Memoir of William Madison Peyton, of Roanoke : together with some of his speeches in the House of delegates of Virginia, and his letters in reference to secession and the threatened civil war in the United States, etc., etc.

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2036114

REYNOLDS HrSTORlCAL
-ENEALOGY C0LLECTI04\

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRAR'

3 1833 02375 4820

MEMOIR

QE„.

WILLIAM MADISON PEYTON,

OF ROANOKE,

rOGl'TIIER WITH SOME OV HIS SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE

OE DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA, AXb HIS EETTICRS IM REEERE.N'Cl

TO SECESSION AND IIIE THREATENED CIVIL WAR IN

THE UNITED STATES, ETC., ETC.

RY

JOHN LEWIS PEYTON,

Author of "The American. Crisis, or p<un-s from the Nvte-louh of a Stidc
cujcid during the Civil War;" '' Onr the Alhyha /tits, and(«:ross tin-
Prairies;" "The Adventures of mij Craudjuthcr," etc., etc., et<\

Kucri) luaa ha« a hislorij worlli hnawinrj."

RALPH WALDO EMtRSOM.

LONDON :

J () il N W T L S O N, P U B L 1 M 11 E K,

IW, GKEAT ItUSSELL STREET, W.C.

JIDCCCLXXlll.

[All ligLtci rctiuvcd. J . '1 C} 9

7 9 8 6 0 7 11

2536114

JUL 9 - ioOa
WIS. KI^T. SOMuV.

GUERNSEY:

Printed by Fkedkrick Clarki:,

States Arcade.

F
PS/

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER 1.

His birth and early education — Staunton in 1805 — The
Chancery Court— Legal men of that day— Memorable ana— War
of 1 81 2-1 5 — He wishes to join the army and follows volunteers —
His mother's death and character — Jefferson's rules of health,
etc. — The Staunton academy — His course there . . , i

CHAPTER H.

Princeton University — His rapid progress in this place —
Combat with Thomas Van Bibber — Celsus on the preservation of
health — Whig society — He wooes the muses — His manly
conduct lb

CHAPTER HI.

Life at Montgomery Hall — His love affair discovered —
Colonel Stuart's memoir — Staunton founded by John Lewis —
Superstition of the early inhabitants — Judge Allan Taylor — The
Old Stone house — Life in Virginia before the introduction of
{railways — Changes wrought by time ..... 27

iv. CvntoUs.

CHAPTER IV.

He enters Yale College — His career there — Influence on his
opinions by reason of a residence in the north — Dr. Sims' opinion
of his character — He studies law- — His travels and adventures —
Singular incident of life in Florida — His want (jf ambition —
Singular scene at Huntcrsville, wlicrc he burns his clients
bonds — His love of nature ....•• 43

CllAlTKR V.

His life on returning from Yale — Amusing occurrence at
General Jackson's dinner table — Jackson's dogma ''to the victors
belong the spoils " and its corrupting effects — John H. Peyton's
speech against a horse-thief, and William Peyton's singular
defence of the accused — Sketch of Chajiman Johnson junior —
His advice to a young man whose marriage is opposed . Oi

CHAPTER VI.

Leaves the Hot Springs and settles in Roanoke— Society
there — His home and life in that place — He is elected to the
Legislature ; nominates W. C. Rives for the U. S. Senate^ —
He writes an address on the subject to the people of Virginia- —
Text of the address ........ 85

CHAPTER VII.

He is re-elected to the Legislature — General aspect of the State
of Virginia — Physical divisions and the political divisions created
thereby — Opposition of Eastern Virginia to internal improve-
ments, a system advocated by the western counties — His speech
in favour of a general system. . . . • • 129

Contents. V.

CHAPTER VIII.

The author's first visit to his brother in Roanoke — Primitive
style of travelling in Virginia — His valet Ned Phipps— Scenery
on the route — William Peyton's domestic life — Kind treatment
of his slaves, etc. — Colonel William L. Lewis and his discussions
on religion and politics with John II. Peyton — A catholic church
established in INIonroc, etc 166

CHAPTER IX.

History of the public lands of the United States — How
augmented by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, and the
luiglish defeat of the French Canadians — Colonel Peyton's speech
in reply to General Bayly, and advocating a distribution among
the States of the money arising from their sale . . 1B6

CHAPTER X.

Popular education and free schools in Virginia strongly urged
by Colonel Peyton — His views on the subject of education and
the bad effects of ignorance in ancient and modern times — JMr.
Jefferson's plan for educating the masses — A man up to the
times .......... 200

CHAPTER XI.

He is defeated in the next election and retires from public
life — Course of Thomas Ritchie and Bowyer Miller — It is not the
most deserving who are elected by the people — Trickery and
demagoguism often controlling the polls — His eloquent resolu-
tions in favour of Henry Clay's election to the Presidency — His
life on his estate— He discovers channel coal and some of its
jiropertieS' — Foundation of the town of "P(\\tona" . 20/)

vi. Contents.

CHAPTER XII.

Signs of a revolution in the U. S. — The Presidential election
of i860 — Lincoln elected — S. C. secedes — The president calls
out 75000 men^ — Virginia secedes and the war begins — Colonel
Peyton's eloquent letter to Mr. Rives .... 235

CHAPTER XIII.

Colonel Peyton under surveillance in New York — Lives with
his old friend Dr. Sims — He writes a second letter to W. C.
Rives in which he announces the new position in which southern
men have been placed by the course of the President — He
advises Virginia to take an attitude of armed neutrality — His
analytical review of Mr. Lincoln's policy. . . . 277

CHAPTER XIV.

Ilis escape from New York and arrival in Canada — Journey
thence to the north-west and south through Ohio, Indiana and
Kentucky — Political situation in Kentucky and Tennessee — Battle
of Millmount and death of General Zollicoffer and Captain
Balie Peyton, junior — His gallant conduct on the field of
battle — His fathers sword in the Capital of Minesota — Colonel
Peyton reaches his home in Virginia and gives his property and
employs his pen in the Confederare cause . . . 290

CHAPTER XV.

His death — The hope derived from the demise of such a
man 301

Contents. vii.

APPENDIXES.

A.

Abridged pedigree of the Peyton family . . . 310

Isleliam Hall — Priory and Church in 1 870 . . 337

B.

Memoranda of the Preston family 355

C.
Abridged pedigree of the Lewis family . . . . 375

D.
Extract from pedigree of the Washingtons . . . 380

MEMOIR

OF

WILLIAM MADISON PEYTON,

OF ROANOKE.

CHAPTER I.

The pithy remark of Taylor, in Philip Van Artcvehlo,
that the " worhl knows nothing of its greatest men," is
so universally accepted in the present clay, as to have
passed into an axiom. And never has its force and
beauty been more impressed upon my mind than Avlien
contemplating the life and character of the subject of
this sketch. Of him it may be said that he was a great
man in all that constitutes true greatness. A man of
comprehensive ideas, deep sympathies and generous
impulses, which took the form of noble deeds ; — a man
of varied endowments, cultivated intellect, extensive
learning, and refined tastes and aflections, who wielded
a powerful influence on the circle in which he moved,
and upon all with whom he came in contact ; — a man
always mentioned by his friends and acquaintances with

2 Memoir of JViUiaiii ^fadisun Pcijlon.

affectionate respect and as one gifted with the hispira-
tion of genius. Yet few l)eyond the limits of his native
state have heard his name or known ought of his hfe.
To me the office of rescumg from unmerited obhvion
the character of such a man is too grateful to be
neglected. A higher motive, however, directs my
course than the gratification of personal feelings. His
character was singularly instructive, and, while the life
of a good man cannot be written without pleasure, it is
equally true that it cannot be read without improve-
ment.

William Madison Peyton, of Roanoke, Virginia,
was the only child of John Howe Peyton, of Montgomery
Hall, by his first wife Susan, daughter of William
Strother Madison * and was born September 4th, 1805,
in Montgomery County, Virginia, ^vhere his mother was
at the time on a chance visit. Descended from an
ancient noble family on the father's side,f he had the
good fortune to be related by blood through his mother
to some of America's greatest men :{;. At the period of

* William Strother Madison was the nephew of the Eight Reverend
James Madison, D.D., Bishoj) of Virginia, and cousin to the celebrated
author of the " Constitution," James MuiHson, fourth President of the
United States, and married Elizabeth Preston, daughter of William
Prestun, of Smithfield, Montgomery County, Virginia.

t See Appendix A.

\ Among others, he was cousin to the celebrated Presbyterian
Divine, Kobert J. Ereckenridge, of Kentucky ; to Miijor-General John
C. Ereckenridge, late Vice-President of the United States ; to the stern
patriot, John Erown, of Kentucky, a member of tlic Continental Congress
in 1787, and eighteen years United States Senator for Kentucky, after
the Independence of his coinitry was achieved; to the eloquent governor
James McDowell, of Virginia ; to the great South Carolinian Orator,
William Campbell Preston; to General James Patton Preston, Governor

Memoir of ]ViUiaiii Madison Vcijton. 3

his birth, our revered father, then about twenty-seven
years of age, was a rising barrister on the Fredericks-
burg circuit, and resided in the neighbourhood of that
city and of his birth phice " Stoney Hill." Four years
subsequently he removed to Augusta Co., which was
ever after his home, and from v/hich he was never long
absent, exce])t under the followhig circumstances.

At no period since the existence of a misunderstand-
ing and controversy between Great Britain and the
United States, on the subject of what was styled "The
Right of Search," had the excitement in America at-
tained the height it did in the winter of 1811-12. The
signs of approaching war were numerous and unmis-
takeable. The British Government claimed the right to
impress native-born British subjects, though they had
become naturalized American citizens, found on Ameri-
can national vessels as well as from merchantmen. Tliis
lamentable extravagance on part of the English
Cabinet caused no small irritation in the United States,
and it became— sooner than was imagined in Downing
Street — a matter of grave importance how the question
might be disposed of peaceably. Both Presidc^nts
Jefl'erson and Madison pointed out that to acconq)lish it
by treaty the susceptibilities of the American peo])lo
must not be offended by the slightest concession on a
point which touched their honour. Jefferson, however —

of Virginia ; to Hon. Francis Preston Blair, of Missouri ; to Thomas F.
Mai'sliall, M.C. for Kentucky ; to Benjamin Howard, Governor of
Missouri ; and to Ivubert Wicklifl'e, M.C. for Kentucky. — See Ajipendix
B., a reprint of Orlando Brown's" Memoranda of the Preston family,"
Albany, Now York, l.S(;i.

4 Memoir of WlUiam Madison Peijton.

Bucli was his desire for peace — opened negotiations with
Great Britain on the vcxata qan'stio as early as 180G.
The negotiations faihng, and a coUision arising out of
the British chiim, between the United States frigate
Chesapeah and the British frigate Lcop&rd, in 1807, in
which the British were'^vorsted, the (j overmnent of Mr.
Jefferson once more sought to arrive at a pacilic sohition
of the dificulty, and a treaty to this end was signed by
the representatives of the two Clovernnients hi London
during the winter of 1807-8. lumiediately thereafter
it was transmitted to Washington, but owing to some of
its vague features, President Jefferson signified to Con-
gress his refusal to ratify it on the 18th of March 1808.
Meantime, Great Britam had opened that scries of
attacks upon neutral rights known as the "Orders in
Council," m retaliation for which Napoleon issued his
equally aggressive Berlin decrees of 1806-10. Jeffer-
son determined to follow the example of the French,
and an embargo ^vas declared hi 1807, but was shortly
afterwards revoked. Then non-intercourse or non-
importation acts with regard to Great Britain were
passed by the American Congress. Indignation and
excitemxcnt still increasing in the United States,
President Madison was re-elected, on condition tluit
he would declare war against England, and on the
re-assembling of Congress, after this election, a new
embargo was laid, an increase of the army voted, and
other steps taken as preparation for war. On the 1st
of June, President Madison sent a war message to
Congress, and, m accordance with his views, war was

Memoir of Williani ^fadison reijlon. 5

declared by the United States against Great Britain on
the 18th of June, 1812.

The nation was much divided on this pohc3^ By
the opposition party, the main strength of which was in
the Northern and Eastern States, it was considered as a
mere administration measure, resistance to Avliich argued
no want of patriotism, hut quite the contrary ; and so
from the beginning to the close of htistilities the
Federalists did all they could to stay the course on
which they thought the (Tovernment was dri\ing to
destruction. The Hartford Convention met, and some
of the New England States went so far as to nullify an
Act of Congress regarding enlistments. Durhig all this
time the country was in great want of resources, which
notlhng but unanimity could supply. The army was
but a handful, and the militia, instead of coming forward
in large numbers, remained at h(jme to attend i)arty
meetings and discuss the right of the (iovernment to
call them out ; the supply of war material vv'as very
scanty, and the treasury almost empty.

Such was the unpromishig state of affairs, when my
father, who had voted for I\[r. Madison and warmly
supported the war l)olicy, came forward and exerted
every energy of mind and body to stir up popular
enthusiasm in support of the war. lie volunteered at
once into the army, to serve until peace was proclaimed,
and was innnediately appointed Chief of the Staff of
General Robert Porterlield. Forgetting everything but
his duty to his country, which, with the i)atriot is
paramount, he abandoned his lucrative i)ractice, which

6 Memoir of William Madison Pcijton.

more selfish men greedily sought to appropriate, ami
left his wife and family in order to join the army in
Eastern Virginia, with the active operations of Avlrich he
was identified until the declaration of peace, February
17th, 1815.

But to return from this digression. In 1809, when
our gallant father changed his residence to Augusta,
Staunton was already a considerahle place and the seat
of the Superior Courts of Law and Equity f(n- Western
Virginia, the jurisdiction of the Chancery Court, extend-
ing south 300 miles to the Tennessee frontier, and west
about 400 miles to the Ohio River. To lawyer and
litigant alike, it was, therefore, not only the most
hiteresting, but the most important point west of the
Blue Ridge. To its quiet streets and attractive suburbs
the principal members of the profession throughout
Virginia were periodically drawn at term tune. Among
the most conspicuous legal men of those days who
attended these terms were George Hay, author of
"Hortensius" and other political tracts, George Wythe,
Philip Doddridge, Edmund Randolph, William Wirt,
author of the Life of Patrick Henry and of "The British
Spy," John Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court of the United States, Henry
Peyton, James and Philip P. Barbour, and among
the junior members of the bar, who were always
present and subsequently became eminent la-wyers,
were Benjamin Watkins Leigh, John Wickham,
Littleton W. Tazewell, Mr. (afterwards Judge)
Coulter, Chapman Johnson, Briscoe G. Baldwin,

Memoir of WlUiaia Madison Peyton. 7

Samuel Blackburn, Henry St. George Tucker, author of
a " Commentary on Blackstone" and Stirling Claiborne.
Neither railroads nor nteamboats then existing. Judges,
Chancellors, and Lawyers often travelled hundreds of
miles on roads little better than Indian war paths, in
ricketty stage coaches, or on horseback, carrying their
briefs in portmanteaux or saddle bags. Their physical
powers were as sorely tried by the profession, as their
mental energies, and a sound mind in a sound body was
indispensable to the successful practitioner. One of the
egal hglits of that day was the late Daniel Shelfey, who
was wont to say, there was nothing like leather. He
was a man of excellent abilities and remarkable energy.
Exerting both these qualities, he rose from the bench of
a journeyman shoemaker to a seat in Congress and the
front rank of his profession. Mr. Sheffey facetiously
used to remark, in his later hfe, that when he was a
young man the most important preliminary for the legal
tyro was not the study of Coke and Blackstone, but
(Mr. Sheffey drew his joke from his trade) the tiutning of
liis cuticle, a precaution which one of his clients observed
would certainly lessen the pains of horsemanship, but
render the gentlemen of the long robe insufferable, if
their brazen airs increased as their hides toughened.

It did not unfrcquently happen that the " bench and
bar " must swim across rivers and pass over high and
rugged mountains to attend term; and it is related
among the ana of this period that a solicitor to whom a
horse was sold with a warranty that " the animal
possessed the usual qualities of a riding horse," brouglit

8 Meiiwir of JlllUani Madisuii Peijton.

au action and sunnnarily recovered damages, the fact
transpiring after the sale, that the horse was unable to
swim. Inasmuch as the lawyer had been detained
from a term of the court by reason of this defect, the
jury mulcted the defendent hi heavy damages, requir-
ing him at the same time to receive back the compa-
ratively useless animal.

