui>eoe»*rnill.onrotaa?rvtfcri^^
thispm^edetSiwlly, trad the e.rseSars rfraas
svnr Wvelnrb*rtoabsarbWtliewfcr/Id «f ctnt nja;
veflorjrof Pncee.

" The objeiTl J pfopv* fc, to es«6ltsij. ia -h*
f-r-sr o.-j.-i ■,( the snn .ipbere, sgeaenil «jjvi^». J
lion, inhn rely more cerrain utA moee advantage. '
birs rhaii maritime mv^n. «. tvhlrtS hat (ret '
di-ujt-.-dTnot-<n-tiJi!ity ot meatris \-4»Q Sfe^e
the perieil !iber-y nf enmrrrefW, asrrl to gicrpW-'
and fiappntcst to all rhe nanoni of rivi p-i»-rey
and unite them at enei«nily.- Be <e»ai i.di «P j
fiaveiurmmin-ed the' mutt iplied obt Jdej Mrbcb
presented rheiTixelvtt before me ^ and mv:xt.-,
eressrve dLxoveriat a*e devtloped ma *trfc Uxb
I hare preparer:, u.3..jtn; of aauut jm I~ .-
tttrt di^iefcd into fire ports ■ ^^ "^

* 1 has-cshn-vn rrrr.work. *a ttcT*rd le.rwl
men of tttft capital. The 0>imnibsu.jer*r» #p.
Doio'ertm take ray plan i.tn frBwidetatioa. /■*■«,
ttf whomartjjsemboritrf the Nationnljwstiiuau -
asdj formadr w>re metnbe-s *f the AWerrry
hare lr.nr Dtenir.iteU upon my data, whhaa rli. I
haveflerruemlyesamlised titfa the fje.iteir|trre j, . !
rton: at tau, after a toog ffertetof cot* erjanj -ra •
I with me. they haV testilied their •pptobatson "T

il the moii unamrnous and most earnest is>snath-
• " Every moment of your time, bra va Gene raC*'.
is occupied by your atrnrttioo to objects) raat rrj»|
conducivetO our happiness. I cannot thni arsl
ought nor, coostrleri-g the drijan e beractfj tn,
rod feanog h-tc my lett-r thooM foil fee: ' <etridir-
ODi h^isda, tranacribethe whole ot J^Sjbsglwan
that has been made up «i hutMibroi. taraflsi
ply rsrueut you wini an rxuadt ftom ihe hi
part of it. -j -

RxtraSfrtn tAi t09t!un'eu s/ th* tt}jK.

" In the fifth and las: parr of rhe vrorkvterTrtd
detaihi which the author had pt«iertedot^*l»r>iil
CsrprriTruEBts oh at^«rar-kMi ; and "are leom tbit
thisartrsi had hitherto expnirneed oruVdil
poinaiien.-i btst it Uobvhuarfjtruscijrib iae
sod hit dtnt Carry wlrb, tfnrta all la* clsriiao
tto of rcsuuvo attdtrtrir\-

- We lautlj pTttflatfMo'eo^der thtrTScpefJ-
ntnit which the tagUieei Cerhpewty hsJijareTr 1
made. 'ritha-tiewro-iec5aBi;rvv-i.,0D; 2,^.
tic mstchittei, and dtrrdtii»S,b*Oi to Bjefol pas. '

fsate*. Wearecoeivinctd vrit* hitiv-*» we have
tlready obaifetU, tha: the larjer the Skria-artfl I
nachinta atf madev the- tTioee ettiy wiTt':lDVta'

dieetfl ihiiis-4»r\SLHwtbe7 wsD etreatut in the «jr
!'-« re'a:iiTreiit^a»inpropci-rtna tttQaW nuirtbeT
or men they may earry. ecd c^iiiersnetriy t..^f»
ri»pMti«ofth**tedW lajevi. tf stVc-rft-' '
ttoV-T th# tftJtted tnaetgeb of ttfo qm. awutk .«,
v*|stdt tad subtnlt the pw.ee of beeb 10 c^cnlai
titra, IttvtlJbesa^tb^.rtiv-forcsiejf (JsetrrAwia
be tOalom inferior 13 rhar pfrbe wind. " w> s»
tsSetflrore ceaausced, tha-. utwvei&SJ, highly ad*
rartia^att t»i^C«Uit^mp-noa etalo. tnaal I
ftltnl'rii c^^jprrt-^ roaiaist him iff tjat crvaurada
.'toof this mathiste. If art t^tnTjcrar'-mevsrirrir "
the iomernr r^«ijrn rrh-^srssa-ltirBT-rtiT^,. .^5
tdswriei, there hrwhing nrravturaaa. ,n «ttvcso>
^ti»atthnre«ioursiiiIliri3i mjtj-ffbe hid 6u»j--
if asrcesetr y, m usslbjf an arrerBpt. tht fc.cen *JL'
which ramst add » the ha^p, neat -sf a'J the net laU

. * Betdn, soeh an e«e*?riie, if eqrnri-rely
osrnttd, woa^ afforf a d-^ii.* arjAttrasfe t> rtipl
ewtnttry. The buililtiy which CithtraCsT prta* i
pi^rprej-t to .esrabllih. and whkh snavbe ^,.9*
arrtiered ia the CnoTips-tlMrHs. would ulttwap
prtrssrm a fporrairient morrby-f rhe Re;«b.£
In it al the citric rinihab lij^rH fce cri^iws-ejj,
■cd art tsrre rit>ntn r-rrjeflrr^

arioce. and of censne csrrtrTOtbeevhiiffi iaooei |
weather. This builriirrj 11 ihe -'.e^trv S* s t
and pores nod ivhoHs may be rnu'Ti^imi in
pnrtion as new eesselt are cemtrucJea, Tl
vnoiaeeswhkh a navigation of thit kin*, w«aidi
infalibly produce, are so amply drmi n rra-rd I j
Ihe vrt-rk u| Cittr.-n ('..mt-c ..u, >},.,, n0 rlo nor
hetimie ro recommend the prornpt eareftjopa off
hit peatti."

." P.S. 4n my rrratbe ea Aeora-tat: ->■, t peo- ! I
pose that the urjitftl eiiy .,f c.teh coumry »haU) ,
hare a dock for bauJintr Aerirl res Hsi and est '
Aerrwrattc (mrt. hstvinj a nu.-nber of wharfs, on
which foreten vessels may at all timMde\T*rtd,
and remain without dinger a tufEcient time to|-
onload, rrmke commercial eacbanges, rake rnf"M:4
caratwi, retit Sec Bui while ihete uesaelt ere
Oetqpr eaii, the tassaOeet of whidi will carrjrrMirs
than two hundred. pertom, ibsry vrili have no
occasion ro descend forth* ptrpoteof exchan^intf
or nurcranlaf comrnodities. Their power? ef
dinwioa, by ivhieh they arecrsabitd to m.ifce- -
wByCf^ltku rhe srtonrtst winds, -kjW terte rot '
tnnkr tbem ascend or drtcerrd, or trm-i.n *-n:i-
rraiir at airy bel^fif tecjuTtec!. Two .-Hmo^phc- ■-
tie buoys, r.ich surmurjred with a p.-ir?chtite ro
be used to nvje of any oedderu. mutt he pl-^cd
in the two p.-riiioM wrh which th* two earner
TBitiet of the £Sllrry of rhc rcs-el ought 10 tor- .
ruinate, r.nel may be let «f-nn ^cdtotren uom the
pleniureol the cre.v, with men,' ptcv-itJom-, or
artivtet of any kind «rar) .'„■ aianctKv rmg rise
vtuael.

r I

Finelly, eaothrr small cylindrical' bony 1
t down fh.m the cert-re 'nVvjiltan (Jn;

Dr-

C.illerV ocrhi
would serve ro rec
eap.i 'lit'mn of th

rilftht ten-e to give
by day orn.f|ht (t-,
pl«nprcv;'ius;ycjn

tho
■hieh

art dure paVillloet,
ire uarii a penrral paact-, ir,
: fortresses, 4c. belanKintr n
lies. I> i-nj re*ic tb>? buo
sad «OTi»* intelligence, eithe

pher-.c
theirs-
rj;er*..

ode, -he resri:!*t i ia* jof unic!
enbitsfl rhe reoccaed.ilie l .p;
^ieof the earth.
pr.'-i " CM:eiKtt,Vf>afsrrtV

The Voice of Truth is Silent

on the situation of the country, without passion and without prejudice; and it is from
such views of the situation of the country, taken at different points of observation, and
by different observers, that a considerate man will learn, to chuse his party, and establish
the rule of his political conduct.

The first remark which 1 would suggest to you, is on the astonishing stupor and in-
attention which seem to have possest the governments of Europe, with few exceptions,
and prevented them attending to the great revolution which has been wrought in the
human character. A mighty spirit is awakened; the genius of rational enquiry has gone
abroad in giant strides; he marches, with freedom in his train, to the ends of the earth.
This is no time for the powerful few to wrap themselves up in a false security, and de-
spise the cries, and insult the feelings of the opprest and injured many. This is no time
to hug to the bosoms inveterate abuses and ancient errors; to hold government, and those
who administer it, as all in all; the people governed as nothing. The maxims of policy,
which proved sufficient for the imperfect light of past times, will be found delusive guides
at this day. The notions, the manners, the knowledge, the pursuits and claims of men,
have undergone a great and rapid change ; and stupid, indeed, must be the administration
which does not adopt its maxims to the great revolution in the characters, resources,
and tempers of men. This proudly weak inattention to the circumstances of the times,
has been peculiarly observable, and peculiarly injurious in those who have had the care
of governing Ireland.

I must observe, also, that although Ireland is dignified in the name of independent
kingdom, and honored by Great Britain with the appellation of sister country; a dis-
tinction for which, God knows, she pays dearly, in the maintenance of a luxurious Court,
and a cumbrous establishment; yet Ireland, in the opinion of many acute observers, is, to
all intents and purposes, in a state of provincial dependence. I will not pretend to decide
the question with respect to Ireland, lest my letter to you should come into the courts
of justice, and be pronounced a seditious libel by the Judge; but I am told I may as yet
enquire, without offense to the powers that be, or danger of the tender, what is the
difference between a country really independent, and a province.

In a country really independent, the laws and polity originate within its own bosom,
and are calculated to extend the advantages of the state, whether natural or acquired,
and to recover its defects. The systems and maxims of government in such a country,
consequently arise from its peculiar interests. This is the situation of a truly inde-
pendent country.

In a province the medal is reversed — the true interests of a provincial country are
perpetually sacrificed to the interests, the pride, the means, and even the caprices of
the country on which it is dependent. The people are supposed to cherish a secret desire
of freedom— and this is imputed to them as guilt. To counteract the criminal longing
after ancient independence, on the part of the governed, government adopts a system of
avowed suspicion and concealed hostility; divide and rule is with them a favourite
maxim; venality and corruption are industriously diffused through every department of
the state and every rank of society, and are openly professed and defended, as the neces-
sary engines or supports of government. Meantime a despotic oppression of the people
prevails; the free-born and adventurous spirit is banished; the virtuous sentiment is pro-
scribed, and the voice of truth is silent; or, if it should burst forth from the lips of
indignant misery, it is severely chastised, under the denomination of a seditious spirit;
and all these rigours by which the people are trampled down to the dust, are justified on
the principle of expediency, and ennobled with the plausible names of vigorous meas-
ures;— a strong administration.

It too frequently happens in dependent provinces, that the insolence and oppression
of their government grows to such a pitch, as leaves to the people no middle course
between absolute and miserable slavery on the one hand, and open resistance on the other;
I should be sorry indeed, to think that such was the situation of Ireland. Heaven avert
such a calamitous state of things! but the connexion between Great-Britain and Ireland,

236 Protestant Ascendancy a Rallying Phrase

is a tie of peculiar delicacy, and requires wise and lenient management,* it should never
be strained, with a rude unskilful hand, lest it should fatally press on the very
heart of Ireland, chill, and benumb the energy of her attachment to Britain, and stop the
circulation of those vital principles, which diffuse health and animation through the
political frame. I fear, the British Cabinet has too often been led, to adopt a very dif-
ferent policy. Britain has been taught by selfish and narrow commercial notions, to
consider Ireland, not as the companion of her prosperity, and the pillar of her strength,
but as the rival of her industry and the invader of her opulence. It is much to be
lamented, that the governments of this country, in a long succession, and with few
exceptions, have been too apt, to form to themselves ideas of a certain foreign interest,
superior to that of the country they are appointed to govern, incompatible with it, and
the prosecution of which, as they think, ought to be the ultimate object of their ad-
ministration, Britain according to their political arithmetic, is the only integral figure of
the British empire ; Ireland they consider as a mere cypher, or even on some occasions
as a negative quantity, and on these principles they have conducted themselves like an
insulted garrison, with difficulty maintaining its station, and supporting itself by inroads
and depredations, in a hostile and exhausted country.

Whether such a system prevails at this day, it is not for me to determine, when we
have taken a view of the situation of the country, you may judge for yourself. That it
formerly existed appears from the letters of Primate Boulter, a curious monument of
corrupt and mistaken management, which has been considered as sound policy for the
meridian of Ireland ; and which may still give us a key to the secrets of our prison-house.
This honest political prelate, in his correspondence with the British Cabinet, is full of
complaints, that preferments are bestowed on the natives, that the balance of power in
Ireland is neglected. Constant and vigilant indeed, are his representations of the neces-
sity of bestowing the preferments of the country, ecclesiastical, judicial and military,
on aliens, in order to keep up the predominancy of the English interest. It was then
supposed, that a system of government inimical to the people, could be managed only
through the intervention of Foreigners. Mistaken politicians: who thus thought! it has
been discovered, in our more enlightened days, that as among the infidels, a renegado is
the most active persecutor of those who had been his brethren in faith ; so the renegado
and perverted Irishman, becomes the most cruel foe to the interests of his native country,
the most outrageous supporter of what is improperly called the English interest.

From the application of this pernicious rule of divide and govern to the maintenance
of an English interest, proceeded the mischievous activity which has uniformly laboured,
and often too successfully, to inflame the spirit of party rage and religious animosity,
which has added no little poignancy to the acute sense of other evils, that have vexed
and consumed this devoted country. Protestant was artfully inflamed against Catholic;
Catholic against Protestant; Dissenters against both, and they against Dissenters. The
Protestant ascendancy became a kind of rallying phrase, a signal, to call together the
staunch adherents of the government party, and those honest but bigotted individuals,
who attached themselves to their standard from disinterested motives.

I might establish the position that the government of this country has almost uni-
formly proposed to itself, as the ultimate end of its policy, the maintenance of an English
interest as erroneously contradistinguished from the interests of Ireland, by a multitude
of examples, from ancient and modern Irish history; but the task would exceed the com-
pass of our correspondence. I shall confine myself to the period during which Mr. Pitt
has ruled the helm of the British Empire — a period which will be distinguished in the
annals of mankind to the end of time, for the momentous events and gigantic revolu-
tions which it produced. I fear I have tried you with this long lecture. I shall for the
present conclude, and subscribe myself, yours, Montanus.

•This sentence is given as it appears in the original copy of "The Press" newspaper of October
3, 1797, and in a London work published in 1880, with the title of "The Beauties of The Pres#'. In
a like reprint published by Duane in Philadelphia, with the title of "Extracts from the Press", 1802;
it reads — "and under a wise and lenient management." The editor's name is not given.

Identity of "Montanus"

The English Government was so desirous of obtaining the name of the
author of these letters that, after the arrest and imprisonment of the publisher
or printer, the seizure and suppression of the paper were delayed many months
with the hope of obtaining this information. It could never be secured, how
ever, nor was the Government then informed of .Arthur O'Connor's connec
tion as the owner, the efficient editor and frequent contributor.

For the remainder of the letters of "Montanus" and other material relating
to them see Appendix, Note VII. As a copy of "The Press" is a rarity the
first "Montanus" letter has been reproduced in facsimile together with the
second page of the paper which contains a remarkable letter addressed to
Napoleon and giving an account of an "air ship" just invented, which is of
great interest in connection with the efforts now being made to perfect this
invention for war purposes.

They [the Volunteers} did not rescue their country from tyranny, but they rescued her
from the calumnies of her oppressors. In their virtue they illustrated her title to
liberty; in their errors and misfortune they demonstrated the causes of their debase-
ment. They have left to posterity an illustrious example in victory and a miserable
lesson in defeat.

T. A. Emmet.

On investigating the political relation between England and Ireland ive must not be led
away by any formal grants of liberty, by any formal conveyances of constitution, by
any pompous claims of rights, by any solemn protest against 'wrong. A country
always suffering, though always complaining and deprecating Us sufferings, affords
but an odd idea of independence.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter IX

A letter from "The Press", "Montanus" (Thomas Addis Emmet), addressed to
"Satanides" (the British commander in chief in Ireland, — the Earl of Carhampton) with
his epitaph — An article by an unknown writer on the condition of Ireland ; attributed
by many to Mr. Emmet, as it was generally held that no other man in public life at that
time in Ireland, had a more profound knowledge of the economic condition of the
country — Possibly written at his dictation, as the article expresses fully the well known
views held by Mr. Emmet.

"Montanus" to "Satanides"

NEVER supposed you would have become the object of a public
address unless the muse of satire, who flies at all game, had
strength fit to publish a continuation of the "Diaboliad". I never
supposed that you would have arrived at the bad eminence of
becoming an object for the justice of your country. I did even
suppose, from my knowledge of your propensities and habits of
life, that you might be fated to perish by the hands of some Bravo
in a Brothel, or to consume away, by the noisome effects of low
and vulgar debauchery. An untimely end might seem, by a just
dispensation, an appropriate attendant on your house ; yet your
Father, to the inconceivable regret and sorrow of his pious heir,
attained a sound, if not a good old age; and died in quiet, notwithstanding your daily
and hourly maledictions on his head. This old gentleman hated you most cordially; for
he was shrewd and sensible and knew you well ; it is probable he marked the dawning
of all these talents which have now reached their meridian. He saw in you the worthy
representative of a name immortalized in the black catalogue of traitors, and destined
to furnish a parricidal race, for the affliction and slavery of their native land. How
must the spirit of your Sire exult, if he can gain a moment's respite from his prison-
house, to look abroad on the affairs of men. How must he rejoice to see the Son, whom
he detested and despised, running the rapid race of infamy and earning for himself
an untimely end ; even now he anticipates the moment, when no acts of indemnity shall
avail, to screen the criminal ; he sees you gathered to your forefathers in the place
allotted for the shades of a Tristan l'Ermite, a Borgia, an Alva or a Kirk.

Your name was heretofore borne by a numerous clan in this country; when your
notorious ancestor perpetrated the deed of treachery ; the honesty of his humble con-
nections execrated the treason, disclaimed the traitor, and renounced their family name,
as contaminated. The name has continued to be a term of reproach, a designation of
perfidy; not even the ennobling hand of Majesty could restore it to good order; it has

238

"Montanus" to "Satanides"

lost no portion of infamy; in your keeping it may soon perish wholly from among men,
to be no more remembered or remembered only as a word of reproach and reprobation.

Yet, do not flatter yourself, that you shall be eonsigncd to oblivion. You shall be
remembered and recorded in the annals of this country as an apostle of atrocity, a founder
of the system of terror. To you may be traced back the reign of outrage and brutality;
a reign under which your feelings and your talents qualify you to be an ingenious
minister in the cabinet, an active agent in the field. You dared by your single authority
to supersede all the dearest rights of the people; you trampled on the then existing
laws; you dared on mere suspicion and surmise to depopulate whole districts. You
have introduced the precedent of grievous punishment, without form of trial, or proof of
guilt; and what punishment! what must be the heart of the savage wretch who delivered
it? the youth, the stay and comfort of their drooping age, was torn from his infirm and
decrepit parents; the affectionate husband was torn from his shrieking and disconsolate
wife; the laborious and protecting father, from his famishing and helpless infants; the
simple peasant or the sober citizen was torn from his cottage, the abode of industry
and peace, and cast among the sweepings of gaols— the refuse of mankind among felons
and malefactors of every description; here, while nothing but execrations and blasphemy;
while all the expressions of blasted depravity stunned his ears, he remained weary
months secluded from the air and light of heaven, in the narrow compass of his watery
dungeon; and this situation, which a negro slave might pity, he exchanged only to
remove to pestilential climates, where with every breath he drew he inhaled perdition.

The most dreadful exhibitions lose much of their horror by frequency; the system
of arbitrary imprisonment in marine dungeons is become both the law of the land and
the order of the day. We are familiarised to it by use; but it cannot, it must not be
forgotten, that you were the inventor of the system; that to terrify into silent submission
an opprest and injured people you first introduced a new species of punishment, even
worse than death.

The learned judge who passed in circuit through the province immediately after
your merciful exploits of pacification, not only viewed them with indignation, as a sound
Lawyer, and friend to the Constitution, but also as a good citizen and discerning politician,
foresaw the fatal tendency of your ferocities and the spirit which they tended to excite ;
and with great propriety, called on the grand jury of the county, which was the chief
scene of your enormities to find bills of indictment against you. Had these people whom
he addresst possessed good sense and spirit and pursued the directions of the upright
magistrate, you had stood your trial, as an atonement to the wounded constitution, and
outraged justice of the land. In that case, what evils might have been averted! instead
of a prosecution, a bill of indemnity followed your acts. Your invention was applauded,
and past into law. The cruelty of the tyger, the barbarity of the negro-driver, became
the principles of legislation. To you then, as the author and inventor of new and
hitherto unknown ferocities, the first assailants in the war of extermination against the
friends of liberty, must be ascribed all the subsequent outrage and calamity, the dreadful
exhibitions of horrors of which Ireland has been made, and I fear must fatally continue,
the bloody theatre.

Were you not the inventor, the projector and prototype of cruelty? have you not
avowed a responsibility? Have you not taken on yourself the completion of what you
first planned? have you not realized your own ideas of coercion? To you doubtless we
must attribute the precision and promptitude, with which all the measures of imprison-
ment, banishment, witchery, and conflagation have been executed, by that power, which
now expounds the law, and administers the police of this country.

From their chief or commander proceeds the conduct of the soldiery. The army
has of late been too often stained with innocent blood ; should we inquire the cause
which has made the troops in this country the organs (I hope the reluctant organs)
of barbarities disgraceful to human nature — will it not be found Thou Art The Man?

Few times, or emergencies, could have rendered your vices or ill qualities an object

240 Epitaph for the Earl of Carhampton

of notice, and terrific regard to the public, or given you an opportunity of doing much
public mischief, and earning much public odium. It required the prevalence of an ad-
ministration, shallow, weak, atrocious and actuated by a determined enmity to this
country, to snatch talents like yours from obscurity, and give them a mischievous ac-
tivity. The attention of such rulers was naturally turned toward you by a recollection
of your early fame, for intrepidity in wrong, when a neighbouring kingdom saw in you the
officious instrument, in a violation of the sacred rights of election. This early transac-
tion showed a meddling, adventurous spirit, supported, I will admit by some address
and courage, and unmixed with deep reflection or solid judgment to make you appre-
hensive of consequences. For these qualities were you selected to superintend the
crusade against the peasantry of Ireland; to mature the establishment of martial law;
perhaps to complete the annexation of this island to Great Britain, as a conquered and
enslaved province, under the plausible name and form of an Union.

Your life it seems has been menaced. I do not wonder that when the whole private
and public existence of nearly half a century have been employed to the detriment of
society, the death of such a person should appear more beneficial to his country than
his life. You may exult in the triumph over two miserable wretches; you may call the
yeomanry of the metropolis to witness your victory; you may degrade them into the
co-mates, or rather the satellites of the executioner, but shall this secure you from the
claims of justice and the fears of death? The grand jury of a servile country might
refuse to find bills of indictment against you; but should the blood of slaughtered
thousands arise against you ; should the cries of suffering myriads at length be heard ;
should you be presented, by the grand inquests of public opinion, as the occult cause of
civil sedition, the prime mover of national calamity, the determined foe of human nature,
what protection will you find in the system of terror, and the power of the sword? An
unknown hand smote your ancestor in the face of day, in the crowded streets of the
metropolis. It is truly said that the man who holds cheap his own life, has in his
power the existence of any other person ; but it were, indeed, to be lamented that you
should perish by the stroke of private justice, and defraud the executioner of his right,
and the nation of her example. Were you this moment surrounded by the justly en-
raged populace ; were their arms raised to inflict the deserved doom, I would throw
myself among their ponyards — I would place myself at your side — I would intercede for
your hated life — I would say, "Suffer him to pollute the air a little longer; degrade not
the majestic exertions of the people by employing them on so base an object. The day
comes when justice shall prevail; when Ireland shall raise her head from the dust,
and perform a solemn sacrifice to the constitution. On that awful day of rejoicing to
the good and terror to the wicked, a few victims may be required, and this wretch may
be included in the number, and meet the ignominious doom of a traitor". Then, perhaps,
should the public erect a monument near the place of execution to perpetuate the memory
of your infamy and punishment; it may bear an inscription of the following tenor.

EPITAPH

This narrow space,

Beneath the gibbet on which he died,

Confines the body of Satanides

A man of colour,

Whose injuries to his country were most extensive.

Whose infamy was unbounded.

In his earlier days

He was notorious for want of duty to his natural parents;

Time matured his ungrateful and unfilial qualities,

Execution is the Order of the Day 241

And lie became the parricide of the country that gave him birth,

Having exhausted the sink of private vice,

And sounded the depths of political depravity,

It became doubtful

Whether his private or his public life were the most odious and contemptible.

The disposition of a traitor he inherited by descent ;

A sovereign contempt of honest fame,

And a rooted abhorrence of every virtue,

He acquired by his own industry.

His intellectual powers were not mean,

But being joined with a bad heart

They served only to render his vices and crimes more extensive and atrocious.

He possessed a considerable share of courage;

But this being accompanied with a want of judgment,

And a dereliction of principle,

Became political rashness and desperate perseverance in guilt.

He received the full advantage of that which be had laboured to banish from Ireland,

A TRIAL BY JURY ;

But the proofs of his guilt were clear,

Punishment soon followed,

And he died regretted by a conquered and opprobrious faction.

READER,

Think not the life and death of this man unimportant to society;

Providence delights to bring good out of evil,

And acts by means inscrutable to human wisdom.

The meddling atrocity of this malefactor,

And the blind sanguinary rage

Of the weak and wicked administration that employed him,

Were powerfully instrumental

In the rousing an opprest and injured

NATION
TO VINDICATE ITS FREEDOM.

Montanus.

This epitaph is suggested for the Earl of Carhampton, who is designated
as "Satanides".

The following article by an unknown author, appeared in "The Press",
November 23rd, 1797, and by many was attributed to the pen of Mr. Emmet:

The lot of Ireland is cast — it is no longer a secret — sentence has been pronounced
against the people, and execution is the order of the day.

The system of disarming the people, of forbidding them to communicate in num-
bers by day, and imprisoning them within their houses after sunset, now assumes a
more formidable shape and hoists its real colours, and marks the true designs of the
British Cabinet in Ireland.

It is impossible for the people to doubt any longer for a moment the destiny ap-
pointed them ; and it is idle and ridiculous nonsense to talk any more about British
Constitution, Irish independence, political liberty, or civil immunity ; those may have
been proper topics for a past and may be so for a future generation, but to the present

242 Hard is the Lot of the Loyal

where is the man who will say they are not lost, if he is not himself lost to every senti-
ment of shame, of truth, of common sense.

The North ; the most protestant, the most free, independent, wealthy, and civilized
quarter of Ireland ; first split into factions by ministerial machinations, then disarmed
and over-run by military forces, persecuted by spies, informers, and perjured prosecu-
tions, now crouches at the feet of a British soldier; who encouraged and set on by those
who should be the guardians of their country, exercises with relentless hate the dominion
of fire, sword and the gibbet.

To the southward, if we turn our eyes, similar scenes challenge our horror. In the
county Westmeath upwards of three hundred houses of the unfortunate tenantry were
burned within the last six months ; and their miserable inhabitants bayoneted, shot,
hanged, or fled by the light of their blazing cottages from the fury of their butchers,
to seek asylum among the beasts of the field, with no covering but the vault of Heaven,
and robed with the cold earth.

Similar horrors pervade the counties of Carlow and Wicklow ; fire and sword,
slaughter and devastation, rape, massacre, and plunder everywhere stare the hapless
peasantry in the face.

The counties not yet delivered up to military outrage may contemplate tamely if
they will Veluti in Speculo their approaching doom in that of the counties already
consigned for destruction.

What course then is left for the people of this devoted country to steer? Does
loyalty require of them to stand while their last means of defence are wrested from
them, their houses burned, their wives and daughters violated, and their throats cut?
If it does, hard indeed is the lot of the loyal. ,

Had Hoche and his ferocious soldiers landed amongst us last Christmas and prac-
ticed such outrages without resistance, we would have been proclaimed through England
and through Europe as a nation of the veriest cowards under Heaven.

Have then the people a taste and fancy to gratify in chusing the nation by which
they are to be cut down? Is it with them loyalty and national spirit to resist the same
conflagration and murder at the hands of Frenchmen, which they tamely await and calmly
submit to at the hands of a Welshman or a scat?

Militia men of Ireland, some of you have been persuaded to embrue your hands in
Irish blood, the blood of your kindred and countrymen. It was against the enemies of
your country, and in defence of your homes, your kindred, your wives, and children, and
your liberties, you took up arms. Are you sure that you are not at this moment sentenced
for transportation to another country and condemned to abandon your own to its worst
and most barbarous enemies? Where is your alternative?

Yeomen of Ireland, are you prepared to turn your arms against your country, or

to relinquish these arms and tamely submit to slavery or massacre the moment you refuse?

Besotted indeed must you be, men of Ireland, if you slumber any longer in a false

security, or hesitate to decide on what conduct to adopt against the enemies of your

country, and the most fatal and inveterate foes of your king !

No one could read closely the letter of "Montanus" and then read the ar-
ticle just given without being impressed with the similarity of style. Either
Mr. Emmet was the author, or it was written by some one in close relation
to him at his dictation.

The writer is fully convinced that about this time Pitt and Napoleon had
come to some understanding for their own benefit and possibly this existed
from the beginning. During 1797, and after the mutiny at the Nore, England,
was so paralysed with uncertainty as to the disloyal condition of her navy
and army, and with other troubles at home, that unless Pitt was certain that
Napoleon had no intention of aiding the Irish people, he would never have

The Belfast Resolutions 243

dared to institute the course he did at this time in Ireland. Of all people hav-
ing a history, the English are the most quick-witted and unscrupulous in
state-craft, and Pitt might well have been the author of some scheme by which
it was agreed that Napoleon would not invade Kngland, or afford the Irish
any material help. Had Napoleon been in earnest with a purpose of conquer-
ing England, she could have been crushed at any time and Ireland given a
free hand, for certainly Napoleon had an accurate knowledge of England's
helpless condition.

It is stated in Grattan's "Memoirs", written by his son :

Every effort in Parliament to remedy the grievances of the nation was useless, and
it may appear singular that the question of Parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipa-
tion should have been brought forward by Mr. Ponsonby. The circumstances which led
to this were as follows:— In December 1796 a public meeting was held at Belfast and
William Sampson, Arthur O'Connor, R. Symes and Mr. Tennent, with five others, all
United Irishmen, were appointed to draw up resolutions to be laid before the lord
lieutenant. They set forth : —

"That the imperfect state of the representation in the House of Commons is the
primary cause of the discontent.

"That the public mind would be restored to tranquillity and every impending danger
averted by such a reform as would secure population and property their due weight,
without distinction on account of religion.

"That a declaration fairly manifested on the part of the Government, to comply with
the just desires of the people, would produce the happiest effects, as it would conciliate
the affections of the people, whose object was reform alone, and thus bid defiance to
foreign and domestic enemies."

These resolutions were laid before the lord lieutenant, and if they had met with a
favourable reception and had been promptly acted on they might have prevented the
catastrophe that followed, and there would have been neither insurrection, invasion, nor
Union, and the breach between the King and the people would have closed. This is dis-
tinctly set forth in the memoir delivered to Government by O'Connor, Emmet and
McNeven. But that did not seem to be the object of the Government party; they wished
to carry the Legislative Union; and accordingly their writers assailed these resolutions
and their authors with unmeasured abuse, and poured upon both all their indignation and
anger, and declared that no terms should be kept with such men. Thus they made it
appear that attachment to the people and their liberties was not meant to imply attach-
ment to the Government, but that loyalty should have ulterior views.

Mr. Grattan had alluded to a Union in some of his late speeches; and it now
began seriously to be entertained by the minister in Ireland. It had long since been enter-
tained by a party in England, as appears from the letters of Lord Shelburne, in 1782, and
from th/- communications of the Duke of Portland, although less distinctly, in 1795. With
this view Parliamentary reform had been constantly rejected; these wily politicians know-
ing, that if the abuse of the institution of Parliament rendered the body little valued or
respected the people might become indifferent whether it should be retained or lost, and
thus their project of Union would have a certain and easy victory.

The leading men of the Opposition, therefore, attached much importance to the
Belfast resolutions, and before Mr. Ponsonby brought forward his plan of reform in
May 1747, Emmet's party sought to open a communication with them. Mr. Ponsonby sent
for Mr. Grattan, and he, Curran, and the Ponsonbys met in order to confer on the pru-
dence of an interview with Emmet and his friends [this interview was refused by Grattan
and others, as has been shown elsewhere]. They wished the latter to join on the question
of reform, give up annual elections and universal suffrage and acquiesce in the plan
about to be submitted to Parliament. To this some of Emmet's party were disposed; and

244 Failure of the Reform Bill

Neilson, who was one of them, and well acquainted with the people of the North, their
feelings, and wishes, was understood to assent. Mr. Ponsonby thought it would con-
siderably strengthen his case if he was authorized to declare that the discontented party
had offered to be satisfied and to withdraw their extravagant demands if the Government
would assent to the proposed reform. Accordingly, the leaders of the Opposition dis-
cussed the point: they sat late, talked a good deal about the proposed interview, some
doubting the wisdom of it, and they broke up without deciding anything.

However, Mr. Grattan, on his return home, made up his mind not to hold the
meeting and sent off Mr. Ponsonby, advising them against such a step, as it probably
would lead to no good, and might place them in an embarrassing situation. He very
likely thought that Government would not yield and neither party listen to terms. Cer-
tainly, with such a party in power as Lord Camden and Lord Clare, this conclusion was
right, but with any other it would have been fatal ; for on a review of the whole case,
it may be said that the United Irishmen were sincere. The North had relaxed its efforts
against the Government; great difficulties were placed in the way of the United men;
and above all, they found that they could not depend on each other; or they would gladly
have listened to any reasonable terms of accommodation. In his evidence Emmet says
that if the reform had been adopted, the Executive Directory of the United Irishmen
would have sent a messenger to France to tell them "that the difference between the
people and the government was adjusted, and not to attempt a second invasion".

Thus it may fairly be said that all the misfortunes that befell the country were
attributable to Lords Camden and Clare ; they lost the opportunity of recalling the United
Irishmen to a sense of loyalty and of duty. This proceeding having ended — and from
the evidence of the United party, it appears it was the only connexion ever subsisting
between them and the members of the Opposition — Mr. Ponsonby brought forward his
motion on the subject of reform, but he could only muster 30 to 117; thus ended this
measure, which Mr. Flood, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Ponsonby and all the leading patriots had
so long abridged, yet even at this late period the United men declared would have satisfied
the country. The Opposition finding their labours useless and the task of opposing the
violent measures of Government hopeless, formed the resolution to retire ; and on the
debate on the motion of reform, Mr. Grattan declared their intention no longer to attend
the House of Commons. His advice to Government and his remonstrance with them
in their violent conduct, extorted praise even from those to whom it was addressed ; and
among others from Lord Castlereagh, who complimented him on the manner and temper
with which he had treated the subject.

The members of the Church of England, not exceeding one tenth of the people, possessed
almost the tvhole of the property of the nation, which they inherited by odious and
polluted titles. For a century they had nearly engrossed the profits and patronage of
the Church, the latu, the revenue, the army, the navy, the magistracy, and the cor-
porations of Ireland.

T. A. Emmet.

In a country so beggared and debilitated by a foreign parliament, this domestic legislature
[the Irish Parliament] blinded by religious bigotry, or moved by baser self-interest,
enacted la<ws ruinous to the peace, the morals, and the industry of its people. The
Catholics, instead of reposing on the bosom of their country, ivere forced to cling for
safety to the mercy of the Crown. The policy of disunion became completely trium-
phant.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter X

A large majority of the Irish people at length become organized as United Irishmen
and, to a great extent, through the efforts of Mr. Emmet — Mr. Emmet becomes the chief
leader — The Irish organization unable to accomplish its purpose in consequence of the
number of spies and informers who had even become supposed leaders in its ranks —
Lord Edward Fitzgerald — His relations with Thomas Reynolds— The Government at
length arrests all the leaders, but without legal evidence on which to bring Emmet to trial
— His imprisonment — Conditions in English prisons — Death of Lord Edward — Govern-
ment negotiations with the Irish leaders.

ROVOCATIONS, one after another, with the most wanton
cruelty were inflicted by the representatives of the Eng-
lish government in Ireland, on individuals and communi-
ties, as law-abiding as in any portion of England. For
months the people remained quiet and patiently suffering
with each increasingly severer infliction. With the ex-
ception of those in sympathy with England or in the em-
ploy of the Government, individuals in every station of
life were made to suffer until all were roused to such a
condition of exasperation that it became most difficult for the leaders of the
United Irish organization to keep them from a general outbreak. The people
were at length united to a degree never reached before nor at any subsequent
period in their desire for a total separation from England.

Under these conditions, it now seems that had any decisive action been
taken by the United Irishmen during 1797, Ireland could have gained her in-
dependence. The people would have had no difficulty in obtaining all the
arms they needed, and in strengthening themselves at every point, so that shortly
they would have been impregnable against any attack, as England during that
period was helpless. The Irishmen in her army and navy had been tampered
with, and would almost to a man have joined their countrymen, and even the
officers were divided in their sympathies. Unfortunately, it was impossible to
settle upon any definite course acceptable to a majority, in consequence of the
existing discord and diversity of opinion. The organization was paralyzed in
action, owing to the number of spies in important positions, who were unsus-

245

246 Appointed to the Directory

pected in consequence of their apparent zeal for the welfare of their country.
These interlopers took so active a part and were so well-represented in every
committee, that they were able to prevent any compromise being made. The
Anglo-Irish government at that time exercised more power or influence in di-
recting the affairs of the United Irishmen than those who represented the best
interests of the country.

It was evident to Mr. Emmet, who was at the head of the organization, that
Pitt had determined to force the people into rebellion. He certainly recog-
nized it to be a sound policy to act contrary to the course wished for by the
Opposition, and was able by his personal influence to hold the people in check
for nearly eighteen months, but he was unable to prevent a change being made
in the organization by which it became a secret society, with an oath on initia-
tion, while some effort was made to establish a military organization. As it
was thought that these changes would be an agency for accomplishing Mr.
Pitt's purpose, they were easily made with the aid of the spies. Thus Mr.
Emmet's purpose and influence were greatly weakened. As he had deceived
himself into the belief that the necessary reform could be gained by constitu-
tional measures, he had been able to direct his course and influence with the
leaders and people, in punishment of which the Government employed the most
extreme measures they were able to use against him, thus satisfying their re-
sentment at their failure to convict him of treason.

Webb in his biographical sketch of Mr. Emmet states :

Upon [Arthur] O'Connor's arrest in 1797 Emmet took his place on the Directory.

This is an error, as O'Connor, Emmet and Macneven, with two other per-
sons who never served, were appointed to the Directory at the same time.
O'Connor took no part in the work, as he never favored any action unless the
proposal originated with himself. The result was that for nearly two years
Thomas Addis Emmet directed the affairs of the Society of United Irishmen
with the full aid and concurrence of Dr. Macneven, who was a devoted
friend. During this period Mr. Emmet opposed receiving aid from France
or taking an armed issue with England until, all peaceful measures having
failed, he became reconciled to a separation from England.

The position taken by him made an enemy of O'Connor, who afterwards
denounced Mr. Emmet as a coward. Eord Edward Fitzgerald was the only
military leader in the organization, although O'Connor considered himself
to be one, and for months before the leaders of the United Irishmen were ar-
rested, Fitzgerald and O'Connor were the only leaders who were in favor of
forcing the issue with the aid of France. Yet Fitzgerald, by nature lacking in
decision of character, did not fully support O'Connor, the reason doubtless
being his knowledge that the organization was totally unprepared to gain their
purposes by any military action. Ford Edward Fitzgerald was a man respected
by every one and beloved by all with whom he ever had any personal inter-
course. He was the soul of honor and appreciated to the fullest extent the
obligation he had incurred when he allowed himself to be persuaded to accept

Lord Edward Fitzgerald 247

the position of military leader of the movement. He knew that he could ac-
complish nothing if called on to act. Fortunately the will of the majority of
those in whom he had confidence were in favor of delay, while the members
were greatly divided as to receiving any aid from France. The effect was to
paralyze all efficiency of action. Unfortunately Fitzgerald, being no judge
of men, had surrounded himself with others as inefficient as himself; for
though he had the opportunity to gain a practical knowledge of his profes-
sion while in the English army, he was always too busily occupied in love-
making to avail himself of it. Thus the Irish people drifted through the year
1797, losing an opportunity never to occur again.

To wards the close of the year Lord Edward Fitzgerald accidently met a
gentleman by position, Mr. Thomas Reynolds, with whom he had but a slight
acquaintance, although he was a distant relative. Reynolds held a good posi-
tion in the social life of Dublin, he had taken an active part in the Catholic
movement and was a United Irishman, although he had had no share in the
management of the movement. We now know that Reynolds had, from the
beginning been in the pay of the English government as a spy, but it had been
for special service. The meeting with this man was the turning-point in Lord
Edward's life, and the information given by him to Reynolds enabled the
Government to wipe out in one morning all connection between Ireland and
Great Britain. Most persons would have been somewhat on their guard in
forming an intimacy with even a well-known man, who for some reason had
continued in the background. Lord Holland, the cousin of Fitzgerald stated :

I could never find that there was a single man against whom he felt the slightest
personal animosity. He made allowance for the motives and even temptations of those
whose action he detested.

Fitzgerald forced an intimacy on this man, and on his endorsement and by
his influence, he became a prominent leader. Through his information the
English troops were able to seize nearly all the arms and military stores which
had been collected, and of which Lord Fitzgerald alone had any knowledge
as to details. At this time the government suddenly decided to force the
United Irishmen to open rebellion by an arrest of all the leaders and this was
easily accomplished, as Reynolds was a member of the committee of deputies
from different parts of the country who were to meet at the house of Oliver
Bond in Dublin on March 12th, 1798, and these were all arrested and thrown
into prison. Lord Edward Fitzgerald happened not to have been present,
having been prevented by some accidental cause. He was thus able to escape
and was in hiding for some time, until his place of concealment was betrayed,
when on his arrest he was wounded and died in Newgate soon after. Rey-
nolds was of course absent, but at the time he was in attendance at another
meeting where he was elected with absolute trust to a high position.

Webb states :

There was no specific charge against Emmet, but he was regarded rightly as one of
the most formidable opponents of the government.

248 Arrest of Thomas Addis Emmet

He was not present at the meeting held at Bond's, but was arrested that
morning at his own residence. Mr. Emmet acknowledged that dependence to
any degree on French assistance would be ultimately fatal, and that Bonaparte
was the worst enemy Ireland ever had. After his arrest he was taken to Kil-
mainham, and shortly after to Newgate. Within a few days Mrs. Macaubry,
living in the North of Ireland, wrote to her kinsman, Dr. Robert Emmet, to
ascertain if the report were true regarding his son's arrest. His answer makes
it evident that he was ignorant at least of the extent to which his son was im-
plicated. He wrote : —

My dear Mrs. Macoubry :

The account you read in the papers of my son's arrest is but too true ! He is com-
mitted to close confinement, nor can any of his family be permitted to see him.

I have not, however, the slightest apprehension as to his conduct : so that a short time
will terminate matters I hope to his honour and enlargement. I thank you for your
friendly feeling for him, and am your affectionate kinsman,

Robert Emmet.

Dublin, March 27th, 1798.

As a matter of record, Mr. Emmet was not arrested by the sheriff as the
other leaders had been, but by Alderman Carlton, and left in his custody for
several hours, remaining in his house until he was taken to Kilmainham. At the
time of his arrest Mr. Emmet resided on Stephen's Green, in the third house
from York Street. The present College of Surgeons on the corner of York
Street was built in 1827, leaving a narrow passageway to a brewery in the rear
between the college and Dr. Robert Emmet's residence. The doctor's house
was about forty feet in width when he first occupied it, but on the marriage of
his son Thomas Addis, the house was divided and reconstructed into two resi-
dences, the doctor selecting the one next to the College of Surgeons for his
own use.

Immediately on the arrest of the Irish leaders, who had organized the
United Irishmen with the expectation of obtaining, by peaceful measures, the
changes necessary for the future welfare of Ireland, the direction of Irish af-
fairs passed into other hands. The new leaders resorted to arms, as Pitt ex-
pected, and so gave the excuse he regarded as necessary to establish the Union
between Ireland and England. The Irish government soon found that in the
imprisonment of the original leaders, it had over-reached itself, owing to the
want of all evidence to secure convictions, particularly of those who had
strictly followed the policy recommended by T. A. Emmet as the chief execu-
tive. It, however, carried its point in creating a civil war, as the new leaders
readily fell into the trap laid for them. Dr. Madden thus graphically describes
the situation:—

As the time approached, the dreadful notes of preparation were manifest in all parts
of the country. In the interior the peasantry began to move in large masses to some
central points. Night after night they were known to be proceeding along unfrequented
roads to their places of rendezvous. The cabins throughout large tracts of country, were
either deserted, or found to contain only women and children. The lower classes that

z "2
2 <

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

NEWGATE PRISON, DUBLIN

Insurgents Defeated and Dispersed 249

were in the habit of flocking to the cities for employment, were no longer to be found in
their usual places of resort. A general consternation prevailed. Even the measures taken
on the part of the government promised no security. On the contrary, from their arbi
trary and despotic character, they only tended to exasperate the spirit of disaffection.
Martial law was proclaimed, and the people were sent to the prisons, until they could con-
tain no more. Prison-ships were then employed, and many of the conspirators were in-
formally executed, and many who were innocent were put to death in a summary manner
Deprived of their chosen leaders, the management of the revolutionary councils fell into
the hands of less competent men. After a short but sanguinary struggle, some partial
successes in the counties of Wexford and Wicklow, the insurgents were defeated and
entirely dispersed at the action on Vinegar Hill, by the forces under the command of
General Lake, and in a short time afterward the rebellion was entirely crushed. A French
force of about eleven hundred men, at length landed at Killala, on the northwest coast of
Ireland, on the 12th of August; but it was too late, and in less than a fortnight they sur-
rendered to Lord Cornwallis.

For some time after the imprisonment of the State prisoners and while
they were yet confined at Newgate* there was no restraint enacted towards
them beyond their being confined to the building. They were allowed free
intercourse among themselves. Mr. Emmet soon began to occupy his mind
and leisure and wrote an essay entitled : "Observations on the Causes and
Consequences of the Conquest of Ireland by Britain, from 1771 to 1798,
written in Ireland and intended to be presented in manuscript to the Right
Hon. Ch. Jas. Fox."

Such was the apparently free license given to every one for the destruction
of life, as if with the purpose of exterminating the Irish people and to a degree
greater than ever existed in France, that the leaders, to stop this slaughter, to
a great extent of innocent people, offered the Government to use their influence
in checking the desultory warfare many of the less prominent leaders had been
able to keep in active operation among the mountains, in defiance of every
effort made by the Government to check it. This subject will be treated
at length hereafter. But the prisoners issued a broadside to show that the
Government had acted in bad faith and that the official publication had mis-
stated the terms of the agreement. They were immediately subjected to ex-

•Newgatc, facing on Halston Street with Green Street Court House in the rear, was the Bastille
of Dublin, and was pulled down on account of its infamous reputation. Over the door shown in the
print was a stout iron hook to which Major Sirr and Trevor, the jailer, strung up many a patriotic
Irishman; thus they dispensed with the labor of erecting a gallows, for which, nevertheless, the Gov-
ernment was charged. The open window to the right and just above the entrance, looked into a room
or cell in which Lord Edward Fitzgerald was confined and where he died. Moore, in his "Life of
Lord Fitzgerald", shows that the family of Lord Edward complained bitterly of the neglect and
cruel treatment to which the young man had been subjected. Lord Henry Fitzgerald, a brother, wrote
a letter to Lord Camden, the Lord Lieutenant and the man responsible for the frightful crimes and
cruelty at that time being inflicted on Irish prisoners for carrying out the policy of William Pitt,
his master.

Lord Henry wrote:

"He felt ill treatment, but he communed with his God. and his God did not forsake him. But,
Oh! my Lord, what a day was Saturday for him! On Saturday my poor forsaken brother, who
had hut the night and the next day to live, was disturbed: — he heard the noise of the execution of
Clinch at the prison door. He asked eagerly 'What noise is that?' and certainly in some manner or
other he knew it; for, — O God! what am I to write? — from that time he lost his senses; most part
of the night he was raving mad; a keeper from a mad-house was necessary. Now, my Lord, shall I
scruple to declare to the world — I wish I could to the four corners of it — that amongst you your ill-
treatment has murdered my brother as much as if you had put a pistol to his head!"

Lord Edward Fitzgerald died June 4th, 179S.

It seems to have been the custom, after a convivial noon-day meal, for the officials to assemble
at the inner door of the prison and with considerable "horse play" to hand up to the executioner
the prisoner who was to be "made away with" on that day. A constant source of merriment was
found on each occasion in the difficulty they experienced lifting the prisoner by the legs and at
the same time holding him so that the rope around his neck might be secured to the hook.

250 Agreement with Government

animation by both Houses of Parliament ; they were closely confined to their
quarters and each one placed in a separate room; their persons were searched
and all their papers and correspondence seized. Fortunately the essay written
by Mr. Emmet had been sent outside to be engrossed and bound for presenta-
tion to Mr. Fox, the leader of the party then politically opposed to the govern-
ment, and was thus saved. At the time of this search, Mr. Emmet had made
some progress in the writing of a memoir showing the condition of Ireland
as judged by the United Irishmen, but this was carried off by the Government
officials. This was a great loss, for had the material been preserved it would
have been the means of showing how important a part Mr. Emmet took in the
early movement of '98, the details of which are now so little known.

When the first proposition was made by the prisoners to the Government
that some course should be agreed upon to correct the frightful condition to
which the country had been reduced, the battles of New Ross, Arklow, and
Vinegar Hill had been lost, and the English had been successful in every quar-
ter. It is said "Eord Charlemont without any solicitation on the part of the
prisoners meditated a plan of retreat for those in confinement, and a concilia-
tion to arrest the work of massacre and death". Mr. Francis Dobbs, a for-
mer Governor of North Carolina, a member of Parliament, a man of humane
feelings and a friend to the government, visited the prisoners in their re-
spective rooms and avowed his wish to facilitate an arrangement equally ad-
vantageous to the government and to the revolutionists. Everything had
failed and hope was extinguished at least for a season. The State prisoners,
therefore, were anxious to arrest the tide of misery that was every day swel-
ling, and which had already overspread the country like a flood. They re-
ciprocated the wishes expressed by Mr. Dobbs, and soon they were visited by
Mr. Secretary Cook. Lord Cornwallis had now assumed the government of
Ireland, and much was hoped from his clemency. When Dr. Macneven, a
man of whom I shall particularly speak in the course of this memoir, was
visited in the prison of Kilmainham by Mr. Secretary Cook, with a bluntness
and independence peculiar and honorable to his character, he informed the
secretary that he would have nothing to do with the negotiation unless the
prisoners had the pledge of Lord Cornwallis himself. When Mr. Cook re-
tired, Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven and Mr. Sweetman had a consultation and
it was agreed to open a conference with Lord Castlereagh, then the minister
for Ireland. In the course of these steps it had been mutually contemplated
that on the one hand Government was to stop the effusion of blood; on the
other, that the prisoners were to reveal the main features of the intended rev-
olution, and state the extent and nature of the intended connection with
France ; but names were not to be demanded or given under any circumstances.
Before any interview had taken place between the prisoners and Lord Castle-
reagh, Mr. Dobbs again visited the prisoners and stated that the government
demanded names; then, said the prisoners, there's an end to the negotiation ;
our friends shall never be exposed by any disclosure of ours.

The Government then gave up the hope of obtaining names. The prisoners

Treaty of 1798 251

were permitted to have some intercourse and they unanimously appointed three
agents to act on their behalf: Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven, and Mr. (Arthur)
O'Connor, he who first distinguished himself in 1795 by his bold and un-
expected speech in the Irish House of Commons on the Catholic question. On
the twenty-ninth of July, 179S, Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven and Mr. O'Connor
had their interview in Dublin Castle with Eord Castlereagh, Lord Chancellor
Clare, and Mr. Secretary Cook, and entered upon what is called the Treaty
of 1798. The writer will allow Mr. Emmet to speak for himself through
his narrative as it is reproduced in the following chapter.

The Irish tvere reputed aliens and enemies in their native land ; it ivas adjudged no felony
to kill them in time of peace. La'w did neither protect their life nor revenge their
death.

T. A. Emmet.

The selfish and malignant passions are so powerful in man thai it requires no uncommon
effort of genius or dexterity of management to make them the instruments of his
•weakness and dishonor.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XI

Examination of Committee leaders before the Secret Committee of Parliament —
Report of examination as revised by Mr. Emmet — The Irish leaders were examined
before a Committee from the House of Lords three days after — Agreement between the
leaders and the Irish government accepted as being fully satisfactory to both — Later the
government publishes an untruthful statement as to the terms — A prompt denial issued
by the prisoners — Course of Rufus King as American Minister — Immediate death threat-
ened by the government officials to all the prisoners if a prompt repudiation was not made
— All refuse and are immediately placed in solitary confinement — Mr. Emmet treated with
exceptional rigor — Every means taken to intimidate the other prisoners but not one
yielded — Public opinion, however, had been so trained that the official version was ac-
cepted without question — In violation of the agreement, the State prisoners were not
allowed to emigrate — Agreed that Mr. Bond, who had been condemned to death, should
not be executed, but allowed to emigrate — His sudden death — Quotations from the com-
pact of the State prisoners with the Irish government.

REAT interest seemed to have been created, and after
Messrs. Emmet, Macneven and O'Connor had been ex-
amined before the Secret Committee from the House of
Commons of the Irish Parliament on July 29, 1798, they
were allowed to prepare and present a memoir to the Com-
mittee bearing the title, "Memoir, or Detailed Statement
of the Origin and Progress of the Irish Union : Delivered
to the Irish Government by Messrs. Emmet, O'Connor
and Macneven, August the 4th, 1798". (See Appendix,
Note VIII for this Memoir in full.)

In accord with family tradition this paper was from the pen of T. A.
Emmet. A copy of this document is still preserved among the family papers.
Its authorship may be inferred from the letter from Russell to Macneven, No-
vember 8th, 1802. A copy of this paper is given in the Memoirs and Corre-
spondence of Viscount Castlereagh (Vol. I, p. 373).

On August 10th, 1798, the State prisoners were taken to Dublin Castle
and there examined individually and in detail before the Committee of Par-
liament, which examination was printed under the title — "Substance of Thomas
Addis Emmet's examination before the Secret Committee of the House of
Lords, August 10th, 1798, taken by the Government officials and revised by
Mr. Emmet". For a copy of this document see Appendix, Note IX. Mr.
Emmet having preserved, after his examination, a copy of the minutes which

252

Action of Rut'us King 253

he was asked by the committee to revise, and which had been taken by one
of their official secretaries, we have been furnished with the means for making
a comparison with the published official report.

In "The Dublin Magazine" for August, 1798 (p. 131), is given at length
the printed report of Mr. Emmet's examination from this committee to the
House of Lords. As we have the means of comparison, it will be sufficient to
reprint this in corroboration of the charge made by the State prisoners, that
honesty and truthfulness were not part of the English policy in Irish affairs.
For a copy of this published report see Appendix, Note X.

On August 14th, three days after the examination, he was again summoned
and examined at greater length before a second committee. For a copy of
"The Examination of Thomas Addis Emmet before the Secret Committee of
the House of Commons, August 14th, 1798, taken by the Government official
and revised by Mr. Emmet", see Appendix, Note XI.

An arrangement was made by the Government with the Irish leaders im-
prisoned in Dublin, and to the full satisfaction of both parties, that Oliver
Bond's life should be spared, although he had been condemned before a packed
jury and sentenced to death, and that the prisoners should be liberated and
allowed to go into exile, on condition that their ihfluence be exerted with a
large number of insurgents who had retreated to the mountains under General
Holt and others, and had continued to keep up a desultory resistance ; all of
whom, it was agreed, should receive a full pardon on surrendering their
arms and returning home. The Irish leaders succeeded in securing peace
throughout the country, but they were not released from their confinement.
Later the Government published a false statement as to the terms of the
treaty made with the Irish leaders, which was promptly denied by the pris-
oners. The Irish Secretary and representative of the English Government
made the acknowledgement to some of the prisoners, that the cause of the
delay of their release was due to the action of Mr. Rufus King, the American
minister, in making an official protest against the leaders being allowed to
emigrate to the United States, "as undesirable on account of their republican
views". Mr. King was a Federalist, but had acted simply from his individual
prejudices. In his letter to Rufus King (written some years later and treated
at greater length hereafter) Mr. Emmet stated : "We contradicted the mis-
statement of the Committee from the House of Lords and Commons of Ire-
land, by an advertisement written in prison signed by our names and published
on the 27th of August". The prisoners were immediately visited by an offi-
cial of the government, who threatened their lives, without trial, unless they
at once made a public contradiction of their statement regarding the terms
made with the government. This the prisoners all refused to do, or to make
any retraction, and consequently they were each placed again in solitary con-
finement and were subjected to great privation and severity, the treatment
of Mr. Emmet, it will be shown in the following chapter, being especially
severe.

As soon as the protest of the prisoners was published, showing the dis-

254 Death of Oliver Bond

honesty and fraud practised by the Government, a resolution was introduced
into Parliament authorizing the immediate hanging of all the prisoners, which,
being voted down, it was proposed as a compromise, that they should be tried
without delay by a drum-head court martial to obtain the same result.

Mr. Bond had been tried and convicted and was awaiting the result to be
obtained by the efforts of the leaders in quieting the country, when he suddenly
died from apoplexy, as claimed by the Government, but almost every one not
connected with the Government openly held that he had been poisoned. So
general was this opinion that the Government was unable to suppress it. No
denial was expressed nor was any attempt made by the Government to in-
vestigate the circumstances attending Mr. Bond's death, so that there remained
little doubt that this noble patriot was the victim of foul play. It was doubt-
less safer for the reputation of the English Government's influence, as exer-
cised in Ireland during Pitt's administration, that Mr. Bond should be held to
have died of apoplexy than that he should be released, and free to give to the
world his own personal experience as a political prisoner in an Irish prison.
For information as to what such experience was, the reader is referred to St.
John Mason's work in the Appendix, Note XIII.

Dr. Madden was the only person who had an opportunity for fully in-
vestigating this question as to the bad faith exercised by the English Govern-
ment towards the political prisoners and he was the only one who was able
personally to interrogate a number of those who could speak from personal
knowledge. He is therefore to be accepted as the only writer able to pass
with authority and judgment in justice to both parties. To avoid repetition
it is better to give Dr. Madden's statement in full, as the writer has in his pos-
session all the material from the original papers of Mr. Emmet to which Mad-
den had access. Up to the present time the writer has been unable to trace
other material which passed through Dr. Madden's hands, and is incorporated
in his whole narrative, the only authority now accessible.

In the pamphlet from which the report of Emmet's examination (See
Appendix, Note XII) is taken, no account is given of the compact with Gov-
ernment, but in Macneven's "Pieces of Irish History" a statement of it is
given by him at considerable length. The original draft of a paper on this
subject, unpublished and drawn up chiefly by Emmet, exists in the handwrit-
ing of himself, Sweetman and MacneveriT and as it differs in the mode of
treating the matter as well as in style, and in some respects is more precise and
simple in its details, it is inserted in this memoir of its principal author, and
however fully the subject has been gone into, the importance of it to the char-
acter of Emmet would alone be a sufficient reason for its insertion.

The opponents of these men have had the full use of their pens and
tongues against the characters, private as well as public, of the men of 1798.

In common fairness we are bound to hear what they have to say in their
own defence, or at least in extenuation of their errors. The Musgraves, the
Duigenans, the Reynoldses have had their hearing — justice demands one for
them, and it is not for those who profess to love justice to refuse it.

Emmet's Account of the Negotiation

The account of the compact of the State prisoners with the Irish Govern-
ment, taken from the original draft of that document in the handwriting of
Thomas Addis Emmet, John Sweetman, and William lames Macneven, was
drawn up by them in France on their liberation from Fort George, and re-
mained in the possession of John Sweetman. The following part of the state
ment is in the handwriting of Thomas A. Emmet: —

\\V the undersigned, until this day State prisoners and in close custody, feel that the
first purpose to which we should apply our liberty is to give to the world a short account
of a transaction which has been grossly misrepresented and falsified, but respecting
which we have been compelled to silence for nearly the last three years. The transaction
alluded to is the agreement entered into by us and the other State prisoners with the
Irish government, at the close of the month of July, 1798; and we take this step without
hesitation because it can in nowise injure any of our friends and former fellow-prisoners,
we being among the last victims of perfidy and breach of faith.

From the event of the battles of Antrim and Ballinahinch early in June, it was mani-
fest that the northern insurrection had failed in consolidating itself. The severe battle
of Vinegar Hill on the 21st of the same month led to its termination in Leinster; and
the capitulation of Ovidstown on the 13th of July,* may be understood as the last ap-
pearance in the field of any body capable of serving as a rallying point. In short, the
insurrection, for every useful purpose that could be expected from it was at an end; but
blood still continued to flow — courts martial, special commissions, and above all sanguinary
Orangemen, now rendered doubly malevolent and revengeful from their recent terror,
desolated the country, and devoted to death the most virtuous of our countrymen. These
were lost to liberty, while she was gaining nothing by the sacrifice.

Such was the situation of affairs when the idea of entering into a compact with the
government was conceived by one of the undersigned, and communicated to the rest of us
conjointly with the other prisoners confined in the Dublin prisons, by the terms of which
compact it was intended that as much be saved and as little given up as possible. It was
the more urgently pressed upon our minds and the more quickly matured by the impend-
ing fate of two worthy men. Accordingly, on the 24th of July, the State prisoners began
to negotiate with Government, and an agreement was finally concluded, by the persons
named by their fellow-prisoners, at the Castle of Dublin, and was finally ratified by the
Lord Chancellor, Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Cooke, three of the King's ministers.

In no part of this paper were details or perfect accuracy deemed necessary because
the ministers, and particularly Lord Castlereagh frequently and solemnly declared that
it should in every part be construed by Government with the utmost liberality and good
faith ; and particularly the last clause was worded in this loose manner to comply with
the express desire of the ministers, who insisted upon retaining to Government the pop-
ularity of the measure ; but it was clearly and expressly understood, and positively en-
gaged that every leading man not guilty of deliberate murder should be included in the
agreement (who should choose to avail himself of it) in as full and ample a manner as
the contracting parties themselves, and that there should be a general amnesty with the
same exceptions for the body of the people.

We entered into this agreement the more readily because it appeared to us that by it
the public cause lost nothing. We knew from the different examinations of the State
prisoners before the privy council, and from conversations with ministers that Govern-
ment was already in possession of all the important knowledge which they could obtain
from us. From wdience they derived their information was not entirely known to us, but

"The event preceding the massacre of the capitulated body of the United Irishmen on the Rath
of the Curragh of Kildare, by the command of Major General Sir James Duff, executed chiefly by
the yeomanry cavalry of Captain Bagot, and the Fox-hunting Corps, commanded by Lord Roden.

256 Flagrant Breach of Contract

it is now manifest that Reynolds, McGinn and Hughes, not to speak of the minor in-
formers, had put them in possession of every material fact respecting the internal state
of the union; and it was from particular circumstances well known to one of us, and en-
tirely believed by the rest, that its external relations had been betrayed to the English
cabinet, through the agency of a foreigner with whom we negotiated.

This was even so little disguised that, on the preceding 12th of March, the contents
of a memoir which had been prepared by one of the undersigned at Hamburgh, and
transmitted thence to Paris, were minutely detailed to him by Mr. Cooke. Nevertheless
those with whom we negotiated seemed extremely anxious for our communications.
Their reasons for this anxiety may have been many, but two particularly suggested them-
selves to our minds ; they obviously wished to give proof to the enemies of an Irish
Republic and of Irish Independence, of the facts with which they were themselves well
acquainted, while at the same time they concealed from the world their real sources of
intelligence. Nor do we believe we are uncharitable in attributing to them the hope
and wish of rendering unpopular and suspected men in whom the United Irishmen had
been accustomed to place an almost unbounded confidence. The injurious consequences
of Government succeeding in both these objects, were merely personal; and as they were
no more, though they were revolting and hateful to the last degree, we did not hesitate
to devote ourselves that we might make terms for our country.

What were these terms? That it should be rescued from civil and military execution;
that a truce should be obtained for liberty, which she so much required. There was also
another strongly impelling motive for entering into this agreement. If Government on
the one hand was desirous of rousing its dependents by a display of the vigorous and
well-concerted measures that were taken for subverting its authority and shaking off the
English yoke ; so we, on the other hand, were not less solicitous for the vindication of
our cause in the eyes of the liberal, the enlightened and patriotic. We perceived that in
making a fair and candid development of these measures we should be enabled boldly to
avow and justify the cause of the Irish union, as being founded upon the purest princi-
ples of benevolence, and as aiming only at the liberation of Ireland. We felt that we
could rescue our brotherhood from those foul imputations which had been industriously
ascribed to it — the pursuit of the most unjust objects by means of the most flagitious
crimes.

If our country has not actually benefited to the extent of our wishes and of our
stipulations, let it be remembered that this has not been owing to the compact, but to
the breach of the compact, the gross and flagrant breach of it, both as to the letter and
spirit, in violation of every principle of pledged faith and honour.

Having been called upon to fulfill our part of the compact, a stop being put to all
further trials and executions, a memoir was drawn up and signed by two of the under-
signed, together with another of the body [they being selected by Government for the
purpose] and was presented to Mr. Cooke on the 4th of August. It was very hastily
prepared in a prison, and of course not so complete and accurate as it might otherwise
have been ; but sufficiently so to draw from Mr. Cooke an acknowledgment that it was a
complete fulfilment of the agreement; though he said the lord lieutenant wished to have
it so altered as not to be a justification of the United Irishmen, which he said it mani-
festly was.

Upon the refusal to alter it, Government thought proper to suppress it altogether, and
adopted a plan which they had already found convenient for promulgating not the entire
truth, but so much of the truth as accorded with their views, and whatever else they
wished to have passed upon mankind under colour of authority for the truth. This was
no other than examination before the secret committee of parliament. By these com-
mittees several of us were examined, and to our astonishment we soon after saw in the
newspapers, and have since seen in printed reports of these committees, misrepresented
and garbled, and, as far as relates to some of us, very untrue and fallacious statements
of our testimony — even in some cases the very reverse of what was given. That no sus-

John Sweetman's Statement

picion may attach to this assertion from its vagueness, such of us as were examined will,
without delay, state the precise substance of our evidence on that occasion.

The Irish parliament thought fit about the month of September in the same year, to
pass an act to be founded expressly on this agreement. To the provisions of that law we
do not think it worth while to allude because their severity and injustices are lost in com-
parison with the erroneous falsehood of its preamble. In answer to that we must dis-
tinctly and formally deny that any of us did ever publicly, or privately, directly or in-
directly, acknowledge crimes, retract opinions, or implore pardon, as is therein most falsely-
stated. A full and explicit declaration to this effect would have been made public at the
time, had it not been prevented by a message from Lord Cornwallis, delivered to one of the
subscribers on the 12th of that month. Notwithstanding we had expressly stipulated at
the time of the negotiation for the entire liberty of publication in case we should find our
conduct or motives misrepresented, yet this perfidious and inhuman message threatened
that such declaration would be considered as a breach of the agreement on our part, and
in that case the executions in general should go on as formerly.

Thus was the truth stifled at the time, and we believe firmly that to prevent its publi-
cation has been one of the principal reasons why, in violation of the most solemn engage-
ments, we were kept in close custody ever since, and transported from our native country
against our consent.

We conceive that to ourselves, to our cause, and to our country and to posterity, we
owe this brief statement of facts, in which we have suppressed everything that is not of
a nature strictly vindicatory-; because our object in this publication is not to criminate but
to defend. As to their truth we positively aver them, each for himself, as far as they
fall within his knowledge, and we firmly believe the others to be the truth, and nothing
but the truth.

The following part of the statement is in the handwriting of John Sweet-

On the 12th of March, 1798, the deputies from several counties, having met in Dublin
to deliberate upon some general measures for the union, were arrested in a body at Mr.
Bond's as were also many others of its principal agents, and put into a state of solitary
confinement.

Some of these persons were examined by the privy council previous to their committal
to prison ; when it appeared beyond a possibility of doubt that the negotiations of the
United Irishmen with France had been betrayed to the British Government on the 30th, the
Kingdom was officially declared in a state of rebellion, and put under martial law. A
proclamation from the lord lieutenant had directed the military to use the most summary
method for repressing disturbances; and it was publicly notified by the commanders in
some counties that unless the people brought in their arms in ten days from the period
of publication, large bodies of troops would be quartered on them who should be licensed
to live at free quarters, and that other severities would be exercised to enforce acquies-
cence. In the latter end of May the United armed men of the County Kildare felt them-
selves obliged to take the field, and hostilities commenced between them and the King's
forces on the 24th. About this time the Counties of Wexford and Wicklow were generally
up, and those of Down, Derry, Antrim, Carlow, and Meath were preparing to rise. The
appeals to arms in these counties were attended with various success on both
sides, and the military were invested with further powers by a proclamation
issued by the lord lieutenant and council, directing the generals to punish all attacks upon
the King's forces, according to martial law, either by death or otherwise, as to them should
seem expedient. For some time the people had the advantage in the field, but the defeat
at New Ross on the 5th of June, at Antrim on the 7th, that of Arklow on the 9th, of
Ballinahinch on the 12th, of Vinegar Hill on the 21st, and Kilconnell on the 26th, with the
evacuation of Wexford, and some unsuccessful skirmishes which afterwards took place

258 The Compact According to Macneven

in the County of Wicklow, removed all hope of maintaining the contest for the present
with any probability of success. In the interim troops were arriving from England and
several regiments of English militia had volunteered their services for Ireland. About
the end of June a proclamation was issued promising pardon and protection to all persons
except the leaders who should return to their allegiance and deliver up their arms, which
it was said had a very general effect. A large body of the Kildare men had already sur-
rendered to General Dundas, and on the 21st of July another party with its leaders,
capitulated with General Wilford. The King's troops, by this time, were victorious in
every quarter, and the park of artillery which had been employed in the south had re-
turned to the capital.

It was now upwards of two months since the war broke out, during which time no
attempt had been made by the French to land a force upon the coast, nor was there any
satisfactory account then received that such a design was in contemplation. The expedi-
tion of Buonaparte and the forces under his command were already ascertained to have
some part of the Mediterranean for their object. No other diversion was made by the
French to distract the British power during this period. Military tribunals, composed
of officers, who in many instances, as has been publicly admitted, had not exceeded the
inconsiderate age of boyhood, were everywhere instituted and a vast number of executions
had been the consequence. The yeomen and soldiers, licensed to indulge their rancor and
revenge, were committing these atrocious cruelties which unfortunately distinguish the
character of civil warfare. The shooting of innocent peasants at their work was occasion-
ally resorted to by them as a species of recreation — a practice so inhuman that unless we
had incontestible evidence of the fact we never should have given it the slightest
credibility. During these transactions a special commission under an act of parliament
was sitting in the capital ; and the trials having commenced, it was declared from the
bench that to be proved an United Irishman was sufficient to subject the party to the
penalty of death, and that any member of a baronial or other committee was accountable
for every act done by the body to which he respectively belonged in its collective capacity,
whether it was done without his cognizance, in his absence, or even at the extremity of
the land. As it was openly avowed that convictions would be sought for only through
the medium of informers, the government used every influence to dignify the character
of this wretched class of beings in the eyes of those who were selected to decide on the
lives of the accused ; and they so effectually succeeded as to secure implicit respect to
whatever any of them chose to swear, from juries so appointed, so prepossessed. It was
made a point by the first connections of Government to flatter these wretches, and some
peers of the realm were known to have hailed the arch-apostate Reynolds with the title
"Saviour of his Country".

The following part of the statement is in the handwriting of William James
Macneven :

In the case of Mr. Bond, the Jury, with an indecent precipitation, returned a verdict
of guilty on the 23rd of July, and on the 25th he was sentenced to die. Byrne was also
ordered for execution. In this situation of our affairs a negotiation was opened with
Government, and proceeded in through the medium of Mr. Dobbs. An agreement was in
consequence concluded and signed, which, among other things, stipulated for the lives
of Byrne and Bond ; but Government thought fit to annul this by the execution of Byrne.
As, however, the main object, the putting a stop to the useless effusion of blood, was still
attainable, it was deemed right to open a second negotiation. In its progress Government
having insisted on some dishonourable requisitions, which were rejected with indignation,
occasioned the failure of this also. It was however proposed by them to renew it again,
and deputies from the gaols were appointed to confer with the official servants of the
crown. A meeting accordingly took place at the Castle on the 29th of July when the final
agreement was concluded and exchanged.

Agreement Signed by the Prisoners

In addition to the fulfilment to the letter of this agreement, the official servants of the
crown pledged the faith of Government for two things — one that the result and end of
that measure should be the putting a stop to the effusion of blood, and that all executions
should cease, except in cases of wilful murders. The other was that the conditions of
the agreement should be liberally interpreted. The agreement was in the course of a day
or two generally signed by the prisoners.

Whilst the United Irishmen retained the control of the original Directory, their progress
•was sure and steady, but from the moment that its members 'mere snatched from their
position, and either crushed unto death or consigned to dungeons, the contrary result,
as might naturally be expected, ensued.

W. J. Fitzpatrick.

The views of those miho are associated as United Irishmen did not extend beyond the
attainment of a reform in parliament by peaceful and constitutional means.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XII

Continued quotations from the memoir — Reasons for entering into and ratifying the
agreement made with Government — Absolute denial of the truthfulness of the Government
statement regarding the terms of treaty recently made by any Irish leader — This declara-
tion due to the credit of their country and countrymen — The course in Parliament of Hon.
Francis Hutchinson toward the State prisoners — Action of Wm. C. Plunket — McNaugh-
ten moved that they should be immediately brought to trial and executed — Madden's
statement as to the relation of T. A. Emmet and Plunket — St. John Mason's statement —
The views of Dr. Robt. Emmet and Macneven on this subject — Rigors of Emmet's im-
prisonment— Letter from Emmet to Russell in relation to Tone — Phillips on Tone's course
— The enmity of Clare and Ponsonby to Tone — The efforts of Marcus Beresford, George
Knox, and the Atty.-General Wolfe to save Tone's life — The special views of Geo. Knox —
Consent of the Government that Tone should go into exile to the United States — A parole
of honor no doubt implied as to his exile — Tone's account of an interview with Emmet
and Russell and his statement that they fully agreed as to his interpretation of his relation
to the government — Did Tone violate his parole of honor and justify England's course? —
Tone's relation with the French minister at Philadelphia — Savage's account of the friend-
ship existing between Emmet, Russell and Tone — Description of Thomas Russell, his
person and political course — Tone leaves his family in the United States and returns to
France — Falkiner's account of the relation between Tone and Lord Clare.

HE quotation from the Memoir is continued at greater
length :

Having thus stated the facts, we proceed to declare our
reasons for entering into and ratifying this agreement; 1st, Be-
cause we had seen, with great affliction, that in the course of the
appeal to arms, while four or five counties out of the thirty-two
were making head against the whole of the King's forces, no
effectual disposition was manifested to assist them, owing, as we
believe, to the extreme difficulty of assembling, and the want
of authentic information as to the real state of affairs. 2ndly, Because the concurring or
quiescent spirit of the English people enabled their government to send not only a con-
siderable additional regular force, but also many regiments of English militia into Ireland.
3rdly, Because it was evident that in many instances the want of military knowledge in
the leaders had rendered the signal valor of the people fruitless. 4thly, Because, notwith-
standing it was well known in France that the revolution had commenced in Ireland — an
event that they were previously taught to expect — no attempt whatever was made by them
to land any force during the two months which the contest had lasted, nor was any account
received that it was their intention even shortly to do so. 5thly, Because that by the
arrest of many of the deputies and chief agents of the union, and by the absence of others,
the funds necessary for the undertaking were obstructed or uncollected, and hence arose

260

^'M%M

End of the Memoir 261

insurmountable difficulties. 6thly, Because from the several defeats at New Ross and
Wexford, no doubt remained on our minds that farther resistance, for the present, was
not only vain but nearly abandoned. 7tbly, Because we were well assured that the procla-
mation of amnesty issued on the 29th June had caused great numbers to surrender their
arms and take the oath of allegiance. 8thly, Because juries were so packed, justice so
perverted, and the testimony of the basest informers so respected that trial was but a
mocker)', and arraignment but the tocsin for execution. 9thly, Because we were convinced
by the official servants of the crown, and by the evidence given on the trials that govern-
ment was already in possession of our external and internal transactions; the former
they obtained as we believe through the perfidy of some agents of the French government
at Hamburgh ; the latter through informers who had been less or more confidential in
all our affairs. lOthly, and finally, every day accounts of the murders of our most virtuous
and energetic countrymen assailed our ears ; many were perishing on the scaffold, under
pretext of martial or other law, but many more the victims of individual Orange hatred
and revenge. To stop this torrent of calamity, to preserve to Ireland her best blood . . .
we determined to make a sacrifice of no trivial value — we agreed to abandon our country,
our families and cur friends.

And now we feel ourselves further called upon to declare that an Act, passed in
Ireland during the autumn of 1798, reciting our names and asserting that we had
retracted our opinions, acknowledged our crimes, and implored pardon, is founded upon a
gross and flagrant calumny — neither we, the undersigned, nor any of our fellow-prisoners,
so far as we know or believe, having ever done either the one or the other; and we
solemnly assert that we never were consulted about that Act, its provisions or preamble,
and that no copy of it was ever sent to us by any servant of the Crown, though repeatedly
promised by the under-secretary, or by any other person. On the contrary it had, unknown
to us, passed the House of Commons, when one of us [Samuel Neilson], having seen by
mere accident an abstract of it in an English newspaper, remonstrated with the servants
of the Crown on the falsity of the preamble, and was silenced only by a message from
the lord lieutenant that it was his positive determination to annul the agreement and
proceed with the executions, etc., if any further notice whatever was taken of the preamble,
or if one word was published on the subject. We did not conceive ourselves warranted,
situated as things then were, in being instrumental to a renewal of bloodshed. We have
ever been constrained to silence, for, in violation of a solemn agreement, we have been kept
close prisoners.

To our country and to posterity we felt that we owed this declaration; and to their
judgment upon our conduct and motives we bow with respectful submission.*

Dr. Madden in "The United Irishmen, Their Lives and Times", continues
this subject as follows :

In the month of July, 1798, the negotiations were entered into with the government
of which the principal details have been given in the preceding manner. On the tenth of
August T. A Emmet was examined before the secret committee of the House of Lords.
A very small portion of this examination was given in the parliamentary report purporting
to contain the examination of the State prisoners. On their liberation from Fort George,
Emmet, O'Connor and Macneven published in London a pamphlet containing the memoir
of the origin and progress of the union they had delivered to the Irish government and
an account of their examination in which the suppressed portions of their evidence were
given. t The pamphlet is now rarely to be met with, and from it the following account
of the examination of T. A. Emmet is taken, after having compared it with the original
document in the possession of the son of one of the parties to the compact.

•Set Appendix, Note XII., Second report to the House of Lords from the Secret Committee
in relation to the State prisoners.

f'Memoirs of the Irish Union", Robinson, London, 1802.

262 The Course of Francis Hutchinson

The original, found among the papers of T. A. Emmet, from which Dr.
Madden obtained the copy he reproduced in his work, was also copied by the
writer and will be found in the Appendix (Note VIII).

In connection with the action of William Conyngham Plunket in Parlia-
ment, when the reputation of the State prisoners was at stake, they published
a statement taking exception to the truthfulness of the Government statement
regarding the compact made, which was under consideration before that body.
Dr. Madden has treated the incident at some length. As Mr. Emmet was
known to have made so little reference to the subject, the writer felt hesitancy
in doing so. But on due reflection he decided that the subject as an incident
in Mr. Emmet's life could not be ignored. If more detailed information is
desired, the reader will do well to refer to Dr. Madden's work.

Dr. Madden states :

We now come to a transaction which involves the character of a great Whig lawyer,
namely, William Conyngham Plunket ; and it behooves us in dealing with it to steer clear
of angry commentaries and criticisms of his conduct in regard to T. A. Emmet, and to
cite official authorities for any accounts given of his transaction and its results. I allude
to his conduct in parliament during Emmet's imprisonment in August 1798 and in relation
to an advertisement which appeared in two of the morning newspapers complaining of
the garbled reports that had been published in the government newspapers of the evidence
of Messrs. Emmet, O'Connor, and Macneven before the secret committees.

The only reports that existed of the proceedings in parliament in 1798 are those which
are given in the newspapers of the day, except in the case of the Union debates, when
important speeches are found separately published. I prefer taking the report of the pro-
ceedings in the Irish House of Commons on the 27th of August from a government
paper at that time, and therefore I make use of the "Freeman's Journal" of the 28th
August, 1798.

The Hon. Francis Hutchinson called attention to an advertisement of three of the
State prisoners [Emmet, O'Connor and Macneven] in the "Hibernian Journal and
Saunders' News Letter". He said : — "That advertisement whether considerd as a libel
on that House of Parliament, or as a manifesto exciting rebellion, was one of the most
daring and insolent compositions he had ever read" . . . Mr. Plunket said : — "He repro-
bated in the strongest terms the publication which had been read to the House by the
honourable gentleman who had proposed the motion then before the House, and described
it to be a species of proclamation or manifesto couched in the most libellous and insolent
language, and proceeding from three men who were signal instances of the royal mercy
to all the open and concealed traitors of the country; urging to rebellion and to the aid
of a French invasion, calling upon their friends to cast from them all fear of having been
detected in their treasons, and to prosecute anew those machinations which had been
suspended. He felt strongly the obligation of government to observe good faith towards
those men in any conditions made with them, but he also conceived it to be incumbent
on the executive power to adopt such precautions as should effectually prevent the state
prisoners from corrupting the public mind". [The report of Mr. Plunket's speech on
this occasion is given without any curtailment]. . . . Mr. McNaughten was of opinion
that, as martial law had not ceased, the persons in question, Arthur O'Connor, Thomas
Addis Emmet, and Dr. Macneven, should be immediately brought to trial and executed.

Dr. Madden continues ("Lives", 3rd series, p. 77) :

The late Lord Plunket had been the early friend and fellow-student at the University
of T. A. Emmet. Of that fact there can be no doubt. All the members of the family
and intimate friends and early associates of T. A. Emmet in America and Ireland, with

William Conyngham Plunket 263

whom I have been in communication, are agreed on that point. . . . I believe that the
late Lord Plunket and Thomas Addis Emmet were not only intimate, as Lord
Plunket stated, but very intimately acquainted and <>n terms of the most intimate
friendship, 'when they were fellow-students at the University of Dublin, and at the
Inns of Court in England. And be it observed, there was a long interval between the
two periods above indicated. T. A. Emmet entered college in 1778, and he was not
called to the bar till the month of May, 1790. And Lord Plunket admits in his affidavit
that it was after T. A. Emmet had been called to the bar "that all intimacy ceased between
him and deponent". So here we have an admission of an intimacy that had subsisted
twelve years and upwards between two young men of the same pursuits, of similar gifts
and kindred talents, of congenial and literary tastes, being suddenly broken off on account
of a difference in their political opinions, and at a time, too, when neither of them had
ever taken any prominent part in political affairs or controversies. I say to that state-
ment, the estrangement referred to is highly improbable, and that the friends of T. A.
Emmet are not conscious of it . . . . T. A. Emmet, I have reason to believe, considered
that Mr. Plunket was his friend up to the time of his arrest and imprisonment in March,
1798 .... Mr. St. John Mason, the nephew of Dr. Emmet's wife, in reference to the
part taken in Parliament by Mr. Plunket in relation to Thomas Addis Emmet, makes use
of these words in his written statement to me of his reminiscences of the Emmet family: —
"/ have heard Dr. Emmet say that he [Plunket] was an ungrateful man". That Dr. Emmet
believed Mr. W. C. Plunket had been under obligations of friendship to his son T. A.
Emmet I have no doubt. That T. A. Emmet was shocked and disgusted when he heard
of the part taken by W. C. Plunket in the House of Commons on the occasion of the
proceedings in relation to the advertisement of the State prisoners, I can have no doubt
. . . . Dr. W. J. Macneven, conjointly with T. A. Emmet, published in New York in
1807 a work entitled "Pieces of Irish History'"- ... In the latter treatise at page 162
Dr. Macneven, in reference to the advertisement signed by T. A. Emmet, A. O'Connor,
and Macneven, of the 27th of August, says: "A tempest of folly and fury was immediately
excited in the House of Commons. Blinded by their rage, the members of that honour-
able assembly neglected the obvious distinction between the newspapers and their report.
They took to themselves the falsehoods that had been repelled. Mr. McNaughten, and two
virulent barristers, Francis Hutchinson and Conyngham Plunket, were even clamorous for
having the persons who signed the refutation disposed of by a summary execution.
Plunket had been the bosom intimate of Emmet — the companion of his childhood, and the
friend of his youth".

Is it to be imagined that T. A. Emmet would have allowed his statements to go forth
in a work that was a joint publication of his and his associate and confidential friend,
Macneven, if he believed the main facts with regard to his relations with Plunket were
misstated — however more sober and less exaggerated the terms of it might have been,
had that account of his former friendship with Mr. Plunket been written by himself?

But with the precision which characterized every thing written or said by T. A.
Emmet, we find in a letter of his to Rufus King, dated the 9th of April, 1807, that when
he speaks of this transaction he does not implicate Plunket in the atrocity he imputes to
another member of the House of Commons; he merely says — "A proposal was made in the
Irish House of Commons by Mr. McNaughten, an Orangeman, to take us out and hang
us without trial".

No doubt Emmet's disgust and indignation at the treacherous conduct of Mr. W. C.
Plunket in his regard — namely, in hounding on the government to measures of severity
against him and the other two state prisoners — prevented his making mention of the name
of W. C. Plunket. And this was the line of conduct that any one acquainted with the
character of T. A. Emmet would have a right to expect at his hands.

It will be necessary to refer again to this subject when the trial of Robert
Emmet is being considered.

264 Rigors of Emmet's Imprisonment

The first question put to Mr. Emmet at his examination before the Com-
mittee from the Irish House of Commons was : — "Were you a United Irish-
man" ? His answer was : — "I am one". This answer, and the fact that it
was known that he had to a great extent written the different papers which
had been issued in the name of the Irish leaders, increased the enmity and ill-
will of several members of the Irish Government, and of no one more than
Lord Castlereagh, who, to the last, persecuted his helpless prisoner. So far
as an honest and charitable man could cherish to the fullest extent a bitter
hatred for another, Mr. Emmet fully reciprocated the feeling. Through the
press, the public was informed that the Irish leaders had been subjected to the
closest solitary confinement in punishment for their late exhibition of a re-
bellious spirit. This was true so far as they were confined without inter-
course with each other, but they were not restricted in the matter of occupy-
ing light and well-ventilated rooms, supplied with such books as they wished
and with supposedly good food. Mr. Emmet was the only exception ; by order
of Castlereagh he was confined for six weeks in total darkness, but in a fairly
dry cell under the prison. The cell was about seven feet in length, with the
walls within reach on each side, and the only ventilation was from a loop-hole
above the door. He was allowed no bed-clothing and lay on a stone shelf
raised but a few inches from the floor. He had no change of underclothing
during that time, and was deprived of every means of cleanliness, even
of the facility for washing his hands and face. He was kept on bread and
water, often insufficient in quantity to satisfy either his hunger or thirst. The
bread was of the worst quality and the water always offensive both in taste
and smell. Not many years since the writer had in his possession a small
book about one and a half inches square and consisting of only a few pages,
which Mr. Emmet had contrived to conceal on his person and in which he
marked with pencil the number of days he was thus held in solitary confine-
ment on insufficient food. Evidently his only means of computing time was
the daily delivery of his bread and water. He saw no one save once in
twenty-four hours, and that a foul-sme!ling attendant who threw his bread
in anywhere upon the floor, and, before he could place the vessel of water on
the floor, he often succeeded in spilling some portion, at the same time giving
vent to the foulest combination of words in the way of curses at Mr. Emmet
for his rebel proclivities.

Mr. Emmet fully realized at the beginning that he was placed there by his
enemy with the determination to break his spirit and compel him to sue for
mercy or lose his life in the struggle. The only movable article in the cell,
with the exception of the wooden vessel for holding his allowance of drinking
water was a heavy wooden bucket without a cover for containing the dejecta.
On Mr. Emmet making the request for a cover, the brutal turnkey struck
at his head with the bucket, knocking him from his seat. The blow glanced
from his shoulder, but would have fractured his skull had there been light
enough to direct it as intended. The receptable was never covered or washed
out, and the contents were often emptied on the entry floor before the door of

Release from Confinement 265

the cell. As there was no ventilation except through the entry, which was
at a great distance from any efficient communication with the external air, the
atmosphere at no time could have been a healthy one and it is remark-
able that the life of an individual could have been sustained in it. In the
Appendix will be found some account of treatment of prisoners in English
prisons (Note XIII). Day after day passed without a remonstrance on Mr.
Emmet's part, although time ceased to have any connection with his existence,
so far as he was able to appreciate it.

Mr. Emmet was a man who, without effort, saw and heard everything
about him, and forgot nothing. There seemed no information to be acquired
by a human being of which he did not acquire some knowledge, and often to
the extent of being an expert. His time soon became fully occupied in the
study of the masonry of the walls of his cell, which he could not see. He soon
knew the number of stones in the walls of his cell and the size of each, and
by touch he learned to recognize the work of each mason who dressed the face
of the different stones. From his knowledge of geology he studied the nat-
ural history of each block and recalled where in different parts of Ireland he
had noticed the out-cropping of the same material, or some indication of its
existence in the neighborhood, and even gave thought to the special canal
route by which it had been brought to Dublin.

Although he became emaciated and often too weak to hunt for the piece
of bread last thrown in, he now felt that the end of his suffering was rapidly
approaching, when at length, in his semi-conscious condition, he realized that
he was to be released. Someone in authority was prompted through kindness
to act and to do so without the knowledge of Castlereagh. The kindly wife of
the head jailor was thus able to intervene without fear of the brute, Dr.
Trevor,* a creation and tool of Lord Castlereagh, but the jailer was removed as
soon as it became known that directions were not carried out. Mr. Em-
met's condition was such that it was necessary for the messenger to swing
him across his shoulder and take him to his new quarters. Until after the
death of Mr. Emmet no knowledge of the details of his suffering during this
close confinement was ever imparted even to his family. And then only as
stated by Dr. Macneven, who learned them from his friend after his arrival
in this country, but the sufferer was never known to have uttered a complaint

•It would be well for the reader to consult the Appendix, where a remarkable production from
the pen of St. John Mason, a first cousin of the Emmets, will be found (Note XIII). Mr.
Mason was arrested, apparently on no evidence beyond that of his relationship, and was only re-
leased after a long imprisonment, broken in health and fortune. He had acquired the enmity of
Trevor and suffered a merciless persecution in consequence. After Mason*s release he devoted every
effort to the purpose of having Trevor removed, but it was only after some years that he finally
succeeded in having the matter brought before Parliament and an investigating committee appointed
by the House of Commons, by which he succeeded in his purpose. He published three large pam-
phlets, the first and the least voluminous of which is given in the Appendix as showing the type
of men which always have been selected hv the English official and which come in contact with the Irish
people. To be totally unfit for the position is the chief requisite. To such persons was given a free
hand to rob both the people and the Government. If by accident a better man came into place he
was soon removed. One of Mason's books contains a statement of his case, and the last, the most
valuable for historical purposes, is rendered so by containing little more than extracts from the report
published by the committee of the House of Commons. These works are now so rarely to be found that
it seems as though a determined effort must have been made when they were published to destroy
all evidence connected with them. This ruffian, Trevor, was allowed to hold his position for many
years, with the same immunity enjoyed by others, regardless of public complaint. In his work
Mason published Trevor's so-called vindication, well written by his lawyer, as a general denial, but
proved to be false, as he retired in possession of over half a million of dollars, although he was a
penniless tramp when appointed.

266 Mrs. Emmet Admitted to Gaol

even to his wife. He himself never referred to the subject, and when
questioned by his wife and others, he answered with a suppressed sigh, but in
as cheerful a manner as he could assume : "The little I was called on to bear
was as nothing to what so many others had to suffer". From the recollec-
tions of his childhood, the writer is now the only one living who has any
knowledge of this incident in Mr. Emmet's life. It was a subject his grand-
mother always avoided in after life, but he learned from the younger members
of the family that they could recall hearing it said their father was a changed
man after his recovery from his experience, and bore to his grave a saddened
expression, not so much in remembrance of his own experience during the
six weeks of solitary confinement under Kilmainham gaol, as owing to his
knowledge of the suffering of so many others. Through the kindly prompting
of some official, as Mr. Emmet had many friends, when his wife called tb
inquire she was allowed to see him. Once having gained admission she refused
to leave him and displayed such a determination to hold her position that she
was permitted to do so, but the visiting committee directed that if she could
ever be caught outside of her husband's room she was to be forcibly cast out
from the building. Mr. Emmet's room was about twelve feet square and his
wife remained there for twelve months, leaving it but once in that period.
This was occasioned by the dangerous illness of one of her children who were
staying with their grandparents. Information was communicated to Mrs.
Emmet as to the condition of the child. She appealed to the jailor's wife,
the mother of children, who let her out of her locked cell and conducted her
through the jailor's apartments to the street. She visited her child, remaining
until the next night when the child was out of danger, and returned by means
of the same sympathy. As she was on the point of entering Mr. Emmet's
room she was discovered by one of the keepers who had heard the introduc-
tion of the key, but she was too quick and the door was closed in his face.
She never availed herself of the same agency and fortunately had no need
to do so. During her absence, Mr. Emmet's room was frequently visited ; the
curtains around the bed, which had been closed, were not disturbed. Some
bundles of clothing had been placed under the bed-covering in case an exami-
nation should be made, and as the keepers came in they were requested not to
disturb Mrs. Emmet, as she was afflicted with a sick headache.

The following letter written by Thomas Addis Emmet to Thomas Russell
is without date, but it must have been written after October 10th, 1798, and
during the first ten days of November, while Tone was under arrest awaiting
trial, and while Mr. Emmet was yet a prisoner in Kilmainham gaol : —

My dear Russem,,

It is impossible for any one to be more concerned or more anxious than we all are
about the fate of Tone. There is not a thing that would appear to us to have any chance
of saving his life that we would not gladly do. But it is owing to that very feeling that
your letter embarrassed us most exceedingly, because your letter seems to imply that
you and all your fellow-prisoners imagine that some such thing could be done ; while
we have do doubt that any such application would, if possible, do injury. When we
negotiated for Bond's life, etc., we had something to give — our banishment and some in-

REPRODUCTION BY ANN

KIl.M \l\ll \\l G MM . DUBI l\

^t &&

FOOJiC

Appeal in Tone's Behalf 267

formation. What have we to give now? If wc cannot make it a matter of truck, surely
you can not suppose we could obtain it as a favour, when we have been in vain soliciting
the very small favour of good faith being kept with us. I am sure government hate
us, and if we asked a favour they would doubly rejoice in the opportunity of gratifying
their own vengeance against him and dislike against us. The day we were at the Castle,
the chancellor mentioned that Tone had, before he left the kingdom, signed such a con-
fession of his treason as would and was intended to hang him in case of his ever return-
ing, so that I am sure the points on which you rely would avail nothing. Indeed I am
convinced it would not be in the power of any interest to ransom him. Even retaliation
(the only chance) I think will not avail; but if it should have any weight our interference
would interfere with it. These are our fears, and have prevented our doing anything,
because we see nothing we can do. But if you or your friends with you can point out
anything which you think would have any chance of success, draw it up and send it to
us and I assure you it is not a trifle will prevent our signing it.

Yours,

T. A. Emmet.

The letter just read appeared for the first time in "Studies in Irish His-
tory" by the late P. Litton Falkiner (1907). The original material is in the
Record Tower, Dublin Castle, and it was undoubtedly intercepted and pre-
vented from reaching its destination. It was written in response to an appeal
by Russell to Emmet and the other State prisoners to exert themselves in
Tone's behalf. It is impossible to doubt that Emmet, whom Tone in his
autobiography brackets with Russell as the first of his friends, would have
spared any efforts to save the life of his unfortunate friend, had it been in
his power. But for Lord Clare's enmity, Tone's life might have been saved
and it seems probable that Mr. Emmet knew of this influence.

Phillips, in "Curran and his Contemporaries", makes the statement : —

It was on Jackson's trial, to which reference has been made, that a paper was dis-
covered completely compromising Tone. The ardent friendship, however, of men who
abhorred his politics saved his life; indeed, the greatness of his manners and the kindness
of his nature, rendered personal enmity almost impossible. Lord Clare and George
Ponsonby seem alone to have entertained it. Through the interference of the Hon.
Marcus Beresford, George Knox, and Wolfe, the attorney general, he was permitted to
expatriate himself.

The association of these three names shows beyond question that some
influence was brought to bear on the Government to render it advisable to
save the life of Wolfe Tone. No man had more friends nor so much the
sympathy of those who were most at variance with him in politics. George
Knox, the son of Lord Northland, the college friend and intimate of Thomas
Addis Emmet and of Tone, wrote to give him warning of his intended arrest,
stating: — "I felt that politics was a thing of a day, but friendship was a matter
that was forever", and again in writing to another he stated : — "I have had
a struggle between friendship to that man [Tone] and the duty I owe to those
I am connected with". He held at that time an office and was in sympathy
with the Government. Tone in his diary gives an account of a visit to his
friend Emmet at Rathfarnham, in company with their mutual friend, Thomas
Russell, just before Tone was to leave Ireland, according to an agreement with

268 Tone and Russell Visit Rathfarnham

the Government. Tone mentions an incident which, with our present knowl-
edge, admits of no explanation. Certainly whether expressed or not, the
only object the Government had in sparing Tone's life was that he should
go into exile and not return to Ireland without its consent. Moreover the
chief object with the Government was the implied pledge that Tone should
no longer take part in Irish politics to the worry of the Government. And yet
Tone states that the three friends, Emmet, Russell, and Tone, men of re-
markable intellectual development, put the same construction on the agreement
that Tone was free from all obligation to the English Government on com-
pleting his voyage to America ! Unless there were existing circumstances now
unknown, Tone was certainly in the position of having violated his parole.

That some of the circumstances in relation to Tone's position with the
British Government, are unknown at the present day seems clearly shown by
the following extract from Tone's Life (September 28, 1796) :

As my time is growing shorter, I pass over a very busy interval of my life, all the
important events of which are detailed in different diaries among my papers, and I hasten
to the period, when in consequence of the conviction of William Jackson, for high treason,
I was obliged to quit my country, and go into exile in America. A short time before my
departure, my friend Russell being in town, he and I walked out together to Rathfarnham
to see Emmet, who has a charming villa there. He showed us a little study of an ellipti-
cal form, which he was building at the bottom of the lawn, and which he said he would
consecrate to our meetings, if ever we lived to see our country emancipated. I begged of
him if he intended Russell should be a party, in addition to the books and maps it would
naturally contain, to fix up a small cellaret, which should contain a few dozens of his best
claret.

He showed me that he had not omitted that circumstance, which he acknowledged
to be essential, and we both rallied Russell with considerable success. I mention this
trifling anecdote because I love the men, and because it seems now at least possible that
we may yet meet again in Emmet's study. As we walked together into town, I opened
my plan to them both. I told them that I considered my compromise with government to
extend no further than the banks of the Delaware, and that the moment I landed I was
free to follow any plan which might suggest itself to me, for the emancipation of my
country; that undoubtedly I was guilty of a great offence against the existing government;
that in consequence I was going into exile ; and that I considered that exile as a full
expiation for the offence ; and, consequently, felt myself at liberty, having made that
sacrifice, to begin again on a fresh score. They both agreed with me in those principles,
and I then proceeded to tell them that my intention was, immediately on my arrival in
Philadelphia, to wait on the French Minister : to detail to him, fully, the situation of
affairs in Ireland, to endeavor to obtain a recommendation to the French government,
and if I succeeded so far, to leave my family in America, and set off instantly for Paris,
and apply, in the name of my country, for the assistance of France, to enable us to assert
our independence. It is unnecessary, I believe, to say that this plan met with the warmest
approbation and support from both Russell and Emmet; we shook hands, and having
repeated our professions of unalterable regard and esteem for each other we parted ; and
this was the last interview which I was so happy as to have with these two invaluable
friends together. I remember it was in a little triangular field that this conversation took
place; and Emmet remarked to us that it was in one exactly like it in Switzerland, where
William Tell and his associates planned the downfall of the tyranny of Austria. The
next day Russell returned to Belfast .... It has often astonished me .... that the
government, knowing there was a French Minister at Philadelphia, would have suffered
me to go thither, at least without exacting some positive assurance on my part that I

Thomas Russell 269

would hold no communication with him, direct or indirect. . . . They suffered me to
depart without demanding any satisfaction whatsoever on that topic, a circumstance of
which I was most sincerely glad ; for had I heen obliged to give my parole, I should have
been exceedingly distracted between opposite duties; luckily, however, I was spared the
difficulty for they suffered me to depart without any stipulation whatsoever.

By an oversight the English government evidently neglected to exact a
recognition of the only condition of Tone's leaving Ireland, but, nevertheless,
enforced what it regarded as the implied agreement, and Tone lost his life in
consequence.

Savage states in "Ninety-eight and Forty-eight": —

Here are Thomas Russell and Thomas Addis Emmet, who were esteemed by Tone
as the first of his friends. They were worthy of that esteem in every respect, eminently
worthy of the cause they adorned and the affection which rises like an echo in the bosoms
of those who have taken their histories to heart. Both were noble, chivalrous and refined.
Russell was a great good man; Emmet a good great man. It might be said that all
who met them were refreshed by the amiability and direct honesty of the one and the
more stern intelligence of the other. There was, if I might use the phrase, a manly boy-
ishness about Russell that endeared him to his friends, while his attainments, like to
pillars supporting a beautifully constructed and systematic dome, prevented the least
chance of his being regarded as indiscreetly trivial or unsteadily balanced.

To those who did not know him he appeared haughty from the martial carriage and
stateliness of his mien; which, with the sensitive delicacy of his nature, made him at
times reserved. The beauty of his nature, shone through his actions and accomplishments,
irradiating and giving them that peculiar brilliant ease which, from its rarity, we so
delight to find in the world.

Dr. Madden quotes from an Ulster magazine : —

A model of manly beauty. Though more than six feet high, his majestic stature
was scarcely observed, owing to the exquisite symmetry' of his form. Martial in his gait
and demeanour, his appearance was not altogether that of a soldier. His dark and steady
eye, compressed lip, and somewhat haughty bearing, were occasionally strongly indicative
of the camp; but in general the classical contour of his finely formed head, the expression
of almost infantine sweetness which characterized his smile and the benevolence that
beamed in his fine countenance, seemed to mark him out as one who was destined to be
the ornament, grace, and blessing of private life. His voice was deep-toned and melodi-
ous ; and though his conversational powers were not of the first order, yet, when roused
to enthusiasm, he was sometimes more than eloquent. His manners were those of the
finished gentleman, combined with that native grace which nothing but superiority of
intellect can give.

Tone in his diary stated :

I think the better of myself for being the object of the esteem of such a man as
Russell. I love him, and I honor him.

Russell was arrested with Neilson and others in 1798 at Belfast, and sent
to Fort George, Scotland, where he was imprisoned with his friend Thomas
Addis Emmet. After the release of the three prisoners from Fort George he
went abroad, but took an active part with Robert Emmet, for which he was
arrested September 9th, 1803. He stated: — "I glory in the cause in which I
have engaged ; and for it, I would meet death with pleasure, either in the field
or on the scaffold". He was tried, convicted and executed October 21st, 1803

270 Death of Wolfe Tone

Probably a similar instance never existed of so close a friendship being main-
tained unbroken for years between three individuals, as that of Emmet, Tone
and Russell, who were men of the utmost degree of intelligence and purity of
character.

In May, 1795, Tone with his wife and children and other members of his
family, left, as was supposed, never to return from America. But almost im-
mediately after his arrival he began making an arrangement with the French
minister. He returned to France, leaving his family in the United States. He
joined a French expedition fitted out for the invasion of Ireland, landed there,
was recognized, arrested and imprisoned. He was to have been tried for
treason, but he died from the effects of a self-inflicted wound in an attempt to
commit suicide. Tone had so many friends even among his political opponents
that it was possible he might have been allowed to escape, but for the emnity of
Lord Clare. Falkiner in his recently published work, "Studies in Irish His-
tory", shows that the mother of Tone's wife was a relative of Lord Clare and
that Tone quarreled with his wife's family to such an extent as to insure the
uncompromising ill-will of Lord Clare. Judging from the letters now acces-
sible in the Rutland and Dropmore collections and from what Falkiner writes,
this enmity of Clare to Tone was known to Thomas Addis Emmet.

The people have not sought insurrection, they 'will not seek it, but it may be forced upon
them.

T. A. Emmet.

The rebellion of 1798 itself was avowedly and beyond doubt provable, fomented to
enable the British Government to extinguish the Irish legislative independence and to
bring about the union. — But the instrument <was nearly too powerful for the unskilful
hands that used it, and if Catholic wealth, education and intelligence had joined
the rebellion it would probably have been successful.

Daniel O'Connell, M.P., "A Memoir on Ireland", 1844.

Chapter XIII

Correspondence in relation to the State prisoners — Removal of Emmet and other
State prisoners from Dublin to Fort George, Scotland — Violation of British Government
pledge — List of the prisoners — General orders of the commander — Spies imprisoned with
Emmet — Governor Stuart's kindness to Mr. Emmet — His wife and children allowed to
join him — Prison life — Instructing the children — Mr. Emmet writes some contributions
to Irish History-

pSSKJS

N the evidence of the following letter it is shown indirectly
that a difference was to have been made in the treatment
of Mr. Emmet, if the wish of some of the members of the
Government had been carried out. The letter is quoted
from "The Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount
Castlereagh*" : —

Mr. Wickham to Lord Castlereagh.

Whitehall, March 26th, 1799.
My dear Lord,
I believe that before this time the prisoners from Dublin will have been safely con-
ducted to Fort George. No particular instructions either as to the expense of their
maintenance or the mode of confining them have as yet been transmitted to the Governor;
but it is wished that your Lordship should have the goodness to communicate to me for
the Duke of Portland's information, the regulations under which they were confined in
Dublin and particularly the allowance they received from government, according to their
respective situations and conditions in life, or that which was paid on their account to the
gaoler.

Should any more prisoners be sent to Scotland, have the goodness to take care that
the Duke of Portland be informed of their names in time to send warrants down to meet
them in the port where they shall be disembarked in Scotland .... It is the present
intention that a Bill should be brought into Parliament immediately after the recess,
confirming what has been done, and authorizing the detention of these gentlemen, and
of others whom you may send over. At any other moment a Bill of this kind might have
and perhaps ought to have met with opposition ; but I rather think that there will be an
unwillingness on the part of Opposition to bring the name of Arthur O'Connor into
question.

All the correspondence relating to the negotiation with the State prisoners has been
put together and the whole has been well read and studied by Mr. Pitt, who will probably
take this occasion of saying something on the infamous charges that have been brought

•Vol. II, page 335.

271

272 Mr. Emmet Leaves Ireland

against the Irish Government of having broken their faith, &c., which O'Connor has taken
great pains to circulate among his friends here, and which, for the sake of better inten-
tioned persons, it may be as well to refute openly once for all ... .

Believe me, ever &c,

William Wickham.
The following letter is from the same correspondence : —

Mr. Wickham to Lord Castlereagh.

Whitehall, March 28, 1799.
My dear Lord,

I send your Lordship enclosed a copy of the letter from Doyle, that was found under
the table at the Division of United Irishmen, No. 2. I should be curious to know whether
the Address to the Irish Nation, found at the same place and printed in the Report of
the Secret Committee, was known in Ireland and in general circulation there? It is
stated to have been brought over by Doyle.

Then follows a letter from "Thos. Doyle to Division No. 2, United Irish-
men, taken at the Royal Oak, March 10th, 1799", which has no interest in con-
nection with the subject here under consideration. The "Report of the Se-
cret Committee" is doubtless the examination of O'Connor, Emmet and Mac-
neven. In all the papers published in connection with this case is to be found
Mr. Emmet's "Memoir", with which, Dr. Macneven stated, O'Connor would
have nothing to do. However through his vanity he was persuaded to sign
it first, and it has always been put forward by the English Government and
by all writers as the work of O'Connor. The Government was fully informed
that O'Connor did not write this paper, and from this time he was on good terms
with the Government. He was sent, as a supposed prisoner, with four other
so-called State prisoners, to act as a spy on the other leaders to be confined at
Fort George. For writing that paper and the one charging the Government
with bad faith, Mr. Emmet was punished to the last day he was within the
power of the Government. Doubtless Castlereagh, notwithstanding Wick-
ham's statement to the contrary, directed that Mr. Emmet should be closely
confined and he was the only prisoner, as will be shown, who was thus treated
at Fort George. There have been indications presented which seem to show
that Mr. Emmet wrote some other paper which gave great offence to the Gov-
ernment, but which seems to have been suppressed and never given to the pub-
lic—could the Address to the Irish Nation have been this paper? The writer
has been informed that among the English State papers there were letters
from Arthur O'Connor written from Fort George keeping the Government
informed almost daily as to the condition of affairs there.

On March 18th, 1799, Mr. Emmet was notified that on the following morn-
ing he would be removed to another place of confinement. That evening he
was visited by his sister, who, after seeking an interview with the viceroy, Lord
Cornwallis, was permitted to see her brother and to take leave of him for
the last time. Both were left in absolute ignorance as to Mr. Emmet's destina-
tion beyond the statement that he was to leave Ireland. He did not realize
that he was never to see his native land again, and that his departure was to
be the beginning of the end, in the wiping out of the direct connection with Ire-

Arrival at Fort George 273

land of the Emmet family. Father, mother, sister and brother he was soon
to lose, and the last of the race left in Ireland, his brother Robert, was in
the near future to offer up his life for his country by legalized murder, under
the charge of treason to his native land, so dear to both of them.

With Mr. Emmet a number of other political prisoners were taken by the
transport ship "Aston Smith", to Belfast, where some were landed and others
received. On the 30th of March the remaining prisoners were disembarked
at Greenock, having been detained on the vessel on account of stormy weather.
Their names were as follows — with Samuel Turner, the spy, whose name is
never mentioned officially :

Thomas Addis Emmet, Arthur O'Connor, Roger O'Connor, Dr. Wm.
James Macneven, Thomas Russell, Robert Sims, William Tennent, John
Sweetman, Hugh Wilson, John Sweeney, Joseph Cuthbert, Edward Hudson,
Joseph Cormack, Mathew Dowling, John Chambers, Rev. Wm. Steele Dixon,
George Gumming, Samuel Neilson, Robert Hunter.

The Governor in command of the fortress where they were consigned, is-
sued the following orders on their arrival, which were to regulate their daily
life and govern their relations with the outer world : —

Fort George, 9th of April, 1799.
Garrison Orders —

Lieutenant-Governor Stuart desires that the troops and inhabitants of the garrison
may attend to the following orders : —

Government having thought proper to send to this Fort certain persons charged with
the heinous crime of high treason, to be kept here in sure custody, it is the lieutenant-
governor's orders that no communication whatever be held with the said prisoners, except
by the persons appointed to keep them and attend them, or by any persons furnished
with a written order for that purpose from the lieutenant-governor.

Any letters directed to them, or attempted to be sent to them, to be stopped, and
immediately brought to the lieutenant-governor or officer commanding.

The sentinels on duty are to hold no conversation themselves, nor permit any other
person (except as aforesaid) to hold any conversation or have any intercourse with them.

The lieutenant-governor has no doubt of the troops doing their duty correctly, and
he cautions all other persons to attend strictly to those orders, as they shall answer it
at their peril.

J. H. BailliE,
Major and Fort Major.

Fort George, 10th May, 1799.
The prisoners are to be locked up at all times, except when at meals or airing.
They will be permitted to air as follows : at ten in the morning ten prisoners will go out
in two divisions, as usual, and may remain till one o'clock, when the other ten men may go
out, and remain till four o'clock, after which the prisoners are not to be permitted to go
out. This allows three hours for air and exercise to each man. They must mess in two
divisions, as formerly directed ; and it being impossible to serve each prisoner in his own
apartment, one choosing one thing and one another, they will please to agree among
themselves whether they will have tea, or bread and cheese, &c. ; and they will be per-
mitted to assemble in two divisions, as at dinner, from seven to half-past eight, when they
must retire to their apartments.

Stuart, Lieutenant-Governor.

274 St. John Mason visits Fort George

Letter from the Secretary of the Duke of Portland to Lieutenant-Governor Stuart.

Whitehall, 31st October, 1799.
Sir — I am directed by the Duke of Portland to desire that you will acquaint the
State prisoners under your care, that it will be proper for them to inform their corres-
spondents in Ireland that all letters addressed to them should be sent open, under cover
to the secretary for the civil department in Dublin, who will forward them to this office,
from whence they will be sent to you to be returned to the prisoners. In the meantime,
and until you shall receive such letters from the office, you will be pleased to transmit
to his grace such letters as shall arrive at Fort George for the said prisoners, before they
are given to them.

(Signed) J. King.

Mr. Emmet, for some time after his arrival at Fort George, was kept in
close confinement, the only one of the prisoners so treated, and he doubtless
suffered by the order of Lord Castlereagh. It is believed that this confinement
continued until after the arrival of Mrs. Emmet, with her children, when Lieu-
tenant-Governor Stuart took the responsibility, and Mr. Emmet was allowed
the liberty accorded to other prisoners.

Mr. St. John Mason visited his cousin in April, 1800, and states in a letter
to the Right Hon. Lord Henry Petty* : —

My relative, Thomas Addis Emmet, was involved, yet he had too much generosity
to influence me. Though an exile from his country, I cannot but respect and love him,
for I well know the private integrity of the man, and influenced by my sincere regard,
and by no other motive, I undertook a journey from London to Fort George with the
hope of being admitted to converse with him. I was not, however, allowed to do so, but
I remained several days in that garrison under the protection of Lieutenant-Governor
Stuart, through whom our correspondence passed.

In the counter depositions of July, 1804, I have been basely calumniated. The
personal allusion I despise, but, my Lord, I think it right to state that I never spoke to
Mr. Russell previous to my confinement. I saw him indeed at Fort George, at a distance
within the limits of the bastion where the prisoners were permitted to walk out. And at
Kilmainham I could from the nature of my confinement have had no personal communi-
cation with him, was it not insidiously allowed by the Inspector for the purpose of ensnar-
ing me into some act of indiscretion. And I cannot possibly believe that the Secretary of
State, Mr. Wickham, in whose custody I then was, could have descended from his high
station to countenance a plot against his own prisoner.

This quotation is made to show that Mr. Emmet had already been in close
confinement over a year, at the time of Mr. Mason's visit, and the passage
relating to seeing Mr. Russell shows that the other prisoners were allowed to
be about the grounds while Mr. Emmet was not, or Mr. Mason would have
had no difficulty in seeing him. Mr. Mason's reference to having spoken to
Russell while at Kilmainham, betokens a plot for obtaining evidence against
him, on the ground that he had known Russell previous to his arrest.

Mr. Emmet was held a prisoner notwithstanding the fact that the Govern-
ment had been unable to formulate a charge to bring him to trial, even in
Ireland, where among the hangers-on in the Government interest it had never
been difficult to find some one both willing and able to swear to anything. Yet
Mr. Emmet and others were held close prisoners for years after the honor of

•"Memoir of the Case of St. John Mason, Esq., Barrister at L,aw, etc.'

Treatment of Political Prisoners 275

the Government had been pledged to permit these men to leave the country
without delay after the revolutionary movement had been finally suppressed
through their aid. Truly, the charge against England, attributed to Napoleon,
of being "Perfide Albion", was a just one.

Great Britain certainly has never shown mercy to a political prisoner in
Ireland. All who have ever been entrusted to the custody of the Government
official have, as a rule, been subjected to the same rigorous treatment, which
might truthfully be termed barbarous. Many Irishmen have lost their lives
in prison as a direct consequence of the cruelty and privation to which they
were subjected by the Government or by some demon in human form vested
with a little brief authority. It is a singular fact that the officials generally
employed to represent the British Government in the capacity of gaolers have
invariably been of the same type, the one differing from the other only in the
degree of his capacity for cruelty. It is true beyond cavil, and it is only an ex-
ception to the rule, when an Irish political prisoner has ever been released be-
fore his bodily health has suffered and his mental faculties been greatly im-
paired. When one has the good fortune to be an exception, he has had cause to
be thankful for a physical and mental organization which the ingenuity of a
British gaoler could not destroy.

Mrs. Emmet was not allowed to accompany her husband to Fort George.
Subsequently she was granted permission to see him, but only after great in-
fluence had been exerted by her friends to obtain it. The privilege, however,
was transformed into a piece of refined cruelty by the stipulation that they
should meet only in the presence of a gaoler. This was quite in keeping with
the course of petty persecution which the Government had evidently wished
and had directed to be inflicted on Mr. Emmet from the beginning of his con-
finement. The fortress was under the command of Col. James Stuart, a
brother of Lord Moray, who fortunately ignored or modified these offensive
orders, and throughout took the kindest interest in the welfare of Mr. Emmet
and his family.

During the first year of Mr. Emmet's imprisonment in Fort George, his
wife made many ineffectual efforts to obtain from Lord Castlereagh permis-
sion to visit her husband. She at length wrote to the Duke of Portland, the
British Minister of State, but it was only after seeing him in person with all
the letters of influence to be obtained, that she, as a great concession, re-
ceived the following letter : —

Sir,

Mrs. Emmet, wife of Mr. Emmet, one of the prisoners at Fort George, has obtained
permission to see her husband; but as she is suspected of having imbibed his principles,
you will take particular care that she shall not be the means of communication between
him and the disaffected in Ireland. She is only to see him in the presence of a proper
person, and you are to take such steps as that she may not carry any letters or papers
in or out of the Fort.

I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

Portland.
The Hon. Lt. Governor Stuart.

276 Mrs. Emmet Joins Her Husband

Mrs. Emmet and her three children proceeded to Fort George with this
letter. On her arrival Governor Stuart kindly ignored the condition of the
permit, and after placing her on her honor allowed her to see her husband
freely, while he took the children to his own quarters. He then brought a
sufficient influence to bear on the Government, and permission was finally ob-
tained for Mrs. Emmet to remain with her husband. The following poem,
printed in the "Literary Remains of the United Irishmen of 1798", was written
by Thomas Russell, also a prisoner at Fort George, and vouched for to Dr.
Madden by Miss McCracken, a daughter of Mr. Joy McCracken, the Ulster
leader.

On Mrs. Emmet's Visit to Her Husband

Companions so brave who in evil times meet

For the glorious endeavour our country to free,
Amidst all our sufferings, each moment is sweet,

When each patriot united like brothers we see.
May the Power that rules all, grant this ardent request :

May we live our dear country triumphant to see
Or if this is too great and it so judges best,

May our death like our lives serve dear Ireland to free.

How delightful the thought for an object thus great,

Embracing the rights and the freedom of all,
Which thus in a prison can transport create,

And in exile the right of our country recall;
That you who endeavour these rights to insure

By arts or by eloquence, science, or arms
See the courage as with affection so pure,

Virtue, and beauty devoting her charms.

Gov. Stuart took charge of the children and, until quarters could be fitted
up for them in connection with those occupied by Mr. Emmet, they were made
part of his own household and allowed free intercourse with their parents.
In time, through Gov. Stuart's influence, both Mr. Emmet and his wife were
allowed the same privileges as were enjoyed by the other prisoners.

In accord with the regular discipline maintained in the Fortress the prison-
ers were all locked up at night in their quarters. One night a fire occurred in
Mr. Emmet's apartments from a defective flue, and before the family could be
released, the mother and children suffered greatly from the smoke and fright.
Owing to the locked door, the fire gained considerable headway and was only
extinguished with difficulty. Col. Stuart was one of the first to reach the
quarters and having seen how serious the consequences might have been, he
addressed the following note to Mr. Emmet: —

The lieutenant-governor's compliments to Mr. Emmet. He hopes Mrs. Emmet suffered
no inconvenience from the alarm of fire which was given last night. As the idea of being
locked in may occasion a disagreeable sensation to a lady's mind, in case of any sudden
occurrence (though the lieutenant-governor flatters himself that none in future will arise),
he will give directions that the passage door leading to Mr. Emmet's apartments shall
not in future be locked, being convinced Mr. Emmet would make no improper use of all
the doors being left open.

Kindness of Lieut. -Gov. Stuart

Dr. Madden in his work makes the following comment : —

What a singular contrast between the conduct to Emmet of the Lieutenant-Governor
of Fort George, grounded on the conviction that "Mr. Emmet would make no improper
use of all the doors (of his prison) being left open", and that of Lord Castlereagh, based
on the suspicion of his zvife being so contaminated by his principles that the safety of the
state required he should not be suffered to enjoy her society, except in the presence of a
sentinel. So long as the conduct of the brave Scotch officer is remembered by Irishmen —
ay, and by Englishmen — with honour, so long shall that of the unfeeling, cold-hearted
political apostate — the minion of Mr. Pitt, be remembered with loathing and contempt by
right-thinking men of all parties.

For occupation, the special friends of Mr. Emmet among the prisoners now
began to teach his children. Mr. Emmet instructed his son Robert in Latin ;
Dr. Macneven* wrote out a grammar and taught them French. Mr. Hudson
gave them music lessons, and others taught them dancing and the son to
fence.

Mr. Emmet at this time began to write his ".Contribution to Irish History,"
which was afterwards published in New York.

Among Dr. Macneven's papers was found an article written by himself,
commenting on the different traits and habits of each State prisoner associated
with him at Fort George. The following related to Mr. Emmet:

The several prisoners in Fort George had embraced some particlar course of reading
and study, to which they applied with far more assiduity than if they only read for

"In a family scrap book from which had been copied a number of newspaper clippings in con-
nection with the death and burial of Thomas Addis Emmet in 1827, a memorial was found relative
to Dr. Macneven. A clipping from "The Truth Teller" (Oct. 8, 1842) gives an account of the
public meeting held for the purpose of erecting a monument to the memory of Dr. Macneven. Araonf
the speakers judge Robert Emmet was called on and is reported as saying: —

"If the gentleman who has just preceded me found it difficult to speak of the virtues of Doctor
Macneven, if he felt embarrassed in giving vent to his feelings on this occasion, I think I may be
allowed to say, that I am burthened with the same embarrassment in a much greater degree — em-
barrassed indeed by associations which cannot operate in his case, and which language is very inade-
quate to express. Doctor Macneven was one of the earliest friends whom my recollection can trace.
For more than forty years previous to his death I was almost constantly with him, not as a mere
acquaintance or ordinary friend, but as one whom I regarded with filial affection and respect. I
first remember him in that prison where following the fortune of my own father, while yet a child,
we were immured together, and where that bond of attachment was formd which continued and
grew in strength through life, and was severed by death alone (loud cheers). From the disastrous
times of 1793 to the la^t moment of his life, through adversity and prosperity. I have scarcely been,
I may say, out of his sight. Fate threw us for three years into the same prison at Fort George in
Scotland, where I received from him some of the first rudiments of my education. The love and
respect with which his character at this early period inspired me. never abated. I need hardly say
that between Dr. Macneven and my father there existed a tie of brotherhood rarely to be found
except between brothers. With all these feelings now revived in my mind and memory, I feel in-
adequate to the task of eulogising the character of Dr. Macneven as it deserves, or of paying a first
tribute to the memory of one who in private life was so honorable, high-minded and charitable, who
was so eminent in every walk of science, who was so profound in council, whose love of country
and devotion to her welfare were without limit and who sacrificed his fortune and liberty and perilled
his life in the attempt to give freedom to that loved land of his birth, far from which his ashes
now repose (loud and continued cheers). Fortunately much cannot be required to urge those who
hear me to perform the act of duty for which we have met here this evening. We owe it to the
memory of Dr. Macneven — we owe it to the land of our birth — we owe it to ourselves to proclaim
and record in the most public and enduiing manner the love, gratitude and respect which we feel
for his character and service. It is true that his memory finds a monument in the heart of every
true and patriotic Irishman, but it is expected from us as a duty that we should do more, and the
stigma of apathy must not rest upon us in this matter.

"We are called upon here as Irishmen and the friends of Ireland, not as belonging to any par-
ticular party or sect, to record for future generations our esteem and admiration of one to whom
all Irishmen owe a debt of gratitude, not only for his efforts and sacrifices in his native land, but
for his watchful and zealous exertions for the best interests of Ireland's persecuted children in the
land of his adoption. One who by a life of undeviating honor and integrity probably sustained the
name and character of our country among our American fellow-citizens. One who by his talents
and attainments and the contributions which they enabled him to make to science has imposed a
debt of gratitude upon men of all countries and creeds.

"It is to honor the memory of such a man that we are assembled and with that view I now
beg leave to propose the following for your adoption — Resolved, That a suitable monument be
erected in the memory of the late William James Macneven"!

278 Life at Fort George

amusement. Emmet applied himself chiefly to mathematics, or, more properly, to algebra,
in which he made signal proficiency, and to which he was so devoted, that for whole
months he employed the greater portion of his nights in the study of this science. He
had little or no acquaintance with it when he arrived at Fort George, but it chanced
Euler's Algebra came among the books we received there; this opened the subject to
him, and he afterwards prosecuted it with the greatest assiduity, until the arrival of Mrs.
Emmet and three of his children divided his attention. After this period Shakespeare
was his favourite reading; he never touched a law book while at Fort George, and had
made up his mind to purchase land and turn farmer in America. Having embraced this
project, he never disturbed his mind with any other schemes, but waited tranquilly for his
release, and the opportunity it would afford. — He was remarkable for great equanimity
and good temper through the whole of his confinement; he was also exempt from any
disease during that time; his stomach was never out of order, and his palate so undistin-
guishing, that, provided he got sufficient food, he was careless of the kind and almost
of the quality; he was, however, moderate in the quantity, and very abstemious as to
' drink, so that repletion never injured his health or faculties.

The preceding extract in Dr. Madden's work seemed strangely familiar to
the writer, as if he had read it before. He came to the conclusion that he must
have copied it from the original, when the material was being prepared for Dr.
Madden's use. A very likely occurrence, as he was on a visit at the time to
his uncle's family and was called upon to do the work, as he was considered to
be more painstaking and trustworthy for such work than his cousins, who
were about his own age, but whose tastes were different.

Mr. Emmet was granted better quarters by the Governor of the Fortress
after the arrival of his family, with the free use of pen, ink, and paper. He
availed himself of this privilege by writing an extended sketch of the early
organization of the United Irishmen and their efforts to obtain an ameliora-
tion of the conditon of the Catholic population in Ireland by the repeal of the
Popery Laws, with a descripiton of what led to the outburst of the people
in the so-called Rebellion of 1798. The fact that he had taken an active part
and was able to relate in detail the circumstances of which he had a personal
knowledge renders his statement of particular value. It may be claimed
moreover, that very few historical events have been so accurately recorded,
without prejudice, as this portion of Irish history by Mr. Emmet.

It is to be regretted that Mr. Emmet was unable to accomplish what he
had contemplated in the writing of an exhaustive historical work covering the
period of which he had a personal knowledge. But after his release from
prison he was forced to lay aside all thought of any additional literary work,
because of the necessity of providing for the support of his family.

After Mr. Emmet had settled in New York, and had been subjected through
party spirit to both insult and opposition, owing to the ignorance and prejudice
existing towards his native land, as well as knowledge of his political connec-
tion with it, it became necessary, for political reasons, to print Mr. Emmet's
essay, together with some other material from the same source. It is this essay
which has been selected to form the opening chapters of this work. It
begins with an account of the corruption and venality of the Irish Parliament
in 1788 and 1789, and terminates with the conviction and execution of Messrs.

Mr. Emmet's Essay 279

Weldon, Hart, Kennedy and others in 1795. This was published by his
friend and fellow-prisoner Doctor Macneven, who made some additions to
the work and published it under the title "Pieces of Irish History, Illustrative
of the Condition of the Catholics of Ireland, of the Origin and Progress of the
Political System of the United Irishmen and of their Transactions with the
Anglo-Irish Government, New York, 1807". Without Dr. Macneven's as-
sistance as editor, it is likely that this work would never have been published,
but the fact that it appeared under the name of another deprived Mr. Emmet,
to a great extent, of the credit to which he was entitled.

Had the reduction of Ireland to the state of a Roman province completed the extensive
plan of Agricola, 'we might demonstrate by the contrast of facts applied to Ireland
and herself, the difference between the condition of a dependency of Rome and a de-
pendency of Britain.

T. A. Emmet.

Parliaments and charters are too often the trappings of the slave.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XIV

Family letters received by Mr. Emmet and his wife while imprisoned at Fort George

HESE interesting letters were written to Mr. Emmet by
his father and mother while he was at Fort George. It
is evident that the correspondence is not complete, but the
letters which have been preserved will be presented to the
reader in chronological order. It is greatly to be re-
gretted that Mr. Emmet's letters in answer, and those of
his wife to her mother, have been lost.

The following extract from Madden's "Life of T. A.
Emmet" will enable the reader the better to understand
the conditions under which these letters were written :

Poor Dr. Emmet and his wife, from the time of the arrest of their son, Thomas
Addis, gradually sank under the calamity which laid the proud hopes of their old age
in the dust. They were no longer the same people. In their appearance, their conversation,
their mode of life consequent on the abandonment of their former enjoyments and the
cessation of intercourse with those who formerly were the companions and associates
of their imprisoned son, now "all gone, and not a friend to take his fortune by the arm",
the change became obvious to the few who proved in the time of their adversity that they
were friends indeed in their acts and thoughts, and not in name only.

The first of the series of letters preserved was written by his mother just
one year after Mr. Emmet reached Fort George:

April 10th, 1800.
My Dearest Tom,

I know not what to say about your removal from Fort George. We are yet in a
state of uncertainty and may say anxiety upon the subject. The reports about it seemed
to have died away. Yesterday, however, Mrs. Patten told me that Mrs. Colville had
a letter from Mr. Burleigh, who had seen the commanding officer at Carrickfergus
Castle the day before, who told her that he was in daily expectation of your arrival,
and that his regiment had been in readiness to change quarters, but were countermanded,
and ordered to remain in their present quarters for the purpose of receiving State
prisoners from Fort George. He told her that his orders with respect to you were
very strict. I am ignorant of how you feel about the matter, but to us I confess it to
be a cause of uneasiness. We know that however strict your present confinement may
be you are well treated, and that your accommodation is good, the latter of which would
not be the case here ; nay, I even doubt that it would be possible for Jane to remain with
you ; at all events her situation would be, I fear, unpleasant. Upon this and many other
accounts our wishes are that while you are to remain a prisoner your prison may be
at Fort George, where you have been treated in a manner different from what you met
here, and I sincerely hope that Mr. Holmes' conjecture may be true, which is that as

280

Letters from "Casino" 281

the Habeas Corpus Act docs not, as we are told, operate in Scotland, the intention of
bringing you over has been given up, and that these orders, which were given under
the original idea, have not been recalled. My mind is at present so much occupied
by this subject that I cannot write about any other, and in fact I have at any time but
little to say ; doing the same things, and almost saying the same things, every day,
offers but little entertainment for a settled correspondence. Your father however de-
sires me to tell you that he wonders how you can be surprised that he should find
employment upon thirteen acres when Penelope could find so much upon a webb.

He has as much perseverance, and has as great occasion to find work for himself as
she had. His changes are not great, but they are constant and happy is it that they are
productive of amusement to a mind that wants its natural props to support it. His
health and spirits keep me from sinking, for I am tired of looking at prospects, which
in this uncertain climate are oftener overcast than otherwise, and therefore cannot afford
satisfaction to a mind that has a great deal to wish for and can behold nothing but remote
prospects. Your children are indeed often an amusement to us all, but tho' they are
as good and as fine children as we could wish for, they are but bad substitutes for those
they represent.

Mary Anne's happiness in consequence of having married a very worthy man, of
whom she is very fond, and he equally so of her, is certainly a great source of comfort
to us. She has grown so stout that scarce a day passes without her walking to town,
about town, and out again. The pleasure of her husband's company has I believe wrought
this change, and her health is greatly benefited by the exertion. Your friend Dr.
Drennan* has got a little heir, and he is so anxious about it that he is continually watching
the cradle lest it should die. Lady Anne [Fitzgerald] t is gone with her sister to spend
the summer at Lord Farnham's, but not without paying a kind visit, and desiring to
be remembered in the most affectionate terms to you and Jane. There has not been
any account of the De Fontenayst since they left Lisle, and I suppose the prohibition
to Montreal vessels has been the cause of their friends not hearing from them.

Knowing as you must how much you possess the affections of all under this roof, it
is needless for me to mention them. Jane also I hope is assured that she and the chil-
dren have their full proportion, and therefore I trust it is now not necessary to assure
her and them of mine, any more than it is to assure you, my dearest Tom, how truly
I am your affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

July 6th, 1800.
My Dearest Tom,

As you have been made acquainted with Jane's going to England, you will not be

surprised at receiving a letter from me, especially as Mary Anne is confined to her bed,

having on Friday evening given you a nephew, who though not of the giant race is

likely enough to do well, but what is more material, his mother is in as good a way as

I could wish her to be. We have now eight grandchildren under our roof, but alas !

(save Mary Anne) we have not their parents. We, however, must not murmur, but

acquiesce in the dispensations of the Supreme Being for those he has left and for those

he has taken away. Robert [the eldest child] has felt your rebuke ; he rose early this

morning in order to answer your letter and is now busily employed in manufacturing

one to you, which I am sure will give you more pleasure for being entirely his own. He

and the rest of your children are all in good health, and have all of them such dispositions

•Dr. Drennan, a distinguished physician of Dublin, a United Irishman, a writer for "The Preaa"
and a noted poet.

tAn old friend of the family and a sister of the "Knight of Kerry" — to be again referred to.

tThe Marquis de Fontenay and his family had been French emigres in Ireland, and were friends
of the Emmet family. Seyeral lettcri from Robert Emmet to Madame la Marquiae will be giren
hereafter.

282 Prospect of Transportation

as promises happiness to you and themselves. I have every hope that Jane will succeed
in obtaining the object of her journey. Had she received your letter before she went
I am of opinion that she would have gone direct to Scotland, instead of England, as
it was only the apprehension of giving uneasiness to you that withheld her. It always
was my opinion that she ought, for both your sakes, to go to Scotland, but it was a
matter too delicate for me to broach until her uncle mentioned it. And then I felt
myself warranted in declaring myself, and recommending the measure which she was
upon the point of carrying into execution, had she not been dissuaded by St. John
Mason's account of the extreme strictness which was observed with respect to the
prisoners. However, I hope she will be able to get the same permission which Mrs.
O'Connor has, and more she will not ask. Your old friend, Dr. Drennan, whose attend-
ance on Mary Anne has given us an opportunity of seeing him oftener than we have of
late, is married to a very amiable pretty young woman ; he has waited to some good
purpose.

Mr. William Colville [Mrs. T. A. Emmet's cousin] has just been here; he read
to us a paragraph in a letter from a friend who was applied to for the purpose of
recommending Jane's business; it says that he will do everything in his power to serve
her and hopes she will make his house her own during the negotiations. He is an
intimate friend of the Colville family, who have all of them behaved in a very friendly
manner, and especially young William, who is a very affectionate good young man.
You know what breaches have been made in our family of late, not only by Jane's
departure, but also that of Mrs. Patten and John. We could but ill bear such a
diminution of our family, but patience is our only remedy for every ill. Your father,
our only prop, is, thank God, well, may the Almighty Being, in mercy to us all, protect

and prolong his life.

E. Emmet.

Your father, Mr. Holmes, and Mary Anne desire me to assure you of their sincerest
affection, and the juniors all join in love and duty to you.
Thos. Addis Emmet,

Fort George, Scotland.

The object of Mrs. Emmet's journey to England was to obtain from the
British Government permission to join her husband in Fort George. This
privilege was obtained, as has been stated, with some difficulty, but finally
she was permitted to go and take several of her children with her. Her
particular object in being with her husband at this time was in consequence
of a report that the State prisoners were to be sent at an early day to Van
Dieman's Land, and Mrs. Emmet felt that if she were with her husband at
the time of departure there might be a possibility of being allowed to accom-
pany him.

July 14th, 1800.
My Dearest Tom,

Mary Anne has received your letter of the 29th of June, and as she is not now quite
strong enough to write, I sit down in her place to answer it, thinking that as Jane is not
here, a letter from your old correspondent will not be unwelcome to you. Mary Anne
is recovering fast, but the infant lived for only a week. This event has not given un-
easiness; it was very small when born, and I am persuaded could not, from the many
and great agitations its mother underwent, have grown up healthy. I suppose Jane
gives you an account of herself in a less circuitous manner than we can. We had a
letter from her, but it was written immediately upon her arrival in London, when she
could not know anything about the success of her application, but should she fail in
hers I am confident that success will be obtained through means of our dear worthy
Lady Anne [Fitzgerald), who was here on Saturday. She did not know when Jane

Lady Anne Fitzgerald Intercedes

was going to London, or she would have written to you. She, however, while she
was here, wrote to Sir John in such terms as you would expect from her warm heart.
The manner in which she mentioned you and Jane is highly gratifying. She presses
the suit very strongly, and begs that even if she should have left London unsuccessful,
that he will nevertheless use his best efforts to get her request complied with. As much
as we shall miss Jane and the dear children, it will afford us the greatest comfort that
they should be permitted to go to you. I am very sorry that your hopes of embracing
them must be so long deferred, but as your patience has never yet forsaken you, I
hope it will not now abandon you. We feel, my dear Tom, very sensibly your kind
solicitude about us in every action of a most affectionate and kind son, but who can
fill the present vacancies in our family? Mary Anne is truly amiable, and Mr. Holmes
very worthy, but it is not in either of their power to supply the places of those from
whom we are separated.

Your father's fortitude is equal to his affection for his children, and I trust in a
merciful Being that he will be rewarded, even in this life, no matter in what country, so
we are blessed with the presence of our children. I rest in an humble hope that the
hand of the Almighty does not lie thus heavy upon us for our transgressions against
him, and I place a confidence in his mercy that as he does not delight in the affliction
of his creatures, he will, when his wisdom sees fit, restore happiness to us all who sin-
cerely trust him. Mr. Holmes has just received a letter from John [Patten] ; he says
that your letter which Mary Anne transcribed to Jane has given her the greatest pleasure.

The judge who directs the affairs of Sir Edward Denny* has intimated that he
will give an annuity, which he will himself secure, to the amount of three thousand
pounds and the interest thereof, which was given for Knockenagh ; how much it will be I
know not, but your father thinks, and so do I, that it will be better to accept it than
to proceed in a law-suit, as we do not want a vexatious litigation.

Your father and all join in most affectionate love to you. Your children are all
well. I am, my dearest Tom, with the most ardent feelings,

Your truly affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

To Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,
Fort George.