To this important town of Staunton, the centre of
all that was learned in the law, our respected father
was called by his appointment as pul)lic prosecutor in
1808, and was now reaping the honours and rewards of
his profession. Absorbed by these duties, he could give
little of that care and attention to his son's education
which my grandfather had bestowed upon his. His
wife, however, a woman of energy and experience
combined with rare good sense, and whoso nature was
tempered with singular tenderness of affection and
adorned by much simplicity of character, a freshness of
wit and an unfailing cheerfulness, which made her the
delight of every circle, qualities which were transmitted
with exceptionable fidelity to her son, undertook and
performed this task. His miiid was early stored by her
with useful knowledge, his heart fortified with generous
principles, and his passions regulated by disci})line. She
sought to make him good rather than great, believmg
that nothing can make a man truly great but being
truly good. She had none of the aml)ition and worldly-
mindedness of the mother of Zebedee's children, who
brought her two sons to Christ, and said : " Grant that
these may sit, the one on Thy right hand and the other

Memoir of ]]'ilUam Madisuii Peyton. 9

on tliG left, in Thy Kinodoni, "She was wiser than that
mother whom the Saviour so sharply reproved for her
haughty spirit, hy sayhig : "Ye Imow not what ye ask."
She understood too well that the wings of Icarus are but
the instruments of self destruction to the simpletons
who try to soar away upon them ; " that it is better to
be of an humble spirit with the lowly, than to divide the
spoil with the proud."

In his lifteenth year he had the misfortune to lose the
guardianship of this excellent woman. The illness
which terminated her life was sudden and unexpected.
She had long been in delicate health. This had, how-
ever, at no time given rise to symptoms causing much
anxiety. The melancholy event overwhelmed the Avorld
of Staunton, Avliere she had made hosts of friends, with
grief. She was a dear and admired friend and her body,
says one of those present, was followed to the tomb l)y
multitudes, who responded to the sad summons ^vith
tears and marks of sympathy.

T\Irs. Susan Madison Pttyton often spoke with a
mother's pride and ahection of the obedient, truthful, and
ingenuous character of her son, remarking that he had
never, save upon one occasion, deliberately defied her
authority. This occurred in his tenth year, when,
during the war of 1812-15 between England and the
United States, a call was made for volunteers. Our
patriotic father, who had been two years in the service,
returned on furlough, from Camp Holly, near liichmond,
to pass a few days with his family. During this short
leave he wiis actively engaged recruiting, and a number

B

10 Memoir of William Madison reijton.

of young men were enrolled in the service. On his
arrival at home, he presented my brother with a fowling-
i:)iece, purchased in Richmond. William was greatly
delighted with this plaything, and was the whole day
" banging away " at beast and bird.

Some of Napoleon's biographers have endeavoured to
account for his sanguinary tastes and love of war, by
the supposition that these were called forth and
stimulated by a dismounted field-piece, which he used
in his childhood as a plaything. If there be any truth
in this account, which I doubt, it is possible that
William Peyton's fowling-piece and the smell of
villanous saltpetre aroused in him something of the
like martial spirit, for he was quickly seized with a
desire to join the Augusta forces and proceed to the
seat of war. The idea was simply ridiculous, and its
absurdity was explained to him by his mother.
Inexpressibly disappointed, chagrined, and mortified, he
held his peace and waited an opportunity. Next
morning our father bade farewell to his family, giving
much good advice to my brother. The substance of
this was contained in the celebrated President Thomas
Jefferson's ten good rules to be observed in practical
life, a copy of wliich he left with William. With Mr.
Jefterson our father had been on terms of intimate
friendship for many years, always passing a night at
Monticello when attending the superior court of
Albemarle, and having been Mr. Jefierson's counsel in
the Eivanna canal and other suits.

Mr. Jefferson's rules, which my brother committed

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 11

to memory, but which I doubt whether he governed
hnuself strictly by, were :

1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day.

2. Never trouble others for what you can do yourself.

3. Never spend your money before you have it.

4. Never buy what you do not want because it is cheap.

5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold.
0. Wo never repent of having eaten too little.

7. Nothing is troublesome that wo do willingly.

8. When angry, count ten before you speak : if very angry, one

hundred.

9. Take thuigs always by the smoothest handle.

10. In all cases when you cannot do as well as you would, do the
best you can.

After my father's farewell, he took command of the re-
cruits and proceeded by forced marches to the front. The
day following, my brother was missed. A diligent search
failed to disclose his hiding place. Messages were
despatched in pursuit towards Eichmond, his old nurse
declaring her belief that he had followed the "sogers."
On the next day they came upon him twenty-five miles
from homo on the Eastern slope of the Blue Ridge
mountain, When overtaken, he w^as sitting, appa-
rently in meditation, munching a piece of salt pork,
among a party of teamsters belonging to the supply
trains, covered with dust, wearied and foot sore, his
fowling piece loaded lying by his side. Though nearly
exhausted in body, his resolution was as determined as
ever to follow the troops, and stand up, as he said, for
old Virginia. He seemed to think his country in dire
extremity. Like his companions, the teamsters, he
believed, however, that she would emerge from the
storm and have a brilliant future. For hunself, he

12 Memoir of IViUiam Madison Peyton .

asked no recompense, but to servo her, to fight for her.
Such were the notions ah-eady floatmg through his
juvenile mind. Was this patriotism ? Couhl such
sentiments find a phxce in tlio In-east of one so
young or had the smell of gunpowder and the
fowling-piece aroused tlie spirit of war in his
bosom '? He was at once taken prisoner and borne
home in the most inglorious manner. Finding on
his return, his mother ill and in tears, Ik; vv'as
deeply grieved at his behaviour ; his conscience,
indeed, seemed to overwhelm liim with reproaches.
Becoming at once sensible of the reckless cruelly of
his foolish conduct, he made every apology and atone-
ment in his power ; sought to soothe her with a voice
and manner of touching sorrow, and ever after was the
most affectionate and obedient of sons. It is not,
surprising then, that he was the darling of her heart.

It may not be here out of place to anticipate and to
remark that from this period, throughout life, deference
to his parents was one of his leading traits. lie
honoured them by lovmg them, conJidhig in them, obey-
ing them, abstaining from whatever was disagreeable to
them, and doing everything in his power to promote
their comfort and happhiess. After the loss of his
mother, and our father's second marriage to one of her
cousins, Anne Montgomery Lewis, daughter of Major
John Lewis, of the Sweet Springs, a distinguished oflicer
of the American revolutionary army, and grandfather of
the writer, he extended to her, not only deference and
respect, but a truly filial affection. My mother was,

Memoir of William Madison Pc')jtO)i, 13

therefore, soon warmly attaclied to liim, and taught her
chikh'cn to love him before they learned to do so for his
own qualities, for the variety of his endowments and
the extent of his aecompliwhments, as they were deve-
lo2)ed to the family in after years. My affection Imrries
me on. I pause, and asli myself wliy 1 speak of his
threat accomplishments. (Ian any human knowledge l)e
all-comprehensive ? Tlie most eminent philusoplier is
of yesterday, and knows nothing. Newtim felt that he
had gathered but a ft'W pebbles un the sliores of
a boundless ocean. The UKtment we attempt to
thoroughly penetrate a sulnect, we learn that it probably
has unfathomable depths. That wliieh is known is the
prelude to the inlinite unknown. Every discovery gives
us a glimpse of greater things to be discovered. In
ever3^tliing, from the grain of sand to the stars, the wise
man iinds mysteries before which his knowledge shd;s
into insignilicance. It must be understood that the idea
sought to be conveyed is that his attainments were vast
only hi relation to those of other men.

In his twelfth year he entered, as a pupil, the Staunton
Academy, then under a head master of the name of
Fuller, a man of nuicli le;irning and of a plodding-
character. Here he remained four years and vvas
quickly distinguished for his superior parts ; was known

" As :i sluiip wittod youth —
Grave, thouyiitful, and roservod innow^ Lis iiiatos,
Tuming the liours of sport mid food to hibour."

The common recreations of volatile youth, the games
invented to kill time without impro^'emont, he never
enjoyed ; but sought for higher gradiiication in science

14 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

and meditation. It soon became a common remark of
his teachers and acquaintances, that he was " a Loy of
singuLarly gifted intellect." He spoke at this time
with pecuhar vivacity and fluency, was already
brilliant in his juvenile wit, and quick in the acquisition
of knowledge. His liveliness too, was not the noisy
accompaniment of emptiness, but the offspring of a
rich imagination. It may not be out of place to
mention here that at this time, and indeed throughout
life, his health, like that of his motlier, was delicate — at
times alarmingly so. This may account in a measure
for his neglect of sports and his studious habits. At the
Academy he was obedient and industrious, and mani-
fested in his every act a kind and affectionate
disposition, which was combined Avith a rare upriglit-
ness and love of truth. Such was the sweetness of his
temper, his amiability and readiness to oblige, his
simplicity of character and thorough ingenuousness,
that he won the affectionate confidence of all with
whom he came in contact. His influence, as will be
readily inferred, over his youthful companions was
marked, and was solely due to his superior power, his
firmness and moderation, and not to any bullying or
self assertion. To the youngest and weakest he
always acted as the kindest and humblest brother.
Like the apostle of old, he was gentle towards all, even
as a nurse cherisheth her children. Consequently the
intimate connections formed in his boyhood were never
relaxed or broken through life. On tlie contrary he
was noticed for mamtaining among men throughout

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 15

life the ascendency which he acquired at school over
his youthful companions. Possessuig a clear judgment
and a fund of common sense, he was always able to
give his young companions sage counsel and to
extricate them from the little difficulties of the daily
course. Many a time he was seen, during this period,
in the play grounds of the school, the centre of a circle
of lads, with whom he conversed about their studies,
thus lightening their labours and clearing away their
difficulties. Ilis frank and kindly manner, his tenacity
of principle and feeling, his power of belief, the entire
absence of cynicism, all of which he displayed at that
early period, invited the confidence of all his companions.
In their little griefs and sorrows his schoolfellows
appealed to him, and such was his joyous, buoyant spirit
that he never failed to soothe and comfort them. It is
not surprising, then, that he exerted the most salutary
influence in the Academy. At this school he obtained
a good classical and mathematical education, and was
considered so mature, both in character and attain-
ments, that he was, in 1822, withdrawn, and matricu-
lated at the University of New Jersey, Nassau Hall,
Princeton, whither we will follow him in the next
chapter.

CHAPTKU II.

In order to iiiulcrstaiici tiiul fully apprccinto tlio
character of the promising hoy introduced to thc! reader
in the preceding chapter, it is expedient to follow hhn
from the school in which he hegan to climb the
hill of knowledge to the University of New Jersey,
and to dwell hrielly npon liis career in that place.

This northern hisliiution had long heen a favourite
willi the southern people, and especially those of
Virghiia, as it still is. Many of the leading Southern
States scholars and politicians of the past century and
early part of the; present wi're educated at Trinceton.
Among them was Archibald Alexander, an eminent
n.uthor and divhie ; his sons James and Joseph Addison
Alexander, scarcely less distinguished; John Macpherson
jjerrian, U.S. Senator Ibr (leorgia; William (laston and
Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina ; Robert J.
Breckenridge, of Kentucky; Charles Fenton Mercer
and John Peyton, of Virginia, and many others. And
our father himself was one of the Aluiinu, having been
graduated M.A. in 1797, in the same class Avith
Ilichard Rush, late minister Plenipotentiary from the

Memoir of Williaiii Madison Peyton. 17

Uuited States to Engl and, and author of a well known
J 1 book entitled " Memoranda of a residence at the Court
1 ^ j of London from 1817 to 1825."

■ j For these reasons it was selected rather than the
> 1 college of "William and Mary" in Virginia, which
: was in a declining state, probably owing to the
i, unhealthy climate of Williamsburg ; but of wliich
institution our paternal grandfather John Rouse* Peyton,
was a graduate. The course of study in the University
of New Jersey is comprehensive, embracing Hebrew,
Greek, Latin, and the modern languages, mathematics,
natural and moral philosophy, ethics, etc. Notwith-
standing his youth, my brother's scholastic attainments
j put him at once in an advanced position in the
University, and during his second year he rose to the
! first distinction as a scholar. His diligence gave
perfect satisfaction to his tutors, by whom he was both
{. loved and respected. The noble features of his
' character, too — his open, affable, manly, and cheerful
■ disposition and his active habits — made him a general
favourite, not only with his teachers and fellow students,
by whom he was regarded as a model, but by all his
acquaintances, whether in the college or out of it. He
seemed ever to have engraven upon his mind that
sacred rule "do all things to others, according as you
I wish that they should do unto you." He was absolutely
without any of the dissimulating in youth, which is the

* This name has been spelt in several ways, thus : Rous, Rouse,
Rowse, or Rowze (as by Dr. Lod\vick Rowze, author of *' The Qucenes
Welles" Loudon IGliO), and Rowzee.

18 Memoir of ]}lUiaiii 2[u(liso)t Pcijlon.

forerunner of perfidy in old age. His niannern were
natural and engaging, free from anything like affeeted
politeness, and Avere marked by much courtesy of
demeanour. A friend and contemporary at Princeton,
John Randolph Bryan, of Gloucester County, Virginia,
once informed the author, as they were sailing up the
James River from Norfolk to Uichmond in 1848, that he
regarded William Peyton while at college as the finest
pattern he had ever known of the thorough conservative
high-toned gentleman. In a letter addressed to the
author, in 1856, by the distinguished writer, N. Parker
Willis, he spoke of him, when they were fellow students
m Yale, in the same terms of commendation. Mr. W.
held him to be a man of genius, whose failure to
achieve greatness he would have deemed a marvel, but
that he knew the race Avas not always to the swift, nor
the battle to the strong.

His influence hi preserving order, or stilling storms,
among the Princeton students was of great service
to the faculty. On occasions when disorders were
apprehended from rough and reckless students, and the
coiiil)iiiations they formed among the idle, the dissolute,
and refractory, the masters applied to him, and through
his exertions many a disturbance was avoided. Such
in fact was his success in this way, arising from the
power of influence he possessed, that the epoch of his
colh^ge life was marked as one of the most (piiet and
respectable which had for many years occurred.

It was soon discovered at Princeton that he had a
Avarm imagination, a feeling heart, and keen passions.

,'\ Memoir of ll'iUiani MdiUson I'cijton, 10

1;

\| Tliuso latter were, however, unJer such control tliiit

\ they did not betray him into idleness, sensntility, or any

^ of the usual vices of youth. From his earliest years,

I l' indeed, he seemed imbued with tlu; necessity of

jj acquirin,!^ virtuous habits. So much was he noted

' tor his pure and h)fty principles, that he was, while yet

in his teens, the subject of remark, some attributing his

excellence to the training of his parents, particularly

to the influence of his mother, while others believed

they were innate ; for in wliatever he undertook he

was guided by the principles of virtue ; they tbrmed so

essential a part of his character that through life he

inspired all with whom he came in contact with

perfect coniidenco, and consequently could not fail to

exercise great influence. And it may be said with truth

that the world at no period of his life ever narrowed or

debased his affections, but his virtuous youth led to an

accomplished manhood and tranquil old age.

If the newspapers of Virghiia be consulted during the

period of his public life, it will be found that those

journals, of whatever political complexion, and however

heated the contest might be, always spoke of Inni with

the utmost respect, and paid high tribute to his talents,

but above all to his lofty personal character. It is a

matter of deep regret to the writer that none of these

papers are contained in tlie library of the British

Museum, or can now be procured, else many interesting

extracts would be adduced to illustrate the esteem in

which he was held by the people of his native State.

It is not too much to say that in after life his honesty

20 Memoir of William Madison Pcijton.

and straightforwardness, his invincible fortitude, gave a
vigour to his mind, a weight to his cliaracter, and a
nobleness to his sentiments, which exalted him to the
highest fame among the gentlemen of Virginia. With
those who were near him, his personal popularity was
unbounded, yet he never resorted to a dishonest act or
stooped to the slightest meanness. There are but few
public men of whom this can bo truly said ! It is
proper that I should say on this subject, that, though
singularly amiable, he never ncared, or much less fell into,
that vicious prostitution of mind in which a man has no
will, sentiment, or principle of his own. So far from
wanting the courage to avow his opinions, however
distasteful they might at times be, his openness of
character caused him often to display a generous, almost
reckless boldness, in their expression.

His physical and moral courage, it should not be
forgotten to mention, was, as may be readily imagined,
soon proved to be equal to his frankness, and was of the
heroic type. In illustration of which it may be related
that on his return to Yale in his nineteenth year,
when he was over six feet in height and of great
bodily strength, he fought with and overcame, after a
severe contest, Thomas van Bibber, known as "Big
Tom" an intrepid lighting cock and recognized Athletae.

His health was so much impaired by the end of his
second year's residence at Princeton, his physical system
so unstrung by close application to books, that he was
withdrawn, and he returned to pass some time m the
pure, dry atmosphere of Western Virginia. This course

Memoir of William ]\[adiso)i Vcyton. 21

^vas deemed necessary for his restoration to health, and
the result was highly complimentary to the hj^gienic
qualities of the mountain air. A few months spent in
the Alleghanies, far from his studies and confinement,
and near the trout stream and the hunting ground,
enabled him to recover his customary tone and vigour,
and at the end of six months he resumed his labours.