August 1st, 1800.
My Dearest Tom,

You may easily have more agreeable correspondents, but you cannot have a more
punctual one than I am. Mary Anne is very much better, but you know of old that she
has one complaint of which I have no hope that she will be cured : indolence has still,
and always will have, domination over her, except when exertion becomes necessary;
then indeed no person can exceed her in efforts. I wish, however, for her own sake,
that her exertions were brought more into the practice of every day, and not reserved
for great occasions. She has a very strong mind, and I think it would operate more
upon the body if more frequently called forth. I fear you have felt some uneasiness
from your being too early in your calculations about Jane's arrival; before now, how-
ever, I hope it is all over, and that you are happy in having your wishes and expecta-
tions realized. Your father and I are like the moon, enlightened by reflection, but
the happiness we receive in this manner is sufficient to make us feel very comfortable,
and makes us very often forget how far we are from the source of the secondary kind
of happiness. In answer to one part of your letter 1 can only assure you that our
gratitude has never been more excited than in feeling that we were able to give an
asylum to your wife and children. Under this roof they should have been sheltered
and shared the loaf with us; let what would have befallen us it is only to make you
happy, but not without some reluctance, that we have parted with those who are gone

•Of County Kerry and a noted English sympathizer.

284 Two Old Oaks

to you. And as to the division of the children, it is just what we would have made if
the appointment had been our own. We love Robert too well not to wish him under
your care, and the girls could not possibly be so well anywhere as with their mother.
The three that we have shall meet all the care that is necessary for them at present,
and when they come to require instruction I trust in a merciful Providence that it will
be under your own inspection. Strange indeed would it be if we thought your children
an incumbrance; it is an idea of which I trust you think us incapable.

When I had written thus far I was agreeably surprised by a visit from Mrs. Patten,
who came to spend a day with us; by this means you will receive this letter two days
later than I intended. Mrs. Patten desired me to tell Jane that she had written two
sheets of paper, and had burned them both, as she could not bear to write for the
inspection of officers. This consideration, I confess, never disturbs me, as I feel it to
be of no importance to have my style defective or my letters incorrect, provided you
understand me and my feelings, and I am quite satisfied as to what the opinions of
others may be. She desired to let John know that the message about the deeds did
not reach her till the Tuesday after he had left. She is extremely well and in much
more tranquil spirits than when Jane went away. I find you are disposed to shuffle
me off upon Jane's hands whether she likes it or not, but it will not do. I shall
always have the sincerest pleasure in Jane's letters, but I know she does not always like
to write, and I would not have her correspondence with me imposed on her like task-
work, but a volutary act whenever she chooses to perform it. I have, moreover, another
cogent reason for having you my general correspondent, which is, that I have written
more letters to you than to any other person alive, and therefore find I can write with
more ease to myself than to any other person. Tell Jane that Mr. Macaubry* lamented
that he had left Belfast before she arrived there, as he would have felt much pleasure
in having it in his power to be of any use to her; they are a very feeling family. I
long much to hear of the safe arrival of all the travellers; we must have a very
minute account of the meeting, and whether the children have grown more or less
than you expected. I fear Robert will not do me much credit, as he sometimes forgets
what he has learned. He is, however, a charming child, a fine soil, and just fit for you
to work upon ; authority, but not severity, is very necessary for him. I suppose you
lament that Elizabeth is not handsome.

Adieu, my dearest Tom, and believe me ever yours,

E. Emmet.

August 7th, 1800.
My Dearest Tom,

I have taken Mary Anne's place, as she seems somewhat lazy and not inclined to
write. I would not, however, let you remain without hearing from us, tho' I have
nothing to communicate further than we are tolerably well, and very happy in the reflection
that probably before this reaches you you will have the gratification of embracing your
wife and three of your children. I need not tell you how we feel like two old oaks
exposed to mountain storms and left almost leafless, but we still bear up trusting in the
goodness of Providence that we shall in some country, before we sink into the grave,
see our family re-established and happy. I am persuaded that when Governor Stuart
sees your wife and children he will feel all those agreeable sensations that arise in
generous minds upon finding that their humanity has been employed for worthy objects.
I have perhaps calculated wrong in supposing that Jane would be with you before this
letter shall reach you ; should it not be so do not therefore be uneasy, as she may have
unforeseen delays upon the road. She and the children were in perfect health and spirits
when they left this. Your other three children are all well, and shall not be neglected.
Your father is, thank God, extremely well ; what a mercy it is that his health is so good.

*This Mr. Macaubry was the grandson of Diana, the sister of Christopher Emett, as already
•tated.

Grandfather's Claret 285

Mary Anne's recovery has been somewhat retarded by the loss of her little child and by
Jane's departure. Tell Jane that Kitty [Temple Emmet's daughter] has with great ease
accomplished that lesson upon the piano which seemed so difficult; she has good musical
talents, and it would be a pity they should not be employed. All here join most cordially
in love and every fond wish to you and your happy circle.
My dearest Tom, 1 am, your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.
T. A. Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

Sept. 4th, 1800.
My dearest Tom,

The account of Jane's and the children's arrival gave us heartfelt satisfaction, and
you may be assured that your present happiness is to us a source of the greatest comfort.
You have indeed cause to be vain of your wife and children. Jane, I hope, is well con-
vinced how favourable our opinion is of her conduct and how strong our attachments
are to her, and I will add that not only her conduct but that of her entire family has been
meritorious in a high degree, different from what we had expected on another melancholy
occasion from another quarter; that Mrs. Patten and John should behave so is what I
expected, because I am sure that they both love you almost as well as they do Jane.

But others of the family, whose interests and opinions were opposite to yours, have
behaved with the utmost delicacy and liberality, and have shown a great cordiality about
you and Jane. Mary Anne is very much better; she has had a variety of complaints; her
feelings, tho' seemingly calm, have always fallen upon her constitution, which you know
is naturally delicate. We do not think that her affection for Mr. Holmes, which to be
sure is uncommonly ardent, has in any respect diminished that which she has felt for
her other friends. These things are possible, and you, my dear Tom, are an example
that losing one object does not abate your affection for your other relations. I am very
glad that you did not hear of Elizabeth's illness till the account was accompanied with
one of her being better; she is certainly a very fine child; nature has been very liberal to
her in disposition as well as in beauty. Margaret is undoubtedly her inferior, but she,
however, is not devoid of merit, as she has many good talents, & if I mistake not, will
be a shrewd observer, but always direct and liberal in her transactions. — Robert is a fine
creature ; that he did not learn more was my fault, not his, and I did not always find my
mind fitted for giving instruction. He is now, thank God, in a proper situation for
receiving it, and with your cultivation will yield a plentiful crop. Don't let the children
forget us, but more especially do I wish to retain a place in Robert's kind heart. The
three that we have are so much our own that they will not rival the others, they stand a
good chance of treading fast upon their heels. The little fellow is delicate, but he has a
happy temper, which I hope will attend him through life. He has been much reduced from
cutting teeth, he is now better. His grandpa's claret has been of great use to him, and
I assure you he fights hard in dumb show to become an equal partaker of it. I beg you
will always be very minute in your account of the three children, as you will thereby give
us great pleasure, we being glad to feed upon crumbs that fall from your table. I was
well aware of Jane's dislike to writing, when I declined encumbering her with my corre-
spondence. A letter from her will, however, always afford me almost as much pleasure
as it would to Mrs. Patten, but I would have it a free will, not a compulsory offering.
But however great her dislike may be to writing, I hope and I am sure she will not suffer
it ever to overcome her so far as to induce her to decline writing to a mother to whom
she owes so much, and tho' she is good-natured enough not to require more, ought not
to be put off continually with accounts at second-hand. She should not be kept waiting
for intelligence 'til we are first served, and, whether she writes or not I hope Jane will
hold a regular correspondence with her. Mary Anne wished to write, but as your last
letter was to me I would not substitute her to write in my place. I again request that you

286 Motherly Advice

will be particular in accounts of yourself, your wife, and your children. Do not fear
being guilty of egotism ; to others such things may be tedious, but to us they will be
matters of great satisfaction. I hope you take care to have good air in your chambers,
and if you all sleep in one room, an attention to this point will be the more necessary.
I am the more particular upon this head, from my knowledge that both Jane and you
love to indulge in a good degree of warmth.

All here are well, thank God ; your father more so than we had a right to expect.
The healing hand that has been held out to us in every tryal has mercifully preserved him.
May our gratitude bear some proportion to the mercies we have received. I suppose John
Patten will have left you before this can have reached you; if he should not, assure him
of what he is so justly entitled to, our most cordial regards and good wishes. You
see how I scribble on without saying anything, but I write in full confidence that my
letters will not be uninteresting to you, who must be convinced that I am most truly
your affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

T. A. Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George.

Your father, Mr. Holmes &c, join in kindest affection to you, Jane, and the children.
Kitty is very well.

Sept. 19th, 1800.
My dearest Tom,

I am sorry to perceive by your letter to Mary Anne that your old colds in the head
are again visiting you ; I hope not as heavily as they used to do formerly. The cold of
Fort George, I am told, is very great in winter and from the same quarter I hear that
your airing ground is very limited. Neither of these accounts have given me much pleas-
ure, but I endeavour not to feel uneasiness when I reflect that you never have complained
of either. I, however, entreat that you will do all you can to harden yourself before
Winter comes. I hope Jane has quite recovered from her fatigue. Mrs. Patten has had
a great uneasiness about her and was sure if she had not been ill that either she or John
would have written to her. I can blame neither her fears or her jealousy, I think she has
had too much room for both, your last letters, however, have in a great measure removed
the former, and the sight of John will certainly put an end to the latter. I hope when
Jane is quite established you will prevail upon her to be more prudent. She will not
probably in Fort George have an opportunity of making those great efforts of which she
is so fond ; the last indeed has cost her dear enough, and I doubt not but she will in
time perceive that system is better than swiftness. We may admire the speed and power
of a race-horse, but a steady draft horse will in general be found as useful and much
more durable.

Late hours too I hope you will avoid, you are both fond of them, yet be assured that
eventually they will materially injure your constitution, and as you are now situated you
cannot pay too much attention to the preservation of health. Jane's good sense will, I
am sure, point out to her that these musty precepts import nothing but kindness to her.
Mr. Palmer* and his wife dined here yesterday, he seemed a very plain sensible man, and
she a very unaffected woman, rather agreeable than handsome, I believe very like her
mother. She did not mention even her brother's name, but I heard that he has arrived
in England for the purpose of purchasing an estate in Devonshire. Mr. Palmer says
that any part of America is unfit for persons of small fortunes to live in. The Dowager
Lady Temple pays two hundred pounds a year for a very small unfurnished house in
Boston. He says that the yellow fever is continually returning to every part of America,
and he attributes it to the climate. It made great havoc in Boston, as well as in the other
parts of America. Mr. also dined here, he has gotten an employment of five hun-
dred a year, and now sees very clearly that the Union will not be prejudicial to Ireland.

•Mr. William Palmer, of Boston, married Augusta, the daughter of Sir John Temple.

Characteristics of the Emmet Children

Mary Anne is better, and tlie various complications which threatened her are now
subsiding. Your father is, thank God, extremely well. God grant that changes of weather
at the approach of winter may not affect him. Your children are all well, John very con-
tent, but growing more animated, Tom shrewd and firm, and if the little one gets a body
equal to his mind he will equal any of your children. Upon reading your description of
Robert at receiving his cousin's letter, your father felt strongly inclined to open a corre-
spondence with him, but gave up the idea upon reflecting that it would be somewhat
strange that he should hold one with him when he doesn't with you. Mary Anne in her
letters, I dare say, expresses Mr. Holmes' feelings ; he is not apt to say much, buTT be-
lieve there is not a man alive he reveres more than he does you. I am sure you will be
glad to hear from myself that my spirits, which were much depressed, at Jane's leaving
us, are now much better. Necessity, that infallible teacher, has brought our feelings to
submit to our situation, and the consciousness we have of your happiness conveys to us the
best cordial we can have in our present state of separation. We are all very impatient
until John's arrival, and by your not mentioning him in your last we conclude he has left
you and will be soon here. Mrs. Patten is at Clontarf, and is very well. You cannot say
too much of yourself, Jane, and the children. Omit nothing that you can crowd into a
letter, anything you can say will be food for us, and I know you like to deal food to the
hungry with a liberal hand.

May every blessing attend you and yours, prays your truly affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

October 9th, 1800.
My dearest Tom,

Mary Anne and I have received a letter from you, and are happy that you and Jane
and two of the children are so well, and we hope to hear in your next that Margaret's
complaints are all over. Great must your pleasure be in the discharge of your different
occupations, especially when assisted by such an usher. I perceive it will be necessary
to guard yourself against Elizabeth; she is a very fascinating child, but the tenderness
of Robert's tones and the brightness of his countenance give him the advantage over all
the other children whatever. I must confess that the caution which I give you is necessary
here at home ; the two youngest ones are gaining ground so fast as to be likely to distance
poor John, who is certainly a very honest, good tempered fellow, but his talents are of
the slow kind, he may nevertheless hereafter head the tribe, for we know that the battle
is not to the strong, nor the race always to the swift. Little Tom is a critical observer,
very clear in his ideas, and very concise in the delivery of them ; the young one promises
to be like our Robert, and if he equals him in talent and disposition your paternal wishes
need not desire greater excellence. I fill my paper with speaking of your children, suppos-
ing that you will not be tired of the subject. From this house, so void of anecdote or
incident, you cannot hope for entertainment from our letters. Your gratification in perus-
ing them must arise from the accounts which, thank God, I can give that we are all well,
going on with uninterrupted sameness, and bearing our separation with sufficient fortitude,
arising chiefly from reflecting upon the happiness which you at present enjoy. I read with
great pleasure Jane's letter to her mother, it is a pity she should be so averse to writing;
it will indeed not be pardonable in her ever to shrink from any occasion which demands
the use of the pen, when she makes such extremely good use of it. We have not received
all the satisfaction from John we expected, we can learn nothing with respect to any plan
for your future arrangements. Whatever tends to render the prospect of our meeting
uncertain makes us all unhappy. I strive what I can to suppress gloomy thoughts, which
a reflection upon this subject must always exert. You expect that we should make the
children remember you, this is not so easy an affair. I just now asked Tom if I should
give his love to you all, and his reply was that he loved Murray, he will always I believe

288 Death of Lord Bellamont

try to keep fair with those who hold the loaves and fishes. You may remember what

Mrs. C and Bell often told us, we then, my dear Tom, attributed to prejudice what

we now find to be a fact. I suppose Mrs. Patten has informed you of Miss Ryal's death,
she doubtless has fallen a victim to a broken heart, most sincerely do I pity the poor
prisoner who must in close confinement bear this severe misfortune.

You will perhaps imagine that I usurp too great a share in correspondence when I
am only a co-partner in it, and that Mary Anne is younger and much better able to sus-
tain her part therein. I confess I feel gratified in conversing with you, even on paper,
and therefore I have indulged myself in becoming the secretary of this day.

Your father, who is taking his accustomed wet weather walk about the room, joins
in the strongest assurance of the warmest affection to you, Jane, and the dear children.
The rest of the family are dispersed, but I can answer that their most cordial wishes for
you and Jane will always unite with those of your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

T. A. Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

Oct. 30th, 1800.

I thank you, my dearest Tom, for the increasing tenderness with which you treat all
my weakness, of which you have given me a great instance in your last letter. Your lenient
temper administers a calm for every malady. We are happy to find by your two last letters
that you are all well, and that Margaret is quite recovered. Dear Robert's letter gave us
great pleasure, it is a true picture of his heart, overflowing with innocence, honesty, and
good nature. May he give to you and his mother as much comfort, without the pangs,
as you have given us. I have not seen Mrs. Patten for some days, as she has gone to
spend a week at Clontarf, but I hear with pleasure that Jane has written to her. John
dined here on Sunday last, he kindly remembers us, and sometimes gives us a day, but
not as often as we would wish, tho' I believe as often as he can, as he seems to have much
business upon his hands. Change of weather has not as yet, thank God, had any bad effect
upon your father. I have had a severe cold, which, however, has quite gone, and as usual
without any remedy to remove it. The rest are all very well, except the little fellow,
who is quite delicate in spite of our wishes and endeavours to have him otherwise ; he is
just now very tolerable, and I still trust a great deal to his own cheerfulness. I would
not have you imagine that I am partial to his name ; I assure you that he is a great favor-
ite with every other person in the family, as with me. Little Tom is also a charming
child, but as circumspect, crafty, and faithful to his own interests as any of the race of
Abraham ever were. John, tho' last named, is not, I assure you, ever forgotten by us;
he looks robust and hearty, is much more playful and lively, but still your father thinks
that his lungs are in a very spongy state ; we have been obliged to shave his head, so that
he will continue a baldpate for the winter. You may be sure that nothing upon our part
shall be omitted that we think may tend to promote his health. I am thus minute about
your children, thinking it right that you should know every particular concerning them.
Our list of Peers has lost three of its members, it seems as if they were grief-stricken,
that the Peerage is merely nominal. Lord Farnham is perhaps the most to be lamented.
Lord Belamont* has left a lesson behind him, upon the shortness and uncertainty of human
life; he rode his own horse against Mr. R. Latouch on Friday, walked about the streets
of Dublin on Saturday, and was dead before Monday morning.

Your father desires me to tell you that he does all he can to throw amusement into
those hours which he would spend in happiness if you, your family, and brother [Robert]

*The grandfather of this peer, bearing the same title, was the Colonial Governor of New York
for several years previous to 1701. He was charged, with James Emott, of New York, and Livingston,
with having fitted out Kidd, the pirate, and with having shared with him his spoils. The truth of
the story would seem to be that Bellamont and others had fitted out a privateer and had placed
Kidd in command. After having made some legitimate returns as prizes for the owners, Kidd at
length turned pirate for his own gain.

Dr. Emmet to His Son 289

were around him. This however is an idea which we must not dwell upon, but tho' we
endeavour to suppress it we are not able to prevent it always from obtruding itself.
Mr. Chamberlain has been given over, but is now recovering, he was laid up at the same
time in the gout. Your father had lately a letter from St. John [Mason], he is very well,
and you may be sure affectionate in his inquiries about you and yours. So are numbers
besides, and none more than our now only neighbours. I have no news to tell you, unless I
was to inform you that our loaf is growing larger and our potatoes very thin in the ground.
It will not be news to tell you how much we all love you and your fireside, and that I am
most truly your

ever affectionate mother,

Elizabeth Emmet.
T. A. Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

In another handwriting, and probably that of his sister Mary Anne :

My dearest Tom —

I send you two glasses of number nine, which the opticians say is your number, and
will send another in the next letter. —

The following letter is from his father;

Nov. 13th, 1800.
My dear Tom,

Yesterday your mother received yours of the 25th of October, wherein you express
so much pleasure at receiving her former superscriptions by me: that I find myself bound
by mere civility and etiquette to make more than a proxy acknowledgment of thanks to
you, and impelled by paternal affection to give you as much pleasure as is in my power.

I take up my pen to address an entire letter to you, and on gilt paper if you please,
for if the bare superscription of a letter by mo, affords you every satisfaction as to my
health, in addition to the reports of it made by your mother and Mary Anne, the receipt
of an entire letter from myself must increase that satisfaction more, and thus much for
the preamble.

Now as to the subject matter, that I love you I need not assure you, that our separa-
tion has thrown gloom on my evening of life is unnecessary to mention! But away with
this sombre commencement. The clouds of my evening are not as pleasure-fringed as I
could wish, but they are not sorrow-charged; if not gay, they are at least serene, and they
receive reflections of satisfaction even from Fort George. When I know, if you are
immured, you are also comfortably lodged, honourably treated, and indulged with the
companionship of a beloved and love-deserving Partner, with half a very promising
progeny who must soon grow up well and advantageously accomplished under yours and
their mother's tuition.

As to those under my care, they must certainly fall short in point of education, but
we will do the best we can. John is at a crown and a quarter school, where he tells me
he makes great proficiency, four or five lessons a day in his A, B, C, but as yet he does
not couple them very accurately. John, however, is a very well-disposed, well-tempered
child, and if he does not mount into the Empyrean Galaxy, he will always keep the Milky
path of life, and never tread on thorns. Tom has, I fear, by the commentary of your
letter, been rather misrepresented to you; he seems to be a little more attentive to self,
than either Robert or John, but he has right good material to be wrought upon, solidity,
circumspection, attention, and love of approbation. Little Temple, signa fata . . . alter
Marccllus erit, should he live for the germs to open, blossom, and ripen into fruit, he
will equal I think his namesake uncle. But of this no more now; as to myself, entering
on my seventy-first year of Life, I find the strength of constitution, praise be to the
Donor, reducing a disorder to a mere inconvenience and leaving nothing to be complained
of on that head. I eat, drink, and sleep very sufficiently and comfortably; boiled bread

290 Castle -building at Casino

and milk as usual for breakfast, the chance of the table and everything welcome at dinner,
after that the certainty of three glasses of claret, for your mother insists upon it that
it is the proper wine for me, and that you know decides it, for in point of Medical regula-
tion, Mihi est Magnus Apollo. If the weather be fine and sunny, I vibrate a pendulum
walk from the esplanade to your study for half an hour, or longer if dry, but with a
western wind the vibration line is changed from the Esplanade to the mount and the
time shortened. Now as to amusement, what am I to say? Why, a recluse, and scarcely
seeing any person but my own family, I am under the necessity of saying and doing the
same thing over and over again, planting one tree, pulling up another, diruens, edificans,
mutans quadrate rotundis; sometimes not so much in real action or expense, building
castles in the air, travelling and planning on the Loire from Nantz to Blois, sometimes
on the Seine from Havre de Grase to Paris; sometimes on the Villain from Roche-
Bernard to Rennes. But seventy-one years of age and a very comfortable settlement at
Casino, come athwart me and soon fall the castles and all their improvements. Luckily
the demolition and the last page of my paper coincide, and the deficiency of imagination
to maintain any farther Essays happily remains undiscovered. This, the only letter which
you have had written to you by me since your arrest you will probably think sufficiently
compensatory, by its length, for the continued silence; what then will the official person
think of it when he wades thro' such folly and nonsense? He must e'en think the best
he can. Had he relied on my good sense and judgment not to write anything that was
improper for official inspection, he would have read an entertaining chapter in Tristram
Shandy, or any other equally entertaining book, and have forwarded this unread. If he
has not had that opinion of me, he must blame himself for the consequences ; at any rate,
if it affords you the shadow even of satisfaction I shall feel myself compensated for my
part of the performance, and still more so as it affords me the opportunity of assuring
you that I am with the most sincere and undiminished parental affection, yours as ever,

Robert Emmet.

Casino, Nov. 18th, 1800.

The late King of Prussia thought, or said, that the postscript was the only part of a
letter worth reading. My love, and all our loves, to Jane, Robert, Margaret, and Elizabeth,
yourself not forgotten.

December 12th, 1800.
My dear Tom,

On Tuesday last I received yours of the 22nd of November, and to show you how
willing I am to continue a correspondence, which I had hitherto declined entering into,
merely because you had then three correspondents in the family; one of them happily
being admitted to a more pleasing intercourse than letter-writing, I shall step forward m
her place and continue you to the jogg-trot practice with three correspondents. Before
the receipt of your letter I had heard of the circumstance which you apprehended would
give such pleasure to your mother. It has indeed afforded very great pleasure to all of
us, as it gives you an opportunity of acting as you have done, and which has been perfectly
to the wishes of every member of the family; you are quite right, I think, in resolving to
curtail both correspondences. Novel-writing is grown into a common practice for masters
and misses, but letter-writing, I think, should not yet be committed to children ; for it
would do worse than spoil the manner of forming their alphabetical letters; it would give
them a confidential manner of communicating nonsense and tiring their friends. Not
that any of Robert's have been so, which on the contrary have always given pleasure to
every one of us who have received or read them. His representation of that great ugly
Goat, which he mentioned to Kitty, as getting on the ramparts, and which I fancy beat
him from the rear, has made me laugh repeatedly; and tho' I do not in general approve
of children's letter-writing, yet when you shall think his hand sufficiently practised for
small letter-writing I shall be extremely glad to hear from him by a letter to yourself,

Brutus and Cassius 291

but he must not, therefore, drop his preceding correspondents, grandmamas, and even
Kitty, may grow suddenly jealous.

I do not know whether in the turmoil and agitation of public and private affairs, you
have been made acquainted with the death of Sir John Temple. Sir Grenville is now
in London, where he intends to pass the winter, and in the spring, if circumstances admit
it, to pass over into France. He means, if the reign of Democracy and villainy shall be
over, as he expresses himself to his aunt, and in which letter he desires to be affection-
ately remembered to all this Family, including his mistaken friend. He has been very
lucky, by all accounts, in the Lottery of Marriage, a very fine young widow with a fortune
of sixty thousand pounds, as they say, but Mrs. Temple or Harriet are not perfectly
correct in arithmetic calculations, you know, and half the sum may be, perhaps, the
truth. The apprehensions of approaching scarcity, if not of famine, are unhappily too
probable! The corn harvest has certainly been sufficiently productive, and if no more of
it was to be exported I am certain that we should have enough for home consumption. —
Were it not that our potatoes, which you know are the chief substance of three-fourths
of the community, have turned out but poorly, and consequently must increase the demand
for corn. But the attention of Government will, I trust, procure a great and general im-
portation of it; and as Ireland is now, no longer a distant Kingdom from England, but
an integral part of the British Empire, I hope it will participate in the advantages of not
having any of its own produce drawn from it, but also of having quantities of foreign
corn thrown into it. My line of living and amusements continue to be much the same ;
save that, as the weather is growing very cold, my walking is curtailed, and I am neces-
sarily thrown more upon books. For this week's reading I observe with great pleasure
how Brutus by one well-timed act defeated the enemy, refuted his falsehood, detected the
calumny and silenced the detraction of Cassius ; for, tho' both were embarked in the
same cause they were certainly men of very different characters and acted upon very
different principles.

Adieu, my dear Tom, may every blessing of my heart attend you and yours, and may
you, in your children, feel all the comfort, confidence, and satisfaction which I do in mine.
My love to Jane, Robert, &c. &c.

Robert Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,
Fort George.

December 18th, 1800.
My dearest Tom,

I have received two or three letters from you since I have last written, but since the
number of your correspondents have increased, my turn for writing does not so often
happen, and I imagine your father's letters more than compensate for mine being less
frequent. It is not of much import who holds the pen provided you get regular weekly
intelligence from this quarter. We have but one mind towards you ; our affectionate
feelings are the same in all, and can be as well expressed by one as by another; and
whether they are expressed on paper, or not, I trust that Jane and you will both be assured
that they continue undiminished and will always do so.

A comparison upon the approaching season and. those we have passed together does
not tend to lay them asleep, but we are, however, most truly grateful when we reflect how
much more your happiness is than it has been for some preceding Christmas. When Kitty
wrote last to dear little Robert, she also wrote, from an impulse of her own, a letter to
you, wherein I find the poor child accuses herself of vanity, which, believe me, she does
not possess. Jane will, I am sure, acquit me of any partiality, when I assure you that I
have never met any child, with, or without her endowments, farther from having any such
disposition, Jane will also tell you that she is humble-minded and modest. She is very
affectionate, and therefore ready to oblige her friends; this temper makes her solicitous
to obtain their approbation, and this she mistakes for vanity. But you may rest satisfied

292 A Privilege Declined

that she has not more than even you would wish, nor of any other bad propensity that I
know of, and I am tolerably attentive to all her dispositions. I also find that you have
been uneasy about little Tom, what Mary Anne and I have said imported nothing more
than to convey to you an idea of the strength of his intellect, for surely you did not
suppose that the disposition of a child, not four years old, would do more than to divert
you, instead of giving you sincere alarm. The share of understanding which he promises
to have will be fully sufficient to overcome his little childish dispositions, and without
severity he will do what is right by only pointing it out to him.

This we even already find to be the case, that his character will be strongly marked
I have no doubt, but I am also sure that it will be marked for rectitude and firmness.
Finding, however, that what we meant only to amuse has given you uneasiness, I must
request in future that you will not infer too much from any of my letters, otherwise I
shall be obliged to write with a caution that would be unpleasant to me. There have been
accounts from the De Fontenays [the Marquis de Fontenay and family] from Rotterdam;
they had a very bad passage thither, which affected him so much that she was uneasy
about his life. Most sincerely do I wish that he may be able to embrace his family before
he quits this uneasy and uncertain life. They cannot yet have reached the end of their
journey, even tho' she should have been able to proceed much sooner than could well
have been expected. Your father, thank God, continues well, and so do we all, the
children remarkably so, the little fellow, whom a month ago we did not expect to live,
now climbs up on the chairs.

I am very glad that Jane continues steadily to the practice of going every day out ;
from experience I can tell her that it is the surest way of preserving health. Mary Anne,
tho' she loves her much, cannot now sympathize with her, which I am not sorry at all for.

I have not said anything of your declining the late act of uncommon kindness which
has been shown to you, and I shall only say now that we have always the fullest -con-
fidence in your conduct; and from hence we are also satisfied that you have taken care
that your refusal should not appear ungracious to the person whose humanity interested
him so much in your favour.* Adieu, my dearest Tom, assure yourself, your Jane, and
your children, of the warmest affection of all under this roof, and none more than that
of your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

•Governor Stuart had offered to let Mr. Emmet go beyond the bounds of the fortress to visit
different persons in the neighborhood who had shown some kindness to Mrs. Emmet and himself. He
wished to exact in return his honor to keep within certain limits as to distance and time of re-
turning. For some reason now unknown he declined to accept the privilege.

Man may be comparatively civilized by conquest, may be raised above the brute, but in
order to attain the true dignity of his nature he must shake off the conquest, he must
dare to think as he vleases and to sveak as he thinks.

T. A. Emmet.

TO BE INSERTED IN THE MEM-
OIR OE THOMAS ADDIS AM)
ROBT. EMMET. AFTER PAGE
i9i OF THE FIRST VOLUME.]

A WAIF

While the writer was a schoolboy, his
incle, the late Judge Robert Emmet, of
Mew York, on several occasions at some
ength detailed to him his recollection
d!" the family life while he was at Fort
George, Scotland, with his father and
mother.

Among his many incidents he stated
that Dr. McNeven, Russell and some of
his other intimate friends, sometimes
addressed his father as FAGAN, which
was always the occasion for a hearty
laugh, in which Mr. Emmet freely joined,
although he had already greatly changed
and become very sedate since his im-
prisonment at Kilmainham.

As the Judge knew of no reason why
his father should have been addressed as
"F'AGAN," the circumstance would have
been forgotten had not Dickens at that
time published "Oliver Twist" as he was
writing the story. A steamer arrived
from England about every two weeks
with a copy of Bentley's "Miscellany,"
containing several chapters of "Oliver
Twist," which everybody was reading
with great interest. As Fagan, the Jew,
was a prominent character, the use of the
same name in relation to my grandtather,
as a fact, became impressed on my
memory.

The writer has in his possession a large
volume of Irish political tracts bound
together, which Mr. Emmet collected in
Paris, and wrote an index, giving the
real or supposed author's name of each
tract with a single exception. It was
in consequence of this index, that the in-
formation was obtained, — two of these
tracts were written by Miss Emmet, his
sister, and are reprinted in this work.

After the Memoir ol I liomas Addis and
Robert Emmet had passed already into
the hands of the binder, the writer acci-
dentally took up this volume, and hap-
pened to open it at one of the tracts which
the title stated to have been written by
MURTAGH FEAGAN, a name by no
means rare in Ireland.

Instantly the impression was received
as a conviction, that Mr. Emmet was the
author. On reading it, so much was
found in common with Mr. Emmet's
style ot writing, with the recollection of
Judge Emmet's statement, and above all
that the only omission made in the index
was in this instance to state the name
ot the author, which as a whole was con-
clusive. Consequently, it is here given,
as the lawyers often state in relation to
evidence, — "for what it is worth," and
in the only form it could reach the reader.

The following is the title: —

LETTER FROM MURTAGH FEAGAN

COUSIN GERMAN TO

DENIS FEAGAN

EDENDERRY

IN ANSWER TO

DARBY TRACY

LONDON— CHAIRMAN

SHEWING

[NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH]

DUBLIN

Printed by J. Stockdale, Etc.

1800

—

The following letter from Murtagh
Feagan was found at the Grand Canal
Harbour, after the arrival ot the boat,
on the 22nd ult., and sent to us by a
friend. We must apologize to Murtagh,
to whose opinions we give credit, tor the

liberty we have taken in printing it; and
to appease him we will tell him a story.
A boy who had left his mother and gone
to sea, wrote to her from one of the sea-
ports and directed it, "To my mother
in London." The mother, having been
a considerable time without hearing
from "her child" went to the Post
Office and asked if they had any letter
to her from "my son." The clerk
recollected having a letter directed to
"My Mother," and gave it to her. In
this he was right. Probably but for
the irregularity of conveyance, the public
would have been deprived of the cor-
respondence of Darby and his friends,
for which we have so great a regard that
we trust the same inconvenience will
continue for some time yet to come.

LETTER, ETC.
"I just seen your very kind letter from
London to my cousin German Dennis
Feagan, of Edenderry, breeches-maker
in print, for that was the way he saw it
first. Between you and I, the man
who found it, was no gentleman, as a
body may say, for sending it to a printer
before he got my cousin's leave to do so;
but maybe he knew that my cousin could
only read print and that was his reason. I
should like to have seen the letter itself,
because I know when you left your coun-
try to seek your fortune in London as you
said, you could neither read nor write.
My dear Darby: I have had your letter
read to me with a great deal of attention;
for though I am a huxter man by trade
and have a wife and six children to sup-
port, yet there is so little call in my way, .
that I have a plenty of time on my hands.
If I did not know Darby how near you
are to Newgate, I would almost believe
from your politics that you did, as you
say, ply at Saint James's. I know Darby,
you are not a chairman, though I
have no doubt you deserve to be strapped

between the poles; for indeed my dear
Darby, the stocks, the whipping posts, the
cart-tail and the gallows are poles well
suited to such friends to their country as
youare;and I think half an hour'spunish-
ment in the ordinary way, would be of
great service to a person like you my
dear Darby.

"By 'the likes of us/ my 'dear Darby,
I dare say you mean the common people
of this poor country, and by the. way of
serving 'the likes of us' you would set
us all by the ears? You would set the
oranges and the lemons a-squeezing of
each other, that by destroying themselves
and, of course, 'the likes of us,' the
union which you say will be of such use,
would be brought about.

"What does it matter to you or to me,
my dear Darby, how the counsellors at
law, as you call them, get their money
in this poor country, but this 'the likes
of us' know, that let them get it as they
will — such of them as have it to spend
amongst us. And, my dear Darby,
though the copperathion, as you call
them, which is a wrong name, as the
man that printed your letter says, do
the things you say they do, and do not
love a bone in the skin of 'the likes of us,'
yet a great many poor people earn good
and honest bread by supplying their
worships with Turbat and Soals, and
other fish, besides fat geese, turkies,
crammed fowl and all other kinds of
good eatables and drinkables. So that,
Darby dear, what ever you may think of
them, they are not so bad neither.

"My dear Darby, as for the borough
mongers, with whom you seem in such a
passion, and abuse so much, no doubt a
reformation amongst them is very much
wanting as I hear; but still, my dear
Darby, let them who will, buy them or sell
them, or let who will pay the piper. Why
though they do sell themselves, as a body
may say, and have sold their country

over and over again, as you may say, yet
the money they get is spent at home
amongst us and helps to support 'the
lihis of us' by giving employments to all
kinds of trades and manufactures; and
onlv for the regulation that prevents
ribbons being worn, I hear the weavers
would have good business when there
was an election.

"And why, my dear Darby, do you
begrudge JACK FOSTER six thousand
pounds a year for all the care he takes of
the country? As if all that money too
did not go amongst 'the likes of us.'
Sure all that knows JACK knows this of
him, that by the great interest he had
amongst the parliament men he turned
the waste grounds of Ireland from the
bogs of the valley to the heath on the
top of the mountains, into corn fields;
and sure every body knows it is not his
fault that we can hardly get bread to
buy for love or money.

" And what do you care, my dear Darby,
if that PAT DUIGNAN, as you call him,
is the same black muzzled little fellow
that used to be waiting on the priest and
serving mass at Swan Quay chappie; —
sure he is but one man, and does what
he pleases without troubling his head
about 'the likes of us,' and why should
we mind him?

"Now, my dear Darby, if our Parlia-
ment is to be united, as we hear in this
part of this country, it is to be, I am told
there will be three hundred estated
gentlemen from this country setting in
the English house of common; repre-
senting the people of Ireland, and I am
told that if they only spend two hundred
pounds a year each in the city of London,
that it would of course be taking sixty
thousand pounds a yeat out of Ireland,
and I am also told by the same person
who passes for a great scholar in this
part of the country, that there will be
fifty lords sitting in the English house of

lords, representing themselves; and they,
you know, must support their dignity—
and that they spend three thousand pounds
apiece' in the city of London a year, that
then Dublin will loose One Hundred and
Fitly Thousand Founds a year more, and I
hear that of course Ireland will loose
every year during the union two hundred
and ten thousand pounds. I don't know,
dear Darby, if I have been told truth, but
I wish vou would enquire about it, and
let me know; and if Ireland won't loose
by it, let me know what she will make;
because you know I have no learning.

"But, my dear Darby, if it should be
the case that Dublin will loose so much,
why then the shop-keepers may shut up
their shops, for there will be a plentiful
scarcity of everything; and as a ballot
singer in this country says: —

'Turnips will grow in the Royal
Exchange,

And cabbages down along Dame-
Street.'
So that the devil a merchant, shopkeeper
or workman will be found in the whole
city, nor a landlord in the country; for
the landlords will all go off to England;
and the poor tenants will be peeled alive
like so many boiled potatoes by those
cruel and bloody savages, the agents
and under agents of the landlords,
between whom and the flint-skinners of
proctors and by the proctors 'the likes
of us' would be left as bare as so many-
plucked geese, and if ever we get a bit of
bread it will put the children in mind of
other times and they will be apt to cry
our 'Oh, mammy, do you remember
the dav w-e had meat?'

"No doubt, Darby, the Union you
talk of will make gentlemen of 'the likes
of us,' just in the same manner as I hear
ir made gentlemen of the Scotch; for I
remember my grandfather, who went
to that country harvest making, sing an
old song made by one of those men called

English wits, every verse of which
ended with:

'Lousy Scot I tell you again,
The Union will make you all
gentlemen.'
By which it meant that 'the likes of us' in
Scotland should be made gentlemen
soldiers to fight for Englishmen, who
never fail, when a battle is won to keep
all the glory to themselves.

"You seem very .much surprised, my
dear Darby, that united Irishmen and
Orangemen should hug each other and
oppose the union; but do you forget that
they are all natives; and that there is
nothing unnatural when the credit and
interest of our country is at stake, and
when the servants of the English minis-
ters want to destroy both, that natives,
though they may disagree among them-
selves, should join together to oppose
a common enemy. It is just like what
you and I, Darby, have often seen,
where a man and his wife fall out and fall
afighting together and a stranger goes
between them, that they both fall upon
him and. the only union that takes place
is a union amongst themselves. It
is then they forgot the cause of their
quarrel and acknowledge the love that
should keep them together; it is then, my
dear Darby, that they call together their
children and relatives and neighbours,
and in flash of lightening forget their
dispute while they 'Drink success to
old Ireland.' When did you drink that
toast last; my dear Darby?

"Ah, dear Darby! you cannot get at
the blind side of me so easily as you
thought to get at the blind side of my

cousin when you told him that taxes upon
landlords are paid by themselves, and do
not fall upon 'the likes of us.' No, Darby,
a tax is like bribery, it begins with the
great and it ends with the small. Don't
try to coax us into a union upon that
head, Darby, if you love me. I know
the poor of England were once happy;
and you know they are now complaining;
for the English army and militia that
come over here, I don't include the
skeleton regiments from Holand, that
come over to recruit for the next secret
expedition, have almost every man of
them good trades, but were obliged to
enlist for want of employment. One
regiment to be sure, I hear, was remark-
ably industrious whilst in this country,
for it is to them we are indebted for the
only little ready money at present to be
got. If they could so easily turn copper
into silver, why can't we turn some
of our manufactures into gold ?

"Dear Darby, my friend the school-
master, who is writing this for me, is
obliged to attend his scholars, so I have
no more to add, but that I will stay
as I am, and to the devil I bob your
advice my dear Darby.

his

MURTAGH X FEAGAN."

mark.

The historical value of this tract
amounts to little, while ignorant of the
incentive for writing it, but its preserva-
tion has been prompted with the hope it
may prove the means of obtaining from
some source its history, and its connec-
tion, if any, with Mr. Emmet.

Ireland, to have been 'well educated, ought to have been left to herself, to work her own
'way in the 'world of science and government and trade, by her o<wn talents, her o<wn
spirits, and her o<wn industry.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XV

Correspondence of Dr. Emmet and his wife with their son continued.

XDER the burden of uncertainty as to their son's fate, Dr.
Emmet and his noble wife made every effort to bear up
and to accept with courage the sorrow which had come
upon them in their "old age. Nothing could be more
pathetic than the following letter with which the poor old
heart-broken father greets his imprisoned son at the be-
ginning of the New Year :

January 1st, 1801.
My dear Tom,
The first day of the new year has advanced thus far without our customary embrace
and mutual expressions of heartfelt affection; but tho' the form has been precluded the
essence of our sentiments remains happily unimpaired ; and separated as we are by Lands
& Seas our cordiality & attachment are still united & for ever will remain so. Let us,
however, preserve even the forms, as much as we can and for this purpose, in the fullest
effusion of my heart, I assure you of every sentiment of paternal affection which a
father ought to entertain for a well deserving son, could 1 express them stronger I
would. Give a kiss of cordial affection to Jane on my part and the same to Robert, Mar-
garet, and Elizabeth, — tell them that I love them as well as if they were at Casino, but
I should like Casino much better if they were at it. Whatever is, however, is perhaps
for the best, and true wisdom of man, it may be, would be perhaps always to think so.
At least to act as if he thought so, and consequently -to factor every moment of time to
the comfort and pleasing enjoyment of the present. "Carpe horam" was Horace's ad-
vice, "Vive la bagatelle" that of Swift, and since what is passed cannot be recalled, and
what is to come may never reach us, our prudence would seem to be — the cheer-
ful enjoyment of the present. May you and yours enjoy it in its fullest extent.

What a period, my dear Tom, for abstract thought and philosophic contemplation,
the eigtheenth century has closed, but the Temple of Janus not shut, on the contrary
every portal thrown open, and Bellona issuing forth with redoubled rage and augmented
fury? Heavens, when will it end? Long had I hoped that ere this a general peace
would have secured the tranquillity of the world for the currency of the commencing
century. Consequently that I should have had the happiness of clasping you to my
heart, and closing my course of years in the same land, if not in the same house, with
you, and of leaving you as my substitute and guardian of the dear connections I should
quit. But that prospect is now over, or at least too far removed to be reasoned upon
with probability. But no more of that, — "Cheerful enjoyment of the present" I have
stated to you as probably the best of human wisdom, and I am resolved to adopt the
practice. Thanks to the Supreme Disposer of all things, I have a very competent share

293

294 New Year's Wishes

of health and wealth ; the proper disposal of them depends upon myself, and if I can,
aequum mihi animum ipsa parabo.

There is not anything new or important within my sphere of information which merits
being communicated to you ; the vicissitudes of human life are too frequent to be a
subject of news, and the objects frequently too insignificant to be of importance. Such
perhaps you may consider the present condition of the unfortunate Gifford, formerly,
as you know, sheriff of the city, captain in a corps of its yeomanry, who after having been
long in Coventry, as they term it, with the regiment, is now under trial for having dis-
charged a loaded musket at Col. Seabury, his commanding officer, and the consequence,
it is thought, will be fatal to him. Your letter of the 20th of December to Kitty is
this moment come to hand ; the contents of it are certainly instructive, and will, I doubt
not, be really of service to her; not that she has one atome of vanity in her composition.
She has indeed ambition of knowing a great deal, but no ambition of making a display
of that knowledge, and with whatever acquaintance she may have there is a simplicity
and childishness joined, which prevents even the most distant appearance of vanity. —
What the state of this country, in the approaching spring and summer, with respect to
provisions, is very doubtful, if not probably melancholy. Our shilling loaf at present
weighs but three pounds, and mutton sells at 8d. per pound. The advancing season
will considerably diminish the size of the former and increase the price of the latter.
But to what extent cannot be determined. I have made what little provision I could
against the worst, and rely on God's goodness with the hopeful expectation of the best.
That thought, my dear Tom, takes in your return and settlement at Casino, which wants
but that one circumstance to make it to me always a cheerful and happy residence.
Adieu ; may the Almighty take you into most special protection, may he bless you and
yours with prosperity and many returns of happy years, and may the new year, at most,
restore you to the embrace of your affectionate father,

Robt. Emmet.

His mother next resumes her old place as the regular weekly corre-
spondent :

January 9th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

Without a new sentiment to impart, or a new incident to relate, I sit down to write,
well knowing that you would rather have the same thing repeated over and over again,
than to be left in suspense about our situation, which is, thank God, in every respect
but that of separation from those we love tenderly, as well as we could possibly expect.
Your father, the first object of our solicitude, is better than he has been for the last
three years, and tho' he goes very little out, his spirits continue unbroken; he amuses
himself very much with the children, they are with us the most part of the day, and
tho' they play a great deal he does not complain of the noise — a sure proof that his
nerves are stronger, as well as that they are great favourites. The three are all in perfect
health, and I have never known better children. The little fellow engages in all their
plays with as much spirit as any of them, and he forces himself into notice more than
the others. But be assured they are all equally objects of our care. I must, however,
confess that the two youngest are the most interesting. John's ideas are, however, I
think, opening more, and to show you that he looks beyond the present time, he asked
me the other day, with great sobriety when I thought he would be fit to be married. I
am happy to hear that Margaret has so good a capacity; indeed she showed marks of
shrewdness before she left this, and I have no doubt but her improvement will amply
repay the care that is taken of her. My namesake ought not to be outdone, for I am
sure she has talents to take the lead of most children. But whatever talents they may
have, it will not be easy to persuade me that they, or any of your children, will ever
outstrip Robert, in disposition they cannot for I have never seen a finer one than he is
blessed with.

ir.
_]

—

2
>

-r^7 wvw ho*

Burial of Lord Aldborough 295

The night hefore last Lord Aldbourough was interred by torchlight; his last honours
were paid to him by the performance of a grand Requiem in Thomas' church. How
fleeting are the pomps and vanities of this life, and yet they are sought and pursued
with as much zeal and solicitude as if they were to be enjoyed eternally. His titles and
estates devolve upon his brother John, and Mrs. Stratford, she at least will enjoy them
to the utmost as long as she can hold them.

Tell Jane that Betty I.yne was married on Sunday last to Mr. Drew, a man with
eleven hundred pounds a year, some say two thousand, but which ever it is it may be
sufficient to excite unpleasant sensations in the minds of some doomed to drag on a
single life, some against their inclination. One, I am sure, thinks tho' she docs not say
it, "What better has she than I ?" I do not mention either Mrs. Patten or John, because
Mrs. Patten writes constantly to Jane; you therefore must have your accounts from the
fountain. John is so much engaged in business of his own, as well as his friends, that
we do not see him half as often as we wish. I need not repeat to you the usual com-
pliments at the commencement of our New Year. You are well assured how warmly
we wish them to you, to Jane, and to your children. There is but one wish in this
throughout the house, in the parlour it is a most cordial and united one, and even descends
to the kitchen. Adieu, my dearest Tom, believe me always, and unalterable your truly
affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

January 30th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I have delayed writing these two days hoping to get a letter from you, but as the
post has been here without bringing one I would not longer run the hazzard of causing
uneasiness to you by not hearing from us. It is needless to express the great satisfac-
tion we have felt at your present good accommodations. Every circumstance which
relates to you and yours, is at all times interesting to us, but much more so now when
our chief enjoyments are derived from a reflection on your happiness, joined to that of
your wife and children. I am glad you did not persist in your project of sending for
little Tom. I think a child of his age would have embarrassed you more than all the
others, and he could not have been so well as he is here, where he can have the fullest
liberty ; you need not fear that he is not attended to in every particular. The health and
dispositions of the three are very much objects of our care, and as they could not any
of them reap much advantage from your instruction at present, I think it would be wrong
to move any of them from a place where you must know your children will meet with
all the care and affection which you can possibly wish for them, and which they deserve
upon their own account. They are all very docile, they do not require the least degree
of severity, and they do not meet that kind of indulgence which is generally prejudicial
to the tempers and dispositions of children. I find Mrs. Patten has compelled me, along
with herself, to express a little jealousy at your intending to send for Tom in prefer-
ence to John. Jane will know how to translate this, as she knows that her mother is
partial to John, and that I do not profess to be so, tho' I assure you he is rising very
much in our estimation. He gave us all very great pleasure the other day by an instance
of self-conquest and firmness which would have done honour even to my dear little
Robert ; the incident is too trivial and too tedious to make a part of my letter, but it would
have given you pleasure to have seen it. Poor Mr. Mercer died on Saturday last, much
regretted by all who knew him, and by many friends his loss will be severely felt. His
fortune he has left to his brothers and sisters. His will was hastily made last summer,
when he was dangerously attacked in the country. He determined to have altered it
when he came to town, but hoping every day to grow better he deferred it from day to
day till it was too late to make any change in it. His intention was to have left the

296 Tom is a Good Boy

reversion of his fortune divided among his friends, in which number he mentioned our
friend here, for whom he had great regard. I learn from Kitty that Harriet has written
to Sir Grenville [Temple] in a manner you would hardly expect, by which I am sure
she will draw upon herself his strong resentment, a passion the most predominant in
his mind. Your father waits for an answer to his last, and will not write again until he
receives one. He, thank God, continues extremely well, and along witb Mr. Holmes,
Mary Anne and Kitty, desires to assure you and Jane of that warm aficction which is
felt for you all under this roof. Tom desires me to give his love to you all, and to tell
you he is a good boy, and that he said his lesson to cousin very well to-day. John is at
school, and the little fellow knows ye not. Remember me in the kindest manner to Jane
and the children, you will say a great deal if you say what I feel for her, and them, for
you I will only say that I feel all that you can wish from your most affectionate mother.

E. Emmet.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

Feb. 26th, 1801.

My dearest Tom,

Considering the distance there is between us it is not wonderful that we should feel
uneasy at every indisposition you may have, the bare relation of it cannot but excite
apprehension in a mind so weak and so deeply interested as mine. But Jane's second
letter to Mrs. Patten, which I did not know of 'till yesterday, has set my mind very
much at ease, and has prevented the anxiety I should otherwise have felt at not getting
a letter either this day or yesterday. The attack was very violent indeed, and I can
very well conceive that Jane must have suffered in her short agony. I hope she and the
children have not been as heavily visited as you were. Here, thank God. all enjoy good
health, your father in good spirits, and creating amusement for himself by forming small
plans, some of which he executes, and others he destroys, always, however, maintaining
that cheerfulness which determines him to make the best of everything and to submit
patiently to what he cannot either prevent or cure. This happy disposition has been a
wonderful support to me, who certainly am not naturally of so good a temperature, and
but for this constant cheerfulness must long since have sunk under all that had befallen
us. It also contributes much to his health, which by the mercy of Providence is beyond
anything we could have hoped for. Mary Anne is better than I have seen her for a
length of time, she has been very much an invalid, but she seems to have now a great
increase of health, strength, and spirits. As a proof thereof, she has in a great measure
conquered her native indolence, and can even, without having any particular object to
impell her, exert herself upon common occasions with tolerable diligence and regularity ;
here you know her difficiency always lay, for upon great occasions she always rose above
herself and above other people. She is very fortunate in having a husband who sees
and is able to estimate all her merits. Your children are all in perfect health and
increasing in favour every day; two of them grow fast enough, but Tom is short and
does not appear to have grown a hair's breadth since his mother left us, but what he
loses in height he gains in strength, and is upon the whole a very fine boy and one of
the most ameanable children I have ever met, but not more, so than the two others. The
accounts of your Scottish children afford us the sincerest pleasure, it gratifies us very
much to hear that they do not forget us, and tho' they do not possess one token of my
affection, I nevertheless hope that they will continue to remember with some degree of
interest an old ungracious grandmother, who often treated them with roughness, but
who in truth always felt great kindness towards both them and their mother. All here
request to be remembered in the kindest manner to Jane, you, and the dear children.
Kitty is very well, but as she is with her grandmother she cannot write at present, but
John assures us she is quite well. May the Almighty and Merciful Providence preserve
you, my dear Tom, from sickness, or further misfortune, and spare you long, very long,

Renewal of Habeas Corpus Aet

to your deserving wife and your fine children, and may your father and I be permitted
to spend our latter days in the midst of our children. I am most truly your affectionate
Mother,

E. Emmet
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

At length the Act for suspending the Habeas Corpus expired by limita-
tion, so that the Government could no longer hold a prisoner without ques-
tion. This freed Lord Cloncurry, a lifelong friend of Mr. Emmet, and, in
"The Life, Times and Contemporaries of Lord Cloncurry" it is stated:

On the morning of the memorable 3rd of March, 1801, when it became evident to
the ministers that a further suspension was totally impracticable, the Duke of Portland
seized his pen, and wrote to Lord Cornwallis, the Viceroy, apprising him of the fact:

"My Lord — Various events having rendered it impossible to apply to Parliament for
a renewal of the Act for suspending the Habeas Corpus, Your Excellency must be sen-
sible that the traitors who are confined in Fort George will be entitled to require to be
remanded to Ireland. You will therefore not be surprised at hearing of their return.
I must not, however, omit to apprise Your Excellency that it is intended that a bill
should be brought into Parliament as soon as circumstances will permit, for the further
renewal of the suspension, and from the favourable account which has this day been
received of his Majesty's health, I trust this measure will not be long delayed.

I am &c,

Portland".

How little did Lord Cloncurry think when elevating his withered heart in thanks-
giving to God on the fortuitous termination of so iniquitous an Act that it was the full
intention to introduce a bill demanding its farther renewal. Thank God, circumstances
did not prove propitious for seven and forty years, notwithstanding the fond hopes of
William, Duke of Portland, that the measure would not be long delayed.

Cloncurry had been imprisoned in the Tower, London, and was promptly
released, but the prisoners in Fort George, being out of the way of being
aided by their friends, were illegally detained in prison for more than a year
longer.

March 19th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

Our minds have been a good deal occupied here in consequence of a current report
that you were all to be brought over to Carrickfergus Castle 'till such time as the Habeas
Corpus Act should be renewed in England ; it is also said that preparations are making
at the above place for your reception. For these matters we have no authority but
that of common report, and we must wait the issue with the same patience that we are
forced to exercise upon other occasions. I withhold all opinions on the subject, farther
than to say that I should not much admire a voyage, tho' it is but a short one, nor a
journey through the Highlands for you, your wife, or children at this boisterous season
of the year, but acquiescence is a duty we must and do perform. John delays sending
you your box 'till he can learn what is intended by Government about your being brought
over or not. Little John is at my elbow and expressly desires me to tell you that he is a
very good boy; that he has gotten a new spelling book from his grand Mama Patten,
and that he will take care and get his lessons well ; all this I am sure he has sincere
intentions of performing, tho' I must confess that in his spelling book he is not very
brilliant. He, however, I am told, performs the part of an usher in the school, and
acquits himself with great propriety. Tom, in point of erudition, cannot be much

298 Education of the Children

boasted of, but his is more the effect of laziness than want of capacity. In fact what
children of their age learn serves much more to gratify the vanity of parents, than to
edify the children. Of this kind of vanity I have felt a great deal, but like all other
vanities under the sun I have found it unsubstantial. I think it right to have young
children in the habit of learning something, but under seven it need not be more than
play. John I think is much better at school, it helps to enliven him and in some measure
opens his ideas ; he does not learn any bad habits, and he is very fond of it ; at home
he would be apt to grow sluggish. He and the other two are all well, so is your father,
Mary Anne, &c.

When I have said this much you can easily suppose the rest, for we have no
domestic changes except that we have it in contemplation to take Patrick Delaney as an
apprentice. We owe it to the father's fidelity, and Murray is growing very deaf. Your
father is now a good deal out of employment, he has executed all his small plans, and
has been projecting others, which have been laid aside with a view of occupying a mind
naturally active, but deprived of the objects that would interest and support it. No
person, however, can bear up with a more cheerful fortitude than he does under such
uncommon privations which would bow down the spirits of most men less advanced in
years than he is. His health grows, thank God, better, and his firmness continues
unshaken. Having blotted so far of my paper without saying anything, I have only to
conclude in the same manner by assuring you of what I trust you are already convinced
of, that I am most sincerely your truly affectionate mother.

E. Emmet.

Remember us in the warmest manner to the children.

May 10th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

Tho' it is not exactly the time for writing, nor my turn for holding the family pen,
I could not forbear committing an usurpation upon Kitty's right, as I wished to express
the greatest pleasure which we have felt at the happy recovery of our dear Jane, whose
situation it was most kind in you to conceal from us, as it would undoubtedly have
occasioned great anxiety to us all. To you it must have given serious alarm, and I well
know what you must have felt. Nor am I much surprised at the agitation which caused
it, her apprehension did not exceed the reality. Had you been brought over, I am
assured that the intention was to make your confinement very rigorous,* you would not
have been allowed any intercourse from without, you would have been denied the use
of pen, ink, and paper, and I apprehend that neither Jane nor the children would have
been suffered to continue with you. All this I am sure she foresaw, and felt deeply;
it is therefore no wonder she was afflicted in the manner she has been, and very fortunate
it is that the loss has only been such as can be soon repaired. But tho' I am not sur-
prised at what has now happened I most sincerely wish her to guard in future against
such acute feelings. She is young, and with so long a life as I hope she has before her,
she must not expect, even after her present trials cease, that as a wife and mother she
shall not always be subject to anxieties of various kinds. You will say, and with justice,
that like some advisors I recommend what I do not practice, but I am in some measure
warranted by experience in what I now say. Solicitude has through life stuck to me
like an inner garment, and I find that it exceeds even those of the children of Israel,
it is a habit that instead of wearing by time, grows stronger by constant use. I
would not, however, have you conclude from hence that I am ungrateful. Be assured
that I feel all my blessings with a thankful heart, and that I wish to discern and to adore
the healing hand which has been held out to me in the midst of trials and distresses,
and without which my natural infirmities must have sunk under the scenes I have gone
through ; but let me not tire you with egotism. I have still the same pleasing account as

•From this letter it was quite evident that the public knew that the severe treatment to which
Mr. Emmet was being subjected in prison was at the wish of the Government.

"The Promises of Hope" -r)

when I wrote last, to give you of your father and the children. Mary Amu- indeed begins
to complain a little, but without waking compassion from any of us. The kindness which
you say you have received is indeed gratifying to us as well as to you, instances of the kind
exalt human nature, and we are thereby made to feel very sensibly our relationship to our
species. When you and Jane are known I doubt not but you will always meet with such
conduct, but it is not common for persons in your situation to meet such from strangers,
and it is my belief that the reverse would have been, as it was before, your portion in
an Irish prison. We long much to see once more a letter from our dear kind-hearted
little Robert, whose progress in improvement gives us all very sincere pleasure. Mar-
garet's diligence is also to be much commended, and I should be glad that my little idle
namesake did not place herself, where nature did not intend she should be, in the back-
ground of the family group. The two eldest boys desire their love to you all, John
never omits desiring me to read your letters to him, and I generally take the liberty of
framing a paragraph for them, to which they both hearken with pleasure and attention.

Mrs. Patten tells me that Tom is grown, but I do not perceive it; neither does he
increase in literature. His spelling book seems so burdensome to him that we have laid
it aside for some months lest he should take too great a dislike to it, notwithstanding
this he is a very fine boy, and I have no doubt that he will make a very learned as well
as a very fine man. 1 asked the little one [Temple] what I should say for him; his
reply was that he was a very good boy, and this you may believe both from his own report
and from mine. We are in the act of painting both our carriage and house, the latter has
caused much dirt, but we could not defer either any longer without injury to both, and
now that the inconvenience is nearly over, we find that all we do only excites a fond and
fruitless wish that we could enjoy all our comforts in the midst of our entire family.

Adieu, my dearest Tom; I have scarcely left myself room to assure you that I am,
with the tenderest regard to Jane and the children, your truly affectionate mother,

Elizabeth Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

June 4th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I would not omit writing in due time, tho' I have nothing but the old story to relate,
but I am certain that it cannot be ever too often repeated to you, that we all are, thank
God, well, except Mary Anne, who is just gone to have some of her teeth drawn, which
will not cause much more uneasiness to you than it does to us. Jane's sympathy may
indeed be excited, she having so often suffered from the same cause, and it is not very
unlikely will again be visited in the same manner. Most sincerely do we all rejoice
that she is for the present so well established in health, long, very long may she enjoy
that and every other Blessing which this world can give. Your father desires me to tell
you that you need not fear that he wants employment ; he has at present work enough
upon his hands. He is gravelling the walks completely all around, he is raising and means
to finish the nursery in which he indulges the fond hope of seeing all your dear children
reassembled, "the promises of hope", I have heard, "were better than the gifts of fortune".
This I am convinced of, that tho' it too often deludes us it contributes much to support
us, and tho' mine has ever been a trembling hope, still it has in a great measure kept me
from totally sinking.

I have received your last letter in due time, and cannot avoid observing that you
obliquely charge me rather unjustly with indulging prejudices against America. We are
seldom, I grant, sufficient judges of ourselves, but if I know anything of myself, I am
not, I think, very subject to prejudice. What I have said of America has been collected
either from natives, or persons who have lately been there, and the same opinion is very
general here. But, independent of this consideration, it is sufficient for me that in the

300 John's Buttons

event of your going there I should lose all hope of ever seeing you again, and surely the
sternest Philosophy would allow me to feel at such a prospect.

I am not, my dear Tom, so weak as to imagine that I could dissuade you from any
plan which you may form for the advantage or happiness of your wife or your children,
nor if I could would I attempt it. I only wish that when you have the power of choosing,
this consideration may be thrown in the balance. I have farther to add, in reply to your
last, that tho' I am not very fond of attributing the faults of my temper to the weakness
of my nerves, still if I have any nerves at all, it will be granted that I have enough to
disturb and shatter them, and therefore I cannot think that my feelings are either un-
reasonable or unnatural, or that I am unthankful to Providence for having my right arm
tho' I may feel the loss of my left, if I had been deprived thereof. Thus much I have
said as a kind of justification of myself, at the same time assuring you with sincerity,
and I am too old for affectation, that I should be sorry you thought so ill of me, as I
do of myself.

The only news I have to relate is that Mr. Blackwood* is going to be married to
Miss Finlay, daughter of Mr. Finlay of the Co. Kildare, and niece of the Banker ; he
gets very little fortune at present, but it is likely to be a good match in future. She was
to be presented yesterday to Mrs. Temple and Harriet ; he paid them the compliment of
consulting them before he had spoken to the lady's friends.

We have just begun to bath the children ; they are all well and often speak of
Robert, more than the girls, and the two eldest still remember their mama. God bless
you, my dear Tom, this you will easily believe is the ardent wish of all here and none
more warmly than is that of your truly

affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Assure Jane and the children of our love and most cordial good wishes.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

June 25th, 1801.
Mv dearest Tom,

I have the happiness to inform you that your father has recovered from an indis-
position under which he has laboured, more or less, for six weeks past. It seems to
proceed from indigestion and a bilious stomach, sometimes attended with irritation, but
no tendency to spasms. I do not know that the attacks can justly be attributed to cold
or over-exercise ; at least he is not willing to admit that it was occasioned by either.
Knowing the energy of his mind as you do, you expect too much from us when you desire
us to restrain him in any of his projects and pursuits. Whenever he has an object in
view he forgets that he is an invalid and cannot bear to be watched. How I have felt
for nearly two months you and Jane can easily guess. But, thank God, my fears are
over for the present. The next subject that I am sure you would wish me to mention
is your children. They are all, I can assure you, in excellent health. The little fellow
was somewhat languid, but Bark has again set him up, and he is now growing tall, fat,
and strong. — John is not long returned from a week's visit to Mrs. Patten, who has made
him very happy with entire new clothes and a great number of Buttons; he felt very
visibly the importance he had acquired by his visit to town, for as soon as he returned
he desired that John Delaney should be brought in to play with him, as his grandmama
had always a boy on purpose to play with him. He does not, I assure you, want either
observation or intellect, he has great natural justice and a very open good-natured temper.
Tom has naturally a pensive temper, concise in his expressions, and very little of the
prattle of a child ; in short he is more addicted to thinking than to speaking, he is very

•Hans Blackwood, who married, in 1784, Mehetabele, daughter of Robert Temple, succeeded his
brother, in 1799, as Baron Dufferin. For his second wife he married, in 1801, Elizabeth, the
daughter of Henry Finlay. They were the grandparents of the present Marquis of Dufferin.

News of Friends 301

docile and mild, and would suffer himself to l>e over-ruled by the young one if we did
not prevent it. This little Brat is to be sure the chief favourite throughout the house;
we, however, do not spoil him, and I assure you that I Fondle him less than the others.
Mary Anne caresses him more than I do, but at the same time treats him with steadiness;
in the kitchen he would be commander-in-chief if we did not prevent it. He is quite a
miniature of our dear little Robert, especially when he holds up his hands and says he
won't be bold any more. Tom is beginning to shoot up, which I am glad to observe,
as 1 began to despair of his stature. Mrs. Patten goes, as I suppose you already know,
to the North of Ireland; she is extremely well, and growing visibly fat. John, with his
usual goodness of heart, comes whenever he can to amuse the Doctor and to sooth me.
How often, how much I miss Jane I need not say, she has made a wide gap that is felt
by us all, but by none more than me. Your father and Mary Anne are both blessed with
more self-support than I have, for alas, I am a tottering fabrick, built originally of bad
material, and therefore require more props. Jane of course could not be removed from
us without my feeling it very seriously indeed ; but whatever my regrets may be they are all
turned into gratitude when I reflect upon what you enjoy in her society and that of your
children. She has, however, deprived me of a great gratification in not reading her
letters, for ever since she mentioned that they were written exclusively to her mother, I
have not thought my self warranted to read one of them. And to say the truth, tho' I
wished to release her from the necessity of a correspondence that might interfere with
Mrs. Patten, both Mary Anne and I hoped to have heard from her occasionally, tho' not
constantly. I admit that your writing is sufficient, and the drudgery of writing to us
ought most certainly to devolve upon you. whom I would not exchange for any other
correspondent, but this would by no means destroy my relish for a letter from Jane. I
beg you will assure her that we all love her tenderly, as well as the dear children. I
am, dearest Tom, most sincerely

Your affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.
I have just now the pleasure of looking out and seeing your father with a rake in
his hands.

July 15th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I have just finished a letter to St. John Mason which will probably cause this to be
shorter than it would otherwise be, as I have not either fingers nor eyes for writing two
letters in one day. I would not however, defer writing in due time to you, lest you
should thereby be rendered uneasy at not hearing from us in due course. Your father
is, thank God, much better and stronger than when I last wrote; your children are all
extremely well, Mary Anne and the rest of the family in good health. Little Tom was
some days ago not very well, but a timely dose of senna has set him up again; he is
beginning to stretch a little, which in general produces little indespositions that are often
attributed to other causes. I had written this for yesterday when I was interrupted by
a visit from Miss Fitzmaurice and Ally Spring, who came to spend the day with us. The
latter has left Farnham,* which has now become the seat of hospitality and magnificence,
for the purpose of bathing, and which under Miss Fitzmaurice's quiet roof, has been of
great service to her. She talks of going to spend some time in Kerry, from whence it is
not likely that she will return, at least for some time. She left Lady Anne very well,
but Mary Herbertf very delicate; they are all very constant and very affectionate in their
inquiries about you all. St. John writes me word that he has almost a certainty of
gaining the lawsuit in which he is engaged with Dr. Lawlor which if he does, will, along

*Farnham, the country-seat of Earl Farnham, Co. Cavan.

tit is not known who was the father of Mary Herbert, nor what was her connection, if any ex-
isted, with the Emmet family. An artist bearing the name of Herbert painted the portrait of Thomas
Addis Emmet and that of Dr. Macneven before their arrest. He was probably a friend of Mr.
Emmet and the father of Miss Herbert referred to by Mrs. Emmet.

302 St. John Mason's Lawsuit

with another farm which will be out of lease in May next, add two hundred and fifty-
pounds a year to his income. It is a pity that his feelings and his income are not better
suited to each other; as it is at present they produce constant irritation to him, and
subject him to constant mortification and depression, which renders his many virtues
of very little use to himself, or to mankind.

Mr. William Colville is returned from the North, where he left Mrs. Patten and his
mother in perfect health, with only a little fatigue after their journey. Our kind-hearted
friend, John, comes to us whenever he can do a friendly office, but it is not in his power
to come half as often as we wish to see him ; his visits afford us more comfort than we
can now possibly receive from any others. Our worthy friend Richards and his pretty
unaffected wife are to dine with us to-morrow.

I am but just returned from town and it.is near dinner time, which will prevent my
filling up my paper. I must, however, observe that a letter from you, which was due in
the course of last week, has by some means miscarried. But we have been saved from
uneasiness by one from Jane to Mrs. Patten which John opened. Tell my dear Robert
and his sisters how happy we should be to see them all under a cherry tree, and Jane
and you looking at them ; but it is much easier to form wishes than to believe in the
probability of their being gratified. We are all in the hands of a Supreme Being, in him
is my hope and trust, and upon this Pillar I must rest. Give my most cordial love to
Jane and the children, in which this little circle all sincerely join.

I am, my dearest Tom, your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos Addis Emmet, Esq.,
Fort George.

[The United Irishmen] stated as their "heavy grievance" that they had no "national
government, but ruled by Englishmen and the servants of Englishmen", and as
its effectual remedy they pledged themselves . . . to endeavor by all due means
to procure a complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in Parlia-
ment, including Irishmen of every religious persuasion.

7*. A. Emmet.

77ir's institution [United Irishmen], tvhich from its -very outset looked towards a republican
government, founded on the broadest principles of religious liberty and equal rights;
that this institution, the consequences of ivhich are yet to be read in the history of
Ireland, 'was not the cabal of ambitious leaders or artful intriguers or speculative en-
thusiasts.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XVI

Continued correspondence of Doctor Emmet and his wife with their son at Fort George
— Letters of T. A. Emmet to his family on leaving Fort George intercepted by Major
Sirr — Mr. Emmet's letter to Lord Hope — Letter from the Governor of the Fort announc-
ing the release of the prisoners and their arrival at Hamburg.

August 6th, 1801.
1 Y DEAREST TOM,

I have not received the week's letter which in due course I
expect will be addressed to me, but as punctuality is almost my
only merit, I would not defer writing to you beyond the ac-
customed time, well knowing how anxious you and Jane are to
hear from this side of the water; and I am happy in telling you
that your father and your children are, thank God, all well, Mary
Anne as she should be, and the rest of us in good health. It
was in compliance with your father's injunction that we did not
inform you in the beginning of his illness. I proposed doing it,
but he would not suffer me. May our Supreme and Merciful
Being shield me from suffering what 1 have done. I cannot pass over in silence
that part of your letter relative to Jane not writing to us. It is a very bad
compliment either to our good-nature, or to our judgment, that we should avowedly
do so, and her humility is in truth a satire upon us. We none of us have dispositions
to criticize the letters of others, and surely our conduct to Jane has never left room to
suppose that we should exercise the talents towards her. Your father's tenderness to
her, she well knows, and tho' I am not blessed with so gracious a manner I have not felt
less affection for her, and in Mary Anne she always found a sister. Which of us, then,
can she fear? I know not how Mary Anne writes, never having had an opportunity of
receiving letters from her since she was a child and those she wrote to others I have never
seen. I, however, suppose that she expressed herself sufficiently for all the purposes of
correspondence, but I am sure she is no writer, and, if she were so disposed, Jane need
not shrink from the comments of any person, much less from Mary Anne. For my own
part I am neither qualified nor disposed to criticize, I am myself a very careless and very
incorrect letter writer. I desire no more than that I should be understood, and it is of
no importance to me how I write, provided I can convey what I feel to those I love. Me,
then, she cannot fear, but surely Jane must know that she posesses an uncommon faculty
in writing, and that no person can express themselves with more ease, eloquence and
correctness than she does. What I have written is not with a design to force her into
a correspondence with us, but merely to say that the reason she gave for not doing so bore
too hard upon us all. Kiss the dear children three times over for their affectionate and
interesting representation of us all. Margaret seems to be manager of the Fort George

303

304 Temple a Great Favorite

theatre, and a very early and judicious capacity she displayed in casting her characters,
it is truly flattering to us to live in their memories. May they through life be exempt
from those trying scenes we have been engaged in, and are still likely to endure. Your
father is at this instant engaged in his old work of raking the new graveled walks, which
will show you that he feels himself well. The little fellow has been cutting two jaw
teeth, which has kept him in a very delicate state for about a fortnight, but within these
two days he has pulled up. Mary Anne goes every second week to the salt water and
takes two of them, in their turn, which is as many as she can manage, at other times they
bath in the tubs at home.

Since I began the above I have received yours of the 26th of July, and this will serve
as an answer to that said about John. I shall show him your letter, as your father and
Mary Anne seem to think I ought. O that it were in our power to pay you a visit, but
you well know that the situation of your father and mine renders it impossible for us,
and the purses of others do nearly the same thing. We must therefore acquiesce and
console ourselves with the reflection that you are happy in having your wife and children
with you. To the Almighty Being whose attributes are power, wisdom, justice, and
mercy, I commend and commit you and all that is dear to us upon Earth, humbly trusting
that he will protect and bless you and every individual of my beloved family. Assure
Jane of our united and most cordial good wishes, and best affections for her, and the
dear children, and assure yourself that I am truly

Your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.

August 27th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I expect before I finish this letter to receive one from you, and I am sure it is not your
fault if I do not. Your affection and your punctuality never feel a lapse. The old, the
young, and the middle-aged under this roof are, thank God, well, and, having told' you
this one important article, what more have I to say? We cannot go beyond the old
topics; we have no new material to manufacture, and the old ones have been so much in
use that I find it somewhat difficult to work up a letter out of such threadbare patches.
I might as well put the Lord's Prayer in the form of a letter as to repeat what our
feelings towards you are, they being both equally familiar to you, but however barren
I may be of matter wherewith to fill a letter, I have not had recourse to your expedient
of writing my lines very far asunder.

Your father has nearly worked himself out of employment; the walks are all
gravelled, the nursery finished, and a noble one it is, but alas it is an unfinished, unoc-
cupied room. We are now in a dead calm, which does not well accord with anxious,
irritable, and deeply interested feelings. I, however, have enough to keep my attention
awake in watching your father's looks; whatever they indicate decides what my feelings
are to be. Of late, thank God, they have been much better, but for some months they
kept me in constant alarm. Mary Anne has given up going to the water; she found it
fatigued her too much, the children therefore could not be sent, but Harriet promises
to spend a month with us for the purpose of sea-bathing, and they shall go under her
protection. The little fellow, however, we have been obliged to desist from bathing, in
either salt or fresh water, as neither of these agree with him. His appetite and spirits
are both excellent, but his looks are delicate, occasioned somewhat perhaps by growth
as he promises to be taller than the others. Tom is much more cheerful than he was,
and John continues always at a steady gait, never very high, nor ever low-spirited.

I hope you do not attribute a pensiveness in Tom to any partiality in favour of the
younger one. Below stairs I must confess that he is too great a favourite, which we
do all we can to prevent, as he has been nearly spoiled by the indulgence he meets there,
but in the parlour, I assure you Tom is much more noticed. He has very quick observa-

Visitors at "Casino" 305

tion, but he has never been a prattling child, the young one, however prates enough for
both, and they agree so well together that it would be wrong to separate them, at least
'till Tom outgrows his present system of education. You hurt us, my dear Tom, in
supposing that your children can be any trouble to us, I beg that neither Jane or you
will suffer such an idea to pass through your minds. Are not our children's children
the same as our own? Why don't you permit my dear little Robert to write us? I
know not whether you have taught him to write a good hand, but I am sure you have
greatly improved his masterly hand. I suppose you have seen in the papers that Lord
Rossmore has finished his career in this life. His fortune he has disposed of as was
expected to his lady during her life, and at her death to Mrs. Gunn, encumbered with
ten thousand pounds to be divided between her sister Taylor and the children of her
sister Crook. This event has removed all anxiety from the mind of our worthy friend,
Mrs. Frankland. — It would be endless for me to mention the many and very cordial in-
quiries that are made about you and Jane ; sufficient to say that you are as affection-
ately remembered by all whose remembrance would gratify you, as your heart can
wish. Give Jane and all the children as many kisses as you please for me, and assure
them of my best affections, in which I am joined by the rest of the Family. I am, my
dearest Tom, most sincerely your ever affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Mrs. Patten is not yet returned ; poor Miss Lennox is dead, her anxieties are all
over, — in this manner may all rest assured our tribulations will all have an end, if not
in any other.

T. A. Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George.

September 17th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I have withdrawn myself from a larger circle than we have of late been accustomed
to, in order to write, I know not what, to you. Harriet has been back and forward
with us for about a fortnight, and is now here. Ally Spring came to us yesterday, to stay
'till Lady Anne's* return to town, and we are in hopes St. John may come to spend a little
time with us, but for him there is no answering, the wind bloweth where it listeth, and we
know as much the cause thereof as we do of poor St. John's movements. You may
perhaps expect that an increase of family will enable me to write somewhat above the
common dog-trot gait, but no such thing I assure you, on the contrary I find that a little
morning conversation has quite exhausted me. We have been of late a very silent family,
at which you will not be surprised when you remember that in fine weather your father is
mostly out, Mary Anne deaf, and growing more so, Mr. Holmes either in town or in his
study, and Kitty generally employed about her own particular business, so that speech
has in some measure been a qualification for which we have had but little occasion ; an
enlarged circle is therefore an acquisition to us all. Of your father I shall only tell you
that he is at present employed in close examination of all the trees, many of which have
sentence passed upon them and are doomed to die betwen this and Christmas. I shall
gladly compound for having them only decimated, but before October and November are
over I apprehend they will be sacrificed without mercy. From this account, however, you
will be able to collect with pleasure the present state of your father's health and spirits.
Your children are all well, they have had a kind of pock attended with some degree of
fever, which has been general among children, and in some instances fatal. Dr. Browne
has lost his only son in it, and his three daughters were, I am told, at one time given over
in the same complaint. Ours were for some time so peeking as to give us some uneasiness,

•I^ady Anne Fitzgerald has been referred to by Mrs. Emmet several times in these letters. She
was a sister of the Earl of Kerry and the widow of Maurice Fitzgerald, the "Knight of Kerry". She
had been an intimate friend of the Emmet Family since her marriage. After the arrest of Robert
Emmet her house was searched by the police. She made an effort to establish her loyalty with
the Government, and an interesting letter from her pen on this subject will be found in the memoir
of Robert Emmet.

306 Old Trees to Go

but they are now quite well and in very good spirits. Mrs. Patten, John, &c, are all re-
turned. I have not seen them, but I am told they are all well. I suppose it will not be
news to tell you of Lord Downshire's very sudden and unexpected death, in him I am told
his tenantry have lost an excellent landlord, and his neighbouring poor a great benefac-
tor. Of all his greatness these alone will follow him; all his other marks of distinction
are become as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. This truth so familiar to us, seems
to be but of little practical use, for in all countries and in all climates riches, honours, and
pleasures are pursued with as insatiable a thirst as if they were to be of eternal dura-
tion.

When I write to you I always fancy I am conversing with you, and commit my ideas
to paper just as they arise in my mind, without order or arrangement, but I am per-
suaded that whatever I write will to you not be unwelcome. When will you suffer my dear
little Robert to gratify us with seeing a letter from him? Has our dear Jane yet had the
toothache? She I hope is well convinced of the interest we take in all that relates to
her. You cannot gratify us more than in being very minute in your account of her and
the children. I hope you have not relaxed in anything that can promote your health and
theirs. Your letter of this week has not yet arrived, and has been expected for some
days, which never happens without some degree of anxiety to me. May the God of
health preserve yours and that of your wife and children. I am like a very weak garrison
that can be assailed in many points, but the Almighty Being, whose mercifull eye is over
all, will, I trust, preserve all those who are much dearer to me than life. Mary Anne
goes on very well, she, her father and the entire of this family, sojourners and others,
all join in the most affectionate remembrance to you all.

I am, my dearest Tom, your unceasing affectionate Mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.

October 2nd, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

Kitty has been in town for some time past with her grandmother, she has taken
Harriet's place in town and I take hers in writing to you, and I sit down with a more
tranquil heart than I have done for some time past, as I am able to assure you that your
father is, thank God, to all appearance in better health than he has been since his last
illness. The improvement in his spirits and appetite I attribute in a great measure to
the employment of his mind, which at present is occupied in his favourite amusement of
removing trees, against which I have ceased to remonstrate. Tho' from the earliness of
the season and the age of the trees, I despair of ever seing a leaf upon any of them, but
as we have a great demand for pea-rods they will not be useless. Your children also are
better than they were during the whole summer, neither they nor their grand Father have
been as I wished for months past, but praise to the Giver of health they are all much
better, and that they may continue so is the united and fervent Prayer of us all however
dispersed, we are sure to meet in this point. The summer is now over; God grant that
the unceasing terrors and gloom I have suffered may have disappeared along with it, and
that the tranquillity which I have felt only within these few days, may be of some con-
tinuance. I have often compared myself to the Sensitive Plant, which, tho' it shrinks at
every touch is not of either use or ornament, and as it bears neither flowers nor fruit
might as well be out of the greenhouse. Ally Spring is delighted with the dispositions
of your three children. Tom she thinks the finest child you have, and he is certainly a
very fine boy. He does from a sense of right what the other two do from a native feel-
ing, but it is injustice to the rest to specify one, as they are in truth equally good, and yet
I cannot resist transgressing this rule of right by relating a trait of the little fellow,
which however foolish it may appear to those who are privileged to read our letters, will, I
am persuaded, give you as much pleasure as it did me. Mr. Holmes sometimes takes them
on his back, in consequence of which the young one came to me and asked me to take

Choice of Residence 307

him upon mine. I told him that my back was old, but in a little time I offend to take him,
which he stoutly declined two or three times, and when I asked him why he would not
he replied in a tone of great tenderness, "because you have a pain." The next night I
again asked him if he would come on my back, and he at once said he would if I had not
a pain. The disposition of all your children must afford you and my dear Jane the
happiest prospects. May it please Divine Providence to grant you the enjoyment of the
ripened fruit as well as the pleasure that must arise from beholding the blossoms. I had
the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Patten, who seems to have laid in a store of health, which I
sincerely hope she will enjoy for many, very many years. She has grown fat, which
she began to do before she went to the country. Our dear kind John is also well, and
continues to show us all the attention and good-nature which we could expect from an
affectionate son. I wish from my heart that he could be disengaged more from his desk,
his close application to it must injure his health. At this season of the year you cannot
expect a visit from him at Fort George, whatever you may do early in the next. You may
suppose that the entire of this family desire their best love to you and Jane. She and the
children are, I trust, assured of mine. I should have rebuked Kitty if she had awk-
wardly begun her letter on the wrong side, for myself I will only hope that whatever
graces my letter may want it will nevertheless be received with pleasure by you, as being
the only vehicle through which I can at present convey my expression of that tenderness
which is felt for you here, and especially by

Your affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq,

You need not notice anything I have said about the destruction that awaits the trees,
but knowing the season and the propensity you may recommend caution. He is as keen
at the work as ever you knew him and I know of no medicine, except your returning, that
could be so effectual to the promoting of his health, which is ample amends for the loss
we may have.

October 8th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

The present period will account for my having taken the pen out of our established
course. But before I make further use of it I shall inform you that I have never known
so great an amendment in so short a time as there is in your father. His health, spirits,
appetite, and energy of mind seem all restored to him ; for this blessing our united and
fullest gratitude is due. Your children are also much better than they were even when
last I wrote. Now, my dear Tom, the time is at last arrived when I trust you will be
permitted to choose the place of your future residence, and I hope you will not think me
premature in what I am going to write, especially when 1 tell you that I do it by your
father's direction. We are, you may suppose, ignorant of the intentions of Government
and we do not wish to interfere in your decision, but we both think it may not be unim-
portant to you to know beforehand that beyond England your father thinks he cannot
venture to go. If, therefore, you shall happily be left to a freedom of choice, he desires
me to tell you that in any part of the South of England, Caermarthen, South Wales, to
choose, he will join you with the utmost cheerfulness and gratitude to Heaven for the
prospect of happiness which would thereby be open to him. You will easily perceive that
he specifies the southern part of England, or Wales, chiefly for climate and also for
another reason, which is not altogether unimportant, that of their contiguity to Bath or
Bristol. Where perhaps he may be induced to spend a couple of winter months, which
he would not be apt to do if he was at any distance from them, as land travelling he
thinks not fit for him, nor does he much like it. I shall only further say upon this subject
that besides the happiness of our living together, what we should be thereby enabled to
contribute may not be unworthy your consideration. This I mention because I know that
pecuniary matters are seldom thought of in your determinations. The depression of

308 America as a Place of Exile

spirits under which I have for some time laboured has been very great, my mind has
been sorely burthened indeed. When your father's spirits were low he seemed deter-
mined not to quit this country, and I was resolved not to urge him to do it. But the
eagerness with which he embraces this plan, and the pleasure which it seems to give
him, has relieved my mind from a weight of gloom which you cannot well conceive and
which I am not able to express. That this plan may not be frustrated by government, by
you, or by any misfortune, is the ardent wish of my too anxious heart. Harriet is not
with us now, but I hope she will soon return. Ally Spring has left us for a few days to
attend Mrs. Browne, who is ill of a nervous fever, but I hope not in any danger. When
Ally comes I shall show her your letter. Of St. John [Mason] I can tell you little more
at present than that he is still St. John, and I much fear he will continue so to the end
of his days. Mary Anne is very well, and thank God so are all under this roof, every
one of them deeply interested in the result of the present crisis, that it may be productive
of happiness to us all is the united wish, as well as the prayer, of all here. I need not
add that it is also that of your truly affectionate mother,

E. Emmet.
Be sure to remember us all with the most cordial affection to Jane and the children.
We shall not advertise the place 'till we know how matters stand, but if they shall happily
turn out as we wish we shall not lose a moment in doing so.

October 15th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

At this time you will not be surprised at my having superseded your other corre-
spondents here, nor will you, I hope, be displeased that I should impart to you the
various feelings of my mind, so fully occupied with what relates to you, your amiable
wife, and your children. When I wrote last I was under the first impulse of very ardent
feelings, my first impulses are, I confess always much too ardent. Since then I have
reflected, and have been able to think of and to look at the worst, and find myself more
composed since I have done so.

Some of your friends say that, supposing you were permitted to reside in England,
or Wales, you ought rather to go to America, as it would tend more to the advantage of
your family; of this you are the best judge. Your father and I both unite in desiring
you to act as if we were out of the question, consulting only what you think will be most
likely to make you and them most happy. We are very sure of what your inclinations
would lead you to, but for my own part I declare to you that I should not feel happy, even
in your society, if I caused in any respect sacrifice of your interest, your peace of mind,
or your security. I speak of myself as the weaker vessel, of your Father's firmness you
can have no doubt.

One point, however, I must entreat that you will weigh well before you decide in
favour of America, and that is the disadvantages of the climate, which by everything I
can hear is not congenial to European constitutions. Capt. Palmer* mentioned to us,
independent of the yellow fever, he had perceived, and it was he said a general observa-
tion in America, that after the first two years Europeans generally decline in health.
Do not call this a prejudice of mine. It has been mentioned to us that in America you
could not follow your profession, but upon this head you will recollect that Sir Grenville
Temple said, when he was last here, that a lawyer there could not by the profits of his
profession pay for the expenses of his books. Add to this that a prohibition law did exist,
which perhaps may have been since repealed, that any stranger intending to profess the
law, must, previous to his doing so, be a resident for five years in the country.

I have now said everything I mean to say upon the subject until you have taken your
final determination. That it may lead you to happiness, and the advantage of your family
I shall never cease to wish and pray, and whatever our feelings may be we shall have the

*See footnote to letter of Sept. 19, 1800, p. 286.

Ireland No More! 309

consolation of having them unmixed with self-reproach. I mentioned in my last the
great amendment in your father's health, which 1 thank God still continues and has been
during the last fortnight beyond what we could expect. Your children are all well except
Tom, who looks somewhat peeking, tho' his appetite is very good, and he is a strong-
bodied child. Your father and the entire family desire to be most cordially remembered
to you, to Jane, and the dear children. They are all warmly interested in what may be
the event of the present period, but we must all practice patience, that virtue so necessary
to mankind in general, and particularly so to your truly affectionate mother,

Elizabeth Emmet.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

October 26th, 1801.
My dearest Tom,

I have received your letter in due course, the contents of which did not surprise me,
and you will see by my last, previous to the receipt of yours, that I am prepared for the
worst. I have long foreseen that your determination would be, and ever since Jefferson
has been chosen I have expected that in America you would reside. From some hints
that John's [Patten] soothing disposition threw out with a wish of administering balm to
my mind, I was fondly led to hope that perhaps you would think Wales an eligible place
to live in, but this vision has been dismissed even before your last letter came. My con-
solation I must derive from your having adopted a measure in itself right. I have never
entertained a hope that you would, in the event of a peace, return to this country, and I
have never cherished a wish that you should live dishonoured in this or any other; with
these sentiments you need not have any uneasiness about my feelings. Be assured that
they are such as will not hurt me, and they shall not cast a gloom around me. I know
that, however feeble my support is in itself, it is nevertheless deemed important by your
father, and he shall have it to the utmost of my power, and tho' we are to be separated
from the first prop of my old age, the Polar Star by which I at least, who often want
direction and support, wished to steer for the remainder of my life. Yet, tho' your light
will be denied to us, I trust in that just God, whom you have so truly served, that he will
cause you to shine to advantage in another hemisphere. But you cannot expect that I shall
not remember that between you and us there will be a gulph over which we cannot pass.
I have only to add with respect to your three dear children, now under this roof, I am
sure you will not, and I think you ought not, to separate them from your others. But
admit that you would, I love them too well to withhold them from the benefit of having
their mind formed and educated by you, no, not even a Temple Emmet would I wish to
retain under such circumstances. I have very little doubt but that leave would be given
to you to come over for the purpose of seeing your father and settling your affairs here,
but I am not sure that you will avail yourself of such a permission. This point, however,
like all others, must be decided by you alone. The pleasure we should have in seeing
Jane, tho' very great, would I am sure be more than over balanced by the pain we should
feel at parting with her. Yet, as I am sure Mrs. Patten wishes it very much, she ought
to be gratified, and I hope that you will think it right that she and the dear children should
come over and spend as much time here as she can before your final departure. Under
this roof she will meet the warmest of affection and an admiration of her conduct, very
little, if at all, short of what she can receive from her mother. You know your father,
and you judge rightly of him, he feels with extreme tenderness, but he bears the evils
which have befallen him with truly practical Christian patience. I, therefore, need only
say of him that the great return of health, strength, and cheerfulness which he has had
within this last month still continues, even under the certainty of your future destination.
His affecion for you I have no need to inform you of, but you are not a more careful
guardian of your unsullied honour and fame than he is. The reason why we did not

310 Major Sirr's "Curiosities"

inform you of the real state of his health during the summer was, that we did not think
it necessary to add to the gloom of a Prison. I have now said all that I can say, and I
shall not write for some time lest anything should issue from my pen that might cause
emotion, or any kind of uneasiness to you. Your children are all very well, your friends
most cordially interested and affectionate towards you, Jane, and the children.
I am, my dearest Tom, most truly your affectionate mother,

Elizabeth Emmet.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.,

Fort George, Scotland.

From the date of the above letter a break in the correspondence occurs,
and we are left in ignorance for some fourteen months of all relating to the
inmates of Fort George and their friends in Ireland. This letter in fact
closes the correspondence, as Mr. Emmet and his family were in the interval
released from prison.

It is only through these letters that we have been able to obtain any
insight into the prison life of those confined at Fort George, or any knowledge
of Dr. Robert Emmet's family during the same period.

It is not necessary, therefore, to offer either an apology for the number
of these letters or for the great space which they occupy.

Among the letters and other "curiosities" found in the collection made
by Major Sirr and now in the Trinity College library was a letter written by
Thomas Addis Emmet to his sister and another to his niece, the daughter of
Temple. These letters had been intercepted while passing by the regular route
from Fort George and held as "curiosities".
Dr. Madden gives a copy of them and writes :

What will the reader think of the mean, dastardly malignity displayed by this Dog-
berry of a town-major, in thus retaining the private letters of a respectable citizen in the
unhappy circumstances of T. A. Emmet, to his sister and another female member of his
family, and thus depriving them of the only gratification they could then have — that of
hearing from a beloved relative?

From T. A. Emmet to His Sister, Mrs. Holmes.

Saturday, 21st November, 1801.
My dearest Mary Anne,

By your letter of the 13th, which I received yesterday, it is evident that one of mine
has miscarried ; whether that accident was owing to any part of its contents it is impos-
sible for me to say, but if it was this letter may perhaps be more fortunate from the
entire absence of anything that might deserve the name of contents. This style of writ-
ing it is I believe the best policy to adopt, where the only object is to transmit home
regular accounts of oneself and friends, but in this instance I do not use it from pru-
dential motives. The first ideas that occurred to me in hearing of the peace being made
known to you, have lost their novelty; and no new room has been given for expectation
or conjecture by a development of the intention of the Government. In this state of
things my letters may very well hope to escape under the protection of their insignificance.
You are right in supposing that Jane has recovered her sore throat, and notwithstanding
the severity of the weather, which is exceedingly tempestuous at present, she is very
tolerable. No one can set a higher value than she does on your love and that of all your
circle, or be more grateful for the enjoyment of it, but not even the force of that senti-

Mr. Emmet to Lord Hope 311

ment, nor the severity of t Hi s climate, could induce her to remove from Fort George while
I remain here, although I proposed it to her, when I hoped it might contribute to ex-
pedite our arrangements and be of service to herself. She does not, however, read with
indifference, nor does she admit of the truth of your expression, that her happiness is now
forever independent of your circle. That can never he so long as we are inhabitants of
this earth. The spheres, indeed, in which we may hereafter move may nowhere join, but
they will always be within the influence of each other's attraction. Imagination, and
memory, and hope you know, are not fettered in the spot on which we live — neither the
Atlantic nor the Alleghanies could obstruct their flight, nor prevent their being trans-
ported to your firesides and mingling in your round of occupations and enjoyments;
but it is not merely from their illusions that we should derive pleasure or pain. The
packets from Europe would certainly not be objects of indifference, and in the domestic
accounts they would convey, who should not fail to find what would most powerfully
operate on our circle . . .

Several concluding lines and the signature of Mr. Emmet are wanting.
The letter was directed to — "Mrs. Holmes, Dr. Emmet's, Miltown, Dublin."

The only letter found among Mr. Emmet's papers of this period was the

first draft of a letter to an old friend and college-mate, while a student at

Edinburgh, Lord Hope, then the Lord Advocate of Scotland, and was as

follows :

Fort George, 14th of December, 1801.
My dear Lord,

I am obliged to trouble you in consequence of Mrs. Emmet's uneasiness, from a
paragraph which she read in a public paper reporting that we were to be sent to Botany
Bay. If you have any reason to believe that the report is without foundation you will
of course take no further notice of the contents of this letter than what your kindness
may lead you to do, by enabling me to set Mrs. Emmet's mind at ease. If you entertain
a different opinion of that rumour, you will be so good as to read the following detail,
and make such use of it as you may think called for by your sense of national honour
and public faith. I will not add to these motives any claims of private friendship, but
leave them entirely to your own feelings.

After the insurrection had lasted for some time in Ireland, a negotiation [as we have
seen] was set on foot, by some of the State prisoners, with the Government, to stop the
further effusion of blood on the scaffold and in the field. In the course of that business,
a proposal was made by Government, in a letter from Mr. Secretary Cooke to Mr. Dobbs
(who was the organ between both parties) that the prisoners should consent to go to such
country as should be pointed out to them. This with the other parts of the proposal was
rejected by the prisoners, who, however, in the hope that matters might still be adjusted,
appointed deputies to communicate directly with the Government: of these I was one.

In our interview with Lord Castlereagh, the chancellor, and Mr. Cooke, we again
objected to the proposal — because it gave us no negative upon the country to which we
might be sent; and added that it might be construed as if Government could send us to
Botany Bay. At the mention of that place Lord Castlereagh expressed the utmost abhor-
rence of the idea; and assured us, that when Government made the proposal, it had no
worse place in contemplation than the United States of America. To remove, however,
all such apprehensions, it consented at once to give us the negative we required.

There was an expression used by Lord Clare, at that interview, which will never be
effaced from my mind. When we were expressing some doubt about the entire execution
of the agreement on the part of the Government, as our part of it was to be first per-
formed, his Lordship said : "Gentlemen, it comes to this — a Government that broke its
faith with you should not stand, and ought not to be allowed to 'stand."

I have now stated facts on my own authority, which, however, I am not afraid of

312 Government's Broken Pledge

being contradicted in any quarter. What follows I can give you on the authority of an
act of Government. We entered into an agreement, of which I send you a copy, and in
which the words, relating to our exile are, "To emigrate to such country as shall be
agreed on between them and Government." This compact, Government fully authenti-
cated by two acts — first they sent Mr. Dobbs, accompanied by popular and influential
United Irishmen, to whom they gave papers of protection, to the county of Wicklow,
where the insurrection still continued, to make the insurgents acquainted with it, and to
persuade them to come in under it. This gentleman and his companions accordingly
repaired to the Marquis of Huntley's and General Moore's camp, from whence they went
among the insurgents, and actually persuaded all but a few deserters, for whose security
they would not pledge themselves, and a very few of their associates to submit. In the
north, General Nugent, the commander of that district, published our agreement in a
proclamation which he issued in August, 1798, and called upon all those who chose to
take advantage of it to come in accordingly. As he published it nearly verbatim, with
some of the names annexed — among which was mine — it has therefore become a docu-
ment incontestably authenticated by Government. After these transactions an act of
parliament indeed was passed, purporting to be pursuant to an agreement, but of which
I shall not permit myself to express to you what I think of its merits: suffice it to say, it
was passed when we were all kept in close custody. As far as it goes beyond the agree-
ment, it plainly contradicts the document which was transmitted by Government to
General Nugent, and authenticated by his proclamation. This is also farther to be said,
that those who signed the agreement have almost all (myself and my fellow-prisoners ex-
cepted) been either allowed to remain at large in Ireland, or permitted to emigrate to
Germany, Portugal, or America, according to their own choice.

This statement I hope you w:ill not think too long; the inferences from it are ob-
vious. I ask only for that for which I and my fellow-prisoners gave a very important
consideration, and to which Government stands pledged, if there be such a virtue as
public faith.

I am convinced that neither Lord Pelham, nor any of the English administration,
can be acquainted with the particulars I have detailed to you, if there be any intention
of acting towards us, or any of us, in a manner different from what I require.

Believe me, &c,

T. A. Emmet.

This incident has been presented elsewhere, showing how little the Gov-
ernment regarded the obligation of good faith ; and in connection with Lord
Clare's expression of the obligation, the quotation from the letter of Marquis
of Buckingham to Lord Grenville will be read with interest. This letter is
dated, "Dublin, August 28th, 1798":—

You will have seen the details of the debate respecting the manifesto of Emmets
O'Connor and Macneven. The house was unanimous (even the most violent anti-attainters)
in the necessity of excepting these three from the indemnity and giving them "up to
trial" [packed jury]. Lord Castlereagh was the only dissenter, which between ourselves
is not very wise ; and stated that they had been immediately confined as close prisoners.
This manifesto has evidently occasioned very great ferment, and ought, according to my
poor ideas, to be pursued at the overt act of endeavouring to bring the King, his parlia-
ment and his Government into odium and contempt ; which, in itself, is a new treason to
which the compact of the Government with them could not apply.*

Castlereagh with all his double dealing in the service of the English
Government shows now and again some appreciation of honesty and good

•Report on the manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., preserved at Dropmore, Vol. IV, p. 290.

Mr. Emmet to His Niece 313

faith, while Clare, although he had, as shown by Mr. Emmet's letter, claimed
to recognize the obligation, never offered the slightest protest to the expre

sion of the majority on this occasion.

Lord Clare may have been the more sincere and honest of the two, for,
as already stated, Mr. Emmet alone was subjected in the most rigorous solitary
confinement that Trevor, who, as he asserted, acted under orders from Castle-
reagh, could devise. No time was lost after Mr. Emmet's arrest and convic-
tion in punishing him for his rejection of office at the beginning of his career,
when it was sought to make him a Government partisan. That he did not
succumb to the severity of his treatment, as did many State prisoners who
could not be convicted, was due solely to the vigor of his constitution. By
his course with Mr. Emmet Castlereagh showed that he never forgot or for-
gave. It may have been the remembrance of some of his work that caused
him to cut his own throat after gaining everything he had aspired to.

Among one of the last letters written by Mr. Emmet before leaving Fort
George was one to his niece, Miss Emmet, the daughter of his brother Temple.
This was forwarded to the government authorities to be sent to its destina-
tion. By some means it came into Major Sirr's possession, who held it as one
of the "curiosities" of his collection, as has been stated. By this act Major
Sirr deprived Mr. Emmet's family of any knowledge of his movements for
several years, while the war continued between France and England.

Fort George, 30th May, 1802.

My dearest Kitty,

I sit down to write you a few lines in acknowledgment of yours of the 13th inst.,
which I only received last Monday. Our correspondence has of late considerably slack-
ened in consequence of our suspense and want of subject matter, but as the fault may be
in some measure my own, I feel it necessary not to let slip this post, though no better
furnished with epistolary material than heretofore, and particularly as I find that Jane's
occupation as a nurse will greatly interfere with her punctuality as a correspondent.
I have no doubt of the pleasure which you and my other friends felt at hearing of her
safe delivery", and both she and I have to compliment and thank you for the very gallant,
elegant, and if I did not know the sincerity of your affection, I should say flattering man-
ner in which you spoke of her. You are not much mistaken when you suppose the new-
comer to be a favourite, but botli you and the objects of our love may rest assured she
will never supersede or weaken our previously formed and well grounded affection.
She must be content to fall into her place at the end of the train, unless she can hereafter
produce better pretensions to preference than her name.

My mother, I find is so much at a loss to account for our remaining here, that she
thinks the delay may have been caused by waiting till Jane should be able to travel. If I
thought that were the cause I should indeed be vexed at detaining so many others ; but I
am convinced, and so may she, that what ever may have occasioned our protracted con-
finement, it had no connection with Jane's situation. Government knew perfectly well
that she has been able to travel perfectly well long since. Though we are here on the
Borders of the highland, we are in a bad place for executing my father's commission of
plaids— Sterling being the place where they are manufactured in the greatest variety.
We will, however, discharge it to the best of our power whenever we have an oppor-
tunity. You will easily perceive that I have written this in a great hurry; the fact is, I

314 Release from Fort George

have had scarcely time to finish it, and can assure you, and all our friends at home, of
the sincere affection of this family —

Ever yours,

T. A. Emmet.

Monday: — I have just heard from such authority as leaves no question that we are
shortly to he sent in a King's ship to Hamburgh. I can state nothing more particularly at
present, but must request an immediate remittance of £100.

Mr. Emmet also wrote a few lines to his sister:

My dearest Maryanne,

I can only write you a few lines at present, as I deferred doing it last night owing to
a severe cold in my head, which made stooping disagreeable, and this morning I have no
time to write at any length. Indeed Robert [his son] undertook to relieve me this time
by writing to Kitty.

(Miss Emmet, Dr. Emmet's, Miltown, Dublin.)

The following letter from the Governor was addressed to the State

Prisoners — :

Fort George, 31st May, 1802.
Gentlemen,

As it may be of consequence to your private concerns I lose no time in informing you
(although I cannot do so officially) that I have very good grounds for saying that I
believe a pardon is now making out by Government, upon the condition specified in the
Irish Act of Pardon and Banishment, and that as soon as it is completed a King's ship
will be sent to some convenient port to conduct the gentlemen to Hamburg. Although I
am not warranted to give this information officially, I am very certain of the fact, and
the gentlemen will make what use they judge proper of the communication.
I am, gentlemen,

Your obedient servant,

Stuart, Lt. Gov.
To the State Prisoners at Fort George.

Continued influence to effect the release of the State prisoners was exerted
during a long period, until at length the British Government decided to release
them, after having kept them in custody for four years in direct violation of
their agreement. When the warrant directing the discharge of the prisoners
by name was received from London, it was found that Mr. Emmet's name had
been omitted, and this was done doubtless for the purpose of keeping him
prisoner for an indefinite period and was probably Castlereagh's work. Gov-
ernor Stuart sent for Mr. Emmet, and after relating the circumstance, said:
"Mr. Emmet, you shall go ; I will take all hazards and all responsibility. You
shall go to-morrow with the rest of the prisoners, and I will stand between
you and the Government". It is believed that this noble act cost Governor
Stuart his place, as he was removed from his position a short time afterwards.

National independence by no means necessarily leads to national virtue and happiness,
but reason and experience demonstrate that public virtue and general happiness are
absolutely incomparable ■with a state of provincial subjection.

T. A. Emmet.

Whenever a clashing of interest between the two islands ivas perceived or apprehended,
Ireland 'was forced to yield to the overbearing ascendancy of an insatiable and jealous
rival. Her commerce ivas fettered, her manufactures surrendered, her ra<w material
delivered over, her population drained, her resources exhausted, her agriculture
neglected — all to aggrandize the power from -which her government ivas derived,
and with which her governors are connected.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XVII

Review of Mr. Emmet's relation with the Government during his imprisonment — Dr.
Macneven's statement — Pitt's effort to force the Irish people into rebellion — Cruel and
barbarous treatment of the Irish people — The Society of the United Irishmen contained
over half a million sworn members — These were held from outbreak for over eighteen
months during the period Mr. Emmet was at the head of the organization — He received
the support of all the leaders with the exception of Mr. O'Connor— Mr. Emmet was
opposed to receiving aid from France, as he believed that Ireland would thereby become a
French province — Mr. Emmet expected to bring about the needed reforms through the
intluence exercised by the number enrolled in favor of these reforms — As Mr. Emmet
could not be bribed or his intluence weakened with the people, he and all the leaders were
arrested without evidence to convict them, and with new leaders in favor of open rebellion
at the head of the United Irishmen. Pitt was able to carry his wish with regard to
establishing the Union with England — The Government feared Mr. Emmet's influence
too much to release him, but did all in its power to underrate his influence with the
people, as well as his importance as a leader — An obscure reference made, indicating that
Mr. Emmet may have written something which came into the hands of the Government
from the search made of the quarters of the United Irishmen — This seems only possible
in case the manuscript of the Memoir addressed to the Hon. Charles James Fox, was
returned to Mr. Emmet before the book was bound, which was suppressed by the Govern-
ment and possibly destroyed. It shows how this communication to Mr. Fox and a portion
of Irish history written by Mr. Emmet now form the opening pages of this volume.

It is held by the author that Mr. Emmet was a more important man as a leader in the
Rebellion of 1798, than the English Government has allowed it to appear.

T becomes necessary here to pass in review Mr. Emmet's
status with the Government prior to his release from
imprisonment and the spiteful and unrelenting punish-
ment which accompanied it. That Mr. Emmet was sub-
jected to a course of treatment different from that
received by the other Irish leaders seems to have attracted
no attention, and to have been unknown except to his
family.

To the writer's knowledge all the older members
of his family were able to recall hearing in their childhood that the

315

H 1 m

316 Pitt's Policy

Government hated their father and treated him cruelly. He can also
remember in his early manhood that Dr. Macneven had stated shortly
before his death that Mr. Emmet had been punished by the Government
for the writing of some paper. Unfortunately the circumstances calling
forth the statement, as well as all means ' by which the special paper,
claimed to have given offence, could now be identified, have been forgotten.
While it is possible that the writing of some such paper influenced the treat-
ment he received, the author's investigations have fully satisfied him that the
chief cause was the vindictive feeling entertained towards Mr. Emmet by
Pitt and the Irish Government for refusing to accept office as a bribe. He
alone of all the Irish leaders was able to exercise influence enough to restrain
the people from open rebellion and this influence he exerted for over a year.

There can no longer exist a doubt that after the recall of the Viceroy, Lord
Fitzwilliam, Pitt, the British Minister, determined to bring about a "Union"
between Ireland and England, at any cost. His purpose could not have been
accomplished by either English legislation or brute force, for the world at
large would have denounced the open use of both in the case of Ireland, which
was recognized as a separate kingdom. But the craft of Pitt dictated the
method by which the Irish people themselves should be forced to bring about
the Union and their doing so appear a voluntary action. What Pitt desired
was at length accomplished, but only after the country, by means of the most
brutal cruelty, had been forced into open rebellion. After over one hundred
thousand men, women and children had been slaughtered in an apparent effort
to exterminate the Irish race (for the English soldiers were instructed to
bring in no prisoners, and comparatively few were killed in battle), the tacit
consent of the exhausted people was gained. Then, to give the transaction a
pinchbeck glaze of legality, through the illegal action of the Irish Parliament,
in a body where the people had no representation, the so-called "Act of Union"
was passed, but only after every voter had been bribed by English agents,
with misappropriated Irish money; and, by means of corruption, in violation
of every precept of the Decalogue. This was all accomplished under the
direction of Pitt, who certainly laid no claim to having employed moral suasion
in the course of his political life. Yet the English people to this day, an
avowedly civilized and God-fearing race, in the spirit of the Pharisee, justify
the course of their government in Ireland during 1798 and the ensuing years
to establish the devil's bond, claimed by the English to be a "Union" between
the two countries.

The Society or Union of United Irishmen contained over half a million
men, the greater portion of whom were initiated, through the influence, direct
or indirect, of Thomas Addis Emmet ; hence he was known to a greater number
of individuals than any other leader in the organization, and his personal in-
fluence even among those who were not immediately connected with the United
Irishmen was not equalled by any other man in Ireland. It is not known that
Mr. Emmet had anything whatever to do with the beginning of the
organization. This work was accomplished by Tone, Neilson and others

Mr. Emmet and Insurrection 317

in Belfast. But it is known beyond question that at an early day and
for several years before he took the oath as a United Irishman, he was secretly
busy in organizing new branches; and after he became a member he continued
this special service of initiating new members, that as far as was possible the
other leaders should be unknown to the spy and informer who joined and had
to be sworn in. The early policy of the United Irishmen in trusting to peace-
ful measures was adhered to until Mr. Emmet's arrest. It was believed that
through his influence their purpose could be accomplished without loss of life,
but, through the influence exerted by the large numbers of the enrolled mem-
bers, all were ready to resort to arms in case this course became finally neces-
sary.

It was thought that after the great majority of Irishmen had been enrolled,
the English would not dare to refuse to make the reforms demanded. During
the examination of the members of the Directory after their imprisonment, it
was stated that there would have been no outbreak save for the action of the
Government in arresting the leaders who were able to keep the people in check.

At no time did Mr. Emmet advocate an outbreak against the English Gov-
ernment, for he regarded it as a hopeless undertaking, unless aided by France.
He only altered his opinion after the Government had resorted to every means
in forcing rebellion, whereupon he became an advocate of total separation from
England, and the creation of a republican form of government for Ireland.
This was to be attempted as soon as an arrangement could be made with France
whereby the number of French landing in Ireland should be limited. Mr.
Emmet feared that without some restriction Ireland would be made a French
province, and all rights of the Irish people would be disregarded. Before any
plan had been devised by which the two countries could act together simply as
allies, the English Government forced the issue by arresting all the Irish
leaders.

Shortly after Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven and Mr. Arthur O'Connor be-
came United Irishmen they were elected, together with two others who refused
to serve, as members of the executive directory, and by the vote of Mr. O'Con-
nor and Dr. Macneven, Mr. Emmet became the head of the whole organization.
Soon finding that he could not dictate the management and policy of the society,
Mr. O'Connor took no further interest in its affairs beyond opposing to the ex-
tent of his limited influence every effort made by Mr. Emmet. For nearly
eighteen months, with the devoted aid of his colleague, Dr. Macneven, Mr.
Emmet labored and finally succeeded in influencing the exasperated members
of the organization throughout the country, thus checking the expected out-
break. There were many like Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the commander of the
military portion of the organization, who had no faith in any effort but a mili-
tary one, yet so great was the confidence in Mr. Emmet that all but Mr. O'Con-
nor willingly yielded their individual judgment as to the time and mode of
action to that of their chief.

Mr. Emmet's extensive influence and its effect were well known to the Gov-
ernment. As its action had long defeated every effort to force a rebellion,

318 Government's Fear of Emmet

Pitt, Lord Castlereagh and Lord Clare would have gladly availed themselves
of the slightest evidence for getting him out of the way by means of the hang-
man's rope. Under ordinary circumstances the case would have been easily
managed with a "devil's brief" and a packed jury. But Mr. Emmet was a man
of too extensive an influence, and his profound knowledge of the law and fear-
less nature made him one who was not to be trifled with or restrained save by
strictly legal measures. Under these circumstances the Government long feared
to take any step, but at length, apparently regardless of consequences and
blinded by determination to command the situation at all hazards, it ordered a
general arrest, despite the fact that it was not in possession of the slightest
evidence on which any leader could be legally condemned.

As was anticipated, the direction of the United Irishmen immediately passed
into other hands, and in less than a week the whole country was in a condition
of disorder. Several of the leaders were at once placed on trial and put to
death ; on perjured evidence and by a packed jury, was the assertion of the Irish
people. Among those condemned to death was Mr. Bond, a man whose in-
fluence was feared by the Government almost as much as that of his friend,
Mr. Emmet. As determined at the time of his trial, all the Irish State prison-
ers who, without legal evidence of their guilt, were confined in Dublin prisons,
were allowed, before the day of execution, to come to an understanding with
the Government, the chief provision of which was the cessation of the slaughter
of the people. By this means Mr. Bond's life was to have been spared, but the
plan was frustrated by his sudden death. The Government, as has been stated,
gave the cause as apoplexy, but common belief ascribed it to poison.

From the time of Mr. Emmet's arrest he was subjected to the ill-will of the
Government, and the feeling towards .him was particularly indicated by sys-
tematic and unceasing misrepresentation of his work and influence with the
people, until eventually this view of him became accepted by the world in
general. The course of the Government was dictated only by the desire to
weaken Mr. Emmet's influence with the people. Since, with no evidence of
treason against him, he could not be put to death, his release from prison must
have followed as a matter of course, but his undiminished influence with the
people caused the Government to act with its customary bad faith and to hold
him in close confinement for years.

As has been shown, the members of the Directory were subjected to a
special examination, before a committee of the Irish House of Commons and
another from the House of Lords. This was undertaken with the hope
of thus gaining some evidence against the prisoners, from a memorial to Gov-
ernment prepared by Emmet, O'Connor and Dr. Macneven, acting as a commit-
tee appointed by the other prisoners. As Mr. Emmet had been requested by
them to prepare the paper, Mr. O'Connor had taken no part in its compila-
tion; but when the time came to sign it Neilson, Sweetman and others, friends
of Mr. Emmet, persuaded Mr. O'Connor to be the first to attach his name.
In this manner his vanity was appeased, and he remained a nominal member
of the committee, but thenceforth Mr. Emmet and Dr. Macneven were con-

"O'Connor's Manifesto" 319

vinced that Mr. O'Connor had made his peace with the Government and that
he took no further interest in Ireland's welfare, if indeed he was not afterward
a spy in the Government employ.

Mr. Emmet also believed that Mr. O'Connor was sent as an ostensible pris-
oner with himself and others to Fort George, his purpose being to secure some
evidence on which Mr. Emmet could be brought to trial and convicted. Fortu-
nately Mr. Emmet's character and understanding were such that much more
than a mere claim to the possession of such evidence would have been neces-
sary to win credence. Mr. O'Connor doubtless informed the authorities that
he had nothing to do with writing the paper and had only signed it for the
sake of appearances, but in order to lessen Mr. Emmet's prestige the authori-
ties gave Mr. O'Connor all the credit for its composition. This document,
which was fully appreciated and regarded as being most valuable from an
historical standpoint, is still officially recorded as "O'Connor's Manifesto".

The Government soon after issued as an official report a statement so de-
void of truth that the State prisoners replied at once with an indignant denial.
As though Government had never before been accused of such a procedure,
as that with which they were charged by the prisoners, many members of
Parliament, overcome with a sense of rectitude, which they found difficult to
formulate, demanded that the prisoners should be immediately put to death
or otherwise severely punished. It was officially stated that all the prisoners
were thereupon placed in solitary confinement on bread and water. This state-
ment was based on the fact that, with the exception of Mr. Emmet, all were
confined to the range of their rooms, but subject to no other inconvenience.

Mr. Emmet, however, was placed in a dungeon beneath the prison, scarcely
long enough for him to stretch out in at full length and in total darkness ex-
cept when once a day the door was opened, admitting sufficient light to show
a person standing within. Here he was confined for nearly two months on
bread and water, which on no day was in sufficient quantity to fully satisfy
his hunger or thirst. The brutal turnkey would place it anywhere on the
floor, and he seldom withdrew without cursing his prisoner for some paper
he had written. This circumstance, as held by family tradition, has always
puzzled the writer, as he knew of no paper written by Mr. Emmet in relation
to the Government but that which the reader has already seen. But this had,
at least in the beginning, been received as a valuable contribution on the his-
torical condition of Ireland, and Mr. Emmet had certainly, until after his ex-
amination, been treated with courtesy. The reader will recall that on the day
of the publication of the circular the Government demanded that the prisoners
should publish a full denial of their previous statement, but this they peremp-
torily refused to make. They were then informed that if they published any-
thing more for the public, general slaughter and executions throughout the
country would immediately be resorted to, and by this threat the prisoners
were silenced and compelled to hold their peace until after their release.

It is possible that at this juncture Mr. Emmet prepared in the name of the
prisoners, some communication to the Government, which was immediately sup-

320 Report of Emmet's Examination

pressed and which caused him thenceforth to be the special victim of the en-
mity of the Irish officials.

Within a recent period the author made careful examination of the pages
of the "Dublin Journal" for 1798, the official vehicle for the publication of all
notices and documents. From the great variety in style it seems evident that
different writers were detailed to this paper for the purpose of creating public
opinion, as well as to supply misleading information under any circumstances.
In it was found the full and what must be accepted as the only official report
of the incidents which have just been under review. This report contains an
obscure reference which may possibly allude to another paper:

August 23, 1798. In the Irish House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh presented a
report from the Secret Committee. — Arthur O'Connor and Dr. Macneven as Secretaries
of the Executive Directory of the Society of United Irishmen had already been twice
before the Committee.

The following is the official report, as taken from the "Dublin Journal" :

Thomas Addis Emmet, Barrister at Law, in addition to the testimony in which he
detailed the same facts as the other witnesses confessed "that he was a member of the
Executive Directory of the Union, being appointed in January, 1797, and continued till
May in the same year; and afterwards from his being re-elected in January, 1798, until
the time of his arrest. The first communication with France which came to his immediate
knowledge was in April, 1797, when in order to establish a constant intercourse with the
French Directory, an agent was sent from Ireland to reside in France, where he still
continues.

"He knew that France sent to this country assurance of her assistance, etc., that
it became necessary to apply to France for a larger quantity of arms than were promised
at first, in order to supply those given up to the government. He was certain that France
gave assurance that the Armament in the Texel in the summer of 1797 was intended to
come to Ireland, and that a promise of assistance in April, 1798, was made by the
Directory. ... He accounts for the loyalty of the lower orders in Munster during
the Bantry Bay invasion, by the Union having taken no pains to prepare their minds for
the French, as they had been amused with contradictory accounts from France, and it
was always determined to avoid an insurrection until the French should come, had not the
severe measures adopted in Kildare by the King's Ministers urged the alternative of
rising or yielding up the cause. He believed had they waited until the French came, the
rising would have been more general and more formidable.

"It was intended to raise a general fund for the service of the Union by the confisca-
tion of the Church property, and that of all of those who did not join them; the persons
of the latter, if they did not actually oppose the Union, were to be only held as hostages
until it would be convenient to transport them ; and their wives, if they were not hostile to
the new order of things, were to be supported by a stipend out of their husband's
property — the rest belonged to the Republic.

"He is persuaded that the bulk of the people do not care about or understand Reform
and Emancipation, but they are become anxious for them, having been told that they lead
to the abolition of tythes. It was determined to have no Ecclesiastical Establishment, nor
any distinction of Rank.

"Witness being asked as to the practicability of Ireland being a separate State from
Great Britain, when she had not means to build a Navy, and must be dependent upon
England for the mere article of coals. He replied that he thought Ireland was fully
able to stand alone as an Independent Republic ; her wealth and population had infinitely
increased within the last century, and though she might be much crippled by the Fleets

Prisoners denounce Government Report 321

and Power of England, yet the strength of the British Navy would soon fall when
Ireland ceased to act with Great Britain; and as to the article of fuel, the extension of
Inland Navigation would soon remove the necessity of importation.

"It appeared by the concurrent testimony of all these witnesses, that as every individual
concealed his own arms, no depot or collection of arms for the Union existed".

(Such is our faint sketch of the most important State paper which has for many years
been made public. We have already said that it occupied two hours in the reading; it is
therefore obvious that the above must be a very brief extract, but our desire to present
as early as possible to the public a document of such importance, has induced us to hazard
perhaps a very imperfect but we trust an honest Report. We hope soon to be able to give
it in its more authentic form.)

In the "Dublin Journal" of September 5', 1798, the following report appears:

Irish Parliament
House of Commons — Friday, Sept. 7, 1798

A Message was brought from the Lords; it was the Report of their Lordships' Second
Secret Committee, and was as follows:

"The Lords' Committees appointed to examine the matter of the sealed up Papers
received from the Commons on the 23d of July last, and to report the same as they shall
appear to them to this House ; having seen an Advertisement in the public prints signed
Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis Emmet and William James McNeven in the following
words. 'Having read in the different Newspapers, publications pretending to be Abstracts
of the Report of the Secret Committee of the House of Commons and four Depositions
before the Committee of the Lords and Commons, we feel ourselves called upon to assure
the public, that they are gross and to us astonishing Misrepresentations, not only un-
supported by, but in many instances directly contradictory to the facts we really stated
on these occasions. We further assure our friends that in no instance did the name of
any individual escape from us ; on the contrary, we always refused answering such ques-
tions as might tend to implicate any person whatever, conformably to the Agreement
entered into by the State Prisoners with Government.

'Arthur O'Connor,
'Thomas Addis Emmet,
'William James McNeven,*
"have thought it their duty to examine the said Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis Emmet,
and William James McNeven, with respect to such Advertisement, to the end that it
might be ascertained whether they or any of them intended to contradict or retract any-
thing which they had heretofore deposed before your Committee. And your Committee
subjoin the several Examinations on Oath of the said Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis
Emmet and William James McNeven, this day made and signed by them respectively
upon that subject, as follows, viz."

Then follows the deposition of Arthur O'Connor and Dr. Macneven which
does not differ essentially from Emmet's, viz. : —

Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq., Sworn, Admits that the Advertisement which appeared
in the "Hibernian Journal and Saunders' News Letter" of Monday, the 27th of August
last, under the signatures of Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis Emmet and William James
McNeven, was published by their authority; — says he does not mean to contradict any-
thing stated by him before this Committee or the Secret Committee of the House of Com-
mons— but is willing to authenticate the whole of the evidence which he gave on those

'Macneven is Irish and so spelt always by the family— the government and the English papers have
always given McNeven.

322 Indignation of the "Dublin Journal"

occasions in any manner that may be thought fit. — Declares that the said Advertisement
alluded solely to Misrepresentations in the Newspapers — says that he has read the
evidence stated in the Appendix to the Report of the Secret Committee of the House of
Lords, as having been given by him before that committee, and admits that the
evidence so stated expresses nothing but the Truth, but omits many reasons which
he gave in justification of his own conduct and of that of the Members of the Union
at large. — Says he does not mean to contradict anything which has been so reported with
respect to the Military Organization of the United Irishmen in this Kingdom, of the
Nature or object of it, which was, after they had despaired of obtaining a Reform in
Parliament by peaceful means, to effect a Revolution by subverting the Monarchy, separat-
ing this country from Great Britain and erecting such Government in Ireland as might
be chosen by the People. — Says he does not mean to contradict the Details given in the
said Report of the Correspondence and connection of the Irish Union with the Govern-
ment of France, as far as he has any knowledge thereof, and which Details he so far
admits to be accurate. Thomas Addis Emmet.

The "Dublin Journal" of March 13, 1798, after giving the usual account
of the arrest of the delegates at Bond's house, states:

At the same time we understand Dr. McNeven was apprehended at his lodgings
near the Four Courts ; Counsellor Emmet in Stephen's Green, John Sweetman in Francis
Street and Henry Jackson and Son in Church Street.

From the "Dublin Journal" — Tuesday, August 28th, 1789. —

As the best answer to an insulting advertisement signed by three confessed Traitors,
McNeven, O'Connor and Emmet, we have this day inserted the full and authentic Report
of that evidence which they have endeavoured to deny by a cowardly insinuation, truly
characteristic of the whole tenor of their conduct.

The indecency of a publication, signed by three confessed Traitors which appeared
in the Morning Prints of yesterday, notwithstanding the notorious characters of the
parties, we own astonished us. Of what class in Ireland are their friends whom these
Traitors think it necessary to address? Do they consist of the outstanding Traitors, or
those admitted to mercy? Or do they hope that it may reach and animate the invading
foe, with whom by their own confessions, they have long secretly corresponded?
Wretched men ! have you not been satisfied with the blood you have been the principal
cause of spilling? Have you no gratitude for the mercy extended to you? Consider
your situation; your discomfited ranks, thinned by the valour of Irish loyalists, have
implored and received pardon; do you wish to lead them a second time to destruction?
The Press which teemed with audacious Treasons has been destroyed ; do you seek to
make an important attack on Government, under an equivocating, mean cover of attacking
newspaper statements? If you are wise, desist; do not listen to the interested designs of
notorious agitators who visit your prison; be assured that the flame of Treason is too
much extinguished for your weak breaths to revive.

t
The "Dublin Journal" (August 30th, 1798), contained the following:

So utterly unworthy have the imprisoned Traitors proved themselves of the lenity
which they have of late experienced, and so obviously was their last outrage intended to
encourage and foment a new Rebellion, that Government is not only justified, but entitled
to the thanks of the kingdom of Ireland, in having remanded them to their former strict
imprisonment, etc., etc.

In the same editorial it is stated :

What did Mr. Emmet write? 323

Singularly correspondent with the lata Proclamation of the Irish Directory, is a
paragraph in the [London] "Courier" of Friday last:

"It is not true, as has been reported, that the State Prisoners have drawn up a detail
of their former proceedings, tending to criminate themselves. On the contrary, Arthur
O'Connor, Dr. McNeven and Counsellor Emmet, have made out what is considered by
the whole of them as a fair statement of their conduct, by no means tending to criminate
any of them. It fills twenty-eight sheets of paper, and has been sent to Government [by
the police] ; and the prisoners have bound themselves [dogbtless an untruth] not to
publish it in any form whatever. It is understood to be a masterpiece of writing".

While we submit this paragraph to the indignitation of our readers, we cannot avoid
asking of what nature can the justification be? A set of men, in order to escape the
impending justice of the Law, made a voluntary (though it seems not a full) confession
of their turpitude; they avow that they have been traitors; they acknowledge that they
have committed perjury in falsifying their oath — their oft-repeated oath of allegiance;
they admit that they have excited a rebellion the most savage in the annals of Ireland;
they brand themselves with all the murders of men, women and children — old and young —
resisting and unresisting — with the ruin of hundreds and misery of thousands; all these
things they confess out of their own polluted mouths! — Confess that they have acted thus
to gratify their own diabolical ambition, and yet they and their agents talk of justification!
The massacre of St. Bartholomew was justified as a measure of State policy, while its
actors were blasted with reprobation ; the massacre of 1641 has been justified as a great
attempt of one enemy to overturn another; but who ever justified the barbarians who
plunged unoffending thousands into the grave? — yet now are the murders of the last
six years and the massacres of 1798, not only defended — but the Prime Murderers — the
Arch Traitors — the Chief Assassins talk of Justification ! ! !

The question which here presents itself is, what was the document referred
to hy the London newspaper as "a masterpiece of writing", which gave the
Government great offence and caused Mr. Emmet to be subjected to relentless
punishment? The same day on which the Irish Directory published their pro-
test and contradiction of the untruthful report of their examination, as issued
by the authorities, the persons and quarters in Kilmainham of O'Connor, Emmet
and Macneven were thoroughly searched, all their papers being carried off,
among them the manuscript of a history-of Ireland on which Mr. Emmet had
been for some time engaged, and he was put in solitary confinement immediately
after his examination by the committee from the House of Commons and
House of Lords. Fortunately, the first part of the history had been sent out
to be bound, and a letter he had written with great care to be presented to the
Hon. Charles James Fox, the leader of the Opposition, was to be engrossed.
Both were thus saved and now form the opening pages of this work.

The question must rest on the possibility that Mr. Emmet's original manu-
script, after it had been engrossed, was returned to him before the volume had
been bound for presentation to Mr. Fox, and thus came into the hands of the
Government, while the engrossed copy remained in the keeping of the family
outside, until it was sent to New York years after. The authorities seem to
have destroyed the history, and would have dealt in the same manner with the
letter to Mr. Fox, as the party feeling was at that time intense. The Govern-
ment may have heard of the engrossed copy, and Mr. Emmet have been kept
in confinement for fear that if released he would rewrite it.

This is the only explanation of the theory that Mr. Emmet wrote something

324 O'Connor's Opposition Friends

additional, of which the public was not informed. The lengthy memoir he
prepared for Parliament and the examining committees was well received and
printed by the Government, while the offending advertisement issued by the
leaders, consisted of but a few lines and was never printed officially. For the
first time this subject has been brought to the attention of the public together
with all the information to be gleaned in connection with it. As no copy of
the "Courier" for 1798 has been found at the British Museum or elsewhere,
despite the writer's exhaustive search, and no additional information obtained,
it is likely that no explanation will ever be forthcoming.

The Dublin Journal, Sept. 4, 1798

From The Times

Mr. O'Connor and his Opposition Friends

The political mania of the present day may for a time support itself by the help of
sophistry and the intrigues of faction, but must sink into contempt and abhorrence from
the evidence of plain facts. The following statement, faithfully extracted from the
Report of the Secret Committee of the Irish House of Commons on the subject of the
late Conspiracy, and from the State Trials at Maidstone, will enable the Public to come
to a fair decision on the nature of the political connexion between Mr. Arthur O'Connor
and the Members of the English Opposition.

Report of the Committee

Mr. A. O'Connor stated in the Committee "That he was a member of the Executive
Directory; he had been a United Irishman from 1796 and a Member of the Directory
until January, 1798 ; and began his communications with France in the year 1790".

The Report also says "That Arthur O'Connor and the late Lord Edward Fitzgerald
proceeded to Hamburg and Switzerland, but did not enter France, lest the government
of this country should receive information of their so doing ; that at Frankfort they had
an interview with General Hoche, where they settled the intended descent, which it was
agreed should take place in December".

Evidence given on the State Trials at Maidstone

Mr. For. — Mr. O'Connor lived chiefly with my friends, who are called the Oppo-
sition, and he also lived in esteem and confidence with me, and I believe with others.
I always considered him as a person well-affected to his country. I considered him as a
man highly enlightened and firmly attached to the principles which seated the present
family on the throne, and to which principles we owe all our liberty.

Mr. Sheridan. — Mr. O'Connor's character is remarkable for its openness ; he con-
versed on the politics relating to both England and Ireland with great frankness.
. . . I never met any man in my life who so much reprobated the idea of any party
in this country desiring French assistance.

The Earl of Suffolk. — I so much admired his political character, that two years ago
I introduced him to the Duke of Norfolk, the Bishop of Llandaff, and Serjeant Adair.

Mr. Erskine. — I never had any reason to think that his principles differed from my
own as well on public as on private subjects.

The Duke of Norfolk. — From what I know, I considered him as a Gentleman warm
in the political line, and attached to the Constitution in the same manner as myself.

Mr. Michael Angelo Taylor. — From all I know of Mr. O'Connor, I think him the last
man who would favour an invasion of his country.

Salt Tax 325

Lord John Russell. — I am acquainted with Mr. O'Connor; / never had occasion to
discover that he would favour an Invasion of the French.

Lord Thanet. — I have the highest opinion of Mr. O'Connor's political character.

Lord Oxford. — The character of Mr. O'Connor is that of a perfectly loyal man.

Mr. Whitbrcad. — I know Mr. O'Connor; his character is amiable, and his political
principles the same as my own.

To these honourable testimonials must be added that of Mr. Tierney in favour of
Mr. O'Connor, delivered in the House of Commons on the 24th of April last.

Mr. Tierney avowed himself the friend of Mr. O'Connor; he had long been his
friend ; he was proud of that friendship, and agreeing with him always in political senti-
ments, before he could believe Mr. O'Connor guilty he must first have it proved by the
verdict of our English jury; if, however, he should be found guilty, then he (Mr. Tierney)
would look back on his friendship with regret and shame.

Query? — Has Mr. Tierney renewed his acquaintance with Mr. O'Connor, and do these
patriotic Noblemen and Gentlemen still confide in the openness of character and political
integrity of the Ex-Director of the Irish Union?

This long dissertation in the 'Dublin Journal" is the only instance within
the knowledge of the writer where the Government ever permitted the publica-
tion of its own loss of temper, whereupon its agents, the Irish officials, seized
the opportunity to show their vindictive feeling against the members of the
Directory of the United Irishmen. The display of feeling, however, was in-
tended for Mr. Emmet alone. O'Connor was probably recognized as the secret
friend of the Government, and Macneven as a quiet and unobtrusive man, whose
value as a leader was unknown, and he was supposed to take but little interest in
any measure beyond that of Catholic Emancipation.

After the loss of several crops, for the soil could not be properly cultivated
during the disturbed state of the country, there was naturally a scarcity of
food, and in some sections, famine. A large portion of the people along the
west coast had to subsist on certain wild weeds and grass, which were rendered
more palatable and even healthy for food, by the free use of rock salt as a
condiment. Fortunately, and no doubt for the benefit of the landlord's cattle,
this article, which had a market value of from ten to fifteen shillings a ton,
had for Ireland but the nominal duty of one shilling and its use was therefore
within the means of all. At the very time this exhibition of "injured inno-
cence" on the part of the Government was being published, some one, assuredly
not actuated by charity towards the people in the famished districts, called at-
tention to the low duty placed on salt, doubtless with a statement as to its
special use by the people at that time. At once the duty on the crude article
was raised, and that on the table salt was made eighty shillings per ton ! The
market value of the ordinary rock-salt was unfortunately not given, but this
can be assumed, as the value of the best article was generally about double that
of the crude salt.

At this prohibitory price, which could yield no return to the Government,
the poor were no longer able to use the article and the writer has learned from
other sources that many died from dysentery and other intestinal disorders in
consequence of this legislation, spiteful and uncalled for, but certainly an ex-
pression of the vindictive feeling of the Government towards the people.

326 Lord Kingsborough

History has nowhere recorded this instance of cruel injustice exercised in
1798 through English influence. Yet it is true in every detail, and is but one
among a countless number of instances as wilfully inflicted during centuries
whenever the Government dared make use of an opportunity. The lower offi-
cials representing the English Government in Ireland seem either to have been
of a different race from either the English or the Irish people, or the service
has called forth the most merciless and barbaric acts ever performed by any race
having the slightest claim to any form of civilization. No better example of
this can be cited than the well-known character most active at this time and
entitled to bear the name of Lord Kingsborough. He was probably best known
as the commander of the "Cherubs", as they termed themselves, a body of
Orangemen, who formed the North Cork yeomanry. This worthy, their com-
mander, was the inventor of the "pitch cap", a man who never took a prisoner
or did any fighting, but cowardly put to death every unarmed Irishman, woman
or child within his reach. With those in his command he committed every
known crime, but all as a loyal servant of the Government.

The "London Courier" was a Whig paper opposed to the Government and
supported by the same individuals whose names have been just given as self-
declared friends of Arthur O'Connor. In London they openly professed
political views which, in Ireland, had caused many thousand Irishmen to
be put to death without trial and merely on suspicion of their holding such
views.

The "Dublin Journal" for July 6, 1799, incidentally states that Lords Clare
and Castlereagh had obtained a verdict of one thousand pounds for libel against
the "London Courier." For reasons not known the Government allowed this list
of O'Connor's English friends to be published, and the list seems to have been
put together by some one connected with the journal and for some special
purpose.

At length, not being able to break Mr. Emmet's spirit by the donjon im-
prisonment on bread and water, nor exact from him any expression of regret,
he was returned at the end of six weeks to his room and treated as the other
prisoners as to his food and freedom to visit the yard and certain portions of
the building. Shortly afterwards, as has been stated, his wife having been al-
lowed to see him refused to leave his room, and to annoy Mr. Emmet it was
ordered to keep her there in close confinement. On March 17, 1799, his sister
learned that her brother was to be removed on the following day and that his
wife would not be allowed to accompany him. His sister was not permitted to
see him until late at night, and only after she had brought to bear all the out-
side influence which she was able to enlist. Information as to the destination
of the prisoners was denied and when she and his wife bade him farewell it was
feared they were never to meet again, and as far as his sister was concerned,
this was true.

While Mr. Emmet was being held in solitary confinement the following
was published by the "Dublin Journal," September 25th, 1798 :

Kindness of Colonel Stuart 327

Datis Vadibus; or
Signed, Sealed, and Delivered

Long time had old Nick hovered over the gibbet.
And sharpen'd his claws with the patriot hope

That a day or two more would in public exhibit
The heroes of unity stretching the rope.

When thus to his Come-Rogues spoke Dr. McNeven :

"Sad symptoms I see that I tremble to tell ;

Old Beelzebub's claw disunites us from heaven,
And th' Executive waits to transport us to hell.

"Behold him preparing to make his attack on

The few that have scap'd from the gallows and sword ;
Poor Sampson and Emmet, O'Connor and Jackson,
The Director is waiting to take you on board."

Old Nick overheard; and — "Have done with your quaking;

Dear Doctor", the fiend grimly replied;
"I'm in no such vast hurry my cargo for taking.

So, my boy, you may sleep without fear of your hide.

"Come, cheer up, brave Tommy, be merry, O'Connor,
No cause have you yet to sink down and despond,

A while I will leave you, not doubting your honour;
Old Nick for your coming has taken a Bond".

On the arrival at Fort George Mr. Emmet was the only one of the eighteen
State prisoners, as they were termed, who was put strictly in close confinement
as directed by the Government. When, after a few days, Mr. Stuart, the governor
of the Fortress, had become acquainted with Mr. Emmet, he was released on his
honor from all restraint and admitted to all the privileges enjoyed by the other
prisoners. Mrs. O'Connor had been allowed to accompany her husband, who
was not subjected to the slightest restraint, but allowed to go abroad and visit
any of his acquaintances in the neighboring country, and to return at his will.

Mrs. Emmet having been refused the privilege of accompanying her hus-
band, with three of her eldest children, set out for London. Here she secured
an interview with the Duke of Portland, who rudely refused her permission to
visit her husband. Mrs. Emmet always described the Minister's manner to her
as brutal. She, however, was not discouraged, and after several weeks spent in
London, through the influence of the Temple family and some other friends,
she finally obtained permission to see her husband.

It was well known that Mrs. Emmet was in full sympathy with her hus-
band's views, and she had been a help-mate from the beginning. Colonel Stuart,
however, was exceedingly indignant on receiving his instructions from the
Government, and after he had become acquainted with Mr. Emmet's history,
would not be a party to what he considered a persecution. Possibly as a Scotch
Highlander, he was at heart somewhat in sympathy with the Irish movement.

328 Importance of Mr. Emmet's Services

He sent the children to his own house, and he proved a good friend to them,
as he maintained as close a personal relation afterwards with Mr. Emmet as
discipline and his official position would allow.

The British Government beyond doubt wished Mr. Emmet to be subjected
to close imprisonment at Fort George, and it was anticipated that he would die
in prison, this being the only means by which the Government could be relieved
of the influence of a man whom they dared not release.

Finally, it has been shown, that when the warrant arrived for the immediate
discharge of the prisoners, his name was omitted, and Colonel Stuart, without
the authority of the Government, allowed him to depart with the others. In con-
nection with Mr. Emmet's statement it is evident that, prompted by spite,
the Government had decided, notwithstanding its pledge to the contrary, to
keep him in prison all his life, since they could not convict him and they feared
the influence he would wield if set at liberty.

One circumstance after another has been brought to light during the writer's
investigation, showing Mr. Emmet was certainly a man of more importance
than history has represented him and this has been a natural result, produced
by the English Government and accepted by the public, which knew nothing to
the contrary. In accord with the settled policy of that Government every
official disparaged and concealed, as far as possible, Mr. Emmet's importance,
and attributed to Mr. O'Connor and to others the special work it has been easy
to show Mr. Emmet alone accomplished. Unfortunately, Mr. Emmet, himself,
contributed much to ignorance of his work, for nothing gave him more satis-
faction than to have attributed to others what he had done, and he thus avoided
as far as possible that he himself should receive any credit. In proof of this
statement the reader has but to read the opening pages of this volume, written
by Mr. Emmet, which give an account of the United Irishmen during the period
when he was most active, and at times the only person whose influence held
the organization together, while at no time was his personal influence in-
operative. Yet he does not make the slightest reference to himself and no one
would judge that he was more than a close observer of passing events.

Long before Mr. Emmet's arrest the Government had begun to fear the in-
fluence exerted by him over the Irish people throughout the country, and in a
measure it even exaggerated the extent to which it could be exercised. It was
known that he alone kept the people from open rebellion for nearly eighteen
months, and could not be bribed to throw the country into the disorder wished
for by Pitt, so he and the other leaders, as already shown, were arrested to
break up that influence. Finding afterwards that Mr. Emmet's influence with
the people had been but little diminished, as his teaching was followed to a
great extent after his imprisonment, the Government was obliged to keep Mr.
Emmet in prison indefinitely, fearing to release him.

Writers of recent date, however, have been inevitably misled as to Mr.
Emmet's work, since they relied on the so-called official records, published at
the time for the purpose of misleading. For many years free access was given
to the State papers in Dublin, but recently this privilege has been withdrawn

Disappearance of Irish State Papers

and copies of papers, well known to have been on deposit in the Dublin record
offices but a few years ago, are no longer available. It is an open secret that
since Mr. Balfour was in office every valuable State paper, especially those re-
flecting on the Government, have been taken to England and of their existence
there the English official now knows nothing. The papers are secreted, if
they are not destroyed, and centuries must elapse before the true history of
Ireland can be written, unless these papers can be found.

Ireland — her destitution. . . . Her uncultivated fields, her unemployed, houseless,
starving, uneducated peasantry, had long been the theme of sorroiv to the patriot, and
of contempt to the unthinking.

T. A. Emmet.

Necessity is catted the tyrant's plea; it must be ivorse than tyranny that cannot plead
even necessity.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XVIII

Mr. Emmet and his family land in Holland— The English Government having broken
its agreement with him and the other prisoners, he now feels free to act in the interest
of the Irish people and delay his departure to America— Mr. Emmet's letter to Archibald
Hamilton Rowan — Letters to Dr. Macneven on their prospects and plans — Mrs. Emmet's
health not satisfactory — His plans for settling in the United States — The advisability
discussed as to publishing a true version of the terms agreed upon between England
and the State prisoners, made necessary by Government's issuing a false statement — The
close relation existing between Mr. Emmet and his brother Robert — Their full accord
in all political matters.

OVERNOR STUART had earned the deep gratitude of
the State prisoners, and their parting with this good man
was a sad one indeed, for they realized that they were
never to meet again. The Emmet children were heart-
broken at the parting and throughout their long lives they
bore a most affectionate remembrance of him, who seemed
to have filled, for them, the place of their grandfather, Dr.
Robert Emmet.

The prisoners were transported on the frigate
"Ariadne", and landed in Holland on July 4th, 1802. Mr. Emmet had with
him his wife and their three eldest children — Robert, Margaret, Elizabeth,
and an infant, Jane Erin, who had been born in Fort George,
April 18th, 1802. After a short visit to Hamburg, Mr. Emmet settled
down in Brussels, and, uncertain of his future movements, occupied himself
in educating his children. He had expected to emigrate to the United States,
in case France did not offer assistance to Ireland, but as war at that time
seemed probable between France and England, he was unable to decide upon
his future. After gaining his freedom, and as England had not kept her ob-
ligation, Mr. Emmet felt that he was free to take any action against the Eng-
lish Government that might advance the interests of Ireland, so he delayed his
departure for America.

In the appendix of Dr. Drummond's Memoir of Rowan appears the
following :

When Archibald Hamilton Rowan in 1802 wrote to the State prisoners, offering his
services, he received the following letter, in reply, from Thomas Addis Emmet, who of
all the expatriated Irishmen was the most distinguished for his talents and virtues:

330

Letters to Macneven 331

8th July, 1802.

My dear friend — I received your kind letter yesterday, just as I was sitting down to
dinner, which prevented my answering it directly. Since then I have shown it to Dowl-
ing, Chambers, and some others, with whom you were formerly connected in intimacy.
They all desire me to assure you of their affection and esteem. We were in some
measure apprised of your situation, and of the injury you might possibly sustain by
holding intercourse with us; we therefore voluntarily deprived ourselves of the pleasure
we should enjoy in your society, and declined calling on you directly on our arrival.
For my part it would give me the utmost pain if your friendship towards me were to
lead you into any embarrassment, or subject you to any misrepresentation on a point of
such material importance to yourself and family. I am certain that if I really stood in
need of any act of kindness from you it would be instantly done; but at present that is
in no respect the case.

My health and spirits are extremely good ; in consequence of relaxation from busi-
ness, both are very much improved. As to my future destination you will, I dare say,
condemn it, for I know your dislike to America. But with the views I take of Europe
I have scarcely an alternative. I shall not go out big with expectation, and shall therefore
perhaps escape disappointment; but America, with all its disadvantages, opens to me the
fairest field of honourable employment. My stay here will probably be very short, as I
wish to let Mrs. Emmet recruit after a two years' imprisonment and a very fatiguing
journey, and if I can to receive some letters. From hence I shall probably go into
Holland, and perhaps, if I find it advisable into France, to meet my three little boys, that
are still in Ireland. This is in fact all I can say of my own intentions, which are far from
settled.

Wishing you and yours every prosperity and happiness,

I remain, my dear friend, in all sincerity yours,

T. A. Emmet.

To A. H. Rowan, Esq.,

Altoona.

Among the Macneven papers were found the following letters from Mr.
Emmet :

Brussels, 8th November, 1802.
My dear Macneven,

Under no circumstance must you infer from my want of punctuality a want of af-
fection ; and as on the last occasion, if you had done so, you would have been entirely
mistaken, so you will be on any future one if you shall be tempted to draw that conclusion.
The letter you wrote me from Munich to Amsterdam, I never received, and what makes
that the more extraordinary is that I wrote long since to the director of the poste restante
of that city, desiring all my letters to be forwarded here, and have actually received one
from my sister that was lying there. Yours, however, is not the only one which I know to
have miscarried ; and at this very time I apprehend some such accident, as I have not
heard from my family these six weeks.

What you mention of the manner in which the impartial on the continent are
disposed to view our conduct, gives me great pleasure. That they should approve of our
designs is sufficient; and it is natural that they should disapprove of our connection with
France. Perhaps, when our cause shall have ultimately succeeded, we and our friends
may obtain their more unqualified applause. I feel equally anxious with you that a true
account should circulate, where a perverted one had been able to make so little of an
injurious impression; but I do not look upon the postponement to which we have sub-
mitted as in any respect an abandonment of our original intention in that respect. And,
although we may each of us engage in some other work with that view, I still think
that the narrative should be published and the enemy assaulted in as many ways as possi-
ble. But in looking over my papers in consequence of your letter I was very much sur-

332 Difficulty of Publishing

prised to find that the narrative was not among them. The account which I drew up in
Kilmainham was there, but the one we all agreed upon in Fort George was not. You
certainly imagined I had it when you gave me in Hamburgh a paragraph to be inserted
in it, but as I am certain none of the papers I packed upon our departure from Fort
George are missing, you must have the copy which did not go to Ireland ; and I think
I have a faint recollection of your getting it from me. My history has lately languished
for want of materials ; but if I get them in time I hope to publish the first part" before
I leave Europe. I should be very glad, like you, to make a little money by my pen, but I
cannot say my expectations are very sanguine, because the booksellers in England (where
it would sell best) may be afraid of meddling with it on account of the pillory. How-
ever, money or not, I rejoice that you persevere in the intention of our being neighbours,
provided we leave Europe, of which the present rumours lead me to doubt. The un-
certainty of peace or war, and the state of my little family here, keep me in great inde-
cision what steps to take; but if I had any steps to the first, I would endeavour to
arrange the other accordingly. Your application to Talleyrand, and your endeavour to
see Buonaparte (although things under other circumstances I should be much inclined
to disapprove) may perhaps give us some insight; as, if they look to war they will
scarcely treat us with neglect. It is now above a month since I have seen R. [Robert, his
brother], and if Lawless received a letter from him, containing many commissions, &c, he
can give you many particulars of him you would wish to know. From what he has told me,
and what I have heard from other quarters, I believe that besides ignorance and passion
in the management of our affairs, if there was not treachery, there was at least great
duplicity and bad faith. Some of those whom I considered as my friends before my
imprisonment have grievously disappointed me ; and if I go to Paris, I shall not do it
without violence to my feelings.

Mrs. Emmet, Robert [his son], &c, desire their loves to you, as I do to Lawless and
my other friends with you.

Ever most affectionately yours,

T. A. Emmet.

Direct to me, "Chez Lerme, Madame Tapissier, No. 995, Au petit Sablon." Beg of
Lawless to send R.'s things as soon as he can, as they are to be forwarded to him from
this, with some books, &c, that are waiting for them.

Au Citoven Macneven.

No. 298, Demeurant dans la Rue de la Loi, vis-;a-vis la porte de la Bibliotheque Nationale, a

Paris.

[No date.]
My dear Macneven — I had yesterday the very great pleasure of receiving a few
lines from you on your arrival at Paris. You are right in suspecting that I was as punctual
as my promise, but Mrs. Emmet's health and my own unsettled state must form my
apology. I was really incapacitated from writing to any one, until all hopes of a letter
reaching you at Prague were over, and after that I did not know your address. My
excuse turning upon her health, you will naturally be anxious to know its present state.
She is undoubtedly much better than she was, but still liable to be overset by anxiety and
uneasiness of mind ; and deriving so little pleasure from her residence on the continent
of Europe that she is lamenting every moment as lost that must elapse before her setting
off for America; if it were possible she would gladly begin her voyage in midwinter. This
in a good measure answers your questions about that country. My views are more fixed
on it than they were because experience shows me how disagreeably, and I may say,
degradingly, I should spend my time elsewhere; and I rejoice to think you entertain the
same ideas, though I apprize you, Lawless will endeavour to change their current. How-
ever as your opinions of France and America appeared by your letter to be the same as

"WILLIAM JAMES MACNEVEN M D.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

THE EF

Iptjblic

TIUDEN FOUND'

Addresses of United Irishmen 333

when we conversed at Hamburgh, I was a good deal surprised to find you proposing to
publish our narrative immediately and in the former place. Perhaps you may have
heard something in Germany that has made you change your opinions, but at present
mine continues unaltered. Our first intention was to publish it as soon as we got our
liberty; but when we saw the state of the press and the country at large, we both agreed
to defer it till we got to America, and then assign our reasons for the delay. In the
propriety of this resolution I was more convinced by conversing with Robert,* who was
decided that it would be as safe to publish it in London as in France and quoted some
expressions to me from high authority respecting the willingness of Government to de-
liver up the United Irishmen, tied neck and heels, to England. How then, should we
stand if we published now, independent of any consideration of safety? Every one
would naturally ask why we did not do it before, and could we point out any change that
had made it safer or more advisable? It would look like a composition, the effect of
after-thought, but if we delay it till we go to a new and more congenial place, that makes
a new era, and we can obviate any such questions. If it could be published now, it
could as well have been done three months ago; and if it could not with propriety have
been done then, no one will expect it from us till our change of situation shall have done
away the objection.

I state this independent of any real consideration of safety — but have you ascer-
tained how that fact stands? Have you got any assurance or even reason to hope for
security or protection? There is not much time now to elapse, I hope, before I shall be
making my preparations for America ; and I take it for granted you will not be above
six months in Europe, unless some changes shall take place that would, in both cases,
reverse all our calculations. Even supposing then that I preceded you and published
before you came out, calculating for the time of a vessel's going and returning, you
would be out of the power of your enemies before they could form a wish for your
arrest; or if we gave it to the world on our quitting Europe, the same would follow, and
you could take such measures as you thought fit for giving it circulation in Germany.
These are the ideas which I have formed, and I thought they were yours till yesterday.

They have prevented me hitherto re-perusing the narrative, though I should wish to do
that before it went to press. As to the addresses of our friends, I suppose you know
them all before this. Matthew Dowling was by the last accounts in Rotterdam. Sweet-
man is gone to Lyons or its neighbourhood. Russell will be able to give you more par-
ticular information as to their addresses, as well as Sweeney's and Wilson's. I was very
near going to Paris, but have laid that idea aside for the present. Perhaps, as you are
an unincumbered traveller, you may take it into your head some holiday season to take a
place in the diligence for here and back again. I need not say how many would be
happy to see you, nor how many things we could talk over in a short time. Mrs. Emmet
and all the family desire their affectionate love to you — and believe me for ever

Most sincerely yours,

T. A. Emmet.

to w. j. mac neve n, esq., m.d.

Brussels, 25th October, 1802.
I know nothing of either your papers or my own ; though I wrote about them, and
lately sent a message, they have never been mentioned to me. I presume, however, they

*Mr. Emmet, in seeking the opinion of his brother and by basing many of his decisions upon
it, showed the confidence he had in his judgment. Notwithstanding the difference of age between
the two brothers, two individuals are seldom found more united, or maintaining unbroken a more
Teliant faith in each other's judgment. This was particularly so in political matters.
The elder brother was as familiar with every feature in connection with Robert Kmmet's so-called
rebellion as the younger one had been with the plans and aspirations of the United Irishmen. With
these two men the effort of 1798 and that of 1803 were essentially the same action, and were to
attain the same end. While not germane to Mr. Kmmet's letter it would be difficult to find a more
appropriate place to pointy out, what _ is not generally known, how absolutely united, intellectually,
these two men were, having views in common on the relations of life and yet each preserving
unimpaired his own individuality.

334 Rumours of War

will not be long delayed, and think it probable they may come to Antwerp. Have you any
news in Paris? We have here strong rumours of war again. If they should turn out
to be well-founded, our views would be indeed changed. Have any of you in Paris
heard anything of Dowdall lately, and is he still in Ireland?

To William J. Macneven, Esq., No. 298, Rue de la Loi, vis-a-vis la porte de la Bib-
liotheque Nationale, a Paris.

Parliaments and charters are too often the trappings of the slave.

T. A. Emmet.

The Scottish Covenanters resembled the United Irishmen of the present day in their
union and their perseverance ; and they were, like them, decried, vilified and per-
secuted.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XIX

Residence of T. A. Emmet on the continent — His appointment by the Irish Direc-
tory, to represent, in Paris, the movement for establishing the Irish Republic — O'Con-
nor's relations with Emmet at Fort George — An explanation of the difficulty between the
prisoners — Duel between Emmet and O'Connor prevented by their friends, although
O'Connor continues his course of intrigue — Pretended arrest of Samuel Turner — Sent
to Fort George as a spy — Mr. Emmet's standing among the Irish leaders — O'Connor's
work, "Monopoly, the Root of all Evil", in which a reflection is made on Mr. Emmet's
courage, while at the head of the United Irishmen — Mr. O'Connor's ambition — Mr.
Emmet's attitude towards a French alliance.

HOMAS ADDIS EMMET was living in Brussels and
making his arrangements to emigrate with his family to
the United States when he received a communication by
a special messenger from the Directory of the United
Irishmen, urging him to proceed to Paris and act
there as the minister from the Irish Republic. At that
time it was considered probable that the Republic would
be established with the aid of France. This changed
his plans, and he accepted the position of Minister, with
the hope of eventually being able to return with his family to his native country.
During his residence in Paris Mr. Emmet kept a complete diary of all mat-
ters pertaining to Irish affairs, which gives a full insight into a part of Irish
history which has hitherto been very obscure. This diary has been but recently
discovered in a package of old family papers. After the failure of the Irish
movement and Mr. Emmet's emigration to America, he evidently wished the
whole matter to pass into oblivion. This is more than probable, for had his
sons had any knowledge of this record, it would undoubtedly have been sent,
as were all the other papers, to Dr. Madden, when he was preparing his memoir
of their father. It will be seen from this journal that no man exercised a
greater influence to the detriment of the national cause than Arthur O'Connor,
through his intrigues and constant interference. Mr. Emmet had a profound
feeling of mistrust for Mr. O'Connor's political honesty, and this was height-
ened by the unaccountable fact that Mr. O'Connor was never subjected to the
close confinement imposed upon the other State prisoners on their first arrival
at Fort George. Both Mr. O'Connor and his wife were allowed to come and

335

336 Treatment of O'Connor

go without restraint, as if they were most loyal to the Government ; and it has
been an unexplained circumstance that his wife and children were allowed to
join him immediately after he reached Fort George. In every other instance
the Government refused permission for the wife of a prisoner even to reside in
the neighborhood of the fortress, and no one was allowed to have a personal
interview; the only communication permitted was a written one, limited in
length, and the delivery was left entirely to the discretion of the commanding
officer. In Dr. Madden's sketch of Samuel Neilson's life (one of the leaders
of the United Irishmen, also confined at Fort George), is given a letter written
to his wife March 30th, 1800, in which he writes: "Mrs. O'Connor and her
children remain with Mr. O'Connor, and they have all the liberty of ranging
the Fort and neighborhood;* the other nineteen of us are closely confined as
usual". In a letter of May 18th, 1800, Mr. Neilson again wrote to his wife:
"Mrs. O'Connor and her family are still here, but Mrs. Emmet has hitherto
failed in all her applications; there appears to be a MARKED difference".
We may infer from another letter written to Mrs. Neilson on November 4th,
1801, that her husband did not trust Mr. O'Connor: "A certain gentleman
has ceased to have mischief in his power here* Hudson, Chambers, Tennent,
and Dowling alone are on speaking terms with him". That this statement
refers to Mr. O'Connor cannot be doubted by anyone familiar with the cir-
cumstances. The utmost good-will and unbroken harmony existed among the
other prisoners, and the only discordant element was associated with Arthur
and Roger O'Connor. The latter, however, seems to have been on equally
good terms with the Government, as a short time after the beginning of his
stay at Fort George he was allowed to go to London, and was then released
on the score of bad health — a degree of consideration which has never been
shown to an Irish political prisoner who was not "friendly" to the Govern-
ment. The then British Government was most desirous of obtaining some
"legal" evidence against Mr. Emmet, and it is not improbable that he dis-
covered some indication that Mr. O'Connor had been sent to Fort George for
that purpose.

It is evident that Mr. Emmet had good reason to believe that Mr. Arthur
O'Connor had "made his peace" with the Government after his arrest, and
that he was sent to Fort George to act as a spy, and Dr. Macneven held the
same opinion. Mr. Emmet and Mr. O'Connor were in the Irish Directory at
the same time but O'Connor took no active part save in opposition,
and became Mr. Emmet's enemy on account of Mr. Emmet's mistrust of Na-
poleon. All who knew Mr. Emmet as a friend agree that he was a cool, quiet,
even-tempered man, who kept his feelings in full subjection by a very judicial
and well-balanced mind. This feeling of mistrust regarding Mr. O'Connor
impressed him so deeply that it could never have arisen entirely from any
personal grievance against Mr. O'Connor. Moreover, Mr. Emmet would never
have allowed any feeling of a personal nature to conflict with such service as

*The italics are Mr. Neilson's.

Clue to Misunderstanding $$7

Mr. O'Connor could have rendered the Irish cause had he deemed him trust-
worthy. Mr. Emmet, furthermore, states in his diary that his complaint
against Mr. O'Connor could not be disclosed until he could lay it before the
Irish Government. Mr. St. John Mason, a cousin of Mr. T. A. Emmet, visited
him at Fort George in 1800. He was not, however, allowed to see the prisoner
and could only communicate with him by letter. Mr. Mason in one of his
letters suggests rendering some service to Mr. Arthur O'Connor. Mr. Em-
met answered, as Mr. Mason stated, that he had "public and private, personal
and political reasons for not having anything to do with, or to put himself
in the way of owing any personal obligation to either of the Messrs. O'Connor".

After their release from prison Mr. Emmet and Mr. O'Connor at once
made arrangements to fight a duel, which had been for some time pending.
Before their landing in Holland, however, their fellow-prisoners exerted suffi-
cient influence on both to induce them to abandon the affair and to avoid a
public scandal. Dr. Madden gives a full account of the whole matter, and
states clearly that Mr. O'Connor at that time expressed approbation of Mr.
Emmet's moral and political course. Under the circumstances Mr. O'Connor
was not justified in his attack on Mr. Emmet's memory when, as late as 1848,
in a work called "Monopoly, the Root of All Evil," he charges Mr. Emmet,
when at the head of the United Irishmen, with being "a coward, and a man
of bad faith", the reason being that he would not blindly accept aid from
France. Every act of Mr. Emmet's public and private life goes to disprove
both charges. Mr. O'Connor certainly never had the courage, during Mr. Em-
met's lifetime, to make the charge, or even to hint at it; nor did he strengthen
the possibility of its truthfulness by making a dastardly attack so many years
after Mr. Emmet's death.

Dr. Madden, who investigated this matter thoroughly, and who based his
account of the whole affair on the testimony of those personally known to him,
who acted for both Mr. Emmet and Mr. O'Connor, which testimony he pub-
lished, in his "Life of Mr. Emmet", concludes his consideration of the subject
as follows :

It is unnecessary for me to trouble the reader with any comments on the preceding
statements. I will only observe that the several statements may be relied on as an exact
account of the occurrences that came to the knowledge of the persons by whom they
were made — men of high character, honour, and integrity; and that it is impossible to
read these statements without feeling there is evidence in them of solid worth — of un-
swerving principles — of honour, truth, and sterling honesty — on the part of T. A. Emmet.

Fitzpatrick, in his work "Secret Service Under Pitt", has probably fur-
nished the clue to the difficulty in understanding what the situation was among
the State prisoners at Fort George. Until, in recent years, access could be had to
the State papers, no one would have ever doubted that Samuel Turner,
one of the prisoners, was not true to the Irish cause. It was never suspected
that he was sent as a Government spy, with the object of obtaining, if possible,
some evidence on which Thomas Addis Emmet could be brought to trial and
convicted. Mr. Emmet always held, after his imprisonment, that Arthur

338 Samuel Turner

O'Connor had made his peace with the Government and accompanied the other
prisoners as a Government spy. No one can deny that O'Connor was at one
time a true patriot, and until his imprisonment no man connected with the
cause had rendered greater service. This was only impaired later by his inor-
dinate vanity and repugnance to giving credit to his associates or hearing it
rendered to them by others.

Turner was a Dublin man of position whom Mr. Emmet had constantly
met socially and who lacked no attribute pertaining to a gentleman of stand-
ing. As a consequence of their former acquaintance Turner and Mr. Emmet
were intimate friends throughout the period of their confinement together in
Dublin and at Fort George.

Mr. Fitzpatrick (Secret Service Under Pitt, p. 100) quotes from "The
London Courier", of December 5, 1803 :

"On Friday last Samuel Turner, Esq., barrister-at-Iaw, was brought to the bar of the
Court under the charge of attainder, passed in the Irish Parliament, as one concerned
in the Rebellion of the year 1798 ; but having shown that he was no way concerned
therein, that he had not been in the country for a year and seven months prior to the
passing of that Act— i. e. for thirteen months prior to the rebellion— and therefore could
not be the person alluded to, his Majesty's Attorney-General confessed the same and Mr.
Turner was discharged accordingly".

Turner's committal to Kilmainham was only another act in the great drama, one
scene of which Mr. Froude has so powerfully put before us : "Samuel Turner, Esquire",
of imposing presence and indomitable mien, a veteran in "the cause", the man who had
challenged the Commander-in-Chief, the envoy to France, the exile of Erin, the friend
of Lord Edward and Pamela, the disinherited by his father, the victim of State persecu-
tion, now stood before his fellow-prisoners the "Ecce Homo" of martyrdom, commanding
irresistibly their confidence.

Of his detention in Kilmainham Dr. Madden knows nothing; but he mentions that
Turner accompanied the State prisoners — nineteen in number — to Fort George in Scotland,
the final scene of their captivity. Here Turner's work was so adroitly performed that we
find a man of incorruptible integrity suspected instead. Arthur O'Connor told John
Patten that Thomas Addis Emmet gave important information of a letter which O'Connor
was writing, through which means Government became acquainted with the circumstance.
A long correspondence on the subject has been published by Madden. Emmet at last
challenged O'Connor, Patten, the brother-in-law of Emmet, was told to bring a certain
pair of duelling pistols* to Fort George; but thanks to the efforts of Robert Emmet to
allay the dispute, the weapons were not used. It was Patten's impression that Turner's
machinations had set the two friends by the ears. Although O'Connor apologised, and
both parties shook hands, it is painful to add that half a century after, when the upright
Emmet had been more than twenty years dead, O'Connor, in his book "Monopoly" stig-
matised him as a man of bad faith. A suspicion more hopeless was never uttered. In
this book the name of his fellow-prisoner, Turner, is not once mentioned. Indeed, the
inference is that he thought well of Turner; for O'Connor, after criticising the Catholic
members of the Directory, declares that he had much greater reliance on the Northern
chiefs. O'Connor, Emmet, Neilson and others were detained at Fort George until the
Peace of Amiens, and then enlarged on condition that they should expatriate themselves
forever.

Turner, shortly after, was killed in a duel with John Boyce, who had prob-
ably been imprisoned on Turner's information. The Government seems to

•Which the writer now has in his possession.

O'Connor's Ambition 339

have taken no action against Boyce, probably thankful that, as the informer
could be of no further service, it was relieved of all obligations in his regard.

Whatever may have been the cause of difficulty, the fact is clear that after
Mr. O'Connor's supposed arrest, for some reason now unknown, he lost the
confidence of the prominent Irish leaders. Although he had a following and
was respected for past services by most of the leaders in Paris, he was entirely
ignored by them. Mr. O'Connor was not trusted with any information in
regard to the movement for establishing the Irish republic. Mr. Emmet, on
the contrary, as their agent in Paris, was in constant touch with the leaders in
Ireland and the centers of the revolution.

Moreover, Mr. Emmet had the full confidence of Neilson, "Honest" John
Sweetman, Dr. Macneven and all the other Irishmen in Paris who at that time
could lay any claim to a prominent position. It is true that Napoleon and
his ministers treated Mr. O'Connor with the greatest consideration, while Mr.
Emmet received but scant courtesy. This is a matter which, at the time, was
difficult to understand, but with our present knowledge it is now evident that
Napoleon, having determined on a course of deception and treachery to the
Irish people, made every effort to spread dissension among them and after-
wards used Mr. O'Connor's vanity for that purpose. As Mr. O'Connor failed
in being able to render England any service he received no further reward,
and was only allowed to return to Ireland for a visit of a few weeks, towards
the close of his life, when he had been forgotten.

There is no doubt that at one time Arthur O'Connor cherished the hope
that with the aid of France, he might become King of Ireland, on the ground
of an old family claim. To accomplish this he wished for no more than a
separation from England and for Ireland to become a dependency of France.

Chiefly on his own representation he was supposed by Napoleon to be the
most important man among the Irish leaders. He had the greatest faith in
O'Connor's judgment and influence, and O'Connor's influence with the French
Government, at the time regarded as a most unfortunate circumstance, sub-
sequently proved to Ireland's advantage. For Mr. Emmet's opposition to
O'Connor, his lack of confidence in Napoleon's honesty of purpose, and his
determination to accept but a limited assistance from France doubtless checked
a close and permanent alliance between his country and France. Ireland was
thus saved from the many complications which would have resulted from a
tangled alliance with France, which a majority of the Irish people themselves,
without a thought for the future, desired, until the attitude of Thomas Addis
Emmet and his brother Robert was fully understood by the more influential of
the Irish leaders.

All friends of liberty, all lovers of their native country, have the same objects in viem>,
and should endeavour to understand and communicate ivith each other, and to pursue
these objects by united efforts and harmonized and according efforts.

T. A. Emmet.

Under the auspices of a military government the digging of potatoes has become treason,
the reaping of corn a felony of death.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XX

Diary of Thos. Addis Emmet, begun on his arrival in Paris — Sketch of Col. Dalton —
Mr. Emmet receives a message from the Minister of War seeking to learn the details
of his purpose — Sketch of Lieut. Patrick Gallagher — Emmet's trouble due to O'Connor's
interference — News of extended organization in Ireland — Sketch of Mich'l Dwyer —
Ordered by the Directory to make a personal application to Napoleon for arms, etc. —
Sketch of Gen'l Harty — Many difficulties advanced against a personal interview — It is
insisted that O'Connor must be allowed to be fully associated with Mr. Emmet's work,
as the Irish representative, in connection with the French Government — Sketch of Col.
Jere. Fitzhenry — First Consul declines to meet Mr. Emmet — He shows his credentials
to the messenger from the War Department — News received from Ireland — Sketch of
Capt. Thos. Corbet— Sketch of W. P. MacCabe— Anxious to obtain from the Govern-
ment a passport for sending a messenger to Ireland for instructions — Sketch of

Delaney— An intimate friend of both Mr. Emmet and Russell— Macneven and Emmet
prepare an article to show the advantage of commercial relations between France and
Ireland — Bonaparte has it published in the "Moniteur" and the "Argus".

ij| ERY soon after Mr. Emmet's arrival in Paris he realized
the necessity for keeping a diary in connection with his
political duties and at length he began as follows :*

On Monday, 30th of May, 1S03, Col. Dalton,t a French
officer of Irish parentage, who had previously cultivated my
acquaintance, as I plainly saw, from political motives, called
on me at Cormeil, and after a little preliminary conversation,
told me he came officially charged by the Minister at Wart to
inform me that the French Government were determined on
sending an expedition to Ireland. That Gen. [Andre] Massena
was appointed to the command; that it would be more worthy of the French Nation,
and such as would bear no room for contest, even if the Irish were not at first pre-
pared to act in its support. At the same time the French were sensible of the
impossibility of conquering Ireland, and their wishes, as well as their interests, only
went to making it separate from England; that Ireland should be left at liberty to
choose its own form of government.

He requested me to communicate this intelligence to my friends in Ireland, in such a
way as I might think fit ; at the same time to inform them that the expedition could not
be ready before six months, and even if any hostile movements took place on the conti-
nent it would be necessary to end them first; but that the French Government by no

•The greater portion of the biographical material, given in the footnotes to Mr. Emmet's diary,
is taken from the "Memoirs" of Miles Byrne.

t Dalton. Colonel, afterwards adjutant general in the French Army. Son of an Irishman, born
in Paris and never learned to Bpeak English. Received the title of Count, and was a lieutenant
general in 1832.

X General Alexander Berthier was the Minister of War at this time.

340

Mr. Emmet's Diary 341

means wished the Irish to commit themselves by any previous movements, as the force
would be sufficient to beat the English, even if the Irish did not stir. I asked what would
be the force, and he answered he believed about twenty-five thousand men; at any rate
the name of the General was sufficient assurance that he would not go with an insufficient
force. I replied to all this, that as the communication he had made was undoubtedly of
the first importance to my country I would communicate it, as I would have done if I
had received the same information in any other way, and my future conduct with the
French government should be guided by the instructions I should receive from home ;
that for the present, however, I should observe that the People of Ireland felt so much
disgusted with the treatment they had received, in being buoyed up with false
hopes and promises which had been broken, they had learned so entirely to distrust, in
consequence of the repeated messages they had received, and their final abandonment at
the peace, that they would probably withdraw their confidence from me and consider me an
additional dupe to the schemes and intrigues of France, if I gave them assurances of a
large force being sent, when the deficiency of means for performing such a promise
presented itself to every mind; that besides, I ought not to dissemble. France had lost
the confidence of Ireland, and the treatment which the Irish had received in France ever
since the peace, almost proscribed, and those whose fortunes had been ruined by attach-
ment to France suffered to languish in poverty; that such treatment had excited even an
aversion, and would render a great many steps on the part of France necessary besides
an expedition, if confidence was to be restored between the two countries; that it was not
even clear to me how an expedition, unpreceded by such steps, would be received ; that
Ireland ever since the peace was forced to look only upon her own internal resources, and
she had acquired a conviction that her independence was certain, tho' perhaps by slower
degrees, from the progressive ruin of England and her own increasing strength; and
that this mode of acquiring liberty would be unincumbered with treaties of alliance or
commerce, and unattended by the introduction of foreign troops. As it might, how-
ever, be slow, I readily avowed my own opinion that if the event could be more speedily
brought about by a French expedition, so conducted as not to interfere with the rights
of the country, much would be gained. But in order to restore confidence on the part
of the Irish to France, many measures should be adopted, into the details of which I
hoped I should have an opportunity of entering at another time. Mr. Dalton answered
me that I certainly should, and that Genl. Massena and the Minister of War would
be very happy to see me ; that the French Government wished to conciliate the Irish, and
succour such as might want it. That it therefore wished to know whether there were a
sufficient number of Irish here to form a legion. I answered, I would inquire; that at
present I believed not ; such as were here might be easily placed ; he answered, certainly.
He said, as to the means of the French, they had vessels of the line and a number of
frigates in or within reach of Brest; that others were shortly expected; that Spain and
Holland would certainly be drawn into the war, and that for so short a time troops
might be crowded ; that he himself had sailed five times out of Brest, tho' watched by
the English, and the same could at any time be easily done. As Col. D. staid all night
with me, we often returned to the same subject, in the course of which I suggested the
propriety and justice of paying the arrears of pensions to the Irish that had been dis-
continued since the peace, and I asked the means of sending a message to Ireland, which
he assured me should be had. Knowing that he had been also cultivating Mr. A. O'Con-
nor, I took the opportunity of asking him if he had communicated this message from the
French Government to any one but me. He answered that he had, to Mr. O'Connor only;
that the Government knew we were not friends, but it trusted we would both serve our
country to the utmost. I answered, Government was free to choose to whom it would
make known its secrets, and that I trusted we would each serve Ireland according to our
ability and knowledge. I then asked if the office of Foreign Affairs had any knowledge
of what he had mentioned ; he assured me not, and would not ; that in truth it did not
lye within that department, and was only known to the Minister at War and Genl.

342 Michael Dwyer

Massena. At this I expressed my satisfaction and hoped I should have no intercourse
with that office, as during the last war everything that was transacted with it by the
Irish was quickly known to the English Government. The next morning, before his de-
parture, he again spoke to me about Mr. O'Connor, as if the French Government wished
to reconcile us, at least so far as that we might act together. To this I answered that
I doubted not but we would both do our best for Ireland ; that, however, whatever good
we did must be by separate efforts. On which he dropt the subject, and he appointed
next morning, Wednesday, June 1st, for me to call upon him, that he might fix a time
for my seeing Massena. On his return home he lamented to Mrs. Tone, O'C's difference
& mine, and said he saw it would come to this, that Government would act with both
as long as it could, and at last would be obliged to choose between us.

In the evening of Tuesday, May 31st, I went to Paris and there saw Gallagher,* who
brought me accounts from Ireland, which he was charged to communicate to none but
me, leaving me the discretion of mentioning them where I thought fit. The purport of
these accounts was that an organization on a new and closer plan had been carried to a
great extent among the U. I. ; that a communication between North and South had been
thoroughly established ; that very proper and respectable men had come forward, par-
ticularly in the North, where it was least expected ; that a communication had also been
opened with Scotland, from which their co-operation was expected; that the counties of
Kildare, Wicklow, and some others near Dublin, as well as Dublin, were in a very
forward state; that they had considerable depots in Dublin; for instance, in one depot
twenty-five hundred pikes ready handled and one thousand with the handles ready; that
finding their strength increasing they had not been forward to begin, but were deter-
mined in case an attack should be made on any of their depots to commence, that these
were so circumstanced as to be able to resist a battalion if it came to attack them, long
enough to let the county of Wicklow come in ; that Dwyert had pledged himself to come
in and to bring that county with him if any depot was attacked, which was to be the
signal for beginning; that independent of his party there were members from the neigh-
bouring counties in town only waiting to defend the depots if attacked ; that delegates
from the people had been spoken to, who wished to know when they would be called
out. They were answered that no time would be fixed, that they would have timely
notice, and when once called upon they should not be put back; with this they were
content. That at present Government did not seem to have the slightest suspicion, but
as things could not be kept long in that state, I was ordered to apply to the First Consul
and to endeavour to procure money, arms, ammunition, and officers, to be landed in
places that were designated to me ; that if that was complied with a person would be
sent to give previous notice of their coming, and that on their arrival the people should
begin. If that could not be obtained I was desired to try and raise money from any rich
countrymen or any Americans that might favour the cause, as [the want of] money was
the principal difficulty, it being impossible to attempt subscriptions at home without dis-
covery. I was further desired to send home McP., McD., and S., particularly McD.,
because the communication was worse established with his county than elsewhere. In
the communication with Scotland one thing very deserving of notice had occurred. One
delegate was admitted to meet five from the Scotch ; he supposed [they were the] Execu-

* "Gallagher, Patrick, lieutenant the 7th December 1803, captain 2nd March 1804. The expedi-
tion to Ireland not taking place, he went to reside at Bordeaux with his wife and children. 'Pat'
Gallagher was one of the brave and faithful men who often, at the risk of their lives, guarded and
escorted poor Lord Edward Fitzgerald through the streets of Dublin in 1798. He escaped to Paris
the same year and there he met many of his former friends" (Byrne, Memoirs, II, 294). Gallagher
was a personal friend of Mr. Emmet, and when Byrne visited the Emmet family to take his leave
on entering the army he found Mrs. Gallagher there as a guest and stated (loc. cit., 324) : — "Poor
Gallagher's health was then delicate. He died at Bordeaux the following year, much regretted by
his countrymen and friends."

tMichael Dwyer was a farmer and at one time in the employ of Mr. Mason, the father of
Mrs. Dr. Robert Emmet. According to tradition he was settled on a farm in Co. Wicklow by Dr.
Robert Emmet and he was an uncle of Anne Devlin, a servant of the Emmet family in 1803.
Dwyer gave the English a great deal of trouble as a leader of a small band in the mountains of
Wicklow.

Scotch Negotiations 343

tive Committee; they asked him precisely whether Ireland continued attached to France;
he answered that Ireland was very much disgusted with France, and wotdd not take her
assistance if she could do without it; but that if it became necessary the Irish would take
what was wanting for securing her independence and no more. The Scotch answered
they were very glad Ireland was disgusted with France, as they were themselves, and
would have nothing to do with her; that they would gladly assist Ireland provided she did
not connect herself with France farther than was absolutely necessary, and that if on
matters breaking out in Ireland they were not ready to rise they would at least keep up
such an alarm in their own country as would prevent the withdrawing of troops.

After weighing this intelligence well and considering the communication which had
been made the day before by Dalton — after considering the influence of that from home
and the difficulty, if not the impossibility of fulfilling the promises made by France, that
if Ireland was as represented it could scarcely hope to remain quiet for the protracted
and probably uncertain period they marked out, and that if it was again subdued for
want of foreign succour, Massena and his army would probably arrive too late ; that
besides they were plunderers, disliked and detested not only by many of the United Irish-
men, but also by the Scotch, and in such numbers would perhaps attempt to give the law,
which was not what was asked for by the United Irishmen; after balancing all these
things the whole night I determined to solicit an interview with the Chief Consul and
after informing him of the information I had received, tell him I was going to make his
offer known to those who were acting in Ireland, and to beg to know whether if they
persisted in asking for a small and immediate force, after being made acquainted with his
intentions, they might count upon its being given. To point out to him that whatever
risque this might be to Ireland, it was a manifest gain to France, if she could separate
Ireland without endangering the remnant of her marine, and before England had been
enabled to prey on her commerce, and that when Ireland had made the same request
before, if it had been granted, in May, 1798, success would have been infallible, and Eng-
land at this day incapable of insulting or attempting to tyrannize over any other country.
As I clearly saw that the interests of Massena and the Minister of War were connected
with a large expedition and a formidable army, and that the prejudices of most French-
men would tend the same way, I determined to hold no communication with them on
the subject, but speak only to the Chief Consul himself, who had not the same personal
interests, but who in fact had none but those of France, to subdue England as speedily
and cheaply and with as little risque to the marine as possible ; besides, I was determined
to make him the only depository of my country's secret, because when that was done and
known to be the case, I conceived I did the utmost to avoid the betraying of my secret
to the enemy.

Accordingly, on Wednesday, June 1st, at the appointed hour, I waited on Col. Dalton,
and after some general conversation I asked him whether the Chief Consul knew of the
communication he had done me the honour of making to me. At this unexpected question
he seemed staggered a good deal, and after some hesitation answered that he received
his instructions from the Minister of War and Genl. Massena. I then replied that my
reason for asking the question was that since I had seen him I had received very
important communications from Ireland, which I was charged to communicate only to
the First Consul; that in consideration of the persons who had done me the honour of
making known to me the intentions of the French Government, I might perhaps have
relaxed from a strict obedience to those orders if I did not see that the nature and im-
portance of what I had to say fully satisfied my asking such a favour and oblige me to
declare that I could communicate them only to him, or some one expressly authorized by
him to receive them ; that before I obtained such an interview it was right to apprise
Government who I was and by what right I acted. They probably knew that before
my arrest in Ireland I had been of the Executive Committee of the United Irishmen, and
they also knew of my confinement since ; that in addition to that I was appointed by those
at present acting in Ireland their agent to the French Republic, and as such exclusively

344 O'Connor as a Diplomat

held the thread of communication with the existing organization. That what I wished
to state to the First Consul was only known to myself and I was resolved it should be
known only to him by my means. That I had credentials of my appointment, and could
get them further verified if I called together my countrymen in Paris, but that such a
means would cause so much publicity as would render secrecy impossible. That I
therefore chose to dispense with it and content myself with pledging my word of honour
and my future responsibility on the truth of my assertion. That under these circum-
stances I begged leave earnestly to solicit an interview with the First Consul as soon as
possible.

Mr. Dalton said he was afraid there would be difficulties; that negotiations were
still going on, and the preparations were even a little relaxed.

I asked was England to be the only nation that had permission at the same time to
make war and carry on negotiations. — "She is taking your ships, and will not you make war
on her?" He said we are making war. "Then, if so, what objection can there be to
hearing from me the things that may assist you in carrying it on? At the same time, if I
thought peace could issue from those negotiations, I would deny myself the honour I
solicit; and if the Chief Consul thinks they can end in peace, I beg he may refuse me;
but if his objections arise only from prudence, he is master of time and circumstances so
as to secure perfect secrecy, and I shall conform myself to his wishes". In the course of
this conversation one or two expressions escaped him worthy of note. Speaking of Mr.
O'Connor and me, he said he hoped there would be no factions in Ireland, as if there were
two factions the French army would be obliged to erect itself into a third to put them
down; and on some other occasion connected with the same subject, he said, — "I told you
on my honour, as I had been commissioned, that the People of Ireland would be at per-
fect liberty to choose its own form of government, but it is natural to suppose that it
would be wished it might assume the form of the Protecting Government." These two
last observations I received without comment, — but concluded with requesting the desired
interview, and he appointed Friday, June 3rd, for my receiving an answer.

Before I called on Col. Dalton I had learned that Genl. Harty,* an Irishman by birth
and a cousin to Dalton, wished to see me on the same subject. I mentioned his name to
D., and my wish was to know him, but found rather a coldness to bringing us together;
from which I conjectured there was some kind of jealousy which would take the lead.
In the evening, however, I saw the general, and he held with me the same kind of con-
versation Dalton had done the Monday before. As I wished for secrecy, I said nothing
for the present of my desire of seeing Bonaparte, but took the opportunity of informing
him that I was the appointed agent for the United Irishmen. I also learned to-day that
Mr. O'Connor is begining to assume the man of consequence; in conversing with Fitz-
henryt he talked a good deal of the difficulty of being a diplomatic character. He also
said he would not allow the French to go to Ireland unless bound by very strict con-
ditions, which he afterwards explained, their being put under the absolute command of
one person, which he gave to understand would be himself. I understood too that in
Conversation with T. Corbett he expressed his intention of acting as Ambassador from
the United Irishmen, by virtue of an appointment which he alleges was made of him in the
spring of 1798.

[N. B. — No such appointment was ever made, and is only a fabrication, but even if

* "General Harty was a man of influence with the French government and his patriotism and
services were greatly appreciated by his countrymen. In 1805 he held the position ot Inspector Gen-
eral of the Army, and for a time he was in command of the Irish Legion. At the time of Mr.
Emmet's arrival in Paris he was evidently serving on the staff of Genl. Berthier, the Minister of
War".

fCol. Jeremiah Fitzhenry, for eight years an officer in the French army and at one time in
Spain commanding the Irish Legion, was evidently a discredit to Ireland, his native country. Dr.
Madden shows beyond question (The United Irishmen, &c, Fourth Series, 564) that he was "a man
whose name is associated with treason in one country and perfidy in another."

JCapt. Thomas Corbet escaped from Ireland in 179S with his brother William to France.
Shortly after his arrival he was appointed professor of English at the Prytanee. In 1S03 he received
a commission as captain in the Irish Legion of the French army, but the following year was
killed in a duel.

Difficulty of Seeing First Consul 345

it had, of the then existing committee, two are in France, one in America, one dead, and
only two in Ireland, of whom neither acts now, one being retained by permission of
government, and the other would trust any human being sooner than Mr. O'Connor, so
that he has no existing communication with the body, and the termination of the war and
of connection with France superceded all previous appointments.]

Friday, June 3rd, called by appointment on Dalton, when nearly the following conver-
sation took place : —

D. Well, sir, Genl. Masscna will be happy to see you —

E. I shall be charmed to see Genl. Massena, but that was not the favour I asked for.
My wish is to see the First Consul.

D. Why, the negotiations are still going on, and affairs are not even so far advanced
as when I spoke to you first.

E. Give me leave to ask you, sir, if Genl. Georges asked to see any part of the British
Government, stating that he had matters of importance to communicate respecting France,
would the state of the negotiations cause him to be refused?

D. No, but you must be sensible, sir, you are not in the situation of Genl. Georges.

E. I know, sir, I am not ; I am acting for my country, he is acting against his ; I am
appointed by mine, he is only an individual ; but in no other respect, sir, do I see any
difference. Pray does the refusal come from the First Consul himself?

D. No; the Minister of War did not think it right to make the application.

E. In one point of view I am better pleased, because, on further reflection, I am
obliged to limit more than I did in my last conversation. I then said I could only com-
municate with the First Consul, or some one expressly authorized by him. I now say I
can only communicate with the First Consul himself. In every other respect I beg
to renew my demand with more urgency, and to request that my wish may be made
known to him and the answer come personally from himself. To prevent misunderstand-
ing, I must repeat that my application is not in consequence of the communication I had
the honour of holding with you, but solely of my information from Ireland, and that if
I had never heard from Government I should have sought for the interview, tho' not with
the same facilities I now enjoy; that those who have given me the refusal have done so
with blinded eyes, and that the Chief Consul will thank me for pressing my demand. If
it would be thought incorrect to hold these communications while negotiations are going
on, it seems to me in point of probity the same thing whether government communicates
with me directly or indirectly, and I presume, sir, I am to consider everything you tell
me as coming from government.

D. Certainly, but is your communication of such a nature as to admit of delay?
E. I consider every delay as eminently injurious, and in this case I am the only com-
petent judge.

D. Suppose the Chief Consul should refer you to the Minister at War, you know his
confidence in him and their intimacy?

E. If he did I should be exceedingly grieved — I know nothing would grieve me
more, because I am sensible of the respect due the Minister at War, and to the order of
the First Consul, but I feel what is due to the interests of my country and the orders I
have my self received.

D. I am glad I asked the question, to prevent mistakes. I did not feel the impor-
tance of your request as I do now. I shall endeavour to see the Minister to-day; will
let you know on Sunday early.

He then endeavoured by some leading questions to come at the nature of my informa-
tion and the sources from which I derived it, asking whether a large expedition would
be necessary, but I took care to give no satisfactory answer. In the course of the con-
versation he mentioned one object of the French government would probably be, after
having succeeded in Ireland, to make a descent from there on the west coast of England,
in which I assured him the Irish would be glad to co-operate.

Saturday, 4th. I find that considerable inconvenience and some mischief may result

346 Mr. Delany

from O'Connor's acting and mine. He has spoken to McCabe* to go to Ireland, to the
North, to carry a message saying emphatically and falsely, — "I got one expedition, and
I don't see why I may not get another." His object is to advise them to make no stir
'till the French come, to which they will probably agree. As they are not in the existing
organization, and do not know the actual state of things, they will also gladly give him
every authority they can, and thus very unpleasant consequences may arise. This must be
remedied.

Sunday, 5th. Saw Dalton; he told me he had not been able to see the Minister, who
had been called to St. Cloud ; that he could not hope to see him 'till next day, nor the
Minister to see the Consul 'till Wednesday; on Wednesday evening or Thursday morning
I should have my answer. I told him I would not waste my time in Paris, but would go
to the country 'till then, and requested I might not be again disappointed. I clearly see
they want to keep me in leading strings, and that everything shall go thro' themselves.
I have, however, requested Delaney* to apply to Defermat to procure the interview for
me, if I shall have occasion to solicit it, and hope for the answer when I go to town.

More airs on the part of O'Connor. Dalton, it seems, spoke before him in praise of
Mrs. G., by which he showed he had been with me at Cormeil. O'Connor took no notice
of this while he was by, but when he was gone O'C. got into a violent passion and said
"if Mr. Dalton was running after Mrs. G., and such little people, he would have nothing to
do with him, and that the first interview he had he would complain of his conduct". I
wish his arrogance may break out in time to prevent his being injurious.

[N. B. — I forgot to remark that in all my conversations with Dalton and Harty I
requested the means of sending some one to Ireland, which is always promised, but it
appears to me they are in no hurry.]

Thursday, 9th. I am again disappointed. Mr. Dalton tells me he dined last Sunday
with the First Consul, with the company of the Minister at War and Genl. Massena,
and there pressed my request on the Minister at War. They consulted together, and he
was informed the Chief Consul could as yet see no one, he said, as formerly; negotia-
tions were still going on, and the mediation of Austria and Russia had been offered and

*W. Putnam MacCabe, who kept a public house in Dublin and was much employed in organiz-
ing new branches of the United Irishmen, was frequently entrusted to convey secret intelligence
and confidential messages. No one seems at that time to have doubted his patriotism, and he was
fully trusted. Myles Byrne in his recently published Memoirs (Vol. 1-96) states: — "I met MacCabe
in Paris in 1803. I never could rightly understand his ■ patriotism . . . yet he ran great risks
going frequently to England and Ireland, and returning to Fiance during the war." Again (p.
275): — "For my own part I bad every confidence in him, and if he had not had the misfortune to
be arrested at his own door, with a blunderbuss endeavoring to get into his own house at the dawn
of the day, the morning after the sad failure in Thomas Street, the Government never would have
had his services as a vile informer at the Castle." No man had a better knowledge of those con-
nected with the movement in 1803 than Myles Byrne, as his memoir will show, as well as how
thoroughly the Irish leaders were beset by informers. MacCabe was always a warm partisan of
Arthur O'Connor.

tByrne in his "Memoirs" (II, 284) states: — "I frequently met at Mr. Emmet's a very worthy
Irishman, Mr. Delany; he was a great friend of poor Thomas Russell and his nephew William
Hamilton. He studied at the Irish College and was considered a young man of talent and an accom-
plished scholar. Delany's ambition was to accompany Thomas Addis Emmet to Ireland, and there
be employed under him in a civil capacity, in the event of his country obtaining her independence.
He has a very honourable situation as private secretary to M. Defermont, a councillor of State,
and they were living together on the most friendly terms. Young Delany came from the Kerry
mountains, where he had learned the first rudiments of grammar, and finished his studies in France.
I cannot forget how he would lament in the presence of Mr. and Mrs. Emmet the cruel privations
suffered by the Catholic population of Minister, particularly as regarded education. No schoolmasters
to teach the children of the unfortunate farmers, but no lack of tithe proctors, land and law agents,
to extort the last shilling from the people for the support of the Protestant ascendancy and the
dignity of the English Lords, the scourge of poor Ireland.

"Mr. Emmet and Dr. Macneven wished to publish an elaborate article on the advantages the
French commerce was likely to obtain by adhering to certain rules, and as this article should appear
in French as well as English, the same day, and though these gentlemen wrote good French they
thought fit to get Mr. Delany to translate it. When it was laid before the First Consul, he seemed
to take no heed of it, till he was visiting the coast in November, 1803. Then he saw the purport
of it, and he wrote to Paris to have Mr. Emmet and Dr. Macneven's article published in the
'Moniteur' and the 'Argus', newspapers, edited in English by Goldsmith. Mr. Eesage, the French
gentleman from whom I was taking lessons, and who had passed fourteen years in Eondon and con-
sequently was a good English as well as French scholar, called on me when he had read Macneven
and Emmet's article, and said he had seldom read such beautiful French as these gentlemen had
written, and asked me to get him a copy of the one in English that he might compare them; he
was indeed much delighted with the composition of both, but he gave the preference to the French
version". It will be seen by the will of Mrs. Grace Emmet, the widow of Dr. Robert Emmet's
brother, that the Delanys, Russell* and Hamiltons were distant connections of the Emmet family.

O'Connor sees Massena 347

appeared to be accepted. I answered, "I have done my utmost to see the Consul, I
cannot succeed, I hold myself acquitted for the consequences; nevertheless I am vexed,
and I believe the refusal a loss for France, what it is for Ireland I suppose is of little
consequence to those who have given me the refusal". He appeared struck with my
manner of saying this, and after a little pause offered to give me a written note to the
Minister more strongly pressing my demand.

I then showed him my credentials as they are ; he read them attentively, and said he
would state them also. I expressed my wish to see the Minister that I might enforce my
demand, but added "for no other purpose". He assured me he would press it as strongly
as he could. Genl. Harty then came in, and I clearly saw Dalton wished to keep him
ignorant of my request, so the conversation dropped. If Harty was a man of business
I would apply to him, but besides that defect, I believe he has scarcely access to the great.

O'Connor has been before me with the Great; he has seen Massena. There is time
enough for me to see him when I have anything to do with him. I mentioned to Dalton
and Harty Capt. Murphy, and suggested the propriety of putting a swift sailing ship
under his command. D. took down his name to make the proposal, if it be done I will
try and send some by him.

It has been a grand error of the people of Ireland during a series of years, that they have
trusted too much to parliamentary leaders of opposition, too little to themselves.

T. A. Emmet.

In the scales of a British Minister the little finger of Britain outweighs the whole body of
Ireland.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXI

Continuation of Mr. Emmet's diary— Calls to see the Minister of War for answer to
application for a messenger to Ireland— Suggests troops for the San Domingo expedition
might be sent to Ireland— Informed application with copy of credentials had been de-
livered, but the First Consul considered the time had not yet arrived for a personal
interview— Sketch of Capt. John Murphy— Believes the French government trifling with

him — Sketch of Capt. Maguire — Asks for a passport to send out a messenger

by way of Germany— O'Connor constantly making trouble— Asks to see the Minister of
War— Sketch of John Sweeny, a friend of Mr. Emmet— Government refuses passports to
James Monroe and Robt. R. Livingston, the Minister from the United States— Interview
with the Minister of War— Explains his past and present position in Ireland—
Also explains O'Connor's position— Sketch of Capt. John Aherne— Obtains the passport-
Sketch of Col. Hugh Ware, and his view as to the disagreement between Emmet and

O'Connor — Robert Fulton may accompany an expedition to Ireland, with his torpedoes

Comments on Humbert's expedition to Ireland— O'Connor suggests to the Government
a large force will be necessary to keep down the people in Ireland and prevent the horrors
of a revolution— Sketch of Lieut. Austen Gibbons— Sketch of Adj. Genl. Sheehy— Is it
proposed O'Connor be Prefect of Ireland?— Question as to the size of the force to be sent
to Ireland— Suggested that Emmet should remain in Paris as Minister and O'Connor go
to Ireland— O'Connor wishes the French government to send over with the troops "a
constitution and regulations of government"— Viola un traitre!—The French Government
making every excuse for delay— Bonaparte fears the Irish are "too democratic"— Pre-
pares a memoir for Bonaparte, but has great difficulty in having it presented— Refuses
absolutely to have any connection with O'Connor, as suggested by the government to
forward the public service !— Favourable reports from Ireland, but doubted by Mr.
Emmet.

RID AY, 10th. As we were interrupted yesterday in our con-
versation, I called this morning to fix a time when I might
get my answer. T. Corbet was there, which again prevented
a particular explanation. D. however took the opportunity
of mentioning that the Minister had been called at eleven
yesterday to St. Cloud by the accounts from Hanover, and
did not return that day. In the same way I took the oppor-
tunity of informing him that I would go to the country and
expected to hear from him when he had any answer. In the
course of conversation D. mentioned it was believed that
French troops from St. Domingo would take refuge in the
United States. I asked how many they were: he said, making every allowance for
mortality there ought to be ten or twelve thousand. I then suggested that if they
waited for a leading west wind they might, in their way home fall unexpectedly on
Ireland, and so much more than an armament from Brest, which will be always
watched. The thought seemed to strike him a good deal.

348

Captain Murphy 34<J

Wednesday, 15//i. Having come to town yesterday evening, I saw Col. Dalton, who
referred me to this morning; called on him this morning, when he informed me that he
had given a written note to the Minister at War, stating my demands in the most urgent
terms, and setting forth my situation, with a literal translation of my credentials. That
the whole had been laid before the First Consul, and that he was directed to inform me
that affairs were not yet sufficiently advanced to permit of his seeing any person on that
subject; that he certainly would invade Ireland if the war went on, and a wish was ex-
pressed, as if from him, that the people there might remain quiet 'till his arrangements
could be made for the expedition. Col. Dalton also added, that I should be informed
as soon as the Consul could see any one. I asked was I to consider this answer as
coming personally from him, and Dalton replied it certainly did. In that case I see no
use of trying another channel, to experience the mortification of another refusal. I then
repeated that it would probably be a severe loss to France, and I hoped not such as she
would have lasting cause to regret. I then expressed my anxiety to be as speedily fur-
nished as possible with the means, pecuniary and otherwise, of sending intelligence to
Ireland. He took a note of it, and promised to see about it; he mentioned that he had
communicated what I suggested about Capt. Murphy,* and that he would be sought for
and probably employed in that way. I asked about the St. Domingo troops said to have
taken refuge in the United States. He said my scheme was impossible, for he had seen a
person only yesterday forty-two days from St. Domingo, that the troops had not then
quit, and had no thought of quitting it, not having heard of the war. That, therefore,
they would have no choice of their place of refuge, and would probably be obliged to
sail out expressly to let themselves be taken by the English as the least evil. He men-
tioned the negotiation was still going on, and I believe they expect peace; at least some
persons in the government think so ; and Mangot, I believe, the commandant at Bologne,
told the owners of the packet boats not to sell their boats, which they were going to do,
as the communication would be open.

Tuesday, 27th. Not having heard anything since from Capt. Dalton, I called on him
again to-day, and urged the necessity of being furnished with the means of sending one
over to Ireland. He showed me a written note on the subject; from which I collected
as if O'Connor had been making a similar application. The demand was certainly
strongly urged, and he has promised me to write to me as soon as he gets his answer.
I think, however, the French government is only trifling with me, and wont give money
or means 'till it sees fit for its own purpose.

Thursday, 30th. Having learned from McDowellt that some of our countrymen are
already in great distress from the stoppage of the communication, and that others were
likely to become so, I resolved to speak to Gen. Harty on the subject of providing for
them in a military line. Accordingly we both waited on him and urged the subject as
strongly as we could. We said we applied to him as a countryman to expedite that for
which we did not wish to let down the National character by making a formal application
to government. We stated the actual and probable distresses of our countrymen, if not
succoured, and also if it was intended to profit by their enemies in Ireland to discipline
the natives, that they must themselves learn their business by previous practice, for
which the time was scarcely sufficient. He agreed to all this, but said that without
knowing the French politics he could easily see the First Consul did not wish to give
England an opportunity of saying he had excited her subjects to revolt. To that we
answered by urging the example of England in employing the French Emigrants and the
former Irish Brigade, which even existed in time of peace. He endeavoured to make
some distinction between those and United Irishmen, which I confess surprised me from

*Capt. John Murphy commanded a trading vessel on the west coast of Ireland at the time that
General Humbert landed with his French troops, and was employed as a bearer of despatches from
the General to the French Government, a difficult commission to execute and one attended with cer-
tain death if captured bv the English fleet. Murphy succeeded so well that he wa* rewarded with
a position as fleet pilot by the French Government until after the fall of Napoleon, and equally
trusted by the Irish leaders. He continued to reside in France until his death in 1835 at a very
advanced age.

tPossibly a mistake in copying. Supposed to reter to General Jos. MacDonald.

350 Slowness of the French Government

him. Tho' I believe it is the real motive why the French Government is so reluctant to
use the United Irishmen, because they are considered as bona fide republicans and Jacobins.
He confessed that he plainly saw a stagnation in the French Government since he was
first commissioned to speak to the Irish. He then advised the French to be cautious
how they allowed the Irish to slip out of their hands, and taking advantage of an ex-
pression of Mr. Wickham's in the English House of Commons, "that the government had
it in contemplation to ameliorate the condition of the Irish- poor". I warned him that
Ireland had learned by experience that she was to receive nothing from any country
but what its own interest suggested, and that if England did anything substantial she
might conciliate the Irish. I pointed out that the present Administration were inclined
to be mild; it had allowed Rowan, Fitzgerald, and Byrne* to reside in England, and I
was convinced that if I myself or any other person, however obnoxious, made the same
request and promised not to intermeddle again it would be granted; that want and
necessity might force many to such a step, whose loss France would afterwards very
severely feel ; that I spoke with more frankness as I never would take anything from
the French Government, but it might push its prudence or negligence much too far.
This last argument seemed to alarm him, and he promised to speak to the Minister at
War on the subject, and urge it as from himself. We also spoke of the unpaid arrears
of discontinued pensions, which he likewise promised to mention, and all without delay.

Monday, July 4th. Called this morning again on Genl. Harty, but he had not seen
the Minister at War, and apprehended he could not until the Consul's return, as the
Minister was ordered to join the Consul. I went to Dalton, to urge him also, but he was
not at his bureau or lodgings. I learned, however, that he also was going on a mission,
but they could not tell me where, or for how long. I wrote him a letter on the different
subjects he had promised to have performed, and which I was apprehensive his departure
might derange, and requested to hear from him.

I see clearly that the French government are not in a hurry to do anything I have
asked, and that the stagnation which Genl. Hartey spoke of has nearly taken place, but
how can I help myself?

Saturday, July 9th. This morning, as I was setting off for town, received a letter
from Dalton dated last Thursday, and which, speaking of the different matters in my
letter says: "il n'y a encore aucune solution definitive sur les objets des diverses notes,
que j'ai remises, et dont vous avez connaissance ; j'attends presque certain que le retour
du lre Consul achevera notre affaire." This did not prevent my proceeding to Paris to
ask a passport for a person from General Hartey. When I went there I found that he
had, in consequence of McDowell, and my conversation with him, written a letter to
McGuiref requesting him to communicate to his countrymen his wish of being useful
to them, and that in consequence of some communications with the Minister at War he
requested each of them to inform him of his christian and surname, of his situation in
the Irish Union and his sufferings, and also whether he would wish to serve in a civil
or military capacity in the event of an expedition going to Ireland, and further desiring
to know who there were to whom pensions had been formerly given and when they were
discontinued. This letter was enclosed in another to McGuire desiring him to get answers
as far as he could from any Irishman in France, except O'Connor or me, whose opinions
he already had.

This express exclusion of us two has probably arisen from an unwillingness to de-
cide between us which has the most legitimate claim to be acted with and considered as
the representative of the United Irishmen. I think too that the Genl. was actuated by a
personal motive to increase his own importance to the Government, by having the com-
munication with the different individuals himself, which probably could not be the case

•Archibald Hamilton Rowan; Edward Fitzgerald, of New Park; and Garrett Byrne.

tMcGuire — Capt. Byrne states that McGuire escaped from Ireland in the uniform of a

French soldier and in 1S03 received a commission as captain in the Irish legion of the French Army.
"After the Hundred Days in 1815 he retired on a pension, which he did not enjoy long, as he died
in his lodgings in the Arsenal, Rue Saint-Antoine, in the year 1822".

Mr. Emmet the Accredited Agent 351

if he had allowed either of us to interfere, and that I look upon it to be the real object
of the exclusion. However, he considered it to proceed in reality from the Minister at
War, and therefore pressed most strongly on me, that my claims should now be brought
decidedly forward, that O'Connor's future interference as agent should if possible be
prevented by every Irishman putting his signature to my credentials, and by their
answering Genl. Hartey that they would wish any communications respecting them to be
made thro' me. — Whether his suspicions be well founded or not, I think his idea good,
and have given him the credentials to proceed if he can. I went to Genl. Harty without
appearing to know anything of the matter; he, however, mentioned it, and I saw on his
part an anxiety that I should take nothing amiss. I did not, but I neither expressed
approbation nor disapprobation of his step. I turned the conversation on the object
of my visit. I mentioned that it was now about six weeks since Government had made
a communication to me for the purpose of being made known to Ireland, and since I
had asked for the means of so doing. That I had often repeated my request since, but
without being at all advanced, and that if this was to continue there was no use in
doing me the honour of making me a communication. It was true, my situation and that
of my country, did not give me very ample means of meeting certain very heavy expenses,
but I could not suffer improper delays to take place by a tardiness on the part of the
French Government to assist us; that therefore I now asked only a passport for a person
to go to Germany, and requested it might be given without delay. That I asked for
nothing more, because I did not choose to humiliate myself or my country by continuing
to press applications that I thought delicacy should have anticipated, and that made us
appear in the light of beggars, while they probably also retarded the progress of business.
The General promised to lose no time in the application, but said he could not see the
Minister before Tuesday; he asked me should he mention the reason why I only asked
for a passport. I told him he might do in that as he thought right.

He then spoke to me about my appointment, and mentioned Mr. O'Connor's claim.
I told him I should permit myself to say nothing about Mr. O'Connor, because I wished
to submit those things only to the tribunal of our common country, which as yet had
no existence; that as to the appointment I should refrain from saying whether any such
actually took place, but supposing it did, as he said in 1797, the Executive from whom
he claimed the appointment were all either dead or exiled, except two who at present
certainly did not act; how then could he carry on the necessary correspondence? I was
appointed Feb. last, and sent for expressly to Brussels ; in consequence I relinquished my
design of going to America last spring, and I must peremptorily say I was the only
person in France authorized to communicate with the existing Executive. He asked
me was that committee known to all the United Irishmen ; I answered, the individual
members certainly were not, and never could be, but that its existence was to all those
who were at present acting and risking their lives and fortunes. That many w'ho had
previously acted did not now, and of course as they were out of the organization they
were ignorant of its secrets. Perhaps Mr. O'Connor might tell him and really believe
there was no Executive, but that was only a proof that he did not know the real state
of the country, and that the Committee had no connection with him. I assured him
there was one, and if the French Government wished to communicate with it, and with
those who were preparing to act, it must be done thro' me. He asked me would I allow
him to say to the Minister at War that I would be ready to produce proofs of my ap-
pointment when necessary. I answered I certainly would. It is become, therefore, ab-
solutely necessary to ascertain my appointment and silence O'Connor's pretensions, tho'
I am convinced doing so will make the matter so public as to reach the English govern-
ment, and then independent of National inconvenience, probably every farthing of mine
in Ireland will be confiscated.

Thursday, July 14th. This morning received a letter from Genl. Hartey informing
me that the Minister had refused the passport, for reasons he hoped I would approve of,
and which he would communicate when he saw me, which shall be to-morrow.

352 Messenger's Passport Denied

Friday, \Sth. Saw Genl. Harty, and was very much surprised to find the refusal was
accompanied with no reason at all, for surely this is not one: — "What is the use of
sending a courier, that is but a half measure; we must send a proper force", &c. Vexed
as I was, and probably shall have often occasion to be, I told the Genl. that so far from
being satisfied with the answer, I did not think it was common sense. I had said nothing
about an expedition, whether it should be large or small, nor did I intend to do so until
the proper time, and then only to the highest authority. That besides I never intended
to beg one, because I well knew nothing would procure it but the absolute interest France
had in the measure, and then begging was not only degrading but unnecessary. I asked
for nothing but a passport for a courier to communicate what the French government
bid me and voluntarily sought me for the purpose. That if it believed me acting for
England it was unquestionably right to refuse my request, but if it thought me faithful
to my cause I could scarcely conceive a reason for refusing me a passport, even if it did
not know my motive for asking one. I was very sure the reason assigned was not the real
one that actuated the Minister in his refusal, and as I was left to conjecture, I could only
say that if there was not an entire confidence in me I should be glad to know it, as I
would try to get myself replaced by some one who might gain that confidence.

Genl. Hartey assured me he was perfectly certain that was not the reason, but con-
fessed he had been himself surprised and was lost in conjecture. Negotiations he said
were still talked of, and perhaps an Irish expedition was not seriously intended, or that
the plan of operation was not fixed on. I asked him had he any reason to suppose an
Irish expedition was not intended. He assured me solemnly not the least, but that he
was bewildered in conjecture, and in this I implicitly believe him. After some con-
versation I determined to ask an audience of the Minister at War, and have written a
letter on that subject and given it to the General at dinner to-day, who has undertaken to
remit it to the Minister. Hartey before I left him turned the conversation on the steps
the Irish here are taking in consequence of his letter to McGuire. He tells me they talk
of a meeting, which he deprecates for fear of offending the Government, which is suspi-
cious of such things. I assured him I had not heard a word of it, that some of my
countrymen wished to transmit their claims thro' me, that I told them if that was a
general wish I was ready to understand it, but that I would not do it for four or five indi-
viduals, and that I thought they might as well do it themselves. This he requested might
be the case, and rather begged me not to interfere. I communicated his wishes to some
of my friends, but this evening I believe I have discovered a clue to his apprehensions.
Mr. O'Connor, when he heard of Hartey's letter, got into a great passion and said that
faith had been broken with him, as the Minister at War had promised that he alone
should be communicated with on the subject; that Genl. Hartey was raising factions and
sedition among the Irish, and that "Tho' he believed him a worthy man he saw he was a
fool and would be obliged not to speak to him". He spoke a heap of other imperti-
nence and nonsense. I wish he would go on that way and blow himself up, as he is
very troublesome and I think will be very injurious. I fancy his anger arose from the
fear of my being appointed by my countrymen, but I am pretty sure it is he that has
frightened Hartey lest he should be compromised and censured. The signatures to my
appointment have not been very much increased by Swiney's* exertions. He met a couple
of refusals, one of which I could never have expected, and others he did not ask from
motives of prudence. The matter, however, is becoming perfectly public, which is what
I would willingly have avoided, and my own consolation is that all of my countrymen, as
far as I have heard, say they approve the choice, but where are the signatures? I was
informed to-day at the proper office that a measure will be taken to exempt all the United
Irishmen from being prisoners of war. I hear too that neither Monroe or Livingston,t

•Miles Byrne writes in his Memoirs — "John Sweeny was a great friend of Thomas Addis Emmet.
They were fellow prisoners at Dublin and at Fort George in Scotland. He was one of those Irish
patriots who had to exile themselves for ever from the land of their birth in order to get out of
confinement, at the peace of Amiens".

tjames Monroe, special envoy from the United States with Robert R. I^ivingston.

The Minister Forgets 353

the American Minister, have been ahle to get passports, owing to some apparent mistake
Can that delay be connected with the cause that produced the refusal to me?

I forgot to remark that Marty, when he took my letter, said, "If the Minister refuses
or postpones the audience, he certainly will have some reason, and we must wait with
patience. If he grants it, take the opportunity of speaking your mind frankly and boldly.
I am sure you will do it so as not to displease, and it may be useful."

Saturday, July 16//:. General Hartey received a letter this morning from the Minister
of War, desiring him to conduct me to his Hotel on Monday morning at nine. He also
received another in the course of the day from the same, informing him that he was
appointed one of a commission of three United Irishmen to decide upon the reclamations
of United Irishmen against being made prisoners of war, and desiring him to attend on
Monday at the Bureau de la Guerre; he does not know his fellow-commissioners.

I find Monroe has got a passport, and is by this time at Calais, but it was with diffi-
culty, and only good for eight days. Livingston has not been able to get one.

I understand O'Connor also says a party is forming against him here in Paris ; that
alludes to my countrymen preferring me as their agent to him. Poor man, he has held
the same language, — "that a party was forming against him" in prison and out of prison,
ever since he became a political character.

Monday, July I8//1. Hartey and I went to the Minister's this morning at nine, and he
was out. This I saw vexed the general, and I let him see that I was displeased at such
conduct. 1 told him my business called me into the country, and that I should stay in
town no longer. He said he was sure the Minister had forgotten, and that such was his
character. I answered that if it was only forgetfulness it could be easily repaired; that
I should request him to write to know whether the Minister's intentions respecting me
were changed, and required an answer, as I would make my arrangements to leave Paris
at four o'clock. He wrote it, and sent it by his servant, who left the letter at the War
Office without waiting for an answer, or asking if the Minister was there. I then told
Harty I should do myself the pleasure of calling on him at half-past three, which would
give him an opportunity of seeing the Minister on the other subject — the Commission for
examining the reclamation of the United Irishmen, that if there was any satisfactory
reason I could then stay in town; if not it was impossible for me to mistake the object
of his not being at home this morning. That if I was not allowed to communicate with
the French government, or my own country, I was absolutely useless and would employ
myself solely about my own private affairs. That when the French Government knew its
own mind and was decided what line of conduct it ought to pursue toward me and my
country, it would I presume know where to find me. At half-past three I called again and
waited 'till four, when he came in. He said the Minister had forgot, and begged him to
bring me any morning between ten and eleven, to the Bureau de la Guerre. He had been
asked what I wanted to say, which Hartey said he did not know. I then appointed to-
morrow. I asked about the commission of three, and learnt for the first time that all
about it was a secret not to be talked of, from which and some other expressions of his
I am fully sure the idea is changed, — an attendant to give him any reclamation — he is
piqued that more of the Irish have not written to him on the subject of being employed,
and seems to think they distrust him. O'Connor too is busy, wanting a list of the United
Irishmen prisoners of war, and says that Government have desired him to make it out;
Can this be true? By Harty's conversation this morning I find O'Connor had been saying
he has had the latest intelligence from Ireland, and that there is no Executive, meaning
thereby I am no agent. I found it necessary to show Hartey how he had been deceived.
O'Connor still continues his talk about the faction against him, but is so good as to say I
am not of it, — who is?

Tuesday, July 19th. I have at length seen the Minister. Whether it was affectation
or forgetfulness, or cunning to feel his way, I know not — but at first he did not seem
to recollect anything. When I mentioned that I had solicited a passport to send some
one to Ireland which he had thought fit to refuse — "What passport?" said he; "I don't

354 Interview with Berthier

recollect it." Harty then came forward and reminded him he had asked it. "But for
what object?" says he. I told him it was now about six weeks since Government had
communicated to me its intention respecting Ireland, with the desire that I might transmit
it to them, and to do so I asked for the passport. "What communication, and by whom?"
"By Col. Dalton, who said he came officially, and by Gen. Harty, and the communication
was as follows:" I then detailed to him what is already set forth on that subject. When
I came to that part that said Ireland should be at liberty to choose her own form of
government, "Undoubtedly", said he, "c'est tout simple ; we wish to do England all the
harm we can, and we know nothing can do her so much as separating Ireland, but we
have no wish to meddle with the internal affairs of that country" ; "but", says he, "nothing
is 3'et decided on, and why send a message" ? I answered that as the agent of the United
Irishmen with the French Government, I had received intelligence from thence, with orders
to communicate it only to the First Consul ; for that purpose 1 solicited the honour of an
interview three or four times, and have been refused.

Minister — "Who refused you"?

Emmet — "It came to me delivered by Mr. Dalton".

M. — "But Mr. Dalton could do nothing except from me".

E. — "I desired my application, Citizen Minister, to be addressed to you, and was told
the first answers came from you. I even desired, as I knew the importance of my demand,
that an answer might come personally from the First Consul, and was informed the
last did."

M. — "Yes, I spoke to him, and he said he could see nobody on the subject until his
plans were made."

E. — "Having received my answer, Citizen Minister, I said no more on that subject,
but from what I know of the state of my country I can say it is of the utmost importance
that it may be informed to what point it is an object with the French Government, that
it may decide as to its own line of conduct".

M. — "Yes, a communication of that kind may be useful, but how will you send the
Message"?

I then told him my ideas, and said when I first applied on this subject I asked for the
facilities of sending one, an expression very easily understood, but as that demand
might cause delay I do not make it now. I was only a private man in my fortune, and
that not large. I would however find funds.

We then entered into something of a more general conversation, in which I said
when the Chief Consul was returned I should be happy in the opportunity of laying
before him what had been transmitted to me on the state of Ireland. "Why", says he,
"his plans are not yet formed". I said I supposed not, and I hope they will not be formed
until I have the opportunity of making him acquainted with what may change them in
some measure. "Oh, as to that", says he, "nothing of that kind can make a change in a
great plan. Ireland is but an accessory consideration; if it be possible for us to land one
hundred and fifty thousand men in England, then we shall make them feel, but as for
Ireland there could be no thought of above twenty-five or thirty thousand at the most".
I answered that would be full enough. On some occasion I mentioned "mes functions
aupres du gouvernement", on which he said, "you are then appointed to discharge some"?
— "I am, Citizen Minister; otherwise I should never have solicited the honour of being
here, and perhaps it is right I should take this opportunity of stating to your Excellency
who I am. I was of the Executive Committee, and arrested in 1798 with many others;
I was detained a prisoner in Ireland for a year, and then deported to Fort George in Scot-
land, where I was kept also a prisoner 'till this time twelvemonths, and then conducted
in an English frigate to Hamburgh. I was going with my family to America, where I was
promised the friendship of the leading men in the State, and would have sailed last
Spring but that shortly before I received the orders of the acting committee of the United
Irishmen and their authorization to proceed to Paris and be their agent with this gov-
ernment. I obeyed them. I renounced my private projects, and it is only as the repre-

'Every Irishman Can Be of Service" 355

scntative of my country that I shall ever claim any attention or consideration for what I
may offer". "Do you know Mr. O'Connor"? "I knew him very well formerly". "But
you don't see one another now"? "No, but I hope that can do no mischief to our
cause, as there can he no contestation between him and me. I solicit no marks of
confidence from the French government on personal grounds. If, when it did me the
honour of distinguishing me, in that point of view, I had not had such delegated powers,
I should have said that there were many men in Paris who had sacrificed as much, who
had suffered as much, whose importance with the people was as great, whose devotion to
their cause was as entire, and who in every point of view merited as much the confidence
of the French government as I could and I should have requested that they should re-
ceive the same marks of confidence as myself. In that point of view I shall not enter into
contest with Mr. O'Connor, or any one, and in a delegated capacity neither he nor any
one can enter into contest with me. "Mr. O'Connor, then, has no such power"? "None".
"But he was in France before"? "He was long since, for one particular purpose". — "And
he was coming over again when he was arrested" ? "He was, and I understand he founds
some claim upon it, but the fact is this: In the latter end of 1797, the English government
persecuted him a good deal, and he did not choose to stand it any longer; he determined
to fly to France, and wished to be authorized to act there. The Committee answered that
if he was determined to go he might be useful by co-operating with the established agent
for the good of the country, and that agent was written to to co-operate with Mr. O'Con-
nor to that point, and there is the whole of his appointment. — Since that time, however,
great changes have taken place, the former organization was destroyed and everything
unhinged, a new one has been established, and of those who were of the Committee, when
Mr. O'Connor wished to go to France, all are either dead or in exile except two, who are
in no respect concerned in the new organization. So that he has no kind of connection
with any body whatsoever now in activity, and if the French Government chooses to
learn the state of those who are preparing to take advantage of the present crisis of
Europe, who are risking everything and have the means of raising the whole country, I
say most pointedly and positively they can only hear from and communicate with that
body thro' me, as I alone hold the thread of communication, and I am ready to prove this
when called on".

"What do you think of Mr. O'Connor"?

I made no reply.

"Frankly now, among ourselves, answer me".

"Citizen Minister, I cannot permit myself to answer you, with the avowed feelings I
have towards him, if I were to give an opinion I should almost suspect myself, I am sure
you would".

General Harty interposed and said there was some quarrel between us at Fort George,
with the cause of which he was unacquainted.

I replied, "Whatever is between Mr. O'Connor and me, I wish to submit only to one
tribunal, that of my own country, and until I can do that I do not wish to speak of it".

Berthier — "Can he be of service to us" ?

E. — "Every Irishman can be of service to you".

B. — "But is he popular in Ireland"?

E. — "Citizen Minister, it is painful to me to speak of Mr. O'Connor, but you press
me so much I can't avoid it. On my word of honour I believe his popularity is lost ; he
certainly enjoyed a considerable share once, but I am convinced he has none now; in
civil convulsions popularity is sometimes very undeservedly acquired and sometimes very
undeservedly lost. Which of these has been Mr. O'Connor's case, considering the terms
on which we are, I shall not permit myself to say, but you may yourself judge how far his
popularity is lost from this,— there is, as I have already had the honour of telling you a
committee in Ireland which has the means of raising the whole country, and Mr. O'Connor
does not even know of its existence. Put it to the trial, ask him, and he will tell you that
we all know, that the People are ready, but he will say there is no Executive. And in this

356 Irish Diffidence in France

he will say what he thinks; they have been able to take their measures in such secrecy
that the English Government does not know them, nor Mr. O'Connor either, and why?
Because they do not wish it to be known to either one or the other, a proof he has not
their confidence, and as they do not wish him to know it, so neither do I".

Berthier — "You may be assured, Sir, he shall not know it from me. I am happy to
have become acquainted with you. Send to Genl. Harty the description of the person,
you shall have the passport and the funds, and when you have anything to say I shall be
happy to see you".

I assured him I did not intend to be importunate, but when I had matter of sufficient
consequence I hoped to enjoy the honour I had done to-day.

Harty then mentioned something of the United Irishmen that were prisoners of war.
Berthier said to me — "Any that you can vouch for, give their names to Genl. Harty, and
they shall be discharged".

On our return home I gave him a list. I saw he was pleased with the interview, and
particularly that I had spoken of O'Connor. "I wished", he said, "to force it, so that you
were right to be explicit as to yourself and your powers, and not let any doubts arise".

Before the interview, during our long attendance, I took the opportunity of pointing
out to him that he should not attribute the backwardness of the Irish in giving him their
names to any diffidence of him, but only to a diffidence of France, which had abandoned
Ireland. During the time of the Directory they would have rejoiced at such an offer,
and have offered to fight for the cause of liberty anywhere. But now they are so disgusted
with the treatment of individuals and the Nation, that while they can hope to live on their
own means they cannot prevail on themselves to accept a French commission, and are
rather reserving themselves to fight with an Irish one. He endeavoured to defend the
French government, but I could see in his heart he thought his countrymen right.

I saw Aherne* to-day and broached to him a scheme from which I hope a good deal,
but he has damped my hopes. If Daendelsf was in confidence in Holland, I should not
despair of doing a great deal without France; but he is as low as can be. He has, how-
ever, in a letter lately written expressed his wishes to aid in liberating Ireland and his
determination to engage in nothing else, and desired Aherne to make this known to his
countrymen here, as Aherne supposes that they may suggest his appointment, which in
former times would have succeeded, but who would think of suggesting the appointment
of a general to the First Consul, above all of a Republican and a foreigner?

Thursday, July 28th. From the last date to this I wrote three letters to General
Hartey. The first dated 21st was about the description of the person for the passport
and the expenses of his journey, for which I declined naming any sum, nothing only
what he would have to do. The remainder of that letter and the other.two were about the
state of the United Irishmen prisoners of war, and urging the necessity of some general
regulation in their behalf. This I was particularly induced to do by different letters from
individuals stating the hardship of their situation from their removals, etc. In a letter
written last night I called for such a measure as their Agent and Deputy, and insisted on
it not only as their right, but also as the first proof the French government could give of
its good-will towards Ireland. This morning I received a letter from him enclosing the
passport and stating his conversation with the Minister on the subject of the funds, on
which neither could name any sum and advising me to do it. I have in consequence stated
fifty pounds as the least sum with which I would let him set out, and that as much more

•Captain John Aherne, according to the Memoirs of Byrne, came to France to finish his studies
and when war broke out with England be was one of the Irish patriots who offered their services
to the French Government. He twice embarked for Ireland and after the failure of these expedi-
tions he had the good fortune to escape back to France. The Irish Legion being on march to Mayence
in 1806 poor Captain Aherne died suddenly at Metz. He received his commission in the Legion
from the French Government.

It is quite possible that this refers to Aherne, a physician of Cork and mentioned by Madden
as a member of the Society of United Irishmen, who was in Paris during Tone's mission there, and
was sent by Tone on a secret mission to Ireland. Among the persons he was instructed to consult
was T. A. Emmet.

tGeneral Herman W. Daendels.

Fulton's Promise of Aid

will be necessary for his return. That whatever is given shall he applied to that purpose
only, and that if it he not enough 1 will endeavour to supply tin- deficiency. Perhaps I
am wrong, hut as the sum may appear large I am afraid it might he thought I was wishing
to turn a penny, and I have been more delicate than I otherwise would he. As Harty's
letter said nothing of the United Irishmen prisoners of war, 1 again urged their liberation
in my note of this morning.

From the beginning 1 pressed that matter, from time to time gave in the names of
individuals who applied to me and were entitled to exemption from the arrete. It was
always promised without any difficulty, and as I thought it would he a matter of course
I neglected mentioning my having applied in the proper part of this journal. The delay,
however, has been so great and so injurious to individuals that the matter has become of
considerable consequence, and my latter applications have been very urgent.

August 2nd. This morning came again to town to solicit the money and other things.
Called on Genl. Hartey and found that Dalton had returned and that Hartey had handed
all over to him. I had learned before I went there that Genl. Hartey had told Ware* that
O'Connor and he were busy about the military arrangements. When I went to Harty
and carelessly asked about them, he said he had given in the names but did not say any-
thing of O'Connor, lie also told me Dalton and he were of the committee for examining
the reclamations of the United Irishmen. "O'Connor", says I, "is, I suppose, the third"?
He said he believed not, but in such a way as to convince me otherwise. He then took
great occasion to convince me that O'Connor was not in more confidence and had not
done more than I had. But I am sure he has made good his ground with Hartey and
Dalton, and they are both very anxious to keep me in ignorance of the communications
they have with him.

Wednesday, August 3rd. Could not see Dalton yesterday, but did this morning. He
apologized for the delays that had taken place about the Irish prisoners, and assured me it
would be instantly rectified ; which it has been. He also told me he was sure I should get
the money, and he would see the Minister the next day. As he was made acquainted with
all that had passed in his absence, I took the opportunity of requesting my having solicited
a passport might not be communicated to O'Connor; he assured me it should not, and
added what I thought was very fair, if there was not a wish to keep me ignorant of the
communication with him. "The French government", says he, "wishes to avail itself of
the services of both; as for myself, my object is the good of France my country, and of
Ireland my country. Whatever my private opinions are respecting you both are known
to the Government, but I could not permit myself to appear a partisan of either one or the
other". I wish he may always pursue that conduct.

Friday, August 5th. Came to town on the rumours of an insurrection in Ireland.
Find that the fact is tme, tho' to what an extent is uncertain. Most of my countrymen are
extremely impatient to give their own and procure French assistance. After a great deal
of hunting saw Dalton and asked an immediate interview with Berthier, he is unfor-
tunately out of town, but I am to have it to-morrow. Dalton says he will go over with
five hundred men. Saw Fulton [Robert], who promised if the affair should become so
serious as to leave him room to work, he would go over and commence his plan of opera-
tions [with his torpedoes].

*In Byrne's Memoirs (Vol. I, p. 307) the statement is made: "When I arrived at Paris, I
should immediately have wailed on Mr. Arthur O'Connor had I not heard that he and Mr. Thomas
Addis Emmet were on the worst terms; circumstanced as I was with the latter [Mr. Emmet] I
could not think of becoming acquainted with his enemy.

"No one, however, regretted more than I did to learn that two such men should not be on
speaking terms with each other, — they, whom my countrymen at home looked upon as their most
strenuous agents with the French government, and as consulting with one another at every moment
to see what was best to be done. I enquired of my friend, Hugh Ware, who had spent a long time
in prison with Messrs. O'Connor and Emmet, to know the cause of their dispute. He told me
he could never ascertain it, but that he believed it was nothing political; that he himself had en-
deavoured to reconcile these gentlemen, but found it impossible. Their misunderstandings must,
indeed, have been of a very serious nature, for Hugh was a real peacemaker, and no officer I ever
knew prevented more duels than he did." Col. Ware rendered a long service in the French army
as an officer of the Irish Legion and died in France greatly respected by all who knew him. It is
shown elsewhere that both Mr. Emmet and Dr. Macneven thought far a long time that O'Connor
was false to the Iiish cause.

358 Humbert Sent Too Late

Saturday, 6th. Saw Berthier. I asked in the name of my country for the means of
going immediately and whether the French Government intended to succour Ireland or not,
but that if arms and ammunition, with some light artillery and cannoniers and a sufficient
number of men, to protect the debarkation, could be sent without causing any material
delay, they would wait. I ought to state that I began with communicating to the Minister
the intelligence I had formerly received from Ireland and had wished to make known to
Buonaparte. After having asked for the vessel, &c, for my countrymen, he said it might
be a very great injury to let them go, as they would be so useful with a large force. I
assured him he would meet many such wherever he landed, but he persisted in wishing
to retain them. I pressed with my utmost zeal for immediate supplies, however small,
and pointed out that the Directory had before lost Ireland by not sending over one
hundred men in the time of the Wexford insurrection. He answered, we do not yet know
of what extent it is ; if it be of consequence it will not be so easily put down ; if it be
not, it ought not to damage our general plans. I assured him the French Government
would make it of consequence if it chose, for from what I had stated he saw the United
Irishmen would have acted on sending a supply of arms, &c, and of course the same thing
would make the rising now of consequence, even if it were not so before.

"The government", says he, "will not commit such a piece of folly as the Directory
did".

"Citizen Minister", answered I, "the Directory committed a piece of folly, not in sending
Humbert with so small a force, but in sending him so late ; and it is exactly that piece of
folly against which I wish to guard the present government. I warn you that everything
will be decided by promptitude, and if England acts with more rapidity than France, she
may suppress the present insurrection. In which case France will vainly endeavour to
rekindle it with her large force".

"No", said he, "the minds of the people would be so aroused and enraged".

"That", says I, "would be no equivalent for the discouragement of defeat and the loss
of the bravest and most devoted chiefs. Time is in this case of more value than strength,
and a very little delay may let the opportunity slip away".

"Fifteen days", said he, "would be no great loss of time for a considerable force".

I answered, "Fifteen days certainly would not for a considerable force, but I think
no accession of strength could compensate for the difference between fifteen and twenty
days".

At any rate", said he, "nothing can be done until the First Consul arrives, which will
be in three days, and the courier must not go before that, and his dispatch may be very
different".

I lamented the absence of the First Consul as a great loss, but he assured me it was
not, as he was very prompt to decide, and his decisions were very quickly executed, and
repeated, if the insurrection was serious succour could easily come in time. "With two
hundred men", said he, "ready to be landed in Ireland, we can't be at a loss to collect the
men or arms on any part of the coast, and could almost embark them in a day". I im-
pressed the necessity of promptitude as strongly as I could find words, and again adverted
to the impatience of my countrymen, saying I should be afraid to meet them with an
answer that they must wait three days before any decision would be taken respecting
them ; on which he said, "your zeal and theirs is very natural and honourable, but the
zeal of individuals must sometimes be made to yield to superior arrangements". On the
whole I think he feels the necessity of despatch, but no small force will be given.

After we had taken leave, Dalton told me he certainly knew that Berthier had written
yesterday to the First Consul, and that if succours were decided on, the orders would be
very promptly carried into execution. "In eighteen days after the measure was determined
on", said he, "we had three thousand men and everything necessary for the St. Domingo
Expedition embarked". He said his duty was to take a minute of my conversation with
Berthier for the Consul's use, and that he would put my arguments as strong as possible.
He said also he would try himself to be appointed to superintend the execution of the

The Folly of Half Measures 359

order, and would do it with the utmost zeal. Wc talked over some plans for the expedi
tion, and I gave him my thoughts. Dalton in the conversation mentioned what I suspect
may have been O'Connor's suggestion — "A large French force will be absolutely necessary
to keep down the people and prevent the horrors of a revolution, such as took place
in France". I perfectly understood the meaning of such language, but wished to avoid
seeming to see it, and answered — However great that necessity may be, it is not the
present question. Expedition is everything, and for that purpose the force ought not to
be great, but a small one should he instantly sent, and send your large force afterwards at
your leisure. If we get a small one I hope it will put us into such a situation as not to be
dictated to by a large one. I mentioned to Berthier the wish of the Irish to be sent in a
vessel under the command of Capt. Murphy, as they knew he would never strike his flag,
being as deeply embarked as themselves. His name and Gibbon's* was also taken down by
Dalton to be sent for as soon as they could be had.

Wednesday, August \0lh. Called on Dalton to know if the First Consul was arrived,
he was not expected at St. Cloud 'till night. — He was preparing a memoir to be laid before
him, parts of which he read to me, strongly pressing the necessity of promptness. While
we were talking Corbet rapt at the door, and Dalton broke up the conversation by assuring
me he was certain the First Consul would see the necessity of speedy succours and give
them. I shortly went away, and Corbet followed me. He began by lamenting the insur-
rection as blasting all our chances. I answered him, but he almost put me in a passion
by dealing out what I clearly saw were O'Connor's rodomontades. He then told me it
was on another subject he wished to speak to me, — that as the business was begun it was
the duty of every Irishman to give it support. For that purpose many of them wished
O'Connor and me to forget our animosities and concert and act together, and that O'Con-
nor was perfectly willing. In fact it seemed to me, and I believe was an offer from
O'Connor to pull up what he might have lost of credit with the French Government, by
saying there was no Executive, or organization, and to replace himself by my means.
I instantly answered that if my objections to Mr. O'Connor were only personal, I should
be ashamed to refuse an offer of reconciliation at such a time; that such, however, was
not the case, as all personal matters between him and me were settled at Hamburg ; that
my objections to him were moral and political. That I conceived him a bad man and a
very dangerous character for my country, and should ever reproach myself if on any
occasion I lent him the credit of my name with those, be they few or many, who thought
well of me, and thus increase his means of doing mischief. That, however, as he, Corbet,
would not probably like to carry back such a message, he might say what was further the
truth, that I saw no necessity for any such communication. I acted only as the agent for
the Provisional Government of Ireland, and that situation I could not divide with any
one. That I was pressing the French Government for the most speedy succours, and as he
said Mr. O'Connor was doing the same, Jhe two applications would perhaps have more
weight separately. Corbet tried to persuade me that O'Connor was not a dangerous man,
and had no bad intentions respecting Ireland ; at any rate that it would be prudent to
co-operate with him to a certain point, but I answered I had already sufficiently acted with
and knew him to form my opinion of his ambition, his principles, and his morality, and
that I was convinced of the fo'ly and wickedness of such a half measure. If none such
had been adopted with Robespierre, he would never have been able to load France with the
crimes and calamities of his time. I said a great deal more to the same purpose. Swiney
met us, and I took him aside to ask him to sign my credentials, which he declined, taking it
ad referendum. In the course of the day McDonnel.t Macneven, and Swiney called on
O'Connor formally acquainting him with my appointment and giving him the opportunity
of signing it. He read it over three or four times, and seemed vexed and confused, but

•According to Byrne's diary: — "Austen Gibbons. lieutenant, at the formation of the Irish Legion,
December, 1803. He retired on reform pay in 1806. Gibbons left Ireland after General Humbert
capitulated in 1798. He was bred to the sea, and had commanded merchant vessels.

t Supposed to be James J. MacDonald, a man of influence in Ireland, who was one of the first
to join Humbert at Killala in 1798, and appointed by him to command the Irish. He was a man
of influence at this time with the French Government.

360 Is O'Connor to be Prefect of Ireland ?

evaded on the grounds that he was applied to by the French Government to negotiate with
them for Ireland, and that he had no knowledge of the Executive Committee that ap-
pointed me; for the particulars of this I refer to their statement; he also said if I chose
to co-operate with him he was ready. It seems Humbert called on him and is by no means
satisfied with his reception. O'Connor, however, told him it was not yet decided whether
Massena or he was to have the command, but that he would employ Humbert ! McSheehy*
was at the same time with O'Connor in private conference.

I am perfectly convinced that it is in agitation to take up O'Connor for a bad purpose.
Query, is he to be the Prefect of Ireland? I have no doubt that he has let the Government
into the secret that I and my friends are Republicans and that he is not ; it must be con-
fessed he is fitter than we are for their views.

Thursday, August 11th. McSheehy called on Macneven and had some conversation
with him about the necessity of my resigning my situation and claims to O'Connor, as
he had already treated with the French Government, was known and confided in by those
who were entrusted with the Marine and War Departments, I believe Bernadotte and
Truguet. Macneven answered as I should, denied the fact of his having before treated,
and I said I could not resign my situation to any one, but that I would entirely withdraw
myself if any hint was authentically given me by the French Government that my inter-
ference was not agreeable. In which case it would be observed that Government was
treating only with an individual and not with the Irish people. That, however, I had
every reason to be convinced I possessed the confidence of the French Government as much
as Mr. O'Connor. After a little while McSheehy took his leave.

Saturday, 13th. Saw Dalton this morning ; he had not yet his answer, but told me it
had come to their ears from the Police that the Irishmen were talking and committing
indiscretions in the coffee-houses, and that a paper was handed about among them for
signatures. I interrupted him to ask him had they said anything against the French
Government; he said not, but that in consequence of his name having been mentioned, the
Gd. Juge, with whom he is acquainted, sent for him. I then told him the paper for signa-
tures was the authentication of my appointment, which I had already shown him, and had
not gotten signed before from motives of secrecy, but that now no such caution was
necessary. That the Irish in signing it were only obeying the orders of their Govern-
ment, and I was convinced the French Government would not interfere to prevent their
obeying their own. That as to indiscretions, if any were committed, they were faults,
but I must doubt it. Many of these men who are perhaps so accused knew of the proceed-
ings in Ireland some months back, but they were all able to keep their own secrets so as
that neither the English Government, the French Government, nor the Irish who had
not the confidence of the Irish Government discovered anything, and rely on it if anything
should occur that it would be proper to conceal in the same manner you will hear nothing
of it. But now that there is no mystery they may surely indulge in expressions of zeal
and satisfaction. The paper for signatures can be of no importance to the French Gov-
ernment, but it is very natural to Mr. O'Connor; and your conversation reminds me of one
Genl. Harty had with me some time since. I then told him Harty's conversation about
the danger of clubs and meetings, &c, and went on, tho' thro' delicacy I did not say so,
I was well convinced all those fears were put into his head by Mr. O'Connor, who dreaded
its being seen how entirely he was destitute of the confidence of his countrymen. And
I have now the same belief that this is, and from the same motive, the suggestion of Mr.
O'Connor. Dalton said he did not know if Mr. O'Connor was acquainted with the Gd.
Juge. "Nor do I, but if I were to indulge a suspicion, after what you have told me, I
should say it came entirely from Mr. O'Connor". But says Dalton, "Comme vous etes
chef reconnu vous devriez etre un pen despotique avec les Irlandais". On which I smiled
and told him I hoped I should never be despotic over any one, but that even if I were

*McSheehy, Adj. Gcnl., was m the regular French army when charged by the government to
organize the Irish Legion and take command. He proved unfit for the position. The command waB
taken from him and he was returned to the French army itself. In 1807 he was killed in battle.

The French and Revolution 361

inclined to exercise an act of power I really saw no room, as I was convinced there had
been no fault. We had some further trilling conversation, in which talking of the
necessity of a large French force in Ireland, lie said it would be necessary for a time that
the French should assume the management on themselves and settle everything. That
is, said I, provided you don't find a Government ready formed on your arrival. "Oh,"
says he, "the French are so well acquainted with the mode of making revolutions, a
French general wittily said to an Austrian general who wanted to revolutionize a country
against the French, — General, you had better not try that game against us or we may give
you enough of revolution". I laughed, as became me, at the French general's wit, but
said nothing of the application, nor shall I 'till the fulness of time and 'till I see how the
affairs of my country stand. Perhaps we too may show them that we know a little of
making revolutions, and that the best way is to stop knaves at the outset. While I was
speaking to him a messenger came to him from the Minister to go there directly. On
my return home I met Bonneville who has long been eager to introduce me to Garat, and
thro' him to Truguet. He had been speaking to Garat on the subject, and stated my situa-
tion. I am to see him to-morrow morning. But in the outset Bonneville made a great
fault. Garat is personally acquainted with O'Connor, and has been speaking to him, and
he mentioned the absolute necessity of my acting with O'Connor, on which B. promised
that we should be reconciled. On my saying "never", he got into a great passion, but I
persevered and told him before he promised for me he should have consulted me and
insisted on his undeceiving Garat before I went there, wdiich he will do.

Have just seen Dalton again in consequence of a note from him. The Minister sent
for him to communicate the First Consul's answer to me. Which is that he cannot per-
sonally see me, because he could not do so without recognizing me and the Provisional
Government, wdiich he cannot do until there are twenty-five thousand Irish troops joined
to his in Ireland. That he will not send less than twenty-five thousand men, and of this
resolution I may be sure, but that he will accelerate all his preparations with the utmost
speed, and that these twenty-five thousand men are not intended to stay in Ireland, but
to annoy the western coast of England, that in the meanwhile we shall have arms and
ammunition as much as we can want from the English arms in Hanover thro' the Elbe,
which is not so strictly blocked. That they may be smuggled out, and north about, to
Ireland; that he wishes as most important that the Irish should contrive means of opening
a communication with France; and further that he assured us he would never make peace
with England except on the condition of the independence of Ireland being recognized.
We had then some conversation about the means of getting the arms from the Elbe, and
requested that Murphy should be sent for and a vessel instantly given him, which will I
hope he the case. I asked him when he thought such a force could be got ready, and he
said scarcely before two months, and that he was sure it would not be delayed longer,
and that about the Equinox I would see a very general move. I wished for some arms
from the western ports of France. He said if it was absolutely necessary' he believed
they would be given, but that it would be a great inconvenience, as they would want arms
for the grand expedition and must collect all they could and even bring some to that quarter
for that purpose. I spoke about the eagerness of my countrymen to be gone and he said
I am not officially desired to tell you, but I know the government attaches great impor-
tance to having as many Irishmen as possible with the grand expedition.

He further added that if I desired it the Minister w-ould repeat the message he had
delivered, I said that tho' it was perfectly unnecessary for myself I should wish it for the
sake of the others. He will see the Minister on the subject.

Sunday, August 14th. Saw Garat and had a very long conversation with him. He
first mentioned about O'Connor, of whom he spoke very highly, and assured me his views
were the most simple and candid, that he claimed no authorisation and said he was nothing
but O'Connor, an individual whose name was known thro' Europe and whose suffering
might entitle him to some credit. And that all he asked was an immediate force, with
which he was ready to go. I told him Mr. O'Connor's claims had not been always so

362 Irish Independence a Condition of Peace

confined, and that as he, Garat, was only three days in town he was probably ignorant of
what had been previously claimed, that however now, as he claimed nothing except as
O'Connor, and that I claim nothing as Emmet, there could be no contestation between us.
We both, it seemed, gave the same advice and solicited the same things for Ireland,
therefore we could not counteract each other. He seemed convinced, and said it only
came to this that I should remain here as Minister and O'Connor go with the Expedition.
I answered precisely, provided the French Government in sending him did not interefere
with the prerogative of the Irish Government. We then went into what was necessary
to be done. Garat seemed to hint something as if he was appointed to speak on those
things. But I believe he has no authority except his friendship with Truguet.

However, I stated what I thought would be the advantages of an immediate recogni-
tion of me and my country by France, stating that I had reason to apprehend it would not
be immediately done and would not press it, but that if the French Government thought fit
to offer it, I would accept it. He knew from Bonneville that I had desired to see Bona-
parte and wished I could. I said nearly the same thing, that I did not think it would be
granted, and would not let myself down by subjecting myself to repeated refusals; but
that if he or his friends could procure me the offer of that honour I would gladly use it.
That, however, the material thing was to get succours and to get them instantly. I pressed
promptitude and velocity with my utmost strength, and he appeared to enter perfectly
into my views. In the conversation he mentioned as a fact that at the time of Humbert's
and Hardy's expedition the command had been offered to Cherin, the friend of Hoche,
who he said would have done it well, that he demanded twelve thousand men and sunk down
to eight thousand, but would never go lower, that it was then offered to Bernadotte who
asked fifteen thousand and would not go lower than twelve. I however endeavoured to
convince him that less force would have done, and said I was afraid the rock on which
the French would split was the desire to do things "en grand". He talked of being ready-
in six months, but I deprecated the delay of half that time. He said the Marie was not
ready, there was no more than five sail of the line in Brest and their crews not complete.
However, he was very sensible of the importance of Ireland and the necessity of instant
action in her defence. On the whole I was pleased with him and he gave me room to think
he was so with me, but did not talk of presenting me to Truguet, that however I hope will
come in time and soon.

Bonneville has told me this evening that after I was gone Garat said he saw the
proper person to be taken up and that he would see some one tomorrow.

Monday, August 15th. Called on Dalton this morning to fix about seeing the Minister,
he has not met him since, but gave me a rendezvous for tomorrow. As Garat's talk of
six months has frightened me, I asked him if he seriously thought the expedition could
be ready in two months, — he seemed to laugh at any further delay and assured me that
before Vendemiaire I should see it so, "Marine et tout"? "tout, tout". I told him one
reason for my wishing to see the Minister was because I annexed considerable importance
to an expression he had mentioned to me from the Consul, and that I wished neither to
deceive myself nor my countrymen, I alluded to his assurance that he would never make
peace with England 'till the independence of Ireland was recognized. Dalton said it came
expressly and personally from the first consul. "Vous pouvez leur assurer de ma part"
were his words. I then said the Directory had given the same assurance, and peace was
made without that condition. He then remarked the difference between one man and five,
but said your best assurance is your interest ; promises and even treaties are every day
broken and writing is scarcely more solemn with Nations than words, but their interest is the
certain hold. — It is the interest of France, recognized for ages but now more strongly felt
than ever, to separate Ireland from England. I said — "it was her interest in the last war
but it was not done". Dalton said, "but it is now more strongly felt than ever, and has
penetrated those it did not before. England has forced it to be felt. We hoped that the
treaty of peace would have been kept and that we could have arranged ourselves with
her, but she has made us feel that she will war against our prosperity while she has the

Voila un Traitre! 363

means. The separation of Ireland is the only way of destroying those means, and its
advantages are so strongly felt that no one thinks of discussing them. I can assure you
that sentiment has penetrated into every quarter and that conviction is your best security.
Government is convinced that France can not have solid peace with England 'till Ireland
is her ally and her friend".

Tuesday, 16th. In consequence of a message from Bonneville last night, I called upon
him early this morning. He then told me that Garat had seen La Place, who had consented
to wait on Bonaparte on Irish affairs. If Garat would be present at the interview, to which
Garat has consented, perhaps it may produce good. I expressed my wish to know Truguet,
which he said he would try to bring about. Macneven mentioned to me on my return
home that he had from authority, on which he could rely, that O'Connor alleges that the
Provisional Government is only a faction to exclude him, and that all who support it are
in the same faction. I hope it may be immense and irresistible. The same authority also
assured Macneven that O'Connor is urging the French Government to send over with the
troops a constitution and regulations of Government to impose on the Irish, and that he
is urging this against their wish, as they think it would be very impolitic and dangerous !
If that be true — voila un traitre! Macneven assigned very strong reasons against such
an act. Dalton and I saw the Minister while we were waiting. D. said he knew with
certainty, and repeated the expression, that Government is directing the utmost attention
to the Marne, and that in a short time I should see a "belle reunion de vaisseaux". I said
that was the point where I dreaded a deficiency, he said I need not have the least apprehen-
sion, that they would collect more than enough of ships of the line and the force would
depart from one port. I talked of the necessity of quickening the preparation against
England, he said the activity was immense, that he believed they would be ready in four
months; but that they would begin to menace long before so as to prevent sending troops
to Ireland. When the Minister entered he repeated the conversation as Dalton had
done, and asked did I know the best places for sending the arms. I told him four places
had been indicated to me before the insurrection that I could not however say what their
actual situation might now be. He seemed to wish to put off the sending of arms 'till
the arrival of accounts from Ireland. But I tried to dissuade him from that delay and
he said I must give him a note of what I thought the most proper places and why. How-
ever, on further explanation he seemed to come off of that and consented that Murphy
should be sent for and no time lost. I pointed out we had already let twelve days lapse
since the arrival of the last accounts. We had some further conversation on the subject
and he wished some vessels to come express from Ireland to receive arms, over to
Bordeaux, or the western coast, and to establish the most speedy communication. I then
reverted to the remainder of the Consul's answer and said that as to acknowledging me
if I were to advise I might perhaps give it contrary to the opinion entertained by the
Consul, but no matter for the present the most essential thing was succour and not
acknowledgement. I then said there was part of the answer to which I attached very
great importance, and wished to know whether I over-rated it. I meant the assurance
that he would never make peace with England, 'till the independence of Ireland was
recognised. I requested to know whether that was intended as a formal assurance on the
part of the French Government to my countrymen, and whether I should formally
communicate it as such. He answered "Yes, certainly", and that it was the Consul's
intention I should do so. I then asked him when he thought the expedition would be
ready, he said it was hard to say, and seemed to wish to parry the question, but I said I
did not mean by asking it to bind the Government to the time mentioned, but that it would
be a great object to those in Ireland to know when, as they would accordingly make their
own arrangements. He then said he was pretty sure in about two months, but that with
twenty-five thousand men it was hard to be precise and that besides "on les previendra".
He bid me try and make them if possible be quiet 'till the French came, which proves two
things, — 1st that this government does not wish them to be up on its arrival, and 2nd that
on the idea of their being put down it intends to continue its activity, and give them speedy

364 Passport Granted

help. The rising therefore had had even this effect, even if it shall have failed, that it has
quickened the French and determined them to do in two months what they had no notion
of doing before six months. I then asked the proper passport and the money for the
messenger, which he has promised me by one o'clock today. 1 have received the money
and more, for instead of one hundred pounds he has sent me one hundred and twenty-
five and the passport and the messenger will be off to night.

From Thursday, 25th August, to Wednesday, September 7th. I was all this time in
Paris, but having forgotten my journal I could not take a correct diary.

On Wednesday the 24th of August, Capt. Murphy called on me after his arrival from
Ostend, and we went into town together that evening. Next day I called on Dalton and
informed him of Murphy's arrival, requesting that a proper nautical person might be
appointed to confer with us on the best mode of sending arms. This I did in consequence
of my previous conversation with Murphy, who convinced me that the idea of sending
arms from the Elbe in Merchant vessels was absurd, and that they should go from the
Western Coasts in armed vessels. I also made Murphy write to the Minister of Marine,
mentioning his arrival as he was coming upon an invitation from him before he received
mine.

H'e has never heard anything from the Minister of Marine, and as for myself I was
promised an answer in a couple of days, and afterwards put off on one pretext and an-
other from day to day, and finally promised it definitely on Saturday night, Sept. 3d.
During all this time rumours were circulating of some negotiation with England and an
armistice talked of. I mentioned it to Dalton, his answer was, that peace was impossible,
but that an armistice might be, as it was for the interest of France. Having received no
answer on Saturday night, I did not ask him to see the Minister at War because I knew
he was perfectly acquainted with my request and had conversed on it to Dalton. But I
prepared a memorial to Bonaparte, calculated also to meet the possibility of negotiation
and urging the utmost possible speed on the score of the interests of the Republic, and
concluding with the same request I had made thro' Dalton, as a preliminary to sending
the promised arms. Having finished this I determined, if possible, not to send it thro'
Berthier, that in case he heard of it, he might see I felt the impropriety of not giving me
some answer and I requested Garat to deliver it, which he understood to do in the hand-
somest manner. He further told me he had a reason to know that Government was very
anxiously occupied about our affairs. He had on a former occasion told Bonneville that
Bonaparte was afraid to separate Ireland lest it should be too democratic and give a
bad example, but that he was strongly urged to it by the Senate and the members of the
Government. He further told me our marine affairs were in the hands of Truguet, who
was devoted to our cause. Having secured the delivery of my memoir on Friday I wrote
a note to Dalton, rather drily informing him that as I had received no answer and now
expected none I was returning to the country. War has been these several days past
talked, and movement made against Portugal. Is it possible that could be only a pretext
for marching the troops from Bayonne to Ferril to embark them for Ireland?

Sunday, Sept. 11th. Came to town again today to be in the way and hoping to hear
about my memorial. To my mortification Bonneville has given McDonnell a message for
me, stating that it had been impossible to deliver it on Friday, from some etiquette, but
that he would do it today. I must therefore wait some days more even if it is to be
honoured with any notice.

Tuesday, 13th. In consequence of a message from Dalton and some minor circum-
stances, about prisoners at War &c, I called on him. The only thing remarkable in the
interview is that he apologised for not giving me an answer to my demand, by stating that
he had none to give, that he had often pressed the Minister on the subject but could obtain
no answer, and that he presumed Government had changed its intentions on that subject.
This last I am sure is also true by their conduct respecting Murphy, to whom, unknown to
me, Dalton made an offer to restore him to his former rank of Captain of a frigate, if
he would put himself at the disposition of the Government. Murphy accepted it as he

The Pretext of Keeping Down Factions 365

said in everything for the good of his country, but insisted on having a regular brevet,
which he was promised. This was all done unknown to me, but no brevet or written
promise coming, Murphy mentioned to me last night that he would go to the country if
he heard nothing more about his arrears of pay, giving me to understand that there was no
other subject of conversation between him and Dalton in the interview, which after a
good deal of hesitation be told me hail taken, place. This morning I told Dalton, in a
general way, that if he was not quick in his movements he would lose Murphy, who
mentioned to me his fixed resolution of going back to Dunkirk on Saturday if he had
nothing satisfactory before. On this Dalton, supposing Murphy had told me all, said he
would go to the Minister of Marine directly and have his brevet made out, that he had
been so expressly authorised to make him the offer by the Minister of Marine, and that
he need not be uneasy. By Murphy's agreeing to put himself at the general disposal of
the French Government, and by his wish to keep the treaty concealed from me, I see that
he has changed his mind as well as the French Government. God knows how I could
get the arms over, even if a favourable answer should be given to my memorial. Dalton
sets off tonight to Strassbourg on a mission to conduct the Turkish Ambassador to Paris
and in his absence everything referred again to Harty.

Wednesday, Sept. 14//i. Saw Bonneville this morning. Garat had not been able to
deliver the memoir on Sunday, for when he went to St. Cloud, he found that the Consul
had no audience and was gone to Malmaison. He has requested a special audience for
to day to give it. On my way home met Corbet, who began, as on a former occasion, by
condemning the measures in Ireland, as if to conciliate my temper, and then proposed an
accommodation with O'Connor that we might co-operate, saying "that as matters were
going on it were to be wished that they could be succoured". I rejected every accomoda-
tion on the same grounds as before, political and not personal. He urged that if we were
reconciled O'Connor would sacrifice a great deal of his opinions to meet mine and give
a joint advice to Government. I answered that I knew Mr. O'Connor too well not to
be convinced that if we did appear to co-operate and give a joint advice, which did not
meet his views, he would nevertheless find means to suggest and enforce his own, so that
nothing would be gained on that head. That besides I only acted in a delegated capacity,
which I could not divide with anyone, and would not willingly share with Mr. O'Connor,
that I wished for nothing but what I knew my countrymen required, and gave no advice
but what flowed from their wishes. That I could never consent to modify these solicita-
tions, or that advice, to meet any ideas of Mr. O'Connor, and that in seeking for a coun-
sellor to assist me with his opinions and judgments I should only choose one on whose
integrity and talents I had reliance. That as to co-operation, if we did not really agree
in opinion, Mr. O'Connor would, I was persuaded, in every situation, openly or secretly
urge his own; if we did agree, there was a virtual co-operation without our coming
together. The advice I gave to Government, and urged with all my strength was this,
to lose no time, to give the utmost they could instantly and as much as possible
at their leisure, but to succour as soon and as powerfully as possible those who were
now acting. I hoped Mr. O'Connor did not give different advice. I hoped he
did not tell them that the present insurrection was trifling and insignificant and the work
of some obscure men, that he did not advise them to let it die away, and not to go but
with a large force, that might enable them to take things up "de novo", to come with a
ready made constitution for the Irish people, and to interfere with the civil authority of
the country, under specious and hackneyed pretext of keeping down factions. I said all
this, it being ascertained from the information Macneven had received, from I know excel-
lent authority, that such is his language. When I mentioned the words "keeping down
factions" Corbet, conscious he had often sung second to O'Connor, said he himself was
very apprehensive they would be wanting at first for that purpose, that the spirit of indi-
vidual revenge would be let loose and that they alone could not curb the overflowing
of popular fury. I answered that they showed no disposition to go in time to stop those
outrages, wdiich, I lamented as much as anyone, were likely to disgrace the first beginning

366 Allies and Not Mediators

of our revolution. That besides if they were there, they would not care whether this
or that private individual was cruelly massacred, it was too petty an object for their
attention. They would interfere en grand, espouse some party and then oppose its rival
under the name of keeping down faction, that I was for no such mediation of foreigners
and would submit to none in Ireland but that of the Irish people. That if the French
came, they must prepare themselves to act only as allies, and as such indeed not to let the
laws of the land and the obligations of morality and humanity be violated in their neigh-
bourhood without securing the culprit, and submitting him to the tribunal of his country.
But that whoever should advise them to erect themselves into Mediators in a land aspiring
to be free, between rival parties, if any such should exist, would prepare for that land new
and not less destructive civil wars than any she had ever yet encountered. That I hoped
no one was giving them that advice, or suggesting to them to dispose of officers in the
Irish Government as they might think fit. The argument did not end here, for Corbet
defended his opinion, but with such arguments as I really forget. In urging me to the
reconciliation with O'Connor what an effect it would have in deciding the resolutions of
the French Government if it saw us co-operating. To that I answered drily, that after
what the French knew of the state of Ireland, of its importance and its wants, I should
think very meanly of its politics and talents if it were induced to send an additional soldier
or musket by any appearance of co-operation between Mr. O'Connor and me. He then
attempted to touch my fears, by talking of O'Connor's great influence in Ireland, and that
those who knew the services he had rendered to his country would not suffer him to be
put down. I told him I had long acted with Mr. O'Connor and knew his services a great
deal better than those who had heard of them from his own lips, that at any rate when
Ireland was free, let his country estimate what he had done, what he had not done, what
he had boasted of having done and what he had arrogated to himself of others' acts and
let it give him whatever situation it pleased. I should never intrigue against it, but I
was decided never to fill any situation that should come in contact with his, except per-
haps as members of the same legislature ; we separated, neither I believe perfectly pleased
with the other. He almost avowed that he was acting by O'Connor's desire, the same
man that in the height of his calumnies against Macneven and me said to several, and I
believe to Corbet, that he would never act with either of us, he never shall. When I met
Corbet he was reading the papers, which contain, whether true or false, some strong
reports of great success on the part of our friends in Ireland, as did some of yesterday's
papers. I suspect they are the cause of O'Connor's advances, when I pointed them out
to Corbet he seemed as melancholy as if he considered them in the light of disasters. I
have my own to regret, but I do so in private.

Before Ireland could be a nation, she became a province; before Ireland could be a people,
her inhabitants toere made slaves, attached not to their country, but to their soil.

T. A. Emmet.

The common soldier is as much of a machine as the muskei with which he kilts the
peasant, or the torch which he employs to fire his habitation.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXII

Col. Miles Byrne, the trusted friend of Robert Emmet, arrives from Ireland with a
full report for Mr. Emmet from his brother as to his plans and failure — Also of his
arrest and that of John Patten and of every one connected with the family, which had
been accomplished before Byrne could get out of the country— Criticisms and some ex-
planations as to the cause of failure — Mr. Emmet and his family return to the country
so as to limit as far as possible a knowledge of the disaster in Ireland and to cause as
little discouragement as possible — Is assured that the preparation for the expedition to
Ireland is progressing rapidly — Accidentally meets O'Connor in the street, who is very
cordial and insists on talking over the situation and expresses his desire to establish
good feeling between them — O'Connor is heard to the end, when Mr. Emmet politely
concludes "this extraordinary interview" by assuring Mr. O'Connor that what he seeks
to accomplish is impossible — Sketch of Capt. Thos. Markey — Reports received by Mr.
Emmet of his brother's trial — It was not known even at the time how close a relation
existed between these two brothers, and Mr. Emmet's grief for his loss only ceased with
his own death — Nor has the fact ever been fully appreciated that before the first step
had been taken by Robert Emmet he and his brother had fully decided as to every detail
in the projected movement, which was but a continuation of the purpose attempted in
1798 — Mr. Emmet is now able to give an accurate account to the French Government
and people as to what Robert Emmet did say during his trial — Sketch of Lieutenant
Thomas Reed — The Government continues to make every effort in the preparation for
invading Ireland — Sketch of Thomas Lawrence O'Reilly — Hampden Evans — General Wil-
liam Lawless and Edward Lewins — It is now proposed that a general committee be formed,
including O'Connor, to manage Irish affairs in relation to the Government — Another move
by O'Connor is opposed by Mr. Emmet and many others on the ground that it would
give their names to the English, who would confiscate all their property in Ireland —
Sketch of Dr. Arthur MacMahon — When this committee is first formed by order of
the French Government Mr. Emmet agrees to serve and to do so with O'Connor, but
consents only on the assurance that the expedition is to sail immediately for Ireland —
At no time has there existed so much misunderstanding — Mr. Emmet is treated with the
greatest indifference and one week after another passes without any prospect of the
expedition sailing for the invasion of Ireland.

ORROWFUL news is now at hand, another burden for Mr.
Emmet to bear and one to be felt the most by him. He
resumes the record of his diary : —

A messenger is arrived at Bordeaux from Ireland and on
his way to me. I can learn that he has some not unfavorable
and some very bad and to me very distressing news. My
brother Robert is arrested, he has been three times before the
Privy Council, but has declined answering anything. My
brother-in-law John Patten was arrested and liberated and is
arrested again, so that now almost every male relative I have
367

368 Byrne Arrives in Paris

in Ireland that I know and love is in prison and perhaps in danger. God protect them
to their friends, their families and country! My wife and I have determined to keep
this secret as long as possible, not to discourage our countrymen in Paris. If the
news from Holland shall turn out true we shall not be long bound to concealment.

Saturday, September 17th. The messenger, Byrne,* is arrived in Paris. He left
Dublin on Wednesday, August 31st. This news I am far from thinking favourable, be-
cause it is clear to me that no new effort will be soon made in Ireland and that every-
thing must now wait upon the French. He has given me an account of the previous
proceedings of the Provisional Government, and of its efforts on the 23rd, by which I
see there was a great deal of money and talent expended on an enlarged and complicated
plan, which would perhaps have been better directed to one single point and to a simple
plan. The failure seems to show this, for it failed for want of heads and means to
make the different parts support one another. The present state of Ireland he says is
this, — the Provisional Government still maintains its connections and correspondence
with the country and the English Government really knows little or nothing. The people
are in excellent spirits and none of the fire arms have been lost, but a great deal of am-
munition and pikes. The Insurrection of the 23rd inst. was forced on by the explosion
of the powder manufactory in Patrick Street, and a slight battle for recovering some
ammunition a few nights before, but the country in general was not called upon or
expected by the Provisional Government to act unless Dublin had been taken. Russell's
proclamation was not intended by him to be published 'till Dublin was taken, but it

*Dr. Madden in "The Lives of the United Irishmen" refers to Byrne, the bearer of these dis-
patches, as Colonel "Michael", instead of Colonel Miles Byrne, who: "possessed the entire confidence
of Emmet [Robert] and was cognizant of all his plans". Colonel Byrne states in his "Memoirs": —
"Mr. [Hugh] Wilson told me that he wrote to Mr. Thomas Addis Emmet the morning I landed in
Bordeaux, and that he should now write to him again to let him know the day and hour I should
arrive in Paris. Mr. Evans ([Hampden] speaking French well, made the journey very pleasant; other-
wise it might have been dull enough to be shut up for four nights and five days in a coach before
we reached Paris. It would have been particularly so to me who thought every moment an hour
till my mission was terminated, thinking then that assistance would be obtained from the French
Government by Mr. Emmet. We arrived at the coach office, Rue Montmartre, at three o'clock, P. M.,
where we met Dr. Macneven and Adjutant General Dalton; this officer belonged to the staff of the
Minister of War, General Berthier, who sent him to receive me at the diligence office. His coach
being ready, he made the conductor of the diligence get into it with himself, Doctor Macneven and
me. Hampden Evans remained to look after his luggage and as I had none, General Dalton ordered
his coachman to drive to the Grand Judge Requier's Hotel, Place Vendome, in whose study Mr.
Thomas Addis Emmet was waiting our arrival. On being asked by the Minister if he knew me,
Mr. Emmet replied he had never seen me before. The grand judge then handed to him a paper
containing the impression of the seal-ring which I had been the bearer of from his brother Robert
Emmet, and which the Commodore commanding the squadron at the mouth of the river at Bordeaux,
thought proper to take from me, and have forwarded to his Government, after I had written my
name on the back of the paper on which the impression was made.

"As soon as Mr. Emmet had compared this impression with his own seal-ring he crossed the room,
took me in his arms and embraced me with affection. The grand judge witnessing this seemed quite
satisfied. He then told Mr. Emmet that the First Consul required from him as soon as possible a
detailed report on the present state of Ireland and that it would be well if this document were
furnished next morning early. A carte re surete being then handed to me, we all retired from the
grand judge's hotel, I, a free man, going with Mr. Emmet to his lodgings, Rue du Cherche-Midi,
where he presented me to his lady and children. We then went and hired a cheap room for me,
Petite Rue du Bac, quite near his house. Doctor Macneven was to dine with us and immediately
after dinner we three retired to Mr. Emmet's study, to commence the report required by the First
Consul, Doctor Macneven writing with great facility, and I explaining and answering the best way
I could all their queries about men and things in Ireland. A rough draft was soon drawn up. Mr.
Emmet having lately been chosen by the Irish refugees in France to represent them with the First
Consul, he was the more anxious to have this document carefully made out and as it was to be
copied in the morning we retired each to bed late at night.

"And now this account of my mission being ended, I must say before concluding this chapter
that I shall ever feel proud of the part I took with the lamented Robert Emmet. I have often asked
myself, how could I have acted otherwise, seeing all his views and plans for the independence of
my country so much superior to anything ever imagined before on the subject? They were only
frustrated by accident and the explosion of a depot, and as I have always said, whenever Irishmen
think of obtaining freedom Robert Emmet's plan will be their best guide. First take the capital, and
then the provinces will burst out and raise the same standard immediately. ... I mentioned in the
first volume that Mr. Emmet had hired a room for me in the Petite Rue de Bac. It was a mere
closet, but it was all I wanted as it was near his house. I felt a great consolation that I could be
with him every day and continue to furnish him with still further particulars about unhappy Ireland,
hoping too that from his influence with the French Government we would ere long obtain assistance
for my beloved country. In consequence of this, I was happier than might have been expected under
such circumstances; but, alas! this happiness was of short duration, for Mr. Emmet on learning the
final and fatal news about his lamented brother Robert, left Paris with his family and went to re-
side at Saint Germaine-en-Laye, that is, in a country house he took in that neighbourhood".

Byrne in his Memoirs, records further — "In December, 1803, before leaving Paris to join the Irish
Legion, I paid a farewell visit to Thomas Addis Emmet and his family. Mrs. Gallagher, staying with
Mrs. Emmet, I took leave of also".

Meeting with O'Connor 369

transpired from the over zeal of some friends. In the same way the proclamation of
the Provisional Government was not to have heen published 'till the next day and was
not therefore signed by the members. If no persecutions are permitted the people will
be quiet 'till the French come, and the instructions to me were to urge an expedition
with the utmost speed. But as to arms, if they come they would be received and con-
cealed, but not used before a landing, and that therefore it was useless to run the risk
of sending them. My brother, he says, is not in danger, but I doubt that. John Patten
expected to be let out the day after Byrne came away. He says the people's spirits
have received a spring by the effort and that if a speedy landing takes place they will
act much better than they would have done.

Sunday, September I8//1. Dalton, who did not go to Strasbourg, called this morning
very early from the Minister at War, to learn the news brought by the Messenger. I
told him in substance as before. When I said I would not press for arms he was very
glad of it and told me several captains of ships had declined carrying them and that
Captain Murphy himself, when spoken to by the Minister of the Marine, seemed very
averse to it, that the idea had been therefore dropped as it was not thought right to
risk his being hanged on such a business, when he might have been made useful in
another way. This might have been a very right decision, but I should have been made
acquainted with it either by Murphy, or the French Government.

As to the expedition itself, he gave me the greatest assurance, he said the activity at
Brest and the western coasts was without example. He had seen and spoken to a person
just returning from thence, that he could assure me with certainty there were eighteen
sail of the line there ready for the sea. The French Government wished to direct atten-
tion from that quarter and were therefore making great demonstrations towards England
and establishing camps along that coast to prevent alarm, and because they were unnes-
sary, "for Brittany was as full as an egg of troops", which would not be collected to-
gether 'till they were wanted. And that for the same reason of preventing alarm, Gov-
ernment had spread the report that Massena had refused going. I asked him when things
would be ready, he answered he thought very well by the end of Vendemiaire. I hinted
about the Bayonne expedition and said every one at Bordeaux believed it was for Ireland,
which I lamented if it was the fact, as no place abounded more with English spies. He
answered in a very pleasant manner, not contradicting, that it was, but certainly not saying
it, — "Mr. Emmet", says he, "it is impossible to prevent persons forming and uttering their
conjectures, but I can assure you solemnly that not a word in writing has passed on the
subject of that army, and that every arrangement respecting it has been made by word
of mouth between the First Consul and the General himself". He further told me that
he had strong reason for believing that Bruix would command the expedition for Ireland,
tho' he was now Admiral of the flotilla at Boulogne. This last news, from what has been
said of Bruix in Hoche's expedition, I did not think the most pleasant. In consequence
of the communication from Ireland and what Dalton said of the intentions of the French
Government respecting arms, I sent to prevent Simpson sailing for Ireland, as accidents
have hitherto strangely delayed him and a messenger from me with the same intelligence
has departed from Bordeaux. I also called on Bonneville to prevent the presenting of
my memoir, it has not been yet done. While I was out Mr. O'Connor and I met plump
at the turn of a street, to my surprise he instantly saluted me and enquired very tenderly
after my family. I answered him as coldly as I could with politeness, but he was not to
be rebuffed. He said he had long wished for this opportunity of speaking to me on a
subject which had been probably mentioned to me by Mr. Corbet. The French Govern-
ment were making communications to us both and as far as he could collect holding differ-
ent language to each, that it had not concealed from him the assurances it had given
to me, which were much larger than any he had received, and that it had enabled me
to send a messenger with them to Ireland. That the Government had also at different
tfmes pressed him to send over messages, but as he was not satisfied with their sincerity
he had always refused and if he had sent one he would have done it out of his own
pocket. He believed the French Government wished to deceive us both, but they did it

370 Exchange of Confidences Suggested

in such a bungling manner as not to deceive him, for they made him at different times
different and inconsistent proposals, and besides he had learned facts from different
sources which he was enabled to have access to by means of his fortune and character
and connections, which laid open to him the views of the French.

As I might not have the same advantages, and as it was of importance that no one
treating for Ireland should be deceived, he wished to propose to me that we should make
an unreserved communication of everything that had been said to each, or that had come
to our knowledge from other quarters, as being the best way to prevent either of us from
being outwitted. But that as in doing so he would have to commit to me the lives of
persons who might suffer for their confidence in him he could only do it on the most
solemn obligation of secrecy, which on his part he was also willing to give. He then
launched out on different topics, which, as I presume the conversation was to be under-
stood as confidential I shall not even commit to paper. I listened with the utmost patience
and silence to this discourse, in some part very arrogant, but on the whole containing a
very artful proposal, and from his desiring me to remember that he had made it, I sus-
pected he was laying the foundation of some future impeachment. I therefore answered
him that I did not think myself at liberty to disclose the communications that had been
made to me and was aware how little right I had to ask a disclosure from him when I
could not be reciprocal, that, however, if his love for his country could induce him to dis-
pense with that reciprocity, which scarcely appeared necessary as his opinion of the in-
sincerity of the French seemed founded on such decisive evidences, I would give him
every obligation of secrecy that could pass between man and man. He replied he could
not conceive how I was bound up, the French Government had never tied him up to
secrecy. They had communicated very freely with him and they did not conceal their
communications with me. They gave him to understand that he was the principal person
and an "homme D'Etat" had been expressly appointed to treat with him and empowered
by the First Consul to sign any agreement in writing with him, but they had never asked
secrecy from him, nor would he have given them any such promise. That he acted in
his own individual capacity, tho' he knew how easy it would be to call together some
of his friends, make them take the title of an Executive and give him a nomination. But
he pretended to no delegated power and he told the French Government so ; his only wish
was that we should be both enlightened and understand one another for the purpose
of not being duped, that he had very important things to tell me and could not do it
without the most solemn obligations and an unreserved communication. That once the
French Government wished us to be reconciled, but now he believed such a circumstance
would be regarded with jealousy, and that the best way would be to meet in the country,
where our interview would be unsuspected and unknown to anyone but ourselves. This
proposal was made at the front of the Palais Royal after the conversation had lasted for
about three-quarters of an hour, and as I thought had been studiously protracted in hopes
of its being perceived by some one to whom we and our differences were both known.

I answered again that the different situations in which we stood rendered a difference
of conduct necessary, he acted for no one and was free to tell his own secrets, I was only
an agent for others and did not feel myself at liberty to disclose the communications that
had been made to me for their use, particularly to him who had refused to acknowledge
their authority, that in whatever assurance I had transmitted to my countrymen I had en-
deavoured not to deceive them, and I trust I had succeeded. But that I would be exceed-
ingly anxious to have every information which might prevent my doing so great an
injury and would gladly give him every possible assurance that whatever he told me
should never pass my lips, and that the time and manner of doing it should be entirely
at his disposal. He then mentioned several things which, whatever importance I may
attach to them, as they were probably given under that assurance, I shall not state, they
were not facts but inferences, intended to excite my curiosity as to the facts themselves.
He said he could not disclose his secrets without knowing mine. He desired me again
to remember he had made the proposal, to think on it, and give him a definite answer,
which he had a reason for wishing me to give before Tuesday at twelve.

Answer to O'Connor 371

I said I would, and very politely concluded this extraordinary interview. My con-
jecture on the whole is that O'Connor is dissatisfied with the French Government not-
withstanding their flatter)', he is not convinced he is of sufficient importance, and he
wishes to ascertain whether I am of more. As to the facts of which he boasts I don't
believe he has any, but I suspect this day's conversation will at some future time be
made a subject of conversation.

Tuesday, 20r/i September. I sent O'Connor his answer to the same purport as above
by Corbet* Garat has not delivered my memoir, but as he demanded the interview and
does not know whether it may not be still granted, he wishes to keep the memoir that
if called upon he may give it, stating at the same time that since it was written circum-
stances have altered and that I wished to withdraw and alter it.

McNeven tells me that Markeyf says Augereau told him O'Connor had refused to
be Chef D'Escadron. I suppose he thinks he has as good a right to be General as Tandy
had, and he is dissatisfied at his disappointment.

Saturday, 24//i. Before going out of town I called again on Dalton about some minor
business and to lay before him a plan of descent on Ireland that had occurred to me.
His objections to it make me doubt whether the Bayonne Army is for Ireland. He said
"be assured the French will never divide their force", now if that army were going and
another from Brest, they could scarcely avoid dividing them. I urged again the necessity
of losing no time, he repeated the same assurance he had given me on the 18th and said
the demonstrations are all made against England, but the object is Ireland, and added
"no camps are formed, but Brittany is full of troops, and in the time of Hoche, when
we went to Brest there was not a man there but in twenty-one days they were all collected
in and we were under sail". He hinted as he had done on the former occasion, that the
Irish in Faris would be let to stay quiet 'till the last moment and then hurried off. He
said he repeated these assurances knowing how deeply I was interested, not only as an
Irishman but as a brother, for I had told him last Sunday of my brother's arrest, and it
is reported in today's Argus.

Thursday, October 20th. Swiney is returned from Cork in an open boat, he could
not penetrate to Dublin, but committed his message to a confidential person who under-
took to have it conveyed forward. The account he gives of the state of Ireland, as to
precaution, is dreadful and the most vigorous police pervades the whole country. The
spirit of the people, however, he says, is if possible more determined than ever. Vide
his narrative. He has brought some statements respecting the forces in the South, which
are mostly concentrated towards Cork, e. g., about five thousand in Cork, five thousand in
Bandon and three thousand about Bantry. This he says is the utmost exclusive of yeomen.
One seventy four, and five or six frigates cruising off that station. The forts of Cork Har-
bour are miserably neglected, garrisoned entirely with invalids, as follows. Camden, sixty
men, 20 guns, 12 and Prs. Rams Head, eighteen men, 4 to 8 guns, 6 and 12 Prs. Spike
Island, 100 men, 30 to 40 guns, 12 Prs- Cove, useless, thirty men, 10 guns, 24 Prs- He
proposes a plan for putting all those and Cork into the hands of the French; but as

*As Capt. Thomas Corbet, the elder brother, must have been in the army and in active service,
this reference must" be to William, the younger brother, who was expelled from Trinity College at
the same time as Robert Emmet. Escaping from Ireland he settled in France and became professor
of English in the Military College of Saint Cyr. He took an active part in fitting out the expeditions
to Ireland and while in Hamburg was arrested with others and surrendered to the English. He was
taken back to Ireland and long imprisoned, but was again able to escape and returned to France. After
his return he received the commission of Captain in the Irish Legion, but he soon resigned and re-
sumed his professorship at Saint Cyr. He again re-entered the army and continued in active service
until retired at the age of 62, having reached the rank of General. He died in 1842. He was ■
warm friend of Mr. Emmet.

tCaptain Thomas Markey, aide-de-camp to the Minister of War, the Duke of Feltre, is here re-
ferred to. He served in the French army with great honor and died in 1854, at the age of 84 years.
Byrne states: — "Few Irish patriots suffered more than Thomas Markey. At Drogheda in 1798 he was
tried by a court-martial and condemned to death; he was on the point of being executed when a
respite came, and his punishment was then commuted to transportation for life. He was bound with
chains, thrown on board the convict ship in Howth Harbor, where he suffered all kinds of indignities
for several months; he was removed to Kilmainharn Gaol, and became the fellow prisoner of Emmet,
Arthur O'Connor, Macneven, Hugh Ware, etc. At the peace of Amiens in 1802 he was allowed to
expatriate himself forever*'.

372 Robert Emmet's Conduct Consoles for His Loss

secrecy is very necessary in all these things I shall only communicate it to some one
authorised to hear it.

Swiney has brought me the details of my dearest Robert's trial and execution* His
conduct is my only consolation for his loss, but his speech as given by the English Gov-
ernment would be very offensive here. Dalton has been out of town since the date of
my last, but as he is expected very shortly and matters do not press, I will wait for his
return before I mention anything of Swiney to the Government.

Wednesday, November 2d. Saw Dalton for the first time since his return. I had
different matters, relative to the release of some of my countrymen, to talk to him about,
and a great deal to pull up that had run in arrears in his absence. I was curious to see
whether there was any alteration in his manner, as my brother's speech before sentence
has been printed in the French papers and must have been displeasing to the Government,
but I could perceive no change in him. I told him the messenger was returned. Gave
him some general statements relative to the state of the country and added that he had
particular communications which might influence Government as to the plan of landing,
which, however, for discretion sake, I would not communicate until called upon by the
Government and to some one appointed by it. This may give me a test of their inten-
tions, as if I am not called on they can scarcely be serious.