On his return to college, our wise father gave him the
following abstract of the advice of Celsus, with respect
to the preservation of health. "A man," says he,
" who is blessed with good healtli, should confine him-
self to no particular rules, cither Avith respect to
regimen or medicine. He ought frequently to diversify
his manner of living ; to be sometimes in town,
sometimes in the country ; to hunt, sail, indulge in
rest, but more frequently to use exercise. He ought to
refuse no kind of food that is commonly used, but
sometimes to eat more and sometimes less ; sometimes
to make one at an entertainment ; sometimes to forbear
it ; to make rather two meals a day than one, and
always to eat heartily,, provided he can digest it. He
ought neither too eagerly to pursue, nor too scrupu-
lously to avoid, intercourse with the fair sex ; pleasures
of this kind, rarely mdulged, render the body alert and
active, but when too frequently repeated, weak and
languid. He should be careful in time of health not to
destroy, by excess of any kind, that vigour of constitu-
tion which should support him under sickness."

Notwithstanding the youth's amended health, our
prudent father determined, upon the advice of his

22 2Iemoir of IVilUain Madison I't'ijton.

t'iiiiiily physician, the hxtc WilHam Boys, IM.D., of
Staunton, a noted provincial member of the profession,
and a descendent, I behevo, of the Boys, of County
Kent, in Engkmd, so many of whom have found a
sepulchre in Canterbury Cathedral, to send him farther
north, to the more bracing air of Connecticut. He was
accordingly entered at Yale College, in 1824,

As a proof of the high estimation in which lie was
held at Princeton, it may bo mentioned, that when it
was known that owing to ill health he would not return
to the University, the authorities wished, in considera-
tion of his fine scholarship and exemplary deportment,
to confer upon him the degree which he would have
obtained had he remained there two years longer.
Indeed they were prevented from doing so only .by
the statutes of the Institution, which were found, on close
examination, to prohibit that course, and also William
Peyton's declared purpose not to accept such a degree.
The Whig Society, however, a literary association
and debating club to which he belonged, conferred upon
him the honour reserved for their most distinguished
members, and though he refused this mark of apprecia-
tion from his comrades also, the society dispatched to
our father, in Virginia, the diploma my brother would
not accept. This document, handsomely framed, long
graced the walls of the library, at Montgomery Hfl,
and is now (1873) in the possession of my eldest sister.

It was the opinion of the litterateurs of Princeton that
the peculiar faculty of acquiring languages was
developed in him in the highest degree, and that he

Memoir of William Madison Pcijlon. 23

would rival the fame of Cricliton, Walton, Pocock, Sir
William Jones, Mezzofanti, or any of the great Englisli
or continental linguists. Some of the accounts, indeed,
of his feats at this day are so remarkahle that I am
disposed to regard them as legendary, such as the
stories told of Buddha and Mahomet, the first of whom
is said, at the age of ten years, to have taught his
master Bahourenon, fifty non-Indian tongues and their
J respective characters, while the second, according to

[ his hiographer Prideaux, was promised hefore tlje

i throne of the most High that he " should have the

) knowledge of all languages."

At the period, when he left Princeton, his personal
appearance was that of one who had grown too

I rapidly into manhood. He was tall and slender.
In his movements, however, he was easy, graceful,
and firm, withal showing the nobleness of his
origin. His hair and complexion were light brown,
the forehead broad and expansive, his nose aquiline,
\ his eyes dark blue and brilliant, and the appear-
I ance of his whole person pleasing and dignihed.
1 His mincl had rapidly expanded at Princeton, and he
i now showed a keen penetration, clear judgment, and
1 comprehensive intellect. He added to these the talent
I of wit and ridicule in a remarkable degree, recited ad-
j mirably, possessed a rich fund of anecdote, an easy flow
I of words, and high animal spirits, and improvised verses
j and epigrams. The first efforts of his genius, in fact,
seemed to be hi the direction of the muses. Unre-
1 strained at this early day by the coldness of argument

24 Memoir of WiUicvii Madison Peijton,

and the confinement of rules, his mmd seemed
ghidly to indulge in llights of imagination, a thing
not uncommon with men of genius. Indeed an early
taste for the heauties of poetical composition is in my
opinion an almost infallible mark of a refined and
elegant mmd. Cicero, Valerius, Cato and other ancient
philosophers, orators, and historians, are known to have
sacrificed to the muses in their earlier productions.
This talent for versification sometimes led him into
difficulties. On one occasion, previous to his return
to Yale, he wrote some verses upon an entertainment
given by an old lady of Staunton. She was a connec-
tion of the family, and he had been accustomed to call
her aunt, though she was really no relative. At this
party, to the surprise of the small fry, and the disgust
of the young gentlemen, the only wine supplied was
made by herself from the blackberry, a favourite
fruit which flourishes in Augusta. The gay youths
expected to sip the juice of the grape in the form of
sparkling champagne. This domestic wine is an
excellent summer drink, but was not what the fashion-
able boys expected. When their host provided it, she
considered that she was not only conferring a favour,
but paying them a comphment. Her well known
hospitality, at all events, excluded the idea that in
proffering it she was influenced by any mean con-
siderations of economy. " Young America," however,
was dissatisfied with the change. These youths were
decidedly of the opinion of Diogenes, who, when asked
what wme he preferred, answered, " the foreign."

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 25

The thirsty popinjays of that day were as fond as those
of our generation of the glass which not only exhilarates,
but mebriates, and felt the slight in two ways. Their
pride was stung, their wrath kindled, and their thirst
remamed unslaked, at least by the desired champagne.
Consequently they set their wits together to be avenged,
and persuaded William Peyton to compose a few
stanzas, as they expressed it, "suitable to the occasion."
Without a moment's reflection, and evidently while
inspired by the Blackberry cordial, he complied with
their wishes. His lines began somewhat after this
fashion :

This Llaclcborry wine is all vory fine,

But it luiikoH Jack go to Led with his breeches on.

Probably my reader loses nothing by reason of my
inability to procure a copy of these lines, which
proceeded in a comical vein to eulogize the home-made
beverage, but ridiculed its heady qualities, and the
wine itself in comparison with vin etrangcr. The verses
ran through the town, caushig no small merriment.
Conimg linally with the author's name to the
knowledge of the old lady, her wrath was kindled.
The verses were sent her by a marplot. She put on
her spectacles and proceeded to read them, and, though
her anger waxed hot, she could not help exclaiming, as
one happy joke after another flashed upon her sight,
" Marvellous boy ! marvellous boy." The improvisator
called some days later, before his departure for college,
when she had somewhat recovered her temper, and in a
graceful manner made his peace with his old friend by

D

26 Memoir of UlUiani Madisun Fcijton.

explaining the simple circumstances under which the
jeu desprit was perpetrated. Thus, by a display of
that frankness and candour which formed so
prominent a part of his character, and which education
and cultivation only rendered more conspicuous, he
disarmed her resentment. Her sense of injury
removed, she laughed as heartily as anyone at the
vexation of the young people and the sparkling wit of
the Quixotic bard. A few Aveeks later, when he left to
resume his academic duties, he was sup|)lied by this
generous friend wdth a case of her best " blackberry,"
with which, in the midst of his college fellows, he often
drank to her health and long life.

It is obvious from this hicident that he did not then
belong, if he ever did, to that rare class ^vho are never
foolish even when they are young ; who never cry out
when they are hurt ; never are driven out of their
course by adverse whids, and are always able to see
that every thing is for the best. Such people in this
world of troubles are not only rare but blessed, and
are very unlike the rest of us, who cry out a great
deal, and are very foolish generally, not onl}^ when we
are young, but all our lives.

CHAPTER III.

Were I detailing the life of one whose career had
been eventful, I should not occupy the space given in
this chapter with Avhat might prove of little interest to
the reader. But as few lives worth recordhig are more
devoid of incident, it is not expected that this simple
record of his Avill be adapted to the tastes of those who
enjoy only what is now termed sensational readhig. As
I neither write for, nor expect to please, this class, 1
shall not omit such minor occurrences in his career as
may appear likely to prove useful and interesting to
others.

On a fine sunny afternoon of early September, in the
year 1825, two young gentlemen dressed in shootnig
costume were lyhig on the grass beneath the out-
stretched branches of an old Avalnut. This venerable
tree threw its grateful shade over an ancient stone
building covered with woodbine, honeysuckle, and grape
vines, and from which a gurgling stream issued forth.
Their fowling-pieces and game-bags were by their sides.
This house protected the bubbling spring from which

28 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

the supply of water at jolly old Montgomery Hall,
the red gables of which were seen amidst foliage
about four hundred yards distant, ^vas drawn. Jolly
old Montgomery Hall !

"In tliat mansion used to bo
Free-hearted hospitality :
His great fires up the chimney roar'd ;
The stranger feust(;d at his board :

There groups of merry children play'd

There youths and maidens, dreaming, stray'd."

(xushing from the side of a rock, covered with moss
and wild flowers, and shaded by waving branches, the
fountain, though not large, sent forth a stream of pure,
bright water. This rivulet lies in the lap o\' tlu; rich
and partly wooded valley of Peyton's brook, a tributary
of Lewis' creek, in the midst of a sea of verdure, for it
meanders through meadows, which extend through dale
and over gently undulating hill. Overlooked by the
high grounds on which the hall stands, and the more
distant north mountains, it is the coolest and most
picturesque of valHes.

Fatigued from their morning's amusement, the young
sportsmen were looking out lazily, almost insensibly,
upon this scene of blue and green, and the various
l)eauties sohciting their admiration, the while carrying
(m a desultory conversation. Both were tall and
graceful, and about both there was the charm of happy
youth. One of them had black eyes, large, bold, and
sparkling, and hair dark as the raven's plumage — this
was Jeflerson Stuart. The other was brown haired.

Memoir of William Madison reijton. 29

blue eyed, and fairer of complexion, was taller and
more robust of figure than his handsome companion.
He was really his junior by two or three years, and
seemed not to have attained his full growth — the
darkening down only just shaded a cheek somewhat
sunburnt though naturally fair — this was William
Madison Peyton. They had gone forth some hours
before to shoot partridges, which are plentiful in this
section of Virginia. Pieaching on their return the
beautiful fountain, hot and dusty they quenched their
thirst and threw themselves on the grass to indulge,
perhaps, in a short siesta. Here they remained some
time in silence, apparently listening to the peculiar
sounds of the country, which replace the hum of the
city, the rustle of the leaves, the waving of the corn,
the song of birds, the humming of insects. For some
time they did not stir, nor wince, nor speak a word, but
remained delighted by the rural sights and sounds.
Stuart, whose curiosity had often been excited by the old
building, and the numberless names carved u})on
its sides, rose to examine it more closely. In the
act of raising some ivy leaves which covered its
hoary sides, he started back with an arch smile, as he
saw engraved upon one of the stones, Sally Taylou.

William Peyton, who saw the movement and the smile
of his friend, quickly turned away and sent his hat into
the air with a squir, then, seizing his gun, he tired at a
skylark and, of course, brought down no game. Stuart,
who observed his confusion, with that sensitive delicacy
for the feelings of others which always characterised

30 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

liim, said nothing of his discovery, and the two, after a
further short delay, went their way merrily.

The town of Staunton, though its foundation does
not date anteriorly to the year 1730, when it was
traced out by the Huguenot emigrant, Colonel John
Lewis, * the pioneer and first white settlor of
Augusta, has nevertheless, so new is new America,
something of the odour of antiquity about it. "Age
cannot wither nor custom stale the infinite variety,"
indeed, of the reminiscences connected with the name of
Staunton and its old and noted houses. These houses,
like all those which have seen better days, in every
ancient town or village, are not unillustrated by their
legends of terror. Some are historical, and strange
stories they have, some are haunted and with the worst
kind of goblins, and there arc evenings when one
might believe, with Chaucer, that the

Queen of Faery,
With harps, and pipe, and syinphoncy,
Were dwelling in the place.

Of the houses whose names are written in Virginian
history, many thrilling tales are told connected with the

* Colonel Stuart, of Greenbrier, in his Memoir of the Indian Wars,
published by his son, Charles A. Stuart, umler the auspiees of the
Virginia IlistoricarSociety, in lliehmond, Ib.'i^, remarks that the river
Greenbrier received its name from Colonel Lewis, in the follo\ving
manner. " The next year, 1778," says Colonel Stuart, " Greenbrier was
separated from Botetourt County, and the county took its name from
the river, Avhich was so named by old Colonel John Ijewis, father to
the late General Andrew Lewis, and was one of the Grantees under
H.M. Order in Council, who, in company with his son Andrew, explored
the country in 1701. Ho, Colonel Lewis, entangled himself one day
in a bunch of green briers on the river banks, and declared he would
ever after call the stream Greenbrier river."

Memoir of William Madison Pcytoti. 31

bloody border wars. Stories of how they were
besieged by the Red-skins, who alternately tried the
experiment of biirnmg or starving out the indwellers, of
the stratagems and surprises to which they were
subjected, and the direct attacks they sustained. The
best known and most famous of these old houses was,
of course, that of Col. John Lewis, which was not
inaptly styled " The Fort." It was built of huge
masses of stone, with walls of extraordinary thickness,
pierced with windows of slender proportion, and looked
more like a fortress than a mansion. The truth is, it was
both. Here the brave old pioneer lived many years —
indeed till his death in 1702, defending his family and the
infant colony from their savage foes. Another of those
houses is " Sprhig farm" mansion, which was built of
adouhe (bricks dried in the sun) by Hessian prisoners
taken by the American army during the war of the
Revolution. Sent west of the blue mountains to remain
during the war, these mercenaries were turned to
valuable account. Houses were built, lands drained,
private grounds embellished, and roads constructed by
their labour.

Of the houses haimted, of spectres still more horrible,
stories are told of the spirits of evil and goblins
damned by which they are infested. One of these
ancient, tumble down buildings — a soot begrimed,
leaky-roofed centenarian, occupied by an old woman,
whose appearance at an earlier period would have
subjected her to the ordeal of fire and water — was the
terror in our youth of young folks. In addition to

32 ISIcmoir of William Madison I'eijton.

the venerable occupant, Mrs. Fitzpatrick, it was popularly
supposed to shelter a great population of goblins, whose
horrible noises oft startled the dull ear of night. The
old crone who lived in this desolate and weird house
had been married to an improvident man. At his
death she was left poor and childless, and continued to
occupy her solitary house on the outskirts of the common.
Strange reports began to be circulated regarding her and
the house. Lights were seen burning in her attic
windows, strange sounds were heard hi the house at
unseasonable hours, her cow gave bloody milk. Soon
the stock of the neighl)ouring farmers was found with
tangled and knotted tails and manes, the horses waxed
poor, the supply of milk fell oif, the cattle caught
disease (what is now called the pleuro-pneumonia), the
potatoes grew mouldy. These misfortunes were traced
to poor Lovie. She was regarded as a witch, and her
dwelling as the abode of disembodied spirits, of astral
spirits, gnomes, salamanders, and naiads. The young
people never passed the cottage without tuckhig up
their garments and veering to the opposite side of
the street, especially about nightfall. The belief in
ghosts, goblins, and wraiths still lingered among the
rustic population, in spite of the schoolmaster and the
newspaper. Rarely did these simple folk visit the town
without peering furtively round as they passed (if during
twilight's hour) the lonely home of Lovie, lest bogles might
catch them unawares. Another of these prematurely aged
houses— a house whose days seemed numbered, whose
space of life was rapidly drawing to a close — was three

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 33

stories high, standing between two heavy squaHd-looking
buildings, having one story each; consequently the
beholder might easily acquire the impression that its
altitude had been caused by the pressure of its sleepy
neighbours. It had four tall, lanky chimneys, which had
apparently eschewed smoke for years, and eight front
windows. These windows had most of their panes
broken, but were all fortified on the inside with
ricketty shutters, which excluded light and air,
and frustrated the curiosity of passers-by to obtain
a view of the interior — save of two small rooms.
I might go on describing the peculiarities of this strange
building until I had filled pages of my MS., could I but
afford the space. It was owned and partly occupied by
an eccentric old man, named Bury Hill, who was a cross
between a monomaniac and a hypochondriac. This
house was, of course, classed among the haunted. Mr.
Hill was a grocer, but his principal business consisted m
selling inferior whiskey to what our town snobs called
low Iwish. These ignorant sons of Erin feared ghosts, but
were never known to shrink from spirits. This singular
but inoffensive man. Hill, took quite a fancy to the writer
in his boyhood, and often refreshed him in hot weather
with "cobbler."* Mr. Hill was supposed to occupy his
house in common with " Old Nick " himself. Aged
negroes, especially those belonging to the class of nurses,
declared that they had seen the hideous salamander

* The sherry cobbk-r belongs to that catalogiic of American drinks
which have a nomencluturo of their own, and is an iced diiuk much in
request during the summer. Made generally of imitation sherry,
it yields only a temporary refreshment. If long indulged in, it is
sure to end by destroying the stomach.