Friday, November 4th. Called on Dalton again this morning in consequence of a
communication from Genl. Augereau, which shows at least his desire to know every
thing about Ireland. I took the opportunity of asking how the preparations were going
on. He said he had lately seen one from Brest. Truguet was there and putting every-
thing into the greatest activity, that there were twenty and odd sail of the line ready
for sea, and that troops were gathering fast into the Department. Further than that they
did not know themselves, as the greatest mystery was kept up respecting everything there.
I had occasion to apply for permission to Connolly.t who is in Portugal, to come to Paris,
and he desired him to apply without delay to the French Minister there "parce que la
Portugal sera bientot casse". I urged also the state of my countrymen who are here,
and he comforted me with a repetition of the vague assurance so often given — "that a
general measure would be shortly taken respecting them".

Sunday, November 13th. In consequence of Dalton's desire I saw him this morning,
he wished to communicate to me that the Irish would be attached a la suite de corps im-
mediately and afterwards united into a corps, when the expedition was to take place.
He showed me a list of the names and the order in which he had ranged them for com-
mission. I reminded him of one or two he had forgotten. Before this conversation,
there was a stranger and he in conversation about the probability of an expedition this
winter, which the stranger denied, saying there were not above seven sail of the line
ready in Brest. He answered, and I thought seemed embarrassed at my presence, that
it was true there were not above eight sail actually ready, but there would be twenty
in a very short time.

Tuesday, November 15th. In consequence of a rumour that the French had landed in
Ireland, I called on my friend Dalton, but he says it is not possible. "It must have gone,"
said he, "from Spain or the Western coast of France; now we have not a soldier on the
Spanish territory, and as to the Western Coasts I can assure you there are no troops
as yet embarked".

•The world ha9 never realized that the death of Robert was to his brother Addis a sorrow from
which he never recovered. Mr. Emmet was never known in after life to have made a voluntary
reference to his brother Robert, except in his letter to King, and the sudden mention of his name
by another always effected a very noticeable agitation in his manner. Mr. Emmet, as has been stated,
held a profound appreciation of the value of Robert's judgment, which was reciprocated; politically
they were as one, united by an affectionate bond of union.

The fact that this relation existed proves that the movement in 1803, under the guidance of
Robert Emmet, was not without plan or purpose, as has been generally thought. It received in every
detail from these men the most profound consideration the human mind could devise and was the
intellectual ultimatum of two individuals endowed by nature to an extent seldom known, if ever, in
such close relation. The result, therefore, had nothing to do with what these two men planned,
which must always be accepted for future guidance as a basis.

tUnknown.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

DEATH MASK OF ROBERT EMMET, BY PETRIE

THE NEW Y
PUBLIC LIBRARY

fcSTSR, L':
| T1LDEN FOUND

Plan for Naval Insurrection 373

Thursday, November 17th. The rumour of an expedition for Ireland having sailed
still gains ground, but principally among the Americans. Mr. [Joel] Barlow told me
that he hears six of them have sailed from Bayonne, Corunna, Ferrol, Rochfort, Brest
and some other places. This is absurd, but a Mr. Livingston, a relative of the American
Minister, assures me that one is on the point of sailing from Brest, that he knows there
arc twenty sail of the line ready there and has the strongest reason to believe that
Massena set out for that place the day before yesterday. Others say that Massena is
gone to Nice. At any rate I suspect the rumours are the consequence of something hav-
ing transpired from the bureaus relative to the intention of Government.

Saturday, 19th. Encore des bruits. Every one says today that Augereau is landed
in Ireland. I don't believe a word of it, but I am unwell, and cannot go out. I am sure,
however, that if it was true and known Dalton would have written me a note. Law-
less also tells me, a friend of his who had opportunities of knowing, assured him that
an expedition would very shortly sail from Brest and that the Irishmen in Paris would
be hurried off suddenly; this corresponds with Dalton's hint on the same subject.

Monday, December 6th. Saw Dalton this morning in consequence of a proposal I
was desired to make to Government on the part of Thos. Read,* for making an insur-
rection in the British Navy. Read, as I had previously learned is very honest but cracked.
He had made something of his proposal personally known thro' another channel, so that
I did not take Dalton unawares. He said the measure proposed by Read could not be
taken, as an exchange of prisoners must be made from the situation in which the two
countries stand to one another. At any rate, said he, four months, the time mentioned
by Read, are now too long. The French Government will now very shortly do some-
thing, or not do it at all. He mentioned that he had a personal conversation with the
first consul about Dowdal and his fellow travellers coming from Spain, and that the first
consul desired to know would they take a destination without coming to Paris, on
which I must write to them. I asked him confidentially, among friends, whether any-
thing was to be done soon, he answered, — "Oui, tenez-vous a cela", and after a little
pause, before four days, said he, the Irishmen in Paris will get their orders to set off.
I answered that tho' I was glad they were provided for, it was not about that I was
asking. I know it is not, said he, but about the expedition. He told me before the
conversation began that some United Irishmen, whom he could not name, had let sus-
picion fall on their conduct by being too intimate with Englishmen. Perhaps, says he,
their circumstances may have forced them ; but we are going to provide on that, at any
rate it is now of no great consequence as all the English are being sent away. I said I
believe Mr. O'Connor, Dr. Macneven and myself were perhaps more in the line than any
other United Irishmen of seeing Englishmen. As to you, says he, all the English say
that you are of all the United Irishmen the best intentioned for the liberty of his country,
so much so as almost to make the Government look on you suspiciously. He said this
with a half laugh, but query, are the French Government to look on every man sus-
piciously in proportion as he is well intended for the liberty of his country?

I see by some letters on his table that O'Connor is in full confidence and procuring
commissions in the new corps for men wdio were never LInited Irishmen, while the real
L'nited Irishmen are unprovided for. In the course of our conversation he suggested to
me to give an account of Swiney's mission and offered to translate it. I am sure he does it
because he thinks matters are coming to a crisis. I shall set about it directly, but I
sha'n't ask him to translate it. I will do it myself and address it to the Minister of War.
Thursday, 8th. Dalton's promise is out, the orders are this night issued for the
Irish of the corps to go without delay to Morlaix and receive further orders from Mc-
Sheehy. My letter to the Minister of War is not yet finished, writing French is a slow
business.

•Byrne states in his "Memoirs": — "Thomas Reed, Lieut., 7th December, 1803. He retired on
reform pay in 1S06. Reed took an active part in the politics of the North of Ireland for which he
had to abandon his home and escape to France in 1798. Fortunately for him he brought with him
a small sum of money, the interest of which sufficed for his frugal habits of living. He was more
than fifty years of age".

374 Robert Emmet's Speech Misreported

Saturday, December 10th. Sent off my letter to the Minister this morning, I took
the opportunity of alluding to the language held by poor Robert [his brother] and all
his friends, respecting the French and plainly stated the misfortunes that would follow
if the French attempted to interfere in the internal affairs of Ireland, and pointed out
what I thought ought to be their conduct. Vide the letter. I enclosed it to Dalton to
deliver, but it is brought back with the word that Dalton was this morning sent off in the
utmost hurry on a mission; query to what place? As I could not go out myself Mac-
neven has taken the letter to the Bureau de la Guerre to give strict charge that it may
be put into the Minister's own hands. Harty has called here this evening, he says Dal-
ton's mission is on that subject, but he will be back in a few days. The greatest activity,
he says, is used and a great sudden exertion making; he says there are twenty-five
thousand men at Brest and a General in Chief, under whose orders they are. The Gen-
eral is neither Massena, nor Bernadotte, but one, he says, that he prefers to either, hav-
ing an honester character than Massena, and being a better General than Bernadotte,
he made a considerable figure in the Army of Italy. Gen'l Harty says he is not at
liberty to mention his name, but I will probably hear it in a few days. Harty says an-
other Irish Battalion is going to be formed, which will I hope provide for the remainder
of the Irish.

Monday, December 12th. Called on Gen'l Harty this morning and pressed some
provision being made for enabling the Irish to travel to Morlaix. He said the applica-
tion had been already made and would probably be granted, but he supposed not soon
enough to be received before they set off. I will endeavour to enable the poorest of
them to go. He mentioned again the formation of another battalion and hinted that
those who did not show their devotion to the cause would be considered as English sub-
jects and sent to Verdun. I mentioned to him that I wished to concert some mode of
directing the mind of the First Consul, without making a formal requisition that by taking
from him the merit of originating the measure would perhaps predispose him against it,
to the dangers of the Irish holding his commissions if they should be taken. The Direc-
tory had suffered them to be executed and in so doing they acted weakly, but it would
be more consistent with the known energy of his character to protect those who bore
his commission. Harty did not think Bonaparte would depart from what was the es-
tablished custom in that respect, as he did not know what insurrections might be raised
against himself. He would be probably unwilling to begin the example, that the French
emigrant suffered in the same way and as long as our efforts could be considered a mere
insurrection he did not believe any such step would be taken. I answered that I believed
every liberal man thought the English and the coalesced powers ought to have protected
the emigrants ; that I asked no more than what France had done for the Americans, that
if France did not think our insurrection lawful it ought not to profess to come and free
us, that if it thought our attempt to throw off the English yoke lawful, it ought to
protect us and consider us aliens to England. That what I would propose was that the
First Consul should declare the Irish in France should be answerable for their bearing
his commission, and I was certain the English would attempt nothing against us. That
as to our efforts being considered as a mere insurrection it was in the Consul's power to
remedy that by recognising our independence. I was aware of his unwillingness to
recognise any particular government in Ireland, 'till his forces were there and properly
supported, and therefore he would sign no treaty with me as the agent of my govern-
ment, but I was willing to relieve him from that and make a sacrifice by proposing that
he should conclude a simple recognition of the Independence of Ireland, with all the
United Irishmen in France who were known to have been leaders and I would sign only
as one of them, and in this treaty refer the details 'till a properly organized government
should declare itself in Ireland and give powers to its Minister to treat with the French
Republic. I repeated that I had thought on all this and could put it very strongly in a
formal demand ; but I would wish the idea to proceed from the First Consul if any mode
could be devised for suggesting it to him. We were interrupted, but he promised me
he would speak of it to the Minister of War next Wednesday.

Napoleon's Answer to Memoir 375

Saturday, January 21st, 1804. I have for this sometime past too much neglected to
continue these notes, hut I will now endeavour to bring forward my arrears.

Finding Genl. Harty did not speak to the Minister of War and that nothing effectual
was likely to be done that way, I determined to prepare a memoir on the subject. I had
spoken to him of it on the 12th December. While I was occupied on that subject Mr.
Reilly* arrived from Ireland and brought me some extracts of my brother's speech,
which completely contradicted the abuse he had been said to utter against the French,
I therefore determined to lose no time in laying this before the Government, together
with some details he had given me respecting the political and military situation of
England and Ireland. When these were finished I gave them to the Minister thro'
Harty and had some reason to perceive their good effects. My brother's speech gave
very great satisfaction, it was printed in the Moniteur, Argus and every other paper, and
was equally acceptable to the People and Government. I followed this by some further
details respecting the military state of Ireland sent to me by Dowdall, who with
three others had escaped to Spain. My memoir respecting the protection of the Irish
officers and the Independence of Ireland was delayed by the translation and other
causes, 'till —

Wednesday, Jan. \Mh. I gave it to Dalton with a letter for the Minister at War.
After having given it, I had reason to see that our affairs looked better. I got Swiney's
arrears, some sucours for individuals and a promise of more.

Wednesday, \Stli. Finally Dalton delivered to me an answer to the Memoiret prom-
ising that the first Consul had communicated it to the Minister at War, who had directed
him to reduce it to writing. After he had done it, the Minister approved of it and de-
sired him to inform me that he would confirm it to me by word of mouth whenever I
pleased, for the detailed contents of the answer see itself. It promises every protection
to the Irish officers and reprisals if any of them should not be treated as prisoners of
war. It promises that the General commanding the expedition should have sealed letters
by which he will be directed to publish on landing the First Consul's promise that he
will not make peace without stipulating the independence of Ireland, if his forces shall
be joined by a considerable body of Irish. It promises that Ireland shall be in every
respect treated as was America in the war for its independence. In case of failure of the
expedition it promises to all fugitive United Irishmen either places in the brigades or
pensions. It expresses the First Consul's wish for the formation of a Committee and
suggests that it might issue proclamations to make known those matters, which should be
inserted in the Argus and different journals of Europe. After I had read this Dalton
mentioned that it was the First Consul's wish that Mr. O'Connor and I should be of
that Committee and that he was instructed to make copy of that paper, leaving out the
first sentence, for Mr. O'Connor. This proposal has embarrassed me more than I can
well express; but one reason decided me. If at any time hereafter the promises which
have been made us should be violated I would not leave it in anyone's power to blame
me and say my pride or obstinacy frustrated the good intentions of the French Govern-
ment. Besides, if, which I believe, the First Consul really means well towards Ireland,
he is, however, of a character to have things only done in his own way, and I could be
of no further use to Ireland if he took offence at my refusal. Dalton had signified that
when the Committee was formed the Government would only communicate with it and
thro' it, so that I determined to divest myself of my ambassadorial capacity with a good
grace. I told him that with the feelings Mr. O'Connor and I had towards one another,
I would never act along with him, if he and I were to be the Committee or the major
part of it. But that if it were to be composed of such a number as that our passions

•Terence O'Reilly, according to the record given by Byrne, became a Lieutenant, January, 1804,
Captain in 1810, chef de bataillon March, 1814. With Commander Lawless he saved the eagle of
the Irish regiment and escaped, after the siege of Flushing, from the English, to Antwerp. He held
other commands afterwards with bravery and distinction. He retired on half pay to the town of
£vreux, where he finished his days quietly. It is stated that O'Reilly was a well informed officer
and a good comrade.

tSee Chapter XXIII.

376 A Committee Required

and prejudices and differences would be lost in the cooler feelings of others, I would
acquiesce. Dalton asked me who I thought would be fit members of such a Committee.
I said H. Evans,* Sweetman, Macneven, McDonnell and Lawless.t He said he had been
desired to see Lewins.J but had answered that no one had confidence in him and that he
would be very unfit. He desired me to think on the subject and he would fix a time for
my seeing the Minister, so we parted.

I consulted Sweetman, who highly approved of my conduct and thought that as
the Consul had required a Committee it could not be declined. But he started appre-
hensions about our prope'rty and an idea, which had forcibly impressed itself on me,
that we and our proclamations might be used for the purpose of bullying England into
peace and we agreed that we must try and keep clear of that rock. A letter I had re-
ceived from Macneven tended to confirm that idea, he states as his opinion that matters
are not in sufficient forwardness at Brest, that he hears there are but eight sail of the
line equipped, that in six weeks there will be sixteen. But he looks on six weeks as the
ultimate limit of time this season. His suspicion was confirmed by Augereau wanting
to get a person to go to Ireland and bring back consignments, which certainly could not
be done in less time.

With these impressions I went to the Minister's by appointment this morning. Be-
fore I saw him I had a long conversation with Dalton. O'Connor offers to go into
the Committee heart and hand. He has mentioned as fit members Chambers and Mc-
Cormic. I believe he has also mentioned others not United Irishmen, or who are not
known as such, and also H. Evans and Sweetman. I stated my fears to Dalton about
the delay of the expedition and some of my reasons. He certainly did not seem to me
very clear that the expedition would take place this season, but I could plainly see he
had no idea it would be in even a month's time. I stated my wish as an individual
that my acting in that Committee should be sanctioned by the approbation of my country-
men at Morlaix. Against which he very strong'y advised me as a friend, he would not
wish me to do it. Even when Ambassadors are recognised they must in doing the busi-
ness of their country, conform themselves to the Genius of the Government near which
they reside. A delegation would do me no good and had never done me any and the
confidence of Government in me resulted not from that but from my individual charac-
ter, my services, suffering and the known devotion of my family to the cause of my
country. The only argument which he used that had weight with me was that I had
already had the suffrages of my countrymen to act even alone with the French Government,
d fortiori, I had it to my being one of a committee when that Government chose to act
by such an organ. At length I saw the Minister, who confirmed to me every part of
the Consul's answer to my Memoir. I expressed all my gratitude for the communica-
tion, that with regard to the committee there were some circumstances probably unknown
to the First Consul, that ought to be considered. Almost every one of those who might
be deemed eligible for that committee had their property in the hands of the English
Government, which would undoubtedly confiscate all, and as most of us were fathers of
families it was natural we should look to our families. He interrupted me by saying
it was not intended to expose us to any risk. The names of the committee might be
kept secret and the necessary proclamations published without names, that our country-

"Hampden Evans was an Irishman who had long lived in France, but was in close sympathy
with the Irish cause. He was a friend of Mr. Emmet who had long known him from his frequent
visits to Paris as a young man. Miles Byrne states, after having bid the Emmet family farewell
before leaving for the army: — "My next visit was to Mr. Hampden Evans and his family. His son,
young Hampden, my fellow traveller from Bordeaux, returned there and married a young French
lady. . . ." Mr. Evans' daughter married William Lawless.

tThe service of General William Lawless to Ireland in the French army was too great to be
stated here. He was an intimate friend of Mr. Emmet. He was never allowed to return to Ireland,
but died in Paris in 1824.

tEdward Lewins was sent by the Irish leaders on a mission to the French Government, after
Hoche's expedition, which proved a failure, but he was retained in Paris in charge of Irish affairs
during 1797, '98, and '99. Many of the Irish leaders were doubtful of his enthusiasm for the Irish
cause, but Miles Byrne, who knew him well, was satisfied great injustice had been done him. He-
continued to live in Paris and was made a naturalized citizen.

O'Connor to be Head of Troops 377

men would still give credit to them. That in short we could act as we chose for these
objects, but the First Consul wished a body to which he could adapt himself and that
would combine all interests and keep up the necessary communications with Ireland 1
answered that the conduct of those who might go into the committee would he very
much regulated by the knowledge of what state affairs were in. If matters were mar
the point men would naturally run such risks as they would not feel warranted in doing
if the crisis were remote, lie said "we can't tell you the secrets of the Government";
and after an instant's hesitation "it is the intention of Government to do it in six weeks.
I do not say it will be done then because I can't answer for the weather, but everything
will be ready and the English expedition will also be ready then". He pressed the form-
ing of the committee, saying — "fix among yourselves upon the proper persons, I suppose
five will be enough, and when you are agreed you can take such steps for your own
security as you may think fit". "Mr. O'Connor and you need have no difference, your
lines are not the same, he is military and has always been in that line, you are for the
civil administration. He desires to act in the way he has been accustomed to and it will
put him at the head of the Irish Troops". "He says he does not know whether he has
their confidence, if he has not, will put another in his place". So that all my suspicions
are confirmed, and my friends must act with great circumspection.

The Minister also mentioned Lewins, but instantly said, "He is not trusted by any of
you, and would lie unfit". He expressed a wish to get some one to go to Ireland to com-
municate the substance at least of the Consul's answer to me. I observed that when
speaking on the subject of the time of the Expedition going and the possibility of its
being delayed, he did not confine himself within the limits of that answer, but went the
length of his former assurance, — "it is the intention of the First Consul not to make
peace 'till the independence of Ireland is recognised". At the conclusion he requested
me to give him my own ideas of the best place for debarkation and the number of
forces that would suffice and when the committee was formed he would wish for theirs.
I speaking of the possible number of that Committee, which I said ought to be more
than five, Dalton said to me "I have a person to propose to the Minister whom you do
not know, but whose respectability will I am sure secure your approbation". On my
looking inquisitive, he said he could not communicate his name 'till he had obtained his
permission. If I conjecture right he is a man very unfit, because not of our principles
and I suspect foisted in by O'Connor.

When I returned home I met McDonnell just returning from the country and shewed
him the First Consul's answer &c. He agreed that a Committee must be formed, as it
is asked for, and I believe he will consent to be one. Sweetman also called on me, Evans
has refused; he disapproves of the Committee and is not sufficiently polite to bend to
the First Consul's wishes. He says it can do no good that is not done. All Europe
knows the state of Ireland, and it wants no preparations from a Committee. He is not
far wrong, but it would be very culpable in me to object to its formation on that ground.
He suspects it is some trap and meant to deceive us, if deception be intended I ought
doubly to wish for its formation, both the better to see into and counteract the deception
and to relieve myself from the entire responsibility of being a dupe and the instrument
of deceiving my country.

Sweetman proposes procuring a person to send over to have our properties secured
by our friends, and who might perhaps also be the bearer of any political message; I
will see him tomorrow.

Tuesday, February 7th. As on the last occasion, I have a considerable arrears to
pull up. Sweetman failed entirely in procuring the person he counted on for going to
Ireland and no one seems very anxious to hurry the formation of the Committee ex-
cept the Government, whose agents spoke of it several times. The reluctance on my
part arose from the notions already mentioned, from a growing conviction that no im-
mediate expedition would take place, and from perceiving O'Connor's efforts for gradu-
ally setting aside those I have named and slipping in persons of his own nomination.
The present fears of peace are very much done away by the failure of the American

378 Difficulty of Forming Committee

offers of mediation and by the personal animosity which prevails between the two gov-
ernments, but the other reasons for declining the Committee become every day stronger.
In the meanwhile I presented to the Minister the plan of operations that seemed to me
best calculated for Ireland and shortly after Gen'l Donzelot, Chef D'Etat major du Camp
de Brest, requested an interview with me in which we had a very detailed conversation.
Every time I saw Dalton some sounding conversation arose about the Committee, in
which he either stated some objection against some one of those I had originally men-
tioned, such as — "puisque Macneven est la bas, nous l'y laisserons, il pourra nous y etre
utile", or else he asked me would not Chambers be a good man, or Sampson, tho' he was
a great egotist and vain, yet he had connections and fortune, or Arthur McMahon,* who
might act as Secretary. Apropos of this last, I believe him very honest and that O'Con-
nor would be mistaken in his subserviency, but the reason he was mentioned I am con-
vinced was that he had been obliged to lay himself under some pecuniary obligation to
O'Connor. Dalton also said that the objection respecting the danger to our families and
properties might be removed by mutually giving an oath of secrecy. But I had seen
enough to convince me that no Committee was necessary and that no proper one would
be formed, and that no blame might fall on me for thwarting it prematurely I quietly let
matters take their course 'till this morning. I had occasion to see Dalton on a very
secret and important subject, which he said was an additional motive for forming the
Committee. I then asked him whom Government had in contemplation to place on it,
he said O'Connor and myself, Sweetman, Chambers, Sampson, another gentleman whom
he named of his own friends, and who if he was ever an United Irishman and a repub-
lican would be very proper, and finally Arthur McMahon. I then said that I had many
observations to make on that subject whenever was the proper time; he said to make
them now. I then went on and observed that when I had consented to go into a Com-
mittee with Mr. O'Connor, I did it under the impression that an expedition was on the
point of sailing and that a proclamation and provisional measures were urgently wanting.
Under that impression I was willing to make great sacrifices which I could not so readily
do under my present conviction that no expedition was speedily intended, and that the
Committee would only be occupied about things of which I could not see the end, nature,
or object. Dalton said he had observed to the Minister the other day that there would
be a great deal of difficulty in forming a Committee; observe this was the first time I
had appeared to make any, and that men would not willingly risk their fortunes in an
affair "qui pourrait trainer". I said that was unquestionably true and objection against
forming any Committee ; but that further I must observe that when I consented to be
one I said provided it was composed of independent men and that any consequences of
Mr. O'Connor and my personal feelings might be lost in the independence of the rest.
I had mentioned some on whom I was convinced the choice of the United Irishmen
would fall if they were to choose. They had all been set aside one by one, as I was
sure on Mr. O'Connor's objections and others mentioned, as I was equally sure on his
suggestion. I then asked him if it was not Mr. O'Connor who had named Chambers,
Sampson & McMahon, he said it certainly was, and, either said himself, or repeated
O'Connor's expression of them, which I think was the fact "qu'ils seraient assez nuls".
I said I was very certain Mr. O'Connor objected to those of my naming, because he
knew they would not be his instruments, and he proposed the others hoping, whether
truly or falsely, that he might make them, so ; that for my part I would never consent
to lend whatever name or character I had to the acts of himself and his instruments.
I begged it therefore to be expressly understood that tho' I saw no use of the Com-
mittee in the present state of things, yet I gave it no opposition, but reserved to myself
the right of withdrawing myself from it if it should consist of such men as should not
be selected out of the United Irishmen in France, and as would not be chosen by the
United Irishmen in France or Ireland, if they were permitted to make an election. I

*Dr. Arthur MacMahon, an Irish physician, practising his profession in Paris, who took an active
part in Irish affairs. He was one of the trustees for the Irish College in Paris.

Attack on United Irishmen

forgot to state that both Macncven and Swiney had written to me against going into
any Committee with O'Connor, and stated that to be the opinion of their friends at
Morlaix.

Saturday, Feb. 17th. I had today occasion to have another interview with Dalton
on a subject which 1 cannot well commit to paper. But I am more and more convinced
that it is not intended to do anything speedily for Ireland, which would if possible indis-
pose me more than I was to the projected committee; but in truth all idea of that seems
past as will appear by the following conversation. Dalton told me he had been last
Sunday at Malmaison, at a ball of Madame Bonaparte, that the Chief Consul had taken
him aside and talked to him a great deal about me, that he expressed great anxiety that
Mr. O'Connor and I should be brought together and to act together. Thinking this al-
luded to the Committee, I began to repeat what I had before said, that if a sufficient
number of really independent men could be brought together, I should not oppose it,
but he interrupted me and said it was not a committee the Consul alluded to, but that we
two should act together without any committee. I instantly replied that was what I
would never do and asked what necessity was there for the measure, had we been giving
different advices and opinions? He said, no, on the contrary we agreed in all our sug-
gestions; I then said there could be no reason for doing what, if I did, I should hold
myself criminally responsible to my country. For I took the opportunity of alluding to
what the Minister said were the intentions of the French, to put O'Connor at the head
of the Irish Army on landing, and I said the Government must have been grossly de-
ceived if it believed him a Military man. Who had told them so? I affirmed it was not
the fact, and that he had never seen any service or array of troops, nor was he qualified
for any such station. His answer was most remarkable "The French you know have
sometimes a singular and eccentric way of accomplishing their objects, and perhaps
they would prefer placing in that situation a man who knows nothing, so would let him-
self be directed, than one who might take advantage of his military knowledge and not
be so much under orders". "Au reste", says he, "the Government wont be deceived".
If they think O'Connor will be under orders from diffidence of himself and his knowl-
edge, they are grossly deceived, if they think he will let himself be at their orders from
other motives they may know him about as well as I do.

Thursday, March 1st. In consequence of a paragraph which has appeared in yes-
terday's Argus, attacking the United Irishmen and one of their fundamental principles,
religious liberty, and their formally maintaining the necessity of a Catholic Establishment
in Ireland, I have prepared a very strong letter to the Ministry requiring its being dis-
avowed as speaking the sentiment of Government, and if that should not be complied with,
withdrawing from all further connection with Government.

Indeed I have many accounts to be dissatisfied. I wrote to the Minister at War the
22nd of February' on the subject alluded to in my last as one I ought not to commit to
paper, but which is really of great importance and requires a very prompt decision ; it
has been dragging on this month and that letter was to hurry their decision, but I have
yet received no answer. The manner in which the appointments have been made at
Morlaix show that they were made by O'Connor's influence under cover of McSheehy's
discretion and I understand is to have some great military command, far out of pro-
portion to the others, and all is kept a secret from me, who have not been at all con-
sulted.

Saturday, March 3d. Delaney has not yet translated my letter to the Minister, and
the delay vexes me exceedingly; but what vexes me still more and astonishes me above
measure, is that O'Connor is appointed a General of Division, and is to set off in fifteen
days for Brest ! He says that he has the First Consul's promise that when they land in
Ireland, Augereau will yield the command to him, is that possible? I am to dine at
Augereau's tomorrow where he is to be. O'Connor is to make McSheehy head of his
staff, that accounts for the appointments at Morlaix. O'Connor is going on rapidly to
the object I know he aims at, being First Consul in Ireland, but I hope my countrymen
will have spirit and virtue to prevent him.

380 "Argus " Article Disavowed

Monday, March 5th. I gave in my letter to Lesperat, Berthier's Secretary, yesterday
morning and he says he is sure the answer will be favourable. I dined yesterday at
Augereau's where I certainly was received with every mark of distinction and politeness.
O'Connor was there and he had the impudence to come up and speak to me, but I an-
swered him very coldly. I mentioned to Augereau in conversation that the season for the
expedition seemed passed. He said not and that all the sea officers said we had yet 'till
the end of April. I put him in mind of the little Naval preparation at Brest. He said
he had himself seen sixteen sail of the line ready and in ten days there would be twenty
one. That they would sail from different ports and in short would have enough for
transporting thirty thousand men. I objected to the crews as not being sailors; he con-
fessed they were not experienced, but they were practising every day and the officers
were good. All this indeed Macneven's letter from Brest confirms. He spoke in the
warmest terms of Ireland and assured me everything would be so conducted as to give
the people the utmost satisfaction. Truguet and Donzelot, were also there, and all
speak of the expedition as immediately to take place, and they are all going down to
Brest without delay. But I do not believe that they are so near sailing, indeed Truguet in
conversation with me admitted the probability that the King's illness might bring about
peace and prevent it. Harty has called on me this morning, he was at the Consul's yes-
terday, who personally told him he would get his orders for going to Brest directly,
and asked him abruptly if O'Connor and I were agreed yet. He said the question em-
barrassed him but he answered we were "d'accord aufond sur nos affaires", which I am
sure is not the fact. He says Augereau has great consideration for me and the Consul,
&c. I suppose to make O'Connor's appointment palatable to me. He says that if I had
chosen a military line, I would have had as high and that I am much thought of, per-
haps so, but not as much listened to, nor as respectfully treated, as may be seen by the
Minister not condescending to answer my applications, will see what the last will do,
it's rather a tartar.

Saturday, March 10th, 1804. This day's Argus contains an article that may be con-
sidered as coming from the orders of Government in consequence of my remonstrance
and disavowing the former publication as speaking the language of Government. So
far it is satisfactory, but it is very dryly so and further if it proceeds from Government
I am treated very cavalierly, for no communication or message direct or indirect has been
made to me, nor any apparent notice taken of my letter.

I shall therefore avoid doing anything and keep myself in the background unless
Government chooses to show me some little civility and to convince me that they wish
for the continuance of my communications.

This diary of Mr. Emmet was contained in three parts, evidently home-
made, by stitching together a number of sheets small enough in size to be
carried in a coat-pocket. The manuscript we have given was very closely
written and ends abruptly, leaving several blank pages at the back of the third
part which would have been utilized in all probability if the record had been
continued during the following six months of Mr. Emmet's residence in Paris.
It is to be regretted that we are left in ignorance of the cause, or final affront
from the French Government, which compelled Mr. Emmet to give up his
position and leave France during the following October to settle in the United
States.

The historical student will naturally seek for the cause of war between
England and France, after the rebellion of 1798. A pretext for war can
at all times be found between two countries if it be sought in the interest of
either party or both. Neither country at this time could profit by a war, but

Napoleon as Pitt's Agent 38]

it is well known that the best interests of a country arc often held of second-
ary importance l>v the ruler. To the student nothing is made more evident
than that the Irish people were goaded into the rebellion of 1798 through
statecraft, by the most cold-blooded movement ever perpetrated; anil which
was the immediate cause of over one hundred thousand lives being lost to
Ireland, of men, women and children, through slaughter, starvation and legal-
ized murder by packed juries, where the guilt or innocence of the victim
was not considered. After the struggle of 1798, when the people were utterly
exhausted, England refused to do anything to conciliate, but on the contrary
did everything to keep the country in a state of disaffection for years after,
so that the rebellion of 1803 was a natural consequence, if it was not directly
a forced issue, brought about by Pitt's orders. If Bonaparte's course towards
the Irish people and Mr. Emmet's diary be carefully considered, it will be
found that a different course could not have been followed, as he, Bonaparte,
was Pitt's agent throughout. That some understanding existed between Pitt
and Bonaparte has already been suggested, as being the only explanation for
Pitt's course towards Ireland and Bonaparte's treatment of the Irish people
and leaders. The purpose of war as conducted between these two nations
seemed to be to inflict as little injury on each other as possible. The more the
subject is investigated the greater becomes the conviction that Pitt and Bona-
parte had come to some understanding. These two men were equally unre-
liable so far as any faith could be placed in their word, for truth was absolutely
foreign to the nature of both. They were both crafty, but Pitt was greatly
Bonaparte's superior from an intellectual point of view, and if there was an
understanding, the overture doubtless originated with Pitt, and in the end
he alone reaped the fullest benefit, if not all the advantage. England's navy
was superior to that of France, but the French had the best army ; Pitt de-
termined to establish the "Union" between Ireland and England, but could not
possibly have done so had Ireland been assisted by France. Nor could the
war have lasted a month had Bonaparte, with the aid of the Irish people,
invaded Ireland and England at the same time.

Bonaparte aided Pitt to carry out his purpose in Ireland, by gaining the
confidence of the Irish people with promises, thus encouraging the turbulent
condition which existed there for years.

Napoleon had a most accurate knowledge of the condition of England and
of the dissatisfaction existing among her own people, due to the fact that her
army and navy were in a totally unreliable condition, .as the greater part of the
men were from Ireland, every one of whom had been tampered with by the
agents of the United Irishmen. Her condition was thus a helpless one, and
the declaration of war by Pitt was a farce. It is easy to see the benefit to
England from a pretended war, and it is not difficult to surmise in what
direction Napoleon was to be benefited ! Possibly the invasion of Egypt, with
the army pretended for Ireland, was a suggestion of Pitt, Napoleon to have
been left with a free hand to build up a French domain in Africa, similar to that
of England in India. After Napoleon had spent his strength and could no longer

382 Napoleon's Generalship

serve England, Pitt had the English fleet reorganized and ready at hand for the
battle of Trafalgar! In the end Pitt doubtless was successful, and France
was not the gainer.

Had Napoleon wished at any time to injure England, he could have quickly
done so to any extent by establishing Ireland as a French province. With
this condition perfected and Ireland at his back as a necessary recruiting
ground, he could have brought about such changes in the map of the world,
which he did attempt afterwards, when it was too late, that a century or more
would have lapsed before political gravitation could have again brought about
a natural readjustment.

Pitt was a man of unusual ability, but was by nature a coward, and so
cold in impulse that he never moved a pawn without foreseeing the conse-
quences, and took no chances. Bonaparte possessed the fullest development
" of animal instinct, and as an animal he knew no fear. He gained his point
or battle by brute force so long as he had men enough, and gave no thought
to his losses in the expectation of always gaining his object.

In the opinion of the writer, possibly a presumptuous one, it is not believed
Napoleon was by nature a soldier. Possibly fifty officers could have been
selected from either the northern or southern army, during our Civil War, who
would have proved Napoleon's superior in gaining the best advantage with an
inferior force. It was the want of reasoning power which rendered Bona-
parte Pitt's inferior, and likely his tool, so long as Pitt maintained his health.

No credulity) can believe that had Ireland, girt 'with the Atlantic and embraced 'within the
sphere of European mind, been left as independent in ■will as in station, she could at
this day exhibit such a miserable contrast as she presents to the strength, the opulence,
and the policy of her neighbour.

T. A. Emmet.

When a nation which refuses to bend is broken by the tempest, its fame is measured by
the storm. But in the sad picture of her destitution, Ireland exhibits not the majestic
ruins of a nation.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXIII

The Irish Legion formed to become part of the army fitted out at Brest, for the
invasion of Ireland — The leaders in Paris decide to have Mr. Emmet prepare a memoir
to be presented to the French Government and Dr. Macneven to draft a proclamation
from the leaders to the Irishmen abroad and to be issued as soon as the expedition is
about to sail for Ireland — Bonaparte's answer declaring his intention to fit out an expedi-
tion for securing the independence of Ireland — Letter from Mr. Emmet to Dr. Mac-
neven containing a copy of the First Consul's answer to the Irish memorial — Mr. Emmet's
interview with the Minister, who confirms in detail everything as promised — O'Connor
causing trouble — Bonaparte's promise that the Irish in the French army will receive the
same aid from France as was given America — Details as to the rules to govern the Irish
expedition — Macneven prepares the proclamation — Mr. Emmet begins to doubt the sin-
cerity of the French government — Dines with Genl. Augereau as one of a large party,
receives every civility but believes the whole to be for political effect alone — With
the new constitution the Irish in the service of the government will have to become
French subjects — Mr. Emmet ceases to have any faith in French promises — Unable to see
the Minister or to receive explanations needed — Mr. Emmet's letter to Dr. Macneven
announcing his departure from Paris for America, and his reasons for it — Dr. Madden's
acknowledgment of aid received from Mr. Emmet's son, T. A. Emmet, Jr.

R. EMMET shows in his diary that the Irish Legion was
formed for the French army and placed nnder the com-
mand of General MacSheehy as part of the force being
fitted out at Brest for the invasion of Ireland. The
leaders in Paris decided that a memorial, to be prepared
by Mr. Emmet, should be presented to the French govern-
ment from the United Irishmen abroad, while Dr. Mac-
neven was to draft a proclamation to be issued to the
same Irishmen, in relation to the French invasion of Ire-
land. The Diary records : In the autumn of 1803, Thomas Addis Emmet's
memorial was received by the First Consul, and on the 15th of November he
addressed a personal, but official communication to the government. On the
13th of December following, Bonaparte replied declaring his intention to set on
foot preparations for an expedition to secure the independence of Ireland.
The copy given is from the Macneven papers. Mr. Emmet wrote from Paris
to Dr. Macneven who had already entered the army, expecting to serve in
Ireland.

383

384 Mr. Emmet's Memoir

Directed:— "A Monsieur Macneven, Officier du Battailion Irlandois a Moreaix",

and Dated,

1st Pluviose (21st Jan.), 1804.

My dear Macneven— I have received Gallagher's, Sweeney's, and your letters, all
which 1 acknowledge with very sincere love to the respective parties. But the length and
nature of this letter, with my having at this moment a great press of business, will, I hope,
be a sufficient excuse for my not writing to them at present. As to the conjecture you
make in your letter about the time before which matters will not be ready, I am clear
you are well founded ; though not, perhaps, for the reasons you have assigned, as I
perceive your traveller did not give you an exact account of what was in Brest, and none
at all of what was in the neighbouring ports ; but your conclusion, nevertheless, is true.
At the end of that time (if any faith can be placed in assurance) it is intended to attempt
something. I am not seaman enough to calculate the chances of success; but this I
know, that similar things were done in August; and further, none of us know what
combinations of plans may be used to facilitate the measure, even in an unfavourable
time. So much for that. Now for what will perhaps surprise and please you, as it has
done me. I presented the memoir I was writing at your departure on the 13th Nivose;
on the 27th, I received the annexed answer.

When Dalton delivered me this, he stated the readiness of the minister to confirm
it by word of mouth whenever I pleased. As the latter paragraph afforded ample room
for reflection, and for consulting my friends, I would willingly have avoided the inter-
view for some time ,and professed myself perfectly satisfied as to the authenticity of the
answer ; but by his eagerness in pressing the matter, I quickly perceived that the minis-
ter's readiness to confirm was, in fact, a desire to see me on the subject. After I had
read the answer through, Dalton subjoined: "I have to add that it is the First Consul's
wish that you and Mr. O'Connor should be of that committee ; and I have directions to
present him a copy of this answer, leaving out the first sentence. When that committee
is formed it will give the present government the means of communicating at once with
all parties of United Irishmen, and give them the certainty that whatever may be offered
in their behalf will not be contradictory and drawing in different directions."

He added a great deal more, &c. We took leave, he in a great hurry to procure me
an interview with the minister, and I in none. One reason for this disposition, besides
what I already stated, was that I apprehended very strongly— as the American mediation
is not yet ended — the proclamations of the committee might be an engine for terrifying
England into terms; and I wished, and still wish to waste time, until I have reason to
hope that the best exertions of the committee may not be turned into a cause of mischief
to our country. I therefore postponed, but was yesterday obliged to have the interview,
of which I shall speak directly. You may be assured I lost no time in consulting Sweet-
man, M. D. [Matthew Dowling?], and my other friends here, who all agreed that as
the Consul made a point of it, it could not be avoided ; and they even saw considerable
advantage from it, provided it acts with caution.

Before I saw the minister yesterday I had a long conversation with Dalton, the
greater part of which turned on the best mode of appointing the committee. The mode
he contemplated, and with him the government, was that O'C. and I should each name
whom we thought fit; that government should add to us some person or persons, if we
should omit any it thought important. I said— "If I were of the committee, I certainly
should not object to any person of whom I thought sufficiently well and whose presence
government thought of importance ; but that for myself I wished to be sanctioned by the
approbation of my countrymen; which could be easily had, as they are collected at
Morlaix". Against this he remonstrated with a good deal of energy, and in truth it
made the principal part of our conversation. I was free to make whatever proposal I
pleased ; but as a friend, and in confidence, he advised me against that. He added some
observations, in no respect disreputable to our countrymen, but which I don't consider

Napoleon's Answer •^

myself free to repeat; and said I at least had no occasion for any such scruples, for
acting alone and a fortiori for acting with others.

At length I saw the minister, who confirmed, in the fullest manner Dalton's paper,
and assured me it was what the Consul intended to abide by; and asked me if I had
thought of the committee and who would be the most proper members? On my part
I expressed the utmost gratitude to the Consul for his assurances and intentions. As to
the committee, I said— "There was one peculiarity in the situation of most of us which
was probably unknown to the Consul, but which made the formation of that committee
a matter of some difficulty — though our persons were free, the property of almost every
man who might be thought eligible was in the power of the English government and if
they did anything that could be taken hold of, that property would certainly be confis-
cated. This was a great consideration for fathers of families; and although, under
certain circumstances, when men had a full assurance that matters were come to a crisis,
they might run risks, they could not feel warranted in doing so under uncertainties". To
this he answered, among other things, that we should not be required to run any risks
we did not think fit.

"Form your committee, give government the body with which it wants to com-
municate, and manage your own affairs as you may think fit ; publish your proclamations
without any names; and if you think your countrymen will give sufficient credit to them,
keep your names secret; but form the committee".

A good deal more was said, that perhaps ought not to be repeated. Thus, however,
matters stand. I will not throw any impediment in the way ; but I do not intend to
break my neck in trying to bring about what I do not perfectly understand the drift of.
I wish you were here and I think you may be called for; but you need not fear being
left behind, as the commanders-in-chief of the Irrsh will be here also. Sweeny was very
right not to offer to get to Ireland on Augereau's invitation. Let him consider if he
should be asked whether he would go on any other condition ditferent from what he
has already offered. As I know there is an anxiety of transmitting the substance of the
Consul's answer to me, you will see how much discretion is necessary with respect to the
foregoing parts of this letter.

You will, no doubt, be rejoiced to hear that the First Consul himself has taken the
trouble of dictating the device for your colours. They are to be green in the centre; a
tri-coloured circle, with R. I. The legend on the colours is to be, "L'independance de
l'lrlande — Liberte de Conscience". You are also aware that your uniform is somewhat
changed, on the demand of MacSheehy; the amarinth is exploded, and yellow, the second
national colour, substituted in its place.

Copy of the First Consul's Answer to My Memoire of 13th Nivose, Delivered to Me

27th Nivose (13th December, 1803).*

The First Consul has read with the greatest attention the memoire which has been
addressed to him by Mr. Emmet the 13th of December.

He desires that the United Irish should be convinced that it is his intention to secure
the independence of Ireland, and to give protection, entire and efficacious, to all those of
their body who will take part in the expedition, and enter the French service.

The French government cannot issue any proclamation before the Irish territory
has been reached [by the expedition]. But the general who will command the expedition
will be furnished with sealed letters, wherein it shall be declared by the French Consul
that he will not make peace with England without stipulating for the independence of
Ireland; provided, however, that the [French] army shall be joined by a considerable
body of the United Irish.

Ireland shall be treated in every respect as America has been in the late war.

Every person who shall embark with the French army destined for the expedition

*A copy in French of the original is given in the Appendix, Note XIV.

386 Macneven's Proclamation

shall be commissioned as French ; in case of being arrested and not being treated as a
prisoner of war, reprisals will be made on English prisoners.

Each corps formed in the name of the United Irish will be considered as making part
of the French army. Finally, if the expedition should not succeed, and that the Irish
should be compelled to return to France, France will maintain a certain number of
brigades, and will give pensions to all persons who shall have formed part of the govern-
ment or of the authorities of the country.

The pensions will be assimilated to those which are accorded in France to those of a
corresponding grade or part, not on active service.

The First Consul desires that a committee of United Irish should be formed. He
sees no inconvenience in members of this committee issuing proclamations and instructing
their countrymen of the state of affairs.

These proclamations will be inserted in The Argus and the different journals of
Europe in order to enlighten the Irish people on the part they have to take, and the
hopes on which they have to rest. If the committee should desire to make a relation of
the acts of tyranny exercised by the English government, it shall be inserted in The
Moniteur.*

Dr. Madden makes the following statement :

The expectations which the reply of the First Consul to the memoir of T. A. Emmet
gave birth to, and the full conviction that was felt by many of the leaders of the United
Irishmen at that period (December, 1803), that an invasion of Ireland was intended, led
to the duty being delegated to Dr. Macneven of writing the proclamation that was to be
issued in the event of that invasion taking place.

The following is a copy in English of this proclamation, which was found
among Dr. Macneven's papers : —

Friends and Countrymen! The hour of your emancipation is at length arrived. We
announce to you allies and arms, which will enable you to throw off the English yoke. An

auxiliary force of thousand of those illustrious warriors who have repeatedly

triumphed over our enemies, with arms to equip thousand Irishmen, as valiant

as even those warriors. These are the ample means that are offered to you for re-
dressing the wrong, and asserting the independence of your country. United brethren,
who have maintained — even in servitude — the dignity of freemen by a gallant, though
unsuccessful struggle against the tyranny of George III, we do not at this day presume
to inflame your valour. Could courage alone given independence to our country, you
would long since have made it free; but when virtue was unavailing to break its fetters,
it was at least preserved by your magnanimous daring, .from dishonour. Placed in the
dreadful alternative of resigning yourselves to despotism, or contending with its power,
you proved to the world that the most intolerable evil to Irishmen is slavery.

A consolatory task awaits you now ; you will meet the foe with advantages equal

*Dr. Madden adds this footnote: —

"In 1842 I had a copy of this important document in the handwriting of T. A. Emmet, which
he had placed in the hands of his friend, John Sweetman, at the period of his departure for America,
jut at my disposal by the son of Sweetman. From this copy the reply of the First Consul to Mr!
Emmet's memoir, which was printed in the memoir of T. A. Emmet, in the former edition, published
in 1843, vol. ii. p. 123, was talcen. In the fifth paragraph, however, on comparing it with the copy
sent me with Mr. Emmet's papers, I find an omission of the following eight words, 'la reprlsaille
s' excrcera sur les prisonniirs Anglais', as they exist in the copy of the document sent to me by Mr.
Robert Emmet. I have further to observe that, in the copy given by T. A. Emmet to John Sweet-
man, at the end of the document the following note is appended. The preceding copy, as well as the
succeeding note, is in the handwriting of T. A. Emmet:

"The foregoing is a correct copy of the First Consul's answer to my memoir: and in consequence
of my quitting Europe for America, I leave this copy in the hands of John Sweetman.

„ ,_ . , „ (Signed) 'thomas addis emmet.'

Pans, 2nd September, 1804 .

"I have further to observe that in the document given by T. A. Emmet to Sweetman, after the
words in the heading commencing, 'Copy of the First Consul's answer to my memoire of 13th Nivose',
the following words occur: 'Delivered to me by Mr. Dalton, 27th Nivose, same year'. — R. R. M".

Mr. Emmet Loses Hope 387

to his own. On the ruins of what lie acquired by oppression, rapine and bloodshed you
will establish the happiness of millions, and you will rescue from provincial degradation
the exalted character of your country.

Cited to the field by your wrongs and by your sufferings, by the forlorn exile of your
friends, and by the unexpiated murders of your relations; with the sword of liberty in
your hands, and the spirit of independence in your hearts, what can your enemies avail
against your sacred cause and ardent enthusiasm? Another effort of national energy,
made in conjunction with our victorious allies, will annihilate a calamitous domination,
and establish forever the glory and welfare of Ireland.

Countrymen of all descriptions! Where has England triumphed that we have not
bled from her victory; where is she famed that you partake of her renown? The French
army comes with positive orders to act as an auxiliatory force to the Irish nation — its
government, but what is stronger than every other pledge, you are called on, countrymen,
to cmbody.without delay, an Irish army, under the command of Irish officers, who shall
be commissioned by the Irish government, and thus to take into your own hands your
fate, your honour and your country !

"The sincerity of the first Consul," observes the son of T. A. Emmet, "as to this
expedition seems not to have been doubted by Mr. Emmet until about the month of April
following. What may have taken place I have no means of ascertaining, but from that
period he seems to have given up all expectation of assistance".*

My dear Macneven — By yours of the 6th, as well as by one of Sweeney's which
came to-day, I find that my postscript to Mrs. G.'s [Gallaghar] letter has led you all
into a very great mistake. I certainly never said, nor did I mean to insinuate, that any
offer had been made to me. I had reason to conclude from two different quarters that
something was in contemplation, and therefore I wished to anticipate the necessity of
deciding by asking your advice beforehand, but, so far from any offer, if I were to draw
any conclusion from continued — I must say marked and obstinate silence — I should say
none was ever intended.

You may remember I once mentioned that you would probably meet a general at
Morlaix — why you did not will perhaps one day become in our own country matter of
investigation — but the person to whom I alluded has since requested me to make some
applications, which I have done, but without receiving an answer. I enclosed MacSheehy's
memorial — on the subject of your being considered as French citizens — to the minister
on Saturday last, with a very civil note, requesting an interview, in order to take his
instructions; but no answer as yet.

Under all those circumstances, I am not so foolish as to flatter myself with any very
sanguine expectations. I adhere to my original plan of going to America, and do not
think it probable that anything will occur to prevent me. Suppose, however, an offer
should be made I do not entirely agree with you. If I do not exceedingly alter my
opinion I will not accept either of the situations you have advised, and for reasons
that, with your knowledge of my politics, you can be at no loss to guess. I am an
Irishman, and until necessity forces me to contract ties of allegiance elsewhere, I will
hold no situation that is not Irish or obviously directed to the emancipation of that
country.

If I am to contract a new allegiance and to undertake civil duties not connected with
my native land, let not the latter part of my political life be at variance with the begin-

*There exists little doubt that Napoleon only intended to use Ireland so far as he could to his
own advantage. However, this subject should not be closed without a copy of the following letter
showing that whatever may have been his reason, he did intend at one time to invade both England
and Ireland.

Fitzpatrick in his work "Secret Service Under Pitt" makes reference to the following letter: —
"The 'Correspondence of Napoleon' (Bingham's 'Correspondence of Napoleon', II., 96, Chapman
and Hall, 1884) contains a letter to Berthier, dated Sept. 27, 1804. He says that an expedition to
Ireland has been decided upon; that 18,000 men for that purpose were ready at Brest; that simul-
taneous landing was to be attempted in Kent, while in Ireland the French army would march straight
to Dublin. Meanwhile 200,000 men were encamped in Boulogne, but hostile plans collapsed with
the smash of the French fleet at Trafalgar".

388 Augereau 's Civility

ning. What then can I expect? Nothing but what is Irish in all its objects; and if
nothing of that kind can be found or created, I am too old, too poor, and too heavily
laden to await the issue of reiterated procrastinations. You will judge, then, what chance
there is of my wintering in Europe.

Since I began this letter I have learned that the Minister at War has set off for the
camp at St. Omer, and will not, probably, be back for some time. As he did not answer
my note that accompanied General MacSheehy's memorial I presume I am to take no
steps in that affair till his return, my instructions being that I should act under his
directions. . . .

This was followed in a short time by another letter:

Saturday, 12th May, 1804.
My dear Macneven —

I yesterday received a letter from Sweeny, enclosing a half sheet from you. I mean
to answer both, but I put off writing to Sweeny till I can tell him all his commissions are
executed. In the meantime your half sheet would afford matter for more than one very
long letter, if I could unbosom myself, and express all I think and feel on certain sub-
jects. As to your idea, that there is no fear but that Sweeney's and the other commis-
sions of the same date will be confirmed, I hope you are right, and my hopes are stronger
than when I wrote to him ; but still I am very far from having no apprehensions.

The very day after I sent in my remonstrance against the famous paragraph in "The
Argus", I received an invitation to dinner with Augereau for the next day but one or two.
As it was still undecided whether I should have any further connection with government
or not, I thought it right to accept the invitation, and went. It was a parade dinner — O'C.,
Truguet, Donzelot, &c, &c. — and I certainly experienced every attention and civility. In
the course of the evening, Donzelot, with whom I had before had some conversation on
business, requested me to call on him again, before he left town, to continue the conversa-
tions. I told him of the remonstrance I had just given in, and of the intention it ex-
pressed of withdrawing from all connection with government if I were not satisfied on
the subject, but assured him that if I were satisfied I would not fail to call, and give
him every information in my power. I was never satisfied, and I never called. The same
circumstances prevented me from consulting General Augereau, with whose reception
of me I had every reason to be satisfied. Even the civilities necessary for keeping up a
personal acquaintance might be considered as putting in for a confidence I affected to re-
nounce, and as I knew that my personal acquaintance was solicited on political grounds,
I felt that the former was rendered unnecessary by my declining to act on the latter if
ever the opportunity occurred. I own I should not be sorry. Augereau knew this, that
he might not attribute to ill manners a conduct that proceded from very different mo-
tives. Now, however, my determination not to interfere further in French and Irish
politics combined, whatever explanations, offers, or assurances may be given, is stronger
than ever, and grows on every day's reflection.

If you read attentively my last letter to Lawless you will divine all my reasons, I am
afraid my interference, if it were to produce any effect, would be injurious to my country.
I think it would be injurious to my fame; I am sure it would be repugnant to my con-
science— but all this is talking to the air. No motives will be held out to me to stay, and
I am much mistaken if peace will not be made without any attempt at invasion. Do you
think the emperor will hazard his new title and popularity by an attempt with his fleet
on one country, or his gun-boats on the other, which, if it failed would be — either in a
naval or military point of view — tremendous and irreparable, particularly as he has no
opportunity of balancing the miscarriage by brilliant success in another quarter. I am
determined, however, to give your proclamation as strict a scrutiny as if I thought it
would be used.

But now that I am on the subject, let me say a little more. I have not heard from

The Irish as French Citizens 389

the minister; but if I thought it would be useful to my countrymen, that should not delay
me for an instant and I would at once address the Consul. But what should I solicit?
That they might be made French citizens and take oaths of allegiance to the government
of this country?

Have you learned what will be the rights and duties of French citizens under the
new constitution, or what declaration you will be called on to make? When you went
down you intended to be Irishmen, and as such to fight under the French banners in your
own country, and for its freedom. Have you all determined now to become subjects of
the French empire, and to follow a military life? If you intend only to procure an
exemption from the droit d'aubaine, I think you are right, and I have long meditated to
try and procure it for my exiled countrymen; and if my connection with government had
continued I should have sought for it long since, and independent of the procuration;
but as to being a French citizen, I should neither wish myself to be one, nor to ask it
for you and some other of my friends/ I only need the procuration to prevent a bad use
being made of your name, and to influence and to prevent your being committed in
character, by an act not sufficiently well considered by those among you who intend
leaving France in the event of peace.

If, however, you do on due reflection wish the claim to be pushed in its full extent;
indeed, circumstanced as I am with government, and decided as to my own conduct, if
you wish any steps at all to be taken, I shall cheerfully make over the procuration to any
person of respectability that may be marked out to me; and on your desiring me I will
write a suitable letter to MacSheehy. But let me call the serious attention of you and
some other friends to what you are doing at the bottom of Brittany, and by no means
au fait of what is going on here in the capital. You are getting a band, and incurring a
thousand expenses, very fit for military men by profession, or who count upon following
it for a considerable time. Will you follow it in the event of a peace? Mark, I tell you,
there will be peace — and that soon unless England be actuated by the most insolent and
foolish madness. This I say, not from my own reasoning merely, but from facts that
have been told me confidently and confidentially ever since I began to write this letter.

A change of ministry in England now appears certain, and this government is only
waiting that change to make such proposals as no English ministers ought to reject.
It will make commercial arrangements; but I mention this only to our particular friends.
What will then become of your band, your regimentals, and your right of French citi-
zenship, &c? . . .

Adieu,

T. A. Emmet.

A valuable historical letter, showing Mr. Emmet's remarkable sagacity and
forethought in being able to foresee Napoleon's future purpose, so far as it
lay within his power to direct it. Mr. Emmet, in the spirit of his convictions,
acted promptly by leaving Paris for Bordeaux, where he began making prep-
arations for his passage to the United States. Before sailing he wrote to Dr.
Macneven in explanation of his course:

My dearest Macneven,

I expect that you and my other friends at Lisneven will be extremely angry with
me for having left Paris without giving you previous information, but I did so ex-
pressly, and in order to prevent a struggle between your inclinations and your duty.

By yours and the other letters I perceived the intention of eluding military regula-
tions and going to meet me at Nantes, if I had gone there. As my destination was
changed for Bourdeaux, I saw you could not attempt coming without the utmost danger;
and I determined to set your minds at ease as to my self reproaches for not having
done so, by making the matter impossible.

390 Off for America

I wish most earnestly and anxiously to embrace you all again, but it must be on
American ground ; and if you wish to see me, come there.

I do not blame the resolution you have taken, of waiting a little longer for the
victory you are promised ; but I am much mistaken if you will not be disappointed.

I repeat it, do not let yourselves be blinded even by a temporary victory. Win it if
you can ; but come to America as soon as you can.

The reception I have met with has surprised and gratified me ; for it is impossible to
be more civilly or cordially received, even by those who do not pretend to think as I do on
politics.

As to the time of my departure, it is not fixed, nor even the vessel, owing to the
non-arrival of my baggage by the "Roulage" ; but it will not be postponed beyond six
days, nor perhaps beyond three.

American papers are not to be had ; but I will take every precaution I can against
the English — or, rather, that if they should think-fit to seize me, they shall find nothing
with me that could injure me.

I do not bid you adieu, because I wish to bind you by every obligation to see me
again; but I pray, may heaven bless and prosper you.

Accept the sincere love of Mrs. Emmet, myself, and all the little ones, who, trust me,
never will forget you.

Ever yours,

T. A. Emmet.

Dr. Madden states in his "Lives of the United Irishmen" :
"So far, the correspondence of T. A. Emmet, inserted in this chapter is
that for which I am indebted to the sons of Mr. Emmet." For this reason,
credit is not being given to Dr. Madden, as the copies or the originals which
he returned are in the possession of^he writer. The same is true in relation
to the material taken from Dr. Macneven's papers for his use. Much now
known to be unreliable has been omitted, and with the addition of new mate-
rial, the whole is now more valuable for historical purposes.

Had the Duke of Normandy been king of France; and the strength of France been con-
solidated by the Union of the great fiese to the croivn, Britain might be, at this day
to France ivhat Ireland is to Britain, a miserable province, ^without a constitution,
tvithoui a navy and ■without a name.

T. A. Emmet.

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Thomas Addis Emmet, by Martin, painted and engraved shortly after 1804

That the subjugation of a country, superior in almost every natural advantage to the
country by tuhich it ivas subjugated, should produce neither glory in victory nor
sympathy in defeat, is a singular historical phenomenon.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXIV

Thomas Addis Emmet, with his family, leaves Paris and emigrates to the United
States — He makes application to hecome a citizen — Some letters of introduction — His
letter to Joseph McCormick, a fellow-prisoner at Fort George— Dr. Macneven's letter
to Mr. McCormick — Mr. Emmet had thought of becoming a farmer in Ohio, but through
the influence of friends settles in New York — Application to practise law in the mayor's
court — The document an interesting one — Application granted — Mr. Emmet's letter to
Robert Simms, also a fellow-prisoner at Fort George, giving an account of his prospects —
Arrival from Ireland of Mr. Emmet's three sons and their experience on landing — An
article on Mr. Emmet's professional course by A. Oakey Hall — Mr. Emmet's successful
ruse for recovering a client's money.

ITU the arrival of the Emmet family in New York we
take leave for a time of Irish affairs, for they have at
length reached a land of promise, though not of strangers.
From the earliest settlement of the country, Ireland had
given a larger proportion of her sons, by birth or direct
descent, to the army, the navy and the senate, and also
to that class which furnished the special labor and brain
work needed to develop the country, than had come from
any other nation or people.* England's centuries of mis-
rule had driven the Irish people into exile and to wander over the earth in
quest of a haven. In the American colonies they became pre-eminent in every
walk of life, as they have prospered everywhere but in the mother country.
In the autumn of 1804, Thomas Addis Emmet left Paris for Bordeaux
where he embarked, on the 4th of October, for New York. He was accom-
pained by his wife, his eldest son, Robert, and three daughters, Margaret and
Elizabeth, who were born in Ireland, and Jane Erin, born in Fort George. A
daughter, Catherine, was born in Paris on January 1 1th, 1804, and died shortly
after birth. The three younger sons, John, Thomas and Temple, remained in
Dublin until March, 1805, when they joined their parents in New York.
Nothing is known of the incidents of the voyage beyond the fact that Mr. Em-
met and his family arrived in New York to begin life anew on November
11th, 1804.

The first step towards becoming identified with this country was taken

■It would be but just if this fact were more generally known and appreciated.

391

392 Kosciuszko Introduces Mr. Emmet

by Mr. Emmet three days after his arrival, when he declared and placed on
record his intention to become an American citizen as soon as he could be
naturalized.*

He brought with him a number of introductory letters from Lafayette and
others. The originals of those that follow are in the possession of the writer.

General Kosciuszko to General Gates.
Dear General:

Permit me to recommend to your acquientens and friendship Mr. Emmet good
republican and sufferer for his opinion, be so kind as to make his residence so agree-
able as you can in your town and recommend him to your friends.

As to me I am always your friend, and I hope you will be ever mine.

T. Kosciuszko.

My respects to your lady

Paris 29 July 1804
rue le Province — No: 43.

To Gen'l Gates, New York.

Mr. Horry to General Gates.

Paris, 12th August, 1802.
Dear General :

I am encouraged by the remembrance of the kind civilities I received from you when
I was in New York to present to you Mr. Addis Emmet (lately released from a four
years' imprisonment in Scotland). He was before the disturbances in Ireland an eminent
lawyer in that country, highly respected for his talents, information and probity. I have
not the pleasure of being personally acquainted with him, but my Lady Montcastle (who
I am sure would not bestow undeserved praise), speaks in the highest terms of his

worth and character. All persons agree in to his conduct, the purest motives

and the most disinterested views. Unfortunate circumstances oblige him to seek shelter
in a foreign land with an amiable wife and young family. Should you be able to be of
service to these deserving people, your good offices will much oblige your very

Sincere and obliged humble servt.,

C. L. Pinckney Horry.

Genl. Gates.

Mr. Horry was from South Carolina, and Lady Montcastle, of whom he
speaks, was a connection of the Emmets through the Colville family.

The following very interesting letter was written by Mr. Emmet shortly
after his arrival in New York. It is to Joseph McCormick, one of the Irish
leaders who had been confined with him in Fort George and with him in
Paris, and who was already settled in Georgia. Through long association he
had become an intimate friend of Mr. Emmet and his family. This letter is
the earliest incident connected with Mr. Emmet's life after his arrival in
this country, with the exception of the record of his declaration of his inten-
tion to become a citizen of the United States.

•The original volume in which this declaration for naturalization was recorded, with all others
covering a period of some sixty years, was subsequently sold by the city, or by some official from
City Hall, for waste paper, and was purchased by the late George Moore. From the public sale of
Mr. Moore's effects in 1804 it came into the possession of the writer, and now forms part of the
Emmet Collection in the Public Library, Fifth Avenue, New York.

Letter to Joseph McCormiek 393

New York, January 28, 1805.

My dearest Joe:

Never did a letter give greater pleasure to an entire family, than was felt liy ours
on the receipt of yours. On our first landing in New York, we had inquired concerning
you, among others, and had heen informed that you had caught cold, and had died of a
consumption. Believing this melancholy intelligence, we were astonished and delighted
at getting a letter from you, which had almost the appearance of coming from the
other world.

I am on the point of setting out on another journey, which will show you that my
lot, as to my future residence in America, is pretty nearly cast. You desire me not to
decide on that subject, without further inquiry about the Southern States. You know
the insuperable objection I have always had to settling, where I could not dispense with
the use of slaves, and that the more they abound, the stronger are my objections; but, in
truth, circumstances have decided me to settle here, if I can.

On my arrival, I received so much friendship from the most influential people in
this state, and so many promises of assistance to overcome any difficulties that might
occur to my settling professionally, that both Mrs. E. and I agreed it was impossible to
refuse them, because, if I fail, I have nothing to reproach myself with; but if, having
declined those offers, and thrown away that opportunity, I tried elsewhere, and then
failed, I should blame myself exceedingly. Their friendship and assistance continue
unabated, and I am going to Albany, tomorrow, to get an act passed by the state legis-
lature, enabling me to be admitted to practice as a lawyer, notwithstanding my being an
alien; and if I succeed in that shape, I shall be called to the bar immediately. In
Georgia, I probably should not succeed so rapidly, and yet my friends here do not
permit me to doubt of success.

You will, probably, expect to hear from me some news of our friends in France.
I wish I could give you such as you would like to hear; but the situation of those you
love and esteem is unpleasant. General O'Connor is a general of division. No other
United Irishman is more than a captain. You know the general's skill in making a party.
Swiney has had a duel with Tom Corbett, in which S. was wounded, and Corbett has
lost his life. Swiney, Macneven, Lawless, Tennent, Dowdall, and some others, have
given in their resignations, which would not be accepted. Nor could they, or Chambers,
get permission to come here. I myself escaped but by a day, an order having been issued
to bring me back; but I had sailed. It is now a horrid country, and all I conceived of it,
at a distance, is nothing to what I found it to be on close inspection. It will do nothing
for our country; and, if it attempted anything, I believe it would do harm. Our friends
are prisoners there, forced to continue in the service against their will. I rejoice you are
not there, and I wish those who are were here ; except Wilson, who is doing very well
at Bordeaux. Ware, I understand, has joined O'Connor with all his might; he was
Corbett's second ; Macneven was Swiney's.

Our little family are well. Mrs. Emmet, Robert, Margaret, and Elizabeth, desire a
thousand loves to you. Your little fellow-traveler, Jane Erin, is still our youngest, we
having lost a lovely little baby in Paris. But a few weeks promise to make us once more
amends. Jane Erin is a darling child, and a universal pet. Give my most affectionate
love to your brother.

Ever yours,

T. A. Emmet.

Mr. Joseph McCormick.

The following letter from Dr. Macneven to Mr. McCormick is of equal
interest owing to its reference to the movements of the Emmet family.

394 Macneven Leaves France

New Brunswick, August 5, 1805.

My dear Joe:

After having waited long enough in France, and seen my expectations in favor of
our unhappy country repeatedly baffled, I saw it was fit I should at last look to my own
interest, and I accordingly came out to America. I arrived at New York on the 4th
of July, but though not in time for all the exhibitions of the day, I could witness the
important parts which the Irish bore, where there was a very general display of the
strength of the republicans. The immense majority are on this side, and I trust they
never will be so unprincipled or foolish to desert- it.

You may have heard that an Irish legion was imbodied in France. I accepted of a
commission in that corps, for the purpose of learning tactics, and of going with it to
Ireland; but while at Brest, and in its neighborhood, it was evident to me that this same
corps was only held up as a scarecrow to frighten England into a peace, and that we ivere
in reality made mere instruments by Bonaparte, to answer his own selfish views. This
was not all; but he sought, through this association of Irishmen, to agitate their coun-
try, and thereby bring England the sooner to his terms. I could not lend myself, after
that, to so mischievous a purpose, and I accordingly resigned. I am also of opinion,
and I have the most direct reasons for it, that, if ever Bonaparte does land a force in
Ireland, he will endeavor to dictate a form of government and administration to that
country, unless the vigor of the Irish themselves shall deter him from it. Lawless, for
reasons similar to my own, sent in his resignation after me; but it was not immediately
accepted. Tennent, I heard, wished to quit the corps likewise ; Tierney quitted when I
did, and he would have been out with me, but for a nice young lady in Morlaix, whom
he staid to marry. She has a handsome fortune.

Not wishing to pass the month of August in New York, and wishing to see some-
thing of the country, I have come out to pass two or three weeks in New Brunswick, with
Emmet and his family, who have taken a house here for the summer. Every body tells
me I shall do well in New York, in a little time; but by Jove, I have very little more
time to lose. One physician tells me there is no fortune in the profession, though one
may live. It is, I believe, his own case. The expense of living is very great, and patients
pay as little as they can.

Let me know everything that interests you. You know how much I am attached
to you all, and that I will be happy to hear of your welfare; being

Your sincere and affectionate friend,

W. J. Macneven.

P. S. I left our friend Sweetman well. He mostly lives in Paris ; but poor Mat
Dowling died last winter, after a short illness.

In a letter dated January 28, 1856, to the writer from Mr. Robert C. Win-
throp, a connection of the family through Sir John and Robert Temple, he
states : —

Among my family papers I find one letter from your distinguished name-sake, im-
mediately after his arrival in America, to Governor Bowdoin's son James, in which he
recognizes the relationship and asks for letters of introduction at Washington and else-
where. He hardly anticipated the proud career which awaited him and which makes it
a pleasure to us all to trace even so remote a connection with him.

Believe me, Dear Sir, Your obliged Servt.

Robert C. Winthrop.
Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq., M.D.

Mr. Emmet's first intention was to settle on a farm in the State of Ohio,
as that seemed to offer the best means of furnishing a ready support for his
family, and, if the opportunity presented, he intended to resume the practice

Application to Practise in Mayor's Court 395

of medicine. He spent several months, after his arrival, in Washington, and
in seeing the country with reference to deciding as to his future course. At
length, George Clinton, then Governor of the State of New York, to whom he
had also brought a letter of introduction from Kosciuszko, with De Witt
Clinton, his nephew, then .Mayor of the city of Xew York, Daniel 1). Tomp-
kins, afterwards Vice-President of the United States, and others, urged him
to remain in New York, where there was an opening at the Bar, made by
the recent death of Alexander Hamilton. As soon as it was known that
Mr. Emmet had decided to remain in New York, the objection was at once
raised that as an alien, he could not practise until he had become natural-
ized. To test the question he made application for permission to practise
in the "Mayor's Court", then presided over by De Witt Clinton. He was
requested by Mr. Clinton to put his application to the Court in the form of
a letter setting forth his claims for granting the plea. As this document was
certainly Mr. Emmet's first legal effort in this country it should be placed
on record, particularly as it is such an able and clear exposition of the subject
that a legal training is not necessary to appreciate its worth. This applica-
tion was as follows :

April 7th, 1805.
Sir:

Availing myself of your permission, I take the liberty of laying before you some
observations, on the subject of my application, to be admitted a practitioner in your
court. I shall confine myself entirely to the question, how far my situation as an alien,
creates any LEGAL disability or objection to its being granted. What effect that situation
ought to have in the discretion of a Court, I shall not presume to say; but shall content
myself with acknowledging that I should consider the admission as a favour only, and
as one of the very highest kind. The liberality I have already experienced, and the
disposition to extend it further, which you have been pleased most strongly to express
on your part, leave me no room to apprehend the necessity for urging anything on that
head.

I shall now proceed to shew that alienism creates no such legal disability. This I
consider certain, because in the Statute or Common law, no disqualification of that kind
is anywhere created or recognised ; nor is any rule or principle to be found, from
which it could be inferred, except the position be true, that an alien cannot legally hold
an office. That position is not true and even if it were, it would be inapplicable, because
the professional situation of Attorney, Solicitor or Counsellor, is not an office, in the
strict, legal acceptation of the term. These propositions I shall discuss in their order.

Allow me to observe, in the outset, the great difficulty of actually proving the negative,
that no such disqualification is to be found. If I were arguing with an adversary, I
should call on him to produce the law, which created any prohibition of that nature, —
the authority, the adjudication or the dictum, which stated any such disability; and I
should contend, that until he had done so, it was not incumbent on me to prove anything.
in as much as I should come under the maxim, that what the law does not prohibit, it
permits. That line of argument, however, I do not mean to pursue. I avail myself in-
deed of the maxim, that the law permits all that it does not prohibit, but I shall en-
deavour to show that no law whatsoever has made that prohibition, or created that
disability.

If any such prohibition has existence, it must be found either in the Constitution
and Laws of the United States, in those of this State, or in so much of the English law
as is still binding here.

396 Aliens and Office

After looking very carefully over the Constitution and Laws of the United States,
I cannot find anything regulating the admission of Solicitors, Attornies, or Counsellors;
it is not a point touched upon by them, and therefore they certainly create no disability
or prohibition. Respecting the rights or disqualifications of Aliens, the same thing may
be said. Those laws provide rules for naturalization, but none of them say anything of
what an Alien can or cannot be, except the articles in the Constitution, which require
Citizenship of a certain standing, for some offices.

The Constitution and Laws of the State are equally silent respecting the incapacities
of aliens, if you except the Acts, which partially removes one of those incapacities by
giving a restricted permission to purchase and hold land. Those laws however, and the
State Constitution, take notice of the Professors of the law, in its different depart-
ments ; but not so as to create any prohibitions ; leaving the entire matter of their ad-
mission, except the requisite oath, and their entire regulation to the Courts themselves.

It is then perfectly clear that none of those laws create any objection to my receiv-
ing the favour I solicit, and that if any such exist, it must be found under the English
Common Law. I say the Common law, for by the act for the amendment of the law &c,
none of the English Statutes are law in this State. If any English Statute touching
this question, therefore, could be produced, of which I am not aware, it could do me
no injury; and even the necessity of making it, would afford a strong proof, that with-
out it no such objection could have force.

Turning over the English books, I find the Common law disqualification of for-
eigners entirely reduced to those which are well known— viz : — an alien cannot hold a
freehold in lands by purchase or inheritance — cannot be tenant to the curtesy, nor en-
dowed,— cannot maintain a real or mixt action, nor, if an alien enemy, any action at all.
These disqualifications relate solely to Estates and their incidents, and they are the only
ones known to the Common law. Certain others relating to carrying on trades, having
apprentices, &c, and are therefore out of the question. Permit me then to ask is there
anything resulting from these disqualifications, which were of mere feudal origin, to
raise by analogy, inference or implication of any kind, an obstacle to a foreigner being
permitted, if otherwise competent by knowledge and the performance of previous re-
quisites, to act professionally in the Courts of Justice? It certainly was a thing not
likely to happen often, because the diversity between the English laws and language,
and those of every other country, rendered it scarcely possible, or desireable, for any
foreigner to practice at the barr. Perhaps, however, some subsequent observation may
lead to the belief, that in former times, foreigners may have actually practiced in certain
English Courts, with which their own laws were to a great degree common — and at
this day, I am persuaded the only objection to an American being admitted in England,
if he had kept the necessary terms, would arise from the oath of Allegiance, which is
required by Statute, or from reasonings respecting it.

The objection against my application has I believe been put this way— an Alien can-
not be a Counsellor or Attorney because he cannot hold an office. With the utmost
submission and respect, I conceive that proposition to contain two errors — one, that an
alien cannot hold any office, and the other, that the situation of counsellor, or even of
attorney is an office within the strict meaning of that term.

By no law-writer that I have been able to consult, do I find the position laid down
as true at Common law, that an alien could not hold any office. I find, on the contrary,
that he could. It is laid down, 1st Com: Dig: 431, title Alien (D. 3.) that if the King
grant an office to an alien, it does not make him a denizen ; for it shall not enure to two
intents. For that position he quotes 3. Sec. 243 — which I have not immediately by me,
and have not been able to consult; but I have no doubt the question is correct, and it
proves that the King's grant of an office to an alien, shall enure to the purpose of his
holding it, and that, tho' he still continues an alien. It is also stated, 1st Com : Dig. 426.
title Alien (c. 2.) and for which he quotes 2. Rol. 93, that a corporation may purchase,
tho' the head of the corporation be an alien; thereby admitting the fact, that an alien
could be the head of a corporation, which undoubtedly is to hold an office. Indeed, no

No Common Law Disqualification 397

doubt can exist that aliens were by the law permitted to be corporations, both sole and
aggregate. Before the Reformation there were many religious houses, consisting en-
tirely of foreigners, known by the name of foreign Convents and Priories — that they
were corporations, if it could be doubted, is evident from their having held large and
extensive estates, which were subsequently seized. Many aliens formed corporation
sole. During the times of the Papal Power, Italian and other foreign Clergymen used
to go over to England and be promoted to Ecclesiastical Benefices. This arose to a
very great height ; but when Richard the Second was inclined to break the Pope's in-
fluence in England, his Parliament passed the 3. Ric : 2. Cap. 3. which prohibited aliens
from taking benefices, without the King's licence. This statute confirms two facts, 1st
that aliens might before that have legally held benefices without obtaining the King's
consent ; and 2nd that after that they might have done the same thing, on obtaining a
licence, which neither naturalized them, nor made them denizens, but left them aliens
still.

Here I would beg leave to remark, that altho' I can produce no proof of the fact,
and it is impossible, I believe, to ascertain it at this day, yet it seems very probable that
when the Ecclesiastical and Equity Courts were struggling to adopt almost entirely the
civil law, and when the practitioners therein, as well as the judges were clergymen, those
foreign Ecclesiastics, who had come from countries, where the civil law was generally
adopted, were very frequently admitted to practice as civilians.

It may be asked, then, since the Common law creates no disqualification to an Alien
holding office, what prevents him in any case? I answer, in England many things, not
applicable to this argument, principally the landed tenures necessary for certain offices,
as those of Coroner, Knights of the Shire, or Peer of Parliament, the official oaths to
be taken, the charters and bye-laws of corporations, particularly Acts of Parliament,
and lastly the unwillingness to name a foreigner, on the part of the crown, body or
person having the right to appoint. And it is very observable that when that unwilling-
ness did not exist on the part of the crown, directly after the Revolution, which by the
bye, conferred the very highest office of the state on William the Third, an office which
had been before inherited by James the First, and which it was never supposed that
any law disqualified either of them from holding in consequence of alienism. When
William came to the throne, the desire of gratifying his followers, caused him to grant
them many offices and even to have them naturalized and to create them Peers of the
Realm. This produced the generally excluding law, the 12 & 13, W. 3, Cap. 2, which
enacts that no alien, tho' naturalized or made a denizen, should enjoy any office or place
of trust, either Civil or Military. On this statute I would observe, that if it had been
merely calculated to prevent the enjoyment of offices by denizens or naturalized persons,
it would have probably said so, and simply enacted that no denizen or naturalized person
should enjoy &c, but by using the larger expression, which excludes all aliens, it shows
the doctrine to have been recognized as law that aliens could hold office.

It appears to me certain then, that there is no common law disqualification of this
kind, unless the office by its nature requires landed tenure. Is there anything and what,
in the American codes to disqualify an alien?

In the federal constitution and laivs I know of nothing — except that the Constitu-
tion guards certain of the most important offices of the State to Citizens — the most
important of all to a non-naturalized citizen; and it requires the members of the federal
and State Legislatures and all Executive and Judicial officers to be bound by oath to
support the Constitution. Under the protection of this oath, without super-adding even
that of allegiance, it leaves the nomination of aliens as officers to the discretion of those
in whom may be vested the powers of appointment. This liberal conduct was consonant
to the spirit of the times, in which the Constitution was made, and was not I am con-
vinced the result of mistake or omission. The Acts of Congress made no material al-
teration in this respect, that I have found, except that by the Army Act, all officers and
privates, &c, are obliged to take the oath of Allegiance.

398 What Constitutes an Officer

In this assertion, that by the Common or United States law there is no general dis-
qualification to an alien from holding office, I am confirmed by the very highest authority.
At Washington, many of the most respectable characters, with whom I had the honour
of being acquainted, were of that opinion. The President (Jefferson) repeatedly, in
conversation on this subject, not only maintained that, whatever prudential reasons might
regulate the discretion of the Court, there was no legal objection to my being admitted
to the Barr, but he went further and first suggested to me the position I have stated,
that there was no general legal disqualification to an alien holding office — he added that
many instances to the contrary might be produced, and expressed his conviction that
if the matter were accurately investigated, the idea would be found to originate in
mistake. At the same city, there is actually an instance, as I am assured, of an alien
holding an office with a salary, under the House of Representatives. I mean that of
Mr. Laurie, who is chaplain to that House, and has not been three years in the country.

It only remains then, on this position, to enquire whether the Constitution or Laws
of this State have created any such disqualification. The Constitution has required that
certain officers, which it specifies shall be free holders, and with that restriction, has left
the appointment of all officers to the discretion of those having the power of making
it. The Act concerning Oaths, has imposed the Oath of Allegiance on every officer civil
and military — but no act has created any other incapacity, necessary to be noted here, then
what may result for the difficulty of taking that oath.

I hope the foregoing statement will be considered as demonstrating the error of the
position, that by law an alien cannot hold any office. But even were it true, I shall now
endeavour to show that the situation of Counsellor, or even of Solicitor or Attorney,
is not an office within the strict meaning of that term.

Permit me to premise, that it is become a matter of some consequence, not I hope
to me, but certainly to others of considerable worth and respectability, to ascertain the
truth of this doctrine. Some Gentlemen have been found guilty under the Duelling Act,
— one of the penalties it inflicts is an incapacity to hold any office of honour, profit or
trust. To them, therefore, as well as to me, it is of importance to establish that their
profession is not an office.

Attornies have often been called officers of the Court and undoubtedly for the pur-
pose of checking and controlling their conduct, they are so entirely at its discretion, that
it has never before been worth while to discuss the question, how far they are officers
in the proper legal or political acceptation of the word. Counsellors have not been so
frequently considered in the same light, and on the received distinction between those
two situations was founded on an opinion given me by the Governor of the State of
Pennsylvania [Thos. McKean] that if he presided as he had done for many years, in
the Supreme Court of that State, he would instantly admit me as a Counsellor, tho' he
might hesitate to do so as an Attorney — at that time we spoke on the supposition that
an alien could not hold an office. I do not however mean to ground anything on the
distinction between attornies and counsellors, but shall consider them in the same light.

In 3 Bac: Abr. 718, title offices and officers (A), it is laid down on the authority
of Carth, 478, to be a rule, that where one man hath to do with the affairs of another
against his will, and without his leave, tis an office. Bacon then, on the authority of 2
Sid. 142, states the difference between an office and an employment — saying that every
office is an employment, but that there are Employments which do not come under the
denomination of offices ; such as an agreement to make hay, plough land, herd a flock
&c, which differ widely from that of Steward of a Manor. Tho' the illustrations are
taken from very humble life, yet I think they disclose principles that will support the
following definition : An officer is one who is bound to perform certain things for another,
which the party interested in them would not be permitted to perform for himself, and
which the officer when duly called upon cannot refuse to perform.

For the existence then of an office, two things are necessary, 1st, that the party in-
terested in the discharge of its functions, shall not be permitted to act for himself, and

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REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Legal Profession and Citizenship

2nd, that, as a compensation for that incapacity, the officer must act when called upon.
Now arc cither of these two necessary characteristics of an office, to be found in the
employment of Attorney or Counsellor? May not a party to a suit, if he pleases, ap-
pear and act for himself and can an Attorney or Counsellor be compelled to appear and
act for another? So long as he continues in the employment of the party, he is bound
to the faithful discharge of his trust, like every other servant or person employed —
but his undertaking the employment is in every instance entirely voluntary. As the sit-
uation requires peculiar information, of which suitors are not competent judges, and
also very considerable integrity, the Courts do right in making provision — that the em-
ployment shall not be confided to the ignorant or the dishonest — but they do no more
than the Universities and Colleges of Physicians, which only grant degrees and licena
lo practice physic, after due inquiry into the skill and character of the person offering him-
self— or than Bishops and other heads of Churches do, before they ordain a clergyman. In
the fair and rational point of view, they are all professions or employments, in which vol-
untary services, requiring peculiar learning and good conduct, are performed for vol-
untary applicants and in consideration of the necessity of such learning and good conduct
a power is vested in those who are qualified to judge on those subjects, that they may
examine and decide on the fitness of those who wish to enter into the profession, for
the mass of society, which is incapable of forming any judgement, respecting at least one
of the necessary qualifications. Physic and Divinity are professions open to duly quali-
fied and learned aliens. Why should not the profession of the law be also open to an
alien whose studies and learning have been of the legal kind?

The laws of this State seem to recognize the distinction between this profession
and an office so called. But before I examine them I would premise that officers act
under a Commission or Warrant, that is under an order to do, or a security from injury
for doing certain things which they are bound to do; but lawyers receive only a licence
or bare permission to practice if they choose. The Act of this State concerning Counsel-
lors &c. was passed, and I think the date material, on the 20th March, 1801, and enacts
(Sec: 4.) that no person shall be admitted a Counsellor &c. without taking an Oath duly
to demean himself in the practice &c. — and this is the only oath whatsoever, which it
imposes as a preliminary qualification for being admitted to practice in those capacities.
On the 2nd of April, 1801, only thirteen days after, was passed an act concerning oaths,
which requires that every person who shall hereafter be appointed to any office, Civil or
Military, shall take an oath renouncing all foreign allegiance and professing allegiance
to this State. Now, I beg leave to observe, that those two acts, at the same time under
the eye of the Legislature, and enacted so nearly at once, must be considered as made,
if I may say so, una statu; the one prescribes the only oath, and every legal qualification
required from the non-commissioned members of the legal Profession — the other act
marks out what Oaths, whether of office or Allegiance, shall be required from all officers
appointed, that is, deriving their authority from the Council of appointment or any othei
persons having a right to appoint. A careful examination and comparison of these two
acts induced the Supreme Court to decide that Counsellors &c, were not within the pur-
view of the last, which requires the oath of allegiance, and therefore, I presume, if
officers at all, not of that description, that if any disqualification for non-citizenship
could on general principles be supposed to exist, would fall within it.

These observations have been extended considerably more than was originally in-
tended, and certainly their length stands very' much in need of apology. I shall, there-
fore, only observe, that five courts have now admitted me, and therefore judicially ex-
pressed their opinion, that my want of citizenship formed at least no legal objection
to my admission, for altho' I feel, and very gratefully acknowledge, that the peculiar
circumstances of my case, have induced them to exercise their discretion towards me,
with the utmost liberality — yet I cannot pay them so bad a compliment as to suppose
they sacrificed the smallest portion of what they conceived to be the law of the land.
They dispensed indeed with requisites, which they had themselves created for cases not

400 Letter to Robert Simms

similar to mine,— and being convinced that I am not an adventurer, whom professional
disrespectability or failure has forced to try a new speculation here, but that my immigra-
tion to this country has arisen from very different causes, and when they became con-
vinced that no other obstacle lay in my way, but those resulting from their own rules,
over which they had entire control, they accorded to me the permission of following
the profession to which I was bred, and in which I was known— and by that kind and
generous conduct, conferred on me the greatest favour I could possibly receive at their
hands.

I beg, Sir, that you will excuse the length of this letter— its importance to myself
and to my family have perhaps made me enter too minutely into detail— but as I am
conscious I do not submit it to an unfriendly Judge, I venture to lay it before you,
with these defects, which I could not now correct, without considerably increasing the
great delay, that has already unavoidably occurred, by my being obliged, for those
days, to devote myself to other business.

I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect

Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

Thomas Addis Emmet.

No. 43 Water St., New York.

New York, June 1st., 1805.

The following letter* published in the Ulster "Journal of Archaeology"
(July, 1898), will cast some light upon the views held by Mr. Emmet after
leaving France. It will also show the purpose of Arthur O'Connor, who
seems to have made an effort "to revive the ancient title of O'Connor, King
of Ireland". This letter was written to Robert Simms of Belfast, who was
appointed to the chief command of the Antrim United Irish forces in 1798.
Madden states (Lives of the United Irishmen, etc., IV., p. 455), that on one
occasion John Hughes, apparently an active United Irishman, but in reality
an unsuspected English spy and informer, charged Simms with incapacity for
his position, and proposed to the incorruptible James Hope that he, Hughes,
should inform against Simms with the object of thus getting rid of him. Hope
indignantly drew a pistol and threatened to shoot Hughes if ever he repeated
such a proposal. Mr. Simms was also a fellow-prisoner in Fort George, Scot-
land, with Mr. Emmet and the other leaders of the United Irishmen.

New York, June 1st, 1805.
My Dear Friend,

With very great pleasure 1 received yours from Belfast, and I am gratified to find
that I continue to preserve that place in your esteem and friendship for which I shall be
ever solicitous.

You judge rightly as to the motives which induced me to leave France. I saw
there enough to confirm me in the opinion I always maintained — that a permanent and
useful union between virtue and vice is impossible and that the virtuous and honest
will always be deceived and injured by permitting any attempt at such a union to be
made. France is the headquarters of fraud, deceit and despotism, and under its present
rulers no nation or people that love liberty need look for its honest co-operation.

Wishing to doubt this truth, I remained there as long and went as far as my prin-
ciples would permit; but when the opportunities I enjoyed, both of observation and
information, convinced me that if a French force ever landed in Ireland, its influence
and strength would be employed to eradicate every vestige of Republicanism, to prevent
and corrupt the public mind and then, by a mixture of force, fraud and delusion, but

•From "Ireland Under English Rule", second edition, Vol. II., p. 348.

'O'Connor, King of Ireland " 401

always under the color and pretext of the public will, to establish a government which
should be modelled after that of the protecting country, — I use language that has been
used to myself, — and in order the better to support that fabric, to prop it by a Catholic
Establishment , which the arrogant and self-opinionated despot and his minions obstin-
ately and in the teeth of every evidence that could be produced, supposed would be highly
gratifying to the Irish Catholics at large. — When I became satisfied that these views were
entertained, if ever it should become physically possible for the French to land in force
in Ireland, and very unjustly acquired reputation by asserting the impolicy of any
Religious Establishment, but who would now (to adopt the expression respecting him
[O'Connor] "of one who ought to know his secret compact") make terms, and who,
after disavowing his ever having been a Republican, in a pamphlet which appeared with
his name at the very crisis, that Bonaparte was declaring himself Emperor, w-ould I
am convinced be selected under the auspices of the protecting country to be a greater
man than Schimmelpenninck is likely to be in Holland, and to receive the ancient title
of O'Connor, King of Ireland. — When I perceived all this I determined to fly from the
sanctuary of crimes, and, as I am incapable of compromising with the English Govern-
ment, the constant and bloody oppressions of my native land, to retire to this happy
country, where liberty is triumphant and cherished and where the principles to which I
have sacrificed so much would be a kind of portion to my children. I write to you what
are my own sentiments of England, France and Ireland, without adverting to what
yours may be, because I should do the same thing to any friend, or to any enemy, were
he ever a member of the English or Irish administrations, if I did not dread that he
might pervert the terms of abhorrence in which I speak of France to something like
soliciting an amnesty or reconciliation, and from my soul I detest the English tyranny;
but in truth I wish my sentiments to be known to my countrymen at large, and I should
long since have given them greater publicity but for the fear of the imputation I have
mentioned, and of its being supposed that I wished to support the dominion of England
in Ireland. What your political sentiments may be I do not presume to know. I only
write for the purpose of expressing my own, and I write them to one of whose private
friendship, abstracted from all political considerations, I am confident.

From my coming to this country unaccompanied by any of my political friends, you
might suppose that the opinions I have stated are not entertained by them; if you
think me right you would be inclined to censure them, but you would do them a very
great wrong. Many of them were entangled with situations they had entered into under
the expectation of being useful, and could not pursue any line of conduct as promptly
as I have done. I can say, however, that those whom I have been in the habit of es-
teeming and loving coincide with me in every particular; that when the idea of a
Catholic Establishment of Ireland was first broached in France the Irish Catholics there
of any consideration reprobated it in a most marked and decided manner, and that my
resolution of quitting that country was approved on principle, by those who were so
circumstanced as not to be able immediately to adopt the same conduct.

I have the pleasure further to add that many of them have withdrawn from a mili-
tary life from the same motives and devoted themselves to other pursuits. James Joseph
McDonnell, whose name you must unquestionably have heard of, arrived from Bordeaux
on the 26th of May, and he informed me that Macneven and Swiney were there pre-
paring to come here, and that Macneven's sea-stores were ready. I expect that others
will follow them; and even of those who may remain behind, do not suppose that they
all approve of, will endeavour to effectuate the views of France respecting Ireland.
Some men there undoubtedly are for whom I would not say so much ; but with one ex-
ception, they are very little known or thought of at home.

I rejoice, my dear friend, to think that the resolution you have taken of settling
yourself and family here will withdraw you from scenes which I cannot but suppose
must be extremely irksome, and from a country the future prospects of which appear
to me extremely gloomy. Believe me, it is with pain I find that you are determined
to defer your voyage for one year more. The determination to quit one's native home,

402 American Dislike of "Popery"

natural connections, and ancient friends is so serious and important that I would scarcely
venture to advise it to any man ; but you have taken the resolution, and as your choice
is made, I may say I do not believe you will ever repent it, and I may urge that every
moment which you unnecessarily delay the execution of your plan is so much thrown
away out of your happiness in this country.

As for myself, you will, I am sure, rejoice to learn that my good fortune has been
complete. The exertions of my friends have procured me the permission of following
my profession here, tho' an alien, and not qualified, by performing the usual preliminary
studies within the State ; and my prospects in business are to the full as good as my
most sanguine expectations ever conceived. Within this fortnight or three weeks I
have received a very large and troublesome addition to my family by the arrival of my
three youngest boys from Dublin.* They are in perfect health, and so much the harder
to manage. I am now surrounded by my eight children, equally divided as to sex ; the
three eldest — your old fellow prisoners — are extremely well and very fine children.
Your favourite, Margaret, tho' inferior in beauty, is perhaps the best and most valuable.

They all remember you with very lively affection. The little Scotch lassie is a
great beauty, and a great pet ; the eighth is a brave American girl of only two months
old. I had another lovely little girl who died of the chin cough after we left France.

So much for my children. Mrs. Emmet, who is as eager as I am to see you and
desires the most affectionate remembrance to you, would be very tolerable if she did
not persevere in nursing, which never agrees with her; but we are at this moment
also laboring under the most crying grievance in America — the badness of servants — of
which, and the enormity of their wages you can scarcely form an idea. This, in addi-
tion to nursing, harrasses and fatigues her. When you come out, if there be any servant
really attached to your family that would accompany you from affection and not from
speculation, jump at the proposal. Be so good as to present my repects to Mrs. Simms,
tho' I do not enjoy the pleasure of her acquaintance personally, and to your brother,
who I hope has not forgotten me ; and believe me, my dear friend, very sincerely yours

„ „ t- T. A. Emmet.

Robert Simms, Esq.

At the time the sons of Mr. Emmet landed from Ireland, as described in
the following footnote, the people of all stations in New York, with but few
exceptions, stood in dread of what they termed "Popery" quite as much as of
a pestilence. The Irish therefore were disliked and mistrusted. It needed
the intercourse of many generations to convince these people that "Popery"
was not, after all, so deadly as supposed, and that in any case all Irishmen
were not so afflicted, that there were indeed some Irishmen who knew no
more of it than they did. It will be shown that Mr. Emmet had to fight his
way bitterly until he finally succeeded in establishing his position, and his boys

*John Patten, Thomas Addis, and Christopher Temple, the three youngest sons, had been left
with their grandparents after the arrest and imprisonment of their father. Shortly after the death
of Dr. Emmet, their grandfather, his wife left "Casino" and took a smaller house in the neighbor-
hood but a little further distant from Dublin. Mrs. Holmes (Mary Anne Emmet), with Mr. Robert
Holmes and the children accompanied the grandmother. The aunt had charge of the house after her
father's death and she only continued the care of the children after the death of her broken-hearted
mother until they could be sent to New York to rejoin their parents Much delay occurred in con-
sequence of the difficulty in finding some one to take charge of them and the opportunity did not
occur until the spring of 1805. A Mr. Thompson who brought them out, probably a distant relative
through the Colvilles. was a school master. He established a noted boys' school on Long Island,
and educated them all afterwards.

The arrival jn the port of New York of a ship from Ireland was at that day an event of rare
occurrence and it was one of singular attraction for causing the assembling of a crowd. John, the
eldest, the father of the writer, with Thomas and their younger brother, were sent ashore in quest
of a conveyance to take them to their father's residence. On leaving the dock the boys had to fight
their way, as they were attacked by severa' street Arabs about their age and pelted with clods of
dirt and stones, and were laughed at by the grown persons along the sides of the street who seemed
to consider it a good joke to join in calling them "Paddies from Cork". John got a black eye in the
first scuffle, but the two boys managed to hold their own and protect their younger brother, until
they procured a conveyance. Mr. Thompson, who was behind with their trunk on his shoulder, knew
nothing of the attack until it was all over.

Mr. Hall's Article 403

on landing were only being initiated into what they had to hear in some form
or other for the greater part of their lives. These lives were well spent before
there was a change in this point of view.

Mr. Emmet's business increased rapidly in furnishing the means for sup-
port of his family. But no one has written anything to show the character of
his work or any interesting feature of his practice.

For "The Green Bag", issued at Boston (July. 1896), Mr. A. Oakey Hall.
at one time Mayor of the City of New York, prepared a careful article on
Thomas Addis Emmet, with the accompanying couplet : —

Dear son of Memory, great heir of fame,

What need'st thou such weak witness of thy name?

(Milton's Sonnet on Shakespeare)

Some of Mr. Hall's observations will be quoted and noted here, while the
cases dealt with by Mr. Emmet in the course of his legal practice and com-
mented on by Mr. Hale will be distributed through the volume in chronological
order. The author has long adhered to the rule of having all material used by
him verified, where possible. In conformity with this rule Mr. Hall's article
was carefully compared with the public records, and it was found that although
some mistakes had been made they were comparatively unimportant.*

When the writer was a small boy it was a common circumstance for
strangers w-ho had heard a story related of his grandfather, to come seeking
to learn if it were true, and a good laugh would accompany the re-telling of
it. There is not the slightest doubt of the truthfulness of the following story
related by Mr. Hall.

There was an Irish lawyer who took the place at the New York Bar left vacant
by the untimely death of Alexander Hamilton, who like him was an emigre from British
dominions. His name was Thomas Addis Emmet, whose face and virtues are com-
memorated on a white marble shaft that faces every pedestrian who passes St. Paul's
church on lower Broadway in New York City. The tradition of its Bar and its law
reports during the first quarter of this century keep his legal memory green. Consid-
ered as a mere man, the name of Thomas Addis Emmet is one for Irishmen everywhere
to conjure with as having been a martyr to their revolutionary animosity toward Great
Britain. He and his brother Robert collaborated in patriotic writings and perhaps rash
undertakings which the English government called treason. Together they crossed to
the Continent in hopes of enlisting foreign aid, and at Paris the elder brother saw
his younger one depart to engage in Irish rebellion, and to meet with unexampled cour-
age a fate which, but for the Muses of History, might have been termed ignominious.
Thomas Addis was arrested for treason in 1797, and imprisoned in Scotland, in that
Kilmainham jail made famous in later times by the cells of O'Connell and Parnell. But
as the Irish chroniclers of that day have said, the English government remained satis-
fied with the death of one Emmet, and so gave Thomas and his wife — who had shared
his imprisonment — their freedom, on condition that they left their native country never
to return to it. They exiled themselves first to Paris, and next to New York, where
they were received with open arms by its governor, George Clinton, himself of the
strongest Irish sympathies because of Irish birth, and an adversary of King George
during revolutionary times.

This commission was given to a great-grandson of Mr. Emmet, Mr. Harris, bearing his full'
name through his grandfather, the author, who assigned to Mr. Harris the execution of the sean li
which was the first professional obligation discharged by him.

404 Characteristics of Mr. Emmet

Emmet arrived at New York in the year of Hamilton's decease, and was after only
a short pupilage admitted and welcomed to its Bar. He succeeded from the start, for
he was well grounded in the principles of the common law, and being a medical juris-
prudent, found his learning as a physician additionally serviceable. He was magnetic
in manner, of polished behavior, and a florid and impassioned orator without sacri-
ficing logic. His hobby as a college student had been mathematics, and as every lawyer
knows, he who is master of Euclid and differential calculus readily grasps the skill of
syllogisms and enthymeme, and can demonstrate legal problems with persuasive effect to
court or jury.

Although Governor George Clinton had given warm welcome to Thomas Addis
Emmet, and by his influence tided him over the quicksands of Bar-admission, there
were several leading members of it who stood aloof from "the interloper", and who,
to put it in plain English, showed jealousy of him. It was, too, the era of the Adams
alien legislation, and politics had some hand in the feeble attempt to put Emmet into
Coventry'- But Cadwallader D. Colden, one of Governor Clinton's allies, who had been
mayor of the city, and who led in its society, took Emmet by the hand, and being a
Bar leader, became of great value to the Irish barrister.

Thomas Addis Emmet's appearance in court was rather that of a rollicking middle-
aged Irish squire, fond of the hunt and the bottle — although he was a model of sobriety.
He had roguish Hibernian eyes, a very florid complexion, was of sound physical make,
displayed an expansive head, and one that an enthusiastic phrenologist would have
revelled to manipulate in a search for bumps ; and he used a musical, expressive and
variable voice, pleasantly tinctured with a winning Corkonian brogue* He was per-
suasive and convincing, rather than strictly eloquent, but eminently graceful in gesture
and pose.

The term rollicking in application to Mr. Emmet's appearance cannot be
allowed to pass unchallenged. The responsibilities of the world were placed
on Mr. Emmet's shoulders at too early an age for a rollicking nature, suppos-
ing it ever to have existed, to survive his early manhood. He remained in
after years a quiet and most dignified man, but always with a cheerful smile
of great individuality, as a greeting alike for the humblest and most exalted
person. As Mr. Hall has just shown, Mr. Emmet's bodily carriage was ex-
tremely graceful, and he retained this characteristic to the end of his life.
His appearance in the street was such that no stranger would ever pass him
without turning to look back. His manner was the striking one of a dis-
tinguished man, and the eccentricity recorded by Mr. Hall was probably the
only one he possessed.

He had but one odd foible, which was in taking a goose-quill pen- — his was not the
era of the steel, the gold, or the capricious fountain pen — between his fingers, then put-
ting his hands behind him, would reduce the quill and feather to shreds with nervous
clutchings, while to the observer in front of him he appeared cool, collected, and talk-
ing to point and purpose. He was gifted with great nervous energy and mental control.
When his argument ended, jurors or judges or adversary would seem to notice what
immense force remained ; the engine had easily performed its work, but there was
power remaining for any further onward movement.

The following traditional anecdote is of record in the annals of the New York Bar,
illustrative of the craft and shrewdness of Mr. Emmet as a counselor. The transaction
to which it refers having been bruited about publicly at the time, gave him much popular

•What is termed "Irish brogue" is the Irishman's fashion of speaking better English than that
spoken by the Englishman of the present day. He has simply preserved the English mode of speak-
ing the language as it was spoken when the English first went to Ireland.

A Clever Ruse 405

fame. A journeyman saddler of the city, having accumulated a few hundred dollars,
proposed to establish himself in a suburban village, and while at its inn entrusted its
landlord with the keeping over night of two hundred dollars. This, on demand the next
morning the rogue denied having received. The guest had not taken a receipt,
nor was it the time when a suitor could witness for himself, and Mr.
Emmet was obliged to inform him that he had been tricked without recourse,
"but", added he, "if you have another two hundred, return and tell him
you must have been mistaken, and apologetically, taking a friend with you as a witness,
deposit another two hundred with him"; which the client did. "Now", said Emmet, a
day or two after, "go and claim the two hundred dollars while alone, and he will give it
to you". And so it proved, and the bewildered client returned with it to ask how he
was better off. Then Emmet added, "Tomorrow go to the innkeeper with your witness
friend and say, "Having returned me my first two hundred dollars I come now for the
second two hundred".

The rogue of course on another visit denied its reception, but the witness spoke up
and said, "I saw the transaction, and will bear testimony in court". The village boni-
face, fearing for the reputation of his house if suit was brought, and exposure resulted,
paid over the money, and realized how he had been beaten. Then the client returned
exultingly to Emmet, who refused a fee. And the saddler and his witness friend were
not chary' in telling to everybody what a shrewd man was the Irish rebel lawyer from
the old country.

In a country realty independent, the laius and policy originate ivithin its o<wn bosom, and
are calculated to extend the advantages of the State, whether natural or acquired,
and to recover its defects.

T. A. Emmet.

When civilization is imposed, it <will be fashioned by the habits, the prejudices and the
interests of conquest to form a society of slaves, not a community of freemen.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXV

Mr. Emmet visits Washington before deciding as to a place of final residence — Is
permitted to practise in the United States Supreme Court — Through the influence of
Hon. George Clinton, Governor of the State of New York, is licensed to practise in the
courts of that State before being naturalized — There being fortunately no law to the
contrary, Mr. Emmet gains his purpose, but great opposition is ranged against him, and
at once a law is passed forbidding any one to practise who is not a citizen of the United
States — Receives a visit from Harman Blennerhassett — Having been a physician, the
profession recognizes him as still of the fraternity, and he holds until his death the posi-
tion of Counsellor of "the New York Medical Society — Reference to some of his legal
cases — Interesting letter in reply to Peter Burrowes — No relative of the name of Emmet
left in Ireland — Desires that none of the family should visit Ireland until she be free-
Meets with much political opposition on account of connection with the Republican or
Democratic party — His correspondence with Rufus King, and success in defeating his
election as Governor — Rufus King's protest to the English Government against allowing
the Irish leaders to emigrate to the United States.

VERY inducement was offered Mr. Emmet to settle in New
York after the Mayor had granted him permission to
practise in his court, but before making his decision he
visited the city of Washington, where, without any action
on his part, he was admitted to practise in the Supreme
Court of the United States. On his return to New York
the Clintons, Mr. Daniel D. Tompkins and other friends
caused a special Act to be passed through the Legislature
by which Mr. Emmet was admitted regularly to the Bar

and entitled to practise in all the courts of the State, as there was no law to the

contrary.

But it appears from page 386 of 2 Carnes, New York Reports, objection was ex-
pressly made to Emmet's admission, which took place at the February term of the
Supreme Court, 1805, on the ground of his alienage, and the discussion resulting in the
Court's exercising its discretion was accentuated by the adoption of a rule at an ensuing
term requiring citizenship in admission to the Bar (1 Johnson's Reports, 528).

Business was offered to him as soon as he was able to take charge of it.
The first case he received was from the Quakers to defend a fugitive slave,
and as we will see hereafter, his last case was for charity.

He had scarcely settled his family and begun his career when he received
a visit from his old friend and distant relative, Harman Blennerhassett. We

406

Harman Blennerhassett -'07

find this visit referred to in "The Blennerhassett Papers" (edited by Win. II.
Stafford, Cincinnati, 1864) in the following manner:

About this time, Blennerhassett, having received intelligence of the arrival in
New York of his classmate ami friend, the celebrated Thomas Addis Emmet,
who had been compelled to tlee his country by reason of serious political difficul-
ties, hastened to meet him. The feelings of the exiles, as they again clasped hands, on the
western borders of the Atlantic, can only be fully appreciated by those who experienced
similar vicissitudes. Here he found one with whom he could freely sympathize, and
who, in return, could as freely sympathize with him. Often in early life, had they sported
together over the same green meadows, and participated in the same amusements. And
when, at a more advanced age, they had been honorable competitors for academic honors,
no selfish ambition had served to loose the bonds which early childhood welded, although
the contest was never so spirited, or the prize was never so dazzling. Still later in life,
they had deplored together the fate of their country; had witnessed her deep degradation
and sighed over the hopeless prospects which were shadowed in the distant future. After
several weeks spent with his friend, during which time he renewed his former acquaint-
ance in the city, he returned to his family on the island.

Shortly after Mr. Blennerhassett's visit to New York he became acquainted
with Aaron Burr, and involved with him in what was charged to be treason
against the United States — the fitting out of an expedition for the supposed
purpose of capturing territory held by a friendly power. He was arrested and
tried with Burr on this charge, but was finally acquitted, as the evidence was
insufficient.

Blennerhassett was ably defended by voluntary counsel. In answer to some
queries addressed to him from Burr, through Colonel Alston, Blennerhassett
wrote :

I had no doubt Emmet's friendship for me would bring him hither to assist in my
defense, if he thought I stood in need of him; but as I was, on the one hand, determined
to expend no money in my defense, I was, on the other, equally averse to bringing my
friend on a journey from his large family, or withdrawing his industry from that harvest
on which that family depended for their support ; but could I engage Mr. Emmet at a
suitable compensation, I would write to him forthwith.

Great injustice was done Blennerhassett, for, whatever may have been
Burr's ulterior purpose, Blennerhassett's great object was evidently to seek a
new settlement for his family in some more genial climate.

He settled on a large island in the Ohio River, near Marietta, and had made
the wilderness about him teem with plenty. But as the Spaniards then held
the mouth of the Mississippi River there was no market or outlet for his prod-
uce, so for this reason and because of the absence of the social relations to
which he had been accustomed he became anxious to change his habitation.

After his arrest his house was nearly destroyed and his estate was made a
barren waste by the lawlessness of soldiers who were in charge, awaiting the
result of the trial. His family had separated, and in their support, together
with the liabilities he had incurred by indorsing notes for Colonel Burr and in
meeting the necessary expenses connected with his trial, he was at length re-
duced from affluence to a state of great embarrassment. He returned to his
home broken, not only in fortune, but in health. He hoped to save something

408 Miranda's Expedition

from the wreck and to obtain some redress from the United States Government
for the losses he had sustained, but he was destined to disappointment.

One of the most important cases in which Mr. Emmet was retained, and
one not mentioned by Mr. Hall, was very early in his professional career for
the defence of William S. Smith who was charged with being concerned in pre-
paring a military expedition, set on foot in the city of New York and intended
to be carried on against the dominions of Spain and South America, at a time
when peace existed between the United States and Spain. This was known as
"Miranda's Expedition"; a general account of which was published in New
York in 1808. The trial of Smith took place in the Circuit Court of the United
States for the New York District, in July, 1806.*

It is one of three trials in Mr. Emmet's practice which were reported in full
and were taken in shorthand by Mr. Wm. Sampson.f The writer has a copy
of the report of this trial, as published.

The medical men of New York always claimed Mr. Emmet as a member
of their own profession, and one of the first official recognitions he received
was from the Medical Society of the County of New York. This is shown by
the following letter, in which he accepts the position of Counsellor to the
Society, which position he held until his death : —

New York, July 12th, 1806.
Dear Sir:

Permit me to acknowledge the receipt of your polite note, and to express my regret
that I had not the pleasure of seeing you and the other gentlemen of your committee,
when you were so good as to call upon me.

I request you to return my most sincere thanks to the members of the Medical Society
for the Honour they have done me in appointing me their Counsellor, and to assure
them, that in return for their confidence I shall always endeavour to discharge my duty
to the best of my abilities.

I have the honour to be Dear Sir,

Your most obedient Servant,
James Tillary Esq., M. D., Thomas Addis Emmet.

Broadway.

Mr. Hall states : —

The first reported case in which Mr. Emmet appeared is that of Mumford v. McPher-
son, 1 Johnson, 414, tried in August, 1806, in which he successfully defended on appeal
a nonsuit that he had obtained at nisi prius on the point that a plaintiff, suing upon a
verbal warranty that the ship which he sold was copperfastened, could not maintain his
declaration after a bill of sale had been offered in evidence that was silent as to warranty.
His brief is given, in which he cites memorable English cases on the subject of the re-
lation of parole contracts to those put in writing. This relation is so well settled now-a-
days that a reading of the old case cited sounds oddly. Emmet cited cases from Yelver-
ton and Peake, stating that verbal and written warranty could not coalesce. It seems
that the case was subsequently cited in twelve different decisions in many States.

In the next volume of Johnson, in Welsh v. Hill, p. 100, Mr. Emmet argues, Novem-
ber, 1806, for, and obtains the discharge of his defendant client because of flaws in the
bail piece.

•See Lloyd's Reports.

tSee Appendix, Note No. XV.

Peter Burrowes 409

February, 1S07 — James Kent being presiding justice. In Pintard v. Ross, p. 186, Mr.
Emmet brought an old practitioner to book, in correcting and taking advantage of his
blunders in procedure. This case must have brought him good advertisement, for his
client, John Pintard, was one of New York's most eminent citizens in his day. That
clientele also showed that his learning and ability both at nisi prius and in banco were
appreciated by the highest class of litigants.

Air. Peter Burrowes became a member of the United Irishmen early in its
organization and about the time his friend Thomas Addis Emmet joined it. At
that time the object of the association was to bring about Catholic Emancipa-
tion and a reform in the Irish Parliament. He was never in favor of separation
from England, but as a member of the Church of England he never changed
his opinion or relaxed his efforts for gaining Catholic Emancipation. As a
lawyer his professional advancement was sacrificed, for the Government with-
held all official preferment. When some petty office was offered him by Sir
Robert Peel, when he was Prime Minister, it was declined by Mr. Burrowes
as he felt that he could not adopt the views of the Government of the day, nor
would he change his own as to Catholic Emancipation.

In Mr. Burrowes' "Memoirs", page 67, the editor writes : — ■

It is to be deplored that throughout an active and long life, and until old age had
overtaken him he failed^ while in possession of the most transcendant abilities and un-
blemished integrity, to obtain any employment except that of counsel to the com-
missioners.

The most affectionate intercourse subsisted between Mr. Burrowes and the family of
the Emmets, of whom he was a great admirer. He lost no time in communicating the
change of administration of 1S0G to his* friend Thomas Addis Emmet with whom he was
most closely united, apprizing him of his own good fortune, and of the political and ju-
dicial arrangements incident on the change; inviting him at the same time to return or at
least send over some of his children to be educated. This letter produced the following
reply from Emmet, exhibiting a friendship which no adversity could shake or diminish,
yet breathing hostility keen and inveterate against those men whose political rancour and
personal ambition stifled every feeling that was honourable to human nature, and who had,
as he considered, treacherously contributed to blast his own happiness and disappoint
the hopes of himself and his family.

New York, Nov. 19th, 1806.

My Dear Burrowes — I had the pleasure of receiving yours of July last in due time.
And first as to the matter of business to which it alludes. I have inquired after Mr.

's claim to property in Baltimore, and the result is pretty conclusive that nothing

can now be done, and probably never could, even if the party entitled had come out here

to urge his claim. Mr. is at present in Baltimore, and I have furnished him with

all the information I could get before his departure, and on his return shall put into his
hand another letter I have since received. He, therefore, will, I suppose, write more par-
ticularly than I have time to do. As to your late law arrangements, I sincerely rejoice,
my good friend, that promotion has fallen upon your head, and those of some others
where I think it will be bestowed ; however, there are in the list of promotion men of
whom I never wish to think because I cannot think of them without the strongest emo-
tions of aversion and disgust, strong and warm as was my former friendship. In the
conclusion of your letter you ask a question which if I did not know the occasional ab-
sence of your thoughts, would have caused me much speculation. — Do you ever mean to
visit us? says an influential officer of the Government of Ireland, to a proscribed exile,
whose return would be death by law; — or to send over any of your children? A man

410 Mr. Emmet's Opponents

who was very anxious to return would catch at this offer, but that is not my case. I am
settled here with the fairest prospects for myself and children.

My principles and my sufferings were my first passport and introduction here, and
they procured me the effective regard of the leading characters of this State, and in the
Union at large. In proportion as I cherish these principles I am respected, and every
day's reflection and observation makes them dearer to me. Ought I to go where they
are treasonable and sufficient ground for perpetual proscription? Besides, my good
friend, I am too proud when vanquished to assist by my presence in gracing the triumph
of the victor. And with what feelings should I tread on Irish ground? As if I were
walking over graves, and those the graves of my nearest relatives and my dearest friends.
No, I can never wish to be in Ireland except in such a way as none of my old friends
connected with the Government could wish to see me placed in. As to my children, I hope
they will love liberty too much ever to fix a voluntary residence in an enslaved country.
Nothing in their future prospects gives me greater pain than the fear that my eldest
son will be obliged, when he comes of age, to go to Ireland to dispose of some settled
property which, if I were worth a few thousand dollars more, I should wish rather in
the hands of my greatest enemy than his : There is not now in Ireland an individual
that bears the name of Emmet. I do not wish that there ever should while it is con-
nected with England, and yet it will, perhaps, be remembered in its history. With very
sincere and warmest esteem.

Believe me ever yours,

T. A. Emmet.

In this instance as well as in Tone's, Burrowes seems to have forgotten that the
Banishment Act punished with transportation any person discovered in correspondence
with the Irish exiles. His transgression, however, was purely the result of generous
sympathy for their fallen fortunes ; for no man more deplored or more frequently con-
demned the rash principles entertained by those distinguished men.

Political feeling was most bitter at the time Mr. Emmet settled in New
York, and the city was then a stronghold of the Federal party. Mr. Emmet's
friends were all allied to the Republican party, which was the same as the
Democratic party of the present day, and being himself a democrat in principle
he became associated and remained with that party all his life. In consequence
he met with great opposition from the beginning, and a number of the Bar at
once joined in a cabal to crush him. A noted exception was in the case of Cad-
wallader Golden, a prominent Federalist, who openly denounced the com-
bination within a short time after it was formed. With his wife he called on
Mr. and Mrs. Emmet, and until their death they remained intimate friends.

Mr. Emmet was not a man to be intimidated, nor was he easily discouraged.
He quietly overcame all opposition by his exalted character, gradually making
lasting friends of those who in the beginning had been most opposed to him,
and eventually, notwithstanding every obstacle, he reached a degree of emi-
nence seldom gained at the Bar. He finally removed the last remnant of this
organized opposition to him by an open letter, written in 1807, and published
in the press, to Mr. Rufus King, who was then Federalist candidate for Gov-
ernor of the State.

Mr. Emmet was fully satisfied that Mr. King, while United States Minister
to England, had used that position to prevent his emigrating to this country,

Mr. King Interferes 41 1

and consequently he considered Mr. King directly responsible for his long im-
prisonment. But of King's exact course Mr. Emmet had no proof beyond
the statement made by some Government ot'licial that Mr. King had protested
against the Irish leaders being allowed to go to America.

For some unknown reason, the proof of Mr. King's action has been over-
looked, although it is plain from the following letters found by the writer in
the "Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh", Vol. 11, p. 394.

MR. WICKHAM TO LORD CASTLEREAGH

Private. Whitehall, October Id, 17SlJ.

My Lord — In addition to the letter from Mr. Rufus King, the American Minister,
to the Duke of Portland, which his Grace transmitted to the Lord Lieutenant, in his
letter of yesterday, I have the honour to forward to your Lordship, by his Grace's
direction, a second letter, from the same gentleman, on the same subject.

I saw Mr. King yesterday, and had some conversation with him on the subject of
this correspondence, when he assured me that, under the powers given him by the Act
lately passed in America, the President would not suffer any of the traitors from Ireland
to land in America; and that if they escaped his vigilance and set foot on the shores, he
would instantly have them seized and sent back to Europe. This determination of the
President of the United States, which Mr. King told me I might consider as official, seems
to furnish a conclusive answer to any complaints that may be made of these people when
the Government shall signify to them the impossibility of their being suffered to go to
America. I have the honour to be, &c„

William Wickham.

mr. rufus king to the duke of portland

Great Cumberland Place, October 17, 1798.
My Lord — I am concerned to trouble your Grace again on the subject of the exile
of the Irish State prisoners, especially after the friendly assurances that your Grace has
had the goodness to give me, and which have induced me to believe that they would not
be permitted to go to America. But the late accounts from Ireland, which, I hope inaccu-
rately, state that preparations are making to send them to the United States, give me
much anxiety lest I have omitted any further step that might have been expected or
proper, in order to prevent it. It is true, that the President of the United States has power
to deny, and, in my opinion, will refuse them a residence amongst us, provided he is ap-
prized of their names and delinquency; but of these he may be ignorant, especially as I
have expressed to him my expectations that they would not be permitted to go to America.
If his Majesty's Government is still free to decide I must repeat my earnest hope that
these delinquents may not be permitted to proceed to the United States. If the permission
of Government has already been given, I take the liberty to ask of your Grace a list of
the names and description of the persons, of those of the State prisoners, who are to be
sent into my country, in order that I may, if possible, in season apprize my government
of the measures. It is quite possible, and I still hope that these publications are alto-
gether erroneous. In this case I must beg your Grace's pardon for having thus unneces-
sarily troubled you on a subject that, through your obliging interference, had already
been satisfactorily decided.

I have the honour to be, &c,

RUFUS KtN'C.

As Mr. King and his friends had been most active in their opposition to Mr.
Emmet, he determined to defeat King's election. With this object in view he
addressed an open letter to Mr. King which the latter did not see fit to answer

412 Mr. King to Mr. Jackson

and Mr. Emmet thereupon addressed another to him. Notwithstanding the
great length of this letter, it contains so much which is of historical interest in
Mr. Emmet's life, which became public property, that its insertion needs no
apology on the charge of reviving old, long-forgotten issues. Dr. Madden
writes in reference to this letter:

Emmet's correspondence with Mr. Rufus King in 1807, in which the characteristics of
his mind are exhibited in a greater light than any other of his letters which have fallen
under the author's observation, will be well deserving of attention.

Mr. Emmet's open letters to Mr. King are here preceded by one from the
quondam minister to the Irish patriot, Henry Jackson, in which he avows his
interference in the matter of the emigration of the State prisoners.

letter from mr. rufus king to mr. henry jackson

Brighton, August 23, 1799.

Sir :

I ought to inform you, that I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to
you or to any other foreigner to go to the United States; the admission and residence
of strangers in that country being a matter, that, by a late law,* exclusively belongs to the
President. It is true that the Government of this country, in the course of the last year,
in consequence of my interference, gave me assurance that a particular description of
persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States should not
be allowed to proceed without our consent; this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn
in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object; and I conclude, that
it is upon this supposition, that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your
desire to go and reside in the United States. — Without presuming to form an opinion on
the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to
the political situation of my own country. In common with others, we have felt the in-
fluence of the changes that have successively taken place in France, and unfortunately, a
portion of our inhabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institu-
tions, as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of France. —
This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty and became the chief employ-
ment of the French agents residing among us, created a more considerable division among
our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the Government, than
could beforehand have been apprehended.

I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so,
that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in the middle
states, has, upon this occasion, arranged themselves on the side of the malcontents. I
ought to except from this remark most of the enlightened and well-educated Irishmen
who reside among us, and, with a few exceptions, I might confine it to the indigent and
illiterate, who, entertaining an attachment to freedom, are unable to appreciate those
salutary restraints without which it degenerates into anarchy. It would not be injustice to
say that the Irish emigrants are more national than those of other countries, yet being
a numerous, though very minor portion of our population, they are capable, from causes
it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and, under
artful leaders, may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations against
our Government. This view leads me to state to you without reserve, the hesitation that
I have felt in your case; on the one hand, we cannot object to the acquisition of inhab-
itants from abroad, possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that, with due
caution, may, without risque or difficulty, and with public as well as private advantage,

•The Alien Law.

Letters to Rufus King 413

be established among us; but, on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are
likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent
influence, would make them tenfold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvan-
tage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that 1 possess no suffi-
cient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments; but the motives which
lead me to interfere with your Government to restrain the emigration of the persons
above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion; at the same
time, I desire not to act with illibcrality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my
country the slightest imputation of inhospitality. What Mr. Wilson* has written, so
far as it goes, is satisfactory; and on the whole, I have concluded, after this unreserved
communication, which I hope will be received with the same candour as it is made, to
inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I withdraw every ob-
jection that may be supposed to stand in the way of your being permitted to go to the
United States, adding only that you may carry with you an unbiassed mind, may find
the state of the country, as I believe you will, favourable to your views of business, and
its Government deserving your attachment.

I must beg your excuse for the great delay which has occurred in sending you this
answer, which, I assure you, has arisen from other causes than the want of due respect
to your letters.

With great consideration,

I have the honour to be,

Sir,
Your most obedient servant,

Rufus King.
Thomas Addis Emmet to Rufus King, Esq.
Sir: — From certain paragraphs in the Evening Post, I apprehend that it may become
necessary for me to obtrude myself on the public. As in that event I should wish to de-
rive some credit from the character of my adversary, I request to be informed whether
you purpose submitting to the world any explanation of your interference with the British
Government, respecting the Irish State prisoners in the year 179S?

I put the question in this way, because I have not the honour of any personal ac-
quaintance with you ; because I intend that everything which may pass between you and
me on this subject shall be public, and because I have been informed that private applica-
tions for an explanation of that transaction have been heretofore made to you by some
of my fellow-sufferers from your conduct, and that you did not think fit to favour them
with a reply.

I am, sir,
Your most obedient

Humble servant,
Thomas Addis Emmet.
New York, April 4, 1807.

Thomas Addis Emmet to Rufus King, Esq.

Sir:— From your silence on the subject of my letter of the 4th instant, I presume
that I am not to be honoured with a reply. Perhaps this may be owing to my temerity in
addressing him whom Mr. Coleman* calls "the first man in the country". Of the height
to which your friends exalt, or wish to exalt you, I confess I was not aware when I
rashly ventured to question the propriety of some part of your past conduct. I thought
that, in this country, you had many equals; and I protest I imagined that Mr. Jefferson,
for instance, was your superior. You will, sir, however, I hope, excuse my ignorance
in this respect, and attribute it to the circumstance of my being an alien, and of course
not yet sufficiently acquainted with the local politics of this country-

•The American consul in Dublin.
fEditor of the Evening Post.

414 Why Emmet Is an Alien

Though you, sir, have not honoured me with your notice, I have been abundantly
honoured by your friends ; and yet extraordinary as it may appear, I mean to pay little
attention to their assiduities, but to envelope myself in dignity like your own. As far as
they have attempted to attack my character, I shall leave it to be defended by others, or
rather to defend itself. Not that I affect to be insensible of the value of public opinion,
but in truth, sir, in the present pressure of professional business, I have not time to do
justice both to you and to myself; and I think it of infinitely more importance to the
community, in the existing crisis, to make known what you are, than what f am. You
are the candidate for public favour, and your conduct is the proper subject of public
enquiry. Permit me, however, sir, before I enter upon that interesting topic, to make a
few general observations touching myself. Mr. Coleman has brought forward some ex-
tracts from the reports of the secret committee in Ireland: I think it more than probable
that he was not himself in possession of these documents — from whom then did he re-
ceive them? There is no person in this country more likely to have them, than the gen-
tleman who was at the time the resident minister at London. — When you handed them to
him, perhaps your memory might have served you to state, that as soon as those reports ap-
peared in the public prints, Dr. MacNeven, Mr. O'Connor and myself, at that time state
prisoners, by an advertisement to which we subscribed our names, protested against the
falsehood and inaccuracy of those reports ; for which act we were remitted to close cus-
tody in our rooms for upwards of three months, and a proposal was made in the Irish
House of Commons, by Mr. McNaghten, an Orangeman, to take us out and hang us
without trial ! You might also, perhaps, have recollected, for it has been
published that, while we were in this situation, other state calumnies accidently
reached the ears of one of our fellow-sufferers* in another prison, who wrote a letter to
the editor of the Courier in London, for the purpose of contradicting them, and en-
closed a copy of his letter to Lord Castlereagh. Upon this Mr. Secretary Cooke was
sent to inform him, that if he published the contradiction, he should be hanged ; to that
he replied he was ready to meet the event; upon which Mr. Cooke told him, that since
he was indifferent about his own life, he must know that, if he persevered, the whole
system of court martial, massacre and horror, should be renewed throughout the country.
By that menace he was effectually restrained.

Had you thought of mentioning those things, you might have jocularly added that
though these statements might serve some present party purposes, it was rather more
unfair to judge of us by the calumnies of the Irish Government, than it would be to
judge of Mr. Jefferson and his friends by the editorial articles in the Evening Post.

The weapons you are using have been tried in Ireland among my friends and my
enemies, where everything was minutely known, and they failed of effect. If I had
ever done anything mean or dishonourable, if I had abandoned or compromised my
character, my country, or my cause, I should not be esteemed and beloved in Ireland, as
I am proud to know I am ; I should not enjoy the affection and respect of my re-
publican countrymen in America, as you, sir, and your friends confess I do.

It would not be in the power of one who had departed from the line of his duty in
theirs and his common country, by simply expressing to them his sentiments of you, to
do you such an essential injury as I am accused of having committed.

Another charge made against me, is that I am an alien, interfering in the politics of
this country. Be it so for a moment, and let me ask why it is that I am an alien in this
my adopted country at this day? Because, in consequence of your interference, I was
prevented from coming to it in 1798, and from being naturalized upwards of three years
ago. Supposing then that I should refrain from intermeddling with politics in every other
case, where you are concerned I feel myself authorized to exercise the rights of a citizen
as far as by law I may; for you know it is an established rule of equity and good
sense, that no man shall be benefitted by his own wrong. But how do I come forward?

"Samuel Neilson, a fellow prisoner, afterwards in Fort George.

Perhaps Mr. King does not Desire Republicans 41S

Not as a citizen, but as a witness. Allow me to ask yon, if 1 possessed a knowledge of
facts which could prove Mr. Jefferson guilty of a robbery or a cheat, and unfit to be
trusted with power, would you think me culpable if, notwithstanding my alienage, I made
them known to the public, to prevent their being deceived and misled? And shall I not
be permitted, because in consequence of your very misconduct 1 am not a citizen, to
testify to facts which will prove you unfit to be entrusted in this country with any kind
of delegated power? Whether Peter Porcupine or Mr. Carpenter ever went through the
forms of naturalization, I know not; but perhaps they might both be safely considered
as aliens; and yet I have never heard any of your friends censure their interference in
the politics of America. I do not mention those gentlemen as my models, nor propose
their example as my vindication, but I wish to show the pliability of those principles
which are to be erected into a barrier against me.

As a witness, then, sir, 1 come forward to testify, not to my countrymen, but to the
electors of this city, to the whole of the United States, if you should ever aspire to
govern them, and I now present you with my evidence.

in the summer of 1798, after the attempt of the people of Ireland for their emanci-
pation had been completely defeated ; after every armed body had been dispersed or
had surrendered, except a few men that had taken refuge in the mountains of Wicklow :
while military tribunals, house-burnings, shootings, torture, and every kind of devastation
were desolating and overwhelming the defenceless inhabitants, some of the state prison-
ers then in confinement, entered into a negotiation with the Irish ministers for effecting
a general amnesty; and as an inducement offered, among other things not necessary to
the examination of your conduct, to emigrate to such country as might be agreed upon
between them and the Government. When I consented to this offer, for one (and it
was the case with the great majority), I solemnly declare that I was perfectly apprised
that there was no legal grounds discovered upon which to proceed against me.

I further" knew that the crown solicitor had, in answer to the enquiries of my
friends, informed them that there was no intention of preferring a bill of indictment
against me. So much for the personal considerations by which I might have been
actuated ; and now, Sir, to return.

The offer was accepted, the bloody system was stopped for a time, and was not
renewed until after your interference, and after the British ministry had resolved openly to
break its faith with us. On our part, we performed our stipulations with the most
punctilious fidelity, but in such a manner as to preserve to us the warmest approbation
of our friends, and to excite the greatest dissatisfaction in our enemies. Government
soon perceived, that on the score of interest, it had calculated badly, and had gained
nothing by the contract. It was afraid of letting us go at large to develope. and detect
the misrepresentations and calumnies that were studiously set afloat, and had therefore.
1 am convinced, determined to violate its engagements by keeping us prisoners as long a*
possible. How was this to be done? In the commencement of our negotiations, Lord
Castlereagh declared, as a reason for acceding to Government's possessing a negative on
our clioice, that it had no worse place in view for our emigration than the United States
of America.

We had made our election to go there, and called upon him to have our agree-
ment carried into execution. In that difficulty, you, sir, afforded very effectual assistance
to the faithlessness of the British cabinet. On the 16th of September, Mr. Marsden, then
under secretary, came to inform us that Mr. King had remonstrated against our being
permitted to emigrate to America. This astonished us all, and Dr. MacNeven very
plainly said that he considered this as a mere trick between Mr. King and the British
Government. This Mr. Marsden denied, and on being pressed to know what reason Mr.
King could have for preventing us, who were avowed republicans, from emigrating to
America, he significantly answered, "perhaps Mr. King does not desire to have republi-
cans in America." Your interference was then, sir, made the pretext of detaining us
for four years in custody, by which very extensive and useful plans of settlement within

416 King's Act Unauthorized

these states were broken up. The misfortunes which you brought upon the objects of
your persecution were incalculable. Almost all of us wasted four of the best years of
our lives in prison. As to me, I should have brought along with me my father and his
family, including a brother, whose name perhaps even you will not read without emotions
of sympathy and respect. Others nearly connected with me would have come partners
in my emigration. But all of them have been torn from me. I have been prevented
from saving a brother, from receiving the dying blessings of a father, mother and sister,
and from soothing their last agonies by my cares; and this, sir, by your unwarrantable
and unfeeling interference.

Your friends, when they accuse me of want of moderation in my conduct towards
you, are wonderfully mistaken. They do not reflect, or know, that I have never spoken
of you without suppressing (as I do now) personal feelings that rise up within me, and
swell my heart with indignation and resentment. But I mean to confine myself to an
examination of your conduct, as far as it is of public importance.

The step you took was unauthorized by your own Government. Our agreement with
that of Ireland was entered into on the 29th of July— your prohibition was notified to us
on the 16th of September; deduct seven days for the two communications between Dub-
lin and London, and you had precisely forty-two days, in the calms of summer, for
transmitting your intelligence to America and receiving an answer. As you had no order
then, what was the motive of your unauthorised act? I cannot positively say, but I will
tell you my conviction. The British ministry had resolved to detain us prisoners con-
trary to their plighted honour ; and you, sir, I fear, lent your ministerial character to en-
able them to commit an act of perfidy, which they would not otherwise have dared to
perpetrate.

Whether our conduct in Ireland was right or wrong, you have no justification for
yours. The constitution and laws of this country gave you no power to require of the
British Government that it should violate its faith, and withdraw from us its consent to
the place we had fixed upon for our voluntary emigration.— Neither the President nor
you were warranted to prevent our touching these shores; though the former might,
under the alien act, have afterwards sent us away if he had reason to think we were
plotting anything against the United States. I have heard something about the law of
nations; but you are too well acquainted with that law not to know that it has no bear-
ing on this subject. Our emigration was voluntary, and the English Government had, in
point of justice, no more to do with it than to signify that there was no objection to
the place of residence we had chosen.

Another circumstance which compels me to believe a collusive league between you,
in your capacity of resident minister from America, and the cabinet of St. James's, is
the very extravagant and unwarrantable nature of your remonstrance, which had the
ministry been sincere towards us, they could not possibly have overlooked. If they had
intended to observe their compact, you, sir, would have been very quickly made to feel
the futility of your ill-timed application. You would have been taught that it was a
matter of mere private arrangement between Government and us, with which you had no
more to do than the minister of Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, or any other neutral power.
What inference ought fairly to be made from the facts I have stated, every man must
decide for himself. On me, they have forced a conviction, which, if you can shake it, I
shall much more gladly forego than I state it here, that in the instance alluded to, you
degraded the dignity and independence of the country you represented, you abandoned
the principles of its government and its policy, and you became the tool of a foreign
state, to give it a colourable pretext for the commission of a crime. If so, is it fit that
you should hereafter be entrusted with any kind of delegated authority? What motives
you may have had for that conduct, if in truth it was yours, I cannot undertake to say.
Mr. Marsden seemed to doubt whether you wished for republicans in America— and I
shrewdly suspect he spoke what the British ministry thought of your politics.

Perhaps it may be said that you were yourself deceived by those very calumnies of

Col. Isaac Hayne 417

which I have complained. I sincerely wish I could believe that such were the fact — but
observe this argument : We contradict the misstatements of the committees of the
lords and commons of Ireland, by an advertisement written in prison, signed by our
names, and published on the 27th of August— it must have reached London, on the 1st
or 2d of Sept. — your remonstrance must have been made on or before the l:.'lli, for it was
communicated to us on the null. The effect produced by our advertisement was
electrical, and the debate which it caused on the very evening of its appearance, in the
Irish House of Commons, was remarkable. As you doubtless read the newspapers of the
day, these facts could not have been unknown to you. Why then should you be deceived
by representations which we had recently contradicted under circumstances so extraor-
dinary? Air. King, did you enter so deeply into the revolution of your country as to
implicate your life in the issue of its fortunes? From the strong attachment of your
political friends, I presume you were a distinguished leader in those eventful times; if
not, you had certainly read their history. Did you remember the calumnies which had
been thrown out by British agents against the most upright and venerable patriots of
America? Did you call to mind the treatment which had been given in South Carolina
to Governor Gadsden, to General Rutherford, Col. Isaac Hayne,* and a number of others
who had surrendered to that very Lord Cornwallis, with whom, through his ministers,
we negotiated; and that those distinguished characters were, in violation of their
capitulation and the rights of parole, sent to St. Augustine, as we were afterwards to Fort
George? How then is it possible that you could have been a dupe to the misrepresenta-
tions of the British Government?

These remarks I address, with all becoming respect, to "the first man in the coun-
try".— Yet in fact, sir, I do not clearly see in what consists your superiority over myself.
It is true you have been a resident minister at the court of St. James's; and if what I
have read in the public prints be true, and if you be apprised of my near relationship
and family connexion with the late Sir John Temple, you must acknowledge that your
interference as resident minister at the court of St. James's, against my being per-
mitted to emigrate to America, is a very curious instance of the caprice of fortune. But

•By some oversight the surname of Col. Isaac Hayne was omitted in the published letter. At the sur-
render of Charleston, S. C, in 1781. the American officers and the civilians of the city were paroled
with the understanding that they were not to bear arms until they had been exchanged, and if those
who had plantations would remain quietly at home, it was agreed they would not be disturbed. But
under one pretext and another a large number of the most prominent persons of Charleston and its
neighborhood were gathered on the prison-ships in the harbor and were eventually sent to St. Augustine,
Fla where, in gross violation of the terms of capitulation, they were subjected to great privations and
close confinement. Capt. Isaac Havne. however, was not of this number, but was allowed to reside on
his plantation, with the clear understanding that no further service would be exacted if he conformed
to the terms of his parole. At length the British army under Cornwallis passed into Virginia and was
cared for at Yorktown, Tarleton and others, commanding smaller bodies of troops, being either cap-
tured or driven into Charleston, and the British troops finally held no other portion of the State. At
this time Captain Hayne and other military men on their parole were summoned to Charleston and given
the option of entering the British army or of being placed in close confinement Hayne reported in
Charleston and begged that his confinement be deferred for a short time, as his wife and children were
desperately ill with smallpox. Department Commandant Pattison, of the British army, who had special
charge of the business, assured Hayne that if he took the oath of allegiance to the Crown he could then
return home and nothing more would be required of him. A few days after his return home he was
ordered to join the army in Charleston, being a British subject in consequence of his having taken the
oath of allegiance. Hayne disregarded the summons, as every term of the surrender had been violated
by the British authorities. He felt that his parole could be no longer claimed, and that the oath ot
allegiance had been cancelled, from the fact that the American army then held that territory. As his
family was now in no immediate danger. Colonel Hayne joined the American army in his neighborhood
and received a commission as colonel. Shortly after, while making a raid near Charleston, he captured
Gen Andrew Williamson, "the Arnold of the South", who had but recently deserted to the enemy.
Col ' Nesbit Balfour, the commanding officer at Charleston, ordered out nearly the whole of his force
to pursue Havne's command, which was retreating with its prisoner, and fearing that Williamson would
be suniniariW'dealt with on reaching General Greene's headquarters, the American force was overpowered
and" Havne was made a prisoner. He was treated with great indignity, thrown into the provost pn-«n
of Charleston speedily tried, as the farcical proceeding was termed, and sentenced to be hung tor de-
sertion on the joint order of Colonel Balfour and Lord Rawdon. But as an act of special leniency he
was given a respite of forty-eight hours to take leave of his wife and children. When Mrs. Hayne was
sent for it was found that she had already died from smallpox. n-„.„„ .„ r.

It is true that Cornwallis was selected by the British commander, Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, to re-
ceive General Lincoln's sword at the surrender of Charleston, but he was not at this time in Charleston
nor was he in anv way responsible for this military murder. It attracted such a great deal of comment
throughout the civilized world, that Balfour and Rawdon each attempted to hold the other responsible
Th°rty two years afterward Lord Rawdon. then the Earl of Moira, attempted to justify his conduct
in a letter to Col Henry Lee. claiming that Col. Nesbit Balfour, a worthy member of this office-holding
family of Ireland, was alone responsible for the death of this noble young man.

418 "Wild Irish"

let that pass. To what extent I ought to yield to you for talents and information, is
not for me to decide. In no other respect, however, do I feel your excessive superiority.
My private character and conduct are, I hope, as fair as yours — and even in those mat-
ters which I consider as trivial, but upon which aristocratic pride is accustomed to stamp
a value, I should not be inclined to shrink from competition. My birth certainly will
not humble me in the comparison ; my paternal fortune was probably much greater than
yours ; the consideration in which the name I bear was held in my native country, was as
great as yours is ever likely to be, before I had an opportunity of contributing to its
celebrity. As to the amount of what private fortune I have been able to save from the
wreck of calamity, it is unknown to you or to your friends ; but two things I will tell
you — I never was indebted, either in the country from which I came, nor in any other
in which I have lived, to any man, further than necessary credit for the current ex-
penses of a family ; and am not so circumstanced that I should tremble "for my sub-
sistence" at the threatened displeasure of your friends. So much for the past and the
present — now for the future. Circumstances which cannot be controlled, have decided
that my name must be embodied into history. From the manner in which even my
political adversaries, and some of my cotemporary historians, unequivocally hostile to
my principles, already speak of me, I have the consolation of reflecting, that when the
falsehoods of the day are withered and rotten, I shall be respected and esteemed. You,
sir, will probably be forgotten, when I shall be remembered with honour, or if, perad-
venture, your name should descend to posterity, perhaps you will be known only as the
recorded instrument of part of my persecutions, sufferings, and misfortunes.

I am, sir, &c,

Thomas Addis Emmet.
New York, April 9, 1807.

The writer has in his possession a letter written by Col. John Trumbull,
Washington's friend and the artist who painted the "Signing of the Declaration
of Independence", now in the Capitol at Washington, and other historical
paintings. Mr. Trumbull was a man of great integrity, and was generally
considered to be one of good sense and judgment, yet this letter shows that he
was not above the influence of prejudice. It was written from New York on
April 7th, 1807, to a Mr. Williams, of Boston, on business matters, but con-
cludes with the paragraph :

We are enjoying all the delights of electioneering — Frenchmen and Wild Irish —
Genet and T. A. Emmet, in close alliance with the Clintons against R. King and
Americans.

Vive la Liberte.

Your faithful and obliged friend,

John Trumbull.

In Mr. Emmet's letter to Mr. King he refers, under his literary pseudonym
of "Peter Porcupine", to William Cobbett, a political contemporary of Mr.
Emmet's, who in Dublin had been connected with the Irish press. But in
America he was a violent Federalist and partisan of Mr. King's, and, an evi-
dence that political prejudice sways the judgment of all generations, to Mr.
Trumbull, although equally with Mr. Emmet he was an exiled and unnatural-
ized Irishman, his Federal sympathies stamped him as an American.

A large meeting was held in New York by the Republican party in relation
to Mr. King's action in Ireland. After the meeting a large broadside contain-

Republican Meeting 419

iiig the resolutions proposed and passed was issued and posted. The writer
possesses a copy of this broadside, which is here reproduced :

The Spirit of Toleration and of '76.

At a numerous meeting of Republican Electors, held pursuant to notice at the
Albany CofFec-House on Friday, 17th April, 1807.

George Merchant, Chairman,
Elisha Jenkins, Secretary.

The meeting proceeded to take into consideration the resolutions passed at a federal
meeting lately held in this city, censuring the conduct of Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq.,
and approving of the interference of Rufus King, Esq., American Minister at London,
in preventing the migration of certain Irish State prisoners to these United States, and
other resolutions passed at the same meeting.

The business of the meeting was opened and explained by the Honorable John
Taylor, in an eloquent and spirited appeal to the judgment and feeling of all present.

After reading the federal resolutions, Mr. Emmet's letter to Mr. King, and one written
by Mr. King to Henry Jackson, dated August 28, 1799, in which the writer expressly
states that he had no authority to give or refuse permission to any foreigner to go to
the United States, the following Resolutions were read and duly considered, and the
question being put upon each, they were all unanimously agreed to : —

Resolved, That from a letter written by Rufus King to Henry Jackson on the 28th
of August, 1799, and whilst Mr. King was the resident minister of the United States,
at the court of London, it is evident that he did interfere to prevent the emigration to
these United States of respectable men of large fortunes and enterprising character ac-
cused of no crime, denied the benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act, and who had fallen
under the suspicion of a "Prince (to use the words of the Declaration of Independence)
whose character is marked by every act, which may define a Tyrant".

It is evident by his express declaration that his interference was without authority;
and it is moreover evident that his only objection to the immigration of the Irish State
prisoners emanated from the belief that they would unite with the Republicans, who were
then opposing with the weapons of argument and reason, that mad career of federalism,
which, under the administration of John Adams, had well-nigh subdued the spirit of
freemen by systematic oppression, and by attempting with a standing army, to overawe
and silence public opinion.

Resolved, That Thomas Addis Emmet, whose character stands impeached and whose
professional talents are transcendentally eminent is justifiable, and merits the warmest
thanks of all who are attached to liberty, in testifying to the world his knowledge of the
interference of Rufus King with the Government of Great Britain, contrary to the laws
and constitution of his country, to prevent men of irreproachable lives and possessing of
great wealth, emigrating to these LTnited States, and thus enabling that tyrannical and
oppressive Government to incarcerate those who had committed no crime, but had be-
come obnoxious for refusing to co-operate in heaping additional distress on their de-
voted countrymen ; and that the abuse of power, by those entrusted with it at all times,
ought to be promulgated, more especially when the actor in such scenes offers himself a
candidate for public favor, it is then eminently the duty of those who can give evidence,
boldly to step forward, undismayed by consequences ; that Mr. Emmet, instead of merit-
ing the censure of the people of this State, deserves their thanks and applause.

Resolved, That we wholly disbelieve that Edmund C. Genet, the former minister of
the French republic, had declared : — "That in case the Government of the United States
did not conduct themselves towards the Emperor of France with more friendship and
civility than it had hitherto done, they would next be attacked and subjected by him."
And we are warranted herein not only by the public denial of Mr. Genet, of his having
made such declaration, but the whole tenor of his conduct which has fallen under notice

420 Arcularius Suit

since his residence in that part of the State. That this meeting has incontestable evidence
of his attachment to this country, inasmuch as he has purchased and holds considerable
real esate within this State, has resided here more than fourteen years, has been natur-
alized more than three years and by his marriage with the daughter of a native citizen
of distinguished rank, by whom he has several children, he has every tie to bind him to
the interest of his adopted country. That to deny him the right of an elector, would be
a prostrating of the constitution and laws of the United States, and an act of tyranny,
which we abhor and detest.

Resolved, That we see no evidence whereon to ground a suspicion or belief, that
an effort is now making to accomplish party purposes by the united force of a dangerous
foreign influence; but to the contrary thereof, the citizens now assembled see in this
charge the revival of those stale and antiquated attempts of the federal party to alarm
and agitate the public mind for the obvious purpose of promoting the election of Morgan
Lewis, and defeating that of the Republican candidate, Daniel D. Tompkins ; and this
meeting warns their Republican fellow-citizens to be on their guard and not become the
dupes of such shallow artifices.

Resolved, That our confidence in the patriotism, honor, and political integrity of the
venerable George Clinton, Vice-President of the United States, remains undiminished
and unshaken and that we utterly disbelieve that in the evening of a life spent in public
service, with such signal advantage to the people of this State, and with such honor to
his own fame, he would attempt to mark out for his successor any other course of con-
duct than such as would be bottomed on Republicanism, he has given to the public fur-
ther proof of his unabated zeal and his disinterested devotion to principles which con-
ducted us through a seven years' war to peace and independence.

Resolved, That we view with lively satisfaction the bright prospect of the Re-
publican cause again triumphing at the approaching election, notwithstanding the joint
efforts of Federalists with apostate Republicans to the contrary; and that Morgan Lewis,
by his official conduct in innumerable instances, has forfeited the confidence of this meet-
ing, and is utterly undeserving their support.

George Merchant, Chairman.
. Elisha Jenkins, Secretary.

Mr. Emmet silenced his enemies and Mr. King retired to private life.
He soon after overcame all opposition, so that his future course became one
of uninterrupted success. Those who had, in the beginning, opposed him most
bitterly, became afterwards his warm personal friends. Mr. Emmet and Mr.
King, however, never met, though more or less social intercourse existed be-
tween their children, and on Mr. Emmet's death Mr. King's eldest son was one
of the first to offer his condolence.

Subsequent to this period Mr. Emmet was engaged in many important
cases, a number of which will be given throughout the volume. Unfortu-
nately there were then but few persons in this country who had attained any
knowledge of shorthand writing, so that much of his work is from the public
press or taken from the printed court records or public reports.

The earliest of these, now in the possession of the writer, is — "A Faithful
Report of the Trial of the cause of Philip G. Arcularius versus William Cole-
man, Gent, etc., having an action for Libel, &c, on the 3d of January, 180?', &c.
Taken by Mr. Sampson in shorthand and given to the public at the request
of some of his friends, &c." Mr. William Sampson was a lawyer of promi-
nence, had been one of the United Irishmen during the struggle of 1798 and
was a personal friend of Mr. Emmet. His report is of interest, especially as

The Spirit of Toleration and of 76.

AT a numerous meeting of Republican Electors, held pursuant

to notice, at the Albany Coflee-House, on Friday, 17th April, 1807.
GEORGE MERCHANT, Chairman,
ELISHA JENKINS, Secretary.

The Meeting proceeded to take into consideration the reso-
lutions passed at a federal meeting lately held in this city, censuring the conduct of
TrioMAS Addis Emmet, Esq. and approving the interference of Rufus King, Esq.
American minister at London, in preventing the migration of certain Irish state pri-
soners to these United States, and other resolutions passed at the same meeting.

The business of the meeting was opened and explained by the

Honorable John Tayler, in an eloquent and spirited appeal to the judgment and feel-
ings of all present. After reading the federal resolutions, Mr. Emmet's letter to Mr.
King, and a letter written by Mr. King to Henry Jackson, dated August 28, 1799. in
which the writer expressly states, that he had no authority to cive or refuse

PERMISSION TO ANY FOREIGNER TO GO TO THE UNITED STATES, the following

PESOLUTIONS were read and duly considered, and the question bema; put upon
eacri, they were all unanimously agreed to :

RESOLVED, That from a letter written by Rufus King to Hen- the positive deni.l by Mr. Genet of his hiving made such declaration,

,, J ackson. on the 28th of August, 1799, and whilst Mr. King wis but by the whole tenor of his conduct which has fallen under our no-

the resident minister of the United Sutei it the conn of London, it tice since his residence in this part of the atate. Thit this meeting

i, evident that he did inleifcrc to prevent the emigration to these hn inconte.lible evidence ol his attachment to this country, inai.

United States, of respectable men of large fortunes and enterprizing much, as he hn purchised and holds considerable real estate within

character, accused of no crime, denied the benefit of the HABEas coz- this state : has resided here more than fourteen yeara ; has been na-

rus ,cr and who had fallen under the aztapicion of " A PRINCE," ruralized more than three years, and. by his marriage with the daugh-

(ioi.se the word, of the Declar.l.on tf Independence) •• »zW coo- tcr of a native citizen of distinguished rank, by whom he has several

•.^,er,.™rW*,<T.ry«<wtei»«,(lr/ne.tr.a»T." children, be h.,cvcT tie to bind him «o .». imere... ol h,. adopted

. . . .. . . country. That to deoy him the righta of an elector, would be a pros.

Tt is evident bf hia capieaa declaration, that hta interference waa ' ', .,. ,, ., . c.-.« —A ...

It is eviucm t r —. ...... tratioa of the constitution and lawa of tbe United States, and an act

■uMbeui aulbcnn ; and it is moreover or, dent, that hia only objec-

su.ioi.ui ""'-'. of tyranny, which we abhor and detest.

tion to the emigration of the Irish state priaonera emanated Irom a • "

belief that they would unite with the rcpatbltcaoa, who were then op. Resolves, That we see no evidence whereon to ground a sol.

■ wltQ the weapons of argument and reaaoo, that mad career of picioQ or belief, that an effort is now making to accomplish party pur.

federalism, which, under the administration of John Adame, had well poaes by the united force of a dangerous foreign influence; but to

- ,( yubdiied tne 'P'"1 °* freemen by systewaatic oppreaaioa, and by the contrary thereof, Che citizens now assembled see in this charge

ttemDts.wath a standing army, to overawe and silence public opinion, the revival of tho9e stale and antiquated attempts of the federal party,

..n.a.c ,„mt rvojL-i- l L to alarm and agitate the public mind for the obvious purpose or pro-

Risoivlts. That THOMAS ADDIS EMMET, wboaeelurrac. . , ■ , ,, , jir . J r l

ttzsoiT", ai .... motme the election of Mobcan Lewis, and defeating that of the re-

.er stands onltnpaached, and whose professional talents are transcen. " ..„..., n .,..-. sac .-,„<- j l-

ter staoas «niaii/»-v . . . . , , ,. publican candidate DANIEL D. TOMPKINS; and this meeting

A,n<\* eminent- fa justifiable, and menls the warmest thanks of sit r .....

oentty nw«"»i J . warn tncjr republican fellow. citizens to be on their guard, and not

who are attached to liberty, in testifying to the world hn knowledge r b

__,... ... , ,r „. again become the dupes of such shallow artifices.

of the interference of Jtu/ut Araf with the government of Great Bri. "

tain, contrary to the laws and constitution of his country, to prevent Resolved, That our confidence in the patriotism, honor and polili.

men of irreproachable lives, and possessed of great wealth, migrating cal integrity of the venerable Gtotct Clinton, Vice. President of

to these United States, and thus enabling that tyrannical and oppres. the United States, remains undiminished and unshaken; and that we

aive government to Incarcerate thoae who had committed no crime, utterly disbelieve, that in the evening of a life spent in the public

but who had become obnozioMl for refusing toco-operate in heaping service, with such signal advantage to the people of this stale, and

additional distresses on their devoted countrymen ; and that the abuse with such honor to his own fame, he would attempt to mark out for

cf power, by ihote entrusirdwtliS. it. at all limes, ought lobe promuL hia successor, any other course of conduct than such as should ba

gated, more especially when the iclor in such scene offers himself a bottomed on republican principles ; and that in exhibiting this soli.

candidate for public favor, it it then eminently the duty of those citude for the cause of Republicanism, he has given to the public fur.

who can give evidence, boldly to step forward, undismayed by consc. ther proof of his unabated zeal and his disinterested devotedness to

ouences ; that Mr. Emmet, instead of meriting the censures of the principles which conducted us through a seven years war to peace

people of this state, descrve9 their thanks and applause. and independence.

Resolved, That we wholly disbelieve that EDMUND C. GE- Resolved, That we vi-rv with lively satisfaction the bright pros-

NET, the former minister of 'he French republic, has declared " that pect of the republican cause again triumphing at the approaching

" incase the government of the United State, did not conduct tlicra- election, notwithstanding the joint efforts of federalists with apostate

" selves towards the Emperor of France with more friendship and republicans to the contrary ; andth.it Morgan Lewis, by his official

" civility than it had hitherto dune, they would neat be attacked ami conduct, in innumerable instances, has forfeited the confidence of this

" subjugated by him." And we arc warranted herein, not only by meeting, and is utterly undeserving their support.

GEORGE MERCHANT, Chairman.

ELISHA JENKINS, Secretary,

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

A Political Broadside used in L 807 for the defeat of Rufus King

Some Important Cases 421

the defendant, Mr. Coleman, was the editor of the "Evening Post", a friend of
Mr. Rufus King and a member of the cabal against Mr. Emmet. The report
of the suit is printed in book form, but being too voluminous to reprint in
full, Mr. Emmet's summing up will alone be given. The suit for libel was
brought in the Supreme Court, before the Hon. Judge Livingston, the counsel
for the plaintiff being .Mr. Richard Riker, District Attorney-General, and
Emmet. The defendant's counsel were Messrs. Well, David B. Ogden and
Cadwallader Colden. Mr. Riker stated the case for the plaintiff as follows:

Gentlemen of the Jury,

This is an action by Mr. Philip G. Arcularius, to recover damages for a libel pub-
lished against him by the defendant, Mr. \Vm. Coleman.

It will appear from the reading of the libel and from other evidence that Mr.
Arcularius was superintendent of the almshouse, in which office he has always conducted
himself with great propriety. If it were otherwise, and that Mr. Coleman could make
on the truth and innocent intention of what he has published, he might perhaps
stand justified. But if the charge be false and malicious, it would be hard to deter-
mine what would be a just and sufficient compensation for so excessive an injury.

For the remainder of this summing up see Appendix, Note XVI.
According to Mr. Hall Mr. Emmet appeared in February, 1808, in the case
of Smith v. Elder.

He seems to have been retained because of foreign and international law — the action
being with respect to contraband of war on ship-board ; and his experience seems to
have won this contention against odds. But his greatest coup' as a counsellor of only
a few years' standing came in the star case of a suit by Morgan Lewis, governor of the
State, against Editor Few of the American Citizen newspaper for libel. Emmet's brief
is published at full length (5 Johnson,), and it bristles with logic, distinguishment of
principles, and with apt citations. The libel is set forth at length, and is a curiosity in
its mildness of political comment on a public official as compared with the editorial
strictures that newspaper readers of to-day are familiar with. He was ingenious, but
was beaten by the Court.

In Dubois v. Phillips,, same volume, p. 235, there cropped up common law practice
in respect to procedures on which rules were silent. Here Emmet's knowledge of King's
Bench practice proved valuable, and in succeeding through his learning the argument
must have enhanced his reputation. [This case .was argued November, 1809.]

The interest, the caprice, the errors of a manufacturing tcnun or fishing village in Britain
ivill frequently have more influence than the united voices of the Irish people.

T. A. Emmet.

The national vanity 'which emblazons doubtful pretensions in the splendid coloring of
fancy, is not malignant in origin, and is harmless in its effect, but the deliberate
calumny 'which blackens the character of the injured in order to justify the 'wrong
of the oppressed, deserves a harsher epitaph than falsehood and a severer chastisement
than contempt.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXVI

Letter from Mr. Emmet to Blennerhassett — Fulton's relations — Reference to an im-
portant case — Emmet becomes Attorney General — Interesting incidents while in office —
Letter to Judge Ormsby in relation to an indebtedness of Aaron Burr — Business letter
as Attorney General — Letter from Fulton, style remarkable — Fulton's friendship and in-
timacy with the Emmet family — History of a portrait of Fulton painted by Miss Eliza-
beth Emmet — Fulton painted a miniature of himself from this portrait, which is now
the only authentic likeness of him — Account of a noted suit in which Fulton is defended
by Mr. Emmet — His remarkable and kindly advice to Fulton expressed in his public
address — Cadwallader Colden's memoir of Fulton— Subjected with Mr. Emmet to great
exposure on the return to New York, which was the indirect cause of Fulton's death —
Letter of Mr. Emmet in relation to a false charge made against the honesty of Fulton
— Letter to Judge Yates bearing on Fulton's difficulties — A remarkable letter from Mr.
Emmet to his daughter before her marriage.

EEPING up any friendly relation was impossible between
Mr. Emmet and his friend Blennerhassett, as they were
so widely separated that only at long intervals did either
succeed in communicating with the other, and in the
absence of all mail facilities many of their letters were
lost.

The following from Mr. Emmet was found in the
Blennerhassett Papers :

New York, Septr. 15th, 1809.
My dear Beennerhassett,

It was not without considerable emotion and pleasure that I received yours a few
days since by Mr. Harding, and heard from him the first news I had been able, authen-
tically, to collect of your present situation. Of what is past, it is not fit I should say
anything in a communication of this kind; of the future, you will believe me perfectly
sincere, when I assure you that your prosperity and happiness will always interest me
very strongly. In return for the pleasing intelligence I have had of you, accept similar
accounts of me and my family. My success has been greater than I could have calcu-
lated upon. My health has been extremely good, and Mrs. Emmet and the children en-
joy the prosperity which has succeeded to our trials; such, I trust will also be the event
of your present situation. Mr. Harding mentioned to me that he had brought along with
him your oldest son Dominick, and placed him at an Academy at Georgetown, Penn-
sylvania [Maryland, and now D. C.].

422

Yates versus Lansing 423

As Mrs. Blennerhassett has brought her mind to part with him, a thought struck me,
which I now lay before you, I have three sons [John, Thomas and Temple] at school
at Flathush, Long Island, five miles from this city, under the care of a Mr. Thompson,
who is very competent, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and of very unexception-
al^ character; his wife is a Mary Anne Council, cousin to Maurice Connell, of Iveragh ;
came over here a widow, of the name of Yielding, with strong letters from Kerry friends
to Mrs. Emmett, and was married in my house to Mr. Thompson. I have mentioned
your son to them both, and can answer he would be treated with more than common
affection and care; and being at the same school with my own, I should have oppor-
tunities of showing him, perhaps, some attention, which, situated where he is, would
be out of my power. I am not fond of supplanting a person like his present master,
who, I presume, would discharge his duty, but I submit the proposition to your con-
sideration.

Adieu, my dear Blennerhassett. Do you and Mrs. B. receive the best wishes of
me and my family for everything that concerns you, and believe me,

Sincerely yours,

Thos. Addis Emmett.*

Mr. Fulton about this time became involved in many law suits, for fre-
quently questions of law were presented concerning conflicting concessions
which had been granted him by New York and New Jersey. Mr. Emmet,
therefore, as his lawyer, was busily engaged in defending Mr. Fulton's rights. f

Mr. Hall records the following noted case which came up in the Supreme
Court of the state, February, 1810 :

Another star case gave him renewed advertisement — Yates v. Lansing, 6 Johnson,
335— Emmet for the plaintiff, who was an Albany lawyer of high standing, and a master
in Chancery. He by misapprehension of due authority had subscribed to a chancery
bill the name of another solicitor who disavowed the act. Chancellor Livingston com-
mitted Yates for malpractice, but Judge Ambrose Spencer discharged him on habeas
corpus. This the chancellor declared invalid and had Yates rearrested and recommitted.
The poor sheriff found himself between two masters, and this conflict of the Courts
attracted attention both among lawyers and laymen.

At this stage of the conflict Yates retained Emmet, who took his client before
Chief-Justice Kent on another habeas; but the latter, as if by prescience that shortly
he would be rowing a chancellor's boat, stood by Lansing, and Emmet failed in his
action, yet stuck to his procedure, like a disciple of the famous Brougham doctrine in
the Queen Caroline case about the fealty of lawyer to client, and so carried his conten-
tion into the Court for Correction of Errors, where he succeeded. Then Emmet, for
Yates, sued the Chancellor to recover the penalty affixed to the statute forbidding a
re-imprisonment of any one once discharged on any habeas corpus for the old offence.
But Emmet failed, the Court deciding — and the decision has become for the doctrine
a leading case — that superior tribunals of general jurisdiction were not liable to per-
sonally answer for acts done in a judicial capacity, nor for errors of judgment. The
case is, as finally decided by the Court for the Correction of Errors, to be found in
9 Johnson, 395, and as a matter of legal curiosity is worth reading in connection with
their first decision just mentioned, reported in 6 Johnson, because virtually, in deciding
for the Chancellor, the Court overruled its first determination against his power.

Yates and Lansing was removed to Court for Impeachment and Correction of Error,
in the February and March term, 1810, and finally decided April, 1811.

•For some unexplained reason Mr. Emmet reverter] in this letter to tile old mode of spelling
the name with double "t", as his father spelled it in early life. That it was not an accident has
been shown by a document in the possession of the writer which was signed in the same manner and
about the same period.

tSee Appendix, Note No. XVII for an original opinion written by Mr. Emmet, winch is of
historical value.

424 Ormsby and Burr

During the war of 1812 Mr. Emmet accepted the command of an Irish
regiment, which at a time of threatened attack did service in some of the for-
tifications erected for the defense of New York.

Mr. A. Oakey Hall states :

On August 12, 1812, he [Emmetl was gazetted by governor and council as Attorney-
General of the State. In six years after coming to the bar, friendless and against jealous
opposition, Mr. Emmet had won the highest professional prize. He proved to be an
able officer and reliable counsel to the State. In managing a murder case wherein
great knowledge of toxicology became necessary, inasmuch as the means used for the
crime were by poison, his medical knowledge proved of especial service. But the
salary of the Attorney-General was small, and the duties confining. He was obliged
to be much of the time at the State capital, while dwelling in New York City. His
practice had grown to net him ten thousand dollars a year — a snug income then, for it
was not the era of large corporations and trusts full of business and munificent with
fees. After, therefore, not quite two years of official life, he resigned, and fully re-
turned to private practice. How extended this was throughout the next decade abund-
antly appears from the later Johnson Reports and earlier ones on Wendell.

The following was printed in the "Louisville Times", December, 1906 :

Dr. Henry Orendorf, of Louisville, has in his possession a valuable historic letter
which has never been printed before, and is now for the first time reproduced in "The
Times". It brings back recollections of some of the pioneers of Kentucky, the visit of
Aaron Burr to this State in 1806, and his subsequent trial for conspiracy. The letter is
from Thomas Addis Emmet, some time Attorney General of New York State, to Ste-
phen Ormsby, of Louisville, and is dated New York, June 29, 1813. It discloses the
fact that Aaron Burr borrowed $8,000 from Peter Benson Ormsby, a brother of Judge
Stephen Ormsby, of Jefferson county, Ky., which he was never able to pay.

* * *

Stephen Ormsby fled from Ireland in 1798, and came immediately to Kentucky. He
settled a few miles from Louisville, near what is now Ormsbv Station. He was a
Representative in Congress from this district. He was a Judge in the first courts or-
ganized in this county, was successful in business and organized the branch of the
United States Bank in this city and was its first president. Ormsby avenue, this city,
is named after the family, as well as Ormsby Station, in the county.

Dr. Orendorf's wife is a member of the Ormsby family, and the letter came into
the doctor's possession through that source. Judge Ormsby, whilst in Congress from
this district, caused his secretary, Dr. De Butts, to write to Mr. Thomas Addis Emmet,
then an attorney-at-law in New York City, about the collection of the claim referred
to above, amounting to $8,000, which had been loaned some time before to Col. Aaron
Burr by Mr. Peter Benson Ormsby. The letter of Mr. Emmet is a clear, concise and
frank piece of English, and will be read with interest. It follows:

* * *

"New York, June 29, 1813.
"Stephen Ormsby, Esq.,
"Sir:

"I was yesterday favored with a letter from my friend, Dr. De Butts, under your
cover, desiring me to inform you whether Mr. Burr is possessed of property to pay
$8,000, for which your brother has his bills regularly protested.

"My acquaintance with Col. Burr and his private affairs is certainly very slight, but
I think I possess sufficient knowledge to assure you that he has, no such property.

"I understand there were some existing judgments against him before his return
to this city, and he found means to negotiate with the holders of them to give him a
certain stipulated time (I believe five years) in which he hoped to be able to pay them.

Attorney General 425

They are still outstanding, and as far as my own observations will enable me to judge
his situation does not enable him to provide funds for meeting those or other important
engagements. Should you think it advisable to send on the bills for prosecution, I
shall do everything in my power for your brother's interest, but candor obliges me to
state that for the present, at least, I should conceive the cost and expenses of the suit
as so much money thrown away.

"I am. sir, with much respect, your obedient servant,

"Thomas Addis Em met."
On the back of the letter after it was folded was written by Mr. Emmet :
"Stephen Ormsby, Esq., M. H. R., in Congress, Washington City, Cola. Dist."

* * *

On account of the eminence of the writer, who was a brother of the Irish patriot,
Robert Emmet, the letter is of course of great historic value. Judge Ormsby was also
an able man. Highly educated in Ireland, on coming to Kentucky, he at once took high
rank as a lawyer, statesman and patriot.

* * *

That part of Mr. Emmet's letter in which he advises Judge Ormsby that the costs
and expenses of a suit against Col. Burr would be that much money thrown away, is
so different from the practice nowadays that it is worth calling attention to. Had Mr.
Emmet taken the case he might have run up a good bill and collected his fees from
Mr. Ormsby, who was wealthy, and well able to pay a fee, but Mr. Emmet was not
built that way, and was not that kind of a lawyer.*

The following is a business letter from Mr. Emmet while attorney-general:

New York, Febr. 13, 1813.
Dear Sir: —

Finding a private conveyance, I take the opportunity of returning you some Mort-
gages & a bond that were handed over to me by mistake, & the Mortgages which
I was to release to the State, with the Release itself, & one that Mr. Hildreth executed
& you lent me — Perceiving a mistake in the latter as to one of the Lots, I included
it in mine, as doing so, can in no event be an injury to the State. The other papers I
retain till further orders from the Council of Appointment. The advertisements for
the Mortgages have been prepared a good while since ; but I have withheld them, as
I thought it right to give my successor the liberty of choosing the time when it would
be convenient to him to sell — especially as no auction could take place before Summer.
If among the singular events resulting from the federal disputes, I should retain my
office or be likely to hold it for a sufficient time to make my advertising proper, I will
do it without delay, & would thank you to inform me whether it is usual to adver-
tise the property lying out of Albany County in any Albany paper — or only in the proper
County Paper. If I am to continue to act, there are several cases, in which Mr. Hil-
dreth obtained Judgments, or put them in the situation of doing so when he liked;
but I can find no traces whether he settled them & received the money — as to these
I shall trouble you with particular enquiries, whether the State is satisfied or not ; &
of course whether Executions are to issue, & to what amount-1— Mr. Hildreth's in-
disposition caused his Register to be latterly incorrect — and it has cost me a great deal
of trouble and examination of his papers, to acquire a proper knowledge of those causes,
which is the reason why I have not asked those questions before, — I enclose you a list
of costs in some causes where the Parties have written to me that they have settled or
intend doing so — & you will very much oblige me by collecting them as occasion
occurs — By the mistake of a clerk (who learnt the first rudiments of his profession else-
where) two or three writs were in some instances issued against the same person, ac-

*The above letter is the property of Mrs. H. O. Whitaker of Hampton Court, Lexington, Ky.,
the Rrand-dauqhter of Judge Ormsby, to whom the letter from Mr. Emmet was addressed. Mrs.
Whitaker kindly furnished the opportunity for having the copy of the letter verified, and presented
the author with a letter written to Judge Ormsby by Mr. Emmet in 1815.

426 Madame Bonneville

cording to the number of bonds — altho' one would have answered — This I have rectified,
& intend charging no one person with the costs of more than one case — & this I
would thank you to explain to any of them that may have been placed in that situation.
As to the Messrs. Cranston & Thos. Kingsley, Stephen Haviland, Appleton Safford &
John Chichester, I have only the assurance of Mr. Chas. Haviland of Albany that they
would settle, which I suppose from his silence since, they have not yet done — from
Messrs. Humphrey & Canter [Carter?] & a Mr. Truman Rice, I have only their
own letters — but as the latter wrote before I took any steps, I charge him w'ith no
costs — However as to all those above mentioned — they must procure me your certificate
of their having settled with the state before I can discontinue & at the same time
you would oblige me by making them pay the costs, before you certify. — The others
mentioned in the enclosed list, you have already written to me about — & mentioned
that they would pay the costs, when furnished to you — Excuse this long letter, and this
heap of trouble, and believe me, Dear Sir, Very sincerely

Your respectful and Obliged

Thos. Addis Emmet.
Envelope addressed

Archibald McIntyre,
Comptroller
Endorsement

Thomas Addis Emmet, Atty. Genl.
13 Feb., 1813. Answered May 21, 1813.

The following is a letter from Mr. Emmet to Captain Partridge on behalf
of Madame Bonneville :

New York, Oct. 20th.
SiR:

Madame Bonneville has this day put in my hands a letter from her son who is a
cadet at West Point, in which he mentions a disagreeable affair in which he was involved
with one of his fellow cadets by the false and infamous reports, which personal hatred
and party malevolence excited respecting her and Mr. Paine, and the wickedness of
which is now developing itself in the troubles it is producing to the children. Madame
Bonneville not being familiar with writing English, has requested me on her behalf to
express her gratitude and thanks to you, Sir, for your interposition and conduct in that
affair. She rejoices that her son is placed under the care of one who has already shown
such disposition to do him justice and protect him. I myself feel an interest in the
welfare of young Bonneville from my knowledge of his father and family, and from
the belief that he will always conduct himself so as to merit esteem; and I confess I
cannot but look forward with some anxiety for him, to the period of life when he must
enter into the world. For if now he is obliged to resent and repel the calumnies which
have been spread respecting him, what is to be his fate in the profession he has chosen,
subject to the same folly and insolence, and called upon by the etiquette of that pro-
fession to repel it at the hazard of his life.

I am, Sir, with much respect,

Your obedient servant,

Thos. Addis Emmet.
Capt. Partridge,

Commander at the Military School, West Point, N. Y.

The following business letter, from the Crimmins collection, is of no in-
terest to the reader beyond the fact that it is one in which Mr. Fulton him-
self writes in relation to the steam-boat monopoly, and it gives no evidence
of the close and friendly relation which existed between him and Mr. Emmet,
to whom it is addressed :

Fulton Litigation 42/

Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq.:

SIR:— I send you Mr. Slosson's opinion on the contract between Livingston and
Fulton.— His will was made before our contract and the invention of the steamboats;
they are not mentioned in it ; then as personal estate did not his widow come in for her
thirds which she might dispose as She pleased if so they must be her assignes— The
fourth article of the contract Says Livingston and Fulton only shall build steamboats,
the purchasers of shares or shareholders Shall have no Voice, this clearly means the
purchasers of shares— For article Sixth says in case of the death of Livingston or
Fulton each heir or assign who holds 20 shares &c this must mean the heir or assign of
Livingston or Fulton; then if Mrs. Livingston had a right to her third, which she might
dispose of because it was property acquired after the will was made, they of course I
presume are her heirs and assigns amount of shares which gives them 20 each,

please to consider this point —

Again

In our experiments and Partnership the chancellor and I never contemplated any-
thing but Steam Boats for passengers or merchandise. Steam Ships of war were not
thought of. This is really a new thought and Invention not I think coming within the
contract nor ever meant by it.

The first Article of which Says a passage boat moved by the power of a steam en-
gine shall be constructed. The second Article says a patent shall be taken for a new
combination of a Boat to move by steam and that half shall be transfered to R. R. Liv-
ingston and all Emoluments arising from Said patent In America shall be divided, this
is confined to the said patent Boat or boats built from the patent, or Boats on the prin-
ciple of the patent for such purposes as boats are generally used to carry passengers
or merchandise, This was the real intention of the contract. The Chancellor never con-
templated nor did I that he had a claim to all inventions of every kind which I might
make of Steam engines moving bodies on water, For if so he might have claimed a
steam mud machine of my invention, or a steam floating mill in a Boat, in fact such a
partnership would give his heirs half of all my brains or the product thereof as far as
floating bodies and Steam engines were combined. The contract no where gives him a
right. "In all I may do with Steam to move bodies on water in america" — the second article
terminates thus, or for any patent premium or privilege in any other country it does not
say what kind of patent but evidently means such patent as then contemplated, which
was for boats to carry passengers or merchandise and not Steam Ships of War please
give me your opinion on this head have my partners by the contract any claim on this
new and extended application of Steam.

Yours Respectfully,

R. Fulton.*

June 24th, 1814.

Mr. Emmet was Fulton's lawyer in all the various litigations which sprang
up in connection with monopolies granted him in different States for the ex-
clusive use of steamboats. There is a tradition in the family that Mr. Emmet
after defending a suit in Trenton, N. J., was returning to New York with
Mr. Fulton, and not being ahle to get over on the ferry-boat, they and others
attempted to cross on the ice from "Hobuck" ferry point at Mr. John Steven's

•Robert Fulton and Mr. Etrmet resided in Paris at the same time, where they became acquainted,
and a warm friendship sprang up between them. (The diary of Mr. Emmet shows that Fulton at
one time expected to join the expedition to Ireland for the purpose of using his recently invented
torpedo against the English.) Mr. Fulton returned to New York about the time Mr. Emmet arrived
with his family, and it is not improbable that they crossed in the same ship. From this time until
his death Fulton was on the most intimate terms with the Emmet family. He had studied painting
under Benjamin West, and detecting evidences of talent in Mr. Emmet's second daughter, Elizabeth,
he devoted much of Ins spare time for several years to perfecting Miss Emmet's skill in portrait painting.
He sat, as a critic and model, for Miss Emmet to paint his likeness. From this portrait, well remem-
bered by the writer, an engra\ing was made by W. S. Leney in 1817 for Cadwallader D. Colden's
"Life of Robert Fulton". (See Appendix, Note XVIII.)

428 Cause of Fulton's Death

place. The ice not being strong and partially covered with water, Mr. Emmet,
the heavier of the two, broke through. In his efforts to get Mr. Emmet out
Mr. Fulton exposed himself by getting overheated, with the result that he
caught a severe sore throat. Without waiting to recover from it he again
exposed himself on the following day in very inclement weather, and in con-
sequence of his imprudence he died, at No. 1 State Street, a few days after-
ward, in February, 1815. The house where he died is still standing.

The following is from Cadwallader Colden's eulogy on Fulton, page 345 :

John Livingston and Fulton had spent an immense sum of money in the establish-
ment of their magnificent boats where they had not realized a cent from their enter-
prize, but on the contrary this law* was recommended to the legislature [New Jersey]
as one that might be passed consistently with good faith, honour and justice !

Upon the reports being made to the house, it was prevailed upon to be less precipi-
tate than the committee had been. It gave time, which the committee would not do,
for Mr. Fulton to be sent for, from New York. The Senate and Assembly in joint ses-
sion examined witnesses and heard him and the petitioner by counsel. The result was
that the legislature refused to repeal the prior law, or to pass any act on the subject.

It was upon this occasion that his friend, Mr. Emmet, who appeared as his counsel
at the bar of the house, at the conclusion of his speech made that address to Fulton,
which has been so much spoken of, and which was at once such an evidence of warmth
of heart, rectitude of principle, and of superior abilities. We do not pretend to give
it in the very words he made use of, nor can it now have the effect, which his oratory
and circumstances produced when it was delivered ; but so far as it is in our power, we
will endeavour to preserve it, as a just tribute to our departed friend, and as a memorial
of the abilities of his advocate.

Mr. Emmet, having said that he had concluded the observations which he proposed
to make, as well against the petition as the report of the committee ; and that he sub-
mitted their force with respectful confidence to the deliberation of the legislature, turned
toward Fulton and addressed him as follows : —

"I know and feel, and I rejoice in the conviction, that for the present at least,
your interests, my friend, are perfectly secure; but do not, therefore, flatter yourself
that you will be involved in no future difficulties, on the same account. Those whom
I have just addressed will certainly decide with enlightened liberality and a scrupulous
regard to public faith ; but their power and authority will pass away. Your present an-
tagonist, I also hope, will become convinced by this discussion of the impropriety of
his application and refrain from repeating it ; but interest and avarice will still raise up
against you many enemies. You rely too implicitly on the strength of your rights, and
the sanctity of the obligations on which they are founded.

"You expect too much from your well-earned reputation and the acknowledged utility
to mankind of your life and labours. You permit your mind to be engrossed with vast
and noble plans for the public good. You are inconsiderately sinking your present in-
come in the extension of public accommodation by steam boats. You are gratuitously
giving your time and talents to the construction of that great national object, your stu-
pendous invention for maritime defense, which in itself is calculated to effect a revolu-
tion in naval warfare. You are profusely lavishing what the intense and unremitted
study of years has acquired for you, in investigations and experiments tending to the
same purpose. Your knowledge and your fortune are freely bestowed upon everything
that can contribute to the advancement of science, or of the elegant and useful arts.
I admire and applaud you for your readiness to devote to the service of the
public the opulence you derive from its grateful remuneration. Let me remind

*A bill introduced into the legislature to deprive him of certain concessions which had been granted
him.

Calumnies Refuted 429

you, however, that you have other and closer ties. I know the pain I am about to give,
and I see the tears I make you shed, hut hy that love 1 speak, by that love, which, like
the light of Heaven is refracted in rays of different strength upon your wife and chil-
dren; which when collected and combined, forms the sunshine of your soul; by that
love do I adjure, provide in time lor those dearest objects of your care. Think not
I would instil into your generous mind a mean or sordid notion; but now that wealth
is passing through your hands let me entreat you, hoard it while you have it. Artful
speculators will assuredly arise with patriotism on their tongues and selfishness in their
hearts, who may mislead some future legislature by false and crafty declarations against
the prodigality of their predecessors — who calumniating or concealing your merits will
talk loudly of your monopoly, who will represent it as a grievous burden on the com-
munity, and not a compensation for signal benefits — who will exaggerate your fortune
and purpose, in the language of Marat to the French convention: — 'Let the scythe of
equality move over the republic'.

"In a moment of delusion (unless some department of our government shall con-
stitutionally interpose an adamantine harrier against national perdify and injustice), such
men may give your property to the winds and your person to your creditors. Then,
indeed, those who know your worth and services, will speak of your downfall as that
portentous omen, which marked a people's degradation and the successful crime of an
intruder.

" 'A falcon, towering in his pride of place.

Was by a mousing owl hawked at and killed.'

"Yes, my friend ! — my heart bleeds while I utter it ; but I have fearful forebodings
that you may hereafter find in public faith a broken staff for your support, and secure
from public gratitude a broken heart for your reward".

Colden in his memoir, on page 251, again refers to the action of the New
Jersey legislature in relation to the bill before that body and the serious con-
sequences to Air. Fulton :

In January, 1815, Mr. John R. Livingston, who owned the steamboat which plied
between New York and New Jersey, but which was stopped by the operation of the
Jersey laws, petitioned the legislature of that State for their repeal. After hearing wit-
nesses and counsel for several days, the laws were rescinded.

It was upon this occasion that Mr. Fulton was examined as a witness, as
stated above.

The following letter is from Air. Emmet, refuting a charge against the
honesty of Mr. Fulton :

New York, March 23rd, 1815.
Henry Baldwin, Esqr.
Sir,

My friend, Dr. Macneven, has just shown me a letter from you to him, in which
you state "that the friends of Mr. Rooseveldt* have written that Mr. Fulton in his ex-
amination at Trenton was detected in proving falsely about a letter said to have been
written to Lord Stanhope by him, while in England — that he proved the letter which he
produced at Trenton was a copy of the original written in London; and that the paper
produced was written on American paper".

As I was present, and hold the character of Mr. Fulton very dear, I take the liberty
of addressing this to you in order to contradict the infamous and malignant calumny —
The quarter it has come from I can easily conjecture from its atrocity— not Mr. Roose-
veldt— but the man he puts forward & employs to do all his dirty work respecting

^Nicholas J. Roosevelt.

430 Letter to Yates

the steamboat dispute & whose character is so utterly blasted, wherever he is known,
that I have no apprehension of his gaining any credit there for such an assertion.

The fact was simply this — Mr. Fulton produced a copy of a letter sewed up with
drawings & referring to them, to Lord Stanhope, dated from near Torbay some time
in 1793 — one of the drawings represented the model of a boat (intended for a steam-
boat) with water wheels at the sides — and the letter explained it — Mr. Fulton stated this
to be a copy of a letter he had written to Lord Stanhope in 1793 and I then particularly
questioned him as to the drawing — which had the name of an attesting witness and the
date written on it — and he swore that the name and date were written at the time of
the date — Being myself ignorant of anything more I asked no more questions, but read
the letter and referred to the drawing — We then proceeded to some other matter and
Mr. Fulton whispered me that there was one thing about that letter which he thought
ought to be stated — that the drawing was the original which he had made at Torbay ;
but that the copy of the letter, having been worn and injured, he had copied it over
again and sewed it into the drawing, which formed the cover — I immediately called
him up to explain this matter, which he did, as I have done— at any time — neither he
nor I suspected that any observation had occurred on the subject to any one — but Govr.
Ogden said he was extremely happy Mr. Fulton had made that explanation, as he had
himself discovered that the paper on which the letter was written was American —
and so it passed off — Neither Mr. Fulton nor I took the trouble of seeing whether the
paper was or was not American nor did Mr. Ogden seem to suppose that there was any
longer room for suspicion — Mr. Hopkinson indeed in his observations dwelt for some
time on the great importance it was to Mr. Fulton to prove that letter on some future
occasion by having recourse to Lord Stanhope himself — but his observations on any
thing appeared so acrimonious, that I really attached no importance to them on this
point and omitted noticing them in my reply — partly because I was certain that no dis-
interested person present entertained the least suspicion of Mr. Fulton. I should, how-
ever, have recollected that there were at least two persons there (one of them Mr. Roose-
veldt's agent) who would scruple at no misrepresentation or falsehood to blast Mr.
Fulton's character.

I am, sir, with much respect,

Your obedient servant,

Thomas Addis Emmet.

The following is to Judge Yates bearing also on Fulton's difficulties :

New York, August 16th, 1817.
Judge Yates,
Dear Sir:

I have postponed informing you that judgment has been entered for you against
the Executors of Fulton, in the hope that I could accompany the letter with some pro-
posals of arrangement as to the mode and time of payment.

It has, however, so happened either this misfortune or the multiplicity of Mr. Cut-
ting's business or of mine, that I have not been able to converse with him on the sub-
ject. I cannot therefore longer delay giving you the information you are entitled to,
and asking you for your further instructions.

If you chose to empower Mr. Morris or me, I think we should have no difficulty
in making you safe as to ultimate payment, and the gradual extinction of the debt by
getting an assignment of a competent number of shares of the North River Company,
as a security, with the right to appropriate the dividends to extinguishing the interest
and lessen the principal of the debt. I suggest this because I know other creditors to
a large amount have done it, and because I am convinced that sales forced at present
would be attended with immense sacrifice, and if in any considerable number would
bring about the' ruin of the estate. When I talk of sales, you will perceive that under

Mr. Campbell White 431

an Execution it could not be of stock, which is a choice in action, but of the boats, &c,
and the adjustment of a Purchaser's right under such a sale of partnership property
would probably lead to a very anxious chancery suit.

I, however, submit all these things to your consideration and shall await your an-
swer.

I cannot conclude this letter without expressing Mrs. Emmet's and my very great
obligations to Mrs. Yates and yourself for your very friendly attention and kind hos-
pitality to my daughter during her stay at Schenectady. She speaks of her reception
in terms of the utmost gratitude.

Believe me, Dear Sir, very sincerely and respectfully your obedient and Humble

Servant,

Thomas Anms Emmf.t.

Honble. Judge Yates,
&c, &c, &c,
Albany.

The amount for which Mr. Cutting has given a cognovit is $4,354.6, being the sum
due with interest until August 8th. We have enclosed the statement upon which the
calculation was made for Judge Yates' inspection.

Emmet & White.

Mr. Campbell 1'. While al this time and until Mr. Emmet's death was
associated with him in the practice of the profession, taking charge more par-
ticularly of the office practice.

With the exception of a few letters written by Mr. Emmet to different
members of his family, all those which have been found written about this
period were of a strictly business character. The following letter is one of
interest written bv Mr. Emmet to his daughter Elizabeth, who was then
about to be married to Mr. Wm. H. Ee Roy, and it was written from Albany
while Mr. Emmet was attending the sitting of the State courts:

Albany, February 12th, 1818.
My Dear Elizabeth,

Your letter was an unexpected favor, for which I am the more indebted to you, as I
had released you from all necessity of writing from any other impulse than affection, I
supposed your head would be occupied with the bustle of company to which, even if you
were an unwilling partaker of its amusements, you must at present lend yourself. I
take for granted your heart was occupied with something more infinitely preferable but
which for the present at least, if it did not exclude me, would make my conge acceptable.
Gratifying as it always is to receive assurances of your love, they are particularly valu-
able, when my mind is constantly dwelling on your fate and prospects, and they in some
measure repay the hopes and w-ishes that are the companions of my pillow, that close
my eyes with prayer and open them again to happy expectations.

I read with all of a father's feeling the vague acknowledgement, to which, however,
I attach an individual meaning, that there is not a member of the family, you would
wish different from what they are. If I understand you correctly, my dearest girl, you
are fortunate indeed. The respectability and amiableness of the family are as well
known as their wealth, and about that most important and momentous concern to a
young woman, the character and disposition of her husband's connections I felt always
easy. My own abstraction from mixed or fashionable society, difference of age and
pursuits, and my quick departure from New York left me little or no opportunity of
forming a sufficient judgement on the all important point, infinitely more momentous than
the character and dispositions of his connections.

432 Fortune an Idol

Most willingly, however, I rely on your Mother's opinion and yours. I believe this
is the first letter I ever wrote you, and it is possible the last I shall ever write you by
your present name. Which would you prefer, having it filled with the trifling topics
of ordinary correspondence or with the more serious effusions of my mind on your in-
tended change of condition? I know you too well not to anticipate your answer, par-
ticularly as reading a letter will not produce the same embarrassment and awkwardness
that perhaps a conversational lecture would do.

When I used to consider your disposition, talents, and acquirements, and I will
now, without flattery say your merits, and looked around upon the young men within
the circle of my acquaintance, I confess I have often reflected with solicitude on your
future destiny and feared that the heart which found no congenial breast to rest upon,
might make for itself an idol of happiness in future that would open the way to
grandeur and fashion. But fortune is only an Idol, and not the true god of happiness.
The regions of grandeur and fashion are not the biding places of the blessed, and the
heart that devotes itself to this false worship never feels satisfied, and is too often
grievously disappointed. Opulence that secures the conveniences and comforts, and a
proper share of the luxuries of life, may be a desirable sweetener of the wedded state,
and it naturally recommends and fixes attention upon the other merits of its possessor.
But I fervently hope that, now you have become intimately acquainted with Mr. Le Roy,
whatever he may possess or expect of wealth, is in your eyes by far his slightest recom-
mendation. It is that hope and belief which make me rejoice to think your fate is fixed,
and with these views you will feel no disappointment or dissatisfaction at commencing
the world, as you both ought to do, without pretensions, and on a prudent scale, that may
probably be enlarged by time and industry. His father, I believe, thinks too correctly,
not to put him upon acquiring pursuits and habits of business, even if he had the means
of increasing his possessions ten fold. He knows that occupation is necessary to the
permanent enjoyment of life, and that the man who is not forced to it by necessity,
should resort to it from policy. Without it, the best thing he can become, is being
worthless, but few stop there. The mind, hunting after its natural aliment, employment,
supplies the want of it by intemperance, dissipation, and vice.

I hope, therefore, for your sake, as well as his own, that he will be a hard working
man for years, at least until time and experience shall have given stability to his char-
acter. But even if it were otherwise, and that he immediately made you mistress of all
the means of living in splendor, I hope you would not slight the graybeard's advice, to
indulge it but sparingly. The woman who can afford extravagance and expense, but de-
clines them and prefers more moderate appearances, is almost always estimable and es-
teemed. But she who flaunts in the sunshine of her wealth, excites the approbation of
no one's head or heart and if the vicissitudes of this life afflict her with a reverse, she
seldom experiences the consolation of sympathy. The highest praise that, possibly
venal writers could give to the Princess Charlotte, of England, was that having at her
command the splendor of a Royal Court, she preferred the moderate sphere of private
life. As to her, perhaps, it is a fabrication, but the framers of the panegyric knew what
was calculated to conciliate the respect and esteem of the world. You seem peculiarly
pleased with and fortunate in Mr. Le Roy's connections, and their amiable dispositions
will make your duty more easy and pleasant. Cultivate them, not for interest, but for
affection. Much as a man may love his wife, her person, her talents, her disposition
or accomplishments he will love her a thousand times more if she loves and is beloved
by his family. And if she should excite coolness, or dissension between them, her ut-
most merits would scarcely compensate for the loss she has caused to him. His sisters,
I dare say, are perfectly amiable, and you will have no difficulty in becoming strongly
attached to them. But even if it were otherwise, you must shut your eyes against those
things, which, if seen, might have a tendency to alienate you from them and the same
to all his relations, but above all, love and make yourself most dearly beloved by his
father and mother, omit nothing that duty, tenderness and affection can do to make

To Elizabeth Emmet 433

yourself acceptable to them. Study them well and if they have peculiarities respect and
gratify them.

To this day I remember I never loved your Mother so much, or looked at her with
so much delight, as when I saw from my father's and mother's actions that they cherished
her as their own daughter, and I dare say Robert [his eldest son) has frequently ex-
perienced the same feeling. My Dearest Child you will think I have preached to you a
most unconscionable sermon, but 1 could easily have written you a shorter and a more
pleasant, or at least a more sprightly letter.

Perhaps, however, even the prosing of this may have some charms, for it will show
you how much your interest and happiness occupy the thoughts and possess the heart
of

Your most affectionate father,

Thomas Addis Emmkt.
Miss Elizabeth Emmet,

18, Courtland Street,
New York.

Evidence stronger than parliaments and charters, evidence ■written in the tears and
blood of the natives, exhibits Ireland, from the invasion of Henry, in all the horrors
of provincial servitude as the pure acquisition of conquest begun, and to be completed
and retained by the sword.

T. A. Emmet.

From that period [the capitulation of Limerick] an end seemed to be put to the desolation
of the sivord. The slower but not less certain and more consuming desolation of
the laixi remained.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXVII

Mr. Emmet writes to his daughter after her marriage — Letter to Mr. Sampson on
legal matters — Notice of Mr. Duponceau — Mr. Emmet's letter to John Patten — His re-
markable mechanical skill — Social life of the Emmet family — Various places of residence
— Home life — First break in the family circle — "An Evening at Home" — Mr. Emmet
anxious that his family should fulfill all their social obligations, but himself participated
but seldom.

HORTLY after his daughter's marriage to Mr. Le Roy,
Mr. Emmet again wrote her :

Albany, January 27th, 1820.
My Dear Elizabeth :

A few days ago I received your letter, which considering the
gaieties of the bridal winter was an unexpected pleasure, and there-
fore your previous silence had called forth no side rebukes, but
it being unexpected only rendered it the more agreeable. I per-
ceive Jeannette [afterwards Mrs. McEvers] is fairly entering the
lists of fashion, and your mother's anxieties only transferred, the last effort of them I
suppose has exhausted her, as I have not heard from her since. By every account I per-
ceive that your die and Le Roys is nearly cast for Gennessee, and to tell you the truth
it seems to me much more advisable and judicious than the contemplated settlement on
the North River, and if the advantages are otherwise equal, more eligible than that on
the St. Lawrence.

New York I consider out of the question, however personally agreeable it might
be to us both for the present, but Le Roy's residence there implies a continuance of
commercial pursuits and alas I have seen so many noble fortunes, within these few
years, swallowed up in the quicksands of trade and speculation, that his continuance in
that line would a subject of very constant anxiety to me. The utmost his father's bounty
or affection could give him might easily disappear in the misfortunes of a single year,
and by accident, like the fire at Savannah, or the shipwreck on Long Island, over which
he could not have the slightest control. In the country good habits, attention, perse-
verance and proper economy will without difficulty realize a splendid provision for him-
self, and his family out of what he can now command. The dictates of prudence then
are obvious; but there are feelings that plead against them, and which it is natural to
suppose are strongly implanted in your breast, about which your husband may be deli-
cate in expressing himself for fear his urgency should seem like indifference to sources
of your happiness and on which no one can speak to you more properly than your
father, who participates in them; but whose experience in life teaches him that they
ought to be combated and subdued. Your removal to the country will separate you
from your family and friends and remove you from the society which your acquirements
qualify you to ornament and enjoy. It is a sacrifice, but it is only a sacrifice of short

434

Pleasures of Country Life 435

and perhaps very transitory gratifications, to secure others, which the course of events
renders much more likely to be permanent and which acquire strength and intensity, as
our new connections excite our interest in Posterity. The ordinances of Nature do not
permit that the affections of our childhood should be powerful motives for our conduct
in more advanced life. It gives birth to new affections which suppiant the old ones and
raises up new objects of love, the hope of whose welfare and prosperity is the para-
mount principle of action. You have not yet felt this to its full extent, but you will
act wisely if you act in the hope and expectation that all those new affections will acquire
their influence over you and what you may now regard as privations, will then be
sources of permanent gratification. The removal from such society as you have been
accustomed to, will at first require an exertion of your good sense and fortitude, but
the void will be speedily filled up by the duties of perhaps increasing occupations of
domestic life, and by the attention to these accomplishments which you acquired with a
view to society, but which are much more precious in retirement.

They will indeed be secondary-, but, perhaps there may be leisure from family ar-
rangements, how delightful will it be to fly to reading, music and painting, and to feel
that you are above the necessity of society. Don't disregard them because you will
have no motive for exhibiting them; you will, in the pleasure they will afford yourself
and the gratification and amusement to your husband in his hours of relaxation.

A country life is never tiresome but when the cultivation of the mind is neglected.
When that is attended to in the intervals of employment, such a life is the source of
the purest and most lasting pleasures. If the scurvy notion of double postage had not
occurred to me, I should have given you another sheet in what ought to be your domes-
tic conduct, style of living, &c, with a very impressive exhortation against useless show
and extravagant living in a new country. But I much doubt whether you would think
it worth eighteen and a half cents. So give my love to Le Roy, accept my prayers for
both of you. Remember me to all and believe me ever your most affectionate father,

T. A. Emmet.

Mrs. Wm. H. Le Roy,

At Mr. Emmet's, Pine Street, New York.

Mr. Emmet to Mr. Sampson
[From the Crimmins Collection]

Albany, Jany. 25th, 1820.
Dear Sampson :

I have just procured the enclosed copy of the Chancellor's opinion in our Partition
Cause. B. [Beverly] Robinson can furnish you with the Decree — and I would advise
you to send both on to Mr. Duponceau* — and let the points and circumstances be well
considered on which it might be thought advisable to appeal or seek for a rehearing—
On the facts as they stand at present (whatever suspicions he may have) I do not be-
lieve you would shake the Chancellor— the lapse of time weighs much with him — I
think it very possible, however, that he might so far modify his Decree as that it should
not operate to prevent our filing a bill to enforce the trust — farther I do not think he
would go in our behalf — But then how would you stand? If they in answering or plead-
ing could allege on oath that the consideration money was bona fide paid, and that
Dr. Redman [of Philadelphia] bought the property in ignorance of the trust, unless we
could disprove their position, we should be brought to a dead stand.

Can we venture to prove their consciences? Dan'l Coxe [of Philadelphia] is still
alive — if he did not answer— we w^ould take the bill pro confesso, so far as relates to

*Mr. Huponceau was a French officer who served during the Revolution, and afterwards became
naturalized and a lawyer. For many years after he was Chief Secretary of State before the Consti-
tution of the United States was adopted and while the government of the Federation was located in
Philadelphia. At the time this letter was written he was acing as the secretary of ( hancellor Robert K.
Livingston. Dr. Redman was a noted physician of Philadelphia. Mr. Sampson, to whom Mr. hmmet
writes, was an intimate friend, having been connected with the Irish Rebellion of 1798.

436 Goodwin Trial

him, but how far is that under Dr. Redman's will — Can we entertain a doubt but that
he would go thro' with the transaction and swear that Redman purchased without notice?
Dr. John Redman Coxe [of Philadelphia] is the only other party likely to know any-
thing— Is he old enough to have acquired actual knowledge of the transaction — and
how far might he be resorted to with safety? Is it possible for us to collect any addi-
tional circumstantial testimony in our favour? As the Smiths are entirely out of this
part of the controversy, they could be witnesses in such a suit — Is there anything within
their knowledge or that could be proved by the papers they possess to shew Dr. Redman's
knowledge of the trust? I throw these matters out for yours and Mr. Duponceau's
consideration — more particularly as my mind and time are just now so much occupied
with our business here that it would be impossible for me to sit down seriously, and
institute any enquiry on the subject — But observe, nothing can now be done by side-
wind applications to the Chancellor — he has delivered his Decree and pronounced his
reasons — and indeed did both before I received your answer to my first letter — What-
ever we mean to do must now be deliberately concerted and formally done. If we
should apply for a rehearing (from which I should not hope for much, unless you
and Mr. Duponceau can collect and place all the circumstantial evidence of knowledge
of the trust by Dr. Redman, in a more striking point of view than it has ever yet been
exhibited) we shall be time enough if prepared for that when the Chancellor comes
down in June (I think). If we appeal it [will] not be possible to have
our appeal heard this year. Therefore we shall have full time for prepara-
tion— if we decide to file a new Bill, we must apply to the Chancellor by Petition, so
to modify his decree as to give us that liberty — that should be done speedily — and I
rather imagine he has kept his Decree in fieri and under his control and that he has
done so in the expectation that we might possibly wish to make some such application. —
But in giving you this advice I must remember that I am Counsel for the Smiths — and
impress upon you that your proceedings need not and ought not to delay the asking
of the Partition. Which ever Branch of the Coxes may be entitled to the S/16ths in
question, the Estate must be divided into 3 Parts and 2/3rds into 16th parts. While the
question is discussing whether those 5/16ths of 2/3rds should be held by those having
the legal Estate, charged with, or discharged from a trust — there can be no inconvenience
in apportioning out the property according to those shares, in usum jus habentis. Good
bye, I am writing in a great hurry, and probably very incorrectly — but I am,

Very sincerely yours,

T. A. Emmet.
William Sampson, Esq.,

Counsellor at Law,

Fulton Street, New York.

Endorsement— "25 Jany., 1820 — Thos. Addis Emmet, Albany — enclosing Chancellor's
opinion. Answered by anticipation".

At the trial of Robert M. Goodwin for killing James Stoughton in New
York during the winter of 1818 Mr. Emmet delivered the argument on an
indictment of manslaughter. The trial took place at the Court of General
Sessions of the Place, held in and for the body of the City and County of
New York in February, 1820. (See Sampson's Reports.) The writer has a
full report of this trial as made by Mr. Sampson and published in book form.
For a copy of Mr. Emmet's argument, see Appendix, Note XIX.

Very few letters written by Mr. Emmet to his friends in Ireland have been
found, and only an occasional rought draft seems to have been preserved.
The following, however, is of the greatest interest, as in it Mr. Emmet not
only gives a very clear statement of his own prospects, but also a graphic pic-

Letter to John Patten 437

ture of each member of his family. It is written to his brother-in-law, Mr.

John Patten, who was then residing in Dublin.

New York, July 29th, 1820.
My Dear John,

It is so long since you have heard from me, and so very long since you have written
to me, that you will probably be somewhat surprised at the receipt of this letter. But
I am extremely unwilling that any indolence or punctiliousness should stop our inter-
course. Your sister cannot but be very desirous to hear of you and from you, although
she has for many years totally given up all letter writing; and if you can judge me
rightly, you will be convinced that no one can take a warmer interest in your welfare
than I do. I then commence a new score with you, in the hope that if you will not
pay off your old epistolary arrears, you will at least not contract new debts of that
nature.

Do, then, write us all you can about yourself, and as much as you please about the
other members of the family. As to my own affairs in Ireland, I confess I am very
anxious to see the state of them clearly. The practice of my profession has enabled
me to live genteelly and respectably, and to educate my children, so far; but as to ac-
cumulating property for them, every effort of that kind on my part has been, I fear,
frustrated for ever by the dreadful depreciation of land in the neighborhood of this
city; and I tremble to think of the situation in which they would be placed if any acci-
dent were to happen to me, of which, thank God, there is no present appearance.

But this unfortunate change in the value of what I hoped would have contributed
something not inconsiderable to their support hereafter, makes me more desirous to
ascertain exactly what is the situation of whatever I might look to in Ireland, and what
even might come against it. I owe a large sum to the people in Wexford, which has
given me great uneasiness, and it is one of the things nearest my heart to have it paid
off with the least possible delay; and I am also indebted to Kitty [his niece, Temple's
daughter] some interest money, of which, I am sure, she must want at least a part. If
you could let her have something out of the rents it would gratify me exceedingly.
Furnish me a statement both of the rents and of your sister's fortune, if any of it
remains.

You will be desirous of knowing something of our family and fireside. Your sister
has had many years of delicate health and nervous spells and anxious hours, but I am
happy to think she is not getting worse and on the whole is, I think, improving.

Robert is married, lives in the house with us, and has two lovely boys. He is settled
in the law, and would have a very good practice if the profession could at present be
said to afford any. Tom is also a lawyer, and lives with me, though his office is dif-
ferent. As he is a bachelor and with few expenses, he pays his way, and will, I think,
do better.

Elizabeth is married to Mr. Le Roy, and in every sense of the word well. She has
got a fine fellow in mind and disposition, one of the handsomest young men in the city,
and perhaps the most respectably connected in it, with every prospect of wealth and
happiness, but she is going to settle nearly four hundred miles from us.

Temple is on the ocean in the U. S. Ship Columbus and at present in the Mediter-
ranean. From his roving life you may one day see him, and unless he should materially
change, I am sure you will like him.

The rest of the family is still on my hands. John, after spending a year in Italy
for his health, is returned home, and with a constitution I hope improved and confirmed.
He is studying physic, and has 'made no inconsiderable progress in chemistry. He is very
highly thought of by those who know him, and from the nature of his pursuits and
occupations, and his manner of following them, very frequently reminds his mother of
you.

The others are fine, valuable and good children, but neither settled nor as far as I
can see on the high road to it. The girls are accomplished and well informed, and as

438 Emmet Residences

they would adorn, so I hope they will be happy in any situation. Your sister joins in
warmest love to you. Believe me, dear John, most affectionately yours,

Thos. Addis Emmet.

Mr. Emmet was said to possess great natural mechanical skill together with
the art of acquiring a knowledge of detail. The planning of a house with
every convenience, and supervising its construction, was a most congenial
occupation to him. His eldest son Robert, in writing (December 17th, 1821),
to his sister Mrs. Le Roy, who lived in St. Lawrence Co., N. Y., refers to this
talent possessed by his father. Some members of the family had been on a
visit to Mrs. Le Roy and Robert writes:

We have been entertained since their arrival with minute accounts of everything
relating to St. Lawrence Co:, more particularly Potsdam, and still more particularly
your own establishment. Papa, I'll venture to say, knows the arrangement of your
house and the geography of the farm, as well as you do. He has a peculiar happy
knack of becoming acquainted with the construction of houses from description, and
you may suppose he never rested until he learned the length, breadth and height of
every room, closet and entry in yours.

The summer residence of the Emmet family was situated on the old Middle
Road, at about what is now West Fifty-fourth Street and Fifth Avenue. This
was a country road running up to Harlem and branching from the Blooming-
dale Road at or near the present junction of Twenty-second Street and Broad-
way; higher up, above Forty-second Street, the Boston Post Road passed off
from it in the direction of the East River. The road in front of the house
corresponded to a portion of Fifth Avenue and the grounds to the late site of
St. Luke's Hospital and the present Harvard clubhouse. The house itself
stood on the north side of Fifty-fourth Street, about fifty yards from the
present sidewalk of the avenue. Years afterwards, when the city authorities
were opening Fifty-fourth Street, the house, which projected somewhat on
the line, was set afire by careless blasting and destroyed.

For a long period the family resided during the winter on the southwest
corner of Pine and Nassau Streets, where they occupied two adjoining
houses, the lower story of the inside one being used for the law offices of
Mr. Emmet and his sons. These two houses, with the Presbyterian Church,*
on the corner of Nassau and Wall Streets, and its churchyard occupied the
entire side of the block from Wall Street to Pine.

The family subsequently lived in John, Fair, Warren, Cortlandt, White,
Hudson and at No. 30 Beach Street, on St. John's Square, where Mr. T. A.
Emmet subsequently died. But the place on the Middle Road was the head-
quarters where the family frequently remained throughout the year and where
the sons and daughters grew up. The recollection of this place was associated
throughout life in the mind of every member of the household with the dearest
remembrance of a period which constituted the happiest portion of their lives.
Every member of the family was accomplished. All had the brightest dis-

*This church was afterwards moved up to Eighth Street, opposite Lafayette Place, and was for
years St. Ann's Catholic Church (now in East Twelfth Street), becoming subsequently in turn an
Episcopal church, a synagogue, and a German theatre, it was purchased by Stewart for his carpet
annex and finally removed for Wanamaker's new building.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

MRS. JANE PATH EN EMMET

From I port rail b> Miss Elizabeth Emmet, [Mrs. Win. II. Le Roy] while .< pupil

< 'I Robert Full' mi

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"An Evening at Home" 439

positions, with an endless store of wit, which naturally attracted kindred spirits
about them to add to the common stork of fun and frolic. The first break in
this most united family was made, in 1819, by the marriage of Elizabeth to
Mr. Wm. H. Le Roy, who settled on a large stock farm near Potsdam, St.
Lawrence County, N. Y.*

The final separation and breaking Up of the family circle, however, did
not take place until Dr. John P. Emmet, the father of the writer, left for
Charleston,' S. C, to begin the practice of medicine. It is true that some of
the old spirit was still kept alive until after the marriage of Jane, or Jeannette
as she was called in early life, to Bache McEvers, but it was only a shadow
of the past.

The pen-drawing made by Dr. J. P. Emmet in 1818 of "An Evening at
Home", and which is here reproduced, is a faithful but grotesque representa-
tion of the family assembled in the parlor of the old house on the Middle
Road. And while it is executed in his usual spirit of caricature, the likenesses
have been sufficiently preserved to render it easy to identify each individual.
It is of particular interest as showing Mr. Emmet passing a free evening
with his family. It shows him as one of a special group -consisting of his
wife, with her basket of stockings to be darned, showing that it was probably
Saturday night, and the younger children, while by his interest in all the fun
going on the father seems the youngest of the party. Webb, in his sketch,
states :

Mr. Emmet was six feet tall and stooped somewhat ; his face wore a sedate, calm
look; he was near-sighted and used an eye-glass frequently. Pleasant and playful in
his family circle, abroad he was courteous and polished, dignified and self-respecting,
without anything approaching to arrogance or self-sufficiency.

We have reached a time in the history of the family when its different
members begin to scatter from the homestead, the sisters to marry and the
brothers to start in life for themselves. A more united family than this one
could not be conceived and as only one break has yet taken place, it would
be most fitting to give an insight into their life as pictured by themselves in
their letters to their absent sister, Mrs. Le Roy.

These letters will be presented chronologically and they are given as the
reflection of Mr. Emmet's life. The first letter is from Mr. Robert Emmet,
the eldest son, to his sister, Mrs. Le Roy:

New York, Aug. 25th, 1821.
My Dear Elizabeth,

I had intended to defer writing my first letter to you for another week, but the
pathetic appeal which you made to the family in "Sundry Episles" and which came pour-
ing in on us today has induced me to believe that you will probably derive more cordial
balm from my letter now than at a later day. You must not think of my making such
a fuss about this that it is the only one I mean to write to you ; on the contrary, although
I know I cannot be as frequent a correspondent, as indeed any other member of the

•The correspondence between Mr«. T.e Roy and her family in New Voik was preserved by her
until a short time before her death, when, unfortunately, she destroyed a large portion of it. The loss
of these letters proved a serious one, as we are almost entirely indebted to the contents of those
whii'h were preserved and passed into the writer'- possession some years ago, for our knowledge of
the domestic life of the family during a long period.

440 Domestic Difficulties

family, I intend to favor you every now and then, especially when I have any grievance
to egg me on, and I have taken it into my head that much comfort results from giving
vent to one's pangs on paper. Perhaps it may be some relief to the lowness of spirits,
of which you complain, to learn that things are sometimes desperately uncomfortable with
us, and that an experiment is now making in the house, the object of which seems to
be, to ascertain at what point in the Thermometer of comforts and discomforts family
matters will rest when nothing is attended to by anybody. This will no doubt result in
a prodigious discovery, like some of the labor saving machines which have been nibbling
at poor papa's brains for years past, but in the mean time we may rise unref'reshed from
many a half broiled chicken and cup of sham coffee. Long habit, they say, reconciles
us to the worst evils, and I can see thro' the vista of time a sufficiently long continuance
of the present blissful state of domestic arrangements to wean us most effectually from
all preconceived notions of the "fitness of things" as applied to breakfast, dinner, and
supper, and convince us of the sublime truth contained in the distich "man wants but
little here below" with the addition "nor cares he of what kind".

As for mama, she has been so long out of the habit of attending to anything in the
house that it is hardly to be expected she should take to it "like a baby to the breast"
at this time of need, and I must say that both Jane and Mary Ann betray the most gen-
teel repugnance to those duties that have now seriously devolved upon them. Indeed,
for several days past that unlucky wight Barney has been our Maitre d'Hotel, and like
Shacabac, Bluebeard's Major-domo, has been proportionately frisky on the strength
of his uncontroverted superintendence over closet and pantry. Fortunately John and
Temple, to use their own expression, have "wooled him" occasionally or I have no doubt
the boy would have lost his senses from a consciousness of his unlimited power, for
truly, "the issue of hunger and thirst" have been in his hands. On our return from
Long Branch, where we had been, as Falstaff says, "taking our ease in our inn", we
found them all in the delectable state of insensibility as to the good things of this life.
The scriptures say — "let tomorrow provide for itself", but they improve wonderfully
upon this fear-composing maxim, letting even the blessed day, whose sun was then
shining upon them, do itself the same selfish service. Every tumbler and wine glass in
the house was "blear-eyed", every knife and fork clothed in a suit of rusty (not russet)
brown and every silver spoon counterfeited vile pewter for very shame, and when our
necessities compelled us to invoke any of the domestics, they opened their mouths,
scratched their heads and almost cried "anan", like John Lump in the play.

You may fancy, my dear Elizabeth, how bitterly we are forced to contrast those
halcyon days when you looked after these matters, with the present tragic-comic state of
things. I must say it, who should not, Rosina is now the only chieftain fit to rule the
destinies of the kitchen and house closets, and it seems to be the general wish of the
household that she should be installed the President of Pantries and Chief Captain of
Closets. Having as you know a happy turn that way, she has most willingly submitted
to have those honors buckled on her back. You may anticipate something like a reform
when I tell you that the first vigorous measure of her administration was causing all the
knives and forks to be plunged up to their handles in mother earth, to divest them more
rapidly and effectually of their emblematic incrustations. I am afraid, however, that
Rosina's salutary exertions must from her employment, be "like angels' visits, few and
far between", and altho' we may occasionally, by way of a jubilee, have a cup of tea
made with boiling water and a broiled chicken for breakfast unornamented with parts
of its plumage dripping like feathers out of an oil bottle, we may as well make up our
minds to live pretty much at sixes and sevens. An ass once quarrelled with his thistle
for being covered with dust which he had kicked up himself and it choked him, the
moral, slender as it is, may apply to our case. You will say I ought to be in a good
humor after venting my complaints so freely, and I believe it has had that effect. I feel
much relieved and if you can read my account of the "miseries of Rockfield" [the name
of the place] with as much fun as I take in describing them, the end of my letter is ac-

Margaret's Pound Cake 441

complishcd. At the same time, they present a subject for serious lamentations as well
as joking, and if you will rub the girls up for their negligence, this doleful Jeremiad
will not in another point of view, have been written in vain. I believe Kosina wrote to
you yesterday and she urged me most pathetically to do the same and most pathetically
I may say have I done it. It would delight me very much to he able to visit you before
the end of the summer and 1 am not entirely without hopes, but they are slight.

Remember me to William and Margaret and kiss Jane for me among the rest. You
must also present my best respects (to say no more) to Mrs. Clarkson, who I am told
is as lovely as ever and believe me, mj dear Elizabeth, most sincerely and

affectionately yours,

R. Emmet.
Mrs. Wm. H. Le Roy,

Potsdam, N. Y.

The next letter is from T. A. Emmet, Jr., and is also written to Mrs.
Le Roy at IJotsdam. A very amusing account is given here of how their
brother John was instrumental in procuring an invitation for an entertainment
to which the family had not been invited.

New York, Sept. 15th, 1821.
My Dear Elizabeth :

Until I learned it from your last letter to mama I had not the slightest idea that
you had reason to complain at not receiving letters. On the contrary I thought from
the number that usually went in from the country that, as a farmer's wife, you would
hardly have time to read them. I saw the girls writing so many that I feared it would
not hold out and therefore intended to keep myself for the purpose of "snowing brown",
and you see it is good foolscap. Another reason for my not writing sooner was that I
thought there was nothing about which I could write a letter that would make it accept-
able as one from any of the girls; family concerns are almost the only theme and of
these I know but little. I go to town early (when I can get breakfast) and come out
late, as I have my grey horse still which has turned out much better than ever I anti-
cipated. Tell Margaret I have heard from a young man who has been up there (not
Selden) that she has already made herself famous for her riding. He told me that
she rode twenty miles in one day and did not mind it in the least, if so her riding facul-
ties must have been born with her, as I am sure it was not from practice down here that
she acquired such skill. The same person also told me of a young doctor who was
smitten by her. She must send a description of him to us that we may know how to
treat him when occasion requires. I have already heard he is remarkably fond of Black-
berries, from which I judge him to be of meek disposition.

Mr. Selden* spent so short a time with you that he was unable to give us much sat-
isfactory information about your family concerns. I can well conceive how great the
change is, and you must think yourself lucky in having Mrs. Clarkson in the same house,
not only for her company, but to put you in the way of doing many things about which
you would otherwise have been at a loss. Mr. Selden said he ate some of Margaret's
pound cake. I hope Margaret takes care to have some with her when she goes riding
with the Doctor, to give him when he stops under a Blackberry bush and to let him
know it was her making. Pound cake and blackberries must be so agreeable together,
that if she plies the Doctor with enough he cannot but yield to her.

I have spent such an idle summer in the evenings and been so busy in the daytime,
during Mr. Selden's absence, that I had almost made up my mind not to be examined

•Mr. Dudley Selden was a prominent lawyer and noted afterwards as an authority in connec-
tion with real estate titles in the neighborhood of Harlem. He was associated in business for some
years with Mr. Thnmas A. Emmet, Jr., and held an intimate relation with the family until his death.

442 A Frolic on the Middle Road

next Term and of course not to go to Utica in October, and in that case I would not
see you this winter; but from your last letter you seem to expect it so much and my
desire to see you all (including the Doctor) is so great that I believe I will run the risk
of an examination and be with you about the end of October.

Within the last week we have had so much fun on the Middle Road that I don't
know when it will end. The effects of it have already spread five miles around us, and
has made Mrs. D. [David] Colden (resolving not to be outdone) ask us all for a down-
right frolic to her house this evening. We mustered up fourteen and we are engaged
Monday night to go to Mrs. Schmidt's.* A wedding at Beinhawer's (Pine auger's) has
been the cause of it all. Miss Louise to Mr. Twizler or Mitzler, I don't know which.
The whole affair was kept so secret that we did not hear of it 'till the night on which
it was to take place. We were so vexed at not being asked that we determined to get in
if possible and accordingly John and Mr. Selden disguised themselves for the purpose
of getting admission. John took the character of a poor Italian who had just come to
the country and Mr. Selden was an old, fat, red faced Methodist preacher. He had on
a pair of Papa's breeches and waist coat (stuffed with pillows), a pair of the cook's
black woolen stockings full of holes, a large night cap under his hat and a pair of
spectacles on, these with Arthur's old black coat gave him just the cut of a Methodist.
Mr. Powellt and Mr. Wilsont (who spent that night with us) could not make out who
either of them were. They both left our house to attack the Bridal party, and the girls
all hid themselves at the other side of the stone fence. John went right in and asked
in broken English for a drink of water, which was given to him by the old lady in
great fright. They then came out, and, as we had agreed beforehand, met us in the road
near Pine Auger's house, and we picked a quarrel which soon brought out the whole
party on the road ; by this means we had a good opportunity of renewing our old ac-
quaintance with Peggy and the rest of them. Peggy invited us in, which we accepted
and we were formally introduced to the Groom (a Swiss shoemaker).

John and Selden put on their own clothes and joined us. We made ourselves so
agreeable that the next morning Peggy called over to Mr. McEvers and said she wished
to see Charles? in private. This was to know if he would not come that evening and
bring the Emmets with him, that she would go and invite us herself if she was not
afraid of the dogs. Charles promised to go and bring us with him. She then asked
for some white paper to invite some friends up. She told him the party was to be
small and he must expect "no greats". We accordingly went, Robert took the flutes and
Tambourine as they were disappointed in getting a fiddler. In the midst of a zvaltz
between myself and the bride, to my utmost astonishment, in walks Rosina, with Mrs.
Swarthout, Mary Ann, Eliza McEvers and Anna Tom. When the ceremony of intro-
duction was ended we danced a Kentucky Reel, in which Jane and Eliza joined; after
that at Peggy's particular request she and Charles and a Milliner from town danced the
figure 8. This Milliner's girl was so fat that no hogshead would hold her, and Rosina,
in order to make herself agreeable, began to praise her dancing out loud. As soon as
she heard this it put such life in her that I am sure she must have lost at least twenty
pounds of flesh with all the capers she cut. I was dancing opposite her and of course

*The wife of the German Consul General, and a half sister of Bache McEvers.

fThe Rev. Mr. Powell was an Irishman and an Episcopal clergyman, who for many years was
at the head of a boys' boarding-school which was located on the site of the present St. John's Catholic
College, Fordham, now within the city limits.

tMr. Hugh Wilson was one of the United Irishmen and had been confined in Fort George with
Mr. Emmet. After his release he settled and married in St. Catherine's, one of the Danish West
India Islands. He died after his wife, and, not having been successful in life, left the care of his
two sons to Mr. Emmet, his only friend. In 1827 these children arrived in New York, but Mr. Emmet
having died in the meantime, his son, T. A. Emmet, took charge of Edward J. Wilson, while Hugh
Wilson, the younger boy_, went to live with Mr. Bache McEvers. Edward Wilson became a successful
lawyer and died unmarried about 1859. Hugh Wilson became a farmer, married and had a family.

gCharles was the brother of Bache McEvers. The McEvers' country place was nearly opposite
but more to the south. It afterwards became part of the Hamersley estate and the site of the Colford
Jones house on the corner of Fifth Avenue. Mrs. Swarthout and Miss Eliza McEvers were sisters.
Miss Mary Ann Emmet afterwards became Mrs. Edward B. Graves, and Miss Anna Tom the wife of
T. A. Emmet, Jr.

Country Plays 443

left nothing undone in the way of steps Flatbrest ever taught me. We even made the
old women get up and waltz, who did it very well. 1, being the only one who could
waltz, was nearly killed as 1 had to go the rounds with them all. They leaned hack, could
do no steps and never got tired. 1 a>kcd Peggy more than a dozen times while I was
waltzing with her, if she was not tired, to which she always answered no. I was at last
obliged to tell her / was, and make her sit down.

After our girls went home we began playing the country plays which are filled with
kissing, languishing, pouting, making love bridges, and journeys to London, &c; and
thus spent the evening until two o'clock, about which time we thought the Groom had
not much desire to detain us longer, especially Selden, who made a dead set at his wife,
and did nothing hut kiss her. They gave us fine wedding cake, gingerbread and crullers,
with a decanter of wine and plenty of pump water, which we drank dry.

I have briefly given you the outlines of our entertainment, but have no doubt you
will have a much better and more particular description from the girls, but the fact is
no description can be given equal to it. It has set us all wild and languishing and pout-
ing, as is now all the fashion and as I said before, Mrs. Colden is determined not to be
outdone by the Pine Augers.

Give my love to Le Roy. Margaret has so much from the Doctor that I suppose
she will take none from me. If nothing happens I shall certainly be with you in Oc-
tober, when I hope to have a great deal of pleasure with little Jane. I should be sorry
if all her good looks were acquired without the help of a little of my dancing.

Yours affectionately,

T. A. Emmet, Jr.

Mrs. W. H. Le Roy,

Potsdam, St. Lawrence Co., N. Y.

Sunday, New York, Sept. 15th, 1821.
My dear Elizabeth :

Tho' I have written so many letters to you which still remain unanswered I cannot
give up the fight without one struggle more to rouse your feelings of shame at least if
not of affection, and have therefore notwithstanding my great disappointment in not re-
ceiving a letter from you last night, seated myself to write to you. You would hardly
guess wdiere and how I have spent the evening since I last wrote to you, — dancing at
Miss Bienshaws' wedding. You know the enmity that has existed between us for so
long, and how warmly the boys always took their part, and it is quite a triumph to them
that we should have honoured Peggy with our company. The reason of our so doing,
is, that we heard the youngest one, Bache's friend, was to be married and the boys and
Mr. Selden, who was here, determined to have a farewell dance with her. But fearing
they would not be admitted in their proper garb John and Mr. Selden with our help,
disguised themselves, in some things Temple [Lieut. U. S. Navy] brought home, so well
that it was impossible to recognize them. We concealed ourselves in the bushes by their
fence and heard John carry on a very amusing dialogue with old Mrs. Bienshaws, he
speaking between Italian and English and she answering in Dutch. We had great diffi-
culty to keep from being heard for the scene was so ludicrous that it was impossible not
to laugh. But John on coming near Peggy could not resist his inclination to let her know
him, and whispered "the iron bound bucket", her famous 9ong, in her ear, and she knew
his voice but did not betray them to the old people, but gave them an invitation to come
in and dance at the wedding. The rest of the boys and Charles [McEvers] passing just
then by chance, they were invited and entered with Robert at their head, all playing as
finely as possible on tambourines, violin, flute, &c. They staid very late teaching the girls
waltzing, cotillions, and made themselves so agreeable that they were each given a piece
of cake for us to dream upon and were informed that the bride saw company next even-
ing and were begged to come. Peggy said it was to be "no greats" — and bring their music.
They were too glad of their invitation to refuse, and we took our station as we had the
night before, but growing less cautious, and afraid of losing anything that was to be

444 Mrs. Colden not to be Outdone

seen, we left our ambush and ventured inside the fence. Then we were soon spyed by
Mr. Selden who instantly shut the shutters, probably because he had his arms around
the bride's waist at the time, and we were returning home disconsolate when we were
met by old Bienshaws, "to whom I obnoxiously made my approaches", as the song says,
to apologize for intruding on his premises, but he was so civil and begged and entreated
that on such an occasion we should condescend to go and see the dancing, that we had
even to submit, and spurred on by Mrs. Swartwout, who is staying with Mrs. McEvers,
and who is as full of fun as she can be, we took courage and went in, so many of us that
we almost filled the house to overflowing. It would have been worth travelling from
Potsdam to see Robert's face when Rosina was handed in by old Bienshaws, with all
ceremony in his plush velvet breeches. We sent her first to see how she would be re-
ceived and indeed the boys looks, between consternation and fun, were not far inferior
to Robert's when we entered. McEvers and Emmets by the dozen, and such an evening
I never spent, I was in a spasm to keep from laughing out the whole time. You know
Rosina's benignant look at all times, but she was too amusing that night. She admired
everything so audibly that she kept them in an ecstasy of joy. You may know the em-
broidered pictures we have heard so much of. Rosina would not be persuaded it was
anything but an oil painting and Robert had to drop the flute two or three times from
fits of laughing. I have not room to tell all that went on, but I hope some of the others
will, for the manners were a perfect comedy, and the expressions have furnished the
Middle Road with "stamp" for ever. I should not have been so diffuse in my descrip-
tion, but that any frolic in which we were engaged I am sure will interest you, and this
was one worth recording and I know will suit Mr. Le Roy's taste. Bache returned last
night from Lebanon in time to accompany us to a party at Mrs. David Colden's in the
country, who, hearing how gay we were, was determined not to be put down by us. Her
party, however, was not nearly so pleasant as our own neighbourly hops. We thought
a great deal of our sleigh ride with Rosina in the winter to the same place, for the night
was very cold and the house also. But I suppose you do not mind a cold night now,
for we hear you had frost. How does Margaret stand that, for I know she is a decided
enemy to cold, but I dare say she keeps herself warm by backgammon or some other quiet
game with some of her friends. We are invited to a little dance at Mrs. Schmidt's on
the Bloomingdale to-morrow. She and Helen Bache [afterwards Mrs. Patterson] have
paid us several visits and seem very sociably disposed. I think there is no doubt from
the little I saw of Bache last night that he is engaged, or at least very much in love with
some one, tho' he does not allow that it is Miss Kane. You never saw anyone grow so
suddenly thin as he has done, which we presume is love. I have now told you all the
news I have to tell, and as I have yet to write to Margaret I will not make it longer
than I can help. Margaret has given me a lovely description of little Jane, kiss her for
me and keep her as fat as you can. I one day anticipate some pleasure, and more trouble,
in teaching her the catechism.

I hope my letters do not all face the fiery ordeal of Mr. Le Roy's criticising eye, for
as he will not favor me with a letter it is not fair he should have the benefit of mine.
Give my love to him, and that of all the family and for yourself. Katherine* sends her
love to you and a kiss for her little god-daughter.

I am, dearest Elizabeth, your most

Sincerely attached sister,

Jeannette E. Emmet.

The following letter to Mrs. Le Roy is from her brother Robert, and is
very characteristic of his humorous style in writing:

New York, Sept. 16th, 1821.
My dear Elizabeth :

I have received your first letter, and rejoice that my attempt at the ludicrous, though

•Katherine, the daughter of Christopher Temple Emmet, then on a visit to her relatives in this
country.

Potsdam and Parnassus -+45

upon so tender a subject as housekeeping, should have the desired effect. I certainly
did intend it as a kind of antidote to low spirits, resulting from a too vivid conception
of the pleasures which we enjoy without your participation and if the picture I sketched
of our domestic arrangements, or rather derangements, was overcharged, the exaggera-
tion was perhaps necessary to counteract a certain mist, which, when we look hack upon
things, that we feel attached to, and have left, interposes to shut every disagreeable ob-
ject out of view, while it serves as a medium that magnifies and brightens those that
have given us pleasure. It is but justice to the girls to say that they have improved and
although we shall never be famous for systematic housekeeping, 1 have no doubt we
shall, with a few occasional skirmishes at breakfast, get along "tolerable clever", as they
say in the country parts — no particular allusion to Potsdam. The description you give
of the profusion of good things which bounteous nature yields you, reminds me of
an old pastoral, I believe Shenstone's, which begins "my banks are burdened with bees",
you may say with equal beauty of alliteration "my pantries are pampered with pies".
You should have added as an inducement to Rosina to visit you that you would give her

A cup of flowers and a Kirtle
Kmbroidered all with leaves of Myrtle.

But I suppose the delights which Potsdam affords are not as good subjects for an eclogue
as for a bill of fare. Poetry is no doubt delightful, but is particularly good upon a full
stomach, and if it were necessary to choose between Potsdam and Parnassus, I think
the account you give of cream, butter, eggs, &c, would throw the seat of muses into the
background.

By way of diversifying life with a little vulgar plurality, we all "bore down" upon
the Bienhauser establishment the other night. The occasion was a wedding between
a great tall German shoemaker and one of the daughters. We paraded before the door
with "pipe and tabor", when the groom came out and invited us with "shentle-mens, vont
you take a valk in, you please". "Certainly Sir, Certainly Sir", said John, so in we
marched and completely identified ourselves with the company present. In a short time,
to my utter consternation, what should I see but Rosina sailing in under old B's wing,
and with her Mrs. Swartwout, Jane, Eliza, and Mary McEvers. They went away in
about an hour, after partaking of the refreshments, and we remained there till two
o'clock in the morning. But as I have no doubt some of the rest of the family will
give you a particular detail of the event, I shall say no more about it except that I had
a full surfeit of the boasted attractions of the daughters, who —

Show to most advantage in a moderate perspective as clumsy awkward things.

My dear Elizabeth, I hardly know what to say to you, being in a peculiarly dull
mood this evening. We all go on in the same way, pretty humdrum with occasional
frolics. We had a very pleasant one at Mrs. David Colden's last evening and tomorrow
we are to have a blow out at Mrs. Schmidt's. Temple is as gay as if he never saw
Mary Norton and spits tobacco most lustily. John is as argumentative as ever and
thrives upon his vegetable diet, tho' like the children of Israel in the desert, he longs
sometimes after the flesh pots of Egypt while demolishing a dish of egg plant or horse
beans. Tom is, I believe, in love, or pretending so to be, with a Miss Isaphine Lawrence.
By the bye there is a great deal of ingenuity in that name; her father's name is Isaac
and being determined to call her after him they coined the above cognomen; Icicle
would have been more apropos. Tell Margaret I hope she may not be too much bothered
between Dr. McChesney, Mr. Ives and Jake Vanderhauvel. I hope William's appetite
is as good as ever. It would be a pity if he did not do justice to the fruits of his own
care and labour, and I have no doubt working at the stumps must send him in pretty
sharp set. How I should like to have the cutting of a sirloin for him one of these
autumn days; perhaps I may, as I have serious thoughts of going to Utica next month,
in which case you will certainly see me unless a wolf eats me by the way.

Rosina has written to you by this mail and I suppose told you all about the children.

446 Feat of Mr. McEvers

Tom is getting quite well ; Bob the other day found one of Temple's tobacco quids lying
on the stoop and pointing to it, with much disgust, said "papa Temple do", as for Dick,
he is certainly old Esop, or Rabelais, or some other old wit come back to pay the world
a visit, born over again. Dick never cries, but sits alone all day laughing at everything
that passes before him.

I anticipate great satisfaction in seeing all my predictions about little Jane realized ;
indeed Margaret gives a flourishing account of her, but I am sure a true one. Remember
me to William and Margaret and believe me, dear Elizabeth, most sincerely yours,

Robert Emmet.

Mr. Robert Emmet writes again on October 21st, 1821 :

Rosina and I move into town tomorrow to take a short spell at house-keeping before
the rest of the family break up their quarters in the country. As usual at this season
of the year there is the most riotous frolicking there every evening. Selden says we
are all sold to the Devil, and that every night we bring him in a profit on his bargain.
Tom will give you a full account of our carrying on.

About a hundred yards or so higher up and on the opposite of the way
lived Mr. and Mrs. Charles McEvers, the parents of Bache and Charles, Jr.,
and beyond on the North River and Bloomingdale Road resided Mr. Schmidt,
the Prussian Consul-General, who married Eliza, Bache's half-sister. These
and other families in the neighborhood formed a most congenial circle. The
family letters of this period, as we have seen, are filled with accounts of frolics
of all kinds, of fancy balls and musical entertainments, for nearly every mem-
ber of the family had a good voice and all had received more or less of a
musical education.

In masquerading or playing practical jokes no one was more prominent
than John, having always a ready supporter in his sister Jeannette, or Jane, and
a Miss Anna Tom, a frequent visitor and a stepdaughter of Dr. Macneven.
Miss Tom afterwards married T. A. Emmet, Jr. The consequences of these
frolics did not seem to concern them, and although under other circumstances
one might have judged them more seriously, their neighbors evidently accepted
their deviltry as a matter of course. If there existed any bad feeling the
ground for complaint seemed to rest with those who were not asked to
participate.

The writer recalls a very amusing account given him by his father of a
scene at the wedding of his brother Tom to Miss Anna Tom, which took place
March 4th, 1823. Shortly before the supper hour Dr. Emmet and Mr. Charles
McEvers had occasion to go into the dining-room — possibly the punch-bowl
was in their charge. The Doctor, being very active and slight, bantered Mr.
McEvers, who was not agile or a lightweight, to follow him and vault across
the supper-table. Dr. Emmet got over safely, as he had expected to do ; but Mr.
McEvers was not so fortunate; his hands slipped in some way and he fell,
upsetting the two large tables where their leaves joined together, thus bring-
ing down upon him a host of ices, etc., and deluging himself with the con-
tents of a large punch-bowl, which put out the candles, leaving the room in
total darkness. The Doctor escaped quickly, and was one of the first of the
guests who, attracted by the noise, rushed to the scene of havoc, and with a

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

JOHN I'ATTEN EMMET. M. D.
I )r,iw [i b\ Miss Jane Mai neven, shorth before his death

^BUC UBi

Gossip 447

splendid exhibition of astonishment, expressed his sympathy, which added no
little to Mr. McEvers's state of speechless indignation. The incident and Mr.
McEvers's forlorn condition caused a good laugh, which was compensation
enough for the less elaborate supper which was served later.

The following letters give an insight into the fashionable life of New York
in which the younger members of the Emmet family were active participants:

New York, April 26th, 1822.
My dear Elizabeth :

You may perceive in the expectation of having a good deal to say to you and no lack
of subject, I have begun my letter on the largest sheet of paper I could find, and intend
to take it very coolly and rest myself after my fatigue of yesterday. Of course Margaret,
who had the first writing, told you as much as she could get into her letter, of our party
and my news will be second hand ; it was very pleasant and not the least stiff. Rosina
and Robey sung together by way of introduction to Mr. Philip* and he seemed very
much pleased with them both. Indeed I never heard Rosina sing so well ; Robert has
been bringing her voice in training and has succeeded very well. It has lost that harsh-
ness it always had and she has more command over it.

Peggy Douglass also favoured us with Rob's wife, which caused great laughing
among the gentlemen when she came to her "wee bit mon". She hesitated a long time
when we asked her, and said she was strangely altered, that she had lost her confidence
and could not raise her voice before the smallest company, while Harriet said "Margaret
was seized with a nervous timidity lately which really alarmed her" and Peggy of course
overhearing thought it incumbent upon her to look more nervous than ever. Alexander
Le Roy came with them and was their devoted, but denies anything between himself
and Peggy on account of her being so much older than himself, but I think he and

Harriet look very tenderly at each other. We had also the Misses here, who

said we must consider it as a farewell visit, for they were going to France in a few days
and never intend returning. They look uglier than ever, and seem out of spirits at the
idea of leaving America. All the Low establishment and Miss Van Rensselaer were
here and looked very well. Miss Van Rensselaer's present admirer is James Jones, a
cousin of Isaac. They say he has been three times up to Albany to see her, but I don't
know what success he will meet with her. Julia Livingston and her brother Morgan I
must also mention. Patterson was her devoted all the evening, and they say he is court-
ing very hard, but she does not encourage him. Morgan, I suppose you have heard from
Margaret, is thought to be engaged to Emily Prime, but as they go to the country in a
few days I suppose all conjectures will cease till next winter. Eliza McEvers was
flourishing about as gay as you can think, and tried hard to bring the beaux about her,
but I think Mary will be more of a belle when she comes out, for she was very much
thought of last night. Sally Ogden also looked very' pretty indeed, and Henry White
was as attentive as possible. There were of course many others, but I have only men-
tioned those of whom there is some report, but I think I have said quite enough about
them, as I must leave something for Rosina. We had a perfect inundation of beaux
and they all seemed pleased, for they staid very late.

I do not wonder that you cannot make much sense of the harmony, for I was a long
time understanding it myself. It was so troublesome a job that I did not undertake it.
You must call upon Margaret to explain it, for I confess myself unequal to the task.

•In a letter of an earlier date the circumstance is stated — "Mr. Philip, the M.P., who is traveling
in this country, brought a letter of introduction to Papa". He was probably about returning and was
entertained while the family was yet in town. On his return he wrote a book giving an account of
his journey of several months from Boston to Washington ana a trip to Niagara Falls. His book
was not written in so lively a style as even to call for a second edition, but it contained the observa-
tion that "New York had a great deal of weather, but no climate''. Certainly a very jocular remark
for a staid Englishman, as true to nature to-day as it was a century ago.

448 John Patten Emmet in Charleston

Mrs. Edgar* is better and none of her family apprehend any danger from her sickness.
Tho' I think it will make her health very delicate for a long time. I have not heard of
Cornelia Le Roy being taken ill again and I thing it is a mistake. She is at present
up at the Manor and able to walk out, but she is still very weak. The doctor says tho'
she has lingered much longer than he expected, she can never recover, for her whole
body is in a very bad state. They are going to France in the fall.

I suppose you will be glad to hear that Mary Seton is at last married. She was
married last night, but I have not heard anything of her arrangements, and I can tell
you nothing more about her. I received your message, but it did not give me satisfac-
tion, for I would rather it was not true. We heard from John the other day. He was
in Charleston and quite well, but does not talk of returning. I am afraid this will be
late for the steamboat if I do not close, so I can write no more today. Answer this as
soon as you conveniently can.

Give my love to Mr. Le Roy and kiss my dear little godchild. Papa, Mama, and all
send their love.

believe me most affectionately yours,

Jane Emmet.

It is true that the Lewises intend going to France in June, but I think they may
change their minds before then.

*Mrs. Wm. Edgar was the sister of Win. H. Le Roy and lived on the northwest corner of Wall
and William Streets.

When a nation is to be governed contrary to its interest and inclination, and •when the
union of the people would render such a government impracticable, the sense of
common interest, and the ivish of common liberty must be counteracted by creating
or strengthening divided interests and hostile feelings.

T. A. Emmet.

Whether England was ruled by a king, by a parliament or by a protector; 'whether her
government was a government of prerogative or of privilege, founded in right or
usurpation, her conduct to Ireland was the same, unvaried in the despotic principles
from which it followed, varied only by the different notions of expediency which her
rulers entertained..

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXVIII

Letters relating to the domestic and social life of the Emmet family — Letter from
Mr. Emmet to Mr. Lawless at St. Louis — Fate of the Blennerhassett family — Letter to
Judge Smith Thompson — Mr. Hall's acount of Mr. Emmet's practice in the U. S.
Supreme Court — Some account of his cotemporaries — Mr. Emmet's rebuke to Mr. Pink-
ney of Maryland — Account of a ball given in the country house on the "Old Middle
Road".

lJj W ffl^ASE

N February 25th, 1821, Miss Mary Anne Emmet wrote to
her sister : —

We have been very gay since Hannah [Ogden] arrived.
Mrs. Waddington had a very pleasant party to which only
young ladies were invited in the daughter's name; there was
a splendid supper & everything in great style. Our next
frolic was at the masquerade when we all went in loose black
calico dresses and large berets of the same. After we got
into the room Tom and Anna, William and Mr. and Mrs.
Selden slipped off their dominoes, and came out in new char-
acters. Anna and Mrs. Selden as French flower girls, dressed very prettily; they
worked at the dresses almost all the night before that they might surprise us.

Tom and Selden, as an old Dutchman and woman. Tom as the wife was most ex-
cellent, he looked the character to admiration, and had so much spirit. William
[Emmet, a younger brother] kept me in a roar the whole evening as a raw Yankee boy;
he was really too good. I want him to go to Mrs. Howland's in the same way, but they
think it ought to be something handsome at a private house, and he thinks of dressing
as an old-fashioned lady; he will do either well, for he has so much fun when he chooses.
There were not a great many ladies at the Masquerade, at least they will not acknowl-
edge it, having been rather an unlawful proceeding, but I have since heard that half the
ladies in town were there. We had great fun, though it was so mixed that we were
obliged to keep rather quiet.

We had a most delightful romp at Anna's the night before last. Miss Temple
[daughter of Judge Temple of Vt.] had returned from Washington and about one o'clock
agreed to come and spend the evening; and as she was to go away the next morning we
set to work and invited fifteen or twenty gentlemen and the McEvers. And except at
Rosina's [Mrs. Robt. Emmet] last night I never spent a much gayer evening. We kept
it up until two o'clock and Rosina was so inspired that she had the same beaux asked
and the Calenders, Masons, McEvers, Hosacks and young Mrs. Hosack; the girls came
in the greatest spirits and went on like the very Devil. Some gentleman was telling

449

450 Emmet Festivities

William this morning that he heard another beau saying that he wished there were
Emmets enough to give such parties every night in the week*

Mr. Emmet to Mrs. Le Roy

New York, Sept. 1st, 1821.
My Dearest Elizabeth :

This morning's boat brought a number of letters from Potsdam, and among the
rest Margaret's and yours to me. Thanking Margaret for hers, I must pass her by for
the present, as she has already got a letter from me, and address this to you. The con-
dition attending on our separation prevented my saying anything on your future destiny
and expectations, but I anticipated the regrets you expressed at leaving the paternal
roof, they therefore neither surprise nor grieve me. The female heart that would not
strongly feel and regret those past attachments, would have a cold and dreary prospect
as to future affections, and would want the foundations on which to rear a solid structure
of happinesss in her new situation. But altho' it is to be desired that those regrets
should exist, they are not to be encouraged, and I am afraid you have carried them a
little too far, when they induce Le Roy to talk of returning to New York.

You must turn your face to the future with a strong desire of finding happiness,
and a firm conviction that it is in your power to find it, both for yourself and your
husband, under the roof that now covers you. There is no hardship in the lot that
separates you from us, for it is that of hundreds of thousands, it is incident to our state
of society and the extension of the human family. Have your own father and mother
been exempt from it? You were too young to recollect the firmness with which your
mothei bore her separation from relatives as nea: and dear, if not as numerous, as those
you left behind and under circumstances ho-*' different.

The first step of her reparation made her the inmate of a prison, for a period to which
conjecture could put no limits. The prospect of life, which alone her mind could con-
template beyond the bars of that prison was a doubtful struggle with poverty in the midst
of strangers. Remember and compare the circumstances attendant on your separation
from your friends and return devout and humble thanks to God for the bounty and
mercy of his dispensations. You have quit your father's house to place yourself at the
head of your own ; to take possession of property, which your own prudence and good
conduct may contribute to make a source of ease and affluence to yourself and Le Roy,
at least of independence to your family be it ever so numerous. You may and ought to
think of us indeed ; but time will discipline your mind to do so without regret. It is not
with you as with your mother and me, who scarcely ever wish to think of Ireland, and
those we left there, because those recollections infallibly mix themselves with very pain-
ful emotions. You will naturally feel the want of society for some time, but habit will
remove that want, or rather occupation and an active life. Busy yourself with your
household, relish the fatigue of that business, and in the exercise of your accomplish-
ments and recourse to your books, &c, the want of society will be scarcely felt. But re-
member above all things, your occupations and accomplishments should be principally di-

*It is evident that the members of recent days have retained somewhat of the old spirit. In a
newspaper account of the wedding festivities following the marriage of Mr. C. Temple Emmet with Miss
Alida Chanler at Rokeby, the country-place of the bride's family, the following appeared in the issue
of the New York Sun for November 1st, 1896: "The wedding of Miss Alida Chanler and Mr. C. Temple
Emmet was a very interesting affair, with an old-fashioned flavor about it that was most charming from
its genuineness in these days when old times, old places, and old furniture are reproduced in most
excellent imitations, which have everything that is desirable about them except antiquity. Rokeby was
formerly the country-seat of the late William B. Astor, and neither the building nor its furnishings
nave been greatly changed since it passed into the hands of his great-grandchildren. It is situated on
the most beautiful part of the Hudson, and the grand old trees which have waved over four generations
of the same family, gave an air of picturesque maturity to the scene which nothing else can impart.

"Another element of cheerfulness at Tuesday's wedding was the presence of many members of the
Emmet family, who have been known through all the generations that the Rokeby trees have outlived
as the most genial, whole-hearted, entertaining people in the world. It used to be said in the days
when they were leaders in the world of fashion that the presence of an Emmet or a McEvers secured
the success of a dinner or a dance, and it is not likely that the family's representatives in the present
day fall much behind their forefathers."

Life not Pleasant if Home is Not 451

rccted to making yourself and your home acceptable to your husband, for that is the secret

of both your happiness. Life will not be pleasant to him if home is not, and if it be not

pleasant to him, it cannot be to you. I intended t" write a great deal more, but I am

interrupted and must conclude, with my love to Margaret, Le Roy, and little Jane.

Your most affectionate father,

T. A. Emmet.
Mrs. Le Roy, Potsdam, N. V

Mr. Emmet to Mr. Lawless.

New York, Dec. 18th, 1821.
My Dear Sir :

Although the sitting of our Courts and the pressure of some other business obliged
me to delay answering your letter and indeed to postpone it to the present time, yet I
assure you the receipt of it gave me very great pleasure. I sincerely congratulate Mrs.
Stokes on her victory, but independent of that I most cordially felicitate you on your
triumph. She has reason to rejoice that Justice has prevailed in her individual case, but
you may not only be glad, but proud that you made justice prevail, and while you pro-
tected the friendless, established a character for yourself, which, I trust, will procure
you, not only reputation, but more solid and lasting rewards in professional eminence and
emoluments. Irishmen, you know, are proverbially vainglorious and arrogant, may I
then take the privilege of national boasting and say "meliori ex luto, nobis finxit prsecordia
Titan." I was conscious that when I solicited your services for Mrs. Stokes, 1 was about
placing you in a situation where you would not be surpassed and where, while you grati-
fied the best feelings of your heart you would display the best faculties of your head,
and I was therefore desirous you should undertake it. It is an observation which I have
often made and always with pride, that combinations of wealth and fraud and power and
influence, that make head against everything else, cower beneath the talents of a lawyer
pleading the cause of oppressed weakness, and surely that is enough to redeem the pro-
fession from the multitude of commonplace taunts and slanders to which it has been sub-
ject. It is but justice to the world also to add that the lawyer who boldly takes his stand
and pleads that cause with energy and zeal has nothing to dread from the after efforts of
the wealth and power he has chastised and rebuked— except in enslaved countries, where he
defends rights and freedom against the tyranny of governments — for there the public voice
is nothing, and he can derive no support from public approbation.

You say you intend to publish the case — you certainly will gratify me very much by
contriving to send me a copy. From different hints in your letter I perceive that you are
far from pleased with the location you have made. I wish your circumstances had ena-
bled you to bear the delay and mn the risks of your profession in one of the older
States, where the manners of social life and the more abundant stock of information would
be more congenial to your habits. But, perhaps even in one of them you might have
experienced not much less disappointment, as the resources of Paris and Dublin are not
as yet abundantly scattered through the United States, but I hope the worst is passed
with you. The probation you have undergone should have familiarized you to the vn-
courtliness of the inhabitants of the newly settled country and if you are arrived at the
happy point of making more than you spend, the charms of accumulation which recon-
cile men to live in climates of pestilence, must surely soothe you to look forbearingly
on the disagreements in the character or manners of those you meet, which every
year I think must lessen. If the accumulation of wealth be the best cure for your
malady, I sincerely hope it may be administered to you in large doses. Present my
best respects and congratulations to your client, Mrs. Stokes, and believe me.

My dear Sir,

L. Lawless, Esq., Very truly your friend

Counsellor at Law, and humble servant,

St. Louis, Missouri. Thos. Addis Emmet.

452 Cause of Goitre

The following letter, written by Mr. Emmet to Mr. Le Roy, is of interest,
as it is written on a medical subject, the effect of impure water as a cause of
goitre :

New York, Jan. 1st, 1822.
My Dear Le Roy:

I begin the year by addressing my compliments to you and Elizabeth and adding to
them the heartfelt and paternal prayer to God, that you may enjoy together many happy
returns of this season and always with increasing prosperity. Probably this letter will
find you on a Party of pleasure, — for I presume, inexperienced as Elizabeth must still be,
yet her winter arrangements are all completed, and you are at liberty to avail yourselves
of the snow, in visiting your friends. With us down here, we have had some cold
weather, and occasionally some snow that has scarcely laid upon the ground, so that the
visitors of to-day have the streets dry and clean for their perambulation.

I was a good deal surprised to learn by one of Elizabeth's letters that St. Lawrence
County, as well as Canada, is subject to a disorder that is usually considered as belonging
to close valleys of mountainous countries, I mean the Goitres. This is an additional proof
of what the most candid physicians have acknowledged, that we know little or nothing of
their cause. They are frequently, and it would seem foolishly attributed to the use of
snow water. But our very ignorance of what produces them imposes on us the necessity
of using many precautions that, if the truth were known would perhaps be found useless.
As their existence in our country has set me thinking of them I have therefore deter-
mined to suggest one or two things to your consideration. The water has been more
frequently than anything else, accused of causing the disorder ; it may be so, tho' we do
not know how. I therefore thought of advising you to a regulation, which I remember
was adopted with excellent effect in a part of Ireland where I lived when a boy, and
where the water was not considered wholesome. Simply to boil all that was intended for
drinking and letting it cool. If it held any stony matter in solution, what some say is the
cause of the swelled neck, it will precipitate that on cooling. If the properties of the
snow can have any effect they must be removed by boiling, which certainly brings all waters
as near as possible to an equality. I remember that in the place I alluded to, a kettle of
boiling water was brought into the parlour every evening and put under the sideboard to
cool and no one was permitted to use drinking water except out of it; the kettle was en-
tirely appropriated to that purpose. I mentioned this to Mr. Ogden, and he told me Dr.
North, who was a very eminent man and Physician General to the Army in Canada, gave
the same advice to Judge Ogden's family in Quebec. The water may not be as pleasant
as from your crystal springs, but it will certainly be wholesome.

My next precaution is for the ladies to expose their necks as little as possible to
extreme cold. I can very well conceive that men are less liable to the disorder than women,
because their necks are covered with their shirts and neck cloths; and I think, invariably
in the winter, a lady with you should cover the upper part of her neck very warmly.
These Elizabeth will say are very foolish precautions, but they can do no harm, and if
they prevent an unsightly swelling in her or little Jane, they will certainly do good.

My paper tells me I have prosed too long, and have omitted acknowledging your last
letter. Again God bless you both and your little one and believe me my dear Le Roy, Mrs.
Emmet joining me in best wishes, — Yours most affectionately,

Thos. Addis Emmet.

Wm. H. Le Roy, Esqr.,

Potsdam, St. Lawrence Co., N. Y.

The next letter, written by Mr. Emmet, is to his youngest daughter, Mary
Anne, who afterwards married Edward Boonen Graves, a merchant of New

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

THOMAS ADDIS EMMET
Painted by Miss Elizabeth Emmet while a pupil of Fulton

Learned Ladies 453

York. This daughter and the youngest son, William Colville Emmet, were
born in this country.

Albany, February 17th, 1822,
My Dear Mary Anne:

Sonic few days ago, I received your letter and as it was the first I ever received from
you, it was greeted with a welcome. The former instances of expectations raised and dis-
appointed had led me to suppose that this would pass over, as my former absences from
home, with good intentions on your part, but marred by delay in respecting them.

However, I am glad you have so agreeably disappointed me and particularly as your
motive for being prompt, was to convey to me the agreeable intelligence of Jane's improv-
ing health. The many assurances 1 have received on that point, have removed every uneasi-
ness and I expect when I return to see her not only restored, but improved in health and
looks. I find by your mother's letter that Balls are not going out of fashion, nor young
people getting tired of dancing. I supposed you contrived to be of the Party on Wednes-
day last and readily filled Jane's place. But you must take care, or we must for you, not
to let your love of pleasure bring you too into a fit of sickness.

Judge Ogden I saw for only a few moments and had only a passing conversation with
him. I suppose you have learned a great deal more about Elizabeth than I did and her
family establishment. She has not yet answered my letter from here, so that I am in-
debted to casual mention of her from New York for most of what I know.

It is probable you may have had another visit from one of her St. Lawrence friends,
as I learned Mr. Vanderkennel passed thro' this town on his way to New York. Little
Jane, I presume, is destined to be the Belle of the North from what I hear of her black
eyes and intelligent countenance. If as a girl she is equal to Dick as a boy, I shall be
satisfied. Dear little fellow his birthday will come around in a few days, and in spite of
his grandmother's dislike of keeping such anniversaries, will I suppose be celebrated with
great festivity and pomp in New York. He ought to be able to walk by then. Do Tom
and Bob ever think of their grandpapa, or wish him back? They are surrounded by so
many seeking favors, that I suppose his caresses are forgotten. I take for granted Mar-
garet and you have made it a point to see Miss Ogden and that she has been invited to the
house. Does she come up to your expectations of a St. Lawrence education? I suppose
The Pirate has entirely supplanted The Spy with all fashionable leaders. It is a pity that
the imagination will scarcely supply a name of greater villainy for the next Novel. I
hear, however, that it is a first rate performance and abounds with interest.

Tho' I did not recommend Marshall's Life of Washington, it is a book for your par-
ticular study, yet I hope you are in a course of regular reading, of more utility and in-
struction than even the Waverley Novels.

Your mother says you have a diligent turn of mind, and if you follow its bent you
will find the advantages through life.

For notwithstanding the outcry raised against learned ladies, and not unjustly as
learned ladies are for the most part ostentatious pedants, yet a well informed and well
educated woman everywhere receives the tribute of respect, to which is added more or
less of admiration and love, as the beauties of her person, or softer qualities of her mind
enhance the acquirements of her understanding. If you think nature has made you tol-
erable in personal appearance, it is the better worth your while to labor for the cultiva-
tion of your mind. Adieu, give my love to the girls, &c, and believe me. dear Mary Anne,
your truly affectionate father, T. A. E.

Miss M. A. Emmet,

Nassau St., New York.

The following letter by Mr. Emmet, is, chronologically, the latest written by
him to any member of the family, which has come under my observation, al-
though others exist but have not been available.

454 More Gaiety

New York, March 1st, 1822.
My dear Elizabeth :

Altho' in my last letter to Le Roy I mentioned that I should not remain long enough
in Albany to receive a second letter from you, I did not intend to leave it without answer-
ing yours. But the pressure of bringing matters to a conclusion before my departure,
compelled me to postpone my letter 'till my return home, which took place yesterday, in
good health and not much fatigued by the journey, tho' the roads were not in the best
order. If I am to judge of the number of pens I have seen in motion on your account
since my arrival, I presume you are likely to be kept in the same regular and constant
employment of correspondence that has kept you to the top of your speed for some time
past. It is not to increase your difficulty that I write, but to give you a fresh proof of
my affection, and to assure you that provided I am regularly informed of the health and
happiness of Le Roy, yourself and little Jane, I shall not be offended at your neglecting
me in the regular order of your correspondence. Punctuality in that respect is often very
inconvenient to myself and I can well conceive how it must be with you matched as you
are with fearful odds. Jane does appear to be re-established, but her illness was severe
and lasting ; particularly the weakness of her limbs continued so as to be some cause of
alarm. She seems now, however, to be perfectly restored and was dancing a little the
night before last. Her illness has deprived her of much enjoyment of this gay winter,
when it seems extravagance is pushed beyond all former example in this city. The girls
undoubtedly informed you of the superb doings of the Misses Douglass. They are going
to-night to the Misses Kimbles, where it is said Simon has got instructions to prepare a
more splendid supper than has been given anywhere this winter. When I say they, I mean
Rosina and Margaret, for Jane is too much on the invalid list to venture to such a Party,
and Mary Anne has not so entirely shaken off all authority. We have for a week past,
as I understand, been in the midst of Spring, but it is so unseasonable that we can not
but dread another visit from winter. This your Northerns object to and prefer the steady
continuance of cold while it lasts, but for my part I consider it a picture of this world's
felicity, — in momentary enjoyments dashed by severe adversity, and as I can not mend it,
I endeavour to enjoy the blessing while it lasts, basking in the sun and genial warmth
and housing and protecting myself against the storm when its turn comes.

As to domestic news, you have so many correspondences that they certainly have left
nothing untold. I was happy to find your mother so well on my return and having com-
forted herself for my absence by mixing more than usual with the family. Jeannette's
illness, by bringing the two more together and showing each the affection and interest really
entertained for her by the other, did some good and your mother's attention to her made
her more frequently below stairs than she had been for some time before. The rest of
the family I found as I might have expected. I will say nothing of the little boys, for I
suspect you are not without jealousy of their engrossing all the affection of which you
wish to preserve a portion for your little Jane. But don't be uneasy. Your Mother and I
have room enough in our hearts for many more such objects of love, and if it be with
you, as it seems to be with Rosina, it will be occupied. God bless you my dear Elizabeth.
Give my love to Le Roy and a kiss, as a pledge of affectionate remembrance, to little Jane.

Your truly affectionate father,

T. A. Emmet.
Mrs. Le Roy,

Potsdam, St. Lawrence Co., N. Y.

Mr. Blennerhassett had struggled on for years in the attempt to revive his
fortune on a plantation in the Mississippi Territory, but, "misfortune having
marked him for her own", he at length was forced to realize on his property
there. His purpose was to return to Ireland, with the hope of gaining some
property to which he had a claim. He consequently sailed for Ireland in

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Mrs. Jane Patten Emmet, enlarged from a
daguerreotype in a ring, taken in 1840

Mrs. Blennerhassett 455

IS'22, leaving his family in New York with but a small provision for their
future. Airs. Blennerhassett writes to her husband from Flatbush, Long
Island, July 29th, 1822,* and, after detailing her difficulties, she says:

My dear kind friends, the Emmets, have been my greatest support. Could I tell you
all the affectionate kindness they have lavished on us, you would scarcelj credit even me.
Mrs. Emmet was not m town when I first arrived hut came m next day to see me. We
cried together a long time, and Mr. Emmet said we were so foolish he must leave us. I
went out with them to the country where I spent three days. I did not wish to stay so
long, hut Lewis was with me, and so delighted with the beautiful place and all the atten-
tion he received, that I wished to indulge him, besides I found Mrs. Emmet's advice
and consolation acting powerfully in restoring me to some tranquillity; for never in my
life have 1 been so completely wretched as since 1 parted with you. She would not hear
of my doing anything in the way of gaining a livelihood while any prospect remained of
your preferment, hut cheered me with hopes of your success.

They were then preparing to go on a visit to Potsdam, to their daughter, but Harman
has seen them since and told them of my present plan, which they highly approve. . . .
To tell you how I love this family would be impossible. It grieves me, therefore, to say
that I think that they are somewhat embarrassed, at present, in their circumstances. They
lost their fine son. Temple, last autumn, who died of the yellow fever on board of the
Macedonian. •

The letter which will now be given records Mrs. Emmet's visit to her
daughter at Potsdam, an event which doubtless created no little stir in the
household, as she seldom was known to leave her house. The reference
made in this letter to the epidemic of yellow fever, which was then devastat-
ing the city, is also of interest.

Albany, August 31st, 1822.
My dear Elizabeth,

I have seated myself to write, in the midst of every kind of noise and confusion at
Simmer's Mansion House, and without anything to tell you and because it will be some
time before I can write to you again if I miss this post-day, and I suppose you have some
anxiety to know how we got on. Our sail down the rapids was very pleasant tho' the
first day I did not enjoy it much for I was really out of sorts at parting with my friend
Mary, and Mr. Selden could only console himself, for the separation, by wearing her
night cap which 1 hope she perceived, as he put it on before we were out of sight. I need
not tell you of how many a long look I took at Potsdam as we were leaving it. You
know- how sorry I was to go, so I shall not enlarge on it. We reached Montreal Sunday
night, but too late for the steamboat for St. John's, so that we were obliged to spend two
days there. Mama was glad of it, as she was very much fatigued with being two days
on the water, but I would much rather for myself have avoided meeting anyone.

We met with a great deal of kindness and attention from Mr. and Mrs. Charles

"From the Blennerhassett Papers.

tThe suffering endured by the members of the unfortunate Blennerhassett family cannot be here
traced. Poverty and privation at length terminated their iil-starred lives. tlarman, the second son,
remained in New York and endeavored to gain a livelihood as an instructor of Latin. In 3 short time,
however, his mind became impaired, and for years, as a harmless wanderer, he was a familiar object
in the streets of the city. He was cared for until his death, in 1854. through the liberality of Judge
Robert Emmet. Shortly before his death he seemed, in some lucid moment, to have realized his
dependent condition, and without the knowldge of his friend he sought admission to some public insti-
tution, where he died. His remains were placed in Mr. T. A. Emmet's vault in the Second Street
Marble Cemetery, where they still rest.

The writer acquired the following from an autograph catalogue: —

"Mr. II. Blennerhassett, the bearer of this note, is a young gentleman, in whose welfare I take a
great interest. He is well connected, well brought up and I hope and believe well conducted. Circum-
stances render him at present desirous of giving instruction in the I-atin language and I believe he will
be found competent to perform what he may be willing to undertake.

"New York, June 7th, 1822. "Thos. Aodis Emmet."

456 Yellow Fever Epidemic

Ogden. They took us to several nunneries and all that was worth seeing in the city, and
pressed us so much to go and spend the evening with them, and promised that we should
meet no one, that Mama consented to go. We came away, however, in about an hour,
for I grew very sick, and was afraid of one of my old attacks. I was well enough to
come on the next evening and had got here feeling pretty well, but my hand was a little
unsteady as you may perceive by my writing. We shall not be able to go on until Mon-
day as Mr. Selden has business in Saratoga which will detain him 'till then. I am very
anxious to get home, tho' I dread it when I think of it, for the accounts we receive of
the fever are most distressing and tho? our office is moved to Broadway, above Walker
Street, we are still uneasy that the Boys should have to go even there. The city is en-
tirely fenced in from river to river, below St. Paul's Church and you may suppose when
that is the case it is time to fear. The steamboats stop at Bloomingdale,* so that we will
not go near the city. I dare say you will hear all I can tell you as soon in the papers,
but we can think or speak of nothing else, and while my mind is running on it my pen
naturally takes the same course, so you must excuse me if I write old news. I am sorry
that I began my letter on the wrong side as you will have some difficulty in making it out
and if I had more paper I should have written you another, but you write your letters so
often in this manner yourself that I am in hopes it will seem quite natural to you as if it
were written properly. As I have nothing new to write to you, and as my head is aching
I can not write you a long letter to-day, but I shall endeavor to be more entertaining the
next time. Give my best love to Mary and tell her I shall think her very unkind indeed
if she does not fulfil her promise, and write to me next week. I hope Mr. Ogden did not
detain her at home, and that you have her with you ; I do not know what you would do
without her. I have felt my own spirits very much from the want of her good company
to cheer them up. We have just received a letter from Robert, they are still all well at
home, but he writes in very low spirits, and reading his letter has made me less capable of
continuing mine than I was before.

Give my love to Mr. Le Roy, and remind him he owes me a letter. Papa & Mama
send their love to all and a kiss to dear little Jane.

Believe me yours most affectionately,

Jeannette Emmet.

After the last letter a longer interval than usual was found to exist in
the correspondence with Mrs. Le Roy, and from some cause a number of
letters were missing for a period extending over a year. Mr. John D. Crim-
mins has kindly furnished a copy of this letter from his collection, and it is
the only one found of this date.

New York, July 29th, 1823.
Hon'ble Smith Thompson, &c, &c, &c,
Dear Sir :

Let me in the first place take this opportunity of expressing the great pleasure I feel
at your resuming a Judicial Station. That you would accept that, to which you have been
appointed, was the original expectation, and certainly the wish of all the Members of our
Barr — & nothing but the conviction of your having determined to decline it, would have
induced any of them to utter sentiments in favor of others. Your change of resolution
has, however, given very general satisfaction, & I sincerely hope will be productive to
yourself of long continued gratification & enjoyment. Perhaps with those expressions
of my feelings I ought to close this letter but I have a strong desire (if it would not
be regarded as an impertinent intrusion) to touch upon another subject. You will, I dare
say, at once conjecture I allude to the Secretaryship of the Navy; & my well known
intimacy & friendship with Mr. Colden will lead you to think of him — if so, you will have
divined my meaning.

*Manhattanville.

Letter to Smith Thompson 457

Recollecting that he was designated by many for that office on the first news of Judge
Livingston's death, & the presumption of your idling the vacancy, I this morning sought
& had a conversation with him on the subject, when 1 learned to my surprise and regret,
that altho' he would be extremely flattered & gratified with the appointment, yet pride
or delicacy had prevented his taking any steps for obtaining it. I. therefore, determined,
after satisfying myself of his private wishes, to hazard this letter, but without any in-
tention of improperly intermeddling with matters of so delicate a nature. Of his compe-
tency & qualifications 1 ought to say nothing to you, for you know them as well & can
appreciate them better than myself. But this I undertake to assure you with confidence
that his appointment would be very popular, & give general satisfaction here.

If you think that this letter, or any part of its contents, could be made in any way to
promote his interests, you would only coincide with my wishes, by using it as you may
think best calculated for that purpose.

1 have the honor to be, with very sincere respect & esteem,

Dear Sir,

Your obedient Servant,
Thomas Addis Emmet.
Address: Endorsement,

Hon'ble Smith Thompson.* &c, &c, &c. July 20th, 1823.

Thos. Addis Emmet, Esq.
Private
(Note in pencil)

Secy of U. S. Navy,
Justice, etc., etc.

Among the family letters of this period we find one from Miss Emmet
to her sister, Mrs. Le Roy.

Wednesday, December 9th, 1823.

Your letters, my dear Elizabeth, always welcome, was doubly so the last one I re-
ceived, as it was something like a fortnight on the road, or else you were awfully astray
in the date as yours and the postmark differed five or six days— a trifle you will say. I
am sorry, however, unintentionally that I should have caused so much trouble to our
friend as you say. I dare say he wished me and my letters to the deuce, a thousand
times, before an accident of the kind had happened and I am glad you found out the
contents without speaking to me, as I have not the slightest recollection of them except
as a matter of course they must have been flat and flatter still by the fuss. I believe I
told you in my last that we were all going to the christening and between dissipation and
bad weather we staid the remainder of the week in town. Mama went with us as we
would not all desert her, although for years she has not been so well as for this some
time past. We yet make no calculations upon that part of the winter we are to spend in
town, if any, but as there are three of us one can always play the rustic while the others
are vagabondizing, as the exquisites term it. I wish when we all live in the country we
could only plant ourselves together and be independent of the world, as we were last
winter.

Indeed I have lived so long out of the beau monde that I would dearly love to be up
to my elbows in your sausage meat sentimental; and would forego willingly all parties,
however pleasant, if I could only get beside you, with dear little Jane and Herman on my
knee, for ever so short a time. But distance and independence are marplots to my airy
castle, and I must only hope next winter you will turn your horses' heads this way and
make up for our present separation. I feel as if I was traveling fast to the blues so will
turn over a new leaf and choose a new subject that you may think not I am growing

•Smith Thompson was chief justice of the Supreme Court of New York, Secretary of the Navy
1818-23, and associate justice of the U. S. Supreme Court 1823-1843.

458 "The Nation's Guest"

melancholy from a country life. I must tell you we have the house very comfortable
indeed, the hall is so warm from heated air, Papa's old hobby, that we keep a large col-
lection of plants in it. One parlour has a very open stove, which warms it almost too
much and is very cheerful, and the other which we use as an eating room is warmed from
below also. I believe on recollection I have told you all this before, but no matter, I am
scarce of subject to-day. Do you know Eliza McEvers is engaged to Allen Livingston,
a brother of Mary? He is gone to France for his health, I hope not the Livingston
malady, and will return in May. They say he is a fine young man, but a great whip and
not over-fond of work if he should find it necessary to follow a profession. Whether he
has fortune enough to live without one I do not know. There is nothing more new that
I can think of to-day. Mary Anne is waiting for me to try on a dress for her. We
have been in a sad dilemma about preserve making this fall, for the sentimental Lucy,
thinking some one was going to attack her at night, jumped out of the window intending
to hang by the sill until all was quiet, but it unfortunately gave way and she fell down
in a paved yard and broke her knee pan. She is getting well, but is not well enough to
work. Did you ever fit in your white dresses? Brown silks are the rage now, and I
have got a very handsome one. The girls have also browns trimmed with purple, which
look very gay and handsome. If you want to be fashionable dash down to church some
day with white feathers in your black hat and astonish the natives as well as the Castle.
It is the decided winter hat, and you ought to edge it with gold cord or steel beads. Love
to all the children and Le Roy. I mean to excuse pens for I have vowed not to write
again until they are mended. Yours ever,

Margaret Emmet.

I forgot to ask you whether you had the Waddington visitors with you yet? Sarah
Seton was out here yesterday and said her sister had a most pressing invitation from
you and that she only waited for her clothes which are going up to her. Are they more
friendly with the Islanders than at first? In a letter from Mary she said that far from
being an acquisition to their society they took from the pleasure of going to Elersie. I
am writing in the dark and with a most unhappy pen, so make all reasonable excuses.

M. Emmet.

In a letter written by Miss Margaret Emmet to Mrs. Le Roy, on Febru-
ary 24th, 1824, we find reference to the renewal of an old acquaintance be-
tween Mr. Emmet and Lafayette, whom he had known socially in Paris be-
fore the French Revolution. It is thus described:

Papa writes from Albany in good spirits and says the Marquis Lafayette did him
the honor of sending word that he intended waiting on him, which for the Nation's Guest
was kind to a degree and one of the first visits Papa had in view was to the Marquis, if
the old gentleman had not been too quick for him. They must have been like two pots of
honey meeting, for the General is inconceivably kind in his manners and I think Papa is
formed on the same model.

Mr. A. Oakey Hall concludes his account of Mr. Emmet's professional
work by citing a noted case, recorded as Gibbons versus Ogden, 1824.

The United States Supreme Court reports also show that he was retained in it for
many memorable cases. The most memorable one was the leading constitutional con-
troversy of Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheaton, page 1, which is regarded in our national ju-
risprudence as a milestone on the highway of constitutional lore. Respondent Ogden
had been an assignee of Robert Fulton's steam plant, and of an exclusive privilege by act
of the New York legislature of navigating the waters appertaining to the Hudson River

Gibbons versus Ogden 45 '

and to those portions of the bays around the lower harbor which were in the jurisdiction
of New York State. Appellant Gibbons had in the State courts sought an injunction
against Ogden's assertion of his exclusive navigation privileges from the State— that he
denominated an unconstitutional monopoly. And in support of his right to conduct a
steam ferry through New York waters to a point in New Jersey, he set up a United States
navigating license to himself under due Federal statutory authority. The State courts, in
giving to Ogden— Robert Fulton's assignee— the full benefit of his legislatively awarded
monopoly, brought Gibbons as appellant to the Washington court. The conflict between
State rights and a paramount Federal jurisdiction of navigable waters produced wide-
spread interest. Newspaper and legal gossip divided in opinion. But the larger number
of disputants viewed with alarm any monopoly of the then new but rapidly growing tran-
sit by steamboat. In the February term of IS'.' t the controversy reached the tribunal over
which the great John Marshall presided, and of which Joseph Story was a junior member
in company with Smith Thompson of New York, whose commission was then only a year
old. Their elder associates were Bushrod Washington of Virginia, who held commission
from the administration of his great namesake; William Johnson, of South Carolina,
Thomas Todd, of Kentucky, and Gabriel Duval, of Maryland — all of whom had been law
students when the Federal Constitution went first on trial. Gibbons had retained Daniel
Webster and William Wirt, and the legal rank of Thomas Addis Emmet at that time may
be well estimated, when the State of New York, wdiose legislative rights were in question
by the controversy, retained him against those eminent jurists as aid to the private counsel
of Ogden, who was the afterward eminent Chief-Justice Thomas J. Oakley of New York
City. There was an immense audience of congressmen, lawyers and laymen
assembled when the four eminent counsel took seats, after all below the Bench,
had in standing greeted the full Bench, for the popular interest in the
great legal battle had then become climacteric. The scene when the argument
opened would have formed on canvas a rare historical picture, with the strong Wash-
ingtonian countenance of Chief-Justice Marshall in the foreground, and with the eagle-
eyed Webster, whose laurels of the great Dartmouth College case still adorned his Jove-
like forehead ; with the handsome and graceful Attorney-General Wirt, wearing literary
honors as author of "The British Spy," and the biography of Patrick Henry, and also
professional fame first won in the Burr treason trial; with Thomas J. Oakley, a facial
combination of hawk and owd ; and with the Milesian bearing of Emmet, all as middle
figures in the picture. The report of the argument and of the opinions of Marshall and
Johnson, that begin the ninth volume of Wheaton's Reports, constitutes the longest entry
on the reports of the Court up to that date, and spreads over a score of pages. Mr.
Webster's argument is a marvel of arrangement, and constitutes a very ladder of logic,
each round leading to the next, until these finally reach an apex of eloquent defense of
the Federal Constitution as possessing supreme jurisdiction over the navigable waters
and commerce of the United States. It was not ornate, he was leaving that to Wirt, but
he held up his client's license to traverse Federal waters as the paramount factor in
the controversy. Oakley followed with plausible pleas for coincidence of State sover-
eignty with Federal safeguards. Emmet succeeded him, leaving Wirt to answer their
joint argument. Emmet's address, after a reader had grasped Webster's exposition of
the controlling power of the Federal Constitution, reads speciously, but the reader can not
fail to extol its admirable rhetoric and classic style. It will impress the student as even
more ornate than the closing argument of Wirt, wdiich aimed to shade logic with style.
The episodes and the closing paragraphs in the arguments of each combatant glow with
fancy and illustration.

Webster's constitutional views won upon Marshall's massive intellect, and he delivered
an opinion that has long been monumental in jurisprudential regions, holding with Justice
Johnson, who also prepared an opinion that is only a foil to that one by the Chief
Justice. The Court decided that the grant by the New York legislature was unconstitu-
tional and void, and that Gibbons, the appellant, had by virtue of his Federal license, and

460 Reply to Mr. Pinkney

by the operation of the Federal Constitution, the freest right to navigate the New York
and all other waters. The opinion was the first strong national blow judiciously delivered
at the potency of States rights when in conflict with Federal authority.

Although unsuccessful, Mr. Emmet's legal prestige was improved, and for three
years longer he maintained supremacy at the Washington and Eastern bars. In the au-
tumn of 1827 his fee-book showed him in receipt of the annual income of fifteen thou-
sand dollars, equivalent in purchasing power to double that amount now-a-days.

Mr. Hall gives the following account of a difficulty in the U. S. Supreme
Court between Mr. Emmet and Mr. Pinkney of Maryland. Finding it diffi-
cult to reply to Mr. Emmet's argument, Mr. Pinkney had referred to him as
an alien. Mr. Charles G. Haines, an intimate friend of Mr. Emmet's, who
was present at the time, has given a detailed version of this affair in his
ample sketch of Mr. Emmet, which follows the account of his death in this
work.

Mr. Emmet was remarkable for display of courtesy to Bench and Bar, and slow to
anger. On one occasion early in his career, he and William Pinkney were opponents in the
Supreme Court at Washington in a case that the latter had greatly at heart, and Mr.
Pinkney appears to have traveled out of the merits to indulge in personal references to
his opponent, with a view perhaps — as are often forensic tactics— of irritating and weak-
ening reply. The incident, however, seemed to have operated as a hone for sharpening
his intellect without ruffling his temper. When the argument ended he said to the
Court, "Perhaps I ought to notice the remarks of the opposite counsel, but they belonged
to a species of warfare in which I have had the good fortune to have found no experi-
ence. I am willing to leave my adversary whatever advantage he may gain from display
of his talent in that direction. When I came to this country I came as a friendless
stranger, but I am proud to say that from the Bar generally, and from the Bench uni-
versally I have experienced nothing but politeness and even kindness. I have been ac-
customed to admire and even reverence the learning and eloquence of the gentleman, and
he was the last man from whom I should have expected personal observations of the kind
in question. The learned gentleman had once filled the highest office his country could
bestow at the Court of St. James— as a subject of which I was born— but I am sure he
did not acquire his breeding in that school." Court and Bar looked delighted, for William
Pinkney's manner was often overbearing. But in Wheaton's Life of Pinkney appears a
report of the apology that the latter immediately tendered, viz.: "The manner of the
gentleman in reply reproaches me by its forbearance and urbanity, and hastens the re-
pentance which reflection would have produced. I offer him a cheerful atonement. Cheer-
ful because it puts me to rights with myself, and because tendered to an interesting
stranger whom adversity has tried, and affliction [evidently referring to the execution
of his brother Robert] struck severely to the heart; to an exile whom any country
might be proud to receive, and every man of generous temper would be ashamed to
offend." Perhaps at this atonement Mr. Emmet may have felt what Frederic R. Cou-
dert expressed when, having been roughly treated by an adversary's speech, and the latter
having regretfully apologized, Mr. Coudert observed, "I now rejoice at the incident be-
cause of the charming recompense."

In concluding this portion of our subject we reproduce a letter from Miss
Mary Anne Emmet containing a very interesting account of a ball in the old
country-house on the Middle Road, which was doubtless given for her. This

Emmet Ball 461

is the last of the series of family letters in which any reference is made to
social matters :

New York, October 30th, 18125.