E

84 Memoir of WilUam Madison Peyton.

there, " ye deville bodilic, being like unto one hugeous
hhick gote, with horois and tiiille." In common witli
the chiklren of tlie town, I behevcd these stones, but
it did not impair my taste ibr his cobblers. Oli
the charming simphcity of chihlhood ! How rare and
refreshing ! Who does not long once more for the
happy dreams and sweet illusions of youth !

These were nt)t the only, nor the most attractive,
houses of which our town could boast. There were
many comfortable mansions, ^vith an air of substantial
and aristocratic prosperity. Of some of these I will speak
presently. The streets of the town itself were narrow,
with badly-paved footpaths; the houses generally tall
and roofed with shhigles — thin boards. An ancient
church, with a gray, moss-rusted tower, clothed from
base to summit with the Virginian creeper, a decrepid
wooden bridge spanning the pebbly creek, and a
tottering mill (Fawkler's) near the centre of it, a
desolate looking court-house and dreary prison, were,
omitting the private residences, the principal features
of the towi. Such was the borough of Staunton of
early days — my native loved old village. It is painful
to look back upon a home and social circle broken up,
upon a sunny childhood faded, and upon parents lost but
unforgotten — upon Virginia dismembered, subjugated,
a prey to "carpet baggers," harpies, and negroes.
Nothing can ever efface from my heart the remembrance
of "the old dominion." Nothing is comparable, amidst
the arts and ruins of older lands, to the splendour with
which nature decks herself in her woods and vallies,

j\fcmoir of William Madison Peyton, 35

her mountains and her streams. Capable of yiekhng
every comfort, offering every charm, ^vhat can exceed
the enthusiasm of her sons for such a country ?

The foregoing in regard to Staunton has been
altogether by way of digression — has no immediate
connection with this history. Digressions are not
unfrequently indulged in by the writer, and are, as a
clever man has said, the sunshine, the life, the soul
of reading. Take them out of a book, and you might as
well take the book along with them— one cold, eternal
winter would reign in every page of it : restore them
to the writer, he steps forth like a bridegroom, bids all
hail — brings in variety, and forbids the appetite to fail.

Though our history has no concern with what has
been described of my native town, it is closely connected
with two of Staunton's solid houses, about which I shall
now speak : on them hangs a tale. The first of these
was a brick building, fronting on Beverly, near its
intersection with Augusta Street. It was a thoroughly
comfortable and respectable abode — a picture in its
way. That plain Virginian house, its cheerful face of
red bricks, its solid scpiareness of shape — a symbol of
the substance of its owner — was the residence of the
Hon. Allan Taylor, Chancellor of the Ecpiity Court,
which I have mentioned as having such an extensive
territorial jurisdiction. Chancellor Taylor was much
respected for the prol)ity of his character, the accuracy
of his learning, and the fidelity with which he devoted
himself to the business of his court. 2>J3GH4

It was often said of him, that he might be mistaken in

36 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

an opinion ; but, if so, it was an error of the head and
not of the heart. His social habits were winning, as
well as those of his contemporaries; this has given
celebrity to what is known in America as Virginian
hospitality. His house was therefore a favourite resort,
where the old oaken board was always spread for
friends, and the old chairs ranged in a wide cres-
cent around the log-heaped fire. In early life
he married an accomplished lady, Miss Elizabeth
Thompson, who, besides many personal charms, was
an heiress, and he was now surrounded by an interesting
brood of children. His two daughters were named
Elizabeth (or, as she was commonly called, Sally) and
JuHet. The elder, EHzabeth, at this time (September,
1825) in her eighteenth year, was the acknowledged
village beauty, which was not surprising, for she
looked, according to all contemporaneous accounts,
like the fairest and youngest of the muses. In a
dreamy moment of youthful love, William Peyton had
engraved her name upon the side of the old building.
Entertaining for her a tender and deep affection, which
began in childhood, it was now one of the most
profound sentiments of his heart.

Elizabeth Taylor was, in Sept. 1825, rather petite, had
the look of those young people who have not quite done
growing, giving her an appearance at once elegant and
interesting. Her features were regular, the nose
aquiline, eyes blue, eyebrows in a simple, almost
severe, arch, like those of a Circassian, and there was
something resolute and original in her expression

Memoir of William Madison Fcyton, 37

that was exceedingly attractive. Her mouth, which
was small, had even then a slight expression of disdain.
Nothmg could exceed the hrilliancy of her complexion,
in which were mingled the lily and the rose, and her
hair, which was light chestnut, fell in ringlets ahout her
neck. The grace and dignity of her movements
bespoke a noble nature and descent. Such was the
young creature destined to play an important part in
the life of William Peyton. Through the partiality of a
relation, she enjoyed a separate estate, and was regarded
as the richest prize in the community. In the slang of
the town and country fops, she was known as^ " heaiitij
and hootij," and there were few of those coxcombs who
did not aspire to her hand. Some were disinterested
and attracted solely by her personal charms and accom-
plishments, but it is beyond doubt that others were
drawn by the fortune. As several of the gallants of
that day are still living, and have grown wiser with years,
I will not mention their names, which might make it
necessary to indicate those who were attracted by the
beaut ij and those by the houtij — an invidious task which
is gladly avoided. The united causes, however, gave
her a marked pre-eminence among the belles of a town
famous for the beauty of its Avomen. The chancellor's
house was, of course, one of the chosen spots where the
village butterflies most loved to congregate.

In Augusta Street, facing the east, was a capacious
residence, called " The Old Stone House," from the fact
that it was built of blue limestone, which exists
everywhere in large quantities in the Shenandoah

38 Memoir of WiUlam Madison Fejiton.

valley. It was erected at an early period, and was
intended to be, as it really was, half dwelling-house,
half fortress. The immense thickness of the buttressed
walls, the narrow windows, the front door through
which a gun carriage might pass, and the situation
of the edifice, which commanded the approaches,
leave little doubt of its original purpose. It was
evidently designed both as a residence and as an
outpost, a kind of detached fort set up in early days
against the attacks of lledskins. This was the town
residence of our father for several years, while Mont-
gomery Hall was being rebuilt upon the site of an
ancient edifice. Though facing another point of llu;
compass, and in a dilferent street from Chancellor
Taylor's residence, the grounds of the two establish-
ments were adjacent, and communicated by a small vine-
covered gate-way. The grounds were large and
ornamented, in addition to much shrubbery, with oaks,
Avalnuts, and chestnut trees. Through this rustic gate-
way, the two families of Taylor and Peyton kept up a
constant intercourse, and not a day passed without their
children spending some hours together. It Avas during
this happy period that William Peyton and Elizabeth
Taylor had unconsciously learned to love. And it does
not appear that their case illustrated the trite adage that
the " course of true love never did run smooth," for, as
they advanced towards adolescence their affection
" grew with their growth and strengthened with their
strength" — nothing occurred to mar their happiness.
They probably were, however, themselves then uncon-

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 39

scions of the character and depth of these tender
feehngs. The hero of this httle tale of real life had
made no declaration of his passion, and neither the;
the parents of the one nor the other suspected the;
existence of a secret attachment. The affair attracted
less attention from the fact that in the next property
south of the stone house, there lived the family of a
seafarhig man, Captain Williamson, of the United
States Mercantile Marine, Avliose family were in the
constant habit of joining the group of young people
playing in the grounds. The worthy Captain had
a daughter also, who was afterwards famous for wit
and beauty. William Peyton ^vas as frequently with
one family as the other, and was Imown years later to
derive no small pleasure from the society of the captain's
fair daughter. Probably he was more with the
Williamsons than the Taylors at this time, for
Captain W. had enriched his house with many
curiosities collected in Europe, Asia, Africa, and
other distant quarters of the globe. He had many
rare paintings, vases, statuettes, Chinese-pagodas,
tapestries, medals, coins and other objects of virtu ; and
for the study of these, Wdliam Peyton evinced a strong
passion. Much of his time was spent in examining
them, and the correct taste he afterwards displayed in
the decorations, the furniture, the paintings, etc., of
his establishment, at Elmwood, in Roanoke, was
probably in some measure due to the direction now
given to his mind. Being much in the society of
both families until the completion of his education, if

40 Memoir of William Madison Peijion.

anyone thought of the probability of his losing his
heart with either of these beautiful girls, they were at a
loss to imagine which fair charmer 'twould be. Tt
was, therefore, something of a discovery for his young
friend and companion, Stuart, to have penetrated so
unexpectedly and unwittingly into the secret workings
of his soul; for who can doubt but to Stuart's
mind the hoary sides of the Spring house told a tale of
love. Stuart may have jested with him upon the
subject of his passion, in their solitary walks, and may
have been taken into the lover's confidence ; but, if so,
he preserved the secret with fidelity, for up to
William's return from Yale, in 1824, the world had
no knowledge of the aftair.

It may not be uninteresting to the reader if I
conclude this chapter with a brief allusion to some of the
chancres which time has wrou<dit in the Staunton of
1810-20. Railways and telegraphs have penetrated
beyond the mountains, and the village of earlier days
has passed away. Now trains, like comets with
" fiery tresses," hiss and foam through the frightened
fields and crowded ways. Shoi^s have taken the place
of homes, and grass no longer grows in streets which
reverberate with the music of commerce, and are full
of the stirring stream of life. Judge Taylor's house has
been despoiled, "gutted", the lower story metamorphosed
into a place of business, where sugar and salt, fresh
butter and dried herrings, are oftered for sale. The
ivy, the jessamine, and the woodbine have been
stripped from the walls and replaced with fresh

'Memoir of William M(uliso)i Peijton. 41

stucco, and tho old homo boars a iiovv namo. Now it
is called after a rocont occiipaut, " Tiie McDowell
House. " Many other cliaiiges liave taken place. Tlie
dignified gontleniiin of ilr,^ oil s-jhool, .''ih his blue
coat and brass batton^i, biuf ^v.u;yte()at and top boots,
Vermillion fiice and powdered hair — ^the typo of a
proud and generous raee — one of tin! institutions, if I
may so speak, of the Vir;.';iula of tlie past, has disap-
peared. Indeed, he is almost fori^otten by a Itustling,
money-making, and irreverent posterity. Th(3 ancient
constitution and conservative local government, the
habits and customs of the inhabitants, have also passed
away, and, what they Avere, will in a few years, in all
probability, become a matter of carious enquiry.

At the period of which I speak, railways and
telegraphs were unknown — people travelled on hors(N
back and in coaches, when they did travel, which was
seldom the case. There were horses of every breed,
and coaches light and heavy, single and doul)le, long
and short — all the crosses bet^veen a hearse and an
omnibus ; but if people moved more slowly in those days
may they not have been happier ? There was no
talking to distant minds by means of lightning, no
travelling on the wings of steam — none of the " fast "
and " sLap-dash" propensities of tlie present; but again, if
there was less excitement, was there not more (piiet
comfort ? If our ancestors W(3re not liappier, if nn»derti
improvements are all for good, and nothing for evil, let
wiser heaws and deeper }ihilosophy th;!.n miii^ deter-
mine. Y/hat remains to me of this bygone ag;; but the

F

4'i Memoir of WiUiavi jlfadison i'eijfon.

liearts's memory of old things ? " I camiot Lut remember
such thmgs were, and were most dear to me." AVith
the fine old gentleman, the whole throng have vanished
through the ruby skies. Yes, the men, dear honest
race, and their manners and customs, the spirit of the
age in which they lived, like their houses and festival
days, have departed !

Oh ! friends regretted, scenes for ever dear —
lii'.'iueiubrance hails you with her warmest tear t

CHAPTER IV.

The vacation of 1823, which William Peyton spent
at home, had scarcely passed away before he was on his
return to Yale. Durnig the term which followed, he
completed his academic education, giving such increased
evidence of talent and scholarship, that there were few
of his associates who did not believe he would achieve
great things in after life. Professors and students
alike regarded him as the coming man, as well by the
cleverness he had displayed in his Uuniversity career, as
by his conversation, conduct, tone, and manner, by his
ready Avritings and speeches, or, in other words, by the
thousand signs and tokens through which mind can be
recognized and made known.

It may not be uninteresting to ]"emark, that his resi-
dence and partial education in the north exercised a
wholesome influence u[)on his opinions in after life.
Many of the prejudices which he imbibed in youth
aganist the northern people, and more especially those of
New England, Avere removed. He learned to take
Larger and njore catholic views, to respect the New

44 Mciiioir of JWliaiii Madison i'cijton.

.l^^nglanders for their greut virtues of intellect, per-
severance, and monilil}'. In later years these )'outhful
impressions were strengthened by further inter-
course with the northern ])eople, and he did much
to create a better feeling between the hdiabitants
of the two great sections of the Kepublic. Among
other things, he hivited one of his college friends,
Mr. 13., subsequently the llev. E. Uoyden, to make him
a visit. Mr. lioyden, who accepted the invitation, was
so much pleased with the society, climate, and scenery
of Virginia, tliat he adopted it as his home, and, some
years after this visit, married a Stauntonian. Through
the influence of njy father and his wife's family, he was
appointed curate, and afterwards rector, of Trinity
Church, Staunton. The Rev. E. Boyden is still
( 187^)) living in Virginia, where he is nuich esteemed
and respected.

On my brother's return from Yale, our kind
father, by a rare disphiy of Avisdom and liberality,
placed at his son's absolute disposal, the estate he had
acquired through his mother. Under the laws of
A'irginia, the husband is entitled, on the wife's death,
by what is termed the " courtesy of England, "
to the usufruct of her property for life. My father
did not choose to exercise this right, because, having
married agahi, and having already one child born
■with every prospect of a large family, * he did
not desire or intend that the ofTs})ring of his

• The writrr w;is l.Dni of lliis second mania go the year following,
namely on \he IJlh of i^ipteiiilxr, IS21.

i\[ciiioir of William Madison Pcijton. 45

.second wife should participate, to the slightest extent,
in the proporiy of th(i llrst. According to his strict
sense of honour, his elder son was equitahly
entitled to his mother's estate, aiid it was accordingly
transferred to him, at his comhig of age. He took
this course for the further reason that it showed —
certiiied — his confidence hi the prudence, good sense
and mature judgment of a son, of whom ho had so
much reason to he proud. The sagacity of his
course in this matter was apparent in after
times. It had the happiest efl'ect, among other
tilings, of preventing any envy or jealousy hetween the
son of his first marriage and the children of
the second. William Peyton always felt and acted
towards his half hrothers and sisters with the affectionate
solicitude of a parent. During the thirty-odd years
of the writer's intercourse with him, down, in fact, to
the period of his death, he never spoke an unkind
word, or was guilty of a single action unworthy of
the fraternal relations existing between them. On
the contrary he was always anxious to promote the
success and prosperity of his sisters and brothers,
but more especially of the author, in his every plan
and project ; was, in a word, everything that a brother
could or should be. Well may my hand tremble, and
my eyes grow dim, as the memory of the past rises up
out of the grave. Turning back to the period when
I first remember him, now after the lapse of forty years,

Ilis vw'.vy look, His evt'ry word,

His very voi<;e's tone,
Como biiok to nu; like tilings wliose wortli

Is only prized ■wlicn gunc.

4i} Memoir of ll'IIUani M'adison Peijton.

TliG past stirs up again the cliurcliyard of memory,
tind I sec him as I saw him when a hul of ten. I
loved him as a boy can k)ve ; and hoys love with a
devotion, a truth, a purity wliich few preserve in
youtli and manhood. My affection for him, however,
was always the same. Time, business contact with the
cold and selfish world did not impair or lessen it. But
why dwell upon my grief at his loss ? a grief heightened,
if possible, in my ease, since the blow was received
Avhen my home had become strange to me, and a strange
land my home. The heart only knows its own bitter-
ness. Suffice it to say, that in those days he com-
pletely fulfilled my boyish notions of the hcau ideal.

From that period, I follow our intercourse down to his
death, without recalling a single instance in which his
anxious care, alfectionate kindness failed. All my
recollections of him, indeed, are associated with his
almost parental solicitude on my behalf. It cannot be
surprising, then, that I feel warmly concerning him, that
I cherish his memory, that I have spoken of him and
must still do so in high — in what some might consider
extravagant — terms. Far be it from me, however, to
indulge in idle praise. Elsewhere I have remarked
that such praise is weak as unjust, reflecting credit
neither upon the eulogist nor the person commended.
Nor does his fame require it. In his case the simple
truth is more elotpient than the highest- wrought praise.
Born with a love of the good, the pure, and the true, a
lovelier character never existed. If I may be })ermit-
ted, after having already said so much on this subject,
to refei' to it again, it Avould be to say that if such a

Memoir of ]ViUiani Madison Peijton. 47

uinltiform and mixed thing- as the human character
can be described by a single word, his might very
nearly be concentrated into that one \\ord — magnainity.
His genius allied itself to deep thoughts, groat studies
and objects. Ilis nitellect ^vas solid, vigorous and
comprehensive ; taking in the whole range of knowledge,
but was particularly devoted to those branches ^vhich
require industry, sustained attention and the power of
abstract thought. lie was learned in the languages,,
thoroughly versed in the law, an adept in mathematics
and the natural sciences. But, if his varied abilities
elicited admiration his virtues were greater. Truth
and honour were the two poles within which his Avhole
actions revolved. He Avas capable only of the loftiest
conceptions, of tlie noblest sentiments. Everythhig
little, false, and corrupt, was spurned by him as the
dust beneath his feet. In a crooked path he could not
walk : in a foul atmosphere he could not breathe.

Some years since, I met the distinguished Dr. J.
Marion Sims, of New York, at a private party in Paris.
He had taken refuge there during the civil war in
America, and, by his professional abilities, was not only
making a support, but extendhig his fame.* In the course
of the evening, our conversation turned upon the subject
of the civil strife in the United States, which was then
at its height, and to Colonel Peyton's actual detention
under surveillance, his quad imprisonment for some
months after its commencement in New York. A
gentleman present, one of my brother's old friends,

* IIo was Consulting Physiciiui to the En>.j)rcss Eugenie, and Pliysieiiiii
in Onlinarv to tlie Duke and Ducliess ol' Ilauiilton.

48 ]\[cmolr of WtUiatit Jlladison Pnitun.

asked Dr. Sims if Colonel Peyton was an acquaint-
ance of his? " Yes " said Dr. Sims " I know and love
him. We have heen intimate fidends for yeai-s. Ha
is a man of superior intelligence, versed in the arts, in
science, and in politics— in everything, in short, which
can enrich and elevate tlie human mind. " " He has,"
continued Dr. S. "a heart superior to his head— is,
in a word, as near perfection as is possible with a
human beinof. "

Perhaps an apology is due to the reader for the
abruptness of my transitions, and for the want of strict
sequence as to time in relating these recollections. It
arises from the difiiculty of combining all the facts of a
personal history in a continuous recital. The assurance,
however, that it docs not interfere materially with the
contmuity of the narrative, will palliate, if it docs not
altogether excuse, the adventurous freedom of my pen.

The estate previously mentioned as having been
transferred to my brother, consisted of lands hi Virginia
and Kentucky, negro bondsmen, and a considerable
accumulation of money. He found himself, therefore,
at his majority, in command of a handsome fortune, the
representative of a family, which in point of antiquity,
of high connexions and the political influence it
exercised, second to none in the land. It is not
surprising, therefore, that the law had faint allurements
for him, that he turned reluctantly to its study and then
only to gratify a father Avho was ambitious that he
should shine in the forum. Of all the prol'essions, that
of jurisprudence alfui-ds the fairest and most promising

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 49

field for the exercise of abilities. Neither patronage,
connections, nor address, can make a man an able
lawyer or an eloquent pleader. In this profession
there must bo intrinsic merit, which will at last
surmount all difficulties and command that attention
which the generality of men are obliged to court.
Knowing my brother's abilities, and that ho must make a
conspicuous figure in the forum, my father felt a strong
desire that he should pursue this profession. The law
was also at that time, as it now is, the avenue to every dis-
tinction in Virginia, and this fact also induced our learned
father to urge him to adopt it. Our father was a man
of high and honourable ambition, and naturally sought
the distinction of his son, at the same time he ever kept
in view, that our chief end in this world is to prepare
for a better one — often recalling his son from too eager
a pursuit by remarking, verily, it would be no profit if
he gained the whole world, and lost his own soul.

Perhaps my brother's disinclination for the law may
be better understood when his character is more fully
developed before the reader. Among his earliest
propensities was a fondness for the arts, music, poetry,
painting, and sculpture. In both drawing and painting-
he acquired much skill, and while these pursuits were
necessarily neglected amid the multiplied and pressing
occupations of after life, he always showed the highest
appreciation of them. His sense of the beautiful was
vivid, his taste exquisite, and it was said of him by the
late Mr. Sully, an eminent painter of Richmond and
Philadelphia, that he was not only an amateur and a

G

50 Memoir of Williain Madison Peijton.

connoisseur, but an artist as well. Before lie was
twenty-five he had amassed a considerable collection of
paintings, busts, statuettes, vases, coins, medals, and
other rarities, a collection which was augmented from
year to year till the visitor wandered from room to room
in his Eoanoke mansion bewildered with the emharras
des richesses. His library, too, was one of the best
selected, and probably the largest private collection of
books in Virginia. On his shelves were many old, rare,
and valuable works, and some of the finest books of
plates and engravings extant. It would have required
the industry and learning of an American Dibdpi to
classify the books and set forth their claims to celebrity.
Such was his proficiency as a linguist, that he wrote
several of the polite languages with the correctness and
fluency of an educated native. Yet, with all this
surface of graceful accomplishments, no one called him
superficial. On the contrary, it was the habit of his
mind to search into the depths of thhigs. He had
sufficient warmth of imagination to appreciate the
works on which fancy bestows a life more lasting than
reality, yet that appreciation did not lead him to copy,
Ijut rather to analyse what he admired. Fond of
metaphysics, he prized most that kind of poetry in
which intellectual speculation lights up unsuspected
beauties, or from which it derives familiar illustration
of hidden truths. Thus, in his conversation, though it
had the easy charm of a man of the world, there was a
certain subtlety, sometunes a depth, of reasoning, which,
aided by large stores of information, imposed upon his

Memoir of William Madison Feyton. 51

listeners and brouglit into bolder relief the vantage
ground for political station, which his talents and his
knowledge took from the dignity of his birth and tlie
largeness of his fortune.

With little taste for the routine and technicalities of
the common law, he yielded to the earnest desire of
our father, and, after a short respite from collegiate-
labours, commenced studying for the bar. Two years
later (1828), when in his twenty-third year, he was
admitted to the practice. A few months following this
introduction, during a recess of the courts, he set
forth upon a tour of the States, or what were termed
" his travels." It was not only his own, but oui-
father's wish, that he should make this tour. No doubt
there is a period in the existence of every man, when
he desires to wander away from the familiar objects
around him, when he longs to be far from his best
friends ; times when the stream of humanity becomes
dull and prosy, when one tires of routine, and desires
to be upon the lake shore or the mountain peak.
This was now his case, and consequently he left
home in high spirits. lie was no doubt imbued with
the meaning of the remark of Beaumont on a similar
occasion, who said :

" Let rogues be fixed, who have no habitation,
A gentleman may wander."

During his absence, he visited the British North
American provinces, and, returning by Canada passed,
thence through the lakes to the north-western States
and territories, and down the Mississippi to New

52 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

Orleans. From New Orleans lie proceeded home
through Alabama, Florida, Georgia and the Carolinas.
These travels were undertaken, not merely to gratify
his taste for the picturesque, but, m imitation of the
example of the wise Ulysses, to study the laws and
institutions, the manners and customs, of the dilferent
regions which he visited and where he resided. In
the society of the numerous state and colonial
capitals Avhere he sojourned, he abstained from all
giddy and licentious pleasures, though it was not
unfrequently the case that young men whom he met,
sought to make him ashamed of sobriety, and I regret
to say, many of the women of modesty.

While in Florida he was prostrated by a violent
attack of fever. He could scarcely have recovered,
such was its severity but for the khid and watchful
attention of a Virginian doctor, who had years before
migrated to the territory, and who attended him more as
a friend than a physician, and the singular fidelity of an
African freedman, a waiter hi the town of Tallahassee,
who had been his travelling guide and servant for
some weeks before. This faithful black watched at his
bed-side, day and night, apparently without ever giving
way to sleep or fatigue, studying his every motion,
administering medichie at proper intervals, and fanning
his fevered brow. When he had sufficiently recovered
to leave his Toom, and was once more convalescent, he
enquired the cause of a sadness which he had all along
read in the countenance of his excellent attendant.
The black informed hmi, with a simple eloquence, which

Memoir of William Madison Peyton,

53

brought tears to liis eyes, that he had long loved a
slave girl whom he wished to marry. Her master,
however, objected, not wishing his slaves to intermarry
with freed persons. The black attributed his refusal to
another and a different cause, and trembled for the girl's
virtue. He represented that the master was in debt,
and purposed selling his property, and removing west
of the Mississippi. In this contingency, William's nurse
wished to accompany them, though he should leave
behind an aged and infirm mother, who relied entirely
upon his labour for support.

Deeply moved by this simple narrative, my brother
formed a resolution. On the following day he visited
the girl's master, and, after a long interview, the
particulars of which never transpired, he succeeded
in not only procuring his consent to the union, but also
to his partmg with the ownership of the beautiful slave.
By some arrangement, into which the freedman was
made a party, the girl passed to her lover, or in
other words, from the bonds of slavery to those of
conjugal life. When this affair was settled, and
the particulars communicated to the grateful black, he
was overwhehned, and bewildered at his good fortune.
Soon ho burst into a paroxysm of tears, and throwmg
himself upon his knees, in extravagant terms
thanked his generous benefactor, commending him to
the favour of Heaven.

William Peyton remained long enough in Florida
to see the lovers married. The night before leaving
they came to hun with the aged mother, their friends

54 Memoir of William Madison Pt'ijton.

aud relatives, to make a last "demonstration of their
gratitude, bringing fruits and flowers as an offering,
and singing songs of thanks and praise. When he
left, he was surrounded by a crowd of grateful
Africans, deeply moved with grief and frantic in
their gestures, and in their wild language of i)raise
and thanks.

This affecting incident of liis travels, which was not
mentioned on his return, many years later, came to
the knowledge of the author, through a communication
from a Floridian, who was in Virginia on a summer
tour.

On his return from these well employed travels,
he became the general object of esteem and attention
in his own county, not only on account of his noble
character, but by the elegance of his manners, the
comeliness of his person, and the dehghts of his con-
versation. His reappearance at the bar was now
anxiously awaited by his friends, many of whom
supposed he would equal, if not surpass, our learned
father as a pleader and an advocate. His first
appearance before a jury, gave the best hopes of
his abilities, and inspired his fiiends with fresh zeal
for his contmuance at the bar. He soon became
conspicuous for the analytical powers of his mind,
for the accuracy of his legal knowledge, the dexterity
of his handling of an opponent and the fervour of his
eloquence. Business came in rapidly and his success,
had not his failing health prevented, must have
equalled any expectations formed of liim by his

Memoir of William Afadison Peyton. 55

most sanguine friends. Always in delicate health,
he suftercd periodically from vertigo and severe pains
in the head, and after these paroxysms , was subject
to long periods of weariness. At the end of two
years, therefore, upon the advice of a medical man,
he determined to give up the profession, and to
retire upon his estate, in order to give himself up to
less exhausting and more congenial pursuits. Thus
it is that he is not famous in the legal annals of
Virginia ; that he produced no great work in his
retirement. In addition to his ill-health, which
impaired his energies, he wanted ambition, self-
assertion — was extremely placable, and saw other and
less worthy men advance and pass him, without any
effort or regret. Had his health been vigorous, had
he been arrogant, grasping, and faithless, and had he
been ready to betray or blacken those with whom he sat
at meat, he would have reached the highest political
honours and distinctions, and must have passed many
men, who in the course of his life passed him. But
without selling his soul for a mess of pottage, had
he been more zealous for the promotion of his interest,
more selfish, more conscious of his power and of
the place nature intended him to occupy, he would
have acted a great part in life and remahied a noted
character in history. A man, however, cannot be
what he would, if circumstances do not permit it.

It may not be out of place to anticipate events at this
point and to relate the following interesting occurrence
which took place on his abandonment of the wig and

56 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

gown. It had not been customary with him to receive
his fees, while at the bar, in money, but turning a kiikl
ear to the complaints of clients, he had satisfied
himself, following in this the advice of my father,
with simply taking their I.O.U.'s. These ho could
collect if he required the money, and if not, it was
evident he would not inconvenience his debtors.
Previously to the last term of the superior courts
which he attended, he addressed a letter to each of his
debtors, informing them of his wish to meet them at
the next court, and askhig them, if possible, not to
disappoint him.

What occured when he reached Huntersville, where
the superior court of Pocahontas county was held,
will give the reader an idea of what took place every-
where hi the circuit. His clients received these notices
with various feeUngs. They were anxious — restless.
Those who owed him large sums Avere filled with
apprehension. They could but suppose from the brief,
almost curt, note they had received, that immediate
payment of their accounts would be demanded.
Something akin to a money panic prevailed at the
time m the country — there was great financial embar-
rassment, and the stoutest men quailed as they looked
forward to the ruhi in which all industrial interests
were likely to be involved. The dread, therefore, with
which his debtors assembled for his appearance at
Huntersville, may be better imagined than described.
Many said it was impossible such a man could thmk
of pressing them for his claims at such a moment, or

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 57

iiideed, at any time. Others, said he, might be iu
trouble, and thus have no alternative. A third party
protested that the human heart was deceitful above all
things and desperately wicked, and while they never
could have believed him ca})able of such oppression,
they feared they had mistaken his nature. Still a
fourth set came forAvard to cheer the despondent,
declaring they would never believe him capable of
wrong and injustice, (and it would be both to deniand
immediate payment of these notes, during a period of
fuiancial distress) until it could be made to appear tliat
black was white and white black.

On the lirst day of the term, a day which finally
came, great crowds assembled (as is usual in Virginia
on assize days) at lluntersville. AVilliam Peyton was
already in his lodgings, where his clients began to drop
in. AMien all had arrived they Avere invited to a large
room, in the centre of Avhich stood a censer filled Avith
burning coals. Shaking hands Avith his old friends and
making a fcAV inquiries after their families, he advanced
to the head of the table, and, in a short address, inform-
ed them of his continued ill health and of his pur[)Ose
to retire from the bar. lie then took from a tlraAver a
tin box containing their bonds. A shudder passed
through the frame of many a poor fulloAV, as he
recofrnised the fatal bills to Avhich his hand and seal
Avere affixed. My brother then remarked that the
notes Avhich he took from the box had been given for
his jjrofessional services, Avhile the truth Avas simpl}^ this,
that he had rendered them little or no service Avhat-

H

58 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

ever and that, therefore, he could not consent to receive
a penny from any of them — that he had called them
together that day to absolve them from then* obli-
gations— to wish them every kind of prosperity in life,
and to bid them farewell. Nothing more.

A profound silence followed these words, his audience
was momentarily stupified with astonishment. During
this pause he proceeded to place upon the live coals their
promissory notes, and the entire bundle was consumed
before their wondering eyes. His grateful clients,
having somewhat recovered their self possession, raised,
amidst the smoke of the charred papers, shout after
shout, cheer after cheer.

Next day they instructed a committee from their
body, to wait upon and invite him to a public dinner
and to say in substance,

" Not that we tliiiik us wortliy such a guest,
But that your worth will dignify oiu- feast
With those that come."

When the committee arrived at his rooms, they found
them empty and in disorder, a few stray bits of paper,
the ends of strings and other evidences of hasty pacldng
were scattered about the floor. Betimes that morning
he had risen, and was now probably twenty miles
distant on his return. He travelled by a road con-
ductmg to the Hot Springs, instead of proceeding
immediately towards Staunton. This was a common
thing with him. He often turned away from the beaten
track, trebling his journey, in order to visit some region
famed for its scenic beauty. On the present occasion.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 59

following this custom, he took a route remarkable for its
diversified and romantic landscapes. Brought up in
a beautiful pastoral district, he early imbibed a love of
nature which he viewed with a poetic eye. He early
fed upon the open sky influences of the fields, the
wide vallies, the rolling meadows, the lofty mountains :
was nurtured upon sunshine and shadow, on hill and
in vale, by mountain-stream, and in the leafy dell. He
knew all the choicest haunts, the sweetest and most
sublime scenes of nature, throughout a district unrivalled
in Vii-ginia for varied and picturesque beauty. The
grandeur of the summer and autumn fogs rolling
up the hills and mountains, of the roaring cataract
plunging down into the valley below ; the inefi'able
sweetness of the evening glow enveloping the far spread-
ing valley, amid which the peaceful flocks browsed in
quiet joy ; the glory of sunrise,

" When from the naked top
Of some lofty peak ho beheld the sun
Rise uj), and l)athe the world in light."

were all familiar to him from a boy. Thus was his
mind fed upon nature in her choicest aspects, and his
enthusiastic heart impelled towards art and its
cultivation.