I feel, my dear Elizabeth, as if I had really neglected you for this some time past in
allowing the troubles of company to interfere with my regularity in writing, but in my
last letter I told you how hurried we were between visiting, seeing company and writing
invitations for the ball which is safely over and that 1 might not be able to write until
we were more quiet, Friday was the eventful evening, and if we may take the assurance
of all our friends, and the proof that others gave of staying till four in the morning
it went off handsomely and gaily. We had the carpet up in one room and as soon as the
rooms got very crowded had the other raised as we had made due preparation for it. We
had the rooms well lighted, as that adds so much to the liveliness of a ball ; and altho' in
the country, our friends paid us the compliment of turning out in a new finery many
of them. We transformed Papa's study into a card room for gentlemen and the other
front room into a kind of withdrawing room where there stood a large bowl of whiskey
punch and where in the end of the evening there was a substantial supper laid for the
gentlemen, such as jellied turkey, patties and all the necessary et ceteras for a good
supper. Simon was our head man so we had none of the trouble of preparing refresh-
ments except to tell him some few good things we wanted and he arranged everything
as handsomely as we could wish. We sent out from four to five hundred invitations,
but there are so many families in mourning and many not yet in town, that we had not
more than one hundred and fifty there, but that filled our rooms most plentifully and the
civility was paid to those who were not there. As luck would have it, it stormed and
rained most tremendously all the day before so that one lady said we were the pity of
the town from the appearance of the weather and the disappointments we would have.
But the sun rose on Friday most brilliantly and 1 think I never saw a more lovely moon-
light night than it proved to be. Among the lions of the evening we had no less a per-
sonage than a viscount, and an English sprig of nobility for the young ladies to set their
caps for. He is a very unaffected young man and seems delighted with New York, but
sails for England this week, so there an end of Lord Falkland. I am glad to hear you are
fattening, as well as the baby, for I thought you wanted it when I left you. My friend
Edwards has not availed himself of your introductory letter yet and I have not seen him
although Jane saw company two days and I sent him an invitation for Friday evening.
I suppose he was better engaged, for the Ogdens were here and said he got the note.
Your things I will send by Harriet Ogden, who was here that evening and said she
would take charge of them. The curtain pins I had bought before your letter arrived
telling me not to do it. I got them cheap and am going to send everything in a small
box, which will prevent their being an inconvenience to them. You will see Harriet Ogden
returned as free as a young lady need be and more so than befits parting lovers, but 1 sup-
pose she has had constant consolation while absent. Tell Alary I owe her a scrap of
doleful intelligence for the one she sent me in your last letter, which by the bye I got with
one a week older. I am in hopes she did it only to try me, as she did once before, for
I should really be sorry to think I had taken a last look at my friend Charnock, but he
is such an unsettled creature there is no knowing where his home will be or hope of leav-
ing him where we found him.

I had almost forgotten to give a piece which I dare say will surprise you, it is that
Selden is to be married to Miss Packard in January. How long the engagement has been
I don't know, for I only heard it the other day, but I understand she is very consumptive.
I have not seen her although we called and invited her. There are no other new engage-
ments that I know of to tell you. Eliza McEvers has set out full sail this winter to look
for a new admirer and is full of spirits and full of airs. She put all her fascinations in
requisition to catch "my lord," but he says his heart is a perfect cullender, which gave her
no hopes, as it admitted the powers of many others besides herself, and when he goes

462 An End of Lord Falkland

she will find some other flower. Kiss the darling little ones for me. I hope you still keep
your plan of coming down this winter in view. Give my love to Le Roy and Mary
[Ogden] if she is with you.

Yours ever,
Mrs. Wm. H. Leroy, Margaret Emmet.

Potsdam, N. Y.

That revolution 'which gave liberty to England seemed to increase the disposition as it
increased the power to oppress. The English Parliament continued to legislate for
Ireland but it ruined her by legislation, it assailed her manufactories and trade, and
as it diminished the value, so it, not inconsistently, destroyed the means of life.

T. A. Emmet.

It is idle to dispute about the precise terms and nature of the sovereignty <with •which he
\ Henry II] ivas invested. It is idle to appeal to early charters and to triumph in
early parliaments. The appeal is delusive and the triumph is vain.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXI

Mr. Emmet's early connection with the Catholic Emancipation movement in Ire-
land— His attitude towards his own work and that of others — His feeling naturally
one of charity for all — His knowledge of theology — Incident connected with Mr.
Charles O'Conor — His account of the Orangemen's procession in New York and its
results — Catholics unjustly treated — Fate of the clergyman who wished to know all
about the "bell, book and candlestick" — Emmet's defence of the Irishmen who were
unjustly imprisoned and its result — Letter to Mr. Emmet from Richard Lalor Shiel
— Mr. Emmet's letter to Rowan — William Charles Macready and the Astor Opera
House Riot — Bust of Mr. Emmet — Letter from Macready — Mr. Emmet's last known
public act an expression of his legal opinion as to the standing of Rutger's Medical
School of Geneva College — Mr. A. < >akey 1 [all's account of Mr. Emmet's last day
before his seizure and death.

UTTON seems to have been the first person of prominence
in Ireland to make any movement in favor of Catholic
Emancipation and Mr. Emmet was probably the second
to do so.

The first mention made of Emmet taking any active
part in Irish politics is in Tone's "Journal", where Em-
met's introduction to the sub-committee of the Catholics
on 15th October, 1792, is recorded. Tone states that he
was well received by the members, and richly deserved
their admiration. He was the best of all friends of Catholic Emancipation,
always excepting Mr. Hutton. From this time Emmet, behind the scenes of
Catholic agitation, continued to give his pen to their cause.

This trait in Mr. Emmet's character by which he generously gave the credit
to others to which he himself was entitled is fully illustrated in his contributions
to "Pieces of Irish History, illustrative of the condition of Catholics in Ireland",
published by Dr. Macneven, which have been already given. From this volume
we have taken the memoir entitled "Part of an Essay Towards the History of
Ireland" from Mr. Emmet's pen, which appears in the beginning of this book,
and in which he gives the history of the efforts made in Ireland to obtain a
repeal of the Popery Laws, which held three-fourths of the population of Ire-
land in a grievous state of bondage. He also detailed the movement for organ-
izing the United Irishmen, who included Catholic relief among the objects
whose reform they sought. No one was more active or had been more familiar

463

464 Intolerance in New York

with every step taken to advance these political movements in Ireland than
Thomas Addis Emmet, and yet after having given due credit to others, Mr.
Emmet makes not the slightest reference to himself.

Mr. Emmet was throughout life absolutely free from all feeling of bigotry
or prejudice towards those who differed from him in religious belief. His
course was made all the more prominent in contrast to the marked illiberality
shown towards the Catholics both in Ireland and in this country, by many of
those occupying the same station of life as his own. Fie transmitted the same
generous and charitable disposition to his children, who were as marked in
their liberality as he had been.

But Mr. Emmet did not hold this feeling towards the Catholics simply
through a sense of liberality or indifference ; he made himself familiar with
their tenets as far as he was able, and while he did not fully share their belief,
as no Protestant can without being properly informed, he never misunderstood
or misrepresented their motives. During a noted ecclesiastical trial in con-
nection with Trinity Church, New York, during the early part of the last cen-
tury, Mr. Emmet was suddenly called upon to take part, and that without
preparation. To the astonishment of all he showed that he possessed a pro-
found knowledge of theology and ecclesiastical law in all detail. The writer
was informed of this incident by his uncle, Judge Robert Emmet, who stated
that it was generally conceded after the termination of this trial that his father,
as a theological scholar, had not an equal in the country. In this respect Mr.
Emmet was not unlike his elder brother, Christopher Temple, of whom, as we
have seen, Grattan held that "he knew more law than any judge on the bench
and more divinity than any bishop in the land."

Several years before the death of the? illustrious jurist, Charles O'Conor,
he happened to be dining with the writer. During the dinner, on recognizing
a silver pitcher from which he was being served, he related to the writer and
his family the following anecdote, as he termed it, a portion of the unwritten
history of New York :

On the 12th of July, 1824, a procession of Orangemen marched out of the
city, with banners flying, and the band playing "Croppies lie down," etc., to the
little hamlet of Greenwich village, then in the country between the present site
of Jefferson Market and the North River. This village was settled at that time
almost exclusively by Irish Catholics, who were chiefly laboring men. Mr.
O'Conor stated that these people were obliged to live together to a great extent
for their own protection, as a large portion of the New Yorkers were at that
time very bitter and prejudiced against all those who differed with them in
religious belief.

The Orangemen marched deliberately to this village for the purpose of irri-
tating the inhabitants, and succeeded so well that they received a most humil-
iating thrashing. As the fugitives were driven into the city, the worthy Sheriff
proceeded to swear in a special posse, and on reaching Greenwich every man
who could be found was arrested. On the following morning a hundred Irish-
men or more were arraigned on the charge of "rioting and disturbing the peace",

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"Bell, Book and Candlestick" 465

with almost a certainty of a conviction before them. During the following
September term these men were tried on the charges cited, and the judge, hear-
ing the testimony and not supposing apparently that there could be another side,
was about to pass sentence.

Mr. Emmet, who was then living in the country and had not heard of the
difficulty, at that moment happened to come into the courtroom. Mr. O'Conor
stated that it would be impossible to give any idea of Mr. Emmet's indignation
on learning the facts of the case, and that some of these men had been im-
prisoned for six weeks or more. On the opening in a few moments of another
court in the same building he expected to appear in a noted case, but he threw
aside his engagement to defend these men. So freely did he speak of the dis-
graceful state of intolerance which then existed in the city, and of the great
injustice suffered in consequence, that the judge, on hearing how matters stood,
forthwith discharged the prisoners without even a reprimand being deemed
necessary.

Mr. O'Conor went on to say that a few days afterwards it so happened
that a clergyman connected with one of the churches of the city gave a thought
to his cook's religious status, and then learned that she was a Catholic. Pos-
sibly with a special interest in her spiritual welfare, he descended into the
kitchen and commenced operations with the inquiry: "Biddy, let me know
about your bell, book and candlestick." "Troth an' I will," was her reply;
so putting her foot against her broom and breaking off the handle, she seized
him by his white cravat and tallied the blows over his head and shoulders with
"This is for the bell, this for the book, and this for the candlestick." Finally
he managed to escape into the street, with Biddy after him. This publicity
placed the laugh against the clergyman, and in a few days the whole incident
was illustrated by the issue of a series of caricatures. The clergyman, as an
honest man, publicly acknowledged that he had been in the wrong and had de-
served his punishment.

In consequence of Mr. Emmet's defence of the men from Greenwich, and
because of this incident of Bridget and the clergyman, a truer sense of justice
seems to have been aroused in the community and a more charitable tone de-
veloped.

As regards the silver pitcher, Mr. O'Conor said that he was at the time an
office boy of about twenty years of age, and had just begun to read law during
his spare moments. A committee of the Greenwich men waited upon him
with the request that he should take charge of some money which had been
collected to purchase a testimonial for Mr. Emmet. Under his supervision this
silver pitcher was made in New York and presented to Mr. Emmet. The fol-
lowing appropriate inscription was engraved upon it :

Presented to Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq., as a slight testimonial of their respect and
admiration for the Patriotism and talents displayed in his gratuitous defence of his Ex-
iled Countrymen from the assaults of Irish Orangemen in America, by the Irishmen of
the village of Greenwich whose cause and principles he advocated on that occasion in
the Court of Sessions of New York for September term 1824.

466 An Echo of Old Wars

Mr. Charles G. Haines's memoir of Thomas A. Emmet closes with the fol-
lowing reference to this event described by Mr. Charles O'Conor:

In a recent case in our criminal court for the city of New York, Mr. Emmet has
had an opportunity of explaining the broad principles of that grand revolution in which
he embarked. The United Irishmen and the Orangemen who had emigrated to this
metropolis had a tremendous battle upon the old party grounds. They appeared in our
streets in the upper part of the city with their ancient badges of destruction. Terrible
assaults and batteries were committed, but no lives lost.

Mr. Emmet appeared in Court as the counsel of his ancient associates, and we may
well imagine in what manner he touched on that portion of Irish history that recalled
to his mind the days of his suffering, persecution and imprisonment. For two hours he
spoke on this topic ; and as the younger Lyttleton said, when he first heard Lord
Chatham, "he made my blood run cold, and touched the deepest recesses of my heart."

The Irish population had gathered into Court and with silent awe they heard their
great countryman pour out his soul on the degradation of the country which they had
abandoned. However, both parties did not feel the pride which was manifested by the
famous Lord Lovat, when he was tried for his life and found guilty. Mr. Murray,
afterwards Lord Mansfield, was then Attorney-General, and conducted the prosecution —
the trial having taken place in England, not Scotland. The eloquence of Lord Mansfield
requires no eulogium at this late day. He broke forth on this occasion with great power.
After he had concluded, Lord Lovat, who was proud to see a Scotchman at the head of
the English bar, remarked "that it was worth being executed to hear such a speech from
one of his countrymen."

Mr. Haines, however, was unable to appreciate the true merits of the
case, but fortunately the judge, as was shown in his ruling and in the uncondi-
tional discharge of the prisoners, was fully qualified to do so.

The writer is indebted to Mr. John D. Crimmins for a copy of this letter
from his collection :

'Dublin, August 26th, 1826.
Sir:

The letter of your old friend and compatriot, Hamilton Rowan, which will be de-
livered to you by Mr. Macready will account for the liberty which I take in writing to
you.

I should not have presumed to do so, if Mr. Rowan had not insisted on it, and as-
sured me that you would not consider it overweening or intrusive upon my part. He
suggested to me that it was not impossible that my name should have met your eye, and
that you might not disapprove of the course which I have taken in our struggle for
liberty in Ireland. I have ventured to act upon that possibility, and at Mr. Rowan's in-
stance, beg to assure you that the gentleman whom he has introduced to you is not
undeserving of the acquaintance of Mr. Emmet : — in other words that he is a man of ac-
complished manners, and of great personal worth, and that he possesses the highest
talents in an art, which its connexion with eloquence must have taught you to value.

Shortly after I had been called to the Irish Bar circumstances which I shall not
weary you by explaining, induced me to write for the stage. My knowledge of Mr.
Macready commenced at that period. I have since exclusively addicted myself to the
wiser if not the more agreeable pursuits of that profession of which you are an orna-
ment, but my intimacy with Mr. Macready has not been interrupted, and until I have
ceased to prize accomplished manners, unblemished honor, and great abilities, my regard
and respect for him will never sustain a diminution.

I am not acquainted with your literary predilections, but I have good warrant for

Letter to Rowan 467

introducing an actor to you. Cicero was the friend of Roscius and you will not want
a precedent for any services which it may be in your power to confer upon him.

I have the' honour to be (with that feeling of melancholy attachment which every
good Irishman should entertain for your name),

Your most obedient and faithful servant,

R. SHF.II„

Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq.,
New York.

During the latter years of Mr. Emmet's life lie devoted himself almost ex-
clusively to the duties of his profession and to a. most united and affectionate
family. I lis life was otherwise uneventful, and with the exception of the fol-
lowing characteristic letter written to his old friend and political confrere,
Archibald Hamilton Rowan, no others have been preserved but those referring
to business matters.

New York, 8th January, 1827.
My dear old Friend:

For. as I am feeling the advances of age, I presume you have not remained in statu
quo for the last twenty-five years. I received your letter by Mr. Macready and thank
you for it. Many circumstances prevented my answering it until now, which it is im-
possible to detail on paper, but be assured, no difference or coldness of feeling towards
you had any share in causing the delay.

Mr. Macready is a gentleman whose talents and worth have gained him very high
consideration here, and who has entirely justified the warm recommendations he was the
bearer of from Europe.*

I dare not write to you about Ireland, though probably if we were together we
would talk of little else.

I remember the days when I fancied letters might be intercepted. If such a thing
could happen now, a letter from T. A. E. to A. H. R., filled with Irish politics, would
be a bonne bouche for a Secretary. America is not what you saw it, nor even what
your sanguine mind could anticipate. It has shot up in strength and prosperity beyond
the most visionary calculation. It has great destinies, and I have no doubt will
ameliorate the condition of man throughout the world. When you were here party
raged with a fiend-like violence, which may lead you to misjudge of what you may
occasionally see within an American newspaper, should you ever look into one. Whether
the demon be absolutely and for ever laid, I cannot undertake to say ; but there is at
present no more party controversy than ought to be expected, and perhaps ought to
exist in so free a country; and sure I am it does not interfere with general welfare
and happiness; indeed I think it never can — their roots are stuck so deep.

Of myself and family I need only say we are extremely well. I have succeeded
better than I thought possible when I set foot on this shore. I still enjoy my health
and faculties. The companion of my youth and of my sufferings does the same. We
are surrounded by eight children and twelve grandchildren, with the prospect of steady

•Mr. William Charles Macready was a well-known English actor of great talent, whose private
life was without blemish. He visited the United States in 1820, 1843 and 1848. His last appearance on
the stage in this country was May loth, 1849, as Macbeth, at the Astor Place Opera House, on the
evening of the noted Forrest-Macready riot. The country had been for some time in the midst of
the turmoil engendered by the "Know-Nothing Party" in its efforts to rouse the passions and prejudices
of the native-born against the Catholics and all those of foreign birth. Edwin Forrest, the actor, was
a rival, and for some fancied slight availed himself of the "Know-Nothing" excitement, and with the
aid of his friends started the riot which resulted in the death of a number of innocent persons, who
were shot down by the troops called out to quell it. Mr. Macready was at the time a guest of the
writer's uncle, Judge Robert Emmet, who then resided at No. 64 Clinton Place (Eighth Street). Mr.
Macready was finally smuggled out of the theatre to a conveyance waiting in the neighborhood, one of
Judge Emmet's sons, Mr. Richard S. Emmet, driving him out of town to New Rochelle, where he took
a train to Boston, arriving in time to catch a steamer by which he returned home. History repeats itself.

468 Bust of Mr. Emmet

and progressive increase in the American ratio. I pray God you have had your share in
the happiness of this life.

Your sincere and affectionate friend,

Thomas Addis Emmet.
To Archd. H. Rowan, Esqr.

This letter, written less than a year before his death, was in all probability
the last that Mr. Emmet addressed to anyone in Ireland.

In a letter in the writer's possession, written June 17th, 1827, by Prof. John
Patten Emmet to his sister from the University of Virginia, Dr. Emmet, who
had been constantly engaged in writing a new course of lectures for the follow-
ing session, as he had been changed from professor of natural science to that of
chemistry and Materia Medica in connection with the School of Medicine, com-
plains of his weary and monotonous life. But he mentions incidentally a bust
of his father which he had taken during his last visit to New York, the last
likeness of Mr. Emmet as he appeared at the time of his death.

Hitherto I have toiled like the Irishman in the bottomless Sedan chair, and "if it
were not for the honor of it I would as soon be walking".

In the way of recreation I am still limited, the fiddle causes despondency and Satan
[his violoncello] smothers despair and fury amid its roar. — I have the bust mounted on
one of my tables with the crooked corner of the mouth to the leeward, and I feel sin-
cerely gratified in recognizing its familiar features. It is indeed an excellent likeness and
I value it more than all I possess.

A copy of this bust was used afterwards as the model for that placed by
the legal profession in the City Hall.

The following letter written by Mr. Macready, and from the Crimmins col-
lection, is of great interest from his reference to Mr. Emmet and in showing
his relation with the family : —

City Hotel, New York.
My Dear Sir : —

When last I left this city, I calculated securely on offering in person to yourself and
your revered father my parting good wishes and adieus. The disappointment of that
expectation I feel a real deprivation ; and with this assurance you will readily believe,
that I set no uncommon value on the expressions of your regard. They will often recur
to me among the happiest of my American recollections, and I must always hope for
occasions to evince with what delight I accept the title of "your friend".

Whilst I have a shelf to bear, or even a pocket to contain the volume, your gift, I
shall keep it in remembrance of you and him, whose disinterestedness, philanthropy and
enthusiasm have often been the subject of my conversation and thoughts in our common
country. It is with veneration, and let me be allowed to speak the language of my heart,
with affection, that I think of him ; and if I do lament the extremities into which his
sensibility to his country's sufferings goaded him, the loss of such a man to Ireland is
not among the least of the causes of my regret. I wished to write to him farewell, since
I could not have the honor of shaking hands with him, but I am diffident of my right to
intrude upon him. Will you offer him my most respectful and affectionate regards? — I
think in vain to find the words that will interpret my feelings.

I am obliged, in all the confusion of departure, to check my pen, but unless you take
measure to prevent me I shall resume it in occasional memoranda of myself from
Europe.

My wife and sister unite with me in every kind wish to you and yours, and with

William Charles Macready 469

ever} thought of good that ever was crowded within that melancholy word, farewell, I
remain in truth,

My dear sir,
iToui attached and grateful friend,
July 15, is:jt W. C. Macready.

Robert Emmet, Esq.,
30 Beach St.,

Hudson Square.

This letter is an important one in settling the place of Macready's birth,
on the score of which he was driven from the Opera House by the Know-
Nothing mob. In his "Incidents of My Life" the author has stated:

When Air. Macready first visited the United States in 1S26, he brought a letter of
introduction to my grandfather, Thomas Addis Emmet, from Archibald Rowan, his old
political friend of 1798, and he continued to keep up the same friendly relation with the
family throughout his life. He is always termed an English actor, but I believe in private
life he must have been an Irishman, both by birth and sympathy, or he would not have
been a warm personal friend of Rowan, nor would he have kept up through life his
relation with the Emmet family.

To the best of the writer's knowledge this is the only evidence to show that
William Charles Macready was an Irishman by birth and sympathy.

This is the latest recorded mention of Mr. Emmet, with the exception of a
reference by Mrs. Tucker, in a letter written to her uncle, Judge St. George
Tucker, of Williamsburg, Va., while on a visit to New York with Dr. Emmet
and his bride. Mrs. Tucker wrote July, 1827 :

My beloved Byrd was received with open arms by Dr. Emmet's family, and their
reception of me was that of a near relative. They are indeed a most charming family,
all accomplished and intelligent, but unaffected and plain in their manners, and a more
united and affectionate family I have never known. . . . The old gentleman (Mr.
Emmet) is very mild and affectionate in his manners and very agreeable in conversation ;
his wife is much younger.

There had been a disagreement for some time between the authorities of the
two Medical Schools, then in New York and for some reason now unknown,
Mr. Emmet as counsel issued the following notice in the newspapers and in
the form of a broadside, twelve days before his death.

To The Public

As attempts have been made to throw doubt upon the vitality of the degrees of
Rutgers Medical Faculty of the Geneva College, it is deemed sufficient to submit to the
public the following opinion of eminent counsel.

David Hosack, M. D„

President of the Faculty.
We have deliberately examined the charter of Geneva College and the acts re-
lating to the differing colleges in this State, and have no hesitation in saying that
diplomas granted by Geneva College to those who shall study Medicine with the Rutger's
Medical Faculty of that college are good, effectual and valid in every purpose for which
a Medical degree is legally requisite, and equally as to that of any other Medical College
in this State.

Thomas Addis Emmet
Josiah Ogden Hoffman

470 Sudden Death

At the close of his article on Mr. Emmet Mr. A. Oakey Hall wrote :

On November 12 of that year he entered a New York court-room apparently in full
health and spirits, to conduct a trial, but suddenly his transcribing pen fell from his
hand, for — as an eloquent medical lecturer once observed to his students — "beside every
worker with his brain walks in close company an unseen spirit armed with a javelin,
ready at any moment to strike, and the popular name of that attendant spirit is 'apo-
plexy.' " The metaphorical stroke reached Emmet, while Court, Bar and auditors be-
came absorbed in the most anxious interest for the fate of the eminent citizen with
seven years of the Biblical span of life yet spared to him; but on the following night
he expired. The notes of testimony* which he had taken on that fatal day are yet pre-
served by one of his descendants who followed his great-grandfather's profession. These
were a full and accurate transcript of what had occured up to the moment when the
fatal clot invaded his perhaps too active brain. Thus he literally died in harness, after
having on the Sunday previous ejaculated the supplication in the litany service,— "From
battle, murder, and sudden death good Lord deliver us."

♦Mr. Hall had certainly seen this manuscript in 1895. But unfortunately it was carefully laid aside
and no one of the present generation can recall ever having heard of it. One of the newspaper
accounts of the day in describing the removal of Mr. Emmet to this house mentions that this paper was
taken to the house and delivered to some member of the family.

In the year 1778 the wretchedness of Ireland appeared for the first time to interest the
British Parliament. But it tuas not the justice or generosity of that Parliament tuhich
the ■wretchedness of Ireland had moved. It had alarmed its fears.

T. A. Emmet.

For himself he sought no prominence, no popular applause; he shrunk from observation
•where his merits, in spite of his retiring habits, forced themselves into notice. No
man could say that Emmet tvas ambitious.

R. R. Madden.

Chapter XXX

"New York Evening Post" account of Mr. Emmet's last successful case — Postscript
in "New York American" for the following day, with the first announcement of Mr.
Emmet's seizure — The "New York Evening Post" publishes his death notice and arrange-
ment for his funeral — "New York American" contains the first sketch of his life,
generally reprinted throughout the country, and announces Mr. Emmet's death —
Biographical sketch from the "New York Evening Post" — Account given the writer
by Dr. Erancis, of his course of treatment — Milder measures might have allowed a
reaction and prolonged his life — Meeting and action of the Common Council of New
York — List of members — Proceedings of the Medical Schools — "New York Courier"
gives the arrangement for funeral honors — Proceedings of the Court of General Sessions.

HE "New York Evening Post" for November 3, 1827,
contained the following account of Air. Emmet's last
case :

Jackson in the trial of the Astor land claim in the Circuit
Court on the demise of Fowler vs. Carver in this Court had
just been concluded. As reported in the "Evening Post",
November 13, 1827 : — This case involves the title to certain
lands confiscated to the State, as the property of Roger Mor-
ris and Mary his wife, in 1779. Some time since Astor pur-
chased of the heirs of Colonel Morris, their claim to this
property. This claim was founded on a marriage settlement
said to have been executed in 1754. conveying a life estate in the property to Morris
and his wife, and after their death the remainder to the children of that marriage
and their heirs.

The deed being produced, it appears that the property was vested in two trustees for
the heirs, and that Morris and his wife were entitled by it to sell of the property to the
amount of £3,000. It was shown that previous to this marriage the fee simple vested in
Mrs. Morris, and that afterwards three deeds had been made of certain portions of the
property, but not to the amount of £3,000. Several ancient residents on the premises tes-
tified that they never heard of the marriage settlement until the purchase by Astor, and
that they held their lands under Roger and Mary Morris, and subsequently under the
State. Colonel Barclay and Judge [Egbert] Benson testified that the marriage settlement
was spoken of familiarly in the family and the latter had seen it in 1784 in possession of
Governor Livingston, one of the witnesses to the deed. Livingston made oath before a
magistrate in 1784 of its execution by all the signing parties. In the same year Joanna
Philips, one of the trustees, petitioned the Legislature for a compensation to the heirs,
but a committee reported that if her statement was correct there was a remedy at law.

The cause was summed up by Messrs. Van Buren and Webster for the plaintiffs,
and Messrs. D. B. Ogden and Emmet for the defendant. It was committed to the jury

471

472 Mr. Emmet's Last Case

about 4 o'clock yesterday afternoon, after an able charge from Judge Thompson, and
this morning they came into court, with a general verdict in favor of Mr. Aston

In the course of the trial several exceptions were taken to the opinions of the judge,
which are yet to be decided in the Supreme Court of the United States.

The "New York American", for Wednesday evening, November 14th, 1827,
contained the following postscript, which was the first intimation given the
public of Mr. Emmet's sudden illness :

Two o'clock P. M. — We have merely time to state, that the venerable Thomas Addis
Emmet, so long known, and so highly admired for his genius and eloquence, was this
morning taken with a paralytic affection, which is considered as threatening his life,
while attending in the Circuit Court, as counsel in the trial of one of the ejectment suits,
brought against the Trustees of the Sailors' Snug Harbor. In consequence of an event
so lamentable, the Court forthwith adjourned.

The "New York Evening Post" for Thursday, November 15th, 1827, con-
tained among its list of deaths the announcement :

Last evening, Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq., aged 65 years. His friends and those
of his family, and the members of the Bar, are respectfully invited to attend his funeral
to-morrow at twelve o'clock noon precisely, without further invitation, from his late
residence No. 30 Beach street, Hudson Square.

The following appeared as an editorial in the "New York American", No-
vember 15, 1827 :

•Death of Thomas Addis Emmet.

It was our melancholy duty to announce yesterday that Mr. Emmet, while engaged
in his professional duties in the Circuit Court, was struck with apoplexy; and the fore-
bodings which were then uttered as to the result are realized, — for he is no more ; he
expired last night about half-past ten o'clock. The high standing of this gentleman, at
the bar, his talents and character, the circumstances of his life and those of his death,
combine to take him out of the ordinary routine, and require something more at the hand
of a public journalist, than the brief notice which daily records in these columns that man
is mortal.

Of the early life and history of Mr. Emmet before he came to the United States, it
is not our purpose to speak; neither is it for us to allude to any acts of his political
career after he came here. Beneath the pall which now enshrouds his cold remains, we
will see only the man of genius, the eloquent advocate, the enlightened and polished
gentleman, the devoted and affectionate father, husband, friend — snatched too soon, and
in the fulness of his fame and usefulness from a community that he adored and
served, — from a family that he dearly loved. From the first moment of Mr. Emmet's
admission to the bar of New York, he took a leading place. To great fervor of mind
and manner united with a ready and emphatic elocution, Mr. Emmet added the advan-
tages of a fine education, of varied and extensive literary acquirements, and of the most
untiring industry and perseverance. He was to the day of his death an eminent exam-
ple of a conscientious and indefatigable counsellor, who thinks nothing is done for his
client, while anything remains to be done. He was, indeed, hardly more remarkable for
his eloquence, real as that was, than for the other, perhaps as uncommon, and certainly
as useful, characteristic.

Of his eloquence at the bar, we should say fervor was the most striking quality —
a fervor not less of matter than of manner. He was copious, from a just reliance upon
his accumulated stores of literature, which afforded the utmost variety of illustration and
argument, and he was confident, though eminently courteous, in his manner and tone,.

ouaws and engraved >-or

THE NEWYOKK WCXHKOR.

1829

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Death in Action 473

because he always understood his cause, and entered upon it with the zeal of convic-
tion.

The circumstances of this distinguished man's death, are in themselves singularly af-
fecting. He had been constantly and most arduously employed for some weeks in causes
of the greatest importance. He had prepared himself in them with his usual labor and
research; and as lately as Monday last, he made in the Astor cause a speech, which, per-
haps, no one of his earlier efforts surpassed.— Without allowing himself any respite,
after this effort, he forthwith, though now verging, we presume, upon seventy years,
entered upon the important contested claim of the Sailors' Snug Harbor. In attendance
upon this cause, it was yesterday, that the hand of death was laid upon him. In a full
court, it was suddenly perceived that Air. Emmet had drooped upon the table. The
Attorney-General who was sitting near, addressed him, but finding him speechless, the_
alarm was immediately communicated to the court — which thereupon forthwith ad-
journed— medical aid was sent for, and every application which skill, prompted by strong
personal attachment, could suggest was soon made, but made in vain.

The blood flowed indeed from the arms and the temples; but sense, consciousness and
intelligence had fled forever. The scene presented in the court-room, as this sad truth be-
came apparent, must have been heartrending. The oldest members of the bar were in
tears and sobbing aloud around their fallen and late mighty compeer; the family of the
dying man were collecting about him in all the agonies of hope struggling against despair —
while he, whose voice had so lately filled the hall — whose immortal mind had held in
breathless suspense the feelings of admiring crowds, lay bleeding, speechless and un-
conscious before them.

He was removed in a litter about 3 o'clock, to his own house, where he died. Yet
is there in the manner of this death something glorious and consolatory. It recalls the
great Chatham, struck down among his peers, or the warrior perishing upon the field of
his fame. The spirit- — the immortal mind — has worn out its feebler and more worthless
tenement — and returned to the God who gave it — unbroken by decay — and who can lament
such an issue to such a life? Better, oh! better it is for such

. . . . to perish 'mid the shock,
Than linger piece-meal on the rock.

Of the domestic virtues and affections of the deceased, it becomes not a newspaper
to speak— they are too sacred for the public eye. The bleeding hearts of those he has
left behind him are the most affecting witnesses of how much and how justly he was
beloved — how deeply, how enduringly he will be lamented.

It is mentioned as a striking circumstance, that the day of Mr. Emmet's death was
the 24th anniversary of that upon which he had filed the declaration of his intention to
become an American citizen.*

The "New York Evening Post" on Thursday, November 15, 1827, published
the following:

Thomas Addis Emmet.— Yesterday this distinguished counsellor, while engaged in
trying a cause in the United States Circuit Court was suddenly struck with apoplexy.
After remaining for about two hours in a state of insensibility, he was removed to his
house, where he expired last night, between 11 and 12 o'clock. On the opening of the
Court, this morning, Mr. D. B. Ogden very feelingly announced the melancholy event,
and the Court immediately adjourned. The members of the bar were then called to order,
and the venerable Judge Benson being present, was appointed Chairman, and the Chan-
cellor, also present, was appointed Secretary.

It was on motion resolved, that a general meeting of the profession be held on

'Macneven referred to this article in his "Address to the Bar". It was reprinted in full in "The
Albany Argus and City Gazette" on Tuesday morning, Nov. 20, 1827.

474 Medical Treatment

Friday (to-morrow) morning at 10 o'clock, in the Supreme Court Room, for the purpose
of testifying their respect for the memory of their esteemed deceased brother.

The character and. outlines of the life of the great man whose thread of earthly ex-
istence has been thus suddenly snapt short, will in a short time be given from the pen
of an old and intimate friend, one competent to render justice to the memory of the la-
mented deceased whose qualifications as a learned jurist, and erudite scholar, were rarely
equalled. He had a mind deeply imbued with that degree of refinement which a long and
familiar acquaintance with belles lettres only can confer; and which, on suitable occa-
sions, sparkled from his lips, and illustrated and adorned his argument by apt and happy
quotations from the ancient classics. Nor was he scarcely more remarkable for his capa-
cious intellect than the amiable and benevolent qualities of the heart. H'is loss will be
long and deeply deplored by all who had the opportunity of being personally acquainted
with him.

P. S. — We are told that yesterday was the anniversary of Mr. Emmet's arrival in
this country, 24 years ago; a singular coincidence.

Evidently the burden of Mr. Emmet's business had increased greatly for
some time before his death, and he must have disregarded many warnings
which his medical training in early life should have taught him could not be
ignored with impunity. Mr. Haines in his memoir has written : —

Early in November, 1827, Emmet had been much engaged in the defence of Lieuten-
ant Percival on a charge of extortion, and also in a cause of unusual importance, gener-
ally called the great Astor case, involving the right of Mr. Astor to lands in Putnam
county, to the amount of perhaps eight hundred thousand dollars. In the former case
he defended his client with all his accustomed vigour and ability, and the result was a
verdict of acquittal. In the latter, on Monday, the 12th, he addressed the jury in a style
of animated eloquence, of prompt and overwhelming retort, and of powerful argument,
which was said by many of his audience to have even surpassed his earlier efforts. On
Wednesday, the 14th, while attending the trial of another cause of importance (the case
of the Sailors' Snug Harbour) in which he was counsel, in the United States Circuit
Court, he was seized with an apoplectic fit; and on being carried home he expired in the
course of the following night, being in the 64th year of his age. He had made no exer-
tion in particular that day, but had taken notes of the testimony through the morning;
and on examination these notes were found to be a full and accurate transcript of what
occurred up to the very moment when the pen fell from his hand on his being seized with
the fit. The scene in the court-room was in the highest degree impressive. Every in-
dividual present — the court, the bar, the audience, all were absorbed in the most anxious
interest for the fate of this eminent man. The court was instantly adjourned.

In 1855 the writer obtained a full description of the treatment administered
to Mr. Emmet by Dr. John W. Francis, the first physician to arrive, and whose
office was in Chambers Street, just back of the City Hall. The writer also re-
calls hearing a statement made by his uncle, Mr. T. A. Emmet, Jr., that on
coming downstairs to attend to some law business, about seven o'clock on the
morning of his father's death, he met his father then going to bed, after having
been up all night. Four hours later, at eleven o'clock, the old gentleman was
in court.

Dr. Francis's statement showed that the course of treatment followed, ac-
cording to the practice of the day, was at least heroic, for he opened a vein in
both arms and at both ankles until, as the Doctor expressed it, "the blood
ran all over the floor without his coming to !" From the son's account and

Meeting of the Common Council

475

the consequent probability of exhaustion, the loss of blood certainly did no
good, while without the excessive bleeding he might possibly have been re-
vived by rest and the judicious use of stimulants and counter-irritation.

In Common Council Special Meeting, November i.'

is:;

The Hon'ble William Paulding, Mayor, President
Richard Rikcr, Esquire, Recorder

Aldermen

John Gates Cebra
Samuel Gifford, Jun'r
Campbell P. White
John Agnew
Anthony Lamb
John Lozier
Jameson Cox
Stuart F. Randolph
Jacob B. Taylor
Gideon Ostrander
Lemuel Pittman
Effingham Schiefflin

Assistants.

Thomas Bolton
Wm. \V. Mott
Samuel Stevens
Isaac Broun
John Shepherd, Jun'r
James Lynch
William S. Coe
Thomas T. Woodruff
John R. Peters
Abraham M. Valentine
Jeremiah Dodge
Henry Storms

The reading of the minutes of the last meeting was dispensed with.

His Honor the Mayor informed the Board that he had at the request of several
members called the meeting in consequence of the death of Thomas Addis Emmet, Es-
quire, and to give to the Board an opportunity of paying such marks of respect to the
memory of their much lamented and highly respected Fellow-Citizen as they should
judge proper and expedient. — Whereupon

The Recorder presented the following Preamble and Resolutions which were unani-
mously adopted : —

When in the course of Divine Providence, individuals who have been held in high
and deserving esteem by their fellow-citizens are removed from this state of mortal exis-
tence, it is becoming and useful to testify by public expression a sense of that esteem.

It is becoming as a reward of merit, it is useful as an incentive to a faithful dis-
charge of duties.

The death of the deeply lamented Thomas Addis Emmet furnishes, in the opinion
of this Board, such an occasion for the expression of public sentiment. He has long filled,
in the eye of this community, a distinguished station. His talents have shed a lustre over
our country — his virtues were a model for imitation, and endeared him wherever he was
known.

This Common Council, sincerely sympathizing with his family and with the public at
large, and as a tribute of respect to his memory.

resolved, That this Board attend the funeral ceremonies of the late Thomas Addis
Emmet, this day at twelve o'clock.

resolved, That the members of this Board wear the usual badge of mourning for
the space of thirty days. J. Norton, Clerk.

This above was copied from "Minutes of the Common Council, Vol.
LXII, Sept. 24, 1827 to Jan. 14, 18-28. City Library", to be had at City Hall,
New York.

476 Newspaper Tributes

At a special meeting of the board of professors of the Medical Faculty of Geneva
College, held at the College on Thursday evening, the 15th of November instant, Pro-
fessor Francis, having communicated the death of Thomas Addis Emmet, Counsellor of
this Board, and formerly a member of the Medical profession.

On motion — Resolved, That the professors of this college deeply sympathize with
the family of Mr. Emmet on the loss they have sustained in the death of an inestimable
husband and father ; and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to his bereaved
relatives.

Resolved, That this Board will unite with the Bar and with the public in testifying
their respect for the memory of the distinguished individual whose loss is so deeply
and justly regretted.

Resolved, That the professors will suspend their respective lectures on the 16th inst.,
and will attend the obsequies of the illustrious deceased.

B , , ( David Hosack, M. D., Pres. of the Med. Faculty.
| Valentine Mott, M. D., Dean.

The following are among the newspaper accounts of the funeral honors
paid Mr. Emmet :

"New York Courier," 15th November, 1827.

With sentiments of deep and unfeigned regret we state that this venerable and
distinguished citizen was seized with apoplexy yesterday, while engaged in his professional
duties in the Circuit Court in the City Hall. Such was the sensation produced by this
melancholy occurrence, that the court immediately adjourned. We can not but fear that
the voice which so often and so eloquently has pleaded the cause of the injured and op-
pressed— the mind that has rendered plain and clear the most intricate and abstruse ques-
tions of law — the heart that has beaten with a fervid pulse for the cause and principles
of his adopted country, will be lost to us for ever. We were informed at his house as
late as ten o'clock last evening that he was then alive, but no hope was entertained of
his recovery.

"New York Courier," 16th November, 1827.

Thomas Addis Emmet. — Our fears of yesterday were too well founded — the great
advocate and estimable man is no more. He has descended to the tomb in the fulness of
years and the maturity of honours. The speaking eye is closed in darkness — the eloquent
tongue is silent — and the generous heart is now but cold clay. To one whose life was
marked by such beauty and purity as his, death, even when he comes with such appalling
suddenness, comes not on an unprepared subject. He had so lived that he feared not
to die ; and while we mourn the loss of so estimable a man, regret is chastened by the
well-founded belief that he has passed from this to a better and happier state of being.

Few men of brilliant talents can pass through a conflicting professional life without
exciting envy and enmity; fewer still, how pure soever in character, can escape the
breath of suspicion and misrepresentation. In this the lamented Emmet was peculiarly
fortunate; his enemies were few indeed, and envy, despairing of reaching the elevation
on which he stood, looked elsewhere for an object. No whisper was ever heard against
the purity of his character.

He kept the whiteness of his soul unsullied and added to brilliancy of genius, up-
rightness of purpose and generosity of heart.

Such was Thomas Addis Emmet, and as such we consign him to his honoured grave.

At a court of general sessions held at the City Hall of the city of New York, in and
for the city and county of New York, on the 16th day of November, 1827 :

Present — Richard Riker, Recorder; Jacob B. Taylor, Gideon Ostrander, and Camp-
bell P. White, Esqrs., Aldermen.

Adjournment of Court ^7

Upon the opening of the court, the Recorder stated, that it had been announced to
the presiding magistrates that Thomas Addis Emmet expired on the evening of the 14th
instant, and wonld be buried this day at twelve o'clock.

The following order was forthwith directed to be entered upon the minutes of the
court :

That the Judges of this court now and here will attend the funeral of Thomas Addis
Emmet, for the purpose of paying the last tribute of respect to one who, by uniting the
greatest abilities with the most unsullied integrity, has for more than twenty years thrown
a lustre upon the New York Bar. The Judges now present most deeply deplore his death,
and will unite with their associate justices, and other public functionaries, and with their
fellow-citzens, in testifying their regard for the deceased, their admiration of his talents,
and their approbation of his virtues.

The learned Counsel whose death is thus lamented by the court has discharged, in
their fullest extent, all the duties of public and of private life; and by his great attain-
ments and excellent qualities has reflected equal honour upon the country of bis birth
and the country of his adoption.

From the "Commercial Advertiser", 13th November, 1827.

Death of Mr. Emmet. — It is with feelings of the deepest regret that we record the
death of Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq., who has so long stood in the front rank of emi-
nent American jurists and whose gigantic legal mind shed lustre over the bar of New
York. There was something very solemn and deeply affecting in the suddenness and
manner of his death. He may be said to have died on the field of his victories and well-
earned renown.

He was closely confined in court during the trial of the Astor cause, in which, on
Monday last, he summed up in behalf of the plaintiff in a masterly and elaborate address.
The trial of the "Sailors' Snug Harbour" cases ensued, in which he was also engaged.
We learn that for two nights he had scarcely taken any repose, and there is no doubt
that such intense and unremitted mental occupation produced the shock which has ter-
minated his valuable life. He was sitting in court yesterday, in the forenoon, in apparent
health, and was conversing only a few moments before the event. He was observed
to lean forward with his head resting on his hand, or on the table, and when spoken to
was found to be entirely insensible. When this was ascertained the court immediately
adjourned. Messengers were despatched for the members of his family and physicans,
who speedily arrived. Bleeding was resorted to, but without producing any apparent
effect. A litter was prepared for his removal, on which he was carried to his house in
Hudson-square.* The Court of Chancery, which was sitting at the same time, was also
immediately adjourned. The melancholy event produced a profound and solemn sensa-
tion in the crowd who assembled round the court-room, in which bis friends and the
medical gentlemen called in were employing their ineffectual efforts on his behalf. We
believe that Mr. Emmet remained in a state of insensibility from the moment of the
attack until he expired last night at a few minutes after eleven.

There are few of our citizens who have not witnessed, at some time, the displays of
argumentative and impassioned oratory which flowed from the lips of this great lawyer.
His vigour seemed to remain unimpaired to the last, and he has died in the fulness of
his fame and at the height of his profession. We will not do injustice to his memory
by a feeble attempt to characterise the style of his eloquence. This task will no doubt
be performed by some of his able compeers on whom it will devolve.

On the opening of the court this morning, Mr. David B. Ogden very feelingly an-
nounced the melancholy event, and the court immediately adjourned. The members of
the bar who were present, including his honor, the Chancellor, were then called to order,

•Mr. Emmet's residence, to the right and south side of the Square, is now shut off by a tree
the park. That the houses were all alike is shown by those on each side of the church.

478 Testimony of Respect

and the venerable Judge [Egbert] Benson being present was appointed chairman, and the
Chancellor, also present, was appointed secretary.

It was a motion resolved that a general meeting of the people be held on Friday
(tomorrow) morning at ten o'clock, in the Supreme Court room, for the purpose of
testifying their respect for the memory of their eminent deceased brother.

They [the Catholics of Ireland] ■were nearly three-fourths of the population, and instead
of enjoying the estates of their forefathers, they scarcely possess one-fifth of the.
landed property of the kingdom. To this state they had been reduced by various
causes ■which might have been forgotten in the lapse of years, but that one stilt re-
mained in the code called the Popery Laius. T. A. Emmet.

The Dissenters, 'who 'were originally settled for the most part in Ulster . . . being
most engaged in manufacturies and trade, did not feel dependence on England as
essential to their existence or happiness, but they felt the commercial restrictions to
'which it gave rise as injurious to their prosperity and pursuits . . . the predilec-
tion for their native country being therefore checked by no extraneous causes, they
gradually ceased to consider themselves in any other light than Irishmen. They be-
came anxious for Ireland's 'welfare and sensible to its wrongs.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXI

Meeting of the Bar of New York as reported by the "Evening Post" — Decision
that a monument be erected — Order of procession to the funeral — An inclement day
with rain and hail — Many thus prevented from attending the largest funeral ever
known in New York — The only instance where the corporation of the City of New
York, with every official, attended as a body the funeral of any private individual —
Editorial from New York "Enquirer" — Editorial from the "The Truth Teller" — An-
nouncement that De Witt Clinton, the Governor of the State, had complied with
the request of the New York Bar to prepare and deliver an eulogy on Mr. Emmet
at his earliest convenience — Full account of the funeral as reported in the New York
"Evening Post", accompanied with a sketch of Mr. Emmet's career — Meeting of the
Irish people to consider plans and means for erecting a monument to Mr. Emmet's
memory and services — Dr. Macneven's remarks on the occasion.

HE "Evening Post" for Friday, November 16, contains an
account of a public meeting held in Albany, N. Y., in
relation to Mr. Emmet's death:

Meeting of the Bar — Agreeable to previous notice a numerous
meeting of the Members of the Bar was convened this morning,
and on motion. Judge Benson was chosen president, and the
attorney-general, secretary, and four resolutions were passed.
The substance of the resolutions was as follows:

1st. — That a marble monument be erected in honor of the
deceased.
2d. — That a committee be appointed to select some suitable person to prepare
a memoir of the deceased, and also to deliver an eulogium as an incentive to the
junior members of the bar.

3rd. — That the usual badge of mourning be worn for thirty days.
4th. — That a copy of these resolutions be presented to the afflicted family.
On motion of Mr. Hoffman the bar formed a procession and proceeded to the
house of the deceased.

The following account of the funeral procession and the previous proceed-
ings of the Bar, Bench, Common Council and College of Physicians are taken
from the New York "Commercial Advertiser" for November 16th, 1827:

The procession was formed by the committee at the City Hall in the following
order and proceeded to the late dwelling of Mr. Emmet. But so great was the

479

480 Meeting of the Bar

number that only a portion left the ranks and the same order was preserved until
it was changed at the church after the funeral.

High Constable.
Governor and Chancellor.
Former Chancellor.
Present and former Judges of the Supreme Court.
Judges of the United States Court.
First Judges of Common Pleas and former Recorders.
Present and former Attorney-Generals.
Clerk of County and Clerk of Oyer and Terminer.
Clerks of U. S. Courts and U. S. Marshals.
Clerks of the Supreme Court and Register in Chancery and Surrogate.
District Attorney and U. S. District Attorney.
Members of the Bar.
Students at Law.
Sheriff.
Mayor and Recorder.
Members of. the Common Council.
Members of the Common Council elect.
The College Physicians, Members of the Medical Profession and Medical Students

in a body.

A shower of rain and hail prevented many from attending, who were desirous of
showing their respect to the deceased.

It is noteworthy that, to the best of the writer's knowledge, this is the only
instance of the corporation of the City of New York attending the funeral of
a private individual in its official capacity.

All business was suspended throughout the city, and the flag of every
vessel in the harbor remained at half mast during the funeral. If a great
calamity had befallen the city it could not have called forth a greater demon-
stration of sorrow, apparently from all in every walk of life.

The "New York Enquirer", for Friday, November 16, 1827, printed the
following:

Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq.

We have to report what our readers already know too well, that this distin-
guished individual is no more. From the statement in the papers of Wednesday,
the public mind was prepared for such a result. He lingered from the morning of
that day, under a paralytic attack, without, so we understand, any recurrences of
his senses, or any great suffering, until the same evening, when he expired. Mr.
Emmet was attacked in Court, while engaged as counsel in the "Snug Harbor
Cause," and fell gently on the table. His illness was not immediately discovered.
When observed (by the Attorney-General) he was removed into a contiguous apart-
ment and the proper scientific means resorted to. The Court immediately adjourned.
Mr. Emmet, in the course of the day, was removed to his own house, where he ex-
pired at 11 o'clock.

It is impossible to think of this gentleman's death without a sentiment of deep
regret. None, who have ever had the honour of his acquaintance will refuse to bear
a willing and eager testimony to his amiable temper, his inflexible integrity, his
ardent friendship, his fine companionable qualities, his conversational power, and his
universal benevolence. In private life he was the centre about which clustered and

Facile Princeps -+S1

clung the affections of a large and respectable family. No our could be more warm-
ly loved, and no one more deservedly and sincerely honoured. In public life his qualities
were of the most brilliant character. As an orator, he was, if not the first, at least
among the first in the country. As an advocate he had no equal. Mr. Emmet had
not been originally intended for the Bar. Like the present Lord Stowcll and Sir
Edward Coke, he came to the profession at an age comparatively advanced. But
he brought to it an intellect which great observation of the world had sharpened,
and which long and diligent study had enriched. His mind, naturally capacious and
comprehensive, had gathered together information of every kind, from every quarter,
and he would have been eminent for his large general knowledge, even if he had not
been more renowned as an advocate and a lawyer. The most striking of his
faculties was quickness of perception, and to this was joined a surprising steadi-
ness and power of attention. He saw the truth at a glance, and had what is rarely
combined with that faculty, the art of stripping that truth of all its disguises and
intricacies, and presenting it clearly and forcibly to others. His logical powers par-
took of a strong intellect, reasoning with good sense and honest feeling, on the
materials before it. In passages of a more declamatory cast, he manifested none
of the verbose and affected imagery of a rhetorician, but was at once simple, nervous,
original and energetic. His occasional appeals to the passions of a Jury, were sin-
gularly solemn and affecting. And it was his distinguished merit to preserve, on
all occasions, the most perfect good faith to his client, his conscience, and the court.

There is no man whose loss will be more perceptible (or more regretted) at
the Bar. He was, by the consent of his colleagues, facile princeps. Such an ab-
straction of such a lawyer — so suddenly — in the very midst of his professional pur-
suits, and immediately after one of his most elaborate and most able pleadings,
comes upon the mind with a strange and melancholy force. We think of it with
sorrow, but that sorrow is mitigated by the conviction that it is unalloyed by the
slightest feeling of regret for any occurrence of his life — a fame, which neither
envy nor calumny ever dared to sully.

It is a curious coincidence that Mr. Emmet declared his intention to become an
American citizen on the 14th of November, and it was on the 14th of November
that he died.* He was an Irishman by birth. He was one of those high-hearted
patriots, who in the dark hour of his country's peril, was neither awed by the
menaces of his oppressors, nor enfeebled by the suffering of the oppressed. When
Ireland was one vast sea of discord, where despotism and rebellion waged a fierce
and fearful battle — where patriotism was defeated by treachery, and power
strengthened by submission; when the firmest no longer dared to resist and the
sanguine had ceased to hope ; it was then that he pursued an intrepid march in
his country's cause, through temptations and through threats, through "good report
and evil report," till, in labouring for the freedom of his country, he sacrificed his own.
We have no room to dwell upon his magnanimity while in prison, nor to detail his suf-
fering while in exile.

He came to the United States, at that time the only asylum for the proscribed,
and condemned and banished patriots of the old world. It was a fortunate vessel
that brought him to our shores. He came to honour and to be honoured. How he has
lived since the day of his landing, how he has deported himself as a citizen, and as
an advocate may be learned from the universal sorrow which is felt at this sudden
bereavement. Like that of some of the venerable fathers of our Revolution, his
death has thrown a feeling of grief over the whole city.

In order to testify the public respect for Mr. Emmet the following arrangement
of the funeral procession has been made by a committee. The citizens are requested

•Chapter XXIV contains an interesting account of the record book, showing that Mr. Emmet made
bis declaration on the third day after his arrival in this country.

482 Funeral Procession

to meet this day at three o'clock at the City Hall. The procession will move from
there to Grace church.

ORDER OF PROCESSION.

High Constable.

Present and former Judges of the Supreme Court.

Judges of the U. S. Courts.

First Judge of Common Pleas and former Recorders.

Present and former Attorney-Generals.

Clerk of County and Clerk of Oyer and Terminer.

Clerk of U. S. Courts and U. S. Marshal.

Clerk of Supreme Court and Register in Chancery.

District Attorney and U. S. District Attorney.

Members of the Bar.

Students of Law.

Sheriff.

Mayor and Recorder.

Members of the Common Council.

Members of the Common Council elect.

This paper also announced —

Browerre has a most faithful original bust of Mr. Emmet; nothing can be more
spirited, natural and correct. This notice will come with effect at a time when many
desire to have some memento of a lost and valued friend.

This was a copy of the bust made by Dr. John P. Emmet. The original
has already been referred to and will be again.

From the "Commercial Advertiser" for Saturday (Evening), Novem-
ber 17:

Funeral of Mr. Emmet — When this paper went to press yesterday, the funeral
procession of the late Thomas Addis Emmet was entering Grace Church. The pro-
cession was very numerous, notwithstanding the storm of rain mingled with hail.
In moving from the late residence of Mr. E. the procession advanced through Beach
Street towards Broadway, where it was met by an immense assemblage of individ-
uals anxious to perform the last honors to the eminent deceased. Every window and
avenue was filled with spectators. The flags on the public offices of the city were
displayed at half mast and there seemed to be but one expression of unaffected sorrow
pervading the city.

The solemn services of the Church were read in a deeply impressive manner
by the Rev. Dr. Wainwright. The anthem beginning — "I heard a voice" &c, was
sung by a full choir, accompanied by the rich and full-toned organ of that church,
with good effect. As the plaintive and melting tones died away upon the ear,
every head was bowed, every eye suffused, and every heart melted in unison. The
service ended, the remains, as we mentioned in anticipation last evening, were con-
veyed to the burial grounds attached to St. Mark's Church, attended by great num-
bers of his friends and there interred.

After giving the list of pall bearers, and the resolutions passed at the meet-
ing of the Bar, which will be given hereafter, the editorial proceeds with its
account of Mr. Emmet's life:

It is not, perhaps, generally known that Mr. Emmet was originally bred to the
profession of medicine. He was the son of Dr. Emmet, an eminent professor of
medicine in Dublin, and for many years held the high appointment of State Phy-
sician.

■£Md .

GRACE & TRINITY CHVRCHES

BROADWAY.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

TflE NEW Y01
PUBLIC L1BK

Tn.D1NFOUN2AT10^

Editorial Comment 483

Mr. E. was (with two brothers) educated in the University of Dublin (Trinity
College) where he took the degree of M.A. after which he proceeded to the College
of Edinburgh for the study of medicine, and took a degree there of M.D.

He then proceeded to the Continent, and visited most of the courts of Europe,
during which his elder brother, Temple Emmet, died* at an early age after distin-
guishing himself at the head of the Irish bar as one of the most eloquent men of
his day.

The death of this gentleman gave a new direction to the pursuits of Mr. Emmet;
and after returning from the Continent he entered in the Middle Temple as a student
of law, where he continued the usual number of terms, and was then (1790) called to
the Irish bar.

Here he soon rivalled the high reputation of his deceased brother, and became
an eminent practitioner.

Feeling, with many others of his countrymen, the political evils under which
Ireland had for so long a period been suffering, he associated his talents with those
who were desirous of effecting a revolution in his country, and a separation from
England. The high reputation of his integrity, zeal and abilities soon rendered
his conduct in this political struggle an object of extreme jealousy and alarm to
the Irish Government :— and on the 12th of March, 1798, he with several others (alike
engaged) were arrested and confined in different gaols throughout the kingdom—
and, after some time he, with others, was transferred to Fort George in Scotland, until
enlarged in 1802, on condition of transporting themselves to some country not at
war with Great Britain.

Mr. Emmet as well as several others of his associates chose to emigrate to this
country, most congenial with their political opinions, and accordingly (after spending
a short time in France) he sailed for this country in the year 1804, and arrived in New
York in the latter part of that year.

After his admission to the bar in this State, in which, we understand, the
general rule of the court was dispensed with, Mr. Emmet rapidly rose in the
profession, and, indeed, almost immediately took that stand which his talents en-
titled him to occupy, and which he maintained white he -lived. His first distinguished
effort was in the defence of some fugitive slaves, in which his enthusiastic manner
and energetic eloquence commanded the admiration of all who heard him. On the
death of Matthias B. Hildreth, Esq., the Attorney-General of this State, Mr. Emmet
was appointed his successor, on the 12th of August, 1812. After holding this office
for a short period, less, we believe, than a year, he resigned it, and did not during
the residue of his life seek or occupy any public station.

From that period to the time of his death, he was unremittingly in laborious
and important business. His industry was indefatigable; and while he always mas-
tered the minutest detail of every cause, his genius, with the mental resources of
general knowledge, oh which he could always draw for illustration, irradiated even
the most dull and uninviting topics. His name belongs to the history of his country,
and his memory will always be cherished in that which adopted him, and claims his
legal reputation as part of the inheritance of her national glory.

The "Truth Teller", New York, November 17, 1827, contains the follow-
ing, as a portion of an editorial, written on the death of Mr. Emmet :

A scene, as melancholy and distressing, as it was unexpected, occurred Wednes-
day forenoon at the City Hall, during the session of the United States Court. This
distinguished patriot and amiable citizen, while attending as counsellor in the im-
portant case of Sailors' Snug Harbour, was suddenly struck with a paralytic affec-
tion, which instantly deprived him of the use of his faculties. ... At eleven o'clock

•This is not correct as Dr. Emmet was several years in practice before the death of his brother.

484 'Through Good and Evil Report"

of the same evening, this good, this virtuous, this patriotic individual breathed his
last! Thus in the fulness of his fame, at the height of his profession, and beloved by
all, has our Bar been deprived of its brightest ornament, — America of one of her
noblest citizens — and Irishmen of one of their best friends, by the unrelenting hand
of Death. His sudden demise has thrown a gloom over the city, and has excited
sentiments of sorrow and regret that will be re-echoed from all parts of the Union.
In Ireland — the country of his birth — that country for which he suffered so many
persecutions, similar sentiments will pervade the hearts of every one, when the sad
and melancholy intelligence reaches it. Ireland, and Irishmen, indeed owe him much.
In the language of a contemporary well may we say — he was one of those high-
minded patriots, who in the dark hour of his country's peril, was neither awed by
the menaces of his oppressor, nor enfeebled by the suffering of the oppressed.

When Ireland was one vast sea of discord, where patriotism was defeated by
treachery, and power strengthened by submission; when the firmest no longer dared
to resist, and the sanguine had ceased to hope, it was then that he pursued an in-
trepid march in his country's cause, through temptations and through threats, •
through good report and evil report, till in labouring for the freedom of his country,
he sacrificed his own.

He eventually came to this country — at the time the only asylum for the pro-
scribed, and condemned, and banished patriots of the old world. How he has lived
since the day of his landing — how he has deported himself as a citizen, and an advo-
cate, may be learned from the sorrow which is felt at this sudden bereavement.

The following account of the funeral procession and interment is taken
from "The Morning Courier", 17th November, 1827:

Between the hours of 11 and 12 o'clock, on the 16th instant, there was an im-
mense crowd of people assembled in Hudson-square. The universal sensation of
grief which the death of Mr. Emmet excited shows the high respect and veneration
in which he was generally held.

At one o'clock the procession began to move.

[Then follow the names and titles of the several legal and public functionaries
given in the preceding notice.]

The procession advanced through Beach Street towards Broadway, where it was
met by an immense assemblage of individuals anxious to perform the last honours
to the eminent deceased. Every window and avenue was filled with spectators, and
notwithstanding the coldness and disagreeableness of the day we believe there has
been seldom witnessed in this city a more numerous or more respectable funeral.

About half past one o'clock the procession arrived at Grace Church. The funeral
service was here read in a most impressive manner by the officiating clergyman.
The melodies and solemn sound of the organ, the delightful and awe-inspiring music
of "I heard a voice" &c, and the melancholy occasion of the assembly evidently affected
every person present.

Hence the procession moved to St. Mark's Church graveyard, where the body of
the much lamented Thomas Addis Emmet was interred.

From the New York "Evening Post", 17th November, 1827 :
We learn that Governor Clinton has complied with the wishes of the committee
of the bar, and accepted of their invitation to pronounce the eulogy on Mr. Emmet, in
conformity to the resolution of the bar of this city, adopted on the 16th instant.*

This issue of the same paper contained an account of the funeral as follows :
We mentioned yesterday that a meeting of the bar of New York was held that

*No eulogy was delivered for the Bar Association, as Mr. Clinton died a few weeks after he
accepted, and no one else was appointed. Mr. Sampson was to have prepared a memoir of Mr. Emmet,
but he also died before he had succeeded in collecting any material. Dr. Mitchell delivered the only
address at the request of the authorities at the City Hall.

HI.'RCH _ST

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

ST. MARK'S CHURCH, "IN THE BOWERIE'

Mr. Sampson's Eulogy 4.S5

morning to testify the respect of the profession for the memory of Mr. Emmet.
The distinguished reputation of the deceased, the awful and sudden visitation by
which he has been struck down in the midst of us, and the reverence universally
paid to his private worth, made the meeting a crowded and affecting one. The fol-
lowing is a copy of the resolution proposed by Mr. Ogden and unanimously
adopted.

1. Resolved, That a marble monument be erected in some suitable part of the
city, in memory of the talents and character of Thomas Addis Emmet, Esq.

2. Resolved, That a memoir of the life of Mr. Emmet be prepared, and a funeral
oration delivered in testimony of his virtues, and as an incentive to the junior mem-
bers of the bar.

3. Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed to carry into effect the above
resolution, and that a copy of the work be presented to his family, with an assur-
ance to them, of our condolence on the afflicting dispensation, with which they have
been visited.

4. Resolved, That this meeting do adjourn, to attend the funeral of Mr. Emmet,
and that the gentlemen of the bar do wear the usual badges of mourning for thirty-one
days.

After the resolutions were passed, the meeting was addressed by Mr. Roose-
velt and Mr. Clark, who severally enlarged upon the eminent talents and virtues of
the deceased. Mr. Sampson then briefly, but in an eloquent and affecting manner,
addressed the chair. Of this address he has politely furnished us with the following
copy:

"Sir — 1 do not rise to eulogize my friend. The name of Emmet belongs to his-
tory, and history will claim it. She has already prepared a niche for him beside
the side of those illustrious brothers of a gifted family who descended long before
him to their early graves.

"He was the friend of my younger days, and the object of my constant admiration,
and I might speak of those days and tell of the trophies he had won before his sun
had reached half its meridian of splendour. I might say how he lived in the hearts
of millions in another land, but this would be to break in idly upon the sanctity of
this solemn and affecting scene. Far better is his praise shown forth here at this
moment by this assembly of all the aged and the young of that honourable calling
of which he was so bright an ornament. Where years, and station, and dignity of
worth bow down their heads, bend their looks to earth and think it not stooping
when they do him reverence. What individual praise can equal this, what words,
what human tongue can speak so movingly ? And when the historian shall trace back
that life which was dedicated to virtue and to honour, and would give some notion
of those winning and endearing attributes that graced his loftier qualities, let him
describe if he can this scene: let him tell not only how he lived, but how he died in
the field of his renown, in the exercise of his great powers which failed him not
till the hand of the Almighty, in the middle of his earthly glory, beckoned him to His
presence: how he expired by the side of his faithful colleagues, and sunk into the
arms of those honourable competitors upon whom he had so lately bestowed the meed
of generous applause: how the death stroke that silenced evermore his eloquent
tongue praised theirs also: how manhood's cheeks were wet with tender tears: how
awful justice in the judgment seat held in her breath a while: how the hand long used
to hold her balance in its steady grasp, laid it for a time aside lest it might tremble
and falter in its office. Nor let the faithful historian fail to state in justice to a
great community, to a people in whose laws is inscribed, and in whose manners and
whose hearts is seated, the ennobling and exalted virtue of hospitality; how with a
characteristic magnanimity and with one universal and spontaneous voice they
honoured this beloved brother of adoption, whose excellence after four and twenty
years of probation, they justly challenged as belonging to themselves. Long may it

486 Long- May this Pre-eminence Endure

be the proud and high prerogative of this great and happy nation, to receive into
its bosom and draw to itself as to a free and happy haven the wealth and strength
and intellectual treasures of less happy climes. Long may this pre-eminence en-
dure, that in it the injured and oppressed may find a home, and the great and good
man friends and brothers.

"I said I did not rise to eulogize my friend; but peculiarly as I stood related to
him whom we all mourn, and with him to the many who will honour those who honour
him, I thought it might not be, I hope it was not, unbecoming to express the feelings of,
let me be allowed to call it gratitude, which pressed upon my heart."

A vote was then taken that a committee should be appointed to regulate the
procession of the members of the bar in the funeral, and that they should proceed
to the late residence of Mr. Emmet, after which the meeting adjourned until 11
o'clock. Between the hours of 11 and 1 o'clock, a large crowd assembled in Hudson
square, and at 1 o'clock the procession began to move in the following order:

The Clergy.

Pall Bearers. The Coffin. Pall Bearers.

Friends of the deceased. Friends of the deceased.

Relatives of deceased.

Dr. Macnevin and Son.

High Constable.

Governor and Chancellor.

Former Chancellor.

Present and former Judges of the Supreme Court.

Judges of the United States Courts.

First Judge of Common Pleas and former Recorders.

Present and Former Attorney-Generals.

Clerk of County and Clerk of Oyer and Terminer.

Clerks of United States Courts and United States Marshal.

Clerks of Supreme Court and Register in Chancery and Surrogate.

District Attorney and United States District Attorney.

Members of the Bar.

Students of Law.

Sheriff.

Mayor and Recorder.

Members of Common Council.

Members of Common Council elect.

Citizens, two by two.

The official portion of the procession preserved its order throughout, after
leaving Grace Church. But an addition to the procession soon formed in the
side streets and as it got into line the citizen portion gradually extended from
curb to curb. Apparently every man in the city and every Irishman accom-
panied by a son turned out to show their respect, but comparatively few indi-
viduals saw the head of the procession. They were kept for hours standing
m line before they passed St. Mark's Church, with uncovered heads, and long
after the body had been deposited in the vault.

The following are the names of the Pall Bearers: — His Excellency De Witt
Clinton, Governor of the State of New York; Chancellors Kent and Jones; Judges
Betts and Thompson; Nathan Sanford, and Martin Van Buren, Esqs., United States
Senators; Messrs. William Sampson, John Chambers, Robert Swanton, D. B. Ogden,
C. D. Colden, J. O. Hoffman, and Sam'l Boyd.

The procession in passing through Beach Street towards Broadway was joined

He Has Not Left His Superior 487

by multitudes of our citizens drawn together by the common sorrow of the loss of
such a man. The streets were thronged and the windows filled with spectators as
it proceeded. Arriving at Grace Church the funeral service was read by the Rev.
Dr. Wainwright, after which the procession moved to St. Mark's Church-yard, where
the body of the deceased was interred,

Here followed a sketch of Mr. Emmet's life by the editor of "The Post".
The New York "Albion", 17th November, 1827, contained the following:

The melancholy death of this excellent man and distinguished advocate has
been announced to this community, and excited a sympathy as honourable to its
possessors as it was justly merited by the eminent virtues of him whose sudden and
appalling demise all hearts deplore.

When an individual in ordinary life, whatever may be the purity of his character
and the general elevation of his views, is snatched away from us, the loss penetrates
the hearts of friends, and perhaps destroys for ever all the blessed and soothing
joys, and all the affectionate endearment of the social circle in which he moved;
but society feels not the event that has occurred, and the great machine rolls on
with the regularity of undisturbed and noiseless progression. But when a man like
Thomas Addis Emmet, whose name is engraved on the imperishable tablets of his-
tory, whose genius and whose eloquence have received the unbought tribute of both
hemispheres, whose public and private course, whether as a patriot or a father, was
a combination of unspotted honour, of the gentlest and kindest affections, and the
warmest charity, the simple beauty of whose life was a commentary on what man
may be in this transitory world, when such a man is struck down into the remorse-
less grave, the blood rushes back to the fountain of the heart, and we are lost in
wonder as we contemplate the strange and unaccountable Providence which has
hurried him so suddenly away. Emmet passed from before our eyes like a bright
vision, he stood but now in the glorious panoply of talent and eloquence in the very
hall of judgment, pursuing the noble career he had embraced with an ardour and
devotion rarely witnessed at any time, but almost never at his period of life.

We heard his last effort, which, like the increasing splendour of the sun as it
sinks to rest, seemed to grow yet more radiant with feeling and energy and all the
attributes of genius, and in another moment, the heart that was ever filled with the
noblest sentiments and the colossal mind which could patiently examine the arcana
of practice, unravel the knotted combination of falsehood, or comprehend within
its grasp the profoundest questions of government and politics, were palsied by the
cold hand of relentless death! It is a consolation to those who loved him that he died in
the full possession of his unrivalled faculties, and rich in the affections of all those who
ever approached him.

To this community which he has so long served, his loss is a severe one; but to
the brethren of the bar, perhaps his loss is irreparable. The amenity of his manners,
the urbanity of his deportment, the excellence of his heart, and the kindness to the
younger members of the profession, all rendered him a model for imitation, and are
for ever engraven on the hearts of those with whom he was associated. Of that bar
he might well be called the father, "et decus et tutamen" ; perhaps we may say with-
out offence to those who survive him, that whether we regard the virtues of the
heart, the high sense of honour which characterized every action of his life, or the
displays of his forensic talent, he has not left his superior behind him.

Mr. Emmet was born at Cork, April 24th, 1761 — his father was a physician of
great practice and reputation, and resided at Dublin, and Mr. E. after receiving a
most liberal education devoted himself to the study of medicine. After passing some
time at Edinburgh, he visited the schools of the Continent, and returned to Dublin
having made all the acquisitions, which unremitted labour and a vigorous mind could

488 The Model of a Lawyer

achieve at that period of life. We believe, however, that Mr. Emmet practised but
little. The death of an elder brother, who even in this talented family was pre-
eminent, changed his determination, and gave a direction to his future fortunes and
laid the foundation for his future fame. Dr. Emmet wished him to embrace the pro-
fession of his devoted brother, and he immediately entered into its studies with an
ardour proportioned to his future success. Called to the bar, he was immediately
distinguished among his contemporaries and might have looked to the highest honours
of his profession, had he squared his politics with his interests. Becoming the asso-
ciate and friend of Curran, O'Connor, Grattan and Keogh, he espoused the cause of
Ireland — a cause which at last brought his brother to the scaffold; and he was one (chief
director) of the executive committee of United Irishmen in the memorable rising of
1798 — and actively engaged in the organization of that society and its plans for
revolutionizing Ireland.

Such was then his reputation at the bar, that he was invited to the important
office of defending Archibald Hamilton Rowan; when he declined from the best mo-
tives, and yielded that task to the firmness and fearless devotion of Curran. He
was soon called to experience the fate of his client — and with Macneven and many
others he was imprisoned in the jail of Dublin, on a charge of high treason. After
remaining here for some months without any overt act charged against him, over-
tures were made by the Government to him and the other prisoners to detail the plan
of their intended revolution, and the names of those implicated in it, as the price of
their release. The proposition was rejected with indignation as a reflection on their
honour. Dr. Macneven and Mr. Emmet were the committee who received the offer.
The prisoners were then removed to Fort George in Scotland and thus bonds which
bound Mr. Emmet to a father, a gallant brother, and affectionate sister were severed
forever. After two years more of lingering captivity, Mr. Emmet was released.

In 1804 he found a resting place in New York and soon won his way, and helped
by his matchless eloquence, to add another triumph to the university of Irish talent.
He first distinguished himself here in defending some fugitive slaves, and astonished
his audience by the ardour of his enthusiasm and the novel excellence of his man-
ner. He held for a short time in 1812 and '13, the office of Attorney-General of this
State, but soon resigned the appointment, and never afterward sought or occupied
a public station.

Simple and unostentatious in private life Mr. Emmet devoted his whole soul
to his profession. Midnight orgies never followed the severe labours of the forum,
and no client ever complained that the merits of his case had not been perceived
and sustained. His knowledge was profound, his researches to his last moment un-
remitting, he possessed a mind of extraordinary comprehension and the strongest
and most extensive powers of analysis — he enjoyed the secret of identifying himself
with his case and adding a sort of professional interest to his professional obligation.
Endowed with a brilliant imagination, fortified with accurate and discriminating views
of English history, enriched with all the fruits of various knowledge and blessed
with a noble enthusiasm, he appeared at the bar, the very model of a learned, accom-
plished, and eloquent lawyer.

To the Memory of T. A. Emmet.

The sun was low in the evening sky,

Not a mist nor a cloud was before him;
And he ting'd the hills with so rich a dye
That had it not been for Him on high,
The heart would have knelt to adore him.

"The Patriot's Setting Glory" 489

On the orb of light as I stood to gaze,

With a sense of suppress'd devotion
I thought <>f Him who had lit his rays,
\\ hen sudden he sank and quenched his blaze,
In the waves of the Western Ocean.

Thus — Erin! thou, from thy isle of green.
With a sigh for his tearful story,

Tho' mountains of billows roll between,

In a burst of sorrow hast lately seen
The Patriot's setting glory.

His heart — his arm were once thine own,
When Liberty's trump was sounded;

But he found thee chained to a tyrant's throne

And he wept to leave thee thus alone,
Thy brightest hopes confounded.

He left the shores of the sea-green Isle,

And the scenes of his youthful pleasures;
But he found a home in the Freeman's smile
And he soothed his cares, and he shar'd a while
The Freeman's hallow'd treasures.

And now he is gone to a better world,
Where a brother had gone before him,
Despatch'd by oppression's bloody hand,
While he stood the chief of a patriot band
With the banner of Liberty o'er him.

And there he talks of his deeds of fame.

And of Erin's tears and sorrow;
And there he sees the oppressor's name
Obscured in the shades of deathless shame,

In the tyrant's dread to-morrow.

He sees from the high and holy sphere

The land where his form reposes: —
And he reads the hearts that love him here,
And he'll see the hands from year to year,
That shall strew his grave with roses.

"Pierre.'

The foregoing verses were printed in the issue of the New York "Truth
Teller" for November 17, ls->; :

Thomas Addis Emmet.
(From a paper issued in New York, November 17, 1S27.)

Fate gave the word, the arrow sped.

And death was on the dart ;
The noble blood of Emmet fled

Like lightning from the heart.

490 Death Loves a Shining Mark

And with it fled a stream of fire,

The glowing fire of mind,
Which, while it kindled brighter, higher,

Exalted, cheer'd, refin'd !

In life he ran a noble race —

His country, and her laws
Shone with a more enchanting grace

When Emmet led her cause.
O! there was eloquence of soul

To move the sturdy mind —
To bind it with a firm control,

Or shake it like the wind.

He sleeps among the coffin'd dead,

Beneath St. Mark's lone tomb ;
Eternal flowers shall deck his bed,

And verdant laurels bloom.
Death loves a shining mark, 'tis said —

A rich, a golden prize;
And when with Emmet's soul he sped,

Joy sparkled in the skies.

In the New York "Evening Post", Monday, November 19, 1827, appeared
the following:

Notice. — A meeting will be held of the naturalized citizens, of Irish birth and
parentage, at Tammany Hall, on Wednesday evening next, the 21st inst, at 7 o'clock,
in relation to their deceased and distinguished countryman, Thomas Addis Emmet.

Monument to Mr. Emmet.

At a meeting of citizens of Irish birth and parentage convened by public adver-
tisement and held at Tammany Hall on the evening of the 21st inst., Dr. George
Cuming being called to the chair, and Alderman Campbell P. White appointed secre-
tary,

Dr. Macneven, evidently under the influence of strong feelings, addressed to the
meeting the following observations :

"The melancholy occasion which calls us together will be our apology for giving
vent to Irish feelings, and assembling in the character of Irishmen at present. We
have lost a friend who by his virtues and his genius was an honour to our native
country — a country ever dear to our affections, though of late so fallen as scarcely
to live in the knowledge of the world, or to honour and reputation, but through its
exiles. If it were for nothing else than the reverence we bear our native land we
owe a debt of gratitude to the memory of Emmet, for the beneficial influence he has
shed upon the Irish character in the United States.

"Twenty years ago, as several here may remember, strong prejudices against the
emigrants from Ireland prevailed widely through this city, and even reached some
of the best men in the community. But they were prejudices and we had the con-
solation of seing them gradually give way before the bright example of great per-
sonal worth, conciliating manners, and the honourable employment of the highest
intellectual powers. One incident of those times is fit to be recalled, as it forcibly
exhibits the propriety of conduct which won esteem, and the sense of justice which
prompted the eloquent and beautiful effusion contained in "The American" of 15th

Dr. Macneven's Address 491

of November — ;i tribute to the memory of our departed friend alike distinguished by
good feelings, good taste, and the greatest felicity for expressing them. Deception
will often come upon us from without, but the merit that redeems it is our own.

"Through all the city the public press took the same just and generous part;
nor is this surprising, though it be praiseworthy. Men whose own vocation con-
sists in the daily exercise of talents, frequently of a high order, could not but ex-
perience an instinctive sympathy and fellow feeling towards one whom talents so various
and commanding had raised to undisputed eminence.

"For, an honour never oom ei red here before on a private citi en, our municipal
fathers, in their corporate capacity, attended the obsequies oj Emmet.

"The Grand Assize of this metropolis of the Union, a body that has rarely
convened since the revolution, being assembled to try the validity of Captain Ran-
dal's munificent bequest, have it in contemplation to affix a tablet to our country-
man's fame on the wall of the court where he fell — heretofore the scene of his use-
fulness— henceforward of his renown. Nor is it irrelevant for me to remark that
his professional career at the New York Bar began in prosecuting a suit against
negro slavery, and that its last act was a defence of charity.

"The Judges adjourned from the bench to attend him to his grave.

"The members of the Bar among whom he spent his life, and who must be ad-
mitted to be the most discerning judges of his character, of his genius, and of the
vastness of his acquirements — the most capable to appreciate his unwearied toil,
his urbanity to his compeers, his fidelity to his clients; the members of the Bar
resolved with one accord to perpetuate the benefit of so illustrious an example,
especially for the sake of junior members, by the erection of a monument. This
inspiring incentive is likely to he placed in the daily view of the profession, to
rouse the latent energies of genius to noble emulation, to kindle the rivalship of elo-
quence and proclaim the triumph of science and of labour.

"The Faculty of Physics of Geneva College wears mourning for an early mem-
ber of the medical profession, and has appointed his distinguished contemporary
and friend at the University of Edinburgh, Dr. Mitchell, to pronounce his eulogium.

'By strangers honored, and by strangers mourned.'

"After these kind-hearted, these generous proceedings of the Americans, what
shall be the conduct of his fellow-citizens of Irish birth? They will indeed embalm
the memory of Emmet in their hearts, but they will also leave behind them a less
frail memorial of their esteem. They will erect an Irish monument to an Irish
patriot, where, thank God! they have power to do it. And it shall revive, iri asso-
ciated remembrances, the names of many confederates of his sublimest purposes,
who now sleep without their fame, whose epitaph is not yet written, but to whom this
monument to a brother will be a cenotaph."

The following preamble and resolutions were then unanimously adopted, and ordered
to be published.

Whereas, The life of the late Thomas Addis Emmet has been eminently hon-
ourable to the character and genius of our native country, and the country of our
ancestors; and the deeming of it of service to the best interests of mankind to en-
courage, by due honours, an undeviating perseverance in the righteous use of the
highest faculties, more especially when devoted to the paramount cause of Man's
rights and liberties. Therefore

Resoh'cd, That a subscription be opened for erecting a monument to the memory
of the late Thomas Addis Emmet, commemorative of his virtues and genius.

Resolved, That in order to extend the right of joining in the subscription to the
whole Irish population, no greater sum than three dollars to be received from any
person.

Resolved, That our heartful and most grateful thanks are justly due. and hereby

492 The Tribute of Irishmen

most cordially and respectfully tendered to our American fellow citizens, for their
generous and hospitable reception of Irishmen, giving us happiness and a home in
the best and freest country in the universe.

Resolved, That the names of the subscribers to the Monument be inscribed upon
a scroll of parchment, and deposited in a safe manner under the dome.

George Cuming, Chairman.
Campbell P. White, Secretary.

From the "Argus and City Gazette" (Albany, N. Y.), Wednesday morn-
ing, November 21.

At a meeting of the members of the Bar held in pursuance of public notice, at
the Supreme Court Room, in the Capitol, on Monday the 19th of November, 1827,
John V. Henry, Esq., was called to the chair, and Judge Duer appointed secretary.

The object of the meeting was briefly stated from the chair, to be the adopting
of measures expressive of their regret for the lamented death of Thomas Addis
Emmet, so long distinguished and so justly esteemed both for professional eminence
and for his amiable character in private life.

Whereupon Abraham Van Vechten, Esq., after a few pertinent and feeling remarks,
moved the following resolution, which was seconded by Harmanus Bleecker, Esq., and
unanimously adopted, viz: —

Resolved, That the members of this Bar sincerely lament the death of their
highly distinguished brother, Thomas Addis Emmet, and to manifest their respect
for his memory and eminent talents, agree to wear the usual badge of mourning for
thirty days.

On motion of Mr. James King, Esq., seconded by Judge Van Rensselaer,

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the daily newspapers
printed in the city of Albany.*

J. V. Henry, Chairman.
W. A. Duer, Secretary.

*The same resolutions were printed in the "Albany Daily Advertiser", Tuesday, November 20, 1827.

By the statute for "Better securing the dependency of Ireland", formal renunciation <u>as
made of the -vile connection between tyrant and slave.

T. A. Emmet.

Religion may be said to have separated Ireland into t<wo people, the Protestants and
Catholics; the Protestants ivere divided into the members of the Church of England
and the Dissenters. Both of these had been in their origin foreign colonists.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXII

A scholarly biographical sketch of Thomas Addis Emmet by William Cullen
Bryant, published in the N. Y. "Evening Post" — Probably Mr. Bryant's first contri-
bution after becoming editor — Correspondence of the committee with Governor De
Witt Clinton in accordance with the request of the New York Bar to deliver the
Emmet eulogy — The Albany "Daily Advocate" prints an account of a meeting held
in that city to forward the Emmet Monument movement — The Randall farm and
Sailors' Snug Harbor — Mr. Charles King's letter of condolence to the family —
Report in the "K veiling Post" of the Emmet Monument meeting held in Xew York
and the names of those appointed to solicit subscriptions — A poem from the Xew
York "Evening Post" to Mr. Emmet's memory.

OR some time before Mr. Emmet's death he had been sub-
jected in the Xew York "Evening Post" to ill-natured
references, frequently of a personal character or bearing
on his political course. Under the management of Cob-
bett, although he himself was an unnaturalized Irishman
and had been actively associated with Mr. Emmet in
Irish politics abroad, the paper had been inimical to Mr.
Emmet from the time of his arrival in this country. But
on the death of the chief editor a short time before Mr.
Emmet's death the editorship was assumed by William Cullen Bryant and
under his management a change took place in the tone of the "Post". In the
issue for Wednesday, November 21st, 1827, the following sketch of Thomas
Addis Emmet's life appeared as an editorial. It was from the pen of Mr.
Bryant and was probably his first article subsequent to taking charge of the
paper. Mr. Bryant wrote as follows :

By the death of Mr. Emmet the State of New York has lost one of the most
learned lawyers that ever adorned her bar, and an advocate whose powers were
unrivalled. Gifted with a mind of uncommon energy, he had cultivated it with sin-
gular industry. To a profound knowledge of law as a general science, and of minute
acquaintance with the peculiarities of the legal system of Great Britain and our
own country, he added a degree of scholastic learning to which few have arrived;
he was well versed in classic literature, and he had directed his attention to every source
from whence his mind could gather strength or derive improvement. He was edu-
cated for the medical profession, received the degree of M.D., and was considered
by those who were best enabled to form a just opinion of the extent of his acquire-

493

494 William Cullen Bryant's Sketch

ments, one who was destined to rise to the very head of the profession. Though
his capacity, intellectual activity, and indefatigable perseverance would have given
him proficiency and fame in any profession, yet it must be admitted that his talents
were peculiarly fitted for the profession of law; he possessed that quickness of
perception, that keen insight into human nature, that knowledge of the human heart,
that skill in detecting its windings and developing its operations, and that power of
successfully investigating the most intimate of human affairs, which the bar is so
well calculated to call forth and to strengthen. The eloquence of Mr. Emmet was
of a high order: it displayed all the ardency of feeling for which his countrymen
are remarkable, controlled by a sound and discriminating judgment. With an
imagination glowing at times with the brightest images of poesy; with a mind ever
active, ever on the alert; with extraordinary logical ability, and an admirable com-
mand of language; his view of the subject upon which he spoke was always clear
and comprehensive; he never left it until he had thoroughly examined and sifted it
in all its parts and bearings; the arrangement of his argument was always lucid,
and his diction well chosen; his rhetorical figures were often striking, and were
generally introduced to give force and effect to his reasoning, not merely to please
the ear, or to amuse fancy. His speeches have a solidity, an energy of language
and a range of thought about them, which stamp them as the effusions of a man,
of vigorous intellect, who feels the importance of his subject, and is fully in earnest
with it ; who is determined to fight his way to success, and cannot stop to entertain
his auditors with his finely turned periods, or the graceful involution of his sentences.
The manner of Mr. Emmet was extremely impressive. His voice was deep and well
toned; though, in the latter part of his life, owing to the loss of his teeth, his enun-
ciation was, at times, a little indistinct. His gesture was often vehement, but gen-
erally judicious and appropriate. Although on many occasions a very impassioned
speaker, yet he never fell into that fervid monotony of manner which often charac-
terizes such speakers: his pauses, and the cadences and inflexions of his voice, were
proper and effective. Mr. Emmet's forte undoubtedly lay in the production and
support of arguments to convince the judgment, which has induced many to regard
him as a skilful and powerful reasoner, rather than a very great orator. But Mr.
Emmet could touch the sensibilities and stir up the passions when he pleased, and
the passages of pure, and even sublime eloquence, which occur in some of his
speeches, establish his claim to the reputation of an eminent orator upon a firm
and immovable foundation. In the biographical work which is to be written, it is to
be hoped that his style of forensic oratory will be made a subject of particular ob-
servation and critical remark, and that the author will take pains to cull and collate
the best specimens of his argumentive powers, and the most brilliant sallies of his
fancy. It is a lamentable fact, that the posthumous fame of a great advocate is often
ephemeral, for the want of some judicious and tasteful person, who should collect
and arrange the interesting and valuable, but almost forgotten speeches, which he
has delivered.

Of Mr. Emmet's character as a man, he was so generally known in this com-
munity, that little need be said. One, who had an opportunity of knowing well what
he was, can bear witness to the amiability of his disposition, the excellence of his
heart, and the highly honorable principles by which he was ever actuated.

"The mourner shall sit on thy tomb."

'William Cullen Bryant became connected with the "Evening Post" in 1826 and was not in accord
politically with William Coleman, who with the aid of Wm. Cobbett opposed Mr. Emmet whenever he
could use his paper for the purpose. At the time of Mr. Emmet's death Mr. Bryant was temporarily
in charge of the "Post" and was the author of the article just given and signed "B".

Mr Bryant became editor of the paper early in December, 1827, and continued in charge until he
retired on account of his advanced age, and throughout his life he was a personal friend of the different
members of the Emmet family.

Governor Clinton to Mr. Sampson 495

As already noticed, the New York "Evening Post", Tuesday, November
87, L827, announced that Governor Clinton had complied with the wishes of
the Committee of the Bar, and accepted their invitation to pronounce the
eulogy on Mr. Emmet, in conformity to the resolution of the Bar of New York,
adopted on the 16th inst.

The New York "Evening Post", November 29, 1827:

The following is the correspondence between the Committee of the Bar and the
Governor, in relation to the eulogy of the late Mr. Emmet and addressed to Wm.
Sampson, Esq. :

To His Excellency De Witt Clinton, Governor of the State of New York.

Dear Sir. — The committee for effectuating the resolutions of the Bar in this
city in honor of Mr. Emmet, wishing that the fulfilment of their purposes should be
attended with a distinction corresponding with that which has been so freely displayed by
the community at large, invoke the aid of your talents, character, and station, and re-
quest that you will accept of the painful but generous office of pronouncing the
eulogy voted by the second resolution; the time and place to be such as shall best
suit your own convenience. I am sir, with great consideration, your obedient servant,

William Sampson,
Chairman of the Committee of the Bar.

Albany, 22nd Nov., 1S27.

Dear Sir. — I have been honored with a letter from you, as chairman of the Com-
mittee of the Bar of New York, requesting me to pronounce an eulogium on the de-
ceased Mr. Emmet, and leaving the time to my convenience. With the latitude al-
lowed me as to time I shall certainly consider it due to the friendship (as ardent as
sincere), which f always entertained for that illustrious man, and the high respect
which I have cherished for his virtues and talents, to comply with a request which
I consider an honor. I regret that my official duties and arrangements will not per-
mit me to perform this sacred duty of friendship until May next.

I am, dear sir, very respectfully, your friend,

De Witt Clinton.

Wm. Sampson, Esq., Chairman &c.

The "Albany Daily Advertiser", for Thursday, November 22, 1827, printed
the following:

The names of the gentlemen appointed on the committee to collect subscriptions
for a monument to be erected in memory of the late Mr. Emmet, and to provide
for a funeral oration and publication of a memoir, are as follows:

David B. Ogden, William Sampson, Peter A. Jay, James J. Roosevelt, Charles
Baldwin, James Kent, and C. D. Colden, Esquires.

It is said that one gentleman, not a member of the bar, who was present at
the awful event, has already subscribed a sum nearly equivalent to the purpose.

The above was reprinted from the New York "Commercial Advertiser".

The issue of the "Albany Daily Advertiser" of November 30 contains an
exact copy of the resolutions passed at the Tammany Hall meeting on Novem-
ber 21st.

The Bar of New York have voted to erect a marble Monument to the memory
of T. A. Emmet, Esq., who died last week of apoplexy. A memoir of his life is to
be prepared, and a funeral oration delivered in testimony of his virtues and as an
incentive to the junior members of the Bar.

Mr. E. came to this country from Ireland in 1804.

496 Mr. Charles King's Condolences

The wealthy corporation known to-day as the Sailors' Snug Harbor was
founded on a bequest of Randal's farm, which at the time of Mr. Emmet's
death was of little value. Captain Randal's will was contested and Mr. Emmet
gave his services to the defence as a charity. To gain this suit, and on the
same day another in which nearly all the property of John Jacob Astor was
involved, he lost his life from excessive work.

One of the first letters of condolence received by the family after Mr.
Emmet's death, as has been already stated, was from the eldest son of Rufus
King. Social intercourse had existed between the young people of the two
families even before Mr. King's death, but his son's expression of sympathy
on this occasion engendered a state of good feeling which has remained un-
broken.

The following letter was written to Robert Emmet, the eldest son, and was
evidently in answer to one written immediately after Mr. Emmet's death :

Monday, 26 Nov., 1827
My Dear Sir:

I have just received your letter of Saturday, and will not disguise from you the
gratification it afforded me. To have been the means of administering any, the
smallest balm to affliction such as that which has befallen your family, is in itself
a most cheering reflection. To be assured by you that in what I did say, you were
not disappointed nor surprised, is to me at once, the most gratifying and the most
delicate acknowledgment that my feelings were justly appreciated.

Permit me to add the hope, that in the graves of those whom Nature never meant
for foes, may be buried, as to their survivors, all memory of the adverse circum-
stances that separated them, and to assure you on my part of the strong desire
I shall ever entertain not to impair your kind estimate of me.

I beg you to present my most sincere and respectful condolences to your mother and
sisters, and to believe me with great regard —

Your humble servant,

Charles King.

To R. Emmet, Esq.

From the New York "Evening Post", Monday, November 26, 1827 :

Monument to Mr. Emmet.

At a meeting of the citizens of Irish birth and parentage, convened by public
advertisement, and held at Tammany Hall, on the evening of the 21st inst, Dr.
George Cuming, being called to the Chair, and Alderman Campbell P. White, ap-
pointed Secretary, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted,
and ordered to be published:

Whereas, The life of the late Thomas Addis Emmet has been eminently hon-
orable to the character and genius of our native country and the country of our
ancestors, and deeming it of service to the best interests of mankind to encourage,
by due honors, an undeviating perseverance in the righteous use of the highest
faculties, more especially when devoted to the paramount cause of man's rights and
liberties.

Therefore, Resolved, that a subscription be opened for erecting a Monument to
the late Thomas Addis Emmet, commemorative of his virtue and genius.

Resolved, That in order to extend the right of joining in the subscription, to the

Monument to Mr. Emmet l''

whole Irish population, no greater sum than three dollars be received from any one
person.

Resolved, That our heartfelt and most grateful thanks an- justly due, and hereby
most cordially and respectfully tendered to our American fellow citizens, for their
generous and hospitable reception of Irishmen, giving us happiness and a home in
the best and freest country in the universe.

Resolved, That the names of the subscribers to the Monument be inscribed upon
a roll of parchment, and deposited in a safe manner under the Dome.

George Cuming, Chairman.
Campbell P. White, Secretary.

The following gentlemen were then appointed to receive subscriptions in their
respective wards:

First Ward. — Thomas Suffern, James McBride, William James, Henry Lowery,
Cornelius Heeny.

Second Ward. — James McCurdy, John B. Montgomery, Edward McGaraghan,
Lewis Cronly, Robert McKeon, Thomas Toole, Sen'r.

Third Ward. — Campbell P. White, James Magee, Samuel Craig, Edward Innes,
George Gallagher.

Fourth Ward. — Dennis H. Doyle, William Agnevv, Michael Conrey, William
Clancey, John F. Gannon.

Fifth Ward. — William M. Carter, George Bowen, John Thomas, Samuel Brady,
John Linn, Harris Blood.

Sixth Ward. — Rev. Edward Mitchell, General Lynch. Dennis McCarthy. John
Chambers, Dr. S. Macauley, Dr. G. Cuming, Peter Davey, James Ballagh, James
Ryan.

Seventh Ward. — Rev. Dr. Macauley, John Quin. John Ridden, John Mc-
Gibben, Alexander Carscaddin, Patrick Sullivan, John Shannon, Lawrence Power.

Eighth Ward.— William W. Cowan, James Brown, John Caldwell, Michael Mul-
den, William Edwards.

Ninth Ward. — John Gibson, Lawrence Murphy, Col. S. E. Fotherall, Nicholas
Sackan.

Tenth Ward. — David Atkinson, Bartholomew McGaraghan, Peter Duffy, Tighe
Davy, Edward Cooper.

Eleventh Ward. — James Hays, Charles Coles, William Fitzgerald, Rowley
Hogan, John Friel.

Twelfth Ward. — James Flanaghan, James Dobbin, Arthur McCarten, Peter
McLaughlin, Charles Smyth, James W. Anderson.

Thirteenth Ward. — Francis Henrietta, Owen Connell, Andrew Fallon, Edward
Flanagan, Mr. Little.

Fourteenth Ward. — Rev. Dr. Power, Rev. Dr. Feltus, Macneven, Bernard O'Con-
nor, John Largy, Thomas Doyle, Michael Garvey, Mr. Usher.

The Boston "Recorder and Telegraph" for Friday, November 20th, 1827,
said :

A bar meeting is called at Albany, to take measures for expressing the regret of the
members at the death and memory of Mr. Emmet.

From the New York "Evening Post", December 1st, 1827:

Oh! shed not for Emmet the sorrowing tear!
He sunk in the midst of his glorious career;
When thousands in rapt admiration had hung
On the accents that burst from the eloquent tongue,

498 ''Eclipsed at His Noon"

And the high halls of justice rung loud with the fame

Of the exiled patriot's far-honored name.

Oh, then came the summons, that moment 'twas given,

That call'd him before the tribunal of Heaven —

From judges of earth to the great Judge above;

Who enthron'd with his attributes, mercy and love,

Stretched forth his hand and severed the tie

That bound that bright spirit too long from the sky.

In an instant it burst from the mansion of clay

And triumphantly rose to the regions of day.

And the last parting beam of his genius was bright,

And glowing, and warm as the noonday of light ;

And the flash of that ray still its brilliancy shed

When the light that had caused it forever had fled.

No fading in luster, no dimness was there,

He sank in the pride of his glorious career.

Like the sun, when his splendors are cloudless and high,

Eclipsed at his noon in the midst of the sky,

More dazzling he seems to remember, more bright

Than when slowly declining he sank into night.

Mafy.

When England seemed to have added strength to her constitution by setting the House
of Hanover on the throne, 'when her commerce and her arms had exalted her power
and resources above every other European State, her policy towards Ireland could
only be satisfied by the most unequivocal expression of the most unbounded despotism.

T. A. Emmet.

While the friend of freedom disdains to advocate the cause of the Irish Parliament, he
must sympathize in the fate of the Irish people, through all the changes of British
policy, still doomed to endure the bitter curse of insult and gloomy horrors of servi-
tude, and still seize every opportunity which the history of that policy presents to
illustrate its motives and to reprobate its injustice.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXIII

Boston meeting in relation to the Emmet Monument — A New York meeting
for the same purpose reported by the "Evening Post", with a list of officers — Harvey's
Sketch — Meeting called in Philadelphia — Hibernian Relief Society of Boston — From the
London "Times" — Letter from Dr. Macneven to Mr. Duponceau relating to Mr. Emmet
— Comments on Macneven's letter — The writer's recollection of information obtained
from bis relatives in relation to Dr. Robert Emmet, T. A. Emmet and others — Report of
a meeting held iii Philadelphia to advance the movement for the Emmet Monument — A
poem from the "Evening Post" to the memory of Mr. Emmet.

PJRZ

He v*

jKtfjffigJI

N the New York "Evening Post" for December 3d, 1827,
was published an account of a meeting held in Boston to
forward the movement for erecting the monument to Mr.
Emmet's memory.

In New York at a meeting of the several committees ap-
pointed to receive subscriptions in their respective wards (held
. at the Broadway House on the evening of the 30th of Nov.) for
the purpose of erecting a monument to the memory of the late
Thomas Addis Emmet, a man whose virtues and talents will long
be remembered and revered, both in his native and adopted
country, Rev. Dr. Feltus was called to the chair, and John T. Dolan was appointed
secretary.

The following resolutions were unanimously passed, and ordered to be pub-
lished.

Resolved, That Dennis McCarthy, Esq., be Treasurer to the General Fund.
Resolved, That the chairman of each ward be requested to call together his com-
mittees as soon as convenient to carry their object into effect, and that they have
power to add to their numbers.

Resolved, That the secretary of this meeting notify the chairman of each com-
mittee of the above resolution.

H. L. Feltus, Chairman.
John T. Dolan, Secretary.

The New York "Statesman" for Tuesday, December 4th, 1827, contained
this "Sketch of Mr. Emmet":

Seldom has the death of an individual produced as strong a sensation in this
country as that of the eminent counsellor and eloquent advocate, who has lately
descended to the tomb, respected, beloved, and regretted. He had no enemies. But

499

500 Harvey's Sketch

his character was not negative; and his virtues created an unusually extensive circle
of warm friends. The sympathies of the great and the good hallow his grave.
His talents, eloquence and estimable character have called forth eulogies from the
ablest pens. Every heart has been anxious to pay a voluntary tribute to his memory.
We take great pleasure in presenting to our readers the following concise and elo-
quent sketch, which was handed to us last evening by a friend, who has often listened
with admiration to a voice now mute, and who has drawn a portrait with such strong
and vivid lineament, as not to be mistaken by any one that has ever seen the original
at the bar.

Mr. Emmet commenced his career at the bar in New York in 1S05, and soon rose
to eminence in his profession. As a sound lawyer and able advocate he acquired in-
deed great and merited celebrity. His integrity of heart and irreproachable morals;
his age, his past misfortunes, his retired and studious habits, his frankness of mind
and his unaffected simplicity of manners, secured him universal respect ; while his various
talents, his professional abilities and his splendid eloquence rendered him at once
the pride and ornament of the bar.

His name and character seemed to be associated with ideas of an elevated
and reflective cast; with patriotism and moral courage, with dignity of mind and
rectitude of purpose; with the gifts and dispensations of providence, the vicissitudes
of life and the instabilities of fortune. He was an exile expatriated but not dis-
graced, deprest but not broken, venerable in age, illustrious in adversity. He was
independent, indeed, but his independence was held by the painful tenure of inces-
sant labour and unremitted exertion. He was ambitious, too; but his ambition was
virtue, and its object, the fame of excellence.

His frame was bowed by the pressure of years; but his spirit was erect. The
lustre of his eye was lost, and its vision impaired, but the light beamed undiminished.
His infirmities were indeed apparent; but they were those of the body, not of the
mind. I seldom saw him without reverting in imagination to the melancholy fate
and heroic character of his brother; and never listened to him without calling to
mind the genius, the eloquence and the sufferings of Ireland.

He came into the profession in the maturity of age and the fulness of his powers,
with a mind conversant with its duties and its principles, but unwarped by its sub-
tilties and unsullied by its collisions. He had no incipient, no probationary grade ;
but over all that was little or derogatory he rose at once and placed himself beside
the ablest and most eminent. Nor was he mistaken in the estimate of his powers.
Yet he relied not upon that rare and too often imaginary gift of intuition;
nor did he depend exclusively upon a more certain resource, the abundance and
variety of his previous acquirements. His confidence rested upon his ability to in-
vestigate and his power to comprehend.

To a sound understanding, cultivated by liberal studies and improved by ex-
perience, he added the most laborious diligence and persevering research. To every
important cause, therefore, in which he was engaged, he brought a mind familiar with
every principle applicable to its nature and prepared with every argument that could
illustrate its merits.

His manner of speaking was original and peculiarly impressive. He was solemn
and emphatic beyond any example in forensic eloquence. His age, his person, his
voice, even the imperfection of his accent, conspired to render him one of the most
interesting speakers at the bar.

But of the style of his elocution, I despair of giving any adequate idea. It is as
difficult to describe, as it would have been to excel. His enunciation was deliberate
and distinct, his air solemn and didactic. His emphasis was peculiarly strong, and
his gesticulation bold and vehement. He possessed great compass of voice and in-
dulged in unusual transitions — descending at times with great effect, from the utmost
energy of expression to a low, prolonged and tremulous intonation.

Meetings in Philadelphia and Boston 5°1

When strongly impressed with the importance as well as the justice of his cause,
lie seemed to devote to it every faculty of his mind and body. His genius, his judg-
ment, his stores of legal and classical learning, and his inimitable powers of develop
ment and illustration were all put in requisition, lie exhausted resource of reason, of
argument, and of eloquence. He threw into the scale the weight of his individual char-
acter; he staked his reputation for integrity; he pledged his faith, his judgment, and the
character of his understanding! In these efforts he seldom failed of success, and never
of impressing upon the minds of others the conviction of his own sincerity.

Confidence, decision and energy; an ardent love of civil and religious liberty;
and an absolute devotion to a sense of duty, constituted the basis of his character:
and upon this foundation he reared a column of fame, at once majestic and beautiful,
breathing intelligence, excellence and grandeur.

Such is at least my conception of the talents and character of Emmet. He has
paid the debt of Nature; but the grateful recollection of his virtues will long survive
him; and long, in the language of the Patriot Bard of his native Isle, will his form
"Still lingering, haunt the greenest spot on memory's waste."

J. H.

The above was a newspaper clipping taken from a contemporary scrap book
in which some one has added the initials, showing that J. Harvey was the
author.

The New York "Evening Post" for December 4th, 1827, contained the
following :

The Irishmen and descendants of Irishmen, in Philadelphia, are called upon to
join their brethren of New York in expressing respect for the death, and respect for
the memory of the late Thomas Addis Emmet.

From the New York "Evening Post", December 10th, 1827:

The Hibernian Relief Society of Boston, at their last monthly meeting, elected
William Sampson and Robert Emmet, son of the late Thomas Addis Emmet, hon-
orary members.

The London "Times", for Thursday, December 6th, 1827, contained the
following:

In the New York papers of the 16th we find an account of the death of Mr. Em-
met, who, since he escaped the fate of his brother, has been a distinguished ornament
of the American bar. He was seized with a paralytic affection on the 14th, while
attending the Circuit Court in New York, and died on the following day. We sub-
join the account of this event, to show the estimation in which the last of the Em-
mets was held in the country of his exile.

This is followed by a quotation from the New York "American'* of No-
vember 15th, 1827, which has been given above.

The appended letter from the Crimmins collection was not dated by Dr.
Macneven, but bears his endorsement — "Dr. Macneven, 7 Dec: 1827".

Dear Sir — I have to thank you for your various favours for the settlement of
the note to Dalton among others. This was not presented for a couple of days after
the time when it was made payable but was discharged as soon as offered, and I
heard of no protest, nor was there any that I know of. I read with great pleasure
and admiration your discourse on Chief Justice Tilghman. It is a philosophical
and eloquent composition and you extricate your hero very dexterously out of his

502 Eminent Worth of the Emmet Family

supineness during the period of the revolution; and he made certainly great amends
for it by the subsequent application of the knowledge and habits then acquired.

I find that the demise of the late Mr. Emmet produces a strong sensation in your
city as well as here. Indeed such a man can very rarely appear, for many qualifica-
tions, mental and physical, that seldom unite, concurred to form his character. He
was born with a happy genius, he had no irritability of constitution, but could be
roused and animated by the convictions of his reason. His early studies were well
directed, as his habits of labour continued unbroken throughout his life. He never
had a dyspepsia, nor any of those nervous ailments, either natural or induced, which
produce so much listlessness and loss of time in the best disposed and most inclined
to work. His moral integrity could not be surpassed, and though no censurer of the
faults of others, this was not from indifference, but from constitutional calmness
and a command of temper, which this happy temperament rendered easy to practise.
We were not relatives as you suppose; but intimate friends for thirty years, without
the least coolness for all that time of severe and eventful trials.

Believe me with sincere esteem and respect

Your obed't,
Wm. J. Macneven.
Addressed to

P. S. Duponceau, Esq're,
Philadelphia.

Dr. Macneven was a close observer, and since he surpassed most of his
cotemporaries intellectually, he would to a greater extent be able to appreciate
Mr. Emmet's worth and character. Their close relationship through a long
life and under such varied circumstances, gave the Doctor every opportunity
for judging accurately.

Macneven's remark that "such a man can very rarely appear, for many
qualifications, mental and physical, that seldom unite, concurred to form
his character", cannot be passed without comment, bearing not only on Mr.
Emmet individually, but relating equally to the whole family. We have seen
Dr. Madden's opinion as given by himself, that this branch of the Emmet
family constituted : "the most talented family in every respect that he had ever
known". It was more, for every member of the family seemed to have been
by nature perfect in character, and they maintained through their lives a de-
gree of perfection, from a moral standpoint, seldom attained by any mortal on
earth. And yet they were all absolutely free from what is termed religious
influence, as to belief in special dogma. It was natural for them to observe
every law of God and man ; it was done apparently without effort on their
part, as they seemed free from temptation.

The writer has given closer study to the life of his grandfather, Thomas
Addis Emmet, than any one else. It has been the application of a lifetime,
with advantages no one has possessed in the past or could gain in the future ;
he has formed the opinion that Mr. Emmet was free from every defect in
character, and was as perfect a human being, from a moral and mental stand-
point, as lies within the range of human possibility. Dr. Madden' also records,'
as we have seen, the testimony of the Rev. Archibald Douglas, who knew
Robert Emmet, that: "so gifted a creature does not appear in a thousand
years". The mother spent her life in the obscurity of domestic surroundings

Dr. Emmet's Tours of Inspection

and we have nothing which throws direct light on her character save her lett<
to her son in Fort George, and particularly the one written after the death of
her husband. Vet, no mure evidence is needed as to her mental and moral
qualities than the result of her training, as shown in the development of
her children. The daughter was a remarkable woman as to her intellectual
attainments, and she seems to have inherited her mother's character. Temple,
the eldest son, died young, but he evidently possessed to the same degree the
remarkable intellectuality of the family, and bore the character of a man of
eminent worth.

The father was a noted intellectual man and one of great learning, but he
was more human and lacked the repose of character and manner which all the
other members of the family possessed to a degree that nothing seemed ever
to disturb their even tenor. He was irascible, a characteristic none of the
others possessed in the slightest degree.

The older members of the family often described to the writer, when a
child, the appearance and peculiarities of the old gentleman. He employed
a number of men in the cultivation of his garden and the care of the grounds.
He spent several hours daily walking about and inspecting the work. He
always walked with a long staff about his height, which he grasped in the
middle, as was the fashion with many of the day. If while walking, generally
with his left arm under the tail of his coat, he saw one of the men apparently
neglecting his task, he would, in passing, knock him over with a rap on the
side of the head and proceed on his way without a change in his expression
or manner. Any other member of the family would have spoken a few words
to stimulate the offender to greater effort. It is strange that this token of
personal attention was never resented. As a matter of fact it was regarded
by the workmen themselves as a joke, for all knew that in adversity they could
not apply for relief to a better friend.

To return to the press notices of Mr. Emmet's demise, the Albany "Daily
Advertiser" for Monday, December 24, 1827, contained the following:

On Saturday the Sth inst. a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, descendants
of Irishmen, was held in the District Court Room, pursuant to notice. William
Duane, Esq., was called to the chair, and Messrs. John Horner and William Wilson
appointed secretaries.

The meeting was addressed by General Robert Patterson, and pursuant to a
resolution offered by him, and adopted, committees were appointed for each ward,
to receive the contributions for the purpose of erecting a monument to the memory
of Thomas Addis Emmet. Wm. S. Duane, Esq., has been requested to deliver an
eulogium.

From the New York "Evening Post", December 26th, 1827:

The following lines, written in honor of one of Ireland's favorite sons, are from
the pen of an unknown correspondent :

Emmet.

We mourn him ! — for in reason's art

There is no magic found
To bind and heal the bleeding heart

While memory clings around.

504 Verses to Mr. Emmet's Memory

We sigh o'er visions passed away,

We mourn the moments fled —
The hope, the life of youth's sweet day —

And we must weep the dead !

We mourn him! — for the fearless voice,

The deep and thrilling tone,
That call'd the spirit to rejoice

In eloquence — is gone!

The eye, that flashed with holy light,

The radiance of the mind,
Hath past, like the meteor of the night,

That leaves no trace behind.

We mourn him, though in strength he died,

As one who ne'er could yield,
Like warrior in his victor pride

Upon the laurel'd field.

A glorious meed his genius won —

To sink untamed, and be
Triumphant to the last, as none

Can triumph but the free.

And yet we mourn him! — for he came

O'er ocean's bounding waves
From our green land — her clouded fame —

Her altars, and her graves.

But still her spirit breathed around —

In loveliness, the tone
Of her wild song, and sorrows found

His faithful heart her own.

We mourn him! — though we know that earth

Claims but her kindred clay —
That these weak bonds of mortal birth

Must break and fall away:

But that the spirit, far on high,

Its pure response hath given,
Above yon calm and glorious sky,

Amid the courts of heaven!

A people owe no obligation 'whilst force and not choice compels them to submission.

John Locke.

A Statesman ... is a gift from Heaven; Heaven has not seen fit to besto<w that gift upon
Ireland ; but as Cod afflicts those 'whom He loves, Heaven must have loved Ireland
dearly.

Attributed to R. E. in Whitty's "Life of Emmet".

Chapter XXXIV

Mr. Emmet's death noticed throughout the country — An extended biographical sketch
of Mr. Emmet's life by an anonymous writer, published in Philadelphia — A memorandum
given Dr. Madden by Mr. Emmet's son — Offer to Mr. Emmet of solicitor-generalship of
Ireland — Comment of Peter Burrowes on Mr. Emmet's career in the United States —
C. H. Teeling's reflections on Mr. Emmet's death and course in this country — Dr. Mitch-
ell's discourse.

' FTER Mr. Emmet's death the press throughout the country
commented to an unusual extent upon his character and
his course as a public man. Many of these writers must
have known Mr. Emmet personally, and not a few were
exiles like himself, who had been more or less associated
with him in the Irish troubles of the day. Unfortunately
the files of but few newspapers of this period were pre-
served, and we are thus deprived of much which would
have been given as reminiscences, based upon personal
observation. The writer has been able to obtain few notices of Mr. Emmet's
death from newspapers printed out of the city of New York; the following
accidentally came into his hands as a clipping made at the time. It is taken
from the Philadelphia "Saturday Evening Post" of December 15th, 1827.
Notwithstanding the fact that much to which this article refers has already
been considered, it is valuable as a resume, and is as follows:

A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF THOMAS ADDIS EMMET.

A MAN MISFORTUNE COULD NOT BEND.

Since reason, then, can privilege a tear,
Manhood, uncensured, pay that tribute here
Upon this noble urn.

As the name of Emmet is connected with Irish history, and as he was for many
years an ornament to this, his adopted country, the events of his diversified life are worthy
of record, and cannot fail to interest.

The Bar of New York have appointed one who is well acquainted with the early
history and political career of Mr. Emmet, to compose a memoir of his life. As it will
be some time before this work makes its appearance, the following sketch may not be
unacceptable to the public.

505

506 Summary of Irish Grievances

Thomas Addis Emmet was born at Cork, on the 24th of April, 1764 ; his father, Dr.
Robert Emmet, was a physician of great reputation and extensive practice, and held
for some years the situation of "State Physician." H'e intended to bring up Thomas to
his own profession ; accordingly when the studies of the University were over, he was
sent for his medical education to the celebrated school of Edinburgh. After receiving
his degree of M.D. he visited most of the schools and hospitals of the Continent, and
returned to his native country, with an intention of commencing the practice of his pro-
fession. The death of his elder brother, Temple Emmet, a barrister who had advanced
himself to the front ranks of the legal profession, and who was cut off before he had
reached the meridian of life, gave a new direction to his future labours — in compliance
with the request of his father, and in accordance with his own inclinations, he turned
his attention to the study of- law* — his assiduity was great, and soon after his call to the
Bar he distinguished himself as a profound lawyer and powerful advocate — with his
learning, his eloquence, and the respectability of his connection, there can be little doubt
that if his political conduct had been dictated by a selfish prudence, he might have aimed
with success at the highest honours of the bench — but such was not the case,

To those who are acquainted with the history of Ireland, it is unnecessary to describe
the manner in which that ill fated country has been oppressed, from the invasion of
Henry the second, down to the present time; suffice to say, that the Irish have experienced
the treatment of a subjugated people, whose proud and distrustful conquerors were de-
termined to do everything which lay in their power towards breaking their spirit, and
prostrating their national strength. The Catholics have been in a peculiar manner, the
objects of the severity and vengeance of the British Government — the Statutes of Eliz-
abeth, iniquitous as they were, were but the commencement of the studied system of
tyranny which they had to endure, — its completion was left to the authors of the British
revolution — their most galling fetters were fastened upon them by the boasted preservers
of English liberty.

It was natural to suppose that a majority of the Catholic population would rally
around the standard of James the second, when deprived of his throne for his exertions
in favour of that church, to which they were enthusiastically attached — they regarded
him as a sufferer for the faith, and entered into his cause with zeal — the battle of the
Boyne annihilated their hopes; the victory of William was complete and decisive — they
were thrown into the power of a foe flushed with success and irritated at the daring re-
sistance of those whom they considered and treated as rebels, — the arm of legislative
oppression was raised against the whole mass of the Irish Catholics, and it seemed as
if their subjection was to be ensured by stripping them of every vestige of political power
or influence, and a general conversion to Protestantism to be effected by a series of the
most offensive and degrading marks of inferiority. It was not to be expected that so
ardent a people as the Irish would bear with patience this load of oppressive enactments —
but they were too firmly riveted to be easily shaken off — insurrections of the populace
only served to incense, and increase the severity of Government — the acts of atrocity
which the pressure of want, or the spirit of revenge induced them to perpetuate, were
visited with vindictive retribution, and were used as a pretence to show the inexpediency
of abrogating any part of the penal code, whenever any attempt of that kind was made
by those of rank and influence who mourned over the wretchedness of their native land,
or those who in a sister kingdom could feel compassion for a people whose minds were
abased, whose energies were dwindling away, and whose prosperity had departed under
the depressing and disastrous operation of this arbitrary code. The Volunteers of Ire-
land who had associated for the noblest and most patriotic purposes might have raised
the country from her state of humiliation, but they dispersed at the request of their lead-
ers, at the head of whom was the Earl of Charlemont, without having done anything of
importance towards it. The revolution of France hailed by the friends of liberty through-

*This is not strictly correct. Dr. Emmet did study law after the death of his elder brother,
but before his brother died he had been for some time in successful practice of medicine, and for at
least a year he held from the Government the position of "State Physician" in conjunction with his father.

Mr. Emmet as a Patriot 507

out tlit-- British Empire, as the dawning of a new era — the tree of freedom which was
there planted, they fondly hoped would thrive and spread until the remote nations of the
earth should rest beneath its branches — it was not then foreseen how soon that sun,
which rose so full of promise, should become obscured, and at length "sit in darkness
and in night." While various associations were formed in England and Scotland, for the
purpose of endeavouring to obtain a reform in the House of Commons, .1 1
instituted in Ireland, called the Society of United Irishmen, whose great object was to
obtain an adequate representation of the Irish people — of this society, which numl
among its members many persons of superior talents, Mr. Emmet became a member.

The leaders of the opposition in Parliament were inclined at first to approve of the
confederacy, but their opinions changed when the society came out with a declaration
of their principles, against .Mr. Grattan, and in favour of annual parliaments and uni-
versal suffrage.

On the ~Sth of April, 1734, the Reverend Mr. Jackson, a member of the society, was
arrested upon a charge of high treason — .Mr. Emmet was retained as one of his counsel —
Mr. Jackson died upon his trial, in consequence of some poison which he had taken.
About the same time, Archibald Hamilton Rowan was arrested for some political publi-
cations— he made his escape from prison on the 1st of May following — he was a gentle-
man of excellent abilities, and had acted for some time as secretary of the society. The
fate of these members so far from damping the spirit of the confederacy seemed to
nerve their determination, ami add vigour to their perseverance. In 1705, an union of the
various branches of the society, a Directory was effected by Theobald Wolfe Tone, an
ingenious, active, enterprising member — the test of association was then altered, and the
views of the Society were no longer bounded by the prospect of a parliamentary reform —
to use their own language, this test embraced both the republican and the reformer, and
left to future circumstances to decide to which point the common strength would be di-
rected, but still the whole body we are convinced would rejoice to stop at reform.

Mr. Emmet became a member of this united system in 171X1, and was made one of
the Directory. The aim of the society was now to attempt a revolution by calling in the
assistance of France, and plans were laid, and negotiations entered into for that pur-
pose— a stop, however, was put to their exertions by the treachery of a member.

< >:k- Thomas Reynolds, a mercer, whose wealth gave him considerable influence over
his Catholic brethren was induced through the persuasions of Lord Edward Fitzgerald
and Mr. Bond, to attach himself to the cause — he was advanced to some important offices
in the society, and admitted to the confidence of its chiefs — instigated either by avarice
or fear, he made a conditional disclosure of the purposes of the society, for which he
received a reward of five hundred guineas. In consequence of this development of their
designs, the thirteen Leinster delegates were seized together with their papers on the
12th of March, 1798, and on the same day Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven, Mr. Bond, Mr.
Sweetman, Henry Jackson and Hugh Jackson were arrested, and warrants were issued
against Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Mr. McCormack, and Mr. Sampson. After remaining
some time in prison Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven and Arthur O'Connor were examined be-
fore the Secret Committee of the House of Lords. During the long examination which
he underwent, Mr. Emmet explained the objects of the Directory while he was a member
of it, avowed an intention of separating from Great Britain, and of calling in the aid of
France, and brought forward some arguments to prove that Ireland would prosper as a
separate nation ; he indignantly repelled the charge that any of those in power were to
be put to death, and when he described the manner in wdiich their opponents were to
be treated, Lord Dillon remarked "Mr. Emmet, you have stated the views of the execu-
tive to be very liberal and very enlightened, and I believe yours were so." Mr. Emmet and
some other prisoners were afterwards conveyed to Fort George, in the Highlands of
Scotland ; while confined there, repeated applications were made for months to the Irish
ministry that Airs. Emmet might be permitted to visit her husband, but in vain — the re-
quest was made at length to the Duke of Portland, who granted it upon condition, that

508 Mr. Emmet as a Lawyer

she should see him in the presence of a person in the service of the Government, and
that care should be taken that no letters or papers were carried by her into, or out of the
Fort. The favour with such a condition annexed to it, was properly declined. Mrs.
Emmet and her children, were afterwards, however, permitted to reside with him. One
little circumstance will serve to show the respect which was felt for Mr. Emmet, even by
those whose political opinions were diametrically opposed to his, and who discharged in
fact, the ungracious office of his gaolers. A fire broke out in one of the apartments of
the Fort ; as its magazine contained a quantity of gunpowder, the fire, as well may be
supposed, occasioned no inconsiderable degree of alarm and apprehension among the
imprisoned — it was extinguished, however, with little difficulty, and without having done
any material damage, but a polite note to the following effect was sent to Mr. Emmet,
that as the fear of a like accident must be peculiarly distressing to a lady, circumstanced as
Mrs. Emmet was, the doors leading from Mr. Emmet's room shall in future be left un-
locked.

After lingering out a tedious confinement of five or six years, the light of happier
days shone around him ; the portals of his prison were opened, and he was allowed to
depart and reside in any country at peace with Great Britain.

Mr. Emmet went to France ; while there the tidings of the unsuccessful insurrection,
and the execution of his younger brother Robert, reached him — in deep affliction for the
melancholy fate of an only and beloved brother, whose talents and noble feelings had
commanded the admiration even of his enemies; ruined in fortune, and an exile from
his native land, Mr. Emmet set sail for America.

When he arrived here he had prejudices to straggle against, and difficulties to con-
tend with — for though his misfortunes had fallen upon him in consequence of his ardent
attachment to republicanism, and though the two great parties that divided the country
both claimed the appellation of republican, yet such was the abhorrence which was felt
by one of them for everything that savoured of what were termed French principles, that
many had not only beheld with complacency the war which was waged by Britain against
the French republic, but had very nearly approved of those arbitrary measures of the
former to repress all internal disaffection, discussion and attempts at reformation which
called forth the bold and unqualified condemnation of the opposition members of the
British Parliament. Mr. Emmet therefore as one who had rendered himself obnoxious to
the British Government for his designs of revolutionizing Ireland, who had looked to
France for assistance in the undertaking, they were little inclined to countenance. Another
circumstance added to the gloom which hung over his professional prospects ; consulting
his feelings more than his interests, Mr. Emmet addressed a letter to Rufus King in which
he charged that gentleman with having unfeelingly and unwarrantably interfered as
American Minister to prevent his coming to America, and thereby occasioned an addition
of some years to his imprisonment, and the loss of his brother who had intended to ac-
company him. This letter kindled a flame of resentment in the breasts of the friends and
partisans of Mr. King, who were then very numerous in the city of New York, and
among whom were some of the most eminent members of the legal profession. Mr.
Emmet was attacked and abused in the public prints — and those in whom political hostil-
ity had stifled every liberal feeling, exerted themselves to shut him out from all participa-
tion in their professional business* — the consequence was, that the man who had refused
the Solicitor-Generalship of Ireland, as the price of political apostasy, and who was des-
tined to become the head of the bar of the State of New York, commenced his legal
career in America by conducting a cause before a justice's court in the city of New
York.— It was not long, however, before Mr. Emmet had an opportunity of displaying
his powers before a more fitting tribunal, where his mental resources and commanding
eloquence called forth the admiration and applause which they deserved— his gentlemanly
deportment, and the conciliatory urbanity of his manners, disarmed the violence of polit-

*The writer is clearly confused as to the post hoc and the propter hoc. Mr. Emmet's letter de-
feated Mr. King in his election and brought him so many friends that he had no difficulty afterwards.

Characteristics of His Eloquence

ical animosity; his business increased and at length there was hardly a case of importance
brought before the Supreme Court of the State in which he was not retained as counsel;
and he took his stand among the most distinguished lawyers at the bar of the Supreme
Court of the United States greal an. I varied as was his practice, his industry enabled
him to make each case the subject of minute examination.

When turned of sixtj be exhibited all the mental vigour and activitj of a man in tin-
prime of life — he was Attorney General of the State of New York from the L2th of
August, 1812, until the Kith of February, L813, from which time until his death he de-
voted himself exclusively and assiduously to his profession, without seeking or desiring
any official station. His address to the jury in the great ejectment suit of Astor, which
was ilic last he ever delivered, was one of bis most powerful argumentative efforts —
he spoke for four hours, and it was observed that his exertions were peculiarly great.

When be came into court the next day to discharge his duty as counsel in the case
of the Sailors' Snug Harbour, he felt as well as ordinary. In the course of this trial In-
turned to the lawyer who sat next to him, and made an observation to him, but in such
a manner as to be altogether unintelligible — be then put his hands to his eyes, and laid
his head upon a book which stood upon the table at which he sat. He shortly afterwards
raised his face and there was something so deathlike in the expression of his countenance,
that the immediate impulse of the gentlemen near him, was to take him in their arms. As
he had now become insensible, he was extended upon the carpet of the court-room and the
most eminent of the medical faculty were immediately sent for — he was bled in the tem-
ple and in the arm and every endeavour was made to revive him ; but in vain — he died at
12 o'clock in the night of the same day, November the 14th, 1S27.

It is difficult to determine in what department of legal learning Mr. Emmet was the
greatest proficient; he studied so faithfully and investigated so thoroughly every case
wdiich came before him that he completely mastered all its points, and was perfectly at
home upon every question that arose — he was well versed in general science and scholas-
tic learning, and had stored his mind with the choicest products of ancient and modern
literature. His perception was quick, and his knowledge of mankind was very great.
Few were better calculated to tear the visor from hypocrisy, to bring to light a hidden
fraud, or to trace their course through the labyrinth of a complicated case.

The eloquence of Mr. Emmet was energetic and impassioned — he always spoke like
a man in earnest and anxious to convince — his fancy was often vivid but always con-
trolled by a clear and discriminating judgment — he sometimes appealed and most effect-
ively to the feelings — he could excel in the pathetic, and his powers of wit and sarcasm
were considerable ; but he was peculiarly remarkable for his argumentative ability — his
command of language was great, and his expressions were often refined and eloquent —
but his style was in general more conspicuous for its strength than its floridity. His
speeches are those of a powerful advocate and skillful logician, who is more desirous of
gaining his cause than of amusing his audience. The manner of Mr. Emmet was forcible
and impressive, his gestures were sometimes vehement and rapid, but often graceful and
generally appropriate. Mr. Emmet was a man of an amiable and benevolent disposition,
of warm and liberal feelings, and of high, honorable principles. In him his unfortunate
and indigent countrymen ever found a friend and benefactor; he was ready to assist them
with his advice and his purse was open to their wants. The rising members of the bar
he incited and encouraged, and the elder members found him a brother upon whose faith
and honour they could implicitly rely. No professional man was more generally esteemed
and respected, and those who had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with him, will
long cherish the memory of one who was endeared to them by so many virtues.

J. I!. S.

The name of the writer of this article is unknown, but it contains certain
statements which are not strictly correct. These, however, are of minor im-
portance, but their existence shows that the writer had not an intimate per-

510 Rejection of Solicitor-Generalship

sonal knowledge of Mr. Emmet's life abroad, and possibly he had but little in
this country beyond that pertaining to his professional and general standing.
He was in all probability of the legal profession and from certain peculiarities
in spelling and punctuation, which were more characteristic at the time this
was written than at the present, was most likely an American by birth. It is
quite probable that he was in the court at the time of Mr. Emmet's seizure,
for his description deals more with details, as if from personal observation.
It is also a somewhat different version from any other to which access was
obtained among the accounts found in the newspapers.

Until this work was written the public was unaware that Mr. Emmet had
ever declined to accept the position of Solicitor-Generalship of Ireland, offered
by the British Government as what "J. B. S." of Philadelphia has aptly termed
"a bribe for his political apostasy". It is the writer's belief that it would be diffi-
cult to present an instance of any political prisoner suffering to a greater
degree, or surviving what was inflicted on Mr. Emmet while at Kilmainham
for refusing this bribe. Mr. Emmet never regarded the Government's effort
to silence him as an honor or even a matter of importance, consequently it
was soon forgotten, and but for this casual mention in the sketch quoted above
the world would have never learned anything in relation to it.

It is a matter of interest to place on record that had Mr. Emmet accepted
the office he would have been the successor of Toler, the Solicitor-General and
a member of the Beresford faction which Lord Fitzwilliam, on becoming-
Viceroy, insisted should be removed. On Camden's becoming Viceroy, Pitt
promoted Toler to a judgeship with a title, and- He "Became the infamous Lord
Norbury. ;:~

During a conversation having little bearing on Irish affairs, Judge Robert
Emmet, about a year before his death in 1872, referred casually to this incident
which the writer then learned for the first time. The judge was rather
annoyed at being closely questioned on a subject which he had long for-
gotten and had never regarded as of importance. He clearly stated that it
was only after the death of his father that he himself had been informed of
the affair by Dr. Macneven, to whom also it had only been accidentally re-
called, after having been for many years overlooked as a matter of trivial
importance. It was not till more than a century had passed and the author,
who had free access to the correspondence of many then in public life and had
completed his work that the consequences of Mr. Emmet's refusal to become
an English partisan became manifest to him.

During Mr. Emmet's imprisonment at Kilmainham he was made to suffer
to the utmost under the care of Trevor, one of Castlereagh's tools. Mr.
Emmet was just the kind of subject on whom Trevor would have gloried in
administering every form of cruelty his brutal nature could devise, asserting,
as usual, that he was acting directly under orders from Government. Mr.
Emmet had no proof that he was peculiarly a victim of Castlereagh's cruelty,
and if he had he would never have given the Irish Secretary any intimation
of his suffering.

UBLIC

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Enmity of Castlereagh 511

Castlereagh was in full power while Robert Emmet and St. John Mason
wire prisoners at Kilmainham, ami Mr. Emmet having been released and in
Paris, obtained accurate information of the treatment they received from
Trevor as Castlereagh's representative and this he resented bitterly. Dr. Mac-
neven on several occasions stated that he believed, that with the exception of
Castlereagh, there was no man in Ireland at whose hands Mr. Emmet
had suffered towards whom his enmity did not soften in time, giving place to
a feeling of charity, but his hatred of Castlereagh seemed to increase in bitter-
ness to the hour of his death.

Dr. Macneven also informed Judge Emmet that so little had Mr. Emmet
given thought to the attempt made by the Irish Government to bribe him that
he had never made any reference to the circumstances in after life and must
have soon forgotten it ; and the Doctor expressed the belief that at the time
of Mr. Emmet's death there was probably no one living who had ever heard
of the incident. The mystery then becomes the greater as to the time and
manner whereby "J. B. S." could have gained knowledge of the fact that Pitt
offered the position of Solicitor-General of Ireland, to Thomas Addis Emmet
before he had reached his twenty-ninth year, and that Emmet had rejected
with, contempt the offer to gain his political apostasy.

It is scarcely possible that either Mr. Emmet or Dr. Macneven, who were
the only persons in this country who knew anything of the circumstances,
would have mentioned to another something the importance of wdiich was
never appreciated and had, in fact, been forgotten. It had certainly never
been mentioned in Ireland, wdiere it could only have been heard of from
officials of Dublin Castle. But these officials were silenced, as Pitt had no desire
to make a martyr of Mr. Emmet, whose influence among the Irish people was
already too great. Pitt's enmity towards Mr. Emmet to the last was an un-
fortunate barrier to justice ever being done to his political course in Ireland.
As shown by the official press of the day and by every public record, every
means was taken to underrate or falsify the importance of each incident in
connection with Mr. Emmet's course. The result is that the Irish people
themselves, unless from personal experience, know less of Mr. Emmet's work
than of that of any other leader. He has been represented as an honest,
simple-minded man of no force of character, and the task of presenting
evidence to the contrary is thus rendered more difficult.

In his letter accompanying the material sent to Dr. Madden to assist him
in the memoir of his father. Mr. T. A. Emmet, Jr., wrote:

With all the qualities that distinguish a humane, just, and generous mind, he had a
bold, enterprising, active, and sanguine disposition. He knew his country's history too
well to be in doubt as to the true causes of her misery, and he could not in silence brood
over wrongs which by his exertions might possibly be redressed. In this he had no am-
bition to gratify, or individual benefits to obtain, but everything to risk on the troubled
water of revolution, uncertainty and danger. He wrote many political essays, which can
probably be better obtained in Ireland than here; there are none among his papers. The
details of the part he took in the rebellion can also be better obtained from persons in

512 Tributes of His Friends

Ireland. It was a subject upon which he never conversed with his family, nor has he
left any papers whatever relating to it.*

A sketch of Mr. Emmet's career cannot be given in more truthful terms
than has been expressed by Dr. Madden in the following words :

The man who was deemed a traitor in his own land — who had been engaged in what
was termed an unnatural rebellion, and is thought in England, even by men of great
intellect, detestable treason ; whom it was proposed in parliament to hand over, with his
associates, to a drum-head court-martial, and to hang or shoot in a summary manner,
for the benefit of society and the sake of the British constitution in Ireland, as the insti-
tution of Orangeism was then interpreted — thus died in America in such honour and re-
nown as no language can exaggerate. It was not in one city or in one state, at his death,
where expression was given to feelings of admiration for his great worth and virtues
and noble intellectual gifts — of respect for the consistency of his patriotism and the
solidity of his opinions on all public subjects — and of veneration for the memory of this
great, good man — but throughout the whole Union these feelings prevailed; and this
tribute was unanimously accorded to the departed worth and excellence of Thomas Addis
Emmet.

In the "Memoir" of Peter Burrowes, a life-long friend of Thomas Addis
Emmet, it is stated :

Thomas Addis Emmet was a man of uncommon promise. Possessed of a most power-
ful and comprehensive mind, his talents were of an order to command notice anywhere.
Warm in his affections, unflinching in his adherence to his principles, he richly deserved
the admiration of his friends. United by college and professional ties, they contributed a
glorious celebrity to the proceedings of the College Historical Society. His splendid ca-
reer at the American Bar reflects a lustre on his native land. Surrounded by a host of
envious rivals, he soon eclipsed them all by the sole effect of his commanding genius.
The labour of his intellect pressed forward to distinction, and men of high endowments
and rare acquirements were forced back to make room for his reputation. He rose to the
highest rank in his profession, and would have been elected to Congress had he so am-
bitioned. The honours paid to his memory are too notorious to require repetition here ;
suffice it to say that his funeral obsequies were as distinguished as those of either Wash-
ington or Franklin.

Charles Hamilton Teeling, a United Irishman, in his "Personal Narra-
tive of the Irish Rebellion of 1798" (London, 1828) wrote:

Even now while my hand traces this page, I hear the death of Thomas Addis Emmet
announced. The mournful intelligence has been conveyed to his country through the jour-
nals of the United States. Full of years and full of virtues, he has terminated an event-
ful but honourable life, and, in his death, one of the brightest links that united the suffer-
ing friends of benevolence, has been broken. If sentiments purely disinterested and un-
ambitious ever influenced the breast of man, it was the breast of Emmet.

High-minded, generous, and sincere, he was a self-devoted victim for the preserva-
tion of others. Unrivalled in talent and unbending in misfortune, he won the admira-
tion of a generous people, who were proud to estimate the qualities of the man whose
virtues shed a lustre on the land of his adoption ; and while the friends of freedom, in
the old and the new world, shall mourn his loss, the life of Thomas Addis Emmet will
be regarded as a model for the patriots of future years.

At a special meeting of the Medical Faculty of Geneva College, held on the

*Mr. Emmet had evidently forgotten what Dr. Macneven had published in "Pieces of Irish
History" forty years before, and not a member of the family knew that there existed in the family
possession at that time what has been published in this volume.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

From an original pen drawing of Dr. Sam'l Mitchell, made by Dr. J. P. Emmet in 1819

while the Professor was lecturing

Portrait of Dr. Mitchell 513

1st of March, 1828, it was unanimously resolved that Professor Hosack and
Doctor Macneven be a committee to wait upon Dr. Mitchell and request a
copy of his Biographical Discourse, delievered on the late Thomas Addis
Emmet, for publication.

The Discourse* was printed and Erom its pages we have been obliged to
quote as from the only authority concerning Mr. Emmet's course while study-
ing medicine at the university of Edinburgh, where he and Dr. Mitchell were
fellow-students. The deliver}' of this memoir was a notable event. Dr.
Mitchell had been called on by the city authorities, and the request streng-
thened by the petition of many of the most prominent citizens of the city. It
was at first intended that the delivery should take place in the court-room
where Mr. Emmet was stricken, but this project was abandoned, as the room
was too small for the purpose, and the Governor's room, on the same floor
and extending nearly the length of the front of the building, was selected.
The court-room was situated on the northeast corner and directly across the
entry from the Governor's Room. Mr. Emmet had fallen about ten feet to
the west of the court entrance, with his back directly to the dividing entry
wall; a mural tablet just above marked the spot for many years. At the time
of the delivery of the address, every available space in which a chair could be
placed, was occupied throughout the long and wide entry, the court-room and
Governor's room, while the stair-w'ay was crowded by others standing as far
as the voice of the speaker could be heard. Such a dense throng of people
has at no other time been collected in the building, nor was there an equal
space under any roof in the city wdiere so many could have been assembled.

The reader's attention is called to the sketch of Dr. Mitchell, probably as
perfect a likeness as could be obtained at the time without the aid of photog-
raphv ; in fact it may be said to be better than a photograph, as the artisr1
has caught a characteristic expression which the matter-of-fact camera
often misses. It was drawn with a pen by the father of the writer, Dr. John
Patten Emmet, who was at the time a student of medicine, and the sketch was
made while the professor was lecturing, clearly showing the natural artistic
talent of the Emmet family, which has been exhibited by some member in
each generation for several centuries. Many years ago this drawing was
borrowed and privately reproduced and the authorship attributed to another.
The original drawing, with the inscription, which is in the possession of the
writer, w-as vouched for by the older members of the family, wdio were
familiar with its history.

In his address Dr. Mitchell confirms to a remarkable degree every state-
ment made by others as to Mr. Emmet's character; his uniform kindness to
the younger members of the profession, his remarkable literary attainments,
natural talents, which reached a phenomenal degree of development, to repeat
which would be a work of supererogation.

*A Discourse on the Life and Character of Thomas Addis Emmet, pronounced, by request in the
City Hall, on the First Day of March. 1828, by Samuel L. Mitchell. New York: Printed by E.
Conrad, 11 Frankfort Street (New York) 1828.

514 Dr. Mitchell's Discourse

He, however, stated :

It has been considered remarkable that a man who spoke so much, and fre-
quently so well, should have written and printed so little; differing in this respect
so materially from his countrymen, Curran and Phillips. I never heard any special
reason assigned for such omission to publish. E\nery gentleman, however, who has
been accustomed to speak in public knows that the labour of writing out a speech,
is very considerable, whether the orator reduces it to manuscript before delivery, or
performs that task afterwards. It is often a piece of heavy drudgery.