It is proper that it should be explained with
reference to his observation to his cHents, when burnhig
their -notes, " that he had rendered them no service,"
that no man deserved to stand higher for his moral
qualities and his faithful discharge of duty. He was as
much distinguished for the uprightness of his dealing

60 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

ill all transactions of a business character, as for his
benevolent affections. In this remark his modesty
spoke, and only his modesty. He was emphatically
mitiqua homo virtute ac fide, and, moreover, a philanthro-
pist in the truest sense of that word. Everything
tending to the good of his kind, he was on all
occasions, and particularly in cases of distress, zealous
to forward, considering nothing as foreign to himself,
as a man, which related to man. Consequently, he
counted, as we have before said, many friends, and
from the great purity and simplicity of his manners,
few or no enemies, unless I may be allowed to call
those enemies, who, without detracting from his merit
openly, might yet from a jealousy of his superiority,
be disposed to lessen it in private. An old author
has said on this point, " men take an ill-natured
pleasure in crossing our inclinations, and disappointing
us in what our hearts are most set upon; when,
therefore, they have discovered our ruling passion,
they become sparing and reserved iu their com-
mendations, they envy the satisfaction of applause, and
look on their praise rather as a kindness done to our
person than as a tribute to our merit. Others, who
are free from this natural perverseness of temper, grow
wary in their praises of one who sets a value on them,
lest they should raise him too high in his own
imagination, and, by consecjuence, i-emove him to a
greater distance from themselves."

CHAPTER V.

In 182-i when AVilliam Peyton returned from Yale
he commenced, as has Ijeen previously said, reading
for the bar. Thouoh he ft-ave sufiicient time to this
grave pursuit to pass for a young man of '' steady
habits," he mingled largely in polite society. His
name was generally found at this period among those
who frequented balls, theatres, and other amusements.
Frequently in Pichmond and Washington his box was
well known at the opera. Considering his youth and
high natural spirits, this was but reasonable, one of
those things to be expected.

During an incidental visit to Washington a year or
two later, when dining with General Jackson, who had
been recently elected President, the following passage
occurred between them. It must be remembered that
with the election of "Old Hickory" in 1829, a new
and by no means improved order of things was
introduced into American politics. For the first
time since the foundation of the Government and
to the no small disfrust of the President's best friends

G2 Memoir of Will icon Jlladison Peyton.

and wisest counsellors, General Jackson announced
his determination to be guided in all appointments to
office by the maxim that "to the victors belong the
spoils." Shortly, therefore, after his inauguration, he
summarily discharged every political opponent who
chanced to hold office. That reckless spirit which has
since degraded American politics was thus introduced, and
has been from that time to the present in the ascendency.
Shame has gradually perished ; insolence and impudence
prevail over justice, and possess the land. The
purity of an earlier and better period of the Republic
and their traditions are forgotten. Those days

" Once far faiuod,
Where liberty and justice, hand in hand,
Order'd the common weal ; where great men grew
Up to their natui-al eminence, and none
Saving the wise, just, eloquent, were great ;
Where power was of God's gift, to whom he gave
Supremacy of merit, the sole means
And broad liighway to power that ever then
Waa meritoriously administer'd,
Whilst all the instruments from first to last,
The tools of state for ser\dce higli or low,
Were chosen for their aptness to the ends
Which virtue meditates."

At the President's dinner our father was present,
being at the time a guest at the Executive mansion.
He had been one of Jackson's supporters in the
"election, but, it must be said in justice to his memory,
under a total misapprehension of the General's political
character. No man detested and repudiated more
heartily than did John Howe Peyton the corrupting
doctrine with which Jackson commenced his oificial
career, and he became so convinced in the progress of

Memoir of William Madison reyton. G3

events of its lowering and corrupting tcuclcncies, that
he forsook his party and jomed the whigs. Duriiig the
second term of (leneral Jackson's administration,
the control of the party passed into the hands
of mere adventurers, E fiimjis nati homines. At
this time (1831), however, our father was on the
best terms with His Excellency, and was staying
<larhig a business visit to Washington, as he was in the
habit of doing, at the White House. Some years
previously General Jackson made the acquaintance of my
brother, and conceived an especial liking for him. The
liveliness, wit, and humour of the young man quickly
captivated "old Hickory," who took a rare delight in
his society and always treated him with marked atten-
tion. Few indeed could resist the charm of William
Peyton's manner and conversation. In the course of
the dinner, "old Hickory" expressed his astonishment at
the numbers attracted to Washington in search of office.
It must be borne in mind that at this early period in his
administration, the President had not unfurled the pirate
flag to which I have referred. Turning to his young
friend ho said jocosely :

"Well William, What office are you seekino'^"

My brother replied at once with equal humour and
with his customary animation :

"I do not aspire to any post, but if your Excellency
confer an office upon me let it be one with a fat salary,
where there is no work and less responsibility."

Old Hickory received this sally with hearty laughter,
and said:

64 Memoir of William Madison Penton.

"My dear boy, I shall not forget you. We have too
many such sinecures m AVashmgton. It is all salary, no
work, and as for responsibility it is expected that I shall
assume this and by the Eternal I am not afraid to do
so."

The year following this visit to the capital, the impor-
tant Federal office of attorney for the district of West-
ern Virginia became vacant. This is no sinecure, and
the President offered it to William Peyton, A most
unusual distinction for one so young, and exhibiting in
the strongest manner the unbounded confidence reposed
in him by the Government. William hesitated to
accept or to refuse the appointment. If he continued
at the bar it was important that he should do the
former. He was somewhat apprehensive, however, that
his health might not permit him to perform its duties.
He paused, therefore, before communicating with the
Government on the subject. At this moment an appeal
was made to his better nature. A young friend, Mr.
Harrison, in straitened circumstances, ^vlio had with
difficulty obtained an education, greatly desired the
office. This gentleman was on the circuit, and gave
promise of future usefulness, but was absolutely without
political interest. He appealed to his friend William to
refuse the position for his benefit. " You are rich," said
Mr. Harrison, "and have no need of the salary — your
health is delicate, why undertake its drudgery — you have
no particular taste for the law, why should you
unnecessarily impose the heavy yoke of its labours
upon yourself ? " Mr. Harrison's confidence in William's

Memoir of William Madison Fe}jton. 65

generosity was not misplaced. My brother, after Mr.
H.'s earnest appeal, determined to decline the post, and
recommended his friend's appointment to the President.
If you have one friend, says the proverb, think yourself
happy. Here was a friend indeed, a practical illustra-
tion of disinterested friendship. Yet there are people
who calumniate poor human nature and speak of self
sacrifice and true friendship as if it had no existence.

If it be true that no object is more pleasing to the
eye than the sight of a man whom you have obliged,
nor any music so agreeable to the ear as the voice of one
that o\vns you for his benefactor, William Peyton must
have gone through life cheered by pleasant sights and
grateful sounds : never was there a man who so
habitually lost sight of himself, who made more
numerous sacrifices for his friends, nay even his mere
acquaintances.

Shortly after he entered upon the practice of the law,
when attending court at the warm springs, Bath Co., he
mortified my father exceedingly by a piece of off-hand levity,
which the latter regarded as a most undignified proceed-
ing, unworthy of the profession. He was employed .to
defend a man charged with horse stealing, and, as there
was only circumstantial evidence to prove his guilt, my
brother, who was much exhilarated, for it must be remem-
bered that the case came on after dinner, set up the
defence that according to the principles of science, and
of a new science likely to prove both useful and
ornamental, it was impossible his client could be guilty.
He then referred to and explained the theories of Gall

I

G6 Memoir of William Madison Vcijion.

and Spurzlieim, and declared that according to the
phrenological bumps on the head of his client, theft was
a crime he was incapable of committing. Ho argued
with much gravity and ingenuity in this direction,
amidst the suppressed giggling of the bar, to the great
chagrin of my father, who was public prosecutor, and
to the thorough mystification of the county court. This
body was composed of country gentlemen unacquainted
with law, and it was one of their boasts that they made
up their decisions, not so much in accordance with the
principles of common law, as of common sense. My
brother went on, and drawing from his desk a
copy of Combe's phrenology, illustrated with plates,
exhibited it to the jury, and declared that at the point
upon the pericranium of his client, where there should
be a protuberance if he were capable of robbery, there
was not the pdightest development, and asked, Avhat is
the value of science, if we discarded its teachings ? He
then made an animated and eloquent appeal to the
feelings of the jury, based upon the humane principle of
the common law, that it is better that ninety-nine guilty
men should escape, than that one innocent person
should suffer, and, declaring his conviction of the
prisoner's innocence, asked them to give him the benetit
of every doubt, and lean to the side of mercy.

My father, in reply, was exceedingly severe in his
comments upon the airiness of my brother, as inconsistent
with the administration of justice and the dignity of his
profession. He ridiculed Gall and Spurzheim's far-
fetched theories, which he declared were not scientitic

Memoir of WiUiain Madison Peyton. 07

deductions, but only speculative opinions, and attempted
to bring the whole defence into contempt, by referring
to the human skeleton, sayuig, "If you run your eye down
the spine it alights upon the oscoccijgis." Neither the
court nor the jury understanding what these words
meant, but overcome by the ludicrous manner of my
father, both burst hito a hearty laugh. "Now," continued
my father, " this o.s6-(^C(w/f//5- is nothing more nor less than a
rudimentary tail, as Lord Monbeddo has well said, and I
suppose we shall soon have some modern philosopher
startUng the world again with the proposition that man
once nourished a tail, but of which, the civilized use of a
chair has, in process of time, deprived hhn." He
continued somewhat in this style, "I mean nothing
against philosophers nor tads, both are useful in their
way. What would a cow do without her tail, especially
on our fly-pestered prairies, or the Pampas of South
America? What would a monkey do without this caudal
appendage and its prehensile quality ? — with him it takes
the place of hands. And shall we have philosophers
telling us that we received our hands when we lost our
tails, and tluit the monkey lost the use of his hands
because of his peculiar facility of using a tail ? A beauti-
ful science," said he, "is this phrenology, according to the
theory of the learned counsel for the prisoner. To all
standing in the unenviable position of his client, it will
prove, if the learned gentleman be correct, not only a
thing of beauty, but a source of comfort and a joy for
ever. To the murderer, the thief, the burglar, the high-
way robber, to all in fact, who wish to be rid of the

68 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

responsibility which attaches to their actions, it will
become a positive blessing. Not to these only, but to the
entire community — it opens a brilhant prospect of life, of
life as it should be in this enlightened age, at this
advanced period in the progress of the world. Upon
the ruins of our present immature civilization it will
uprear a charming state of society. Under the vivifying
influences of this new system, mankind will be happy,
perfectly happy ; and until the auspicious day when the
new order commences this " consummation so devoutly to
be wished," need not be anticipated. Throughout the
world, or at least so much of it as is illumined by the sun
of phrenology, perfect liberty will obtain, and the present
generation will wonder at the darkness in which their
ancestors groped. Justice will reign supreme, and our
statute books will be no longer disgraced by those dread-
ful laws founded in ignorance, superstition, and cruelty,
which consign a helpless and irresponsible man, criminal
you call him, to the merciless hands of the executioner.
It will then be clear as the noon-day sun, that law and
liberty cannot, exist, that they are natural enemies.
Along with this knowledge will come a resolution to
demolish the whole system of our jurisprudence, to cart
off the rubbish, and substitute in place thereof a new,
nobler, and higher civihzation. Poor weak man will no
longer be held accountable for his actions. The infirm-
ities of his nature will become a recognised principle, that
men are but men, will be known of all men. It will be
understood that from the foundation of the world, it was
determined, predestmed, and fore-ordained that he should

Memoir of William Madison Peijton. 69

act thus and thus, and that, therefore, he cannot be
justly rewarded for any action however meritorious, nor
punished for any crime, as we term it, how atrocious
soever. Men will stand aghast that laws should have
existed, and for so many ages, for afflicting a human being
for actions, over which it is clear, according to the pris-
oner's counsel, he had no control — actions, in fact, which
they were bound to perform, by an irresistible law of human
nature. Then will it be seen that men commit murder,
perpetrate rape, and apply the torch because they cannot
help it. Gentlemen of the Jury, no line of argument
would be shorter — I leave you to determine its soundness."
'* But to be serious," said my father, who though
cheerful in his disposition had a manner so tempered
with gravity as to check the sallies of indecent levity,
" I must refer, before closing, to the conduct of the
prisoner's counsel, and remark that some speakers are
more anxious to display their eloquence, than to
promote the public good. Now, when this is the case,
as I must charitably suppose it to be on this occasion,
oratory is a useless gift, and such fine speeches as we
have had to day are simply disgusting. When great
talents are employed to support a bad cause, perhaps
from selfish motives, (I trust and beheve that this is not
the case now), they are objects of universal contempt.
Oratory, with all its pleasing charms becomes an
instrument of mischief, when used by an unprincipled
man, as, when resorted to by a good man, its happy
influences almost exceeds belief. An orator who thus
uses his talents, without reference to his personal

70 Memoir of WiU'iam Madison Feijton.

interests, if he do not succeecl in his eflbrts, at k-ast,
enjoys self ai)prohation, and that of his God."

In this manner my father throw the defence into
ridicule and disrepute. His sound sense and keen
sarcasm was too nmch for my brother's after dinner
eloquence, and, from a brief consultation, the juiy
returned and delivered a verdict condemnhig the prisoner
to the penitentiary for two yi!ars.

The Hon. David Fultz, of Staunton, recently Judge
of the Circuit Superior Court of Augusta County, who
was present on this occasion, told the writer twenty
years ago, that he had never during his career at the
bar been so much interested and amused by any trial as
this. The disgust of my father at such a defence being
set up, the elation of my brother, at the probable
success of his ruse, the bewilderment of the court and
jury, both of whom seemed lost in a fog, the suppressed
merriment of the audience, which did not comprehend
exactly all that was transpiring, but which to some
extent entered into the fun, rendered the whole scene
inimitable.

The reader must not fall into the error of supposing,
because I have delayed tlius far to recur to my
brother's love afl'air, that he had lost his interest in
Miss Taylor. Far from it. On his return from Yale,
their friendship was renewed, and William gave less
time to the study of Captain Williamson's art collection,
wandered more on the banks of the purling streanis
which water the meadows above and below the town.
In other words, made a tolerably fair division of his

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 71

lime between Coke — Lyttleton, and his amiable friend.
Of com'se in a small place these thm^^^s could not long
escape public attention, becoming food for gossips.
Staunton ^vas one of those retired coramimities, such as
exist the W(jrld over, ^vhere everything is known and
thin fictions flourish hi wanton luxuriance. Mrs.
J>]own never had beef and carrots for dinner without
the knowledge or " imbekiiownt," as the negroes said,
to Mrs. Smith. The grocer never called at Mrs.
Jones' Av^ithout the extravagance of that mducky
woman, who "was supposed to be '' gone in the head,"
because she indulged in an extra quantity of rum and
molasses, becoming the subject of interesting specula-
tions among iieighbours, as to how long her
unfortunate husband could bear the drain u})on his
Hnances. It was a standing joke among the
''conscript fathers " that in bygone days an individual
had amassed a fortune in Staunton by attendhig to
his oiv)c business. Something not likely to occur again
was the doleful commentary upon modern degeneracy
"when people are Avont to mind every body's affairs but
their own. The old ladies assembled almost daily to
" sometimes counsel take and sometimes tea," and
nothing traus})iriug in the place Avas likely to
escape their observation.

It must not be supposed because this is an accurate
description of the town of my boyhood that it was
Avorse than, or very unlike, other small communities.
Far from it. I shall not, hoAvever, attempt any
A'indieatiou or make any apologies for the place. Que

72 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

s'excuse s'accuse. The truth is, the residents were
very pleasant after their fashion, and not more addicted
to gossip than the rest of the workl. As a rule they
were much given to hospitality, and entertained
strangers on the fat of the land. They were a little
lethargic, somewhat like the dwellers in Sleepy Hollow,
but stagnation in trade rendered the affairs of the social
life all the brisker. Eveiy now and then during term
time, it enjoyed some weeks of festivity, but such
seasons only occurred twice a year and Staunton had
ample time to recruit her energies. From these
periodical festivities she would relapse into placidity,
and nodded on from mouth to month contentedly.