There are nevertheless several tracts, besides the medical essays before men-
tioned, which ought now to be noticed. He has left for example a composition which is
entitled, "Part of an Essay towards the History of Ireland". It was published in a
collection made by his friend and fellow-sufferer, the learned and accomplished
James Macneven, at New York, in 1807, under the title of "Pieces of Irish History,
illustrative of the Condition of the Catholics of Ireland, of the origin and progress
of the political system of the United Irishmen, and of their transactions with the
Anglo-Irish Government".

It commences with the ridiculous and contemptible character, as he terms it,
of the Irish Parliament in 1789 and .1790, and terminates with the execution for high
treason of Messrs. Weldon, Hart, Kennedy and others, 1795.

He states the condition of the religious sects consisting of Protestants and
Catholics, the former divided into members of the Anglican Church and the Dis-
senters. The latter were the descendants of the primitive Irish, of those early set-
tlers whom the Reformation had identified with the aboriginal inhabitants, while
both the former had been in their origin, foreign colonists, introduced aryl enriched
in consequence of long-continued massacres and warfare and various tyrannical and
oppressive acts, by which the native Irish had been systematically dispossessed or
extirpated, and the dependence of their country on another state, permanently se-
cured. The inquirer, who seeks information concerning the associations called United
Irishmen; the proceedings in Dublin and Belfast, their failure, and the exhibition of
the grievances in London; the Peep-of-Day Boys, the Defenders, and the history
of the various factions, clubs and conventions, up to 1S03, when the French sent a
confidential agent to Ireland, with the offers of succour, if it would attempt to liberate
itself from the enemy, will find the proceedings very well sketched here. With the
account of these matters is interwoven much of individual occurrence, and local de-
tail. After relating the capital execution of Jackson and O'Connor, and proceeding
to the point already noticed he seems to have become weary with the task, to have
placed his pen in the ink-horn and never to have marked paper with it again, on that
subject.

In the same volume is contained Mr. Emmet's letter to Rufus King, the late
minister resident of the United States in London. This performance may be con-
sidered as a specimen of his polemic writing. It was mentioned before that the state
prisoners of whom he was one were negotiating with the Government for a dis-
charge on condition of departing for this country, and that leave was refused,
in consequence of the interference of that public functionary. In 1807 Mr. King was
nominated as a candidate for a seat in the Assembly of the State Legislature. Mr.
Emmet considered Mr. King as being the author of so much injury to him that he
felt a strong desire to defeat Mr. King's election. Accordingly the former wrote
the latter a note asking an explanation of his interference with the British Govern-
ment, respecting the Irish State Prisoners in 1798. To this no answer was given;
on which Mr. Emmet wrote a formal letter to that gentleman, which was intended
for public consideration. It was printed in the newspapers and was the subject of
much notice at the time. It disclosed various events and occurrences relative to the
suffering of himself and his friends, well worthy of perusal by the historian. And it

Reasons for Small Literary Output 515

is replete with the indignant feeling which a person of sensibility might be expected
to express, who had thereby been forced to waste four of the best years of his life
in prison.

A fair example of his forensic eloquence is contained in the reported trial of William
S. Smith, for an alleged misdemeanor in ISOG before the Circuit Court of the United
States for the New York District. The stenographer was Thomas Lloyd; and as the pub-
lication was made, and no contradictions of its correctness offered by Mr. Emmet, the
words may be presumed to have been correctly stated.

It has seemed good to give the reader Dr. Mitchell's view of the difficulty
between Mr. King and Mr. Emmet, as he was socially a friend of each and
was familiar with every circumstance. His remarks relating to the "Mi-
randa" case and the trial of William S. Smith need not be given, as these
matters have already been dealt with in as much detail as would be of in-
terest to-day.

Dr. Mitchell continues with this theme:

It has been observed that Mr. Emmet has not made material addition to literature,
nor important contributions to science. Had he adhered to medicine, it is very probable
he would have been conspicuous as an author. But after abandoning his original pur-
suits and performing the labour of acquiring a new profession of a very different cast
and character he almost necessarily separated himself from natural and physical science.
When afterwards he became entangled in Irish politics and prosecutions, it could not be
expected his mind should engage in philosophical investigation or learned research.
Then again, the migration to the continent of Europe, the voyage across the Atlantic
Ocean, and the exertions necessary for an establishment in a foreign land must neces-
sarily have occupied a large portion of his attention. The serious duties of his profes-
sion seem to have superseded to a considerable degree, the cultivation of ornamental
literature. Yet he may be commended for his general love of learning; for unceasing
diligence; for his capacity to acquire in succession two arduous professions; for the
firmness with which he bore political prosecutions ; for his ability to establish quickly and
firmly in the country of his adoption; for his amiable disposition; for his fidelity to his
clients ; and for his private and domestic virtues.

The manner in which distinguished men depart this life naturally attracts attention.
As he was engaged in professional business in one of the courts of judicature, held in
the City Hall, in apparently his usual state of health, he suddenly became apoplectic, and
was carried home in a state of insensibility. The stroke was received in the afternoon;
and he expired during the ensuing night, without having been roused from the stupor.
He departed in a way which some persons think desirable, at that notice, and in the
entire possession of mental and corporal power.

I must now relate to you a most singular occurrence in which my deceased friend
made his appearance a short time since in a dream. This interview was distinguished
by all the wildness and peculiarity of the somnial state. I will give the question I put
to him, and his answer.

Why contest thou, visionary shade,

Invading quiet night,
In natural form and garb array'd,

Before my wond'ring sight?

I have learn'd, quoth he, where I repose,

That through a firm decree,
Thou dost respectfully propose

An Eulogy on me.

516 Verses of Dr. Mitchell

Of time, the dead no measure take
From which it well appears

One moment equal sum must make
To fifty thousand years.

And mark my words, it's just as true,
They're wholly deaf to Fame,

So chang'd they are, they can not view,
'Tis but an empty name.

Though friendship give the song of praise,
Which every heart endears,

In them no notice can it raise,
Nor penetrate their ears.

Remember then in what is said
I'm quite beyond thy reach,
And no attention will be paid
To thy intended speech.

Yet men alive, as once I was,
The words perhaps may strike,

And teach by well-bestow'd applause,
To emulate the like.

Then give to thy discourse a plan

Intelligent and plain,
And try how far thy efforts can

Instruct and entertain.

By the memorable Act 6th. Geo. I. the Parliament of England, 'with imperious despotism,
sanctified all its past usurpations and recorded the high prerogative of strength to
tyrannize over 'weakness.

T. A. Emmet.

[a^?

-A.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Where a people is constantly bound to the 'will, subservient to the interests and attached
to the fortunes of another State, its character and conduct 'will invariably betray the
vileness of its condition. T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXV

Mr. Haines' reminiscences of Thomas Addis Emmet, published only a short
time before the death of the author — Mr. Haines' statement of particular value owing to
intimacy which existed between the two men — Mr. Field's tribute — Letter of Justice
Story.

HARLES G. HAINES was a young lawyer of promise
practising in New York, and was also a Counselor of the
Supreme Court of Washington, where he had a good
practice at the unusually early age of thirty years. Mr.
Emmet formed a warm friendship for Mr. Haines, which
of itself is a voucher for his worth and reliability. As a
remarkable circumstance in connection with their friend-
ship, Mr. Haines so far gained Mr. Emmet's confidence as
to become the recipient of a personal narrative relative to
Mr. Emmet's political connection with Ireland, a subject upon which he
maintained absolute silence with all others. Mr. Haines at the beginning of
his memoir of Thomas Addis- Emmet states :

As the name of Thomas Addis Emmet will hereafter be found in history, as
he was intimately and very efficiently connected with the contemplated revolution
of Ireland, and as he had told me many things of his life during our residence in
Washington in the same house, while attending the Supreme Court, I will reduce
some things thus told to form and shape, apprehensive that time and the pressure
of other recollections of a more recent date may destroy them in my memory.

The narrative continues :

I have given a brief sketch of Mr. Emmet's life, or rather of its most leading
incidents, so far as I have learned them from him and otherwise. I must now per-
form a more difficult task and speak of him as one of the great pillars and ornaments
of the American bar.

Helvetius remarks that the sun of glory only shines upon the tomb of greatness.
His observation is too often true, but facts and living proofs sometimes contradict
it. Mr. Emmet walks on in life amid the eulogiums, the admiration and the en-
thusiastic regards of a great and enlightened community. Without the glare and
influence of public office, without titles and dignities, who fills a wider space, who
commands more respect than Thomas Addis Emmet? Like a noble and simple
column, he stands among us proudly pre-eminent, destitute of pretensions, destitute
of vanity and destitute of envy. In a letter which I recently received from a friend
who resides in the western part of the Union, a lawyer of eminence, he speaks of

517

518 Mr. Haines' Reminiscences

the New York bar — Thomas Addis Emmet, says he, is the great luminary whose
light even crosses the western mountains. His name rings down the valley of the
Mississippi, and we hail his efforts with a kind of local pride.

If to draw the character of Homer needs the genius of the immortal bard him-
self; if to portray the power of Demosthenes requires the gigantic intellect of the
great Athenian orator, Mr. Emmet has nothing to expect from me. In presenting
the features of his mind, I shall describe them from the impressions they make on
me. I paint from the original. I catch the lineaments of the subject as living nature
presents them.

The mind of Thomas Addis Emmet is of the highest order. His penetration
is deep, his views comprehensive, his distinctions are remarkably nice. His powers
of investigation are vigorous and irresistible. If there be anything in a subject he
will go to the bottom. He probes boldly, reaches the lowest depth of his re-
searches, analyzes everything, and embraces the whole ground. He may be said
to have a mind well adapted to profound and powerful investigation. In the next
place he has great comprehension. He sees a subject in all its various bearings and
relations. He traces out all its various, operations. He begins at the centre and
diverges, until it becomes necessary again to return to the centre. As a reasoner,
a bare, strict reasoner, Mr. Emmet would always be placed in an elevated rank.
No matter how dry, how difficult, how repulsive the topic; no matter what may be
its intricacies and perplexities, if any man can unfold and amplify it, he is equal
to the task. The investigating talent is not, in my apprehension, peculiar to the
Irish character; and among that constellation of talent exhibited by Ireland, but
few men have appeared who were endowed with a strong reasoning power. Genius,
fancy, fertility, variety, wit, enthusiasm, — these appear, and fall to the province of
a long list of illustrious and celebrated Irishmen ; the attribute first spoken of
is rare and marked. Without wandering too far, I must here mention a fact relating
to Mr. Curran, that has given me some surprise. Mr. Emmet informed me that
Curran, with whom the former was on intimate terms, possessed a logical head.
This I never before conceived. His printed speeches do not show it. However, it
should be remembered that his every-day business, his contests in the king's bench
of Ireland and his arguments in the Court of Chancery do not reach us. We only
see him before a jury (except in one instance) moving the feelings, appealing to the
sympathies and kindling all the better emotions of the human breast.

But to return to Mr. Emmet. I have spoken of his talent for deep and rigid
investigation. I will now again recur to another feature of his mind, his talent for
reasoning on whatever data or premises he relies on. All the illustrations and all
the analogies which can well occur to the mind are readily and adroitly arranged in
his arguments. He makes the most of his cause, and often makes too much, giving
a front that is so palpably over formidable that men of the plainest sense perceive
the fruits of a powerful mind, without being at all convinced.

Mr. Emmet is a lawyer of great and faithful legal research. He has consulted
books with as much fidelity and perseverance as any man at the American bar.
Perhaps he has not done this with so much system as appears in the study of many
others; a constant pressure of business may have prevented study upon abstract
principles, with bare views of gaining knowledge; but in his day he has spared noth-
ing in the compass of his reading. He has gone back to the black letter and come
down to all the modern works that weigh down the shelves of our libraries in the
shape of reports and elementary treatises. In his arguments he calls up all the
authorities applicable to his case; and that is of great consequence in the character
of a finished lawyer. These authorities shed light on the subject matter of discus-
sion. There are many advocates, and too many judges among us who now make
a parade of their learning; who quote decisions without an accurate discrimination
of what they tend to prove. . . . The law deals in general rules, all its axioms

Classical Learning 519

are general. All its maxims are intended to be universal. Hence, when a principle
of law is laid down in a case of collateral nature to the one under a particular dis-
cussion, it needs some judgment to ascertain its strict applicability to a given case.
Mr. Emmet cites with accuracy, and courts very much rely on his discernment — a
character, by the way, of immense importance to an advocate. Courts soon measure
a lawyer's understanding. . . . Mr. Emmet is not fond of resorting to the civil
law, the corpus juris civilis. He occasionally draws from this fountain, but reposes
generally on the common law. The text of the civil law is in his library, and the
work of most of the commentators on this text. But my apprehension is that he
has only consulted this grand body of jurisprudence in extraordinary cases.

The subject of this memoir is not less distinguished for his knowledge of the
theory of the law, than he is of the practice. As a special pleader, he has great
experience and precision. And who ever looks through the decisions of cases in the
New York reports, and those argued in the Supreme Court at Washington, where
he had been concerned, will be convinced of the fact here asserted. As has been
said, that while Erskinc dazzled, charmed and astonished all who heard him in
Westminster Hall, the hard head and watchful skill of the nisi prius lawyer was
always perceptible. Mr. Emmet, while he displays wonderful powers of eloquence
and indulges in bursts of lofty and noble sentiment, and appeals to the great moral
maxims that must govern men in this world while we have laws, morals and obe-
dience to order, never forgets the landmarks of professional watchfulness; he is
still the well-disciplined lawyer contending for his client.

I must now mention another advantage that distinguishes Mr. Emmet in his
professional career. His historical illustrations are numerous, pertinent, and happy.
In this he excels any man whom I have ever heard. He was educated in Europe
and was for many years not only a political man, but associated on intimate terms
with the first men of the age. He not only read, but he heard and saw. In addition
to what we find in the volumes of history, he collected many things which floated
in the atmosphere of the times, well calculated to give a clue to the character of
men and of transactions lost to the ordinary historian. Besides this, he collected
a vast fund of anecdote from personal intercourse with great and knowing men.
In the various changes of the British ministry, and during a great number of party
conflicts, many interesting circumstances transpired, worthy to be treasured up
by the moralist or to be lashed by the satirist. In arguing and in trying great
causes, I have heard Mr. Emmet draw on his memory with great effect — calling up
parallels and presenting striking contrasts.

As a classical scholar, but few men can stand before Mr. Emmet in point of
attainments. He is familiar with the great writers of antiquity — the master spirits
who have infused their genius and their sentiments into the popular feelings of ages
which have rolled on long after the poet and the orator, the statesman and the
historian have ceased to glow, to speak, to guide or to write. He has closely con-
sulted those oracles of wisdom, those disciples of philosophy, those sons of the
Muses, whose opinions, sentiments and effusions lighten the sorrows of human
existence, inspire the mind with noble ideas, and cheer the ardent and persevering
devotions of the student. The man of whom I speak is more intimately acquainted
with the poets of Greece and Rome than with the prose writers; at least, such is
the fact evinced in his speeches and conversation. Virgil and Horace are always
on his tongue, and Juvenal is sometimes called to his aid. . . . The writings of
British classics he has also consulted with a delight and advantage which often
appear in his arguments. Shakespeare in particular, he often quotes.

One of the greatest charms of Mr. Emmet's eloquence is the fancy which he
continually displays. He possesses an imagination boundless as the world of light,
grandeur and beauty. Its flights are bold — its pictures soft, magnificent, or awful
as the subject may require. This power is greater in Mr. Emmet than in any other

520 Reply to William Pinkney

lawyer whom I have ever heard. It enables him to shed a charm over every subject
which he touches. To the most dry and meagre topic, he can impart interest and
attraction. All his figures indicate taste and propriety. They are often bold and
daring, and frequently show very great accuracy and precision of language. It falls
to his province to impress on the mind of every hearer a recollection as lasting as
life. No man who ever heard him for an hour can forget his figure, his face, his
manner, and a great part of his very language. Some of his peculiar figures of
speech would be well remembered.

I have already spoken of Mr. Emmet's readiness at retort. Whoever rouses
his energies by a rude assault or a stroke of satire is sure to hear of it again, and
generally has good reason to regret the ill-timed provocation. In 1815 he made his
first appearance at the Supreme Court of the U. S. at Washington. He and Mr.
Pinkney* were brought in contact. The latter closed the argument in an important
case in which they were both engaged, and with his characteristic arrogance alluded
to the fact of Mr. Emmet's migration to the United States. When he had concluded
his argument, Mr. Emmet, being for the respondent in error, had no right to reply;
but he nevertheless rose, and after correcting a trifling error in some of Mr. Pinkney's
statements, he took up the mode and manner in which his opponent had treated
him. He said he was Mr. Pinkney's equal in birth, in rank, in his connections,
and he was not his enemy. It was true that he was an Irishman. It was true that
in attempting to rescue an oppressed, brave and generous-hearted people he had
been driven from the forum and senate-hall of his own native land; it was true that
he had come to America for refuge, and sought protection beneath her constitu-
tion and her laws; and it was also true that his learned antagonist would never
gather a fresh wreath of laurel, or add lustre to his well-earned fame, by alluding
to these facts in a tone of malicious triumph. He knew not by what name arro-
gance and presumption might be called on this side of the ocean; but sure he was
that Mr. Pinkney never accquired these manners in the polite circles of Europe,
which he had long frequented as a public minister. Mr. Pinkney was not ready
to retort, and he made no reply; but a few days afterward it so happened that he
and Mr. Emmet were again opposed to each other in a cause of magnitude, and it
fell to Mr. Emmet's part to close the argument, who was determined that his
antagonist should be put in mind of his former deportment and expressions. Mr.
Pinkney was aware of the thunderbolt in store, and took the opportunity of paying
to Mr. Emmet's genius, fame, and private worth the highest tribute of respect.
This respect was never afterwards violated. When Mr. Emmet rose out of his
place, as before stated, Chief Justice Marshall indicated great uneasiness, thinking
that something unpleasant might be the result. Mr. Justice Livingston reached
forward his head and remarked in a whisper, "Let him go on; I will answer that
he says nothing rude or improper". With this, as well as with the result, the Chief
Justice was satisfied. Some years previous to this Mr. Emmet repaired to the county
of Chenango to try an indictment for an attempt to procure the vote of a member
of the legislature by bribery and corruption. He was then Attorney-General, and
the proceeding excited strong party feelings. Elisha Williams and Mr. Foot,
formerly an eminent counselor and advocate residing in Albany, were opposed to
him. The latter had his task assigned him — he was to browbeat Mr. Emmet. In
the discharge of his duty, he stated, among other things, that Mr. Emmet's promo-
tion to the office of Attorney-General was the reward of party efforts, and that in
conducting this prosecution, he was doing homage to that office. He gained nothing
by his assaults. When Mr. Emmet came to this part of his speech, he stated the
accusation as it had been stated by his opponent, and replied "it is false, and he
knew it. The office which I have the honor to hold is the reward of useful days

*Mr. William Pinkney of Maryland.

Simplicity of Manner

and sleepless nights, devoted to the acquisition and exercise of my profession,
and of a life of unspotted integrity — claims and qualifications which that gentleman
can never put forth for any office, humble or exalted".

In 1822 Mr. Emmet was employed in a very interesting case in the Court of
Errors in the State of New York. A man had died leaving a large estate, and a
pretended wife claimed it by virtue of a nuncupative will. The estate was claimed
by Irish heirs, and the legality of the will was disputed. Mr. Emmet appeared for
the heirs, and it occurred that most or all the witnesses who sustained the illegality
of the instrument in question were Irishmen. Mr. Henry of Albany, an able and
sagacious advocate, attempted to invalidate the testimony of these witnesses, and
indulged many rude hits on account of their national character. Mr. Henry being
himself of direct Irish descent, and having made almost a direct attack on Mr.
Emmet, roused all his tire. The arguments of the different counsel consumed
several days, and when the great Irish orator drew to the close of his extraordinary
efforts, which had consumed two entire days of the court, he broke forth into one
of his master exertions. The nature of the testimony alluded to he had already
examined; he now took up the reflection on Irish character. He carried the eye
of the court over the land of his birth — the graves of her illustrious men — the
monuments of her heroes, her orators, her statesmen, her poets, her philosophers;
he then pictured her green fields, her beautiful shores, the genius of her people, the
simplicity of her peasantry, and the dark and horrid gulf in which her liberties and
her happiness were buried; he came down to himself, the scenes through which
he had passed, and the honesty, the zeal and the integrity which he had found
among his countrymen. And lastly he pointed to Mr. Henry. If he had a drop of
good blood in his veins, it was Irish blood. When he beheld the successful efforts
in that forum on the part of his learned antagonist, he felt that he was an Irishman!
The whole scene was one of the most interesting that I ever witnessed.

Mr. Emmet's deportment at the bar is mild, urbane, dignified and conciliating.
To the junior members of the profession, in particular, he is a model of obliging
civility — always speaking favorably of their efforts and kindly of their exertions,
however meagre and discouraging. To me he has given many sound lessons of
advice. Let me see you do that again, has been his language of reprehension when
condemning some particular habit or fault.

Mr. Emmet's appearance and manners are plain and simple in the extreme.
His dress is wholly unstudied. Everything, however, shows the most pertect deli-
cacy of feeling. Modest, unassuming, unobtrusive, and perfectly polite, he would
alone attract the attention of a stranger by that amiable temper and obliging dis-
position that manifested themselves on all occasions. I do not consider him an
eloquent or a powerful man in ordinary conversation. His remarks are generally
appropriate, and well adapted to passing colloquial scenes. He speaks with sense
and intelligence; but he discovers nothing of the man he is, unless called out by an
occasion sufficient to awaken his mind and create excitement. In the circles of
Washington, with Robert Goodloe Harper, John Randolph, William Wirt, and
others of an equal rank in talents, I have heard him converse with uncommon
interest on English history and the policy of European governments. I once heard
him contrast and describe the characters of the most distinguished British states-
men who had shared in the confidence of the Government, from the days of Robert
Walpole to those of Lord Castlereagh, a man whose heart he abhorred and detested;
but how much more powerful and interesting would he have appeared on the same
topics in the senate house!

Having never heard the speeches and arguments of Erskine and Curran, I am
incompetent to compare Mr. Emmet with these great orators. Manner is one of
the principal attributes of a great speaker; and Mr. Emmet's is excellent, and in
many respects unrivalled. But if I might be permitted to compare Mr. Emmet's

$22 Rowan's Rescue

speeches, as I know they would read if written out with Erskine's and Curran's,
as they are reported, he would not fall behind his illustrious competitors. To Mr.
Curran, I think Mr. Emmet superior — superior as a mere lawyer and superior as a
logician; and exquisitely beautiful and truly eloquent as Curran really was in the
defense of Rowan, I think Emmet would have made a more powerful and overwhelm-
ing speech in that great case. As a lawyer and an orator, I am not to say that he
is superior to what Erskine was in the days of his glory; for I view that orator with
a veneration that is never invaded or diminished. Mr. Emmet would not have
excelled him in the case of Stockdale, in the case of the publisher of the Rights of
Man, nor in any of the splendid efforts that marked the unrivalled career of the
prince of English orators in the forum; but he would have been the competitor
of Erskine in such cases, had he met him on equal terms at the English bar; and I
might safely challenge the whole list of Irish orators for the superior of
Thomas Addis Emmet. Mr. Emmet's style is always pure, vigorous and appro-
priate.

In his private character, the object of this memoir is without blemish. Gener-
ous, humane, obliging, and strictly honest; a heart open, frank and ardent; upright
in all his dealings; rigid and austere in his habits; temperate and rational in all his
enjoyments; liberal and free from prejudice upon every subject; kind and affection-
ate as a husband, a father and a friend; anxious to do good and diminish evil. Such
a man is Mr. Emmet.

With all these qualities of intellect and of heart, Mr. Emmet has some defects;
I mean defects of a professional description. His zeal sometimes clouds his judg-
ment and obscures the perceptions of his mind. In the worst of causes — in cases
where the merits were palpably against him, I have known him struggle with the
same ardor and assurance as though he was perfectly persuaded of the justice of his
suit. This has diminished his influence in our courts. They have imbibed a habit
of listening to his legal doctrines with suspicion. I once heard him argue a point
of law under Judge Thompson of the Circuit Court of the United States, with a
great deal of animation and apparent conviction of the correctness of his grounds.
When he had finished, Judge Thompson put a case to him to test the soundness of
the counselor's position. He began by saying — suppose Mr. Emmet that ten years
hence this case occurs, &c, describing the premises from which he wished Mr.
Emmet to draw the conclusion. Mr. Emmet found himself in difficulty, and merely
replied, that ten years hence his client might have other counsel, whom he would
leave to answer the question. Perhaps the question was not altogether proper,
for a lawyer must take cases as they come into his hands; he can not make them to
conform to his inclinations. Still, he would be a little guarded how he commits his
reputation for sound legal learning in sustaining doubtful or more than doubtful
points.

I cannot follow my inclination in closing this little notice, without committing
to writing some anecdotes which Mr. Emmet has related to me. I will mention two
or three which reflect great credit on the fidelity of the Irish people. The first has
a relation to the celebrated Mr. Rowan, already spoken of. It will be recollected
that he was convicted in that celebrated trial where he was defended by Mr. Curran.
He was cast into prison, and his sentence was hard and severe. While incarcerated
in the cells of one of the dungeons of Dublin, Mr. Emmet and two or three others
contrived a plan for his escape. It was successfully executed. A small vessel was
to take him to France. It was an Irish schooner, manned by Irish sailors, who
knew nothing of the person whom they were to transport to the Continent. His
name, character, and everything were concealed. They agreed to take a person to
Havre for a certain sum, and to go with all possible expedition. In the night time
Mr. Rowan boarded the little vessel, directly from his jail. The wind changed
and instead of sailing the next morning as it was expected, she was detained some

. Loyalty of United Irishmen

5 or 0 days in port. The Government discovered Mr. Rowan's escape the next
morning subsequent to his deliverance from captivity. A proclamation was in-
stantly issued and three thousand pounds sterling were offered as a reward
for his detection. There were but 4 or 5 seamen in the whole crew of the Irish
vessel. Mr. Rowan's situation may now be well imagined. All Dublin rang with
the news of his breaking from prison. The sailors were daily on shore. The
proclamations were posted up on the market cross and everywhere else, and scat-
tered in the streets. The seamen picked up several copies and brought them on
board their vessel, and read them aloud in Mr. Rowan's presence; for he had never
left his place of concealment. At length one of the crew cast his eyes on Mr.
Rowan, and quick as lightning comparing him with the description contained in the
proclamation exclaimed: "You are the man! This is Archibald Hamilton Rowan!"
Mr. Rowan, with that firmness incident to his character, replied, "I am the man;
I am Rowan — and I am in your hands; act as you think proper". Instantly every one
of the crew answered, "Mr. Rowan, you are safe. By us you shall never be given
up. We have agreed to carry you to France, and there you shall be landed". The
next day the schooner sailed and there Mr. Rowan was landed by these poor sailors.
Let the annals of the world be consulted, let the noblest traits of human nature
which ages have unfolded be displayed in their most comprehensive form, and
where would a nobler instance of disinterestedness be found? The reward was
great; to Mr. Rowan these poor men were allied by no political sympathy, nor
by any other peculiar tie; they had never seen nor known him before. Their com-
pensation to carry him to France was a mere trifle; he had made them no splendid
offers of money, and yet he was protected by their generous feelings — their sense
of humanity, honor and justice.

On one of the northern circuits, Mr. Emmet was retained to defend one of the
United Irishmen indicted for treason. He entered the prison where his client was
confined, and talked over his case. His defence consisted in the weakness of the
prosecution. The prisoner said he must be acquitted, because the Government could
produce no testimony against him. He said he was guilty enough, but it could
not be proved. "But," said Mr. Emmet, "surely the United Irishmen in this quarter
of the country are familiar with the overt acts of your treason; how do you know
that you are not betrayed?" "God forbid," said the prisoner, "that such a suspicion
should cross your mind. If United Irishmen are to prove treacherous, my life is
in the hands of forty thousand men. Yes, Mr. Emmet, this day forty thousand
witnesses know that I have committed treason ; but mark my words, my life is safe".
The trial ensued and the prisoner was restored to his family and to his country.
Tacitus, the illustrious historian, I think, in his commencement of the life of
Agricola, speaking of the dark and horrid scenes of tyranny and blood through
which the Roman people had passed during his days, remarks with great sensibility
and pathos, that amid all these trials and cruelties, many noble instances appeared
honorable to the human heart. Fidelity often triumphed over all temptations and
suffering; friends protected friends; and the most virtuous sympathies of the human
soul were cultivated with unshaken constancy. There are facts in Irish history
deserving the pencil of Tacitus.

It is not necessary to mention more than Mr. Emmet's case, who was for several
years devoted in organizing the local societies of the United Irishmen all over the
country. He must have administered the oath of initiation to thousands after it
became a secret body. The Government resorted to every means of cruelty, as was
her custom, to force prisoners through terror or bribery to obtain some evidence
of Mr. Emmet's treason without the slightest success. He was held fully four years
a prisoner simply on suspicion and there was no man connected with the move-
ment the Government feared more or was more anxious to get out of the way than
Emmet, but dared not bring him to trial.

524 The Fulness of Years

The manuscript of Mr. Haines seems to have been brought to an abrupt
end, in consequence of his last illness and sudden death, with the account of
the trouble of the New York Irishmen and the Orangemen referred to in a
previous chapter as described by Mr. O'Conor, and the following incident
which seems to have been the last detailed by Mr. Emmet.

In one of the northern counties, a poor but respectable man was condemned to be hung
for being concerned in the contemplated rebellion concerted by the United Irishmen.
When the court sentenced him for execution, one of the judges read him a long moral
lecture upon the enormity of his offence, the wickedness of opposing the British Govern-
ment. After exhausting all the sources of his pathetic eloquence, he asked "and have
you no wife and children to leave behind you ?" "Yes, My Lord," said the poor man, "I
have a wife and children ; but I leave them in the hands of God, and they are willing
to trust to Him after I am gone and buried. They rejoice in the glorious cause for
which I perish."

The editor of Mr. Haines' Memoir of Thomas Addis Emmet entered
upon his work of publishing two years and more after Mr. Emmet had passed
away and he offers the following encomium to his memory :

Mr. Emmet was a diligent student. He confined himself to study and business more
than twelve hours a day. After returning home in the evening, he would retire to his own
apartment, and continue the investigation of any subject in which he was engaged till
twelve or one at night. His constitution was vigorous, and his habits uniformly tempe-
rate, so that his devotion to study never seemed to injure his health. It was one conse-
quence of this intense application that he was remarkable among his brethren at the bar
for his perfect knowledge of the cases in which he was concerned. When Mr. Emmet
came into Court he was sure to be familiar with every point of the testimony, and could
not be taken by surprise. When not employed in solving some legal question, his reading
was often discursive. He would sometimes amuse himself with mathematical calculations.
He found leisure to make himself acquainted with all current news of the day. Yet he
spent no time for the diversions of society, went into little company, and rarely appeared
at public dinners. At home he was always gay and cheerful. He was utterly devoid of
ceremony. His dress was good but he was very careless of it; if it rained, he was as
likely to be seen without as with an umbrella. The furniture of his office was plain and
ordinary. But while he was totally neglectful of these trifles, he was never inattentive
to the feelings of others. High and low were sure of meeting from him a kind and
courteous reception. Yet his was no studied politeness; it was the natural offspring of a
good heart; and the full energies of his mind were devoted to the great and interesting
topics which agitated individuals and nations. His appropriate sphere was active life;
and he may well be pronounced fortunate since he filled the station for which nature and
education peculiarly qualified him. Although the prime of his life was darkened by mis-
fortune ; although he was severely disciplined by the hardships of imprisonment and the
bitterness of exile, yet he was trusted and revered in the land where he was persecuted
as a rebel, and in the country of his adoption, where he arrived in the vigor of his manly
strength, and held the erect attitude of an unbroken and unbending spirit, he readily
obtained the confidence of all those who became acquainted with him, mingled largely in
the transactions of important affairs, placed himself at the head of his profession without
leaving one blot on his escutcheon for envy to point its finger at, and acquired a brilliant
reputation as a lawyer and an orator. That nothing might be wanting to complete the
happy fortune which Providence seemed to bestow upon his mature life, in some sort of
compensation for the suffering of his early manhood, he did not waste away in the
gradual decay of imbecile old age, but died in the fulness of his years, cut off in the

Mr. Field's Testimony

very field of his honorable triumphs. His remains were consigned to the dust by
affectionate children, whom he had been permitted to see already filling a space in the
public eye; and the community in which he had lived, paid a willing tribute oi love and
honor to his memory.

Mr. Henry M. Field of New York issued in L851 "The Irish Confederates
and the Rehellion of 1798," a remarkably well-written and complete rendering
of the subjeet, especially by one who, from his name and social surroundings,
must have been associated chiefly with those of English interests. At the same
time he knew all the Irish leaders and their descendants who were his co-
temporaries and living' in Xew York. His book is therefore based upon hear-
say and a good knowledge of that portion of Irish history.

We learn from Mr. Field that:

Mr. Emmet had every qualification for a great lawyer. His mind was quick. He
saw the points of a case at a glance. And once entered upon it, his temperament led
him to investigating the facts of a case. He was a hard student to the close of his life.
Often after returning from a day of exhausting labor in the courts, he would retire to
his room and continue the investigation of a cause until after midnight. Hence he came
into court thoroughly prepared, and not to be taken off his guard. When necessary, he
could make nice distinctions with the subtilty of a metaphysician. Yet the general
character of his mind was comprehensive. He could enlarge or contract the lens of his
mind so as to make it cither a microscope or a telescope.

He was perfectly familiar with the details of statutes, yet he preferred to rest his
cause on the broad principles of the common law. Clear in the statement of a case,
lucid in the arrangement of the facts, it was in bringing forward the principles of justice
which lie in the foundation of all law, that his power chiefly lay. His feelings became
excited, and his countenance betrayed his emotions. At such moments he used much
action, often gesturing with great violence. It was then in giving utterance to his
indignation against wrong, and in his plea for right between man and man that he awed
the assembly and made their blood run cold.

In common with the Irish orators he possessed a rich and exuberant imagination.
But this faculty was perfectly under control. He knew when to use it, to enliven the
dull details of law or to revive the attention of the jury. But it was never suffered to
overload or obscure the subject. As was said of Erskine, that "while he dazzled,
charmed and astonished all who heard him in Westminster Hall, the hard head and
watchful skill of the lawyer were always perceptible", so Emmet, in the wide sweep of
his imagination and the rush of his emotions never suffered the point of the verdict to
escape him.

The speeches of Mr. Emmet abounded in illustrations, which were generally very-
happy. His life had been spent in the old world. He was familiar with its history. He
had acted history. References to the actors of his own and other times were often
introduced pertinently and with very striking effect. Especially in allusions to his
country his voice swelled with indignation at her wrongs, and subsided into pathos, as
he pictured her wretchedness which moved all who heard him.

The courage of Emmet, which had borne him through a stormy period of Revolution,
was conspicious at the bar. He had an undaunted spirit. He was never cowed by an
overbearing opponent. He indulged in no personalities, manifesting the utmost courtesy
in debate. But if attacked, as was sometimes the case, his retort was always ready.
Perhaps his most extraordinary power was that of instant and overwhelming reply.
Attack aroused him on such occasions, his eye flashed fire, and pointing with his quivering
finger to his assailant, he poured forth a vehemence of invective which taught his pre-
sumptuous adversary not to repeat the offense.

526 Letter of Judge Story

In other words the character of Emmet was apparent in all his speeches. He had the
keenest sensibility for others who had suffered injustice. Hence he was led to take
sides ardently with one who was wronged. This warmth of feeling sometimes betrayed
him into error, as he was easily persuaded into a conviction of the justice of his cause.

Mr. Haines has been quoted in relation to the clash between Mr. Emmet
and Mr. Pinkney of Maryland in the United States Supreme Court. Soon
after Mr. Emmet's death Mr. William Sampson wrote to Associate Justice of
the U. S. Supreme Court Joseph Story and he received the following reply
which is printed in the "Life and Letters of Joseph Story," edited by his son,
William W. Story. (Boston, 1851, Vol. I, p. 555.)

Washington, February 27th, 1829.
To William Sampson, Esq.

Dear Sir : — I have the pleasure of receiving your letter yesterday. I should long since
have complied with your request in regard to Mr. Emmet, if I could have found suitable
leisure to sit down and make even a sketch of him, such as I thought him to be in
character and attainments. Hitherto I have sought such leisure in vain.

It was in the winter of 1815 that I first became acquainted with Mr. Emmet. He was
then for the first time in attendance upon the Supreme Court at Washington, being
engaged in some important prize cases then pending in the Court. Although at that
period he could have been but little, if any, turned of 50 years of age, the deep lines of
care were marked upon his face; the sad remembrance, as I could conjecture, of past
sufferings, and of those anxieties which wear themselves into the heart and corrode the
very elements of life. There was an air of subdued thoughtfulness about him, that read
to me the lessons of other interests than those which belonged to mere professional life.
He was cheerful, but rarely if ever gay; frank and courteous, but he soon relapsed into
gravity when not excited by the conversation of others.

Such, I remember, were my early impressions ; and his high professional character,
as well as some passages in his life, gave me a strong interest in all that concerned him
at that time. There were too some accidental circumstances connected with his
arguments on that occasion, which left a vivid recollection upon all who had the pleasure
of hearing him.

It was at this time that Mr. Pinkney of Baltimore, one of the proudest names in the
annals of the American Bar, was in the meridian of his glory. He had been often
tried in the combats of the forum of the nation, and if he did not stand quite alone, the
undisputed victor of the field (and it might be deemed invidious for me to point out
any one as primus inter pares) he was, nevertheless, admitted by the general voice not
to be surpassed by any of the noble minds with whom he was accustomed to wrestle in
forensic contests. Mr. Emmet was a new and untried opponent, and brought with him
the ample honors, gained at one of the most distinguished Bars in the Union. In the
only cause in which Mr. Emmet was engaged, Mr. Pinkney was retained on the other
side; and each of these causes were full of important matter, bearing upon the public
policy and prize law of the country. Curiosity was awakened ; their mutual friends waited
for the struggle with impatient eagerness ; and a generous rivalry, roused by the public
expectation, imparted itself to their own bosoms. A large and truly intelligent audience
was present at the argument of the first cause. It was not one which gave much scope
to Mr. Emmet's peculiar powers. The topic was one with which he was not very familiar.
He was new to the scene and somewhat embarrassed by its novelty. His argument was
clear and forcible, but he was conscious that it was not one of his happiest efforts. On
the other hand, his rival was perfectly familiar with the whole range of prize law, he
was at home, both in the topic and in the scene. He won an easy victory and pressed
his advantages with vast dexterity, and as Mr. Emmet thought with somewhat of the
display of triumph.

IT/A'

Cases $27

The case of the "Nereide," so well known in our prize history, was soon after called
on for trial. In this second effort Mr. Emmet was far more successful. His speech was
greatly admired for its force and fervor, its variety of research, and its touching eloquence.
It placed him at once by universal consent in the first rank of American advocates. I
do not mean to intimate that it placed him before Mr. Pinkney, who was again his noble
rival for victory. But it settled henceforth and forever his claims to very high dis-
tinction in the profession. In the course of the exordium of his speech he took occasion
to mention the embarrassment of his own situation, the novelty of the forum, and the
public expectations, which accompanied the cause. Me spoke with generous praise of the
talents and acquirements of his opponent, whom fame and fortune had followed both in
Europe and America. And then, in the most delicate and affecting manner, he alluded
to the events of his own life, in which misfortune and sorrow had left many deep traces
of their ravages. "My ambition," said he, "was extinguished in my youth; and I am
admonished by the premature advance of age, not now to attempt the dangerous paths
of fame." At the moment when he spoke, the recollection of his suffering melted the
hearts of the audience, and many of them were dissolved in tears. Let me add that the
argument of Mr. Pinkney was also a most splendid effort, and fully sustained his reputa-
tion. From that period, I was accustomed to hear Mr. Emmet at the Bar of the Supreme
Court in almost every variety of causes; and my respect for his talents constantly in-
creased with the close of his life. I take pleasure in adding that his affability, his modesty
and unassuming manner, his warm feelings and his private virtues gave a charm to his
character, which made it at once my study and delight.

It would ill become me to attempt a sketch of the character of Mr. Emmet. That is
the privilege, and will be (as it ought) the melancholy pleasure of those who were
familiar with him in every walk of life, to whom he unbosomed himself in the freedom
of intimacy, and who have caught the light plays of his fancy, as well as the more pro-
found working of his soul.

That he had great qualities as an orator can not be doubted by anyone who had heard
him. His mind possessed a good deal of fervor, which characterizes his countrymen.
He was quick, vigorous, searching and buoyant. He kindled as he spoke. There was a
spontaneous combustion, as it were, not sparkling, but clear and glowing. His rhetoric
was never florid ; and his diction, though select and pure, seemed the common dress of his
thoughts, as they arose, rather than any studied effort at ornament. Without being
deficient in imagination, he seldom drew upon it for resources to aid the effect of his
arguments or to illustrate his thoughts. His object seemed to be not to excite wonder
or surprise, to captivate by bright pictures and varied images and graceful groups and
startling apparitions, but by earnest and close reasoning to invoke the judgment or to
overwhelm the heart by awakening its most profound emotions. His own feelings were
warm and easily touched. His sensibility was keen, and refined itself almost into a
melting tenderness. His knowledge of the human heart was various and exact. He
was easily captivated by the belief that his own cause was just. Hence his eloquence
was most striking for its persuasiveness. He said what he felt, and he felt what he said.
His command over the passions of others was instantaneous and sympathetic. The
tones of his voice, when he touched topics calling for deep feelings, were themselves in-
stinct with meaning. They were utterances of the soul as well as of the lips.

Yours affectionately,

Joseph Story.

Terror and coercion being introduced as the principles of government, every part of
society is filled 'with danger and suspicion; the insulation of thought is destroyed;
the intercourse of life is poisoned; all expression of the public <o>ish, the surest guar-
antee against secret conspiracy, is un<wisely prohibited.

T. A. Emmet.

Suppose the trade of England curtailed or annihilated, her resources toasted, her po<wer
and influence deprest; you must sink in her do'wnfaU. . . . What shall Ireland then
become? A nursery, a dra<w-faem of men and beasts, for the use and accommoda-
tion of England ; an immense pasturage, an universal barrack.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXVI

Letter from William Sampson to Archibald Hamilton Rowan — Reference to the death
of Emmet — Meeting of writer with Abram S. Hewitt in 1897-98 — His recollections of
Mr. Emmet — Burial place of Mr. Emmet — Finding of his remains — Canon O'Hanlon's
introduction to Mason's "Antiquity and Constitution of Parliament" — Castlereagh "his
own executioner" — Funerals of Castlereagh, Clare and Emmet compared by Madden —
The high appreciation of Emmet — Driven from his native land by its alien rulers as a
traitor — Death in honor in the land of his exile — Monument to his memory raised by
his Catholic fellow-countrymen — A "barrister rebel" become an "honored citizen" —
Victim of Orange malignity — Reflections raised by contemplation of his monument —
"His inflexible integrity commanded the respect even of his enemies".

OWAN'S Memoir contains in the Appendix a copy of a
letter received by him in 1827 from William Sampson,
the well-known Irish exile, in which after expatiating on
Mr. Rowan's "honorable principles", on Mrs. Rowan's
kindness to Mrs. Sampson and on the state of Irish
politics, he continues thus :

You have, I persume, heard of the death of Thomas Addis
Emmet, and probably of the extraordinary honors paid his
memory ; how a monument was voted by the Bar of New York
which has since been established in the Court-room where he fell.
A eulogy was also voted which DeWitt Clinton, Governor of this State, had under-
taken to deliver, and by the same resolution I was requested, as an incentive to
the younger members of the profession, and as a model for their imitation, to
write a history of his life. I could not refuse a task so honorable, and I accepted of it.
But I was soon after seized with an aguish complaint, which returned from time to
time, and so far debilitated me that I was unable to make any strenuous exertion. I had
besides the affliction of losing my son-in-law, Captain Tone, son of one that you knew
well, and husband of my daughter, now my only surviving child. This obliged me to lay
aside the work, but with returning health I have now resumed it. I was greatly disap-
pointed also in applying to the family of my deceased friend, in finding that I could not
have the least assistance from any of them. Mrs. Emmet, who loved her husband most
tenderly, and did him honor whilst he lived, was affected by his death in such a manner
that she cannot speak upon the subject of his early life, and his children were too young
to know anything of it ; several of them, indeed, were born here. That portion of Emmet's
life passed in this city, affords little incident. It was entirely absorbed in the duties of his
profession and in a course of unexampled industry. He was looked upon with admiration

528

Sampson's Projected Biography

for his abilities, learning, and eloquence, and universally beloved for his virtues and his
manner of living, and great as was the tribute paid to him, he deserved it all. He was a
shining honor to his country. There exists amongst all here the greatest curiosity to
know the particulars of his former life, and indeed, everything concerning him. I have
been trying to make arrangements for the publication of the work in London. You were
one of the men Emmet most esteemed, and now that the events of those days are matters
of past and useful history, I should request of you to assist me with some account of him
and his family, his father, his brother Temple, his early studies, travels, first entry into
public life, and to point me out where such details are to be looked for. You, it is true,
had nothing to do with the rebellion in Ireland, nor do I expect anything of that kind
from you; but any letter of his, however trivial or familiar the subject, may go to satisfy
the friends under whose commission I act. I shall, if I can find one, send you a copy
of the eulogy upon him by Dr. Mitchell, whose name, probably whose person, you must
know. Mr. DeWitt Clinton, late Governor of this State, one of the most distinguished
of our statesmen had undertaken to fulfil the vote of the bar, and would have delivered
a eulogy upon him, but he was called upon to pay his great debt before the day appointed ;
and it is urgent with me to discharge this duty before a similar casualty should put a
bar to my performance forever. I owe much on my own account to my professional
brethren here, as you will see by an article which I forward to you, containing their
kind and affectionate adieus, when some years ago, after the marriage of my daughter,
I went to reside in Georgetown, D. C. Since my son-in-law's death I have again fixed
my residence in this city. I have seen a book advertised, called the history of the leaders
of the rebellion in 1798. Is there anything in it that could help me in the biography of
Emmet? There never yet was fair play nor justice shown to the sufferers in that un-
happy struggle. I often wonder how I myself, and other men given to peace entirely,
should have been driven from less to more, by mere feeling for others, to desperation,
and almost to self-devotion, for I was always among the least sanguine and backward,
till no neutrality was left, and then, even then, there was nothing to warrant any part
of what was done to me latterly.

I had, indeed, taken my ground, but if law was to be had, and I was willing to
chicane, I should have as good actions of false imprisonment as ever man had. But now
I am for truth, and no other revenge. It is so long since I have encountered any hostility
or ill office, or envious or angry words from any man, that I may truly say I live in
charity with all mankind, in which blessed spirit, etc., as they say at the end of all
sermons, may we all live.

Your sincere and obliged friend, W. Sampson.

New York, April 29th, 1820.

Air. Sampson was never able to undertake the writing of Mr. Emmet's
life, for from about the period of writing the above letter his health began to
decline, and after passing several years as an invalid he died December 28,
1836, in the seventy-second year of his age.

In placing on record the testimony of different individuals, for this story
would be but partly told if a different course were followed, some repetition is
unavoidable.

During the winter of 1897-98 the writer met the late Mr. Abram S. Hewitt,
ex-Mayor and for many years a member of Congress from New York City, at
a dinner, and had the good fortune to be placed alongside of him.
The writer is able to fix the date as he was passing his book, "The Emmet
Family", through the press at the time. A mention of the work led Mr. Hewitt
to speak of the writer's grandfather, Thomas Addis Emmet, of whom he had
a clear recollection, and of the day of his death and funeral. Mr. Emmet then

530 Mr. Hewitt's Recollections

lived at No. 30 Beach Street, facing St. John's Square, near the southeast
corner. The Hewitt family lived in the neighborhood where Mr. Emmet
passed on his way to and from his office, always carrying a green baize
bag filled with his law papers. As he passed the house of Mr. Hewitt, who
was a very intelligent man, Mr. Emmet always stopped to speak a few words
with him, while he sat at the window of his shop at work. He was a dealer
in hard woods and probably was in addition a wood carver of newel-posts for
staircases, of mantel-pieces, and the trimmings of doors and window-frames.
Without being able to recall his authority the writer is of the impression that
Mr. Hewitt's father was an Irishman whom Mr. Emmet had known in Ireland.
Hewitt stated that the day on which Mr. Emmet died was impressed on his
memory, for, noticing the quiet of the street and the absence of people, he
managed to slip out to learn the cause. Thereupon his mother opened the door
and called him in, and as he passed her, she said: "Be careful and make no
noise, for Mr. Emmet is dead". From what he told of having heard his father
describe at the time, a description which the writer has corroborated by con-
temporary newspaper accounts, he is led to believe there has never been a
similar private funeral in New York, nor one in which so large a proportion
of the inhabitants took part, while the whole business of the city was suspended
for several hours. It was thought that every one in the town knew Mr. Emmet
at least by sight, and probably no other citizen ever commanded the love,
veneration and respect of so large a proportion of the people.

The Board of Aldermen (then composed only of gentlemen and men of
position) met, passed a resolution of condolence, and resolved that all the
affairs connected with the city should be suspended during the time of the
funeral and that the city officials should attend in a body. The same action was
taken at a meeting of all the United States officials in the city. The courts all
adjourned after the judges had eulogized the dead, and the Bar met to arrange
for attending the funeral. The officials, professors and students of Columbia
College took action to attend in a body. As Mr. Emmet had at one time been
a physician in practice, all the physicians of the city and all the professors and
students of the two medical schools were in attendance. The flags on every
vessel in the harbor were at half mast and the bells on every church were tolled
during the progress of the funeral. It took place from Grace Church, then on
the block above Trinity, and the procession proceeded to St. Mark's Church
in the "Bowerie," now at Ninth Street and Second Avenue, where the body
was to be deposited. It appears as if every able-bodied man in the city, rich
and poor, and many with their well-grown sons, showed their respect by taking
part in the obsequies. At the time the head of the procession with the body
reached St. Mark's Church the people were still falling in line below Grace
Church about Wall Street, and the whole procession was several hours in
passing the front of the church, after the body had been laid to rest and each
individual passed with uncovered head.*

•After the funeral of Mr. Emmet his remains were temporarily deposited in the vault of his friend,
Chancellor Jones, in St. Mark's Churchyard, and from a series of circumstances they have been left

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Clare and Castlereagh 531

The noted Irish scholar, the late Very Rev. John Canon O'Hanlon of
Dublin (in the Introduction to his "Essay on the Antiquity and Constitution
of Parliament" by Henry Joseph Monck Mason, etc.), wrote:

Castlereagh, the curse of his own country and the enemy of every other, who like
another Judas, despairing of forgiveness for his multiplied transgressions, became his
own executioner in the midst of his pride and power.

Of whom Byron wrote :

So Castlereagh has cut his throat! The worst
Of this is — that his own was not the first!
So he has cut his throat at last! He! Who?
The man who cut his country's long ago !

Shelley, in his "Masque of Anarchy," wrote:

I met murder on his way,

He had a mask like Castlereagh.

The name of Castlereagh was the only one connected with the Irish politics
of his day which Mr. Emmet could never refer to without showing the utmost
loathing and disgust.

The Very Rev. O'Hanlon, in the same work, wrote of Clare :

Clare, the unfortunate Clare, who broke his heart for having bartered the independ-
ence of his country to please the deceitful statesmen of England.

undisturbed until recently. After some difficulty in finding the minutes of the vestry meeting, at
which the permission for burial was obtained, the vault could not be located, as the writer wished to
do for a special object. At length every difficulty was overcome through the effort of the writer's
eldest son who ascertained that ten was the number of the vault. All the remains of the Jones family
were found together on one side of the vault, and on the other those of Mr. Emmet alone. Everything
but the bones and a few screws had disappeared. There was nothing to identify the remains, but the
official record of their being placed there, and the appearance of the skull, which yet retained every
feature which gave so pronounced an individuality to his head while living, and which no one
else ever possessed. The condition of the teeth sockets showed that he must have lost all his teeth
some years before his death.

No anatomical fact is now better understood than that the prolongation of life depends more on
the condition of the teeth than on any other single circumstance. The writer had well approached
his eighty-seventh birthday before this book passed from the hands of the printer, and he is yet the
happy possessor of some portion of nearly every tooth he had the use of in his youth. The only
bodily defect from which Mr. Emmet ever suffered was apparently due to the condition of his teeth,
and this was doubtless owing to some remedial cause. The luxury or necessity of a tooth brush was
unknown or not fully appreciated during the greater portion of Mr. Emmet's life. From infancy the
writer was taught the importance of taking care of the teeth, yet he recalls at least one school of his
childhood where he was the sole possessor of a tooth brush, and was laughed at to the end for his
perseverance in its regular use.

With Mr. Emmet's otherwise perfect bodily condition, the knowdedge of the dental surgery of the
present day could have prolonged his life beyond the span of one hundred years. Considering the
frugal life he had led from his youth he would never have lost his life from apoplexy, which is caused
by a degeneration of the arteries from want of proper nutrition and circulation in the small vessels.
Before closing this diversion, the writer will place on record the fact that Mr. Emmet's remains were
carefully boxed and marked. This was done with the hope that at some future time they may receive
the honor justly due to his memory for services to his native land, and not lie hereafter neglected in
what to the world at large will prove an unknown grave.

The remains of Thomas Addis Emmet with those of his devoted wife should be placed under his
monument in St. Paul's Church. The same should be done with the remains of Dr. Macneven, that
they may lie under the monument erected by his grateful countrymen in recognition of his services to
his native land. But the recognition is incomplete to the credit of either of these illustrious men.
The remains of Dr. Macneven and the writer believes of Mr. Sampson lie in the old Riker family
burial ground on Bowery Bay, which in all probability has passed out of the hands of the original
owners, and must inevitably in a few years be built over and its site forgotten. This work can only
be fittingly done by the United Irish Society of the country as a national action. The occasion should be
made a commemorative one, in full accord and recognition of the unappreciated services rendered
by many of the Irish people in every walk of life, for the mental and physical development of the
country, which is greater in the aggregate than that rendered by all other races collectively. Stupid
bigotry and unpardonable ignorance have from the beginning overshadowed the truth. A tolerated
existence unknown to the law of the land, is no longer the condition even in Ireland, and the Irish-
man has but to step to the fore and take what has become his birth-right throughout the world. No
other race possesses more brains or brawn. As this word is written the writer recalls the fact that
the original meaning of the word brawn was the flesh or muscle of the wild boar, the strongest animal
in the world in proportion to its size. The term "wild Irish" was also at one time a common one, but
like the word brawn its application has changed, though so strong is prejudice that with many the
most accomplished Irishman will always seem a bore.

532 Highest Honors Well Bestowed

Dr. Madden in his "Lives of the United Irishmen" describes the remark-
able demonstration made at the funeral of the "rebel" Thomas Addis Emmet
in N'ew York and throughout the United States ; and also incidentally refers
in contrast to the funeral of the most "loyal" of Irishmen — Clare and Castle-
reagh :

When the Lord High Chancellor of Ireland — the celebrated Lord Clare — went to
the other world, the 28th of January, 1S02 (within less than one year and a month of
the achievement of the Union — of that measure to which all his efforts had been de-
voted for many years), no such honor was paid to his memory. We read indeed, on
the day of his funeral, of seven hundred lawyers and legal functionaries, and seventy
lords and other notabilities of the country, walking after his hearse to the graveyard of
St. Peter's Church ; and in the face of the seven hundred lawyers and legal functionaries,
we are informed, no sooner was the coffin of the late lord chancellor deposited in the
place prepared for it, than the grave was desecrated, and dead cats were thrown on the
coffin by the assembled populace.

When Lord Castlereagh paid the debt to nature in August, 1822, the State indeed
and its functionaries did honor to his memory. His remains were buried in West-
minster Abbey. Great personages walked after his coffin, in procession, holding the
pall; but the people shouted at the porch. A witness of that terrible manifestation
of popular feeling, I can answer for it there was no expression of sorrow or respect
in that shout. Most assuredly the feelings it indicated were in unison with those of
the great mass of people of England and Scotland, as well as those of Ireland, on
that occasion.

When George IV, the sovereign of the largest dominions of any empire in Christen-
dom, and, in the language of his panegyrists, "the first gentleman in Europe," departed
this life, there were funeral pageants on a grand scale of regal magnificence, and the
horses that bore the hearse from Windsor Castle, and the solemn mutes who walked be-
side it, wore "the trappings and the suits of woe" ; but there was no mourning for the
deceased monarch, we are truly told by Lord Brougham, and no attempt to mimic sor-
row, for there were no hearts saddened by his death.

It was reserved for the people of America, by their conduct on the occasion of
Emmet's death, to teach a great lesson to the nations of the old world — namely, that the
highest honors that a State can afford to departed greatness are well bestowed when they
are given to the memory of a citizen eminently good and virtuous.

In all probability, in modern times, in the whole range of European history, there
is no instance on record of private worth, honor, and integrity — of professional talents
not devoted to military pursuits or to party purposes, and rendered illustrious by signal
triumphs and successes — receiving such honors at the hands and from the hearts of a
whole people, as were paid to the memory of T. A. Emmet throughout the United States
of America.

The last chapter of this memoir will afford ample confirmation of the truth of the
above assertion.

Thus died, in a distant land, in honor and renown on the 14th of November, 1827,
the Irish exile, Thomas Addis Emmet, in the 64th year of his age.

Let Erin Remember! 533

and virtues and noble intellectual gifts — of respect for the consistency of his patriotism
and the solidity of his opinions on all public subjects — and of veneration for this great
good man — but throughout the whole Union these feelings prevailed ; and this
was unanimously accorded to the departed worth and excellence of Thomas Addis
Emmet.

The monument erected to the memory of Emmet is worthy of it. It stands in view
of Broadway, the great thoroughfare of the city, in the cemetery of St. Paul's Church.
It is a marble monolith of thirty feet elevation. . . . The expense of this monument
was partly defrayed by the contributions of his countrymen in the United States, and
partly by the application of the funds in the hands of the treasurer of the American
Catholic Association. When the Relief Bill of 1829 was carried, the receipt of money
under the name of Catholic Rent was prohibited by that statute. The American society
then thought the best application of the remaining funds, namely $1,006 raised for
Catholic purposes, would be to the erection of a monument to the memory of one of the
early advocates of Catholic Emancipation, who devoted his splendid talents to its cause
and sacrificed for its interests the brightest prospects. He did not live to see the
promised land of toleration, but he did more, with the exception of Tone, than any of
his cotemporaries towards the consummation so devoutly to be wished for.

That monument was never looked on by the author without feeling that its existence
in America was a subject for meditation of strange and melancholy interest. And often
as he gazed on that splendid sepulchre — which his countrymen in the new world had
raised to the memory of "the banished rebel," who had become in another land an hon-
ored citizen, "whose private life was beautiful as his public course was brilliant" — he
could not help asking, was justice never to be done in his own land to the memory
of one who had been held up in his own country, by the unmitigated malignity of Orange-
ism, to obloquy and odium? To what generation yet to come were the memories of
such men as Macneven, Sampson, and Neilson to be consigned? Did they, like the
younger enthusiast in his cause, when the "lamp of life was nearly extinguished," when
the grave was opening to receive him and he was ready to sink into its bosom, bid no
man dare to write their epitaphs, but left the charge to other men and to later times
to do justice to their memories? When was that 'era to arrive? Where were the men
to be looked for to inscribe their tombs? Was the marble to be sought in the quarries
of America that was to perpetuate their name, their devotion to their country, and their
unhappy fate?

Was the writer of the biographies of these men to seek amongst strangers respect
for the talents or sympathy for the suffering of his countrymen? Must he be reminded
elsewhere that their enterprise was unsuccessful, and must therefore have failed from
their faults or that it had originated in their crimes? If their impatience of their coun-
try's wrongs, their hatred of oppression was "too rash, too unadvised, too sudden," shall
we be told that their patriotism was but the brilliant flash of a transitory passion — "too
like the lightning that doth cease to be ere one can say it lightens"? Are the trails of
heroism or the traces of love of country displayed in their struggle so easily to be for-
gotten, that there is no fame for them with whom fortune was not? Is the need of a
generous sympathy so narrowly confined, that there is no pity for the faults which render
the very intensity of the love of liberty and enthusiasm in its cause unpropitious to the
fate of those, who feel perhaps more than they reason at the outset of the struggle ;
and as they become deeper and deeper engaged in it, overlook the difficulties by which
it is beset and overrate the strength and nature of their own resources? But is no
patriot to be honored but the successful rebel? Has liberty no champion to proclaim
but those who have escaped exile or the scaffold? Has Ireland no victims to lament,
no lost defenders to bewail, but those whose bones are laid under the sands at Clontarf,
or the green sod at Aughrim, or the Boyne? Has Ireland no devoted children to boast
of among those who died in exile or who retrieved the errors of a lofty enthusiasm on
the scaffold and poured out their young blood in defence of their opinion of her rights;

534 Here Freedom has a Home

no sons of whom the memory is dear except those who adopted other and happier modes
of seeking the same objects which were sought, in vain, by their predecessors?

Great as were the talents of the men who stood beside him in the early struggle
for reform and rational liberty, the pre-eminence may be claimed for him ; for, while
the profoundness of his judgment and the justice of his views entitled him to the re-
spect of his associates, his inflexible integrity commanded the respect even of his enemies.

Savage in his "Ninety-eight and Forty-eight" (New York, 1856), says:

How well his [Emmet's] various attainments were appreciated by this country to
which he came as an exile, contributing to her the richness of his manhood in return
for the shelter insured him, may be seen by the testimony raised to his memory and
his merits in the judicial halls of the chief city of these American States; and by the
monument which, near that raised to the valor of his illustrious countryman and defender
of American liberty, General Richard Montgomery, under the portico of Saint Paul's,
first meets the eye of the stranger as he wanders from the Battery up one of the most
populous and opulent thoroughfares in the world. It is at once a high testimony of
American recognition to the European outcast and a guide to all worthy of American
citizenship. A voice speaks from the cold marble. There is a sermon in that stone, a
sermon that preaches straight to the hearts of men. It says : Here Freedom has a home
■ — here truth and genius are the only divine rights acknowledged under God. Come and
do likewise as this dust has done, and make yourself immortal.

Such <were the reflections "which the tomb of Thomas Addis Emmet called forth, and
•which even merged for a time the recollection of his sufferings in those of the still
"deeper calamities of his kindred", though no remembrance of his brother's noble
qualities could supersede, for an instant, the conviction of the superior po'wars 'which
pre-eminently qualified Thomas Addis Emmet to lead the people, and, had the
qualities of any one man sufficed for the attainment of that object, to conduct their
cause to a successful issue.

New York "Truth Teller", July 15, 1843.

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What are fifty, nay, a thousand slaves, to the nerve of a single arm that strikes for liberty.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXVII

Mural tablet erected by the New York Bar to the memory of Mr. Emmet — The bust
copied from a plaster bust taken by Dr. J. P. Emmet— A movement of the Irish people for
erecting a monument to Mr. Emmet's memory — Macneven's address at the meeting —
Inscriptions in Latin, English and Irish.

HORTLY after Mr. Emmet's death the Bar Association of
the City of New York erected to his memory a mural
tablet with an appropriate inscription. This, together
with Mr. Emmet's bust, was placed on the wall of the
court-room in the City Hall, close to the spot where he
was stricken. This room was subsequently altered to be
the place of meeting of the Board of Aldermen for
Greater New York. The mural tablet was then removed
and erected in one of the rooms of the Court House, on
the comer of Broadway and Chambers Street. The bust, furnished by
Browere, and used with some slight alteration, by the artist Giovanozza for his
monument, was a copy of the one mentioned in Chapter XXVI, which was
taken a little more than a year before his father's death by his son, Dr. John
Patten Emmet, professor of chemistry in the University of Virginia. The
family of the late Judge Robert Emmet, the eldest son of Mr. Emmet, possesses
a marble replica of the bust placed on this tablet.

This white marble bust and mural tablet are now on the west wall of Part
15, Supreme Court, in the west centre room on the third floor of the County
Court House. The bust is placed in a niche with a hood four feet in width,
with the effect of the bust resting on the top of the mural tablet, which is six
feet in width and three feet high. The lettering on this slab is given with
bronze letters in Roman text, each separately secured to the face of the tablet.
The inscription is as follows :

Thomas Addis Emmet

Viro

Doctrina Juris Scientia Eloquentia

Prestantissimo

Inter H-ec, Subsellia et Officii Munera

Subita Morte Correpto

Socn Forenses Posuerunt
535

536 Mural Memorial Tablet

Translation: To Thomas Addis Emmet, a man most Eminent For Learning and
knowledge of Law, and for Eloquence, seized by Sudden Death while seated in this
Place and Exercising the Duties of His Profession His Legal Associates have erected
this Memorial.

Before either the bust with the mural tablet or the monument had been
erected, the following letter was published in the New York "American," Fri-
day evening, March 20th, 1829:

To the Editor of the American:

It is probably not unknown to you that many of the friends and admirers of the late
Mr. Emmet, are exceedingly dissatisfied with the inscription for his monument, which a
few weeks since was published in your paper, and which the committee of the bar, it
is understood, have adopted. That the style of this inscription is classical, and the latinity
faultless, is not to be disputed; but its brevity, considering the occasion and the subject,
is deemed a fatal objection. When an individual to whom a monument is erected is
illustrious by actions which History is sure to consecrate, or by literary productions that
have the stamp of immortality, it is proper that the inscription should be simple and brief.
In such cases brevity is the truest, the most effective eloquence, and elaborate praise fails
of its object, and is even felt to be impertinent. The name alone of Washington, or
Milton, inscribed on a monument, revives, in the mind of the spectator, a train of delight-
ful associations, and excites emotions more varied and vivid than the poet or orator
could hope to raise ; and he who has the truest sense of the powers and limits of his art,
on such an occasion, would refuse to exercise it. It is plain, however, that these con-
siderations do not apply to the case of Mr. Emmet. It is only a small and comparatively
unimportant portion of his life that belongs to history, and he has left no writings by
which the evidence of his extraordinary genius and attainments can be transmitted to
posterity. It is not extravagant to say that it is by the very memorial which the Bar
proposes to raise that the fame of Mr. Emmet will be chiefly perpetuated. It is this which
ought to be the witness to future ages of the estimation in which his paramount talents
were held by his contemporaries. It is due, therefore, to the reputation of Mr. Emmet, to
the honor of the bar, to truth and justice, that the inscription should be ample in the
delineation of his character, the qualities of his mind, the extent of his attainments,
and the powers of his eloquence, and should thus assign to him, distinctly and fearlessly
the rank to which his genius and learning entitle him. Without such an inscription, the
monument is useless. It is neither honoris signinn nor incitamentum glories. It can
neither honor Mr. Emmet, nor provoke others to emulate his example. It is a mere mass
of chiselled marble, producing no regrets, exciting no hopes, connected with no associa-
tions, intellectual or moral.

Were I a son of Mr. Emmet, I would much prefer that the monument, beautiful as
it is as a specimen of art, should be broken to pieces, than that, when erected, it should
bear the inscription, which in letters of brass, we are told is now engraved. What is the
impression that this inscription will make even a few years hence, when those who knew
and heard Mr. Emmet (qui ipsam audivere) shall have passed from the stage? Barely
this — that he was a man of considerable eminence at the bar who, happening to die in
the court-room (inter hac subsollis), while engaged in some professional duty (officii
munera), arguing a motion perhaps, or disputing a bill of costs, his associates of the bar
(Socii Forenses) had thought it decent to commemorate his death by a suitable monu-
ment, and as a matter of course, had bestowed upon him that vague and customary praise
(ingenii, juris sciential eloquenticc) which, in an inscription, no matter to whose memory,
everybody expects to find, and nobody is fool enough to believe. I may seem to have
spoken with levity, but it is my serious belief that this, or something very like it, is the
impression that will be produced, if the inscription is suffered to remain, and if this be
so, I ask of you, the bar, and the public, is it right that it should remain ?

Suggested Change in Inscription

00/

Whatever others may think, I do not imagine that to you, the opinion which I have
formed, and am about to express, of the character and abilities of Mr. Emmet, will
appear extravagant. Jt was my fortune to know him from his first arrival in this city,
and to hear him 1 think, in a majority of the important eases in which his talents were
most successfully exerted. I know too that my opinion is unbiased, since, from peculiar
causes, there were no relations between us beyond those of mere civility. Thomas Addis
Emmet, in head, and in heart, and in no vulgar sense of the term, was a great man; and
as an orator with the single exception of Burke, not surpassed by any that his country
has produced. Superior in judgment, in taste, in the extent and variety of his learning,
in argumentative power, in persuasive skill, in chastened fervor, and in true pathos, I do
not say to Phillips (whose effusions are the scorn of every man of sense), but to Curran,
to whom, notwithstanding his innumerable sins against good sense and good taste, the
praise of eloquence of a very high order cannot certainly be denied. I add, on reflection,
and with a full knowledge of the hazard to which I expose myself, superior to Grattan,
if our judgment of him must be formed from his speeches, as published. The abilities
of Mr. Emmet were never displayed on their proper theatre. His large and philosophic
views of society, government, and law; his ample stores of knowledge, his unrivalled
promptitude and invariable self-command; his eloquence, flowing, copious, rapid, unlimited
in the range, most fortunate in the choice of language; his brilliant imagination and
ardent feelings, when most excited, disciplined to obey the suggestion of his reason, but
when put forth, resistless; and above all, that imperatorial tone (if the phrase be allowed),
which his superior genius enabled him, without affectation, to assume, in a deliberative and
popular assembly, would have combined to invest him with a controlling sway. Had his
country known him, or had his own political opinions taken a different direction, it is
in the Parliament of Great Britain that Emmet would have contended for the mastery
with Pitt and Fox, Channing and Brougham.

The lines now enclosed for publication will, at least, serve to show what the inscription
on the monument of Emmet, in the judgment of his friends, and I should think of the
impartial public, ought to contain. They are not offered to the immediate adoption of
the committee of the bar. Possibly they may be unworthy to be received at all, but,
at any rate, they are doubtless susceptible of amendment, and may probably be subjected
with much advantage to a process of compression. Some care and labor have, however,
been bestowed on their composition, and they are in fact the result of repeated efforts,
some of which have passed, not unscathed, through the ordeal of criticism. This is
mentioned for the sake of some who may be tempted to criticise what they will not study
or can not understand, and who, deceived by their usual helps of grammars and diction-
aries, while condemning the ignorance and blunders of the writer, may find themselves
engaged in an unconscious warfare with Virgil or Horace, Cicero or Livy.

To real scholars the attempt is submitted with unfeigned diffidence; and their objec-
tions and even doubts will be listened to with great respect.

I will only add, that the inscription it is understood is to be placed immediately below
the bust; and the wdiole monument, in the room wdiere Emmet fell, according to his own
prediction, "with his harness on his back." U. S. F.

As the proposed changes to be made in the inscription were not accepted
by the committee they have not been given.

The New York "American" for August 13th, 1828, contained the following:

Monument to Mr. Emmet: — It will be seen by the report of the proceeding of the
Common Council, that the Bowling Green is recommended as a proper spot on which
to erect the monument, which the countrymen and the descendants of the countrymen
amongst us, of the late Mr. Emmet have subscribed for.

The communication of "A New Yorker" which we publish this evening, objects to
this appropriation of that piece of ground, and for, as it appears to us, the very decisive
reason that it should be reserved for a memorial of some distinguished public event, or
public man of our own country. Mr. Emmet was a private man, a very eminent and

538 Dimensions of Monument

estimable one indeed, but still a private man, and therefore not entitled to the public
distinction, contemplated and implied by such a step, as that of yielding up for a monu-
ment to him what a New Yorker justly calls "the finest site in this city for a public
monument".

We regret that the proposition has been made, but having been, and objections, if
any, being invited, we have felt it right to say this much, and must throw ourselves upon
the candor of our readers, that we may not be misunderstood.

We have just received two other communications on the same subject as that of "a
New Yorker" and taking the same objection to the proposed appropriation of the Bowling
Green. This notice of them will, we presume, be sufficient.
To the Editor of the American:

Sir: — It is with some surprise as well as regret I observe that the Committee of the
Corporation to whom was referred the somewhat singular application of the gentlemen
charged with the erection of a monument to the late Mr. Emmet, have reported in favor
of granting the Bowling Green for that purpose.

No man has a higher respect for the talents and amiable domestic qualities of the
person in question than myself, and none is more ready to do them ample justice. He was
a great advocate, and an honest man, and as such deserves the respect of his native and
adopted country. But, I doubt his claims to such a high testimony of the public gratitude,
as the one recommended by the committee. General Hamilton was certainly Mr. Emmet's
equal in all respects ; add to which he was a conspicuous actor in our revolution, as well
as in the scenes which succeeded. Yet his friends and admirers were content with a
monument in Trinity churchyard, among his fellow citizens. The Bowling Green is the
finest site in the city for a public monument, it should be consecrated to the memory of
some great public event, or public benefactor, and not to one, who, whatever may have
been his merit, is neither identified with our history or our fame. It is enough that his
friends and countrymen have decreed him a monument, and it is for them to select a site
for its erection. The Bowling Green belongs to Washington. I know that in these
wretched party times my motives will be misrepresented by men who feel that I am right,
but I appeal to the sentiment of my fellow-citizens. A New Yorker.

A marble obelisk brought from Vermont in a single piece, before the days
of railroads, was in time erected to Mr. Emmet's memory in St. Paul's church-
yard, by a committee, of which Dr. Macneven was the chairman. The money
for this monument was raised by subscription throughout the United States.
The monument is three feet six inches square at the base, lessening gradually
upward to the height of thirty feet, where it is two feet, two inches square.
From thence it is drawn abruptly to a point and forms a small pyramid at the
top. It stands on a plinth of the same material, almost an entire block, seven
feet square and eighteen inches deep. On the face of the obelisk, toward
Broadway, near the top, is a medallion likeness of Emmet in bas-relief, of
colossal size.

Dr. Macneven called a public meeting and made the following remarks :

Among those who first taught how to overthrow the misrule of Ireland, who exposed
its cause and prepared its cure, Emmet is distinguished. He had great influence on the
adoption of those measures which are still at issue between Ireland and her foes, and
which, in part obtained, in part withheld, are determinative of her future happiness, as
they shall finally fail or be signally successful. He espoused the unqualified emancipation
of the Catholics when that measure had but few supporters out of their own body. He
brought to that cause virtue and talents, and he and a few more influential members of
the Protestant Church redeemed the error of their predecessors. It is due to their

Emmet Monument Unveiled 539

memory to record that their vigorous interference broke the religious bonds which the
Protestants of a former period had bound. They were accessible among the first in
Ireland to the liberality of the age. Emmet, with the aid of his standing at the bar and
of his commanding eloquence, exerted upon every befitting occasion, strenuously advanced
those principles and policy for which we now do honor to his name.

The New York "Courier," 10th December, 1832, published the following
report :

Emmet's Monument: — At 12 o'clock, on Friday last, Dr. Macneven made a public
report to a numerous assembly at the City Hall, in relation to the monument of the late
Thomas Addis Emmet, now nearly completed, at the cemetery of St. Paul's church.
After a-statement of such particulars as were proper to be exhibited to the contributors
towards the work, he embraced the occasion to give an outline of Mr. Emmet's character
and genius, and a brief sketch of his life, as connected with the great cause of civil and
religious freedom generally, and particularly with the history, principles, and objects
of the Society of United Irishmen. The enterprise for which that society was organized,
though unfortunate in its immediate results, and long stigmatized by the odious term of
rebellion, must take its place in history, as it already has in the estimation of the world,
as a struggle in one of the holiest causes that ever animated the heart of man. No one
living could do greater justice to such a theme than the venerable author of this address,
who was among their most distinguished leaders, and could say of their doings and suf-
ferings, "Quce ipse miscrrima vidi, et quorum pars magna /hi."

At the conclusion of Dr. Macneven 's address the monument was uncov-
ered by him.

Judge Wm. A. Duer said :

It was my fortune to have known him [Mr. Emmet] from his first arrival in this
city, and to hear him, I think, in a majority of the important cases in which his talents
were most successfully exerted. I know too that my opinion is unbiased, since, from
peculiar causes there were no relations between us beyond those of mere civility. Thomas
Addis Emmet, in head and in heart and in no vulgar sense of the term, was a great man;
as an orator, with the single exception of Burke, unsurpassed by any that his country
has produced. Superior in judgment, in taste, in the extent and variety of his learning,
in argumentative power, in persuasive skill, in chastened fervor, in true pathos, the
abilities of Emmet were never displayed on their proper theatre.

As but a small portion comparatively of Emmet's life belonged to history, and as he
left no writings* by which the evidence of his extraordinary genius and attainments would
be transmitted to future times, it was the more necessary for his reputation, for the
honor of his admirers, for truth and justice, that the inscription on his monument should
be ample in the delineation of his character, of the qualities of his mind, the extent of
his learning and the powers of his eloquence; and should thus assign to him distinctly
and fearlessly the rank to which his compeers and judges thought him entitled. Without
such details there would be no witness of the estimation in which his paramount talents
were held by his contemporaries. Without them there would be neither honoris signutn
nor incitamentum gloria.

Gillian C. Verplanck was selected to write the English inscription on the
monument, which is as follows:

*At this period it was unknown or had heen forgotten how much Mr. Emmet had written in the way
of historical material. This volume, it is believed, cotitains all his writings that are obtainabie, and these
are now given to the public for the first time as a whole. Mr. Emmet was fond of contributing from
time to time to the public press on different subjects of interest to him, with the object of moulding
public opinion, and he always wrote anonymously. The late Charles O'Cnnor was the writer's
authority for this information, which he probably obtained from his father, who was a very warm
friend qf Mr. Emmet, and was connected with some newspaper in New York for many years. How
much of Mr. Emmet's work in this line has been lost can never be known.

540 English Inscription

IN MEMORY OF

THOMAS ADDIS EMMET,

WHO

EXEMPLIFIED IN HIS CONDUCT,

AND ADORNED BY HIS

INTEGRITY,

THE POLICY AND PRINCIPLES

OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN —

"TO FORWARD A BROTHERHOOD

OF AFFECTION,

A COMMUNITY OF RIGHTS,

AN IDENTITY OF INTERESTS,

AND A UNION OF POWER

AMONG IRISHMEN

OF EVERY RELIGIOUS PERSUASION,

AS THE ONLY MEANS OF IRELAND'S

CHIEF GOOD,

AN IMPARTIAL AND ADEQUATE

REPRESENTATION

IN AN IRISH PARLIAMENT".

FOR THIS

(MYSTERIOUS FATE OF virtue!)

EXILED FROM HIS NATIVE LAND.

IN AMERICA, THE LAND OF FREEDOM,

HE FOUND A SECOND COUNTRY,

WHICH PAID HIS LOVE
BY REVERENCING HIS GENIUS.

LEARNED IN OUR LAWS,

AND IN THE LAWS OF EUROPE,

IN THE LITERATURE OF OUR TIMES

AND IN THAT OF ANTIQUITY

ALL KNOWLEDGE

SEEMED SUBJECT TO HIS USE.

AN ORATOR OF THE FIRST ORDER,

CLEAR, COPIOUS, FERVID,

ALIKE POWERFUL

TO KINDLE THE IMAGINATION,

TOUCH THE AFFECTIONS,

AND SWAY THE REASON AND THE WILL.

SIMPLE IN HIS TASTES,

UNASSUMING IN HIS MANNERS,

FRANK, GENEROUS, KIND-HEARTED,

AND HONORABLE,

HIS PRIVATE LIFE WAS BEAUTIFUL

AS HIS PUBLIC COURSE WAS

BRILLIANT.

ANXIOUS TO PERPETUATE

THE NAME AND EXAMPLE OF SUCH A MAN,

ALIKE ILLUSTRIOUS BY HIS

GENIUS, HIS VIRTUES, AND HIS FATE ;

CONSECRATED TO THEIR AFFECTIONS

Latin Inscription 541

JiV IMS SACRIFICES, HIS PERILS,
AND THE in 1 ii K CALAMITIES

OF HIS KINDRED,

IN A JUST \N'l> holy cause:

HIS SYMPATHIZING COUNTRYMEN

ERECTED THIS MONUMENT AND

I l MH'APH.

BORN AT CORK, ~lr" OF APRIL, 17C4.
HE DIED IN THIS CITY,
MTU NOVEMBER, 1827.

The Latin inscription was the composition of Mr. John Duer:

M. S.

THOM^ ADDIS EMMET.

QUI

INGENIO ILLUSTRI, STUDIIS ALTIORIBUS

MORIBUS INTEGRIS,

DIGNUM

SE PR.ESTABAT LAUIIIBUS ILI.IS,

ILLA REVERENTIA, ILLO

A MORE

QUJE SEMPER EUM VIVENTEM

PROSEQUEBANTUR ;

ET SUBITA ILLO EREPTO, MORTE,

UNIVERS.E IN LUCTUM CIVITAT1S

SE EFFUDERUNT.

QUUM RARO EXTITIT VIR

N UUR.EVE DOTIBUS, DOCTRIN.EVE SUBSIDIIS

OMNIBUS ILLO INSTRUCTOR ;

TUM ELOQUENTIA, ALTA ILLA ET VERA

QUALEM OLIM M1RABANTUR ROMA

AXTHEN.-EQUE,

PR.ECIPUE ALIOS ANTEIBAT :

GRAVIS, VARIUS, VEHEMENS, FERVIDUS

OMNES ANIMI MOTUS SIC REGERE NOVIT.

UTI EOS QUI AUDIRENT, QUO VELLET

ET INVITOS IMPELLERET.

HIBERNIA NATUS,

DILF.CTAM SI 151 PATRIAM DIU SUBTECTAM

ALIENO, SERVIS TANTUM FERENDO, JUGO,

AD LIBERTATEM, AD SUA JURA VOCARE

MAGNO EST AUSUS ANIMO;

AT PR.ECLARA ET CONSILIA ET VOTA

FEFELLERE FATA.

TUM INFELICIS LITTORA IERN.E

RELIQUIT,

SPE, NON ANIMO, IlEJECTUS

NOBILIS exsul:

ET H^EC AMERICANA LIBENS RESTUBLICA

ILLUM EXCEPIT, CIVEMQUE, SIBI

GRATULANS ADSCIVIT ;
DEIN H.EC CIVITAS II.LI DOMUS,

542 Gaelic Inscription

HXC PATRIA FUIT,

H^EC GLORIAM ILLI AUXIT, HJEC

SPIRITUS ULTIMOS

RECEPIT.

MyERENTIUM CIVIUM VOLUNTAS

HOC EXEGIT MONUMENTUM.

The Right Rev. Dr. England, the Catholic Bishop of Charleston, wrote the
Gaelic inscription :

DO MHIANNAICH SE ARDMATH
CUM TIR A BREITH
DO THUG SE CLU a's FUAIR SE MOLADH
AN DEIG A BAIS

The translation of the Irish inscription is : He contemplated invaluable
benefits for the land of his birth ; he gave eclat to the land of his death ; and
received in return her love and admiration.

On the western side of the base, just above the ground, is an inscription
establishing the astronomical position of the monument on the surface of the
earth.

A steady resolution to consume only the manufactures of our cwn country, is the sole
means of restoring bread and industry to the poor.

T. A. Emmet.

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

EMMET MONUMENT
St. Paul's Churchyard, Nevs York

Emmet Monument

TReprint of a small pamphlet"!
L issued for the occasion J

At a Meeting of the Subscribers to the Emmet
Monument, convened by public advertisement
at the Bowery House, the 29th of March, 1833,
Thomas O'Connor being called to the chair, and
Michael Burke appointed Secretary, it was

Resolved, That the accounts of William Mac-
neven, Treasurer, be now audited, and that the
same, together with his Report, be published.

New York

Printed for the Subscribers

1833

The industry of man arises not from the mere impulse of instinct; the industry of man
arises from instinct and reason, from feeling and from experience, from a sense of
duty and a love of fame.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXVIII

Report of Dr. Macneven — Verses by Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham — Despard on T. A.
Emmet.

E assemble to receive the report of the measures which have been
adopted for completing the noble monument raised within view of
this spot. You are all aware that we had lately among us a person
of extraordinary endowments, one whom we knew intimately,
whom we loved affectionately. Nor was it only for his bland
manners and firmness in principle; his character had also an ele-
vating influence on the fame of his country. He ranked among the
highest of its gifted sons who display its fertile genius and its
social spirit, who introduced the name of Ireland to the respect of
the world. Commensurate with his value to relatives and friends,
and to this his long adopted home, was the appalling sensation
that pervaded our city on the sudden occasion of his lamented death. Thomas Addis
Emmet fell unadmonished by previous illness in the midst of his forensic achievements,
in this hall, in this field of his renown. It happened not inaptly to the tenor of his
course, that he began his advocation at the bar of New York as counsel for the Manu-
mission Society, vindicating the rights of man in the person of the African; and that he
closed his brilliant career while defending a most humane bequest to superannuated sea-
men; having commenced and concluded his transatlantic life in the service of liberty and
charity.*

Emmet was moulded in Nature's happiest combination to fit him for his destined
service. He possessed the physical qualities necessary to an accomplished speaker, with
high intellect to master and employ knowledge; with imagination and feeling to sway
the passions and the heart, and with the power of incessant labor to collect, discipline
and perfect the varied materials of his argumentative and impassioned oratory. When we
see a man thus favored by natural talents, and thus accomplished by education, we behold
one of Nature's rarest, finest works. It is not surprising that his removal in one unex-
pected moment from his busy life's vocations to the oblivious silence of the tomb should
produce, as it did, a general burst of sorrow and a common sense of bereavement. This
feeling speedily showed itself in a meeting of citizens convened by public advertisement
on the evening of the 21st of December, 1827. It was there resolved "That a subscription
be opened for erecting a monument to the late Thomas Addis Emmet, commemorative of
his virtues and genius".

The resolution then adopted stands accomplished in the monument close by, which

*Mr. Emmet volunteered his gratuitous service to the trustees in defence of Mr. Randall's will and
probably but for his long-continued efforts the "Sailors' Snug Harbor" of Staten Island would never
have been created. He died in this special service; he was stricken just after the verdict had been
gained, and yet. so far as the writer has ever been able to ascertain, this now wealthy corporation has
never shown their obligation to Mr. Emmet, either by resolution, memorial tablet, or any other ac-
knowledgment. It is supposed that it was not even represented at Mr. Emmet's funeral.

543

544 Doctor Macneven's Speech

will evermore throw a melancholy grandeur on the cemetery of St. Paul's church.* It is
a marble monolith of thirty feet elevation. It is inscribed on three sides and in three
languages. That part of the English inscription beginning with the words "In
America," and ending with the word "Brilliant," was written by Gulian C. Ver-
planck, a representative from this city in the Congress of the United States. The entire
Latin inscription is from the classic pen of John Duer, counsellor of law ; and the few
lines of Irish were furnished by the Right Rev. Dr. England, Bishop of Charleston. These
compositions, so chaste and beautiful were spontaneously offered by gentlemen not inti-
mately connected in friendship with the deceased, nor liable to the bad taste of flattery;
but being superior themselves in genius and learning, they freely gave to merit the
generous applause which it is most rare of receiving from kindred desert.

In the first moment of enthusiasm, the subscription was injudiciously limited to a
small sum for each subscriber, but as the idea of a more noble work soon suggested itself
to persons of taste, it was seen that more ample means than the first contributions would
be necessary. At this juncture a new impulse was given to the subscription by friends
and clients of the deceased, and by public-spirited individuals who wished to encourage
the adoption of the present beautiful and costly obelisk.

While inquiries were being made for estimates and suitable material, news arrived
of the so-called Catholic Relief Bill having passed the British Parliament with spiteful
prohibition against receiving any more Catholic rent under pain of forfeiture to the crown.
On all this being known to us here, the Friends of Ireland dissolved their association and
turned over to the monument fund the sum then remaining in the hands of their treasurer.

Mr. Sampson, who moved for this appropriation, observed that "while we rejoiced
in the triumph of civil and religious liberty, and paid due honours to the living patriots,
it might be well to remember those who are no more. In doing so we should act worthily,
and give to those who may have to sustain at some future day, the same great cause at
the peril of life and liberty, in defiance of the tyrant's vengeance, to feel and hope that
though their sufferings may be great, yet that they will not be forgotten; that at the hour
of death, or in the dungeon's silent gloom, when no friendly voice can reach their ears,
no friendly step approach them, no other consolation than the proud consciousness of
virtue bear them up ; yet that if they live and die faithful, uncorrupted and unsubdued
they will not be left forgotten in a neglected grave. It may be difficult," continued the
eloquent speaker, "where multitudes have devoted themselves with equal magnanimity, to
distinguish or select, but sometimes occasions will present themselves when the honoring
of one is the honoring of all, and where for the sake of all, the opportunity should not
be lost".

The net sum in the treasurer's hands was one thousand and six dollars and sixty-six
cents; the Friends of Ireland in Brooklyn added to it all that accrued with them since
the last payment of rent, twenty dollars; the Friends of Ireland in Charleston, South
Carolina, sent one hundred dollars, and those in Savannah one hundred and twenty-four
dollars and twenty-five cents to aid the same patriotic purpose.

All felt that these moneys originally raised to subserve religious liberty in Ireland,
though they could not any longer be applied to that particular object, remained neverthe-
less appropriated to the cause of Ireland, and would now be well employed in doing
honour to the enlightened policy of the United Irishmen, and to the national character
abroad. So conspicuous a memorial of what this is capable of exhibiting in its best form,
is what no Irishman can behold without emulation, and no American can look on without
respect.

Those who would lightly asperse the Irish, or without due allowance for their un-
happy position at home, would exaggerate their faults, we will beckon to this monument,
and it will disarm their censure, perchance it will touch their hearts for a noble people,

*As part of the history of the Emmet monument the writer will place on record that the first site
selected by the committee was Bowling Green at the foot of Broadway, where before the Revolution
the equestrian statue of George III stood, which was melted to obtain bullets needed for the defence
of New York. What prompted the change to St. Paul's church-yard is given elsewhere.

Catholic Disabilities Reviewed 545

suffering long adversity, without debasement, and who never in all their thraldom had the
meanness to be reconciled to their oppressions.

This affecting memorial will also bestow on our countrymen a universal education;
the rapid education of example, the happy inspiration of what is just, noble and beautiful
in morals and conduct, which transforms the character at a glance, and which, like divine
grace, received in an instant, purifies the affections and actions forever. Of the thousands
upon thousands who have emigrated, and who will emigrate, to this blessed land, how
many, under the pressure of English misrule, have lost the advantage of a good education?
We see the finest materials in the world, the best heads and the best hearts running to
wild and unprofitable luxuriance, like our own rich prairies of the West, for want of
due cultivation. I wish, for the love I bear my native country, that her sons would
venerate the genius of their ancient land, and that keeping ever present in their thoughts
the noble instances it affords of talent, probity and honour, they would so revere themselves
as never to swerve from the dignity of their origin. It is not to our commemorated
countryman alone that this monument is devoted ; it is not his excellence alone that it
records, but it turns the mind back in melancholy contemplation upon those national
virtues which he eminently exhibited ; a love of liberty for all Irishmen, a love of inde-
pendence for all Ireland, that neither time nor exile could diminish, that violence could
not intimidate, and disaster could not subdue.

It is the historical fate of patriotism, when exerted in advance of general intelligence
to attract the vengeance of alarmed power, while it receives only the timid assent of
hesitating friends. Persecuted on one side, unsustained on the other, the monumental
fame of genius alone survives, and like the splendid ruins in the Palmyrene desert, gains
a solemn sublimity from the surrounding desolation. Must prudence then hold patriotism
back until all are duly prepared for the exercise of their rights? Until they learn with-
out a preceptor to remedy their wrongs, and to use their strength with advantage, unaided
by the counsel or guidance of a friend? Tyranny would never blush at redress so long
deferred, which no man could hope to see in his own day. For all good works there
must be found fortitude to begin, and the messenger of truth has to preach the way of
salvation though martyrdom were in its train. It was not to remain forever unemployed
that the defensive feeling which surges against oppression was planted by Providence in
the human heart. We are the instruments in its hands for purposes we do not see ; but
this much we know : that when it permitted the tyrant it ordained the patriot, and that
the antagonistic powers which preserved the health and sympathy of our physical frame
are repeated in our intellectual nature, and given to repress the growth of moral evil.
Whether we fall on severe or stormy days imports everything to our individual happiness;
but even in our sufferings we may be establishing the right of our country.

Forty summers have closed around the United Irishmen since they made Catholic
Emancipation and parliamentary reform the leading measures of their policy. They
found all the Catholics of Ireland, the great majority of its population, reduced by the
operation of the ferocious penal laws to the condition of slaves, in all things but being
vendible, to the very meanest of their Protestant countrymen. Not only did the British
Government embrace every severity that could waste the vigour of the nation, but all
the rights of humanity and every duty of life were sacrificed to its direction or convenience,
so this would promote the self-interest or gratify the rancour of the favored party.

There was a law of discovery by which a man who betrayed the confidence of his
friend if he was a Catholic, possessed himself of that friend's estate. There was a law
which disabled the Catholic father to be guardian to his own child, or to educate him.
There was a law which made the disobedience and apostasy of the Catholic child the
means whereby to disinherit his father. There was a law for robbing a Catholic of his
horse on the highway, if when interrogated he confessed his faith. There was a law
to prevent the education of Catholic children, and to punish Catholic teachers as convicts,
to banish the Catholic clergy, and to hang them if they returned. To prevent Catholics
from purchasing or inheriting landed estates. From having arms for their defence. To

546 Oath of the United Irishmen

debar them from the profession of the law. To prevent them from holding any office
of trust, honour, or emolument, voting at elections, or sitting in parliament.

The United Irishmen found their country under the government of these laws, and
of perhaps a hundred more, all conceived in the same spirit, and all elaborated with con-
summate skill to rob, harass, and insult a defenseless people. These statutes, without
parallel, for their inhumanity, were framed against Christians, under pretence of securing
the Protestant religion. They were enacted by Irish Protestants, political Protestants,
than whom no sect has cried more loudly against persecution when Protestants were
the martyrs. For all this the Protestant religion is not persecuting in its nature. When
true to its origin it is necessarily tolerant and acts against its proper spirit whenever it
coerces conscience, or compels uniformity of worship through means of disabilities, or sub-
scription to its articles of faith by force of the secular arm. What indeed, would be more
inconsistent than to profess the right of every man to judge of Scripture for himself, and
then to punish him for having done so? The crimes of the dominant party are not justly
chargeable upon the Protestant religion, though committed in its name. They were
bitterly deplored by the United Irishmen of all religions, and by none more than the
patriot whom we commemorate ; himself a member of the Established Church, but no
abetter of its injustice.

Through all this long persecution the conduct of England wore a visor of hypocrisy.
It was not the conversion of the Irish it desired, but their spoliation, division and sub-
jection. If united in religion, they might unite for their worldly interests, and a means
of weakening them by dissension would be lost. The English mission never had the merit
of even being honestly fanatical, it was coldblooded and crafty. Its conduct was not
feebly palliated by the mistaken sincerity of blind zeal, which time might soften and
philosophy assuage. It had the more terrestrial motives of insatiable rapacity, the
appetite for plunder and the desire of fattening on the green pastures of Ireland. This
is the eating canker which neither time nor reason ever curbs and which is now as de-
vouring as in the beginning.

y After the laws had disfranchised four-fifths of the population, all the emoluments
of office, all the wealth of the richest church in the world, all the distinctions of power,
all the pomp, circumstances, and advantages of dominion fell into the lap of the favoured
few. These men never sought the conversion of their helots by any means that ever made
proselytes to any cause.

The domestic spoliation of the Catholics was the share of the Irish Protestants in
this wholesale robbery. The spoliation of the Irish nation was the part of England in the
boundless plunder ; she took the whole trade, prosperity and independence of Ireland,
which the Irish Protestants fully surrendered for the license of pillage and tyrannizing
at home. These wrongs inflicted and endured begot mutual hatred and frequent collision,
and will account for the little union among Irishmen and the ferocity of character to be
found in those districts where the adverse parties came oftenest into conflict.

The barter of a nation's rights for the lucre of a faction is what was called the
Protestant ascendancy in church and State. It was also called the Blitish constitution.
Against that impious combination of treachery within and tyranny from without, the
United Irishmen pointed their oath to union — "To forward a brotherhood of affection, a
community of rights, an identity of interests, and a union of power among Irishmen of
every religious persuasion" ; it was this oath, embracing the precept of "Love one
another", that the British Government prosecuted as a felony of death, and for which
it sent frequent victims to the scaffold. It was made treason by that Government for
Irishmen to love one another, to bury religious feuds in charity, and to promote as
brothers the welfare of their native land.

Emmet did not live to behold the triumph of the Catholic cause, that happy accom-
plishment of one of the great measures to which he devoted fortune and life. It was in
1829 that various circumstances, domestic and foreign, among which the threatened aspect
of the Catholics, their perfect union, improved knowledge and the publicity given to their

Tone and Catholic Emancipation

case throughout the civilized world, with the strong sympathy of America in their behalf,
induced that Irish Government to compel the church party in Ireland to relinquish its
ascendancy over them, rather than risk the loss of its own dominion over the Irish nation.

But the subjection of conscience to those cruel inflictions was itself only incidental
to a greater evil, and this one the United Irishmen aimed above all things to remove. It
was the root of every other calamity, and until corrected no good could be permanent, no
security could be lasting, improvement was hardly possible. This master grievance was
partly the want, partly the perversion of a national representation. In the parliament of
a people adequately represented, its interests are prosecuted with its consent and con-
fidence. A knowledge of all the ameliorations in government, in the science of politics,
in commerce, arts, trades, and manufactures, in everything that affects a nation's welfare,
is concentrated there witli the power of applying it to the public good. The discordancy
and the tumultuous impulse are there harmonized into peace and order, and commotion
and rebellion are unknown where voters are competent to decide instead of swords. It
was this fruitful blessing which the United Irishmen sought first of all to obtain for their
country.

Down to the period of 1782, English Acts of Parliament were suffered to bind
Ireland. Misgovernment and poverty, the neglect of agriculture, the prohibition of com-
merce, the abandonment of manufactures were, during that period, the portion of Ire-
land. But toward the end of the American war the Volunteers emancipated their country
from this bondage, and gave it the means of being independent. The example of America
was before both parties with all its omens; hence the demands of the Volunteers were
pnidentially conceded, and the glorious revolution of 37S2 was accomplished without the
loss of a drop of blood. The happy consequence was the immediate liberation of the
commerce of Ireland from English restrictions. Her ensuing prosperity seemed miracu-
lous—so prompt, so general, so enriching; and her aptitude to prosper by a free trade
became known at the same time to her rival and herself.

But the Volunteers could not be always in arms, and Ireland had no representative
assembly to foster her prosperity during peace. Hers was, alas ! a borough-parliament,
composed solely of the dominant faction, representing but a small portion of the in-
habitants, and not feeling as the nation, nor as the majority. Every one perceived that
all measures for relief would be insecure, nay illusory, unless preceded or accompanied
by a reform in this parliament. The Volunteers saw it and endeavored to reform, but
they excluded the Catholics from parliament, and did not see (unhappy effects of the
ignorance of the times!) that this alone would defeat their plan, that they could not
erect an edifice of freedom on a foundation of monopoly. Warned by these errors, the
United Irishmen altered the system of reform fundamentally. They extended their base,
and established their plan upon three simple principles necessarily dependent on each
other, and containing the disease, the remedy, and the mode of its attainment.* The
excess of English influence was the disease, a reform in parliament the remedy, and the
inclusion of the Catholics the mode of its attainment.

Theobald Wolfe Tone had of all others the greatest part in effecting, in the be-
ginning, this change of sentiment among the Protestants, to whose communion he be-
longed. He wrote the original declaration for the first society of United Irishmen of
Belfast, and his powerful writing brought the Presbyterians of the north very generally
into the system. I was among the earliest of the Catholics who joined in Dublin, and
there I first knew Emmet, and there I often heard him in strains of pure and forcible
eloquence expand, inculcate, and apply, for the benefit of his beloved country, the political
principles of the United Irishmen.

Wherever men had no means of legitimate redress, we have seen them become their
own avengers, the worst government being always marked by the greatest commotions. If
there be not an impartial administration of justice, the stiletto takes the place of jury,
and for want of government restricted and accountable in Ireland, insurrection and civil

"Life of Tone", Vol. I, p. 492.

548 No Effort to Secure Loyalty

war were the resource of an exasperated people. Left without the protection of a
national parliament, Ireland was always tyrannically ruled, the frame of society dislocated
and broken, and her numerous insurrections were the throes of an agonized nation.

But from the moment Protestant reformers recognized the principle that no reform
was practicable, efficacious, or just, which should not equally include Irishmen of every
religious persuasion, the measure was feasible. It received the assent of the whole
nation, save only the Established Church and the other dependents of the British Govern-
ment. Its principle recommended itself to the common sense of mankind, and the
authority of America proclaimed its benefits.

In a short time its way was so far prepared by public opinion that even its interested
opponents anticipated its final success. They determined, therefore, upon the desperate
expedient of leaving no parliament in Ireland for reform to better. They hastened to
buy from the borough-holders that which a truly Irish parliament would not sell; its
own existence, and the nation's independence. They hoped to extinguish in the abolition
of the parliament every chance and effort to peaceful and constitutional improvement.
They conspired to transport it for life, mutilated and captive, into the British House; to
imprison it beyond the sea, in the abyss of English supremacy, where its languishing,
nerveless remains, doomed to live in a perpetual minority could nevermore bring to its
ill-fated country the blessings of liberty, good government, or commerce.

By the measure of a legislative union, Ireland reverts again to the same wretched
state as when bound by acts of the English parliament. On the misery of that state the
ablest men who ever advocated her course, even other than United Irishmen, have ex-
hausted eloquence and invective, and the brightest page in her history is the one which
records the extorted renunciation of that usurped power, and her plenary right of self-
government. The pitiful representation of Ireland in a foreign land can but little avail
her for her own benefit. She is there in a minority of one to six. The six give the law
to the one, and with that one they have nothing in common. They have other constituents
who are a different people, who have clashing interests, who have national antipathies,
and who may well feel contempt for the substitute of that parliament that traitorously
sold its country. Such are the legislators who now bind Ireland in iron fetters.

The consequences are the same as before ; discontent and remonstrance, and a proc-
lamation to all Europe, showing how easy it would be to dismember the United King-
dom. No loyalty will reconcile rational beings to preserve an evil which they can
exchange for good ; so that they who make Ireland poor and enslaved set before her
above all other men the advantages of separation. What can create a desire for this
remedy but ill-treatment? and as long as this treatment lasts, how shall that desire dis-
continue? They stand in the relation of cause and effect, and will forever go on, or cease
together.

It was the opinion of Emmet that the legislative union was a measure more suited
to facilitate the despotism of the ministry than to strengthen the dominion of England.
Since the abuse of power has ever followed its excess, no less in nations than individuals,
a restraint upon human actions is salutary for all parties, and the impediment that shall
stop the career of ministerial tyranny will be found to work best for the stability of the
connection. If this operate to the good of Ireland, she will observe it for its utility, an
Irish parliament being then its best preservative. If, on the contrary, it be made, as at
present, to sacrifice the many to the few, it will be viewed as a curse by the Irish people,
who have in all cases most power and, in this, will have least reason to sustain it.

It presents, we see, these reasons why they deny a parliament to Ireland on which to
rest her peace and happiness, self-poised and self-protected; we see them sedulous to
change the state of the question, and to misrepresent the repeal of the legislative union
as a schism in the government. They would limit us entirely to England for benefits —
whence then have come our wrongs? An Irish parliament, on the contrary, would be a
bond of liberal connection; it would settle every question of domestic policy at home,
prevent strife and recrimination between both countries, secure to the affairs of Ireland
a degree of attention which, however necessary, they do not and cannot obtain among the

Irish Tribute to Emmet 549

weighty concerns of a different people, in a foreign legislature. It would remove the old,
opprobrious evil of legislation without representation; for wlierever this is partial and
foreign, it is inadequate; as relates to Ireland, it is worthless mockery. Why was a
borough-constituency vicious, but because it sent men to make laws for the people who
did not represent the people, who were returned by a different body, and intent only
upon serving themselves and their employers. In the same way the parliament is vicious
which makes laws to rule Ireland by men not chosen by Ireland, who do not represent
her people, who do not know her wants or wishes, and who must be often biased by an
adverse interest.

The attributes of genius are not rare among the Irish and American countrymen of
Emmet, and time here is constantly developing the resources of mind. The labours of in-
tellect press onward for distinction, while names of high endowment are forced back to
make room for new reputations. They alone will be long remembered who have acted
with an impulsive power on the destinies of their country and kind. Among those who
first taught how to overthrow the misrule of Ireland, who exposed its cause and prepared
its cure, Emmet is distinguished. He had great influence on the adoption of those
measures which are still at issue between Ireland and her foes, and which, in part obtained,
in part withheld, are determinative of her future happiness, as they shall finally fail or
be signally successful. He espoused the unqualified emancipation of the Catholics, when
that measure had few supporters out of their own body. He brought to that cause virtue
and talents, and he and a few more influential members of the Protestant church redeemed
the error of their predecessors. It is due to their memory to record that their vigorous
interference broke the religious bonds which the Protestants of a former period had
bound. They were accessible among the first in Ireland to the liberality of the age.
Emmet, with the aid of his standing at the bar, and of his commanding eloquence, exerted
upon every befitting occasion, strenuously advanced these principles and policy for which
we now do honour to his name. The adversaries of Ireland's freedom laboured to calumni-
ate her best friends, and to hold up the United Irishmen especially as wanton rebels, as
if indeed there had been any lawful authority in the way. We hold them up in their
deeds as benefactors to their country, as opposed to religious persecution, and the tyran-
nical rule of a foreign government. Let their solemn oath, for which they suffered exile
and death and the martyrdom of calumny upon their fame, decide between them and their
enemies. It stands emblazoned before the world upon that pillar, from which the hand
of rancorous power cannot erase its purport, where malice cannot belie its truth, where
the sons of Erin may ever read the principles and policy that point their way to freedom.

By this monument the countrymen of Emmet, sympathizing in his personal and family
misfortunes incurred for the liberty of Ireland, and being justly proud of his character
and genius, determined to give them a more lasting tribute than sighs and tears could
be expected to afford. Fortunately for his fame, the delineation of his character was given
by members of his own enlightened profession, with whom he lived in daily intercourse
for twenty-seven years. They were too liberal to lessen, too discriminating to exaggerate
his qualifications; their testimony is as impartial as it is favourable, and I adopt it as
the surest mode of fulfilling, according to my desire, the pious offices of patriotism and
friendship.

It was justly observed by an eminent member of our bar "that as but a small portion,
comparatively, of Emmet's life belonged to history, and as he left no writings by which
the evidence of his extraordinary genius and attainments would be transmitted to future
times, it was the more necessary for his reputation, for the honour of his admirers, for
truth and justice, that the inscription on his monument should be ample in the delineation
of his character, of the qualities of his mind, the extent of his learning, and the powers
of his eloquence; and should thus assign to him, distinctly, fearlessly, the rank to which
his compeers and judges thought him entitled. Without such details there would be no
witness of the estimation in which his paramount talents were held by his contemporaries.
Without them there would be neither 'honoris signum' nor 'incitamentum gloria'." "It
was my fortune," continues Mr. Duer, "to know him from his first arrival in this city,

550 Tributes of the Bar

and to hear him, I think, in a majority of the important cases in which his talents were
most successfully exerted. I know too that my opinion is unbiased, since from peculiar
causes, there were no relations between us beyond those of mere civility. Thomas Addis
Emmet, in head and in heart, and in no vulgar sense of the term, was a great man ; and
as an orator, with the single exception of Burke, unsurpassed by any that his country
has produced. Superior in judgment, in taste, in the extent and variety of his learning,
in argumentative power, in persuasive skill, in chastened fervor, in true pathos ; the
abilities of Emmet were never displayed in their proper theatre. His large and philosophic
views of society, government and law ; his ample stores of knowledge ; his unrivalled
promptitude and invariable self-command, his elocution, flowing, copious, rapid, unlimited
in range, most fortunate in the choice of his language ; his brilliant imagination and ardent
feelings when most excited, disciplined to obey the suggestion of his reason, his powers
of sarcasm and irony, rarely exerted, but when put forth, resistless; and above all, that
imperiatorial tone (if the phrase be allowed) which his superior genius enabled him,
without affectation, to assume, in a deliberative and popular assembly, would have combined
to invest him with controlling sway".

"The amenity of his manners", as it was said by another member of the bar, Mr.
Charles Patterson, "the urbanity of his deportment, the excellence of his heart, and his
kindness to the younger members of the profession, all rendered him a model for imita-
tion, and are forever engraven on the hearts of those with whom he was associated. Of
that bar he might well be called the father 'Et Decus et Tutamen.' He devoted his whole
soul to his profession, midnight vigils too often followed the severe labours of the forum,
and no client ever complained that the merits of his case had not been perceived and sus-
tained. His knowledge was profound, his researches to his last moment unremitting.
He possessed a mind of extraordinary comprehension, and the strongest and most ex-
tensive powers of analysis, he enjoyed the secret of identifying himself with his case,
and adding a sort of personal interest to his professional obligation. Endowed with a
brilliant imagination, fortified with accurate and discriminating views of English history,
enriched with all the fruits of various knowledge, and blessed with a noble enthusiasm, he
appeared before the bar the very model of a learned, accomplished and eloquent lawyer."

Here follows the inscription on the monument which has already been given.

At the public meeting which convened on the 21st of December, Dr. George Cumming*
was called to the chair, and on that and every subsequent occasion while he [Dr. Cum-
ming] lived, his zealous services were not wanting to promote our common object. They
were such as might have been expected from his sincere attachment to his deceased
friend, and to the honour and cause of the United Irishmen. After some progress had been
made in the collection of subscriptions, a plan was submitted to a public meeting for its
decision. It represented an antique obelisk of a single piece, a monolith thirty feet high,
as most durable, most simple and least expensive of any form possessing so much
grandeur. The meeting approved and adopted it; upon which proposals were called for
through the public prints for its erection. The Messrs. Kain offered to complete it for
$3,200 : their proposal, being the lowest, was accepted. It was, however, obvious that some
extra expense would arise, for which it would also be necessary to make provision. On
comparing the amount received with the cost to be incurred, the latter, it was seen, would
outrun the former considerably, whereupon one thought of constructing the monument
of several pieces; another of reducing the size, in order by this or that means to bring
the expense within the compass of the collection. But a person was found to assume all
the responsibility sooner than suffer the noble plan already adopted to be either marred
or abandoned ; trusting to the same good feeling which furnished the first subscriptions
to supply the deficiency, when the work should be finished. Whereupon Dr. Macneven
was appointed a committee for that purpose.

Persons friendly to this national memorial had undertaken as soon as it was set on

•Believed to have been the fellow-prisoner at Fort George of Mr. Emmet, Dr. Macneven and the
other Irish leaders, from the similarity of name and the friendship which existed for many years be-
tween these men. Dr. Cumming died shortly after Mr. Emmet.

List of Subscribers

551

foot to receive subscriptions in the different wards, and they made their returns to Mr.
Dennis McCarthy. Their names, with those of a few othtrs are preserved in the following
list:

Dr.
Emmet Monument with D. McCarthy,

Dr. George dimming $53.50

Miles Riley 9.00

James Ballagh 10.00

John T. Dolan 3.00

Doctor dimming 9.00

Miles Riley 8.00

Doctor dimming 20.00

James Ryan 13.00

Arthur McCartin 32.00

Doctor Sweeney, John

O'Neil and John Fagan 39.00

Miles Riley 5.50

Doctor dimming 10.00

10.00

20.00

10.00

20.00

Col. Stevens

Capt. Peter Davey

Doctor dimming

Mrs. Colden

Doctor Cumming

Doctor Cumming 24.00

Rev. Mr. Feltus 80.00

Bernard McKenna for Rev. John

Power 5.00

Rev. Edward Mitchell 40.00

Doctor Macneven 38.00

John T. Gannon 13.12

Lewis Cronly 18.00

William Gamble 10.00

Miles Riley 7.75

James Ballagh 1.00

William James, Jr 62.00

Michael Muldon 43.00

William Edmonds 30.00

Lawrence Murphy 5.00

Andrew Fallon 10.00 $1,595.24

Emmet Monument with D. McCarthy, Esq., Cr.

By cash paid Arl. Cregier, per order $ 109.77

By cash paid Doctor Macneven, as per receipt 1,435.10

Esq., Treasurer.

Francis Henrietta $24.50

Charles Caherty 3.00

Doctor Cumming 12 00

Doctor Cumming 13.00

D. H. Doyle 57.00

Bryan McKenna 4.00

Hamilton Wilson 20.75

Peter Remson 25.00

Joseph Kernochan 20.00

James Brown 20.00

John White & Co 50.00

Edward Ennett 86.50

Tighe Davy 22.75

Arthur McCartin 5.00

Peter Davey 6.00

John Jacob Astor 100.00

George Bowen 1 1. 00

Archibald Mclntire 100.00

Doctor Cumming 20.00

John Caldwell 12.00

John Gibson 20.00

Michael Muldon 25.00

Francis and James Kain 9.00

Owen Smith 19.00

Charles Smith 9.00

James W. Lent 5.00

John Lozier 5.00

John Ridden 38.00

George McKay 10.00

Dr. Macneven, a draft from Sa-
vannah 124.25

Peter Duffy 16.62

Dr.

Emmet Monument with Wm. J. Macneven, Treasurer.

$1,595.24

By cash from Dennis McCarthy. $1,435.10

Amount received from the "As-
sociation of the Friends of
Ireland"; being balance in
hands of the Treasurer, by
vote of that body 1,006.66

Amount received from Friends of

Ireland, Charleston, S. Ca 100.00

Amount received from Friends of

Ireland in Brooklyn, N. Y.... 20.00

Wm. James, of Albany $100.00

From Belfast, Ireland 93.33

A. McCann, Hamburg 3.00

Rev. James Smith, N. Y 5.00

John T. Wymbs 3.00

Hugh Wilson 10.00

Thomas E. Davis 25.00

Rev. Wm. Powell 25.00

Dr. Maurice Power 6.00

B. Birdsell 5.00

552

Cost of Monument

John Keefe, Philadelphia $ 5.00

Andrew Brady 5.00

John T. Dolan 5.00

William James 10.00

Michael Burke

John Chambers

By Robert Dillon from Augusta,

John Kennedy

Wm. S. Reddin

Robert McKeon

Jacob Harvey

Abraham Bell 5.00

10.00

5.00

20.00

2.00

5.00

2.00

5.00

3.00

5.00

10.00

3.00

John Brown

Daniel H. Scully

James Matthews

Mathew O'Brien

Edward Mathews

Robert White

James Campbell

James McBride

Thomas Suffern

John Wilson

Thomas Gough 10.00

James Kerrigan 10.00

Jadah Hammond 10.00

Andrew Kerregan 5.00

James Ryan 10.00

Daniel Kearney 5.00

William Nixon 5.00

James Shea 10.00

Rev. Thomas C. Levins 3.00

Michael O'Shannessy 10.00

Robert Donaldson 5.00

Miles R. Burke 10.00

John Quinn

Patrick Tully

Anthony Kerr

Patrick Rice

William Kain

William O'Connor

John R. Skiddy

Joseph B. Benson

John Foot

Joseph Kernochen

George D. Strong

Francis O'Brien

Christopher Bant

Dr. Rhinelander

John Darley

John L. Dillon

Thomas Lynch

Philip Burrows

Samuel Neilson

Gregory Dillon

Gideon Lee

John Doyle

John Toomey

Bernard Graham

Francis Kain

Campbell P. White

James Sweeney

Mr. Walsh

Charles O'Conor

Eber Wheaton

George Bowen ,

James Shaw

Charles F. Grim

William James Macneven.

$5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
3.00
5.00
3.00

20.00
5.00
2.00
5.00

20.00
5.00
5.00
5.00

50.00

10.00
5.00
2.00
5.00

10.00

10.00
5.00
5.00

67.00

Mrs. H. Pyne 10.00

Total cash of Monument $3

Emmet Monument with Wm. J. Macneven, Treasurer.
To Messrs. Francis and James Kain on their raising the obelisk and

in its unfinished state $2,500.00

Andrew Brady, for iron railing round the Monument 155.00

Advertising in the public prints, and issuing circulars 23.38

Woodcut by Mason 6.00

Hire of rooms for public meetings 14.75

Messrs. Harper's bill for printing report, and list of subscribers 12.00

Gratuity to Mr. Preece, for extra services 15.00

Messrs. Francis and James Kain balance in full of $3,200 amount of

contract 700.00

426.13
,535.90

$3,426.13
The undersigned have examined the above account, and the vouchers thereunto
belonging, and find them correct.

(Signed) M. O'Shannessy,

James Shea, Auditors

THE...MONUM-ENT OF THOMAS ABBES EMMET.

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REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

Disintegration of Stone 553

Description

The monument stands a few feet within the railing of St. Paul's cemetery in one
of the most conspicuous places in the City of New York.

The foundation is laid six feet deep in the natural earth and encloses a hollow
square, in which is deposited a large glass bottle, hermetically sealed, containing
various documents. It is covered by a plinth, in one block of white marble, seven
feet square, and one foot, six inches thick.

The surmounting obelisk is thirty feet, one inch high, viz. from the base to the
frustum twenty-seven feet, three inches; thence to the apex of the pyramid, two feet,
ten inches. It is three feet, six inches square at the base, and two feet square at the
frustum. It consists of one piece of white marble.

One-third from the top is a fine medallion likeness from a model by Mr. Ingham.
It was sculptured by Mr. Preece, and is well executed. Below this is the English
inscription; immediately after is a device representing the American eagle, supported
by an American and Irish hand, clasped and crossing over the Irish harp unstrung.

The whole weight of plinth and obelisk is 21 tons, 14 cwt., 2 qrs., 15 lbs.

On the back of the obelisk is inscribed the latitude of the spot, 40° 42' 40" N.
also the longitude from the meridian of Greenwich, 74° 03' 21". 5.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

Wm. James Macneven, Committee.

This Vermont stone of which the monument is constructed, when first taken
from the quarry, is brilliant in its appearance of purity, and compares well with
the beautiful white marbles of Ireland and Italy.

But unfortunately the stone contains iron as an impurity in its composition,
and this oxidizes from exposure, forming a fine powder soluble in water. The
rain water of winter washes this out, staining the stone, and occupying the
numerous little cavities, it freezes and when the ice melts the face of the stone
is broken off, making this process of disintegration continuous with the ex-
posure.

This shaft was erected in 1832 and since that time the lettering became so
indistinct that it was necessary to recut the lettering once, and twice to repaint
it. As a repetition of the relettering must eventually destroy the surface of
the monument, it has been left for some years past in its present condition as
the lesser of two evils. A plan suggested by the writer has been objected to
from an artistic point of view, but unfortunately there exists no alternative save
the destruction of the stone, if the lettering is again to be made.

The proposal was to cover from the base below to the beginning of the
pyramidal extremity above, with an ornamental bronze hood, formed by the
plates covering the four sides and riveted together at the corners and showing
the lettering on each side in raised letters of bronze. Such a cover lowered
from above would reach a point in its descent where the upper edges of the
four-sided hood would bind the stone surface and by its weight the entrance
of rain water would be excluded. The large profile on the Broadway side
could be shown through an opening in the bronze cover, and with a frame
which would protect the marble surface. The sides of the pyramid above are
but little injured as they slope sidewise at such an angle that the water cannot
remain long on its surface. The Catholic Cathedral and Grace Church at Broad-

554 Verses of Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham

way and Eleventh Street are built of this stone. Here the dark staining of the
stone and its wear gives an appearance of antiquity to the buildings.

The obelisk in Central Park, after being exposed for several thousand years
to an Egyptian climate, having this impurity in its composition, has, in some
twenty years, lost all the figures, and at least an inch of its surface from the
exposure in this climate. It could easily be moved and should even now be
placed under cover in the Museum of Art, close by.

written at the tomb of thos. addis emmet
(From the "Galway Vindicator") 1841.

In a strange land doth a pilgrim stand by the grave of the honoured dead,

And his spirit droops, as he sadly stoops o'er the patriot's narrow bed;

For his thoughts, I ween, flung back have been to the morn of a brightsome day,

Like a dawn in June, alas! how soon in storm to pass away!

Yet his pulses throb, mid each frequent sob, as he proudly scans the name,

For never before, another wore the garb of a purer fame;

And none may read, though far he speed, a scroll more glorious than

A Freeborn Race hath cared to trace for the exiled Irishman!

Oh, it is a pride, whatsoe'er betide, to know of our brethren's worth;

That the nations of earth love the land of our birth, for the hearts she has sent forth ;

Though our eyes must still with the tear-drops fill, for the mother's sorrowful story,

May we not rejoice when the alien voice peals the note of her children's glory!

Carved on this stone is 'the name of one, alas ! I may not tell

'Till the hour shall be, he had yearned to see, how a mightier champion fell;

Firm did they stand for a trampled land, abiding chains and death,

And now with the blest both spirits rest — for 'tis Emmet sleeps beneath.

M. G. Conway

Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham published in her volume of poems the following to
the memory of her uncle, Thos. Addis Emmet, written previous to 1833 :

To the Memory of T. A. E.

oX Trarptda T-fjV ctpeTifjv T}yi)od/j.evoi*

Died he an exile from his country? — Nol

For virtue was his country; and Earth's power
Had all been vain to make that man forego

His virtue, though in secret, for an hour.

It was his fate through many a land to roam;

To pass in prison many a tedious year;
But his unshaken spirit had a home

Too strong for grief, — impregnable by fear.

Yes! virtue was the country of his soul,
Whence it could not depart. Change nature's course, —

Arrest the planets God ordained to roll ;
Then from their virtue souls like Emmet's force.

•A quotation from "Lysias," in English:

"We who established the virtues of the Fatherland."

Mrs. Greatorex 555

She also wrote in relation to her uncle, Mr. Emmet :

The Righteous Perishetu

"The righteous perisheth, and no man layeth it to heart : and merciful men are
taken away, none considering that the righteous is taken away from the evil to
come." Isaiah, c. 57, v. l.

The righteous perisheth ; and o'er his tomh,
Warm tears are wept — deep sighs bewail the doom
Of that good man, whose virtues had not power
To stay the progress of life's parting hour.

This for a season: — but the sigh, the tear,
Soon cease, — brief tribute to the dead and dear;
New loves and fresher interests efface
Past, pious sorrow's faintly lingering trace.

The righteous perisheth: — his fleeting breath
Is borne away upon the blast of death
Of all who watch that fleeting breath depart.
How many lay the solemn scene to heart?

None. No! not one; the merciful, the just,
Is laid to mingle with his parent dust:
Men meet to mourn above the senseless sod.
And they forget his spirit is with God.

Not one considereth that from the day
Of coming evil he was snatched away;
Not one reflecteth that in saving love,
His Maker called that righteous man above.

In 1867 Mrs. Eliza Greatorex, a native of Ireland and an artist in pencil
drawing of considerable ability, as well as an etcher, published a work "Old
New York from the Battery to the Bloomingdale." The text was furnished by
her brother, Mr. M. Despard. The author knew Mrs. Greatorex and as a col-
lector furnished her with many original drawings of old New York by Robinson
and others. A bond of interest was established on learning from her that she
was a granddaughter of Col. Edward Marcus Despard, a young Irishman who
was executed for treason in London in 1803, and generally supposed to have
been connected with the movement of Robert Emmet, but there is no evidence
that they had any personal knowledge of each other. Despard was an officer in
the English army, who had seen service and already had gained quite a reputa-
tion as a military man.

He was hung after a hasty trial, and as many thought at the time on in-
efficient evidence given by an informer, with no proof of his having committed
any treasonable or overt act. Before Pitt became Prime Minister it had not been
considered treason to criticize the acts of the government in Ireland, but by
Pitt's order thousands were put to death in Ireland for saying and doing what
was tolerated in London in an Englishman.

The following is taken from Mrs. Greatorex's book, from the pen of Mr.
Despard :

556 Mr. Despard's Sketch

The Emmet Monument
within the old wall of st. paul's.

The simple record of the life of a good man must be the most eloquent panegyric
that can be pronounced on him. No eulogistic epitaph, no tribute of praise or ad-
miration, brought by loving friends or approving judges, can so endear the name
of Thomas Addis Emmet to every true heart, every noble soul, as the story of his
life with its struggles, its wrongs, its sufferings and unselfishness. After reading it
we wonder much at the tyranny which could crush such a life, but more at the
undying sweetness, the almost divine patience, that could rise from such bitter ex-
periences into new deeds of love, new efforts for the good of his fellow-men.

The history of the early years of Emmet, spent in the long unequal conflict for
the freedom of his country, impresses us so painfully, that we turn from it most
willingly, to follow him in the career which opened before him in the fair, free New
World, whose paths of honorable endeavor, pure integrity, and generous helpfulness
are brighter and fairer since they were pressed by his steps. It was surely some
benign spirit of compensation which gave to Emmet for the first-fruits of the exer-
cise of his wisdom and his eloquence, in the New York courts of justice, the freedom
of a slave. As sure as the lightning is attracted by steel, his sympathies and aid
flew to the down-trodden and the wronged. To the individual, and to the State,
his efforts were devoted when injustice and oppression assailed. Emmet was released
from prison, only to be banished from his native Ireland. Leaving for ever behind
him his whole past life, he came to America in 1804. Dr. Francis, in his historical
sketch of old New York, thus speaks of him :

"Emmet was profoundly learned as a physician; and upon his arrival in this
country deliberated whether to enter upon the practice of medicine, or enter the
courts of law. In all cases of death that came before Emmet requiring medical
testimony, an examination of the brain he made a prerequisite."

He almost immediately found in the legal profession a worthy arena for the
exercise of his great powers. Never did a more brilliant galaxy of names adorn
any profession than that which gave lustre to the New York Bar at the beginning
of this century.

Hamilton, Maxwell, Hoffman, Burr, Harrison, Brockholst, Livingston, Martin
Wilkins, Colden, Slosson, Pendleton, Wells and many names equally noble live in
history. When Thomas Addis Emmet came among them, this illustrious circle
recognized him as a peer. Alexander Hamilton had just perished in the fatal duel
with Burr, and it was soon felt that Emmet was destined to fill his place.

In a few years the threatenings of the war of 1812-14 overclouded the land and the
aid and counsel of Emmet were sought and given. He wrote for De Witt Clinton,
then Mayor of the city, the letter in which he offered to Governor Tompkins his
personal services in the field. He took part in the fortifying of the city, in organizing
the militia; he raised the tone of public spirit; and as the precious metal is found
when the turbid water has been drained from it, or when separated from the common
clay which hid it, the pure gold of Emmet's character was the residuum, when the
excitement of political dissension had passed away, and the conflicting feelings of
parties were sifted from patriotic actions.

On the private life of Thomas Addis Emmet we must touch reverently. As
husband, father and grandsire he was always and in all "noble, tender, and true."
After the execution of his younger brother Robert in Dublin the name of Ireland
was never mentioned in the household. For him the music of that name was the
emblematic harp of his unhappy country, the lightest touch on its broken strings
could waken only a dissonant wail or trembling sigh. Had he lived two years longer,
some reward for his heroic self-sacrifice might have come to him in the accomplish-

Love for the Oppressed

ment of one of the great measures to which, although he was a member of the
Protestant Church, he had devoted fortune and life, the Catholic Emancipation
Bill, which passed the British Parliament in 1829. Put in 1827 the great jurist, the
pure patriot, the faithful citizen was suddenly summoned from his life of noble toil.
While defending the bequest of the Randall estate for worn-out seamen, in the very
height of his splendid eloquence he was stricken with death. The court was imme-
diately closed, his mourning friends and colleagues crowded around his dwelling,
following him to his grave, and in token of their love and their admiration erected,
a short time after his loss, the monument which, close to the venerable church of St.
Paul's, rising from amidst so many illustrious names, commemorates so eloquently
in the English, the Latin and the Irish tongues, the heroism, the gifts, and the
virtues of Thomas Addis Emmet.

With no evidence to the contrary it is assumed Mr. Despard was also the
author of the following poetical tribute to Mr. Emmet's memory :

THOMAS ADDIS EMMET

Do mhiannaich se ardmath

Cum tir a breith
Do thug se clu a's fuair se moladh

An deig a bais.*

Across the ocean wild,

Far from the land defiled

By fierce oppression, drenched in patriots' gore,

Victim of power unjust,

With high hopes laid in dust,

The exile came, grief laden, to our shore.

He bore the heavy cross

Of unavailing loss,

The piercing thorns of ineffectual strife,

Against the bigot sway,

Th' imperious armed array,

The iron heel that pressed down freedom's life.

His ordeal of fire

Annealed the pure desire

And pitying love that stirred him for th' oppressed ;

No bitter scar of wrong

Defaced that spirit strong,

Whose chrism of woe but sanctified and blest.

Ere on his ear had died

Poor Erin's wail, that cried

Loud from her desolated homes to Heaven,

He, the High Priest of Right,

Flashed down on Slavery's might

Lightnings of scorn, and lo! the chains were riven.

*He asp:red at (to) great Rood
For the land of his birth,
He brought a reputation, and was praised
In the land he died in.

558 ' The Front that Tyrants Could not Daunt"

Through all his years mature

He stood, a beacon sure,

A ray of white and perfect spotlessness,

That shone through mist and cloud

O'er vexing waves that flowed

Around the land he lived to serve and bless.

Well might they raise this stone

Strong, upright and alone,

Asking from earth but place to reach the skies;

So lifted he the front

That tyrants could not daunt;

So from this sacred grave his sainted name shall rise.

We shall not niourn as vain

The struggle and the pain

That crushed the petals of his splendid soul.

A deathless flower, it wreathes

Fair Freedom's brow, and breathes

Immortal fragrance while the ages roll.

The power of the British merchant, manufacturer and mechanic multiplied the •wrongs,
perpetuated the dependence, and aggravated the mortifications of Ireland. The Irish-
man and the negro 'were enslaved on the same principle.

T. A. Emmet

To increase the commerce of England seemed sufficient motive and justification for the
foulest injustice and most licentious despotism to<wards other nations and its own
dependencies.

T. A. Emmet.

Chapter XXXIX

The writer's early recollection of his Grandmother Emmet — His long walks
with her — He the only person with whom she would ever speak in relation to Ire-
land—Her disposition as a mother— Her relation to society life— Mrs. Graves'
statement as to the unity of the Emmet family — Few letters written by Mrs. Emmet
late in life— Copy of the only one known — Dr. Madden's tribute to Mrs. Emmet —
Her death and place of burial — A last portrait once in the possession of her brother
—Two painted by her daughter Elizabeth, afterwards Mrs. Le Roy— Her children
and those living at her death.

HE writer's recollection of his grandmother, Mrs. Emmet,
dates from only five or six years after the death of her
husband, and after she had given up the cares of house-
keeping. She had her room in each establishment and
passed her time with one or another of her children. Her
second daughter, Margaret, who remained unmarried,
had lived with Mrs. Graves a number of years and being
free from the cares of house-keeping became the con-
stant companion of her mother until, finally, that this re-
lationship might be fully preserved, Mrs. Emmet also became a permanent
member of Mrs. Graves' household. During the summer months, when the
writer had accompanied his parents north on a visit to the family, he was fre-
quently called upon by his grandmother to be with her. She had but just
passed middle life and was unusually vigorous and fond of a long tramp in
the country. The writer was always invited to accompany her and it was
during their long walks that he gained from her lips his first knowledge of
Irish history, relating to that portion in which her husband was promi-
nent, where she herself played her part in sharing with him the privation at-
tending years of imprisonment. This privilege he could not appreciate fully
as a boy nor the fact that he was the only individual to whom she ever made
the slightest reference to Ireland. It would seem as if by instinct she realized
she would be sowing seed on a soil, which at some time would bear good
fruit, so far as the recipient had the ability for its development.

Mrs. Emmet was noted for being a good mother and one who fully appre-
ciated her duties to her children, to her household matters, and her husband,
and in each she had excelled to a remarkable degree. As a hostess she was

559

560 Mrs. Jane Patten Emmet

noted among the gentlemen who were attracted to her house by the charms and
accomplishments of her daughters. She lived for her family and to discharge
her duty to every member. She always had a large number of female friends
who maintained the friendship by seeking her company, for she seemed to
ignore every social obligation outside of her domestic circle. She had neither
the strength nor the time to discharge both.

The only light on Mrs. Emmet's daily life at this time is given by Mrs.
Graves in a letter dated December 1st, 1842, and written to her aunt, Mrs.
John Patten, after her return from a visit to Ireland. During her absence her
brother, Dr. John Patten Emmet, the writer's father, had died, and she was
writing abroad an account of his illness and death.

Unless you had once looked into our family circle, and seen how free it was
from all the little jarrings and jealousies that so often disturb that union, I could
not describe to you the delight of being once more among them. There was not
even one loving face missing, for my dear brother John, from his delicate health,
had for years been obliged to separate from us, and reside at the South, and there-
fore the void was not so perceptible to the eye, though the heart must ever feel it.
Mamma had gone through much fatigue, for she had watched as a Mother, and such
a Mother, only can watch, the sick bed of a dear child.

She has, however, now quite recovered her looks, and is, I think, as well as
she has been for years. What delight she took in asking me questions about Clonmel,
and all about Mrs. Colville's place, where she used to spend her holidays. I had
particularly observed many things that I thought must have been there when she
lived there, among others the nut tree in the garden at Anerville, which the moment
I mentioned she exclaimed : "How well I remember racing over the whole place to
find John, and tell him there were nuts on it". I have not yet allowed her to move
in from the country. The weather is delightful, and she rambles for miles through
the fields, which is very good for her. Margaret is out of town with her, but I have
been obliged to remain with Mr. Graves, who is endeavouring by hard work to
struggle against the hard times.

To Uncle John and young John [Patten] give our kindest love. Mr. Graves has
been anxiously looking out for some pamphlets which were to have reached us at
Liverpool. He begged me to remind Uncle John about it.

Believe me, my dear Aunt, as ever your affectionate niece,

Maryanne Graves.

Not a letter written by Mrs. Emmet was found among the family papers,
although she wrote frequently to her husband while he was absent in Albany
during the sitting of the courts. We have seen from the letters written to Mr.
Emmet while in prison at Fort George that Mrs. Emmet even then, as a young
woman, had a great disinclination to letter-writing, and as she grew older this
dislike increased, so that she seldom, if ever, wrote to the other members of
the family.

From the fact that none of her letters have been preserved it is not im-
probable that she herself destroyed those she had written to her husband. The
only letter written by her known to exist is given by Dr. Madden in his Life
of her husband. This was written to her brother, Mr. John Patten, in Ireland,
at some time after her emigration to this country. Mrs. Emmet, it is said, also

REPRODUCTION BY ANNA FRANCES LEVINS

MRS. JANE [PATTEN] EMMET
From an oil portrait by Mrs. Elizabeth [Emmet] Le Roy about 1842

Mrs. Emmet to Her Brother 561

had a peculiarity of seldom dating or signing her letters; fortunately this one
has her name attached to it :

New York [no date].

After the hopes I had indulged in of seeing you, I commence my letter with
feelings of regret not easily spoken of. The prospect of your being an inmate in
our family has long been cherished as an event that, of all others, could afford us
the greatest happiness. We now feel the disappointment doubly.

In urging you to come to America our own gratification is not the first object,
as that would be defeated if you were not happy here; but I am well convinced the
exchange would every way add to your comfort.

I know the effect that painful recollections produce upon the mind, and I often
think that were I obliged to remain in Ireland my life would be miserable. A day
cannot pass that some event — some object — is not likely to renew a train of un-
pleasant ideas. Are you then to look for cheerfulness there? Does not health
depend on ease of mind? Indeed, my dear John, you can enjoy neither where you
are.

A change of scene, not among strangers, but in the midst of a large and affec-
tionate family, so nearly related and tenderly attached to you, what different feelings
would it not excite! Of Mr. Emmet, I need say but little. You know his disposition,
it remains unchanged — always diffusing happiness among his family and friends.

In his society you would seldom feel weary. Thank God, his health is now
invariably good and his reputation such as to leave no wish ungratified. The young
people I know you would like. I can answer for their hearts and their feelings
towards you. It would be the first object of their lives to contribute to your happi-
ness.

When you write, mention is Mrs. Riall still living and what has become of the
Jacob family?* Do not wonder at my asking these questions. The people I knew
early in life oftener recur to my mind than any others. Write to me soon, my dear
John, and write to me without reserve. Next to having you here, that will be the
highest gratification of your truly affectionate sister — Jane Emmet.

No better tribute could be offered to Mrs. Emmet's memory than is given
in the words of Dr. Madden :

Mrs. Jane Emmet,

The widow of Thomas Addis Emmet, the sister of the venerable John Patten, of
Dublin, survived her beloved husband eighteen years. She had shared his sorrows
and his sufferings, — had been his companion in imprisonment in Kilmainham gaol,
and in captivity in Fort George — not for days, or weeks, or months, but for years.
She had accompanied him in exile to the continent and to the land of his adoption,
and there she shared his honours, and in the felicity of his later years.

The woman who had encountered so many privations and trials as she had done,
who had been accustomed to all the enjoyments of a happy life, and

"Had slept with full content about her bed,
And never waked but to a joyful morning" —

when deprived of all ordinary comforts, of the commonest appliances of these to the
humblest state of life, during the imprisonment of her husband in Dublin; and was
subjected necessarily to many restraints during the weary imprisonment at Fort
George — seemed even to those who were the companions of her husband's captivity
as "one who, in suffering all things, suffered nothing".

"The Rialls were landholders in County Tipperary and probably of Huguenot descent, coming into
Ireland with William of Orange The Jacob family was from Wexford and descended in al! probability
from Sir Robert Jacob, who settled in that county during Queen Elizaheth's reign.

562 Noble Women of Ireland

She fulfilled with heroic fortitude the duties of a devoted wife towards her hus-
band in all his trials in his own country; was the joy and comfort of his life in a
foreign land, where the exiled patriot, honoured and revered, in course of time rose
to the first distinction in his profession; she died far away from her native land —
but her memory should not be forgotten in Ireland.

This excellent woman, full of years, rich in virtue, surrounded by affectionate
children — prosperous, happily circumstanced, dutiful and loving children to her,
worthy of their inheritance of a great name, and of the honour that descended to
them from the revered memory of her truly noble husband— thus terminating in a
foreign land a long career, chequered by many trials, over which a virtuous woman's
self-sacrificing devotion, the constancy and courage of a faithful wife, the force of
a mother's love eventually prevailed. The portrait of this lady is in the possession
of Mr. John Patten.*

The time may come when this intimation may be of some avail. Ireland has its
Cornelias, its Portias — matrons worthy of association in our thoughts with Cato's
daughter, the mother of the children who were the jewels of her heart — with the wife
of Russell, of Lavalette — but Ireland has no national gallery for the pictures and
busts of her illustrious children — no literature for a record of the "noble deeds of
women" of her own land.

Mrs. Emmet died in New York, at the house of her son-in-law, Mr. Graves,
on the 10th of November, 1846, in the seventy-second year of her age. She
was not buried with her husband, but her body was placed in the vault of Mr.
Graves in Second Avenue, above Second Street, New York, and not in the
Marble Cemetery, Second Street, in the same neighborhood, which, being shut
in, is often mistaken for the latter, as few persons know of its existence.

The following children were alive at the time of Mr. Emmet's death :
Robert, Margaret, Elizabeth, John Patten, Thomas Addis, Jane Erin, Mary
Anne, William Colville. Christopher Temple Emmet, an officer of the United
States Navy, died before his father.

•Nothing is now known of this portrait. The one here given was painted by her daughter, Mrs.
Le Roy, and was a perfect likeness as she appeared towards the close of her life.

A vile aristocracy, courted, flattered, paid and despised, calumniating the country which
it- plundered, had converted the new legislative power of the Irish Parliament into a
source of private revenue.

T. A. Emmet.

To subvert the tyranny of our inscrutable government, to break the connection 'with Eng-
land, the never failing source of our political evils, and to assert the independence of
my country: — these <were my objects.

Theobald Wolfe Tone.

Index

Act of Union. See Union, Anglo-Irish
Addis family 164; of Cork 163n

Fenton 164

James, of Durham, Conn. 164n

Samuel 164n

Thomas, of Cork 1C3

■ Thomas, of Durham, Conn. 164n

Thomas, of Westbrook, Conn. 164n

'Address to the Irish Nation" 272

Adet, Pierre-Auguste, French minister, and

Tone 138; 139
Aerial acid, T. A. Emmet on 203
"Agricola", pseudonym 234
Aherne, physician 356n

Captain John 356n; and Daendels 356;

and Emmet 356
Air-ship, earlv invention 237
"Albion", on Emmet, T. A. 487
Alien Act, American 412; and State prison-
ers of '98 411
Alien Bill, in Ireland 99; 112
Alienism, American legislation 404; Bar,
admission to 395 ; and benefices 397 ; and
corporations 396; 397; disabilities 396;
Emmet on 414; and landed tenure 397;
and office 395 ; 396 ; 398
Allegiance, Oath of, England, and alienism
396

Oath of, United States, and army 397;

398 ; and office 399
Amboy, N. J., Emmots 154
"American", New York, newspaper,
Emmet's illness 472; and Emmet's death
472; on Emmet memorial inscription,
"U. S. F." letter 536: letter on Emmet
monument, proposed site 537-538
American Catholic Association, and

Emmet monument 533
"American Citizen", newspaper 421
American-Irish Historical Society, and

Xeilson's grave 231
American War. See Revolution, Ameri-
can
Amiens, Peace of, and State prisoners of

'98 338; and United Irishmen 314
Ancient Britons, outrages 226

Order of Hibernians, and Neilson's

grave 231
Anerville, Clonmel 560
Antrim, town, battle 255; 257

Antrim, County of, Catholic refugees 143;

and Fitzwilliam's recall 129; Rebellion of

1798 257; United Irishmen 132; 133;

400
Ants, in Emmet arms 150
Appeal of the People of Ulster 232
Arcularius, Philip G., libel suit 420; 421
"Argus", newspaper 346n ; 371; 386;

Robert Emmet's speech ; United Irish-
men, attack on 379: 380; 388
Arklow, battle 250; 257
Armagh, County of. Catholics banished

142; 143; Orange outrages 142; religious

disturbances 140
Arms, heraldic. See Coat-of-Arms
Army, British, Irish members 76; and

United Irishmen 245; 381

French, Irish Legion 383; 385; 386

United States, and alienism 397

Army Act, and alienism 397

Assembly, popular right of, infringement

of 61; unlawful, prohibited 110; of

Volunteers prohibited 107
Astor, John Jacob, and T. A. Emmet 474;

Emmet monument subscription 551 ; and

Morris estate 471
Astor Case, and Col. Barclay 471 ; and

Judge Egbert Benson 471 ; and T. A.

Emmet 471; 474; 496; 509; and Jackson

471 ; and Governor Livingston 471; and

Marv Morris 471 ; and Roger Morris

471;' and D. B. Ogdeh 471; and Joanna

Philips 471 ; and Van Buren 471 ; and

Webster 471

House riot 467n

Attorney, status 395 ; 390 ; 398 ; 399
Aubry, Louis Francois, Emmet, T. A.,

miniature of, Frontispiece
Augereau, Pierre-Franc.ois-Charles, and

Emmet 380; 388; and Irish expedition

372; 373; 376; 379

Bache, Eliza. See Schmidt. Eliza Bache
Bagot. Captain, United Irishmen, massacre

of 255
Baillie, J. H., Maior, Fort George 273
Baldwin, Henrv, Emmet's letter to 429
Ballinahinch, battle 255; 257
Banishment. Act of. Irish 314; 410
Bantry Bay. French invasion 320
563

564

Index

Barclay, Colonel, and Astor suit 471

Baronial Committee, of United Irish-
men 134

Barrington, Sir Jonah, on Camden 216; on
Dean Swift 231

Bartlett, Submit, marriage 164n

Bayonne army 369 ; 371

Beach Street, New York, Emmet resi-
dence 438

"Beauties of The Press", published 236

Belfast, Catholic Committee 226; Catholic
petition 86; United Irishmen 82; 118;
133; 243; 317; Volunteers 81; 89

Bellew, Christopher, Catholic petition 93

Benson, Egbert, and Astor suit 471 ; and
Emmet, T. A. 478

Bentinck, William Henry Cavendish, 3rd
Duke of Portland. See Portland.

Beresfords 218; British allegiance 127;
dismissal of 122; and Lord Fitzwilliam
510; and Toler (Lord Norbury) 510;
and Whigs 120

Beresford, Marcus 124; 218; and Clare
217; and Fitzwilliam 121; 127; 217; and
Tone 117; 267

Bernadotte, Jean-Baptiste-Jules, and Irish
expedition 362; 374

Berthier, Alexandre, French Minister of
War 340n ; and Byrne 368n ; and Emmet
340; 345; 349; 351; 353; 354; 356; 358;
359; 363; 364; 375; 376; Emmet's letter
to 373; 374; 380; and Irish expedition
341; 343; 352

Bishops, Catholic. See Hierarchy, Catholic

Blackstone, Sir William, and Irish sub-
jugation 47 ; on right of conquest 48

Blackwood, Hans. See Dufferin

Mehetabele Temple 177; 300n

Blaquiere, John Baron de, and Catholic
relief 126; militia 114

Blennerhassett family, and Emmets 175 ;
misfortunes 455n

Dominick 422

Harman, and Alston 407 ; and Burr,

Aaron 407; and Emmet, T. A. 406; 407;
422; 454

Mrs. Harman. and Emmets 455

Harman, Jr. 455n

Bloomingdale, New York 456

"Bolingbroke", pseudonym 231

Bonaparte. See Napoleon

Bond. Oliver, arrest 247 ; 507 ; and Bris-
sotins 115; death 254; 318; Government
compact 253 ; imprisoned 102 ; and Rey-
nolds 507 ; satirical verses on 327 ; trial
258

Bonneville, and Emmet, T. A. 361; 363;
365; 369

Madame, Emmet's letter concern-
ing 426

Borlase, Sir John, lord justice of Ireland
14

Boroughs, representation in Grattan's Par-
liament 58

Botha, Mrs. General, ancestry 159

Bourne, Captain, and Lisburn outrages 106

Bowdoin family, and Temples 177

Bowdoin, James, Emmet's letter to 394

Bowling Green, New York, and Emmet
monument 537 ; 538 ; 544n

Bovce, John, and Turner, Samuel 338;
339

Boyne, Battle of, and Irish Catholics 506;
and William III 506

Brereton, Margery. See Patten, Margery

William 220

Brest, armament 341; 348; 362; 369; 372;
373; 380; 383; 384; 387n

Bristow, Mr., sovereign of Lisburn 105

Britain. See England

Brougham, Lord, on George IV, funeral
of 532

Browerre, Fmmet. T. A., bust of 482; 535

Browne, Elizabeth (Mrs. Wm. Emmet)
151

John, father-in-law of Wm. Emmet 151

Bruix, and Irish expedition 369

Bryant, William Cullen, on T. A. Emmet
493; and Evening Post (New York)
493 ; 494n

Buckingham, Marquis of, Viceroy of Ire-
land 176; Grenville, letter to 312

Buckinghamshire, John Hobart, 2d Earl of,
Christopher Temple Emmet's poem in-
scribed to 195

—Robert Hobart, 4th Earl of. See Ho-
bart

Bulls' heads, in Emmet arms 150

Burke, Edmund, and Catholic disabilities
120; and Edkins collection 195; Emmet
compared with 537 ; and Fitzwilliam 120

Burr, Aaron, and Blennerhassett 407; and
Emmet 424 ; and Hamilton 556 ; and
Ormsby, Stephen 424

Burrage, Elizabeth. See Emmet, Elizabeth
Burrage

Burrowes, Peter, absent-mindedness 194;
and Emmet family 176; on Emmet,
Christopher Temple 194 ; and Emmet, T.
A. 156; 163; 214; 512; political opinions
409

Burston, Beresford, and Catholic Com-
mittee 89

Butler. Simon, and Brissotins 115; and
Catholic Committee 89 : Digest of the
Popery Laws 87; imprisoned 102 ; Rowan
case declined 207 ; Tandy case 207

Byrne, United Irishman, execution 258

Edward, Catholic petition 93

■ Garrett 350n ; in England 350

Michael. See Byrne, Miles

Miles, and Emmet, Robert 368n; and

Emmet, T. A. 342n ; 368; on Emmet and
O'Connor 357n ; on Gibbons 359n ; and
Lewins 376n ; on McCabe 346n ; on
Markey 371n; memoirs 340n ; on
O'Reilly 375n; and Rebellion of 1803
346n

Caldwell, John, and Emmet monument

497 ; subscription 551
Calender family, and Emmets 449
Camden, John Earl, Viceroy of Ireland

129; 226; 510; Barrington on 216; Falk-

Inde:

565

incr on U' 1 7 ; Moore on 226; and Pitt
216; and United Irishmen 244

Carhampton, Earl of, and Defenders 140;
epitapli 240; "Montanus" letter to 238

Carlisle, 5th Earl of, and Fitzwilliam ll'J;
124

Carlow, County of, military outrages 242;
Rebellion of 1798 257

Carlton, Alderman, Emmet, T. A., arrest
of 248

Carrickfergus Castle, State prisoners,
question of removal to 2so

"Case of Ireland" (Molyneux) 30

Casino. Emmet residence 1*1 ; author's
visit to 183; closed 402n ; Dr. Emmet's
care of 1S2; Dr. Emmet's death 183; and
Emmet, T. A. 185; furniture distributed
I80n; garden (ill.) facing 1X2; illus-
tration facing 183; visitors 305

Castlehellingham, Tandy at 101 ; 207

Castlereagh, Robert Stewart. Viscount,
Byron on 531 ; and "Courier" libel suit
326; and Emmet, Robert 511; and Em-
met, T. A. 212; 264; 274; 313; 318; 510;
511; 531; and Mrs. Emmet 275; and
Grattan 244 ; Madden on 532 ; and St.
John Mason 511; "Memoirs and Corres-
pondence of", cited 411; Neilson's letter
to 414; O'Hanlon on 531; and Parlia-
mentary reform 131; Shellev on 53; and
State prisoners of '98 250; 251 ; 253 ; 255;
311; 312; 415; on United Irishmen 227;
Wickham to 271; 272; 411

Catholics. Irish 77; 78; arms prohibited
545; bar, admission to 84; 546; bishops'
address 109; Boyne, Battle of the 506;
British Governmental oppression 506;
and Catholic Establishment 401 ; and
Covenanters 132 ; disabilities 18 ; 74 ; and
Dissenters 77; educational disabilities
346n ; 545 : Elizabethan legislation 506 ; and
Emmets 213; and Emmet, T. A. 214; and
England 79; and Fitzwilliam 122; and
Fitzwilliam's recall 128; franchise denied
75; and James II 15; 506; landed tenure
prohibited 545; lands confiscated 100;
and liberty 79; in militia 145; and
Orangemen 141; and Parliamentary re-
form 108; Parliamentary representation
66 ; and Peep-o-Day Boys 141 ; penal
laws xiv; 13; 17 ; 18 ; 45 ; 74 ; 78 ; 83 ; 100;
223 ; 506 ; 545 ; persecution of 13 ; prej-
udice against 213; 402; and Protestants
546; relief petition 123; and Royalists
14; and separation 135; suffrage denied
546; of Ulster, banished 142; and Unit-
ed Irishmen 142; and viceroy, office of
546; and Volunteers 54; 506; 547

Catholic Committee 83 ; 226 ; attacked 103 ;
defence of 104; and Defenders 103; and
education 107; and Emmet. T. A. 212;
463 ; and Fitzwilliam 121 ; King, petition
to the 92; and Langrishe's Bill 85; plea
of 1791 84; pacific measures 104; and
Parliamentary reform 108; reorganized
88: and Tone 93; 117

Convention 92

Catholic Emancipation. American sympathy
r.47; Belfast petition 86; and Dissent-
ers 80; 108;548; Dublin petition 123; edu-
cational relief 107; 109; and T. A. Em-
met 213; 463; 533; 538; 546; 549; 557;
Fitzwilliam 122; L23; 126; 127; granted
557: Grattan's plea 86; Grattan's Relief
Bill 136; and Hutton's 463; and Irish
Church 548; Langrishe's Bill 85; O'Con-
nor, Arthur 136; popular demand for
320; and Portland 123; 124; Protestant
efforts for xiii ; Protestant opposition 66;
Relief Bill of 1793 97; Relief Bill of
1795 126; Relief Bill of 1829 533; relief
measures, Emmet's account of 213; and
Tone xix; 533; 547; and Union 130; and
United Irishmen 67; 82; 114; 135; 211;
225; 243; 545; and Volunteers 54; 79;
S9 ; 547 ; Whig Club 87 ; Whigs advocate
120

Establishment, and French invasion

401 ; and United Irishmen 379

rent, prohibited 533; 544

"Caxton, William", pseudonym 231

Chambers, John, at Fort George 273 ; and
Emmet funeral 486; and Emmet me-
morial 497; Emmet monument subscrip-
tion 552 ; and O'Connor 336 ; and United
Irish Committee 378

Chanler, Alida, marriage 450n

Charlemont. Lord, on Irish evils 225 ; and
reform 223; and State prisoners 250;
and Volunteers 225; 506

Charles I, and Catholics 14; Irish policy 13

II, Irish policy 14

Charleston, S. C, "Friends of Ireland", and
Emmet monument 544; surrender, 1781
417n

Cherin, and Irish expedition 362

"Cherubs" 326

Church of Ireland. See Ireland, Estab-
lished Church of

Clare, John Fitzgibhon Earl of, and Beres-
ford 217; and Catholic Emancipation 94;
and "Courier" libel suit 326; death 184;
and Emmet 318; epigram on 218; and
Fitzwilliam 121; 217; funeral. Madden
on 532; headstone 184; O'Hanlon on
531; and Protestant ascendancy 90; and
Relief Bill, Catholic (1793) 97; Sheares'
letter to 232; and State prisoners of '98
251; 255: 311; 313; Tandy's suit against
207; and Tone 267; 270; and United
Irishmen 244

Clarke, J. I. C, on poems of Dr. Robert
Emmet 166

"Clear the way", battle cry vi

Clergy, Catholic, banished 545 ; educational
scheme 136

Clinch, execution 249

Clinton, De Witt, and Emmet, T. A. 395;
556; Emmet eulogy projected 484; 529;
and Emmet funeral 486; facsimile of T.
A. Emmet's plea facing 399 ; and Samp-
son, William 495

George, Governor, and Emmet, T. A.

566

Index

395; Irish sympathies 403; Republican
meeting 420

Clinton, Sir Henry, and Revolutionary war
417n

Cloncurry, Valentine Browne Lawless, 2d
Baron, and Emmet, Thomas Addis 226;
and Habeas Corpus 297 ; release 297

Clonmel, Patten home 560

Clubs, influence of 81

Coat-of-Arms, of Emmet family 149; 150;
on Casino Gate 183

Cobbett, William, and Emmet 418; 493;
494n

Cockayne, attorney 115; and Jackson, evi-
dence against 131

Colden, Cadwallader D., lawyer 421 ; and
Emmet 404; 410; 456; and Emmet's
funeral 486; and Emmet memorial 495;
Fulton, Life of 427n; on Fulton 428

Mrs. David, and Emmet family 442 ;

444 ; 445 ; Emmet monument subscrip-
tion 551

Coleman, William and Emmet 421 ; 494n ;
on King, Rufus 413 ; trial for libel 420

Colville Family 222; and Lady Montcastle
392

Margaret, cousin of Jane Patten Em-
met 157

Margaret, grandmother of Jane Patten

Emmet. See Patten, Margaret Colville

Margaret Thompson 220; portrait fac-
ing 220

William 220; 302; at Casino 282

Commerce, and legislation 38

English, and Constitution 36; and Irish

policy 37; 43; origin of 36; Pitt on 62

Irish, crushed 38 ; distress 108 ; and

English legislation 28; Pitt's measure 62 ;
progress and capacities 65 ; restrictions
75

"Commercial Advertiser", and Emmet's
death 477 ; on Emmet's funeral 479 ; 482 ;
and Emmet memorial 495

Committee, General Catholic. See Catholic
Committee

Common Law, English, in New York State
396

Commons, House of, English, corruption
58 ; prison investigation 265n

House of, Irish, corruption in 59;

Crown, influence of 57 ; Emmet examina-
tion 264 ; and Fitzwilliam's recall 128 ;
and Lords 75 ; popular representation
58 ; sale of seats 64 ; and State prisoners
of '98 252; 318; 321; theory of constitu-
tion 57 ; Cf . Secret Committee

"Confederate yell" vii

Connaught, Catholic refugees 142; Defen-
derism in 115; 139; 144; Defender trials
140
Connaught Proverb 3

"Connaught Rangers" vii
Connell, Mary Anne. See Thompson, Mary
Anne Connell

Owen, Emmet memorial 497

Conquest, and civilization 7 ; and domin-
ion, Molyneux on 30; of Ireland 32; 37;

of Ireland, and disunion 67 ; Molyneux's
definition 30 ; Roman system 40 ; right
of, Blackstone on 48

"Constans", heraldic motto 150 ; deriva-
tion of word 150n

Constitution, British, basis 57 ; and com-
merce 36; and general policy 36; and
Irish Constitution 57

Friends of the. See Peace, Friends

Irish, and British Constitution 57

Convention, Catholic. See Catholic Con-
vention

Convention Bill, enacted 110; repeal pledg-
ed 127 ; repeal urged 131 ; Parsons on
125

Cook, Secretary, and Macneven 250; and
Neilson 414; and State prisoners of '98
250; 251; 255; 256; 311

Corbet, Thomas, Captain 344; 344n ; 371n ;
and Emmet 348; 359; 365; 366; and
O'Connor 366; and Swiney 393

William 344n; 371n; and Emmet 371

Corbett, Samuel, and C. Emmet 163

Cork, and French invasion 371 ; Emmet's
birthplace 487 ; and Parliamentary rep-
resentation 111; Westmoreland, address
to 83

Cornwallis, Charles, Earl, and H'ayne417n;
Portland's letter 297 ; and Rebellion of
1798 249; 250; and State prisoners of
'98 257 ; in Virginia 417n

Correspondence Bill, passed 110

Corry, Isaac, and Parliamentary reform 95

Cortlandt Street, New York, Emmet resi-
dence 438

Council of England, and Irish Parliament
33

Counties, representation in Grattan's Par-
liament 58

"Courier", newspaper, London, 323; 324;
326; libel suit 326; Neilson's letter to
414 ; on Turner, Samuel 338

newspaper, New York, on Emmet's ill-
ness 476 ; on Emmet's death 476 ; on Em-
met funeral 484; and Emmet monument
539

Covenanters, and Catholics 132; and Quig-
ley 133; and United Irishmen 133

Coxe, Daniel 435

John Redman 436

Cranston, Mr., State charges against 426

Crest, of Emmets 150

Crimmins, John D., letters from the collec-
tion of : Emmet to Sampson 435 ; Emmet
to Thompson 456 ; Fulton to Emmet
426 ; Macneven to Duponceau 501 ; Mac-
ready to Emmet, Robert (Judge) 468;
Shiel to Emmet 466

Cromwell, Oliver, Irish policy 14 ; and
Irish women vii

Cumming, George, death 550n ; and Emmet
monument 490 ; 496 ; 497 ; and Emmet
monument meeting 550 ; and Emmet
monument subscription (10 entries)
551; at Fort George 273; 550n; and
United Irishmen 550

Index

567

Curran, John Philpot, and Catholic Eman-
oipation JL'l ; on Dr R. Emmet 180; and
Emmet, T. A. 222; 223; 488; 518; 522;
537; Haines on 518; and "Monks of the
Screw" 194 ; veracity 181

Cuthbert, Agnes L62; identity 164; 165

Joseph, patriot 165n; at Fort George

273

Mary 164

William, will 164

Daendels, Herman W., Gen. 356; 356n
"Daily Advertiser", newspaper, Albany, on
Emmet T. A. 492n ; on Emmet's death
503 ; and Emmet memorial 495

Dalton, Alexander 340n ; and Byrne 368n ;
and Emmet, T. A. 340; 341; 343-50; 357;
359 ; 360-65 ; 369 ; 372-70 ; 378 ; 379 ;
384-86 ; and Irish expedition 359 ; and
Macneven 501; and Murphy 365; and
O'Connor, Arthur 341; 360; and United
Irish reclamations 357

Daly, Denis Bowes, and Fitzwilliam 120

"Datis Vadibtis", verses 327

Davis, Sir John, on Irish love of justice

20
Thomas E., Emmet monument subscrip-
tion 551

Davy, Tighe, and Emmet monument 497;
subscription 551

"De aere fixo vel acido aereo", by Emmet,
T. A. 203

"Death of a Friend, On the", poem by Dr.
R. Emmet 170

"Decree, The", poem by Christopher
Temple Emmet xv; 195-198; Dictionary
of National Biography on 195

Defenders, attacked 103; and Catholic
bishops 109; at the Diamond 141; and
French invasion 115; in militia 145: ob-
ject 101; and Orangemen 141 ; 142 ; or-
ganization, defects in 144 ; origin 100 ;
and Peep-o-Day Boys 103; 225; and
secret committee 103; spread 100; 139;
and Tandy 101; 207; 208; trials 140;
145; and Union Irishmen 138; 143; 144

Delaney, John, and Emmet family 300

Patrick, and Emmet family 298

Delany, (Delaney) Malachv 346n ; and Em-
met, T. A. 346 ; 379

Denny, Sir Edward 283; 283n

Derry, Rebellion of 1798 257

Despard, Col. Edward Marcus, execution
555

M., on Emmet 555; 556; Emmet me-
morial verses 557; and Mrs. Greatorex
555

Devereux, James Edward, Catholic peti-
tion 93

De Wolf, Abby, marriage 164n

Diamond. The, affray 141

Diary, of Emmet, T. A. 335; 340-380

Dillon, Lord, and Emmet, T. A. 507

Timothy, and Tandy 207

"Dion", pseudonym 231

Directory, French, and Amiens, Peace of

362; Irish expedition 358; and Tone,
Theobald Wolfe 139; and United Irish-
men 320

Directory of United Irishmen 139; 317;
507 ; and Emmet, T. A. 246; 343 ; 3
507; ( I'Connor, Arthur 324 ; 3 16

Di enters, and Catholic Emancipation 80;
108; 548; and Catholics 16; 96; in Ire-
land 77; 223; and Irish prosperity 224

Dixon, Rev. Win. Steele, at Fort George
273

Doah, Volunteers dispersed 107

Dobbs, Francis, and State prisoners of '98
250; 258; 311; 312

Donoughmore, Richard Hely-Hutchinson,
1st Earl of, and Catholic Emancipation
92

Donzelot, Franc;ois-Xavier, Count, and Em-
met, T. A. 378; 380; 388

Douglas, Rev. Archibald, on Emmet,
Robert 502

Sylvester (Baron Glenbervie) 112

Douglass, Peggy, and Emmets 447

Dowdall, William, and Emmet, T. A. :t75 ;
and French army 393

Dowling, Matthew, United Irishman 333;
394 ; at Fort George 273 ; and O'Connor,
Arthur 336; Tandy case 207

Down, Countv of. Catholic refugees 143 ;
Rebellion of 1798 257; United Irishmen
132

Downes. William, 1st Baron, Rowan's ar-
rest 207

Doyle, Thomas, United Irishman 272

Drennan, William, and Edkins collection
195 ; and Emmet, T. A. 214 ; and Emmet
family 176; 281n ; marriage 282; and
"The Press" 231; son, birth of 281

Duane, William S., printer 232 ; and Em-
met eulogium 503 ; and Emmet memorial
503

Dublin, Ireland, Catholic petition 128, Cor-
poration of, and Fitzwilliam's recall 129 ;
Corporation of, and Protestant ascend-
ancy 89; Defender trials 145; Emmet
residence 175 ; Emmet residence, Moles-
worth St. (ill.) facing 175; Emmet resi-
dence, Stephen's Green (ill.) facing
176; Kilmainham Gaol (ill.) facing 266;
Newgate Prison (ill.) facing 249; and
Parliamentary representation 111; and
Rebellion of 1803 368; St. Patrick's Hos-
pital for the Insane (ill.) facing 178;
United Irishmen 82; 226; Whigs of 81

New Hampshire vi

"Dublin Journal", newspaper 320; 321; on
O'Connor, Arthur 324; and State prison-
ers of '98 322

Magazine", Emmet's examination, re-
port of 253
Dublin University. See Trinity College
Dubois v. Phillips 421
Duelling Act 398

Duer, John, and Emmet monument, Latin
inscription 541 ; 544

Judge William A., on Emmet 539; 549;

550 ; and Emmet's death 492

568

Index

Duff, Sir James, United Irishmen, mas-
sacre of 255
Dufferin, Elizabeth Blackwood, Baroness

300n; marriage 300
Hans Blackwood, Baron 300; marriage

300n
and Ava, Frederick Temple Blackwood,

1st Marquis of, and Temples 190
Duigenan, Patrick, and Catholic relief 94;

126; 136
Dundas, Sir David 258
Dungannon, Ulster Convention, 1793 91 ;

98 ; Volunteer declaration 54
Dunraven, Lord, on Castle system vi
Duponceau, P. S. 435; 435n ; Macneven,

William James, letter to 502; and Tilgh-

man, William 501
Duquery, and Fitzwilliam's recall 128; and

Grattan's speech 123; and leather tax

126
Duval, Gabriel, and Gibbons vs. Ogden

case 459
Dwyer, Michael, patriot 342n

Edgar, Mrs. Wm. 448n; and Emmets 448

Edinburgh University, Emmet, T. A. at
203; 487; societies 204

Edkins, Joshua, collection of poems 195

Education, Catholic, clergy 136; disabili-
ties 346n ; 545 ; plan, petition against
137; relief measures 108; 109; 110

Egan, petition 85

Egypt, Napoleonic invasion 381

Elections, annual, United Irishmen advo-
cate 243

Elizabeth, Queen of England, Irish policy
13 ; 42 ; statutes against Catholics 506

Elphin, Catholic resolutions 81

Emancipation, Catholic. See Catholic
Emancipation

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, on Normans 219

Emet, from Holland 159

Henry 151

Katherine 153

Thomas 153

William, of Tipperary, will 151

Emett Family, Arms (ill.) facing 149

Christopher, of Tipperary 151 ; 152 ;

153; 160; 161; descendants 159; Miss
Guiney on 190; kindred 163; 165; por-
trait facing 161; spelling of name 176;
will 162

Christopher, son of William 162

Diana, sister of C. Emett 165

■ George, brother of Christopher 163

Grace Russell 161

Joana, identity 163

Rebecca Temple, wife of Christopher

152; 161; Miss Guiney on 189; legacy
162; portrait facing 161

Robert, son of Christopher. See Em-
met

Thomas, father of Christopher 161

Thomas, son of Christopher 161;

legacy 162

William, of Tipperary 162

Emigrants, Irish, American prejudice

against 490
Emmet Family 149; artistic talents 513;
Bible Record (ill.) facing 154; "Casino"
181; character 502; 503; characteristic
traits 15S; 177; 188; Christian names
149; circumstances 157; 158; Coat-of-
arms 149; 150; Coat-of-arms (ill.) facing
149; connections 159; Dublin residence
176- extinction in Ireland 149; 410; and
Fitzgerald, Lady Anne 282; 283; 305;
and de Fontenays 292; Miss Guiney on
189; and King, Rufus 496; and Madden
177; 212; 502; and Masons 189; political
views 178; professions 158; records, loss
of 158; and separation, political 179;
spellings of name 176; and Temples 188;
traditions, lack of 156n ; visitors in Dub-
lin 176

In Nezu York, ball 461 ; and Bien-

hausers 445; and Blennerhassetts 455;
festivities 449; home life 438; and Mc-
Evers 442; 444; 446; residences 438
Emmet, nephew of Christopher Emett 154

Anna Tom (Mrs. T. A. Emmet, Jr.)

442 ; 442n ; 446

Anne Western Temple 177; Miss

Guiney on 190; marriage 191; portrait,
facing 191

Byrd Tucker (Mrs. John Patten) 469

Catherine, daughter of Christopher

Temple Emmet 192; 285; 291; 294; 296;
444; 444n; Dr. R. Emmet's will 185;
and Emmet, T. A. 437

Catherine, daughter of T. A. Emmet

391

Christopher Temple (b. 1761) 180;

burial certificate 192; Burrowes on 194;
character 503; death 160; 191; 206; 483;
506; "The Decree" xv; 195-8; Dictionary
of National Biography on 191; Grattan
on 192; Miss Guiney on 189; 190; intel-
lectual attainments 181 ; 464 ; learning
213; legal ability 192; 194; Madden on
177; 188; 192; marriage 177; 191; and
Monks of the Screw 194 ; poems 194 ;
195 ; poetical faculty 194 ; political views
178 ; university standard 202

Christopher Temple, Lieut, (b. 1798)

289; 301; 304; 305; 306; 391; 402n; 423;
437; 440; death 455; 562
Christopher Temple (b. 1868), mar-
riage 450n

Deborah, birth record 154

Elizabeth, daughter of Maurice 151

Elizabeth, daughter of T. A. Emmet.

See Le Roy, Elizabeth Emmet (Mrs. W.
H.)

Elizabeth Burrage (Mrs. Maurice) 151

Elizabeth Mason (Mrs. Dr. Robert)

character 502 ; 503 ; charity 181 ; death
187; Dr. Emmet's death 186; Dr. Em-
met's will 185; grave 187; individuality
188; Letters to Emmet. T. A. 186; fac-
simile, facing 186; 280-288; 291; 294-301;
303-309; Dr. Madden on 177; 187; virtue
189

Index

569

Emmet. George, son oi Maurice L51

■ Hall, Lancashire 15]

Henry, son of John 152

Henry, son of Maurice 151 ; seal l.r>2

James, of the Hillsboro' District L55

Jane Erin. See McEvers, Jane Erin

Emmet ( Mrs. Bache)

Jane Patten (Mrs. Thomas Addis)

220; 298; 332; and Mrs. Blennerhassett
455; character 502; death 562; and Em-
met family 303; 311; and Emmet, Thos.
Addis, M.D. 559; at Eort George 275;
2TG: 282; 285; 296; 327; girlhood 560;
as a hostess 559; in Kilmainham 266;
326; Mrs. Le Roy, visit to 455; and let-
ter writing 5G0 ; Madden on 561; as a
mother 559; Ncilson on 330; in New
York 437; 440; old age 559: 560; Patten,
John, letter to 560; and Portland 275;
2S1 ; 327; 507; portrait 562; portrait,
facing 438; portrait, facing 453; portrait,
facing 561; Russell's poem 27*', ; Win.
Sampson on 528; tomb 562; and Bishop
Waynfleet, resemblance to 221

Jeannette. See McEvers, Jane Erin

Emmet (Mrs. Bache)

J. K. 155

— ■ — John, son of Henry 151

John, of London 152

John, son of Maurice 151

Tohn Patten 562; baptismal record

175; birth 222; in Charleston 439; 448;
childhood 287; 288; 2S9 ; 294; 295; 297;
298 ; 300 ; 391 ; death 560 ; Emmet, T. A„
bust of 468; 482; 535; Emmet, T. A.,
bust of (ill.) facing 535; "Evening at
Home" 439; "Evening at Home" (ill.)
facing 439; Jane Macneven's drawing of
(ill.) facing 446; marriage 469; medical
studies 437 ; Dr. Mitchell, drawing of
513; Dr. Mitchell, drawing of (ill.), fac-
ing 513; New York, arrival in 402n; at
school 423; young manhood 442; 446

Rev. M., Methodist minister 159

Margaret 402; 562; childhood 285;

288 ; 294 ; 299 ; 303 ; 330 ; 391 ; and Mrs.
T. A. Emmet 559; Ireland, visit to 156n ;
Le Rov, Elizabeth Emmet, letter to 457 ;
458

Marv, daughter of Henry 151

Mary, of Plymouth 152

Marv, daughter of William 151

Mary (b. 1650), birth record 154

Mary Anne, daughter of T. A. Emmet.

See Graves, Mary Anne Emmet (Mrs.
Edward Boonen)

— — Mary Anne, sister of T. A. Emmet.
See Holmes, Mary Anne Emmet (Mrs.
Robert)

Maurice (Morrice) 151; Pedigree of

Family (ill.) facing 152

Maurice, son of Maurice 151

Richard, son of Maurice 151

Richard S. (son of Judge Robert)

and Macreadv 467n

Robert, M.D. 165; 176n; 402n;

"Casino" 181; 182; 2S1; 298; 299; 300;

301; 304; 306; 307; "Casino" (ill.) fac-
ing 183; character .Mi ; , charity 181;
children 180; children's deaths IHOn;
Curran on ISO; death 183; death
mask bust (ill.) facing 291; descendants
160; Dublin residence 17.".; 176; T. A.
Emmet on 186; T. A. Emmet, arrest of
248; 28i); T. A. Emmet, letters to 289;
290; 293; T. A. Emmet's views, knowl-
edge of 179; epitaph 184; fortitude 283;
government positions, resignation of 178;
and Grattan 180; Grattan's portrait 18'in;
grave 183; guardianship of cousins 177;
Miss Guiney on 189; heraldic motto 150;
individuality 188; legacy 162; Mrs. Mac-
oubry, letter to 165; 248; Mrs. Mac-
oubry, letter to, facsimile, facing 248;
Madden on 177; marriage 175; marriage
contract 176; Molesworth Street resi-
dence (ill.) facing 175; Phillips on 180;
philosophy 293; poems 165; poems, criti-
cism of Mr. Clarke 166; politics 178;
181; politics, Madden on 179; portrait
165; 180n; portrait, facing 165; relations
by marriage 175 ; and St. Patrick's Hos-
pital 149; scientific writings 165; silver
salver 159; silver salver (ill.), facing
150; spelling of name 176; as State
Physician 176; 506; Stephen's Green
residence (ill.) facing 176 ; tombstone 184 ;
visitors 176; White, Samuel, letter to
178 ; will 184

Emmet, Robert, patriot 180; apostrophe to
his father 180; arrest 367; 371; arrest
of, and Fitzgerald, Lady Anne 305n ;
baptismal record 175; death mask by
Petrie (ill.) facing 372; and Col.
Despard 555; and Douglas, Rev. Archi-
bald 502; Dublin acquaintance 181;
Dr. Emmet's death 186; Dr. Emmet's
will 185; and Emmet. T. A. xx ; 333;
333n; 372; 372n ; on his epitaph 533;
familv pride 157; and French Revolu-
tion 179: Miss Guiney on 189; 190: Hall
on 403 ; Dr. Madden on 177 ; and Mason,
St. John 176; and O'Connor-Emmet dis-
pute 33S; popularity 182; "Press", con-
tributions to 231; projects xx ; Quaid's
work 175; and Russell 269; seal
ring, Byrne 368n ; signature to father's
poems 165n; speech misrepresented in
France 372; 374; 375; and Trevor 511;
Trinitv College, dismissal from 182; and
United Irishmen 333n

Robert, Judge 562; childhood 281;

2S4 ; 285; 287; 288; 289; 299; 330; 391;
and Blennerhassett 455n; Emmet bust
535; and Emmet's rejection of Solicitor
Generalship 510; at Fort George 277;
277n; Hibernian Relief Society, honor-
ary member of 501 ; King, Charles, letter
from 496; Le Roy, Elizabeth Emmet, let-
ters to 438 ; 439 ; 444 ; 446 ; on Macneven
277n ; and Macreadv 467 ; Macreadv, let-
ter from 468; marriage 437; and Napo-
leon's answer to memoir 386n ; young
manhood 443

570

Index

Emmet, Robert, brother of Mrs. Botha 159

Rosina (Mrs. Robert) 440; 444

■ Temple. See Emmet, Christopher

Temple

Thomas, of Plymouth 152

■ Thomas Addis 180; 272; on aerial acid

203; agency in Paris 339; 340-380; and
Aherne (Capt.) 356; and Aherne (phy-
sician) 356; alienage 414; appearance
and deportment 521 ; appearance, Hall on
404; Arcularius case 420; 421; arrest
248; 318; 322; 483; 507; anonymous ar-
ticle ascribed to 241; and Astor suit 471;
496 ; 509 ; as Attornev-General of New
York 424; 483; 488; 509; and Augereau
388; B. A. degree 202; and Bar, Ameri-
can 512; and Bar, Irish 206; 483; Bar of
N. Y., admission plea 395; Bar of N.
Y., admission to 404; 406; 483; Bar of
N. Y., memoir of 505; Bar of N. Y.,
memorial tablet 535 ; and Judge Benson
478; and Berthier 351; 353; 354; 358;
359 ; 363 ; 364 ; 375 ; 376 ; Berthier, letter to
373; 374; birth 202; 506; birthplace 487;
and Blennerhassett 406 ; 407 ; 455n ; and
Bond 318; and Bonneville 361; 363; 365;
369 ; and Mme. Bonneville 426 ; Brow-
erre's bust of 482 ; 535 ; at Brussels 331 ;
333; 335; and Bryant, William C. on
493; burial, in Jones' vault 530n ; burial,
St. Mark's Church 482; 530n; and Burr
424; and Burrowes, Peter 156; 163; 409;
Burrowes on 512; and Byrne, Miles 368;
368n ; career in Ireland 511 ; Carhampton
(Satanides), letter to 238; and Casino
185; and Castlereagh 212; 264; 510; 511;
531; and Catholic belief 464; and Cath-
olic Emancipation xix ; 463 ; 533 ; 538 ;
546; 549; 557; character 206; 474; 480;
487; 494; 500; 502; 522; 524; 527; char-
acteristics 543 ; chemistry, taste for 203 ;
children 437 ; children surviving his death
562; and Clinton, De Witt 395; Clinton,
De Witt, facsimile of plea before, facing
399; Clinton, De Witt, projected eulogy
529; and Clinton, George 395; Cloncurry
on 226; and Cobbett, William 418;
493; 494; and Colden 404; 410; 456; and
Coleman, Wm. 494 ; college career 205 ;
and College Historical Society 512; Com-
mercial Advertiser on 479 ; and Com-
mittee of United Irishmen 376; 377; 384;
385; and Corbet, Thomas 359; 365; 366;
and Curran, John Philpot 518; 522; and
Dalton 340; 341; 343; 344; 345; 348;
349; 350; 357; 359; 360; 361; 362; 363;
364; 365; 369; 373; 374; 375; 376; 378;
379; 384; 385; "De aere fixo" 203

death 470; 509; 515; and Albany Bar

492; "Albion" on 487; Argus and City
Gazette (Albany) on 492; and Bar of
New York 479 ; 485 ; and Bleecker, Har-
manus 492 ; and Board of Aldermen, New
York 530 ; cause 473 ; and "Commer-
cial Advertiser" 477; and Common
Council, New York 475 ; Courier on
476; and Court of General Sessions,

New York 476 ; and Cuming, George
490; Daily Advertiser (Albany) on 503;
and Judge Duer 492 ; and Evening Post,
New York 472; 473; 501; and Henry,
John V. 492 ; and King, James 492 ; Lon-
don Times on 501 ; and Macneven 490 ;
"Recorder and Telegraph" (Boston) on
497; Truth Teller on 483; and Judge
Van Rensselaer 492 ; and Van Vechten,
Abraham 492 ; and White, C. P. 490
Emmet, and Delaney 346; deportment at the
Bar 521 ; Despard's memorial verses 588 ;
descendants 160; Diary 335; 340-380; and
Lord Dillon 507 ; diploma, facsimile, fac-
ing 206 ; and Directory of United Irish-
men 246; 317; 507; and Donzelot 378;
388; and Dowdall 375; W. S. Duane
eulogy 503 ; Dublin Journal on 323 ; Duer
on 549; 550; at Edinburgh University
203 ; 204 ; and Edkins collection 195 ; edu-
cation 202 ; 203 ; 204 ; 483 ; 506 ; eloquence
472; 494; 500; 509; 515; emigration 483;
508 ; and Emmet, Catherine 437 ; Mrs.
Emmet (Elizabeth Mason), letters from
186; facsimile, facing 186; 280-288; 291;
294-301; 303; 309; J. P. Emmet's bust
of 468; 535; J. P. Emmet's bust of (ill.),
facing 535; Emmet, Mary Anne (Mrs.
Graves), letter from 453; on Dr. Emmet's
death 186; Dr. Emmet's legacy 184; Dr.
Emmet's will 184 ; Dr. Emmet, letters from
289; 290; 293; and Emmet, Robert xx ;
333; 333n; 372n ; T. A. Emmet, Jr., on
511 ; and Erskine 522 ; Essay on the His-
tory of Ireland 73; 278; 514; "Evening at
Home" 439; and Evening Post (New
York) 413; 493; exile 566; family letters
to 181; family pride 157; and Fenians x;
H. M. Field on 525 ; fire in cell 276 ; first
case in America 491 ; 508 ; 543 ; 556 ; and
Fitzgerald, Lord Edward x ; Fitzpatrick
on 232 ; and Foot 520

at Fort George 272; 273; 274; 327;

328; 488; 507; 523; 550n ; family letters
280; mathematical studies 278; release
from 314; 508

Fowler vs. Carver case 471 ; in France

508 ; and Francis, John W. 474 ; and
French aid x; 179; 246; 268; 317; 335;
337; 366; 374; 393; 401; French negotia-
tions 335 ; and French Revolution 179 ;
and Fulton, Robert 357 ; 427 ; 427n ; 428
Funeral 479; 512; and Columbia Col-
lege 530; Commercial Advertiser on 482;
Evening Post (New York) on 484;
Grace Church. New York 530; A. S.
Hewitt on 530 ; Macneven on 491 ; Mad-
den on 532 ; Morning Courier on 484 ;
and New York Corporation 480; pall
bearers 486 ; procession 480 ; 482 ; 486 ;
and Dr. Wainwright 482

and Gallagher 342; 342n; and Garat

371; and Geneva College 476; 491; and
Gibbons vs. Ogden case 459 ; Goodwin
trial 436 ; and Government, agreement
with 250; 251; 255; 415; Government re-
ports, protest 262; 321; 322; and Grand

Ind

571

Assize of New Vork 491; and (.rattan
xx ; xxi; 48S ; and Greenwich village
Irishmen 404; 465; 466; Greenwich vil-
lage Irishmen, testimonial 465; Green
wich village Irishmen testimonial (ill.),
facing 465; Miss Guiney on 190; C. G.
Haines on 484; 517; 518; 519; 520; 52] ;
623; Hall on 403 ; 12] . at II;. tul. irg
330; and Harper, R. G. 521; and Ilarty
344; 349; 35] ; 353; 356; :;r>7 ; :i74 ; 380; J.
Harvey on 499; Countess d'Haussonville
on 22S; and Henry 521; Herbert's por-
trait of 301n; and Hewitt, Abraham S.
529; 530; Lord Holland on 229; in Hol-
land 330; and Holmes, Mary Anne Em-
met 326; home life 439; and" Horry 392;
illness, last "New York American" on
472; imaginative powers 519; imprison-
ment 264; 265; 315; 318; 328; influence
317; 328; and insurrection 317; intel-
lectual attainments 205; 509; 518; Ire-
land, devotion to 4S4 ; on Irish history
6; and Irish-Americans 490; and Irish-
American memorial 491 ; and Irish regi-
ment in New York 424 ; Jackson's trial
507; J. B. S. on 505; 506; 507; 508; 509;
and Keogh 4S8 ; at Kilmainham 326; 510;
and King, Rufus xx ; 157; 410; 411; 412;
415; 416; 417; 420; 508; 508n ; and Knox,
George 267 ; and Kosciuszko 392 ; and
Lafayette 458; last case 471; 491; last
case, and Evening Post (New York)
471; Latinity 204; and Lawless 376n;
388 ; as a lawyer 4S1 ; 488 ; 500 ; 501 ; 508 ;
522; 524; 525; as leader 145; Lecky on
xvi; xx ; legal ability 223; 404; 493; legal
career 420 ; legal studies 206 ; Mrs.
Lenox-Conyngham's verses in memory
of 554 ; Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham's "The
Righteous Perisheth" 555

Emmet. Letters. Baldwin, Henry 429; Blen-
nerhassett, Harman 422; Burrowes, Peter
409; Emmet, Catherine 313; Holmes,
Mrs. Robert 310; 314;' Hope, Lord 311;
King, Rufus 413; Lawless, L. 451; Le
Roy, Elizabeth Emmet 431; 434; 450;
454; Le Roy, Wm. H. 452; Mclntyre,
Archibald 425; McCormick, Joseph 393;
Macneven 331; 333; 384; 387; 388; 389;
Mrs. Macoubry 165; 222; facsimile, fac-
ing 222; Ormsby, Stephen 424; 425n ;
Partridge 426 ; Patten, John 437 ; Rowan,
A. H. 331; 467; Russell 266; Sampson,
William 435; Thompson. Smith 456; Til-
lary. James 40S ; Tone, T. VV. 214: Yates
430

Lewis vs. Few 421; LL.B. degree 203;

London Courier on 323; and McCormick
392 ; and McDonnell 364 ; 377 ; and Mac-
neven 394 ; 488 ; 502 ; and Mrs. Macoubry
222; and Macready 467; 469; and Mc-
Sheehy 360; Madden's memoir 280; 335;
Madden on 177; 18S ; 205; 206; 229; 337;
390; 512; manifesto, Buckingham on
312; and Manumission Society 543; mar-
riage 220 ; Mason on 274 ; and Mason
337 ; M.D. degree 203 ; 506 ; mechanical

skill 138; medical career ~0G ; medical
course )-'(>:;; medico-legal knowledge 124;
and Medical Society of N. Y. IDs;; me-
moir to government 243; 252; :n\l ; 318;
324; memoir on Irish Union 261; me-
morial tablet inscription 535; memorial
tablet inscription, translation 536; me-
morial tablet inscription, "U. S. F." on
536; Mitchell's eulogy of 491; memorial
verses by "Mary" I'.iT ; memorial verses
by "Pierre" 188; memorial verses, N. Y.
Truth Teller 489; Miranda's case 408;
115; Mitchell, S. L. on 203; 513; 514;
Mil. lull, S. L-, Discourse published
5i;in ; S. L. Mitchell's verses on 515; .".10;
modesty 206; 213; 328; 464; "Montanus"
letters xviii ; 233 ; 234 ; facsimile page,
facing 234

Emmet monument 490; 531n ; 534; 549; is
tronomical inscription 542; collector- 197 ,
Baldwin, Charles 495; Boston meeting
499; Colden, C. D. 495; Commercial Ad-
vertiser (New York) 495; Cuming,
George 496; 550; Daily Advertiser (Al-
bany) 495; description 538; 553; Des-
pard on 556; disintegration of stone
553; Dolan. John T. 499; Duer's inscrip-
tion 544 ; Bp. England's inscription 544 ;
English inscription, author of 539; Eng-
lish inscription, text 540 ; and Evening
Post 490; 495; 496; 499; expenses 552
Rev. Dr. Feltus 499; and Friends of Ire
land Society 544 ; Gaelic inscription 542
557; Gaelic inscription, translation 557n
Giovanozza 535; illustrations facing 542
facing 553 ; and Irish Americans 496
Jay, Peter A. 495; and Kent, James 495
Latin inscription, author 541 ; Latin in
scription, text 541 ; location 53 ; 538
544n ; location, letter in N. Y. American
537; 538; McCarthy, Dennis 499; Mac-
neven 539; 547; Macneven's report 543;
553; Madden 533; medallion likeness
538; 553; New York Courier on 539;
Ogden, David B. 495 ; public meeting
543 ; Roosevelt, James J. 495 ; Sampson,
William 495; subscription committee 539;
subscription committee, treasurer 551;
subscriptions 544; 551; 552; unveiled
539; Verplanck's inscription 544; White,
Campbell P. 496

Mumford vs. McPherson 408; and

Murphv 364; and Napoleon 215; 336 ; 339 ;
343; 344; 345; 347; 361; 362; 374; Na-
poleon, memoir to 364; 371; 375; 383;
384 ; 386 ; Napoleon, memoir to, reply to
386n ; "narrative" missing 332 ; natural-
ization 392; 392n; 481; and Neilson,
Samuel xvi ; 230 ; and "Nereide" case
527 ; at Newgate 249 ; newspaper con-
tributions 539n ; in New York 391; 488;
528; New York residence 472; 477; 530;
New York Enquirer on 480 ; Observa-
tions on the Conquest of Ireland 5; 249;
and O'Connor, Arthur x; xi ; xvii;
xx ; 317; 318; 319; 335; 336:
337; 338; 341; 342; 344; 346;

572

Index

351; 353; 355; 357n ; 359; 360; 361
362; 365; 366; 369; 370; 371; 375; 378
379; 488; and O'Connor, Roger 337
O'Driscoll, defence of 228; offensive
writing, theory 323 ; oratorical ability
204; 205; 519; 521; 522; 525; 527; ora-
torical ability, Duer on 539 ; oratorical
ability, "U. S. F." on 537; and O'Reilly
375; papers confiscated 323; in Paris
340-3S0; Parliamentary examination 252;
253; 261; 320; 507; Patterson on 550;
and Paulding 475 ; and Percival trial
474; Phillips on 181; physical character-
istics 205; and Pinkney, William 460;
520; and Pintard 409; and Pitt 511; as a
pleader 519; and Plunket 262; 263; as a
polemicist 514; political views 178

Emmet Portraits, by Aubry, Frontispiece;
by Herbert, facing 1 : by Le Roy. Eliza-
beth Emmet, facing 453 ; by Martin, fac-
ing 391 ; by Morse, facing 517

and "The Press" 231; 50S ; prison

calendar 264 ; prison employment 265 ;
private life. Despard on 556; privilege
declined 292; as Protestant 546; and
Randall's will suit 543n ; and Randolph,
John 521; at Rathfarnham 222; on Re-
bellion of 1798 227; 233; 246; 278; 549;
and Rebellion of 1803 366 ; 367 ; 508 ; re-
ligious knowledge 213; 464; religious
tolerance xix ; 213; 464; and Republican
meeting 419 ; reticence 156 ; Reynolds on
228 ; and Rowan, Archibald Hamilton
207; 330; 488; 522; 529; and Rutger's
medical faculty 469 ; and Sailors' Snug
Harbor 472; 496; 509; 543n; 557; Samp-
son on 485 ; 528 ; 529 ; Sampson's pro-
jected biography 529; Sampson reports
408 ; "Satanides", epitaph for 240 ; satri-
cal verses on 327 ; Saturday Evening
Post on 505; Savage on 232; 269;
scholarship 202 ; and separation x ; 317 ;
320; services underrated 146; 328; Sheil,
Richard Lalor, letter from 466 ; shrewd-
ness 405 ; and Simms, Robert 400 ; Sirr
purloins letters 310; 313; and Smith,
William S., defence 408; 515; Smith vs.
Elder 421 ; and Solicitor-generalship xxi ;
211; 510; 511; solitary confinement 264;
313; 319; 323; 326; first speech at Bar
208 ; spelling of name 423n ; sportman-
ship 202; as "State physician" 206; 506n ;
"Statesman" (New York) on 499;
Stephen's Green residence (ill.) facing
176; Joseph Story on 526; 527; and
Stuart 276 ; 278 ; 314 ; and Supreme Court
406; and Sweeny 352; and Sweetman
384: and Tandy 207; 208; 211; C. H.
Teeling on 512 ; and Judge Thompson
522 ; tomb of, verses of M. G. Conway
544; and Tompkins 395; 406; 556; and
Tone xvi ; 214; 267; 268; transportation,
prospect of 282 ; 311 ; and treason charge
488; at Trinity 202; and Truguet 361;
362; 363; Trumbull on 418; and Mrs.
Tucker 469; and Turner, Samuel 337;
338; and Union, Anglo-Irish 548; and

United Irishmen xvii; 211; 212; 214;
278; 316; 317; 320; 342; 343; 344; 350;
351; 354; 355; 488; 507; 523; and United
States 308; 309; 331; 332; 389; 401; uni-
versity standard 202 ; veracity 216 ; and
War of 1812 556; warrant of release
314; in Washington 521; Webb on 246
247; 439; and White, Campbell P. 431
and Williams, Elisha 520; and Wilson,
Hugh 442n; and Wirt, William 521
writings xviii ; 145; 213; 277; 332; 514
515; 539n; Yates vs. Lansing 423; and
Young Irelanders x

Emmet, Thomas Addis, Jr. 306; 402n; 562;
childhood 287; 2S8 ; 289; 292; 295; 296;
297 ; 299 ; 300 ; 304 ; 391 ; Le Roy, Elizabeth
Emmet, letter to 441; Madden, letter to
511 ; marriage 442n ; 446 ; and Moore
153; at school 423; and Selden, Dudley
441n ; and Wilson, Edward J. 442n ;
young manhood 437

Thomas Addis, brother of Mrs. Botha

159

Thomas Addis, M.D. and Emmet, Jane

Patten 559 ; Emmet monument, plan for
preservation of 553; Gaelic studies xii n ;
and Mrs. Greatorex 555 ; and Hewitt,
Abram S. 529 ; Irish affairs, knowledge
of iii ; on Irish in America vi; and Dr.
Madden 177; and Neilson's grave 231;
portrait facing xxii ; Winthrop, Robert
C, letter from 394

Thomas Addis, S.J., ancestry 159

William, of London 151

William Colville 221 ; 449 ; 453 ; 562

Emmett. spelling of name 423n

Family, Arms (ill.) facing 149

Emmits. family of, Frederic, Md. 155

Emmitsburg, town, origin of name 155

Fmmot, Coat-of-Arms 149

Emmott family, arms 149; 150; arms (ill.),
facing 149; spelling of name 151

General, of East India service 159

Mary, marriage 149

Thomas 149

Emmott Hall, Lancashire 149; 151

Emot. spelling 151

family (of Colne) arms 150

Robert de, arms 150

Emott Family, Arms (ill.) facing 149

Emott, Elossoboth, birth record 154

Honri (Henry) birth record 154

James, Judge, of Poughkeepsie 154

James, settler 154

James, of New York, and Capt. Kidd

288n

John, birth record 154

Robert de 190

England, and American alliance iv ;
commerce, origin of 36; commercial
policy, Pitt on 62; Constitution, and
general policy 36 ; and emigrants, Irish
vii ; and Fenians xi; and France, peace
negotiations 344; 345: 346; 349; 352;
361; 362; 363; 364; 385; 389; 394; and
France, war with 380; 381; 508; and
French invasion of Ireland 341 ; 342 ;

Ind

573

343; 351; 354; 382; and French Revolu-
tion 506; and French spies 2i:>; (ierraan
rivalry v; government, basis of 15; gov-
ernment, form of iii ; greatness, origin
of 3f>; Habeas Corpus renewal of 297
England and Ireland xiv; 29; 36; 224; 228;
236 ; 548 ; commerce 37 ; 38 ; :>47 ; conquest
of 31; 37; history, perversion of Cn ; im-
perial government of 53 ; independence
xi n ; 27; legislation for 26; 2S ; oppres-
sion 506; popular prejudice against 43;
separation projected x; submission of
12

and Irish Rrigade 349; legislation su-
premacy, right of 39; liberty, origin of
36; maritime supremacy 42; merchant
marine v; and Napoleonic invasion 243;
387n ; national development 11; Norman
ascendancy v; vi; Norman conquest 219;
Parliament, Irish, domination of 224;
policy, general 36; rivalry, Irish 40; 43;
46; 214; seal of, and viceroy of Ireland
208; 210: treachery xi ; tyranny, cause of
39; 41; tyranny, object of 35; Union xv;
316; and United States iii; v; Whigs
326; World dominion iv

England, Church of. in Ireland 77

England, John, Bishop of Charleston, Em-
met monument, Gaelic inscription 543;
544

English, Thos. Dunn, on "Fag a bealac"
vii

Ennet, Edward, and Emmet monument
subscription 551

Erskine, Thomas, Baron, and Emmet, T.
A r>22 ; and O'Connor 324 ; as an orator
519

Established Church of Ireland. See Ire-
land, Established Church of

Establishment. Ecclesiastical, and United
Irishmen 320

"Euergetes" pseudonym 231

Evans. Hampden 376n ; and Byrne 368n ;
and United Irish Committee 376 ; 377

"Evening", poem, by Dr. Robert Emmet
166; Mr. Clarke's criticism 166

"Evening at Home", drawing 439; (ill.),
facing 439

"Evening Post", N. Y., newspaper,
Brvant's editorship 494 ; Coleman's edi-
torship 413n; and Emmet. T. A. 413; 493;
501 ; on T. A. Emmet's death 472 ; 473 ;
479 ; on T. A. Emmet's funeral 484 ; and
T. A. Emmet's last case 471; on Emmet
memorial 490; 495; 496; 499; Emmet
memorial verses 497 ; 503 ; Fowler vs.
Carver case 471

Executive Directory of United Irishmen.
See Directory of United Irishmen

"Fag a bealac". battle cry vi ; Napier on vii
"Fag a bealac Boys" vii
Fagan. John, and Emmet monument 551
Fair Street, New York, Emmet residence

438
Falkiner. C. Litton, on Fitzwilliam's recall

215; historical accuracy 218; on Tone,
Theobald Wolfe 270

Fane, John, Earl of Westmoreland. See
Westmoreland

Farnham, residence 301; 301n

Lord, death 288

Federal party, in New York 410

Fencibles, outrages 226

Fenians, Emmet's views x
Fermoy, Col. Philip Roche, on Irish in
America ix

Feudalism in Ireland 37

Few, editor, trial for libel 421

Fingal, Lord, and Catholic Committee 84

Finlay, Elizabeth. See DufTerin, Elizabeth
Blackwood, Baroness

Henry 300n

First National Battalion, Irish 93

Fitzgibbon, John. See Clare, Earl of

Fitzgerald, Lady Anne 2Sln; and Emmet
family 176; 281; 282; 283; 305; 305n

Edward, of New Park 350; 350n

Lord Edward, arrest 247; and Brisso-

tins 115; Cloncurry on 228; death 247;
249; and Emmet family 176; and Emmet,
T. A. x ; and French aid 324 : and French
spies 215; and Gallagher 342n ; Countess
d'Haussonville on 229; Lord Holland on
247; and insurrection 317; and military
organization xvi ; at Newgate 249n ; and
O'Connor, Arthur 324 ; proclamation op-
posed by 95; and Reynolds 247; 507;
Taylor's Life of 224; and United Irish-
men 225; 246; 247; and violent measures
xvi ; 233 ; warrant 507

George Robert, and Edkins collection

195

Lord Henry, on Lord Edward's im-
prisonment 249

Maurice. Knight of Kerry 28n : 305n

— — William, and Emmet memorial 497

Fitzhenry, Jeremiah 344; 344n

Fitzmaurice, Miss, and Emmet family 301

Fitzpatrick, William John, on Emmet,
Thomas Addis 232; on French spies 215
on Napoleonic invasion of Ireland 387n
on Pitt 216; on Turner. Samuel 338

Fitzwilliam. William Wentworth. Karl 121
226; and Reresfords 124: 510: and Lord
Carlisle 119; 124; and Catholic Emanci
pation 122: 123; 127; and Clare 217
Falkiner on 217: and Parliamentary re
form 131; and Pitt 216; and Portland
120: 124: powers 121; recall 126

Flood, Henry, and reform 223

Fontenav. Marquis de, and Emmet family
281; 2Sln: 292

Foot, and T. A. Emmet 520

Forbes, Treasury board hill 126

Foreign Affairs. French Office of. and
Irish expedition 341 ; 342

Forrest, Edwin, and Macready 467n ; Cf.
Astor House Riot

"Fortesque". pseudonym 231

Fort George, Emmet, Jane Patten 275;
282

Emmet, T. A. 277; 488; 507; family

574

Index

letters 280; released 508; treatment 327;
328

Fort George fire 508 ; Mason, St. John 274 ;
337; Neilson, Samuel 230; O'Connor, Ar-
thur 272; 319; 327; 335; 336; O'Connor,
Roger 336; State prisoners of '98 269;
271; 277; 314; 327; 337; 550n ; Turner,
Samuel 338

Foster, John, Baron Oriel, and Protestant
ascendancy 90; and Tandy's suit 207

Fotherall, Col. S. E., and Emmet memorial
497

Fowler vs. Carver, case 471

Fox, Charles James, and Edkins collection
195n ; Emmet's essay 249 ; Emmet's let-
ter to 323 ; and O'Connor 324

Henry Richard Vassall, 3rd Baron Hol-
land. See Holland

France, army, Irish legion 383 ; 385 ; Em-
met's agency 340; 343; and England;
peace negotiations 344-46; 349; 361;
362-64; 385; and England, war with
380-81 ; 508 ; and Ireland x ; 75; 139; 179;
215; 243; 246; 258; 268; 317; 320; 324;
335; 339; 340-54; 358-59; 361-63; 366;
369; 372-74; 377; 379; 383; 385; 387;
401 ; Irish expedition 270 ; Irish expedi-
tion, Macneven's proclamation 386; and
Rebellion of 1798 249; 260; Revolution.
See Revolution, French ; and Scotch
patriots 343; and United Irishmen 132;
137 ; 139 ; 257 ; 333 ; 350 ; 351 ; 507

Franchise and freehold 111

Franchise Act (1793) 217

Francis, Dr. John W., and Emmet 474

Francis Street chapel. Catholic assembly
130

Franklin, Dr., of Lisburn 105

■ Benjamin, on Irish in Pennsylvania ix

Frederick, Md., Emmits 155

French, Sir Thomas, Catholic petition 93

French Revolution. See Revolution,
French

Friends of the Constitution, Liberty and
Peace. See Peace, Friends of

of Ireland, Emmet subscription 551;

Brooklyn 574; Charleston 544; New
York 544 ; Savannah 544

Froude, J. A., on Turner 338

Fulton, Robert, artistic studies 427n ; Col-
den on 428; death 428; and Emmet, T.
A. 357; 427; 428; 429; and Emmet,
Elizabeth (Mrs. Le Roy) 427n; lawsuits
423;. 427; and Livingston 427; 428; New
Jersey legislation 429 ; and Ogden
458 ; and Roosevelt 429 ; Stanhope letter
429; 430; Yates claims 430

Gadsden, Christopher, surrender 417
Gaelic language, and Hebrew 150n ; revival

of xii ; xii n
Gallagher, Patrick, Lieutenant 342n ; and
Emmet 342; 384

Mrs., and Emmet family 368n

Garat, Dominique-Joseph, Comte. and Em-
met, T. A. 361; and Irish expedition
363 ; and Truguet 362

Garland, James A., Col. Emmett's letters
155

Gates, Horatio, Horry's letter to 392 ;
Kosciuszko's letter to 392

Genet, Edward C, Republican meeting 419

Geneva College, medical faculty, and Em-
met 469; 491; and Emmet's death 476;
Mitchell's discourse 512

Geo. I, Act 6, passed 46; repeal xiv; 52;
repeal, effects 56

George, Baron, and Emmet family 176;
and Emmet, Robert, trial of 176

Gerdwood, Diana Macoubry 165

John 165

Mrs. Sarah 165

Germany, and English domination iv ; mili-
tarism iv ; iv n ; rivalry with England v

Gibbons. Austen 359; 359n

versus Ogden 458; 459

Gifford, Sheriff, trial 294; and Volunteers
113

Samuel, Junr.. and Emmet's death

475

Giovanozza, , Emmet monument 535

Glover's Alley, Dublin 175

Goldsmith's Corps of Volunteers, dispersed
95

Goodwin. Robert M., trial 436

Gormanston, Lord, and Catholic Committee
84

Government, British, and Emmet 315-17;
328 ; and Emmet, solicitor general-
ship 510; and Irish Whigs 120; methods
vi; and O'Connor, Arthur 336; 338;
policy v ; Popery laws, Irish 506 ; 545 ;
and "Rebellion of 1803 368; and State
prisoners of '98 275; 314; and United
Irishmen x; 356; Cf. England; Pitt;
Portland

French, and Emmet 360

Irish, vi ; and Bond 253 ; and Emmet

264 ; nature of 75 ; officials, character of
326; and Rebellion of 1798 245; and
Rowan 116; and State prisoners of '98
250-58 ; 311 ; 312 ; 318 ; 319 ; State prisoners'
memoir 256; 272; Cf. Castlereagh ; Clare

Grace Church, New York, Emmet funeral
482; 484; 486; 487; 530; (ill.), fac-
ing 482; old site 530

Grattan, Henry, Catholic Relief Bill 97;
136; on Catholic disabilities 86;
and Catholic Emancipation xiv; 121;
and Edkins collection 195 ; on Emmet,
Christopher Temple 192; 213: 464; on
Emmet, Dr. Robert 180; and Emmet, T.
A. xx ; xxi ; 488; Emmet compared with
537 ; and Fttzwilliam 120 ; on French
Revolution 123 ; leadership xv ; and
leather tax 126; Lecky on xv ; on Parlia-
ment 224; Parliamentary session of 1794
112 ; and Parsons, Sir Lawrence 124 ;
portrait 180n ; and reform, Parliamentary
95; 98; 131; 223; and representation,
parliamentary 113; resolutions rejected
112; and revenue laws 126; taxation,
estimate of 125; Trinity address 130;

Indo

575

and Union 243; and United Irishmen
113; 225; 244; 507

Grattan, Henry, Jr., on United Irishmen 225

Parliament, ability of members 224;

corruption 223

Graves, Edward Boonen, son-in-law of T.
A. Emmet 452; burial vault 562; and
Emmet, Jane Patten 562

Mary Anne Emmet (Mrs. Edward

Boonen) 402; 442n ; 440; and Emmet,
Jane Patten 550; 562; Emmet, T. A. let-
ter from 453; Mrs. Le Roy (Elizabeth
Emmet), letters to 440; 460; Patten, Mrs.
John, letter to 560

Great Britain. See England

Greatorex, Eliza, and M. Despard 555; and
Dr. Emmet 555; "Old New York" 555

Greene-Emmott, Richard 140

Greenwich village. Irishmen 464; 466; Em-
met testimonial 465 ; Emmet testimonial
(ill.) facing 465

Grenville, Lord, Buckingham's letter 312

Guinev, Louise Imogen, on Emmet family
189

Gunpowder Bill, continued 112

Habeas Corpus Act, inoperative in Scot-
land 281; Portland on 297; renewal of
297

Haines. Charles G., lawyer 517; on Cur-
ran, John Philpot 518; on Emmet 460;
466; 474; 517-23

Hall. A. Oakey, on Emmet, T. A. 403;
421; 424; on Emmet's death 470; on Em-
met in Gibbons vs. Ogden 458 ; on Em-
met and Pinkney 460

Hamburg, Emmet at 330; State prisoners
of '98 314

Hamilton, Alexander, and Burr 556; death
395 : monument 538

William, and Delaney 346n

Hannay, James, on Temple family ISO

Hardy, Jean, General, and Irish expedition
362

Harper. Mrs., cousin of Jane Patten Em-
met 157n

Messrs.. and Emmet monument 552

Robert Goodloe. and T. A. Emmet 521

Harris. Thomas Addis Emmet 403n

Hart, Defender 145

Hartv (Hartey), General 344n ; and Ber-
thier 354; and Emmet 344; 347; 349;
351; 352; 353; 355; 356; 357; 374; 380;
and French aid 350; and Irish expedi-
tion 365 ; and McGuire 352 : and O'Con-
nor 352; and United Irishmen 350; 352;
353; 356; and United Irish reclamations
357

"Harvest Day", poem, by Dr. R. Emmet
165; Mr. Clarke's criticism of 166

Haussonville, Countess d'. on Emmet, T.
A. 228; on Fitzgerald, Lord Edward 220

Haviland, Charles, and Emmet 426

Havne, Col. Isaac, surrender 417; 417n

"Hell or Connaught" 142

Henry II, Ireland, conquest of 6; Moly-

neux on 31; Irish policy 11; Irish sover-
eignty 12

Henry VII, Irish policy 23

Herbert, artist 301n; Emmet, T. A., por-
trait of, facing 1; Macneven, W. I . p< r-
trait of, faring 332

Mary 301

Hewitt, Abram S. on Emmet, T. A. 529;
on Emmet's funeral 530; and Emmet, T.
A., M.D. 529

Hibernian Relief Society (Boston) and
Emmet, Judge Robert 501 ; and Sampson,
William 501

Hierarchy, Catholic, and Catholic Com-
mittee 88; and Defenderism 109; edu-
cational reform 110; and relief measures
100

High Treason. See Treason

Hildreth, Matthias B., death 483

Hill, Edward 151

Mary, wife of Henry Emmet 151

History, English perversion of 218

"History of Ireland, Part of an Essay to-
wards the", by T. A. Emmet 213; 514

Hobart, John 2d Earl of Buckinghamshire.
See Buckinghamshire

Robert, 4th Earl of Buckingham-
shire. Irish secretary 83; 95; and Cath-
olic deputies 06

Hoche, Louis-Lazare, Gen., and Cherin
362; and Irish invasion 324

Hoffman. Josiah Ogden, and T. A. Em-
met's funeral 486; and Rutgers Medical
Faculty 469

Holland, Henry Richard, Vassal Fox, 3d
Baron, on Emmet, T. A. 229 ; on Fitz-
gerald, Lord Edward 247 ; on outrages
in Ireland 227

Holmes. Elizabeth. See Lenox-Conyng-
ham, Elizabeth Holmes (Mrs. George)

Mary Anne Emmet (Mrs. Robert)

282 ; 283 ; 285 ; 287 ; 289 ; 296 ; 303 ; char-
acter 503; and Emmet, Thomas Addis
272; 326; Emmet, Thomas Addis. letters
from 310; 314; and Emmet children
402n ; furniture, disposal of 180n; Miss
I.. I. Guiney on 190; legacy 185; marriage
281

Robert. Dr. Emmet's will, trustee 184 ;

Emmet. Elizabeth Mason on 187 ; Mar-
garet Emmet's description of 157n ; Miss
Guiney on 190; and Dr. Madden 212;
portrait, facing 184

Mrs. Robert. See Holmes. Mary Anne

Emmet (Mrs. Robert)

Holt. General, and Rebellion of 1798 253

Home Rule xii ; and separationists 179;
and Union xv

Hope, Lord, T. A. Emmet's letter to 311

James, United Irishman 225 ; and

Hughes 400; and Rebellion of 1803 xx

Horace, Ninth Ode of, Dr. R. Emmet's
rendering 173

Horry, C. L. Pinckney, and Emmet, T. A.
392

Hosack family, and Emmets 449

Hosack, David. President Rutgers Medical

576

Index

faculty 469; and T. A. Emmet's death
476; and Mitchell, Samuel L. 513

House of Commons. See Commons

House of Lords. See Lords

Howard, Frederick, 5th Earl of Carlisle.
See Carlisle

Hudson, Edward, and Emmet, T. A. 222;
at Fort George 273; 277; and O'Connor
336

Hudson-Kinahan. See Kinahan

Hudson Street. New York, Emmet resi-
dence 438 ; 477

Hughes, John, informer 256; 400

Humbert, Jean-Joseph-Amable, General,
Irish expedition 349n ; 358; 359n; 362;
and O'Connor 360

Hunter, Robert, at Fort George 273

Huntley, Marquis of, and Rebellion of '98
312

Hussey, Dr., and Catholic education 121;
136

Hutchinson, Hon. Francis, on State prison-
ers' advertisement 262

Hutton, Henry. Sheriff of Dublin 95; and
Catholic Emancipation 213; 463

Imprisonment without trial, Carhampton

introduces 239
Informers. See Spies

Ingham, Charles Cromwell, Emmet monu-
ment medallion 553
Inheritance, and alienism 396
Innes, Edward, and Emmet memorial 497
Insurrection, Irish (1641) 14; result 17

Irish (1798). See Rebellion of 1798

Irish (1803). See Rebellion of 1803

"In Vain My Dear Betty", poem, by Dr. R.

Emmet 173
Ireland, and Anglo-French peace negotia-
tions 362; Anglo-Norman policy 11;
363 ; area 76 ; assemblies, unlawful, pro-
hibited 110; biogtry xix; 213; Camden
129; 226: Carhampton's outrages 239;
Catholic education, plan for 108; Cath-
olic disabilities 346n, Cf. Popery laws;
Catholic Relief Bill (1793) 107; Charles
II, reign of 14; civilization, early 5; com-
merce crushed 38; commercial arrange-
ment, Pitt's 62 ; commercial possibilities
43 ; commercial restrictions 547 ; commer-
cial restrictions removed 51 ; commercial
rivalry with England 43
conquest of 37 ; evils 27 ; and indepen-
dence 27 ; Molyneux on 31 ; 32 ; Observa-
tions on. by T. A. Emmet 5; 249; results
of 18; 19

Convention Bill 110; Cornwallis 250;

Correspondence Bill 110; corruption,
Parliamentary 73 ; and Daendels 356 ;
Defender trials 140 ; degradation fostered
545; dependence of, Blackstone on 47;
48 ; discontent in, 1795 139 ; disunion pro-
moted xii; 11; 18; 38; 42; 66; 546; Em-
met family, extinction of 410 ; T. A. Em-
met's devotion to 484; and England 548;
English commercial policy, Pitt on 62 ;
English legislation 20; 26; 39; English

legislation, right renounced 52; English
oppression 506; English policy xiv; 36;
224; 228; English treachery xi ; English
tyranny, object of 35; Fitzwilliam 119-
24; 126; 131; 216; 217 ; 226; food scarcity,
1798 325; and Franch aid x; 115; 179;
215; 243; 246; 249; 257; 258; 259; 268;
317; 320; 335; 339-54; 358; 361-63; 366;
368n; 369; 372-74; 377; 379; 383; 385;
386 ; 387 ; 387n ; 401 ; and French aid, Mac-
neven on 394 ; Fulton's promise of aid
357; Gaelic revival xii; geographical ad-
vantages 47 ; Government officials 218 ;
326; Grattan Parliament 223; Habeas
Corpus, renewal of 297; hierarchy, Cath-
olic 109; history, English perversion of
6n ; impoverishment 294
Ireland, independence of xi ; Emmet's me-
morial 375; English grants 27; 53; and
Geo. I Act 6 xiv; Napoleon's policy 385;
possibility of 320 ; theory of 53

invasion of 6; James I, reign of

13; 15; Kilkenny, Statute of 21; Leckys
history 213; legislative subjection, Moly-
neux on 33; Libel Bill 111; Lisburn, at-
tack on 105 ; 106 ; magistracy, and military
106; maritime resources 42; martial law
239; 249; 257; military outrages 227; 242;
Militia Law 108 ; misrule, and Emmet 538 ;
Montanus on 234 ; and Napoleon 274 ; 375 ;
natives, submission of 12; natives, submis-
sion of, Molyneux on 31 ; natural advanta-
ges 11; 73; Orangemen 141; 512; Parlia-
ment of 1782 54; Parliament of 1794 112;
Parliamentary reform 108 ; Peep-o-Day
Boys 140 ; penal laws 545 ; people outrag-
ed 245; Pitt's policy 179; 214; 224; 316;
Place Bill 111 ; Poynings' Law 23 ; prog-
ress arrested 10; Protestant ascendancy
223; provincialized 6; 39; 58; 75; provin-
cial condition, Montanus on 235 ; Rebel-
lion of 1798 227 ; £45 ; 248 ; 249 ; 255 ; 316 ;
381; Rebellion of 1803 342; 366; 367;
368 ; 371 ; religious divisions 13 ; religious
wars 17 ; resources 46 ; 76 ; rivalry with
England 40 ; salt tax 325 ; separation ad-
vocated x ; 179 ; State prisoners, treat-
ment of 275; subjugation, final 16;
Union xv ; 316; 548; Union, Pitt's policy
215; United Irishmen 225; 247; 316;
viceroy, legal status 208 ; Volunteers 223 ;
Volunteer assemblies prohibited 107;
women, heroic 562 ; wretchedness noted
50

Established Church of 74 ; ascend-

acy 223; and Catholic Emancipation 136;
548; and Emmet 546; Montanus on 235;
and reform 82; tithes 80; and United
Irishmen 320

Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, Lecky
213

Part of an essay towards the History

of. by T. A. Emmet 73

under English Rule, by T. A. Emmet,

M.D. 215

Irish, race, American descendants iv; Ameri-
can prejudice ivn; ix; 402; and British

Index

577

oppression 545; "brogue" 404n; calumni
ators 544; England, submission to 31;
and English colonists 514 ; extirpation of
32; inferiority, question of 73; and Ptiri
tans viii

Irish in United States iv n ; \i. vii ; viii , x .
•391; and Emmet 490; Emmet memorial
190; 191; 196 ; Emmet memorial meeting,
Philadelphia 501; 503; Emmet monument
544; 545

"Irish Confederates and the Rebellion oi
1798", by Field 525

Directory. See Directory of United

Irishmen

— History. Contributions to. by T A

Emmet 277
Legion, in French army :i74 ;

colors 385; and England 340 ;

359n ; Macneven on 394 : and

360n; and Xapoleon 385
"Irishman. An", pseudonym 231
Irishmen, United. Sec United

Society of
[rish Republic, projected 335
Volunteers. See Volunteers, Irish

183 , 401 ,
formation
McSheehv

Irishmen.

Jackson. Henry 412; arrest 322; 507; and
King, Rufus. letter from 412; satirical
verses on 327

Hugh, arrest 507

— William 115; arrest 116; 507; character
132; and T. A. Emmet 507; and Tone
116; trial and death 131; and United
Irishmen 507

Jacob family 561 ; 561n

Tames I. alienism .197; plantation, scheme
of 13

II, Irish Catholics 506; Irish policy 15

Jamestown. Catholic resolutions 81

Jarvis, Macneven. W. J., painting of.

facing 511

Jay, Peter A., and F.mmet memorial 495

"J. B. S.", on T. A. F.mmet 505-509; on
F.mmet's rejection of solicitor-general-
ship 511

Jefferson, Thomas, President, and Emmet
398

Johnson, William, and Gibbons vs. Ogden
Case 459

John Street, Xew York, F.mmet residence
438

Jones. Samuel, Chancellor, and T. A. Em-
met's funeral 486 ; vault of. Emmet's
burial 530n

Journal. Dublin. See Dublin Journal

Jury, trial by. subversive proceedings 61

Keady. Defenders 142

Keer. schoolmaster 202

lOmble, John, and Edkins collection 195
Kenmare, Lord, and Catholic Committee 84

Kennedy. Defender 145

Kent, James. Chancellor, and Emmet's

funeral 486 ; and Emmet memorial 495 ;

Pintard i'S. Ross 409; Yates vs. Lansing

423
Keogh. John, and Catholic Committee 93;

130; .mil Emmet, T \ i-s ., 1 1 » 1 llobart,
Robert 96; London, mission to 84

Kidd, Capt, William, and Bellamont 288n

Kildare, Count) of, and Fitzwilliam's re
call 129; ami French invasion 342; Re-
bellion of 1798 258

Kildare. Curragh of. United Irishmen,
massacre of 255

Kilkenny, Statute of 21

Killala. French invasion 249; 359n

Kilmainham. Emmet, T. A., imprisonment
248; 264; 319; 510; illustration, facing
266; Turner, Samuel, imprisonment 33S

Kilwarden, Arthur Wolfe. 1st Viscount,
and Fitzwilliam 121; 122; 123; and
Tandy 207 ; and Tone 267

Kinahan. Lady Hudson 222

King ( sovereign "i. and alienism 397;
suits against 209

of England, and Irish Parliament 33;

liberty to petition 110

—-Charles, Emmet. Robert, letter to 4%

James, and T. A. Emmet's death 492

Rufus, Broadside used for defeat of

(ill.) facing 420; and Coleman 413; and
Emmet. T. A. xx; 147; 157; 253; 410-413;
415-417; 420; SOS ; 508n ; 514; Jackson.
Henry, letter to 412; Portland, letter to
411; and Republican meeting 419; and
State prisoners of '98 253; 411-413; 415;
416; 514; Trumbull on 418

Kingsborough, Lord 326

King's Counsel. Catholic ability for 85

Knockena. Dr. Emmet's property 184

Know-Xothing Party. Forrest-Macready
riot 467n

Knox, George, and F'mmet. T A. 205 ; and
Tone 267

Kosciuszko. Tadeus?, and F.mmet, T. A.
392; 395

Marquis de. and
rish insurgents

Lafayette, Marie-Jean
Emmet, T. A 458

Lake, Gerard. General, and
249

Lamb, Anthony, and Emmet's death 475

Land, Irish. English legislation 28; Protes-
tant ownership of 77

Landed tenure, and alienism 397 ; and Irish
Catholics 545

Langrishe, Sir Hercules, Bill 85; 87

Latouche. David, Relfast petition 86

Laurie, Chaplain. House of Representatives
39S

Lavoisier. Antoine-Laurent. T. A Em-
met's use of 203

Law, popular consent to 57; profession of,
and alienism 395: 399; Catholics, admis-
sion of 84 ; licence to practice 399

Lawless, L., F.mmet. T. A., letter from 451

Valentine Brown, Baron Cloncurry.

See Cloncurry

William 375n ; 376n ; and Emmet. T.

A. 373; 388; and French army 393; mar-
riage 37fin ; and United Irish committee
376

l.awlor. Dr.. and St. John Mason 301

578

Inde

Leather, tax on 126

Lecky, William Edward Hartpole, on Em-
met xvi ; xx ; 213; on Irish Whigs xv;
on O'Connor xxi

Leinster, Province of, Defenderism 115;
139; 140; United Irish delegates 507

Lenox-Conyngham, Elizabeth Holmes
(Mrs. George) and Emmet, Catherine
193 ; Emmet, T. A., verses in memory of
544; poem, "The Righteous Perisheth"
555

Le Roy, Alexander, and Emmets 447

Cornelia 448

■ Elizabeth Emmet (Mrs. Wm. H.)

437; 441; 562; childhood 285; 287; 330;
391 ; Colville, Margaret Thompson, min-
iature of, facing 220 ; and Emmet, Cath-
erine 192 ; Emmet, Jane Patten, portrait
of 562 ; 562n ; Emmet, Jane Patten, por-
trait of (ill.), facing 438; facing 561;
Emmet, Margaret, letter from 157; 457;
458 ; Emmet, Mary Anne, letter from
460; Emmet, Robert (Judge), letter
from 438; 439; 444; 446; Emmet, T. A.,
letter from 431; 434; 454; Emmet, T. A.,
painting of, facing 453 ; Emmet, T. A., Jr.,
letter from 441 ; and Fulton 427n ; Mc-
Evers, Jane Emmet, letter from 443 ;
447 ; in Potsdam, N. Y. 439

Jane 453

Susan, Emmet, Margaret, letter from

156n

William H. 431; 439; Emmet, T. A.,

letter from 452

"Let Green Spring Deck the Fields", poem,
by Dr. R. Emmet 174

"Letter to a Friend, A", poem, by Dr. R.
Emmet 166; 171

"Letters from the Mountains". See Mon-
tanus letters

Lewins. Edward 376n ; and Jackson, Wil-
liam 116; and United Irishmen 376; 377

Lewis, Morgan, candidacy 420 ; libel suit
421

Libel Bill, passed 111

Liberty, Catholic fitness for 79 ; and chart-
ers 28; English, origin of 36; man's
right to 28 ; and national development 8

Libertv, Friends of. See Peace, Friends
of

Liberty Corps, Dublin 99

Limerick. Articles of, violated 15

Linen, Irish trade in 76

Lisburn, attack on 105-07

Livingston, Allen 458

Brockholst 421; and Emmet, T. A. 520

John R. and Fulton 428; New Jersey

legislation 429

-Julia, and Emmets 447

Morgan, and Emmets 447

-Robert, and Captain Kidd 288n

-Robert R., and Fulton 427; in Paris

352; 352n; 353

— — William, Governor, and Astor suit 471

Lloyd, Thomas, and W. S. Smith trial 515

Locke. John, and Molyneux 32

London Courier. See Courier

Londonderry, assembly, and Catholic
Emancipation 90; and Fitzwilliam's re-
call 129

"London Pride and Shamrock", poem, by
Robert Emmet 231

Longford, County of, Defenders 140

Lord lieutenant of Ireland 210 ; legal
status 208; 210; office of, Catholics barred
546; Tandy's suit 207; 209

Lords, House of, English, Norman ances-
try v ; 219

House of, Irish, and Commons 75;

Emmet, examination of 261 ; and State
prisoners of '98 318

Lot, enlistment by 108

Loudon, John 152

Loughborough, and Fitzwilliam 217

Lough Brickland, affray 141

Loughgall, Fair of, affray 141

Louvain, University of, reply to Pitt 88

Lovat, Lord, and Mansfield 466

Lozier, John, and Emmet's death 475; and
Emmet monument subscription 551

Lutherans, in Ireland 78; 78n

Lyne, Betty, marriage 295

Lyttelton, George, 1st Baron, on Scandi-
navians in Ireland 41

Macaubry. See Macoubry

McBride, James, and Emmet monument
497 ; Emmet monument subscription 552

MacCabe, W. Putnam 346n ; and O'Connor
346

McCormick, Joseph, and Emmet, T. A.
392 ; 393 ; at Fort George 273 ; Mac-
neven's letter to 394 ; and United Irish-
men 228; warrant 507

McCracken, Miss, and Russell's poem 276

MacDonald, James J. 359n; Cf. McDonnell

MacDonald. Joseph, General 349n ; Cf. Mc-
Donnell

McDonnell, James Joseph, and Emmet, T.
A. 364; 377; and French aid 401; and
O'Connor 359; and United Irish com-
mittee 376 ; Cf. MacDonald

McDowell 349; Cf. MacDonald; McDon-
nell

McEvers family, and Emmets 442 ; 442n ;
444; 446; 449

Bache 444 ; country place 156n ; and

Emmets 446 ; marriage 439 ; and Wilson,
Hugh 442n

Charles 446

Charles, Jr. 442; 442n; 443; and Em-
mets 446; practical joke on 446

Mrs. Charles 446

Eliza 442n ; 458 ; 461 ; and Emmet

family 442; 445; 447

Jane (Jeannette) Erin Emmet (Mrs.

Bache) 391; 402; 434; 439; 562; 445;
birth 330; Mrs. Le Roy, (Elizabeth Em-
met), letters to 447; 455

Mary, and Emmet family 445

McGinn, informer 256

McGuire, Simon 350n ; and Emmet 214;
and Hartv 350; 352

Index

579

Mclntyre, Archibald, Emmet's U-iicr to
42."i ; Emmet monument subscription 551

McKean, Thomas, Governor of Pennsyl-
vania, and Emmet, T. A. 398

McLauklin family, and Emmets 175

MacMahon, Arthur 378n ; and United Irish
Committee 378

McNaghten (McNaughten), and State
prisoners of 'OS 262; 263; 414

M'Nally, Leonard, as informer 208; and
Tandy 207 ; 208

M. uneven, Jane. Emmet, John Patten,
drawing of, facing 446

William James, arrest 322 ; 507 ; burial

place 531; and Byrne .'tfisn; Catholic as-
sembly 130; Catholic education, plan for
110; Cloncurry on 22fi; and Cook 250;
and Dalton 501 ; and Directory of United
Irishmen 246; 317; "Dublin Journal" on
323; Duponceau, P. S„ letter to 501 ; and
Emmet family 176; on Emmet, Judge
Robert 277n ; and Emmet, T. A. 317;
339; 363; 394; 488; 502; 547; on Em-
met's advocacy of Catholic Emancipation
538; on Emmet's death 490; Emmet's es-
say 279 ; on Emmet at Fort George 277 ;
Emmet's letters to 331; 332; 333; 384;
.T87; 388; 389

and Emmet monument 497; 538; 539:

committee 550 ; report 543 ; 553 ; fac-
simile page of report, facing 543; sub-
scriptions 551 ; 552 ; unveiling 539

— — on Emmet's punishment 316; on Em-
met's rejection of solicitor-generalship
211; 510; 511; at Fort George 273; 277;
277n ; 550 ; and French aid 332 ; 401 ; in
French armv 383 ; 393 ; Government,
agreement with 250; 251; 254; 255; 258;
Government report, protest against 262 ;
321 ; 322 ; Herbert's portrait of 301n ;
facing 332 ; historical work. Emmet's
contribution 213; Jarvis' portrait, facing
511; "London Courier" on 323; McCor-
mick, letter to 394; manifesto. Bucking-
bam on 312; marriage 154; memoir to
government 243; 261; 318; and Mitchell,
Samuel L. 513 ; on "Montanus letters"
234; monument 277; Napoleon, distrust
of 215; and O'Connor 318; 359; 360;
366; papers confiscated 323; Parliamen-
tary' examination 252 ; on patriotism 545 ;
"Pieces of Irish History" 514; on Plun-
ket 263; proclamation 383; 386; satirical
verses on 327 ; and Secret Committee
320; and I'nited Irishmen 228; and Unit-
ed Irish committee 376 ; 378 ; 379
— — Mrs. William James 154
Macoubry, Diana. See Gerd.vood. Diana
Macoubry (Mrs. John)

Dr., of Anacloy 165

Mr., grandson of Diana Emett 2S4n

Mrs., Dr. Robert Emmet's letter to

248; T. A. Emmet's letter to 165; 222
Macready. William Charles linn ; Emmet.
Robert (Judge), letter to 468; and Em-
met, T. A. 466 ; 467 ; 469 ; nationality
469; and Rowan 466; and Shiel 466

McSheehy, Adj. Genl. 360n; and Emmet,
T. A. 3611; and Irish expedition 373;
379; and Irish Legion 3*3, and O'Con-
nor 360
Madden, Richard Robert, on Byrne 36^n ;
on Emmet, spelling of name 176; and
Emmet family 212; on Emmet family
176; 177; 280; 502; on Emmet, Chris-
topher Temple. 192; on Emmet, Jane
Patten 561; on Emmet, Dr. Robert 177;
179; 183; and Emmet, Thomas Addis 157 ;
177; 205; 2U6; 227; 390; 512; on Emmet
and < ('Connor 337 ; on Emmet and Pitt
216; on Emmet's funeral 532; on Em-
met's letter to King 412; Emmet memoir,
material for 335 ; and Emmet monument
533; T. A. Emmet, Jr., letter from 511;
on English policy towards Ireland 228;
on Macneven's proclamation 386; 386n ;
on "Montanus letters" 233 ; on Plunket
262 ; on Rebellion of '98, 248 ; on Russell
269; on Sirr 310; and State prisoners of
1798, 254; on State prisoners and Gov-
ernment 261; on Stuart 277; on Tandy
vs. Westmoreland 207 ; on Turner 338 ;
United Irishmen, work on 212

Mahony, John, nephew of C. Emett 165

Maidstone, State trials 324

Mangot, Commandant 349

Mansfield, William Murray, 1st Earl of,
Governor, suit against, opinion 209; 210;
and Lovat 466

Manumission Society, Emmet counsel for
543

"Marcus", pseudonym 231

Markey, Captain Thomas 371 ; 371n

Marriage, and Popery Laws 85

Marsdcn, Alexander, and King 416; and
State prisoners of '98 415

Marshall. John, and Emmet, T. A. 520;
and Gibbons vs. Ogden case 459; Life of
Washington. Emmet on 453

Martial law 242 ; 249 ; 257 ; Carhampton en-
forces 239: 240

Martin, Emmet, T. A., painting of,

facing 391

"Mary", memorial verses to T. A. Emmet
497'; 498

Mason, town, Xew Hampshire vi

family, and Emmets 175; 189; 449;

Miss Guiney on 189; and Temples 189

Mason , woodcut. Emmet monument

552

Catherine Power 175

Elizabeth. See Emmet, Elizabeth Ma-
son (Mrs. Dr. Robert)

Henry Joseph Monck, "Essay on the

Antiquity and Constitution of Parlia-
ment" 531

James, of Ballydowney. father-in-law

of Dr. Emmet 175

St. John an.".; 308; and Emmet family

176: on Emmet, Christopher Temple 192;
at Fort George 274 ; 282 ; 337 ; lawsuit
301 ; on Plunket and Emmet 263 ; prison
experience 265n; and Russell 274; on

580

Index

Tandy z's. Westmoreland 208 ; and Tre-
vor 511

Massena, Andre. General, and Emmet, T.
A. 345; and Irish expedition 340; 342;
343 ; 345 ; 360 ; 369 ; 373 ; 374 ; and O'Con-
nor 347

Meath, Rebellion of 1793, 257

Medical Society of the County of New
York, and Emmet 408

Medicine, Roval Society of, of Edinburgh,
and T. A. Emmet 204

"Memory of Sorrow" (Norman conquest)
219

Merchant. George, and Republican meeting
419

Merchants' Corps, Dublin 99

Middle Road, New York 438

Militia, and United Irishmen 145

Bill 99; 108

"Militia Officer, A", pseudonym 231

Milton, Lord, and Catholics 122 ; Treasury
board bill 126; and Wyndham 123

Miltovvn, Emmet residence 181

Miranda's Expedition 408 ; 515

Missionaries, Irish, on Continent 6

Mitchell, Samuel L., and Emmet, T. A.
203; on Emmet, T. A. 204; 484n ; 491;
513; 513n; 514; 529; drawing of, by John
Patten Emmet 513: facing 513; verses on
T. A. Emmet 515 ; 516

Moira, Second Earl of. See Rawdon,
Francis

Molesvvorth Street, Dublin. R. Emmet's
residence 175; illustration, facing 175

Molyneux, William, and Blackstone 48 ;
"Case of Ireland" 30; on Irish legisla-
tive subjection 33

"Moniteur", newspaper 346n ; 386 ; Robert
Emmet's speech 375

"Monks of the Screw" 194

"Monopoly, the Root of All Evil" by
O'Connor 337

Monroe, James, in Paris 352; 352n : 353

"Montanus", pseudonym 231 ; identity con-
cealed 237 ; letters xviii ; 233 ; letters,
authorship 233 ; letters, facsimile page,
facing 234; 1st letter 234: "Satanides",
epitaph for 238 ; "Satanides", letter to
240

Montcastle, Ladv, and Emmet family 392 :
and Emmet, T. A. 392

Montgomery. John B.. and T. A. Emmet
memorial 497

Gen. Richard, monument 534

Moore family, and Emmets 153

Sir John, and Rebellion of '98 312

Mary, sister of Thomas 153

Thomas, grandson of Katherine Emet

153

Thomas, poet, on Fitzwilliam's recall

226 ; and The Press 231

Morlaix, United Irishmen at 384

"Morning", by Dr. Emmet, Mr. Clarke's
criticism 166

Morris, Mary, and Morris estate 471

Roger, and Astor 471

Morse, Emmet, T. A., portrait of, fac-
ing 517
Mott, Valentine, and Emmet's death 476

William \V.. and Emmet's death 475

Motto, of Emmets 149; 150

Mountains, Letters from. See Montanus,

letters
Mount Alto. McEvers residence 156n
Mulden, Michael, and Emmet monument

497; subscription 551
Mumford v. McPherson, case 408
Munster, Defenderism in 115; loyalty 320
Murphy, Capt. John 349; 349n; 359; and
Emmet, T. A. 364 ; and Irish expedition
347; 361; 363; 364; 365; 369
"Myrtle, The", poem, by Christopher
Temple Emmet 195; 199; 200; 201

Xapier, Sir William on "Fag a bealac" vii

Napoleon, Egvpt, invasion of 381 ; and
Emmet 179; 336; 339; 343; 344; 345-
47; 349; 361: 362; 397; Emmet's
memoir 364; 375; 383; 384: 386; Em-
met's memoir, reply to 385 ; England, in-
vasion of, averted 243; generalship 382;
and Irish expedition 339 ; 340 ; 342-344 ;
349; 361: 375; 377; 381; 382; 387; 387n ;
and Irish independence 374; and Irish
Legion 385; 394; and Irish officers 374;
and Macneven 332 ; and O'Connor, Ar-
thur 339; and Pitt 215; 242; 381; 382;
and Rebellion of 1803 258; 368n ; and
United Irishmen 376; 377; 381

Napper Tandy Publishing Company, and
Madden's work 212

Nassau Street. New York, Emmet resi-
dence 438

Nationalism, Irish 32: development of 7;
English opposition to 60 ; 61 ; and pro-
vincialism 8; United Irishmen 69

National Philosophy Society of Edinburgh
University 204

Natural History and Research, Society of,
Edinburgh, and T. A. Emmet 204

Naturalization, and Emmet, T. A. 481 ;
and Irish iv n

Navigation, and State rights 459

Navy, British. Irish members 76; plan for
insurrection 373; and United Irishmen
245; 381

Neilson, Samuel 414n ; and Act of '98 261 :
arrest 269 : and Cooke 414 ; and Emmet.
Thomas Addis xvi ; 230; 339; Emmet
monument subscription 552 ; at Fort
George 273 ; memorial to Government
318; monument 231: on O'Connor. Gov-
ernment treatment of 336 ; and Ponsonby
Bill 244: protest to Government 414; and
United Irishmen xvi; 225: 230; 316

"Nereide" case, and Emmet 527

Newenham. Sir Edward, and Emmet
family 176

Newgate prison 249; Emmet's imprison-
ment 248 : 249 : Fitzgerald, Lord Edward,
cell 249; illustration, facing 249

"New Hampshire Grants" vi

New Tersev, steamboat legislation 428

Index

SKI

New Perth, town, N I . origin of name
154

New Ross, battle 250; 257; 261

New York, alienism, laws governing 398;
390; allegiance, oath of 399

Bar. Emmet's admission to 406; 483;

Emmet's death 184 ; Emmet's deportment
52 l ; Emmel eulogy 495; Emmet nn-m.nr
505; Emmet memorial tablet 535; Emmet
resolutions 479

-Hoard of Aldermen, Emmet's death
.30 ; Common Council, Emmet resolu-
tions it:.; Corporation, Emmet funeral
180; Emmet's death 491; Court of Errors,
Emmet's reply to Henry 521; Friends of
Ireland, and Emmel monument 544; old
streets 438; political parties 410; reli-
gious intolerance 402; 464; 465; Robin-
son's drawing of 555; Yellow fever epi-
demic 456

"No More My Fond Bosom", poem, by
Dr. R. Emmet 174

Nonconformists. See Dissenters

''Noon", by Dr. Emmet, Mr. Clarke's
criticism 166

Norbury, John Toler, isl Earl of, and
Beresford faction 510; and Fitzwilliam
122 ; 121 ; and Pitt 510

Norfolk, Duke of, and O'Connor 324

Normandy, and England 1 1

Normans, Emerson on 219; English de-
scendants v ; vi

North Carolina. Irish settlers vii

"Northern Star", newspaper 82; 101; 104;
prosecution 94 ; I IT.

"Xorthern Whig", pseud. 82

Nugent. General, and Rebellion of '98; 312

Oakley, Thomas J , and Gibbons vs. Ogden
case 459

Oath, and office 399; Parliamentary 111;
of United Irishmen 118; 246

"Observations on the Conquest of Ireland",
by T. A. Emmet 5

O'Connor, Arthur, ability 232; ambition
; 19 379 ; too ; 401 : and British Govern-
ment 336; 338; 339; and Byrne 357n ;
on Catholic Bill 136; Cloncurry on 226;
and Corbet 365; 366; and Dalton 341;
360; and Directory. United Irish 24G ;
317; "Dublin Journal" on 323; egotism
232; and Emmet family 176; and Em-
met, T. A. x; xi; xvi; x\ii; xx; 246;
317; 336; 337 ; 338 ; 341 ; 342; 344 ; 351 ;
353; 355; 357n; 359; 360; 361; 362; 365 ;
366; 369; 370; 371 : 375; 378; 379; 380;
488 : and Erskine 324 ; and Fitzgerald
324; at Fort George 273; 319; 327; 335;
336; and Fox, C. J. 324; and French aid
324 . :; 16 ; 369 ; and French arim 19 ;
French negotiations 373; and French
spies 215; Government, agreement with
251; Government report, protest 262;
321; 322; and 1 1 arty 552: as informer
272; 519; 338; intrigues 335; I.ecky on
xx ; xxi; "London Courier" on 525; and

McMahon 178; and 166 Mad-

den on 337; "Manifesto" 312; 319; and
Ma ena 147; memoir to Government

245, 261 ; 272. 318; military ambition

17" 179; 'Monoply, the Root of Ml
Evil" 357; and Napoleon 339; Neilson on
336 ; and Norfolk. I hike oi 124 . and ' I <
ford 525 ; papei s < nniise.it, d .

Paris 344; Parliamentary examination
252; and "The Press" xviii ; 212
and reclamation list 555 ; 557 ; reform
resolutions 245; and Russell, Lord John
525; satirical verses on 527: and Sheri-
dan 524: and Stale prisoners 320
and Suffolk, I ail of 524 ; and I .. I01
M \ 52 1; and I hand 325; and Ticrney
325; and Turner 338; and United Irish-
men 339 ; 344; 350 ; 55 1 . 555 . 355 . 356 ;
363; 370; and United Irish committee
376; 577; 384; and violent measures 233;
Whig evidence for 524 ; and Whitbread
325; Wickham's reference to 271

O'Connor, Mrs. Arthur, at Fort George
282 ; 52; ; 555; 336

Bernard, and Emmet memorial 497
— Laurence. Defender 149

Roger, and Emmet 537; at For! George

257; and "The Press" 231; and State
prisoners 336; as United Irishman 228
— William, Emmet monument subscrip-
tion 552

O'Conor, Charles, on Emmet, T. A. 464;
Emmet monument subscription 552; on
Emmet's newspaper contributions 539n;
on intolerance in NT. Y. 465
I'Driscoll, , trial 228

( ig.len. David B . lawyer 421 : and Astor
suit 171; and Emmet's death 473; 485;
and Emmet's funeral 4S6 ; and Emmet
memorial 495; Gibbons' suit against 458;
459
Hannah, and Emmets 449

Harriet, and Emmets 461

Sally 147

( Igle, Mr., and Catholic relief 126

O'llara family, and Emmets 175

Mr . petition 85

"Old New York from the Battery to the
Bloomingdale". by Eliza Greatore.x 555

"On Mrs. Emmet's Visit to Her Husband",
poem, by Russell 276

Orangemen 141; and Catholics 142; and
Defenders 1(2; at the Diamond 141;
and T \ Emmet's memory 533; and
Greenwich village Irishmen 464; 466;
legal prosecution of 143; and United
Irishmen 143; and Volunteers 141

O'Reilly, George, and Tandy's suit 207

Terence 575 ; 375n

i in ndorf. Henry. Emmet letter 424

i iri.l. John Foster, Baron. See Foster.
John. Baron Oriel

Ormsby, Peter Benson, and Burr 424

Stephen, of Kentucky 424; Emmet's
letter to 424

Station. Kentucky 424

i istmen. See Scandinavians

582

Index

Ostrander, Gideon, and Emmet's death 475
Ottiwell, Mr., contempt of Parliament 137
Ovidstown, capitulation of 255
Oxford, Magdalen foundation 221
Lord, and O'Connor, Arthur 325

Packed jury 211

"Paddies from Cork" 402n

Pale, system of, in Ireland 12

Palmer, Augusta Temple, marriage 286n

Capt., on United States 308

William, at Casino 286 ; marriage 286n

Pardon and Banishment Act. See Banish-
ment Act

Parliament, English, Catholic rent prohibit-
ed 544; corruption in 58; and Irish dis-
tress 50; and Parliament, Irish 45; 46;
52; Pitt's commercial measure modified
63 ; prison investigation 265n ; reform op-
posed 508 ; representation, Irish 54S ; and
trade, Irish 38 ; and Volunteers 547

Irish, Act of 1798 261; and Anglo-
Irish relations 548 ; annual sessions,
United Irishmen advocate 507 ; Catholic
disabilities 546 ; Catholic education plan
137 ; and commerce, British 3S ; corrup-
tion in 58; 59; 64; 73; early 37; English
domination 224 ; English legislation 26 ;
33 ; 52 ; liberty to petition 110 ; legislative
power 23 ; Molyneux on 33 ; Pitt's com-
mercial measure 62 ; popular representa-
tion in 5S ; and Poynings' Law 24

- — reform xiii ; 59; 65; 81; 117; 131;
Catholic relief 66; and Fitzwilliam's re-
call 127; and Friends of Peace 111; and
general committee 108 ; Sir Lawrence
Parsons 124 Ponsonby Bill 111; 113;
and Union, Anglo-Irish 548 ; and United
Irishmen 82; 111; 114; 133; 135; 211;
225; 243; 507; 545; 547; and Volunteers
223 ; 547

Religious bigotry 38 ; representation in,

and LInited Irishmen 507 ; session of 1782
54 ; session of 1794 112 ; subjugation 24 ;
26; 35; 39; 45; 46; 56; 63; Union 316;
Volunteer plan rejected 60

Parliamentarians, Cromwellian 14

Parnell, Sir John, amendment 112; and re-
form 98

Parsons, Sir Lawrence, and absentee tax 126 ;
on Catholic relief 99 ; and Fitzwilliam's
recall 128 ; and militia 114 ; and Parlia-
mentary reform 99; 124; 125; on repre-
sentation, parliamentary 113; taxation,
estimate of 125

Sir William 14

Partridge, Capt., Emmet's letter to 426

Patrick Street, explosion 368

Patten family 220; coat of arms 221; and
Mrs. T. A. Emmet 222

Jane. See Emmet, Jane Patten

John 222; 302; arrest 367; 369; at

Casino 288 ; and Emmet family 307 ;
Emmet, Jane Patten, letter from 561 ;
Margaret Emmet's description of 157n;
Emmet, T. A., letter from 437; at Fort

George 286; and Dr. Madden 212; and
O'Connor 338

Patten, Mrs. John, and Mrs. Graves 560

John, Jr. 222

John, Dean of Chichester 220

Rev. John, father-in-law of T. A. Em-
met 220

Margaret Colville 220; at Casino 284

Margery Brereton 220

Richard, of Derbyshire 220

Richard, of Waynfleet 220

William. See Waynfleet, William

Rev. William, arms 221

Patterson, Charles, on Emmet 550

Helen Bache, and Emmets 444

General Robert, and T. A. Emmet me-
morial 503

Pattison. Commandant, and Hayne 417n

Peace, commission of the, and military
officers 106

Peace, Friends of, Society 111; and United
Irishmen 118

Peasantry, Irish, degradation 79

Peep-o-Day Boys 140 ; 141 ; and Defenders
103; 225; organized 100

Peerages, Government sale of 64

Peers, legal actions against 210; English,
and alienism 397

Penal laws, Catholic. See Popery Laws

Pennefather, Judge Edward, and Emmet
family 176

Richard, and Emmet family 176

Pennsylvania, Irish in ix

Percival Lieutenant, and Emmet, T. A.
474 ; trial 474

Perth, James, Earl of, and Perth Amboy
154

Perth Amboy, New Jersey, origin of name
154

Perrot, Sir John, Irish policy 42

Petrie, George, Fmmet, Robert, death mask
(ill.) facing 372

Petty, Lord Henry, St. John Mason's let-
ter to 274

Phibbs, Mary. See Cuthbert

Philip, Mr. 477; 477n

Philips, Joanna, and Astor suit 471

Phillips, Charles, on Burrowes 194; on Dr.
R. Emmet 180; on Tone 267

Pichegru, and Pitt 215

"Pierre", memorial verses to T. A. Em-
met 488; 489

Pine Street, New York, Emmet residence
438

Pinkney, William, and Emmet 460; 520;
Judge Story on 526

Pintard, John, and Emmet 409

"Pitch cap", inventor 326

Pitt, William, and Beresford 123; and
Camden 216 ; on English commercial
policy 62 ; and Emmet, T. A. xxi ; 211 ; 316 ;
318; 511; Falkiner on 217; and Fitzwil-
liam's recall 127; Irish commercial meas-
ure 62; 63; Irish policy 178; 214; 218;
224; 228; 248; 316; and Irish reform 60;
"Montanus" on 236; and Napoleon 215;
242; 381; 382; and Toler (Lord Nor-

Index

583

universities
English 119;

burj ) 510; and treason 5
questioned 88 ; and Whig
and Whigs, Irish 120

Place Bill, passed n I

Plantation, system of, in Ireland 12; 16

Plunket, William Conyngham, and Emmet,
T. A. 262; 263

Plymouth, England, and Emmets I I

Pollock, John, and Emmet 214; as inform-
er 214

Ponsonby family, and Catholic Emancipa-
tion 121

George, and Fitzwilliam's recall 126;

128; and Lather tax 126; reform bill 111;
113 ; 243; 244; and I one 267

William, and Fitzwilliam 120; and

Parliamentary reform 125

Popery Laws, Irish 17; 74; 7s ; 506; 545;
Butler's "Digest" of S7 ; Catholic agita-
tion 83; clause 100; liimict on 163; en-
acted 45; of James I 13; and Peep-o-
Day Hoys 141; relaxation of 18; 54; and
Tone 82; and United Irishmen III

"Porcupine, Peter", pseudonym. Sec Cob-
bett

Portland, Duke of, and Catholic Emanci-
pation 122; 123; and Emmet, Jane Pat-
ten 275; 327; 507; Falkiner on 217; and
Fitzwilliam 120; 124; 129; 217; on
Habeas Corpus 297; King, Rufus. letter
from 411; and Pitt 119; and State pris-
oners of '98 274; Stuart, letter to 275;
and Union 243

"Popish Congress" 102

Powell, Rev. Wm., schoolmaster 442n ; and
Emmet family 442; and T. A. Emmet
memorial 497 ; Emmet monument sub-
scription 551

Power, Mr. Baron, and Tandy i's. West-
moreland 210

Catherine. See Mason, Catherine

Power 175

Rev. John, and Emmet monument sub-
scription 551

Laurence, and T. A. Emmet memorial

497

— —Dr. Maurice, Emmet monument sub-
scription 551

Pierce 175

Poynings' Law 23 ; 37 ; importance 24 ; na-
ture 24 ; repeal 52 ; 56 ; results 25

Presbyterians 223; and Catholics 16; 143

Press, Government attacks 114; repression
61; 140: political influence 82

"Press, The", newspaper xviii ; 212; 230?
231 : anonymous article 241; T. A. Em-
met's contributions 2:>2 ; Montanus letter,
facsimile page, facing 234; suppression
237 ; 322

Preston, Wm., and "The Press" 231

Prime, Emily 447

Pringle, Sir John, T. A. Emmet's use of
203

"Priory

Prisons
275

Property, and franchises 111

The", Curran's residence 194
Irish, abuses 249; 264; 265; 266;

Protection, commercial, popular demand
for 63

Protestant Ascendancy xiv; 17; 77; 22. s ,
346n ; agitation fur 39 ; di fined B0
Grattan on 86; in Ireland 546; Montanus
on 236

Protestant-;, Irish I;.'; II; lt',; 77; and Cath-
olics 546; and Fitzwilliam's recall 129;
and Parliamentary reform ms; and per-
secution 546; as United Irishmen 143

Provisional Government, Irish 359; ladure
368 , and Napoleon mil ; and O'Connor
363; proclamation 369

Public Safety, Committee of, French 112;
and Jackson, William 115

I'yncs, Elizabeth 151

Quaid, David A., on Robert Emmet 175;

on Dr. Emmet's will 184; 185
Quigley, and Covenanters 133

Randall. Robert Richard, and Sailors'
Snug Harbor 496; 543n

Randolph, John, and Emmet, T. A. 521

Stuart, F., and Emmet's death 475

Rathfarnham, Emmet home 222; Russell
at 267 ; 268 ; Tone at 267 ; 268

Rawdon, Lord Francis, and Hayne 417n

Read (Reed), Thomas, plan for naval in-
surrection 373 ; 373n

Rebellion, and Emmet, T. A. 549 ; and
United Irishmen 549

of 179S 246; 250; battles 257; Em-
met's account of 278 ; and Emmet
233; failure 255; 260; and French aid
258; 260; Governmental policy 227; 248;
318; Lord Holland on 227; Madden on
248; O'Connell on 271; Pitt 214; 316;
317; 381; and Rebellion of 1803 333n ;
Russell, Lord John, on 228; slaughter
.'Mi'.; State prisoners' agreement 253;
312; suppression 249; Turner 338; and
Union, Anglo-Irish 316; and United
Irishmen 317

of 1803 371; 372n ; cause 381; and Em-
met, T. A. 366 ; 367 ; failure 368 ; 369 ;
and Fenianism xi; McCabe 346n ; and
Rebellion of '98 333n; Russell 269

Redman, Dr. 435 ; 435n

Reformation 74; and Covenanters 132

Reform Bill. Ponsonby's 113

Regent, and great seal of England 210

Reily, Archbishop of Armagh, and Catholic
education I Oil

Reilly, Terence. See O'Reilly

Relief Bill. Catholic (1793) 97; opposed
9S ; roval assent 107

Bill, Catholic (1829) 533; .".4 1; Cf.

Catholic Emancipation

Remmetson, Dr., of Plymouth 153

Representation. Parliamentary 75; Catholic
disabilities 546; Grattan on 113; national
57; Ponsonby Bill 111; popular 58; Se-
cret Committees' report 110; and United
Irishmen 243; 507

Republicanism, and Covenanters 132 ; Dr.

584

Index

R. Emmet advocates 178; and Friends of
Peace 111; in Ireland 91; 93; and Secret
Committee 103; and Temple family 189;
and United Irishmen 135

French, and United States 508

Republican party, New York 410 ; meeting
418

Responsibility Bill, introduced 131

Revenue laws, revision of, Grattan sug-
gests 126

Revolution, American, influence in Ireland
51 ; Temples, attitude of 177

English, of 1688, and Ireland 29; and

elective franchise 57 ; vindication of 15

French 112; and democracy 112; Em-
met family 179 ; Grattan's speech 123 ; and
Great Britain 506; and Ireland 73; 79;
91 ; and Volunteers 89 ; and United
States 412

Reynolds. Dr., and the Brissotins 115; es-
cape 116; and French aid 116; imprison-
ed 102; and Jackson, William 116

Thomas, informer 247; 256; 258; 507;

and Bond 507 ; and Fitzgerald, Lord Ed-
ward 507

"Righteous Perisheth, The", poem, Mrs.
Lenox-Conyngham 555

Riker family, burial ground 531n

Miss. See Macneven, Mrs. William

James 154

Mr., father-in-law of Dr. Macneven

154

Richard. District Attorney-General

421; and Emmet's death 475; 476

Robertson, William, Principal of Univer-
sity of Edinburgh 203

Robinson, old New York, drawings of

555

B. Beverly 435

Rockfield, residence 440

Roden, Lord, United Irishmen, massacre
of 255

Rogers, Dr. John, and Emmet, T. A. 205

Rokeby, residence 450n

Rome, ancient, conquest, system of 40 ;
literature, Irish preservation of 6

Roosevelt, James J., and Emmet's death
485 ; and Emmet memorial 495

Nicholas J., and Fulton 429

Roscommon, County of. Defenders 140

Rose, in Patten arms 221

Roseberrv, Lord, on Fitzwilliam's recall
217

Rossmore, Lord, death 305

Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, arrest 507 ;
and Brissotins 115; and Emmet 207;
466; 522; 529; Emmet's letter to
in England 350 ; escape 116 ; 507 ;
523; imprisonment 113; and Jack-
William 116; and Reynolds, Dr.
116; Sampson, William, letter from 528;
529; as Secretary of United Irishmen
507 ; and Sheil 466 ; and State prisoners
330; trial 488

Mrs. Archibald

Sampson 528

Royalists, and Catholics 14

331;
467;
522;
son,

Hamilton, and Mrs.

Royal Medical Society. See Medicine,
Royal Society of 204

Physical Society of Edinburgh, and T.

A. Emmet 204
Russell, Grace. See Emmet, Grace Russell
Lord John, and O'Connor 325 ; on Re-
bellion of 1798 228

Thomas, and Delany 346n ; and Emmet

214; Emmet, letter from 266; at Fort
George 269; 273; and French aid 268;
and Mason. St. John 274; poem, on Mrs.
Emmet's visit to her husband 276 ; proc-
lamation 368; at Rathfarnham 267: 268;
and Rebellion of 1803 269; Savage on
269; State prisoners, appeal to 267; and
United Irishmen 225 ; 333
Rutgers Medical Faculty, and Emmet 469
Rutherford, Griffith, General, surrender 417
Ryan, Dr., Catholic assembly 130 ; Catholic
education, plan for 110

Safford, Appleton, State charges against
426

Sailors' Snug Harbor 496 ; lawsuit, and
Emmet 472; 474; 477; 509; 543n ; 557

Saint Ann's Catholic Church, New York
438n

John's Chapel, illustration, facing 472

— ■ — John's Square, New York, Emmet
residence 438

Mark's Church, illustration, facing

484 ; facing 530

Mark's Churchyard, New York, Em-
met burial 4S2; 484; 487; 530n

Patrick's Hospital, Dublin, illustration

facing 17S ; salver presented to Dr. R.
Emmet 149 ; facing 150

Paul's Church, illustration, facing 553

Paul's Churchyard, New York, Emmet

monument 531n; 533; 538; 544; 553; il-
lustration, facing 542

Peter's, Dublin 175 ; burial certificate

of Temple Emmet 192; Dr. Emmet's
grave 183

Salt, tax on 325

Salver, silver, gift to Dr. Emmet 149; 178;
illustration, facing 150; inscription 150

Sampson, William, Arcularius case, report
of 420 ; and Boston Hibernian Relief So-
ciety 501; burial place, 531; Clinton. De
Witt, letter to 495; Clinton, De Witt,
letter from 495; death 529; on Emmet,
Jane Patten 528 ; and Emmet. T. A. 408 ;
Emmet biography projected 529; Em-
met eulogy 485: 52S; 529; and Emmet
funeral 486 ; Emmet's letter to 435 ;
435n ; and Emmet memoir 484n ; and Em-
met memorial 495; and Emmet monu-
ment 544 ; in Georgetown 529 ; Goodwin
trial, report of 436: and "The Press"
231; reform resolutions 243; Rowan, let-
ter to 528; 529; satirical verses on 327;
Joseph Story, letter from 526 ; 527 ; and
Tone, Captain William 528 ; and United
Trish Committee 378 ; warrant against
507

Ind

Sampson, Mr'- William, and Mrs. A. H.
Rowan 528

San Domingo, French expedition 358

Sandy Mount 156

"Sarsfield", pseudonym 233

"Satanides", epiiapli 240; "Montanus" Id-
ler to 238

"Scsevola", pseudonym 2:>i

Scandinavians, in Ireland 42

Schiefflin, Effingham, and Emmet's death
475

Schmidt, consul 446

—Eliza Bache 442; and Emmet family
442 . lit; 145 ; 440

Si hools, Catholic, relief measures too

Scotland, and France 343: Habeas Corpus
inoperative 281; and United Irishmen
342; 343

Secretary, of United Irishmen 134

Secret Committee, Parliamentary, Em-
nut's examination 227 ; 252 : 253 ; 261 ;
264: 320; 507: and Kins:. Rnfus 414:
Macneven's examination 227; 507; oath,
administration of 102; O'Connor's ex-
amination 324: 507: report 103; and
State prisoners of 'OS 252; 320; 321;
322

Sildcn, Dudley 441; I tin: 442; 143; 455;
161

Seminary, Catholic, in Ireland 109

Seton, Mary 448

Sarah, and Emmets 458

Sheares, John. Grattan on 225; and the
Press 231

Shiel, Richard Lalor. Fmmet, T. A., letter
to 466; and Macreadv 466

Shelburne, Lord, and Union 243

Shelley, Percy Bysshe, on Castlereagh 531

Shepherd, John, Tun'r. and Emmet's death
4 75

Sheridan, Richd. Brinsley. and Edkins col-
lection 195; and O'Connor 324

Sherlock. David, deed of partnership 175
—Thomas, deed of partnership 17."

Sliirley family, and Temples 177

Sinims. Robert, Emmet's letter to 400; at
Fort George 273

Simpson. — — and Emmet 369

Sirr. Henry Charles Maior. Madden on
310; prisoners, treatment of 249; pur-
loined letters 310; 313

Sixty-eight, and Catholic Committee 85;

Slavery, and Emmet's attitude 393: 556;
and national development, T. A. Emmet
on s ; and rights of man. T. A. Emmet
on 28

Smith. William S. trial. Emmet's defence
408; 515

Smith vs. Elder, case 421

Snuffhox. heirloom 164

Society of United Irishmen. See United
Irishmen. Societv of

Solicitor, status 395; 398

Solicitor-Generalship of Ireland, and Em-
met, T. A. 211 ; 508; 510

"Sophister". pseudonym 231

of '76
letter to

broad-

l 19

413; 415;
"i "ourier"
nient 256 ;
thur 336;

South ( arolina, Irish sutlers \n

Spencer. Ambrose, Judge, and Yates 423

George John, 2nd Earl, and 1

ham 217

Spies, among United Irishmen 245; !46;
25(1; 257; 258; 261

"Spirit of Toleration and
side 419

Stanhope, Lord. Fulton'i
430

Stark, - , ami Emmet 214

State papers. Irish, access denied 328 n

moval to England 329
"Stale Physician", office, Dr. Robert Em-
met 176; Mr. Robert Kmmet resigns 178;
T A Emmet 206

prisoners of '.is ; correspondence in-
spected 274; examination 261; families,
restrictions 336; al Fort George 269.
273; 327: 336; 337; at Fort George, re-
moval, question of 280; Fort George, re-
leasi from 314; 330; Government, agree-
ment with 249; 250; 255; 256; 257: 258 .
260; 311; 312; 31s; 415; Government.
correspondence concerning 271 ; Govern-
ment report 319, Government report, pro-
test 253; 321; 414; 417; and Govern-
ment treachery 253; and Habeas Corpus
297; and King. Rnfus 253; 411; 412;
416; 419; 514; London,
on 323; memoir to Govern-
272; 318; and O'Connor, Ar-
Parliamentary examination
318; 320; and Rowan 330; Russell's
appeal to 267; solitary confinement 319;
and Stuart 330 ; transported 330; treat-
ment 249; 253; 275: and Turner 338
— rights, and steam navigation, Fulton
litigation 459

Steamboats, Fulton inventions 427; 430;
Gibbons versus Ogden 459; litigation
427; New Jersey legislation 428; 429

Stephen's Green. Dr. R. Emmet's residenci
175; illustration, facing 176; T. A. Em-
met's residence 248

Steven, John, residence 427

Stewart. Robert, Colonel. .See ( astlereagh

Stokes, patriot, and Fmmet 214

Stokes. Mrs. lawsuit 451

Storms. Henry, and Emmet's death 175

Stoughton, James, death 436

Story, Joseph, on Emmet, T. A. xxi : 526;
527; and Gibbons vs. Ogden case 459;
on Pinkney. William 526; Wm. Samp-
son, letter to 526; 527

Strafford. Thomas Weni worth, hirst Earl
of. Irish policy 13 ; on Poynings' Law 24

Stuart. Dougal. and Emmet. T. A. 205

Stuart, James. Lieut -Gov. of Fort George
273; and Emmet. T. A. 292n : 314: 327;
328; and Emmet children 330; humanity
275; 276; Madden on 277: Portland's
letter to 275; and State prisoners of '98
314; 330

Suffolk. Earl of. and O'Connor 324

Suffrage, elective, theory of 57; universal
and I'nited Irishmen 243: 507

586

Index

Supremacy, Act of, in Ireland 13
Supreme Court, New York, Emmet me-
morial 535

Court, U. S., Emmet's admission 406

Surgeons, College of, Dublin 176; built 248
Swarthout, Mrs., 442n; and Emmet family

442; 444; 445
Sweeney, John, United Irishman 333; 352n;
371 ; and Committee of United Irishmen
379; and Corbet 393; and Emmet, T. A.
352; 372; 384; at Fort George 273; and
French aid 401; and French army 393;
and Irish expedition 373; 385; and
O'Connor 359
Sweetman, Edward, Major, and Catholic

Emancipation 93
John, United Irishman 333; 394; ar-
rest 322 ; 507 ; and Catholic Committee
103; and Emmet, Thomas Addis 339;
384; at Fort George 273; Government,
agreement with 250; 255; 257; memorial
to Government 318; and Napoleon's
answer to Emmet's memoir 386n ; and
Relief Bill. Catholic, 1793 102; and Secret
Committee's report 104 ; and United
Irish committee 376; 377
Swift, Dean, and "The Press" 231

Jonathan, hospital founded by 149

Swiney. Sec Sweeny

Sydney, Sir Henry, Irish policy 42

Symes, R., reform resolutions 243

Synod of Ulster. See Ulster, Synod of

Talleyrand, and Macneven 332

Tandy, James Napper, Defender oath 101 ;
trial for treason 211; vs. Westmoreland
207 ; 208

Tax, popular consent to 57

Taxation, involuntary, of Ireland 65 ; Se-
cret Committee's report 110 ; session of
1795 125

Tavlor, Michael Angelo, and O'Connor
324

Samuel, of Waterford 162; 163

Teeling. Charles Hamilton, on T. A. Em-
met 512 ; "Personal Narrative of the
Irish Rebellion of 1798" cited 512

Temple, town, New Hampshire vi

Temple family, characteristic traits 188;
and Emmets 188 ; Hannay, James, on
189; and Masons 189

Mrs., annuity 185

Anne Western. See Emmet, Anne

Western Temple

Augusta. See Palmer, Augusta Tem-
ple

Earl. See Buckingham

Elizabeth, of Dublin, legacy 162 ; 164

Sir Grenville 296 ; on legal profession

in U. S. 308; marriage 291

Harriet, pension record 177

Sir John 177; death 291; and family,

painting by Trumbull, facing 291 ; Miss
Guiney on 190

Mehetabele. See Blackwood, Meheta-

bele Temple

Temple, Sir Purbeck, grandfather of Re-
becca Temple Emmet 161

Rebecca. See Emmet, Rebecca Temple

Robert 177; political views 177

Capt, Robert 152; Miss Guiney on 190

Thomas, father-in-law of Christopher

Emett 152; 161

"Tenez le Vraye", heraldic motto 150

Ten Hills, Temple country seat 190

Tennent, William, at Fort George 273; and
French army 393; 394; and O'Connor
336 ; reform resolutions 243

"Tentamen Chymico-Medicum de Aere
Fixo sive Acido Aereo", by T. A. Emmet
203

"Tentamina Medica de Mensium Fluxu,
etc.", by R. Emmet, M.D. 165n

Test, of United Irishmen 134

Thanet, Lord, and O'Connor, Arthur 325

Thompson, , schoolmaster 402n ; 423

Margaret. See Colville, Margaret

Thompson

Smith, Judge 457n ; and T. A. Emmet

522; and T. A. Emmet's funeral 486;
and T. A. Emmet's letter to 456 ; and
Gibbons vs. Ogden case 459

Tierney, , and French army 394 ; and

O'Connor, Arthur 325

Tilghman, James,- Duponceau on 501

Tillary, James, Emmet's letter to 408

Tipperary, town, Emmet family 161

Tithes, in Ireland 80; 346n

Todd, Thomas, and Gibbons vs. Ogden
case 459

Toler, John, 1st Earl of Norbury. See
Norbury

Toleration, religious, of United Irishmen
68; of Volunteers 67

Tom, Mrs. (nee Riker). See Macneven,
Mrs. William James

Anna. See Emmet, Anna Tom (Mrs.

T. A., Jr.)

Tompkins, Daniel D., candidacy 420; and
Emmet, T. A. 395; 406; 556

Tone, Theobald Wolfe, and- Adet 138;
139: appeal in behalf of 267; and Beres-
ford, Marcus 267 ; and Catholic Commit-
tee 226 ; as Catholic delegate 129 ; 130 ;
and Catholic Emancipation xiv ; 533 ;
547 ; Catholic petition 93 ; and Clare
267; forms Directory of United Irishmen
507 ; emigration to America 138 ; and
Emmet xvi ; 212; 214; 266; 267;
463 ; declines escape 117 ; expat-
riation 267: 268; France, ne-
gotiations with 270 ; and French aid 268 ;
in French army 139; imprisonment 266;
on Ireland, state of 116; and Jackson,
William, 116; and Knox, George 267;
Lecky on xv ; and military organization
xvi : pamphlet 82 : and Ponsonby 267 ; pur-
pose 226; at Rathfarnham 267; and Rus-
sell 269 ; Savage on 269 ; and Separation
83; and United Irishmen 225; 226; 316;
547; and Wolfe (Kilwarden) 267

Theobald, Wolfe, Commentary on the

Memoirs of" bv Roche Fermov ix

Index

?*;

Tout, Captain William Theobald Wolfe,
and Wm. Sampson 528

Town-., representation in Grattan's Parlia-
ment 58

Trade See Commerce

Trafalgar, battle 382; 387n

Transportation, and Banishment Act 410;
of Defenders L40; of Irish 139; and
State prisoners of '98 311

Treasurer, of United Irishmen 134

Treasury Board Bill 126

"Trebor", pseudonym 231

Trevor, Dr. Edward, and Emmet, Robert
511; and Emmet, T. A. 313; 510; and
Mason, St. John 265n; prisoners, treat-
ment of 249

Trial by jury, Carhampton's procedure 239

Trinity Church, New York, illustration,
facing 4s:> ; trial, Emmet, T. A. 464

■ Churchyard, New York, Hamilton

monument 538

College, Dublin, Christopher Temple

Emmet at 191; 202; Emmet, Robert, dis-
missal 182; T. A. Emmet at 202; fac-
simile of T. A. Emmet's diploma, facing
206; Grattan, address to 130; Letter to
the Students of, in the "Press" 231; Li-
brary (ill.), facing 310; parliamentary
representation .r)8

Troy, John Thomas, Archbishop of Dub-
lin, and Catholic education 109

Truguet, Laurent-Jean-Francois, and Em-
met 361; 362; 363; 380; and Garat 362;
and Irish expedition 364; 372; 380

Trumbull, Col. John, on Emmet 418; Tem-
ple, Sir John, and family, painting of,
facing 291

Tucker, Bvrd. See Emmet, Byrd Tucker
(Mrs. John Patten)

St. George 469

Turner, Samuel, informer 273; 337; death
338; and Emmet 338; at Fort George
338 ; Froude on 338 ; at Kilmainham 338 ;
and O'Connor 338; trial 338

Lister, Catholics banished 142 ; Defender-
ism 115; Dissenters 77; disturbances
139; 140; estates confiscated 13; Orange-
men 141; Plantation, system of 100;
United Irishmen xvi ; United Irish pro-
vincial committee 139

Synod of, King, address to the 108

Convention, 1793 98

Uniformity, Act of, in Ireland 13; 74

Union, Anglo-Irish xv ; 218; and Catholic
Emancipation 130; Clare's services 184;
compulsory 224 ; 227 ; effects 548 ; and
Emmet 548; Gladstone, William Ewart
4 ; and Grattan 243 ; O'Connell on 271 ;
and Parliamentary reform 548 ; Pitt's
policy 215; 216; 228; 248; 316; 381; and
Rebellion of '98 316

Irish. See United Irishmen

United Irishmen, Society of xv ; 68; 82;
133; and Amiens, Peace of 341; in An-
trim 400; "Argus" attack 379; 380;
baronial committee 134; of Relfast 118;

L19; Belfast meeting, 1795 I.:.;, bigotry,
conciliation of 110; and British arm)
381; and British soldier) 245; and ( ath
olios 142; and Catholic Committee 84;
and Catholic Relief L13; 545; character
135; committees 134; Constitution 133;
i:ii; County Committees 134; and I o\
enanters 133; and Cumming, George 550;
and Defenders 143; ill; Directory of.
See Directory oi Tinted Irishmen; in
Dublin 226; Dublin Journal attack
and Emmet, Robert 333n ; and Emmet,
T. A. xvii; 207; 211; till; :;;!:!; 228;
316; 317; 320; 352 ; 488; 507 ; 523 ; Em-
met on 213; 278; 463; Emmet's a
in Paris 342; 343; 344; 350 ; 351; 154 ,
;s.".:"> ; Emmet's memoir 272; 383; and I
tablished Church 320; Executive 139;
Fitzgerald, Lord Edward 240; 247; Fitz
Patrick on 259; and Fitzwilliam's recall
128; 226; at Fort George 269; France, ne
gotiations with 138 ; L39 ; 257 ; 135 . French
aid 132; 137; 244; 320; 331; 333; 340;
342; 350; : i r. I ; 356; in French army 374 ;
:::"., 385; 386; French citizenship 387;
ii^'.i , and French Government 349; fund
I'M; ami Government, English 356;
Government, English, agreement with
249; 250; 256; Grattan 113; 225; 507;
and Marty 350; 351; 352; 353; 356; im-
prisonment 249; and insurrection 317;
322 ; and Jackson 507 ; Kavanagh on 72 ;
Kildare massacre 255; King, Rufus 411;
leaders arrested x; 247; 257; 317; 318;
322 ; and McCalie 346n ; Macneven's
proclamation 386 ; Madden's work 212 ;
memoir of State prisoners 252; 261;
military character xvi; 246; 248; 321;
and militia 14.". ; mutual fidelity 523 ; and
Napoleon 374; 376; "narrative" .;:::;.
333; national committee 134; members,
admission of 134 ; in New York, and
Orangemen 466; oath 118; 246; 546;
549; object 95; 101; 214; 225; 507;
O'Connor, Arthur 324; 336; 339; 344;
351; 355; 356; 363; opposition to 87;
and Orange outrages 142; 143; organs
230; Ovidstown, capitulation of 255; in
Paris 341; 344; 350; 352; 360; 372; 373;
in Paris, Committee 375; 377; 378; 384;
385; 386; Parliamentary examination
250; 252; 318; and Parliamentary repre-
sentation 507; Parliament, annual, ad-
vocated by 507 ; patriotism 533 ; and
Peace, Friends of 111; pensions, French
350 ; policy, change of 507 ; "The Press"
212; as prisoners of war 353; 356; 357;
and Protestant ascendancy 90; Provin-
cial committees 134; and rebellion 549;
and Rebellion of '98 260: 317; rebellion
restrained 245; reclamation commission
353 ; 357 ; and reform. Parliamentary
111; 114; 545; 547; reform resolutions
243 ; reorganized 342 ; republicanism 135 ;
and resistance 214; Reynolds 247; 507;
and Rowan 207; 507; and Scotland 342;
343; Seal of. by R. Emmet (illA title

588

Ind

page; secrecy enjoined 246; secretary
134; and secret committee, oath of 102;
Separation 83 ; 135 ; spies among 245 ;
246; 256; 258; 261; 332; spread 129; and
State prisoners of '98 312; State prison-
ers defence of 256; and suffrage, uni-
versal 507; and Tandy 207; 211; test
134; Tone, Theobald Wolfe 138; 547;
treasurer 134; trials 258; trials, Emmet's
defence 212 ; in Ulster xvi ; and Whigs
243; 244
United States, Alien legislation 397; 411;
412; Americans as Saxons iv ; ancestry of
people iv ; and British press-gangs 138 ;
and Catholic Emancipation 547 ; Emmet,
T. A. 309 ; 331 ; 332 ; 389 ; 401 ; and Eng-
land iii; iv ; v; and French republicanism
50S ; Irish population vi ; viii ; x; 391;
merchant marine v ; residential disad-
vantages 308 ; and State prisoners of '98
311; 415; War of 1812 556
Universities, answers to Pitt 88
University of Ireland. See Trinity
"U. S. F.", on Emmet memorial inscription
536

Van Buren, Martin, and Astor suit 471 ;
and T. A. Emmet's funeral 486

Verplanck, Gulian C, and Emmet monu-
ment, English inscription 539; 540; 544

Viceroy of Ireland. See Lord lieutenant
of Ireland

"Vincent", pseudonym 231

Vinegar Hill, battle 249 ; 250 ; 255 ; 257

Volunteers, Irish 223 ; 225 ; ammunition
prohibited 09 ; assemblage prohibited 107 ;
Belfast Assembly 89 ; and Catholic Re-
lief 79 ; 506 ; 547 ; and Charlemont 506 ;
and commerce 547; decline 55; dispers-
ed 113; Dissenters among 78; England,
effect on 51 ; and English law in Ireland
547; equal protection 104; and Lisburn
outrages 105; 106; 107; and Orangemen
141: and Parliament of 1782 54; reform,
parliamentary xiv ; 55; 59; 60; 547; and
secret committee 103 ; toleration, reli-
gious 67

Wainhouse-Emmott. Richard 149

Ware, Hugh, United Irishman 357n ; 393

War of 1812, Irish regiment 424

Warren Street, New York, Emmet resi-
dence 438

Washington, Bushrod, and Gibbons vs.
Ogden case 459

Waynfleet. William, Bishop of Winchester
220 ; 221 ; portrait, facing 221

Webster. Daniel, and Astor suit 471 ; Gib-
bons vs. Ogden case 559

Weldon, , Defender 145

Well. , lawyer 421

West, Benjamin, and Fulton 427n

Westmeath, military outrages 242

Westmoreland, John Fane. 10th Earl of.
and Catholic Emancipation 83 ; 94 ;
Tandy's suit 207: 209; Tandy's suit, Ma-
son on 208

executor of C. Emett's

Wexford, County of. and Catholic Eman-
cipation 93; and Fitzwilliam's recall 129;
militia law opposed 108 ; Rebellion of
1798 249; 257; Rebellion of '98 and
French aid 358
Wexford, town, battle 261
Wheaton, Henry, Pinkney, Life of 460
Whig Club 81; and Peace, Friends of 111;

and United Irishmen 87
Whiggism, revived 81

Whigs, English and "Courier" 326 ; and
O'Connor 324; and Pitt 119; and Tory
Government 120; and United Irishmen
243

Irish, Lecky on xv ; Ponsonby's Bill

113 ; and Union xv

"Whigs of the Capital" 81

Whitaker. Mrs. H. O., Emmet letter 425n

Whitbread, Samuel, and O'Connor, Arthur
325

White. General, and Lisburn outrages 105;
106; 107

Campbell P., and Emmet 431; and Em-
met's death 475 ; and Emmet memorial
496; 497; and Emmet monument 490;
Emmet monument subscription 552

Henry 447

John, & Co., and Emmet monument

subscription 551

Joseph 163

Joseph, Esq

will 162; 163

Nathaniel, of Plymouth 153; 163

Samuel, letter from Dr. Emmet 178

Street, New York, Emmet residence

438

Whyte, Samuel, and Edkins collection 195

Wickham, Right Hon. William. Castle-
reagh, letter to 271 ; 272 ; "The Confiden-
tial Letters of" 215; and Irish relief 350

Wicklow, County of. and French invasion
342; military outrages 242; Rebellion of
1798 249; 257; and State prisoners'
agreement 312

Wilford. General, insurgents surrender to
258

Wilkinson, Abraham, and Fitzwilliam's re-
call 129

William I, England, invasion of 11

Ill, alienism 397; Bovne, Battle of the

506

Williams, Elisha, and T. A. Emmet 520

Williamson, Gen. Andrew, and Hayne 417n

Wilson, Hugh, United Irishman 333; 393;
442 ; and Byrne 368n ; at Fort George 273

Hugh. Jr.. and Emmet family 442n ;

and Emmet monument subscription 551

Winchester. Cathedral, Waynfleet's tomb
221

Windham, William. See Wyndham.

Winthrop family, and Temples 190

Robert C. 152; 394

Wirt, William, and T. A. Emmet 521 :
Gibbons vs. Ogden case 459

Wister, Dr. Casper, and Emmet. T. A

Wolfe, Arthur. Viscount Kilwarden.
Kilwarden

and

205
See

Index 589

Woodruff, Thomas T., and Emmet's death Yellow fever, epidemic in New York r, .

475 in United State-. 2SC

VV>-ndham. William, and Fitzwilliam :;17; Yielding, .Mrs. See Thompson, Marj Kane

and Lord Milton 123 Cornell

Yorksire, England, Emmotts in I54n

Yates. John Van Ness, Judge, Emmet's Young, Edward, Dr. Emmet's imitation of

letter to 430 170

Yates vs Lansing, suit 4;;:; Young Ireland Party, Emmet's views x

Too long tve fought for Britain's cause.
And of our blood lucre never chary;

She paid us back ivith tyrant's laivs.

And thinned the Homes of Tipperary.

But never more -we'll ivin such thanks;

We swear by God and Virgin Mary,
Never to list in British ranks;

And that's the vovt) of Tipperary.

Davis.

THE FRANK MEANY CO. PRINTERS, INC.. NEW YORK.

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