During the latter part of the month of Oct. 1828, a
party of ladies, (there was only one gentleman present,
Mr. Sam. Moore), I do not say old ladies, for one or
two sweet seventeen's were in the room, were grouped
around a table from which the hissing urn had just been
removed. They were pulling, measuring, adjusting
their work, and settling themselves down, after heavy
potations of that friend to prattle and that foe to
slumbers, for a cosey tittle-tattle. A jocund wood fire
illumined the hearth and a brilhant light was diffused
through the wainscoted room, from an ancient glass
chandelier, suspended from the ceiling. Some good
paintings lined the walls, and several small tables were
loaded with glittering nick-nacks from all climes and
countries. Much old china was disposed about the
room, a little cracked if closely examined, many books,
a pretty work box, a bird cage, and a great vase of

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 73

freshly gathered flowers, the early frosts had not yet
withered these. Mr. Moore aud the young ladies were;
engaged in a round game, and a fine King Charles dog
and an Angora cat, after their diurnal squabbles, were
peacefully sleeping side by side on the rug. This
wainscoted apartment in which there was a ceaseless
rustle of silky raiment, a shimmer of jewels, and a glitter
of eyes brighter yet, was the drawing-room of u
Staunton mansion. It stood in its own grounds, was
innocent of stucco, lath or plaster, and was one of the
finest pictures imaginable of the local respectability of
former days. This was the "Blackburn House," though
not then occupied by the family from which it took its
name, but by Mrs. Lisle, one of the feminine "institu-
tions" of the to\vn.*

Mrs. Lisle was the centre of a little coterie, the chief
personages of which were now assembled around her.
Every one knows the freemasonry that exists
in such a set, and it is not without its social
advantages. However much they trouble themselves
with their neighbours' concerns, they have the good
nature and tact to generally keep it to themselves.
Among those present this evening was Mrs. Boh
MacdoweU, — a large, bony looking woman, with a turned-
up nose and a pouting under lip, that expressed a sour
contempt for all that she heard. The writer remembers

It is now, or was in 1859, the Episcopal parsonage, occui)ied by
Rev. T. T. Castleman, M. A., Rictor of Trinity Church. It has been
plastered and white washed, the grounds stripped of trees, and the build-
ing stares at you with sharp, harsh, and stei-u, aliuostforbiddingoutlines,
nnd is, thanks to modern architecture, the most uninviting looking of
dwellings.

K

74 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

Mrs. Macdowell perfectly, for she survivetl this period
many years, and she was a character, ohstiuate, opinion-
ative, incredulous. She not uufrequently breakfasted on
beefsteak and Albany ale, daily taking so many pints of
that bitter liquid, which was imported into our commun-
ity by the leading confectioner of the day, Morrill
Gushing. Mrs. Macdowell was as unangelic in person
as in her diet, dressed gorgeously, and indulged in
masterly intrigues, polite hatreds, and a perpetual
struggle with the little world of fashion around her.
Having failed in a good fight she had waged since her
widowhood against all wealthy widowers and bachelors,
she had dropped to the rear, desperately wounded, but
with life enough left to carry on a harrassing battle with
humanity. She indulged in rouge, powder, and patches,
and seemed to have far down in her heart the germ of
an unlawful admiration for anything scandalous — not to
say wicked. When listening to the gossip of her
neighbours, she would sometimes exclaim with the
affected modesty of a maiden of seventeen "Oh! how
delicious, and so improper!" Another of the evening party
was Mrs. Telfair, one of the strong-minded women of that
day. There was also present Mrs. Blackburn and Mrs.
Brown, both originals in their way and of many good quali-
ties. Mrs. Lisle and her friends had been dehghtfully
occupied with their small talk about two hours, during
which they had pretty Avell discussed the affairs of the
town, and, among the rumours of the hour, the approach-
ing marriage of Wilham Peyton and Miss Taylor. At the
moment they were turning this delicious morsel over their

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 75

tongues, the door opened, and a shadow fell upon the
table. Turning their eyes, they rose and greeted warmly a
tall, strongly-hiiilt, straiglit-limhed, fresh-coloured, young
man who entered, hut and cane in hand. This was
William Peyton, of ^vllom they had been speaking. He
called at the histance of Mrs. Boys, to escort her sister,
Mrs. Telfair, on her return home. There was no resist-
ing the importunities of the ladies, and he took a seat
and remained to sip a glass of mulled ^vhie.

Now, at the moment this was going forward at Mrs.
Lisle's, another scene, a festive scene was taking place in a
different part of the town. In Augusta Street, at the
corner of Court-House Alley, on the spot now (1873)
occupied by tlie Augusta Law Offices, there stood in
1826, a long two-story frame building, called "The
Bryan House." The boards on its sides, from long
exposure to wind and weather, and to the action of the
semitropical sun of a Virginian summer, were warped,
curled, and bent, in a remarkable manner. Originally,
when the boards had been smoothly arranged, the
exterior of the Bryan House was not unhandsome — now it
was horrible to behold. Long since, mischievous boys
had shattered the glass of the basement whidoAvs, and
the cats and dogs of the neighbourhood roamed at
liberty through the subterranean vaults. The entire
sashes of the dormer windows were gone, and two black
holes, like eyless sockets, stared at you from the roof.
These ghost-like apertures, where there were no eyes,
let in light upon an upper story as empty as any ever
illuminated by visual organs. With two such unprom-

70 Memoir of WiUicun Madison Peyton.

isiiig stories — the upper and lower — little can be
expected from what remains to be described of the
"Bryan House." Yet there were two floors still habit-
able— at least to bachelors, who are generally expected
to put up with slender accomodation, and these were
known in the legal language of the town as attorney's
chambers. They were now occupied by two students of
the law. One of these was the late Chapman Johnson,
jun., who was at the moment, when William Peyton
entered Mrs. Lisle's parlour, sitting amongst a number
of chosen friends, pipe in mouth, playing the violin.

Mr. Johnson was a musician out and out, so?is tons les
rapports. In fact, was so absorbed with music that he
could not be separated from it : it was himself. He
recalled the epitaph on the grave stone of the obscure
I'mglishman, which records " One Claudius Philips,
whose absolute contempt for riches, and inimitable
performance on the violin, made him the admiration of
all who knew him."

Mr. Johnson, certainly from no unusual gravity in
his manner, there was confessedly something antiquated
in his appearance, had been called from his fifteenth year
" Old Chap." He was (for this dear old friend of my
youth has been gathered to his fathers) a social,
harmless, improvident, generous fellow. From his
chambers there was ordinarily a sound of revelry by
night. As may be imagined, he was personally
popular, particularly among the younger portion of the
community. Old Chap possessed moi-e than social
qualities, was a man of excellent abilities and sound

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 77

pi-ofessional knowledge, yet his life had been a faikire.
No success attended his presence at the bar, nor when
subsequently elected a member of the House of
Delegates of Virginia did he add anything to his
fame. Ilis singular inetiiciency Avas attributed to
various causes. To my mind it seemed that he had
never proposed to himself a certain aim in life and
set forward steadily to attain it. Possibly, • like
many boys, he thought there was time enough, and
grudged all that interfered with his pleasures ; that,
unmindful of the wise maxim of the ancient poet, he
was always " sowing his wild oats," did not renounce
his gaieties at the proper time. Nee lusisse pudet^ sed
7ion incidere ludum. It may be that he wanted the
oi)portunity — Opportunity ! phantom goddess of
success, that so few seize and make their own. And
nothing is more true than the remark of the younger
Pliny, " no man possesses genius so commanding as
to be able to rise in the world, uidess these means are
aiforded him : opportunity and a friend to promote
his advancement." If it be true that hell is paved
with good resolutions, may it not be roofed over with
lost opportunities. " Old Chap" had relations at the
])ar in A^irginia, who were, at the time of his coming
forward, in good practice. Had one of these extended
a helping hand to him at the critical moment, he
would in all probability have become a shining light
in the profession. All watched his sinking, no one
olfered to rescue the droAvning man. He was allo^ved
to waste his best years in

78 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

goaded by his pecuniary difficulties to desperation, and
anon driven to despair. His selfish connections who
pretented to be friends, but were his crudest enemies —
those who saw him fail and die of a broken heart —
verily, they have their reward. But what is that
reward? Not the smiles of heaven ; nor the
testimony of a good conscience ; scarcely the
praisis of men. If the latter, has been their reward,
let them enjoy it. Whether it was the meanness,
the baseness of his so called friends — enemies he had
none who dared to avow it — or his own idleness and
indifference, which I do not believe, his life was never-
theless a failure, and this inan of real legal learning, of
tine logical mind and persuasive eloquence was wholly
unsuccessful. No one knew exactly why. My father
had his opinion upon the suV)ject, and thought he
hddled away his time and leaned too much upon his
relati(/as. He said of Old Chap, in a moment
of merriment, and no one was fonder of a good jeu
d' esprit than John Howe Peyton — '^ Music is out of
place in a court house. I never knew a fiddling
hiwyer to succeed, especially if nature designed him to
play that useful, yet much despised, instrument, the
'' second fiddle," a good enough instrument for a
duet, but one on which no successful solo Avas ever
played."

But, to proceed with my narrative, Old Chap's
friends were, on the night referred to, listening with
rapt attention to the dulcet strains of music, and
Paganini never called forth sweeter sounds. Now and

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 79

again they pledged him a health as they quaffed from a
bowl of egg-nog. As the evening advanced they
mellowed into the most delightfal companionship. Such
are the seductions, too, of this popular Virginian drink,
that when they left off at eleven o'clock it was without
exception with glowing faces and watery eyes. A few
moments after this, William Peyton and his friend
Moore, having conducted the party of ladies to their
respective homes, were returning in the direction of the
old stone house when they espied the lights in Old Chap's
sitting room. As neither of them was disposed for sleep
they determined to pay an unseasonable visit to their
friend and indulge in a whiff of the calumet. Stumlj-
ling up the dark stairs, they entered without knocking.
Here they saw Old Chap in the midst of his friends,
his pipes, and bottles. The warm-hearted fellow greeted
them cordially, and proceeded to lill two tumblers with
egg-nog. After awhile they subsided into arm chairs,
and continued their chit-chat, while one after another
of the company dropped off, and the three were left
alone. William Peyton then informed his friend of his
approaching marriage and secured his services to attend
upon him as "best man," when the nuptials were cele-
brated.

The friends sat an hour longer over this absorbing
topic, indulging in occasional sallies of playful wit,
puffing away at their meerschaums, and watching the
smoke wreathing up to the ceiling. Young Peyton, and
indeed Sam. Moore for the matter of that though
several years his senior, was drinking in worldly wisdom

80 Memoir of WilUain Madison rcijton.

from tlie lips of their venerable friend, as they called Old
Chap, whom they esteemed the very guide-hook to
everything connected with matrimonial life. Why Old
Chap was so considered it is not the easiest thing in
the world to tell. Never had he made a trial in that
direction himself, and more than once he had been heard
to say rather dogmatically '^ Mes en/ants" — he always
spoke a little French after his egg-nog "I'ous ne pouvcz
pas," "wive and thrive."

But to cut my story short. In accordance with the
announcement of this evening, William Peyton was
married to Miss Taylor within a month of this time, in
the year 1826. It may not be out of place to say here,
what was proved by time, that they were well-mated and
knew each other's worth ; William ever thought that no
wife surpassed his own ; and she exulted in her husband
— regarding him as her greatest earthly gift from God.
Their union recalled the lines of Massinger :

" I know the sum of all that makus a man — a just man — happy,
Consists in the well chosing of his wife ;
And then well to discharge it, does require
Equality of years, of birth, of fortune ;
For beauty, being poor, and not cried up
By birth or wealth, can truly mix with neither."

The little town broke out in an extravaganza of
flags and flowers on the occasion of this wedding —
everyone went in for pleasure with a will.

One of the landed estates my brother acquired by his
wife, was the Hot Springs, in Bath county, Virginia — a
property which was sold, by the by, in 18G4, for three

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 81

hundred thousand dollars (£60,000). x Shortly after
his marriage he removed from Staunton to the Springs,
where he passed three years. When leaving Pocahon-
tas Court house, after the conflagration of his clients'
bonds, in order to avoid any demonstration they might
be disposed to make in his honour, it was to jom his
young wife at this Spa. She was then the happy
mother of two lovely daughters, Elizabeth Thompson
and Susan Madison.

While residing at the Hot Springs, the following
incident occurred, and though some might consider it
too trivial to be mentioned, is deemed not unworthy of
being recorded in further illustration of his character.
Among the intimate friends of his youth was a young
gentleman still living, whom I shall call A. B. Young
Alexander wished to marry an accomplished lady who
was governess in his father's family. For several
years, without the fact transpiring, he was her suitor
and had proffered her marriage. The affair finally
came to the knowledge of his father, who was greatly
incensed, as is usual in such cases, and he deter-
mined, if possible, to break off the match. Old Mr. B.
declared that if his son persisted in marrying one so
much his inferior in social position and fortune, he
would banish him for ever from his presence,
cut him off with a shilling. Young A. B., who
had no independent means, was greatly troubled at
this opposition, and wrote to his friend Peyton, relating
the circumstances of the case and asking his advice.
My brother, in reply, said, among other things, that in

,/ ' ' L

82 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

the conflict of duties, Alexander owed more to the hidy
than to his father, since he had secured her all'ections
and pledged his honour to marry her ; that he owed it
to himself, as well as to the young lady, to fulfil his
engagement. He continued, " Her family is really only
inferior to your own in wealth and the kind of position
it gives — the opposition of your father is therefore selfish
and unreasonable." Hence he advised him, to be con-
stant to his engagement. " As soon as you arc
married," he continued, "come to my house and
make it your home, until you are able from your
legal practice to support your family. I will supply
you with means in the interhn, and will not accept
payment, unless your father repents of his hasty
decision, and permits you to share his property equally
with his other children." Delighted with these sentiments
and with the noble evidence of my brothers friendship,
Alexander determined to act upon his advice. Before
taking the final step, however, he thought it
advisable to confer again with his father and show
him the letter. Seeldng his father's presence, he
announced his resolution, declaring that it was
absolutely necessary to his happiness and success in
life. If he was disappointed in this matter, he felt he
was wi'ccked ; had he anticipated his father's opposi-
tion, he would not have allowed his feelings to become
so involved ; as it was, matters had gone too far for a
retreat. He continued saying that his honour was
implicated, not only in his own, but in the opinion of
his best friends, that he had recently received from one

Memoir of IVilliam Madison Pcijton. 83

of these, William Peyton, whom his father had always
held up to him as a model worthy of imitation, a letter
going over the Avhole ground. He would leave this
with him for perusal, and call the next day to ascertain
what he thought of the advice it contained. It must
be remembered that the affair had caused so much
unpleasantness in Mr. B's. family, that Alexander was
virtually banished from the paternal roof and was
stayhig at the house of a relative in the neighbourhood.
Two days after this interview he called on his father,
and was greatly surprised and delighted to receive a
friendly reception. The old man said he had
never been more impressed than with the
good sense and right feeling of William Peyton's
vie^vs, that they had brought him back to
his good sense and completely changed his
mind. I no longer oppose, said he, your union
with a woman who is worthy of you, simply
because she is poor, one whom you love so tenderly,
and who returns your aflection. A wise man has
said, conthiued Mr. B., that he who has one friend
is fortunate and ought to be happy. You, my
son have a true friend in William Peyton — cherish
him. If I felt that you would be guided by his
counsel and advice throughout life, I should have
less regret in giving up the ghost. Promise me
that you will at least always consult him when in
trouble. His son was not slow in making this promise,
and, receiving the blessing of his father,, hastened
to communicate the happy news to his allianced

84 Memoir of Williain Madison Pcijton,

hriJe. They were married soon after. Mr. and Mrs.
B. survive, surrounded by a numerous offspring, the
learned Mr. B. an ornament to his profession and
an honour to his State. The dear friend, Wilham
Peyton, to whom they owe so much sleeps under
the green sod, but his memory yet lives and is
hallowed in the recollection of all those who knew
him.

CHAPTER VI.

Finding, after a farther residence of a year at
the Hot Springs, that the chinate was not good for
his health, nor the society congenial to his tastes, he
made sale of that valuable property to Dr. Samuel
Goode, of Mecklenburg, receiving from him in part
payment an extensive landed estate in Botetourt.
Shortly after he removed to that county, which is
situated in one of the most favoured agricultural
sections of Virginia, and m a part of the country
remarkable for its picturesque scenery, pure air, and
cultivated society.

He resided there, with the exception of a few years
spent on the tributaries of the Kenawha river,
tlevelopiug the wealth of his coal property almost down
to the period of his death. He kept a large estab-
lishment, dispensing a generous hospitality, and was
surrounded much of the time by the learned and
accomplished gentlemen of the state. The charms and
variety of his conversation, and the polite animation
of his manners and address, made him the delight of

8G Memoir of IViUiam Madison Peyton.

his guests and companions. In the county society of
liotetourt and Koanoke, he soon became the chief
o])ject. All paid him that deference and respect
which seemed due to his superior nature. Among
the most noted in this society, all of whom the
writer remembers to have seen at his dinners, were
Edward Watts, James L. Woodville, Harry Bowyer,
Charles Burrell, William Radford, Dr. John B. Taylor,
Gary Breckenridge, Major Benjamin Howard Peyton,
Governor Floyd, Hon. ^ William B. Preston, General
Robert Preston, Charles Beale, George Tayloi-,
Alexander P. Eskridge, Colonel Edmondson, The
Right Rev. Mr. Wilmer, Bishop of Georgia, Colonel
AVm. Lynn Lewis, Major Oliver, Edward Valentine,
J. R. Anderson, George Shanks, Dr. Griffeth, Thomas
C. Read, and Mr. Langhorne

Some of these gentlemen, though residing in the
adjoining county of Montgomery, were near enough
to come on occasions of a dinner party. Among his
guests from a distance, some of them making hhn an
annual summer visit, were the late Governors of Virginia,
General Campbell, James McDowell, James P. Preston
and J. B. Floyd, the Honourables W. C. Rives,
John M. Botts, Wm. L. Goggin, Wm. Taylor, Alexr.
Rives, Thomas W. Gilmer, Thomas Jefferson Randolph,
Messrs. Chas. L. Mosby, William Radford, James E.
Bruce, Vincent Witcher, Thos. W. Flornoy, Dabney C.
T. Davis, John Howard, James P. Halcombe, Walter
Preston, James Lyons, Charles Carter Lee, General
Brenard Peyton, Randolph Harrison, Colonel A. S.

Memoir of WilUam Madison Peijton. 87

Gray, Eevd. Peyton Harrison, all choice spirits. The
reader already knows what a polished man was Colonel
Peyton, and will not wonder at the admirahle skill with
which he played the part of host — a part so difficult to
sustain. At that early period of my life, when I had a
seat at his tahle (and he always insisted on my heinj^'
present on every occasion of a dinner party), I was
struck and deliglited at the ease with which he dissipated
the constraint and reserve which usually i)revail durhig
a formal dinner. lie addressed his guests alternately
speaking to each concerning those suhjocts upon which
he could expect a ready answer, and hy a kind of intui-
tion elicited from each the qualities in which he most
excelled. Gentlemen sought his society for the pleasure
and improvement to he derived from his conversation, to
consult him. upon State or Federal politics, and not to
"hanquet and drain the l)owl." The scenes at his house
recalled to my mind Florence and those merchant states-
men and muniiicent patrons of learning, the Medici.*

* 111 1453, Constant inojilL' was taken by the Turks. Its walls bad
sustained the fortuiifs of tlu; Eastern Eiiqiiro nearly 1000 years; tliat
Eiupiro now fell. The news of this event si)read terror tliroughout
]<]uru].p, novertlieless it proved to Le aiuoiifi^ tlic things wliieli "work
together for good to them that love God." All that could cscaj-e,
tied before the conquering Ottomans, and carried westward all they
eould save of the aeeuinulated treasure of Grce^ct>; and the outcast were
gladly received at Flonnee, which was at that time the resort of all
who had a taste for learning ami the arts. Cosmo de Medici, who had
no hereditary nobility to boast, had risen to the liighist jtlaee of
authority in the State ; his family had commercial estalilisliments in all
the chief^cities of Eurojie, and tlie wealth thus acquired he shared \vitli
the poorest of his fellow citi/.eiis, and exixnded in improvhig his city,
supporting learned men, and collecting all kinds of literary treasures;
largo numbers of persons wi-re engaged in the costly and tedious
labour of tanscribing MSS, which ^y^tr^• so highly valued that a eo])y
of Livy, sent by Cosmo to the King of Najjles, was the means of
healing a breach between them.

88 Memoir of William Madison Peyton,

Had the condition of the country cadmitted of it,
his home would liave been surrounded by the learned,
as was the Tuscan Capital when the Turks scattered
the wise men of the Lower Empire, who took refuge
thither, yet he was not a pedant, but what our
fathers used to call an elegant scholar. His company
and manner of life recalled to mind the life of Lord
Falkland, of whom Clarendon thus speaks, *' His
house being within little more than ten miles from
Oxford, he contracted familiarity and friendship with
the most polite and accurate men of that University,
who found such an immeuseness of wit, and such a
solidity of judgment in him, so infinite a fancy, bound
in by a most logical ratiocination, such a vast
knowledge, that he was not ignorant in any thing,
yet such an excessive humility as if he had known
nothing, that they frequently resorted and dwelt with
him, as in a college situated in a purer air, so that
his house was a University in a less volume,
whither they came, not so much for repose as study,
and to examine and refine those grosser propensities
which laziness and consent made current in vulgar
conversation."

The universality of his learning, its accuracy, and the
manner in which he discoursed upon even professional
topics recalled the lines of Henry :

Hear him but retisou in divinity,

And, all-admiring, with an inward wish

You would d(3sire (he) were made a prelate.

Hear him debate of commonwealth'ti aft'aiis,

You would say, — it has been all and all his study.

List his discourse of war, and you shall hear

Memoir of William Madison Peyton, 89

A fearful battle rendered you in music ;

Turn liiiii to any cause of policy,

The Gordian L'uot of it lie will unloose

Faniiliar as Lis garter ; that when he speaks,

The uir, a chartered libcrthie, is still,

And tlie luuto wonder lurketh in men's cars,

To steal his sweet and honeyed sentences.

Much of the happmess, indeed, of his hfe was
derived from the companionship of his friends, from
indulging hi this most grateful tie of human society ; to
him to have lived Avithout friends, would have been
not to live. A maxim which cannot he understood
by those, who, entirely devoid of regard for others,
have no friends and do not deserve to have any, because
they only live for and love themselves.

His mansion was like so many others in Virginia,
timber-built, and though altogether an extensive edihce
was composed of many disjointed parts. These
separate buildings were connected by halls and veran-
dahs, which gave a picturesque appearance to the
exterior, while protecting it from the sun, wind, and
rain. The rooms were spacious and furnished with all
the riches of the Eastern world,- nor \vas there anything
in the embellishment of the house, the furniture, or
articles of vertu like ostentatious display — the arrange-
ments were such that the idea suggested by the lout
ensenthle was that of classic grace. It was replete
with not only every comfort, but, indeed, every luxury,
and surrounded by park-like grounds, which were
improved with exquisite taste, and yet so consummate
was the art by which it was done, that the hand of man
was unseen, and it appeared l)ut nature's work.

M

90 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

Shaded by noble trees and intricate bowers, enamelled
with flowers and all kmds of herbs and plants, which
basked in the sunshine of the slopes or bloomed in the
dark vales, ornamented with water which sparlded in
the light and glided away with refreshing sound, the
whole aspect of the scene was enchanting.

To this house he brought his extensive collection of
books, paintings, prints, medals, coins, statues, china
etc.,* and when not surrounded by society or engaged in
superintending the affairs of his estate, was either occu-
pied with these objects of art and curiosity or in com-
posing essays on some moral, philosophical, scientific or
practical -subject. Some of these on agricultural chem-
istry and its application to the groAving of crops were
pubhshed in the "Southern Planter," of Richmond, and
the "Farmers Register. "f

In one series he discussed the question of rust in
wheat, and demonstrated the unsoundness of the popular
theoiy upon the subject, at the same time putting forth
his own views to the effect that it was due to an exube-
rant growth of straw, stimulated by repeated showers
of rain followed by very warm, weather unmediately

• This valuable and recherche collection, the costly furniture, heir-
looms, etc., which suivived the civil war, was burnt with Colonel
Peyton's mansion, in May, 1870.

t The latter was edited by the late Edmund Ruffin author of an
interesting essay on Calcareous Manures, who fired the first shot
against Fort Sumter, S. C, thus opening the civil war of^l861-65 in the
U. S. Mr. Ruffin committed suicide in 186.5, when seventy years of age,
unable to bear up under the subjugation of the south. He thus
proved that he wanted true magnanimity, for it shows the most exalted
courage to support the accumulated ills of life without do8i)ondency.

Memoir of William Madison Feijton. 91

preceding the time of harvest, a theory which is now
ahnost universally accepted as correct. Of course, his
attack on the popular theory was not allowed to pass
unnoticed and a warm discussion arose in the Register,
between him and Mr. Jessie Turner, a successful planter
and agricultural chemist.

His time was further occupied in a series of kindly
actions. His wealth was dispensed with an unsparing
hand. As magistrate for the county, and sitting
regularly at the Quarter Sessions, he had opportunities
of Imowiug the business and affairs of the county and thus
becoming acquainted with many real cases of want.
These — for his generosity was judicious not indiscriminate
— he invariably relieved. Honest tradesmen, whose
operations were restricted by lack of means, were
assisted by him. He paid the debts of prisoners and
set them free to labour for the support often of depen-
dent families, relieved the distress of poor widows and
orphans, and redressed, whenever an opportunity
presented, the wrongs of the oppressed. Numberless
were the quiet obscure distresses he thus succoured. He
did not merely understand what was good, but
practised it.

From these remarks the reader will not be surprised
to learn that he enjoyed great popularity, and that the
people of Botetourt were anxious to give form and
substance to their appreciation of his merits by securing
his services in the public councils.

This remote section of Virginia was almost wholly
without public improvements. There were no navigable

92 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

streams, no canals, no railways, no macadamized
turnpike roads. People were virtually imprisoned,
except during the summer. In winter the roads
Avere almost impassable, and it was a common thing
to see the four-horse mail coach floundering in the
mud, the passepgers walknig in the fields, taking it
by turns to carry a rail*

The people of eastern Virginia, whom the beneficent
author of nature had supplied with many navigable
streams, and a porous, sandy soil, which drinks up rain,
leavino^ the roads firm and smooth, were unwilling;
to vote funds from the State Treasury for constructing
high ways in the transmountain country. By this
imgenerous conduct they had kept the western counties
unimproved for upwards of a century. To break
down this selfish policy and inaugurate a more
liberal and generous system of internal improvements,
had long been the cherished object of the western
people. They had sent to the legistature, from time to
to time, their ablest men, hoping to succeed through
their efforts in securing a system of general state
improvement out of a common fund, for the common"
good. Among the able men, Avest of the Blue Ridge,
Avhom they elected with this vicAV, Avere Robert Y.
Conrad, James M. Mason, General Briscoe, G. Baldwin,
Thomas J. Michie, George W. Summers, Robt. Trigg,
Benjamin Smith, Gov. J. P. Preston, General Samuel
Blackburne, and J. W. Brokenborough. Their efforts

*A rifled log or long piece of split timber used as a lever to raise
tte coach, wheels out of ruts and mud holes.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 93

were futile, and many amusing caricatures were
circulated to mislead the people in Eastern Virginia.
At one time it was said that the object of
Western Virginia was to remove the capital from
Richmond to Staunton, and this rumour contributed
to band the people of the cast against schemes of
Avestern improvement.

The inhabitants of western Virginia were daily becom-
ing more anxious on the subject, and more determined, if
possible, to secure such an extension of railroads and
canals from the east, as would open the markets of
the sea-board, and of the world, to the products of
their soil of teeming fertility. Though long defeated
in their enlightened policy, they were still active and
sanguine of ultimate success. As indispensable to their
ends, it was now thought necessary to secure the services
of their ablest citizens in the General Assembly. With
this view, the voters of Botetourt, wished to avail
themselves of the talents and influence of their friend
and neighbour. Colonel William Madison Peyton.

Accordingly, during the winter and spring of 1838, he
received numerously signed requisitions from the prin-
cipal inhabitants of the county, requesting that he would
allow them to present him at the forthcoming spring
election as a candidate for a seat in the House of Dele-
gates. After much reflection — for he had no taste for
politics — and the urgent appeals of his friends, he ac-
ceeded to their wishes and in the month of May,
proceeded in company with the late Mr. Shanks of
Fmcastle, to canvass the county. Party spirit ran high.

94 Memoir of William Madison Peyton

aud the opposition faction were early in the field with two
of their best men. Appointments were made for public
meetings, and at these the rival candidates appeared and
addressed the masses in what are called "stump
speeches." It was agreed on all sides that Col. Peyton's
efforts during this canvass were the finest specimens
of popular oratory which had been heard in Virginia
since the days of Henry. His colleague, Mr. Shanks,
surrendered the rostrum almost entirely to him, and
everywhere he aroused the utmost enthusiasm, resum-
ing his seat at the end of each speech in the midst of a
storm and. diapason of applause. Indeed, to use a
strong phrase, he made " short work of his opponents,"
who retired from these intellectual contests completely
discomfited — entirely routed. It is scarcely necessary to
add, what the reader will already have anticipated, that
he was returned, with his friend Mr. Shanks, at the head
of the poll, by what is called in our electioneering lan-
guage, a triumphant majority. Upon the opening of
the next session of the (xcneral Assembly, he took his
seat, and the reader will see with what success he
advocated the cause of western Virginia as a claimant
for internal improvements. It may not be uninterest-
ing to mention that at the same session our venerable
father occupied a seat in the Upper House as senator for
Augusta and Eockhridge. For the movement in behalf of
and against a general system of internal improvements
was general — the people of. both sections calling from
retirement their wisest and best men. In this crisis the
voters of Augusta and Rockbridge urged our father to sur-

rO.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 95

render his office of Public Prosecutor, wliicli he had hekl
nearly thirty years with so much honour to himself, and so
much benefit to the public. He did so, reluctantly, and
was elected senator. For a like reason they sent to the
House of Delegates at this session, or within the next
few years, his life-long friend and associate at the bar
that able jurist and excellent man, Briscoe CI. Baldwin,
who was some years later elevated to the Supreme
Court of Appeals of Virginia ; Alexander H. H. Stuart,
subsequently Secretary of the Interior ; George W.
Summers, of Kenawha, and others. The people of
the eastern counties at the same period electing
their ablest , ^statesmen, such as Kobert E. Scott,
V. W. Souihall, WilKam Daniel, Oscar M. Crutchfield,
etc./

-' One of the first duties of this assembly was the
election of a U.S. senator. The conservative party
presented Mr. W. C. Kives as their candidate. That
gentleman had served several times in congress, and
resided abroad four years as Minister Plenipotentiary to
the Court of the Tuileries. In both positions he
displayed much skill and abihty. By some of the leaders
of the Conservative party, he was mentioned as a suit-
able successor to Martin Van Buren in the Presidency.
No means, therefore, were likely to be neglected by his
opponents for his defeat. By preventing his election to
the senate, the radicals hoped to outtlank him in the
Presidential contest. Canvassing had proceeded in
liichmoud with more than the usual animation several
weeks, yet it was impossible to forecast the result.

9G Memoir of William Madison Feijton.

William Peyton was an active friend and supporter
of Mr. Hives ; tliey belonged, of course, to the same
party, and he inherited a friendship for him from our
father, which had been cemented by much personal
intercourse. Besides, Mr. Rives had placed William
under obligation , in the following manner. At
the period, (years before this time), when Mr. Rives
was appointed by the President, (Jackson,) Minister
Plenipotentiary to France, he nominated his young
friend, Peyton, as Secretary of Legation. Private and
personal reasons induced Peyton to decline the
appointment, but he always entertained a grateful
sense of the high distinction conferred upon him. To
his conscientious conviction, therefore, that the good of
his party, and in some measure the welfare of his
county, depended upon Mr. Rives' return, which
stimulated his zeal, he brought his warm feelings of
personal friendship to bear in the contest, and spared
no effort to secure the success of his friend.

The veteran leaders of the party in the assembly,
witnessing with admiration his zeal and the success
with which he laboured, determined in private, the night
before the election, that his should be the honour of
nominating Mr. Rives. The position is somewhat similar
to that in the British Parliament of confiding to the two
most rising of the younger members of the Government
party the duty of moving and seconding the address to
the Sovereign.

Accordingly, upon the next day, the 14th of February,
1839, when the House was assembled, and_ Mr. Speaker

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 97

in the chair, Colonel Peyton rose and made his nominat-
ing speech.

It was published in the daily papers and in pamphlet
form, but the author has not been able to procure a
copy, notwithstandhig repeated eftbrts to do so through
correspondence with friends in America. It was consi-
dered the most eloquent of his parliamentary utterances.

Mr. Rives' nomination was seconded by Hon. J. S.
Pendleton, late M.C. for Virginia, who opened his speech
with a high compliment to Colonel Peyton upon the
elegant and eloquent manner in which he had presented
Mr. Rives claims to the Assembly.

After a warm contest it was found impossible to elect
Mr. Rives, whose public course had oifended the
prejudices of certain sections of the party. All eyes
were then turned to our venerable father, who, having
made one sacrifice in giving up a lucrative olHce to
enter the Assembly, was expected to make another by
going to Washington for six years at his advanced age.
He, however, feeling his great weight of years, peremp-
torily declined under any circumstances to allow the
use of his name. The party then held a conference and
determined to elect my brother, who had oflended
nobody, and whose election, had he consented, was
beyond a doubt. He, too, firmly refused to accept the
candidature or station, because he was unwilling to
interpose between his friend Mr. Rives and the object
of his ambition. No other available candidate being
within reach, from necessity, and by common consent,
the election was postponed until the following session.

N

98 Memoir of William Madison rcyton.

Exciting rumours were afloat this winter of a
serious difficulty between Great Britain and the
United States on the subject of the Oregon boundary
line, in fact the sovereignty of the whole territory
was in dispute. Both Great Britain and Spain had,
as early as 1789, set up a claim to this extensive region,
but, as the United States Government considered, on
vague and unsatisfactory grounds. The American
Government claimed it by reason of the discoveiy
and exploration of two distinguished American pioneers,
Lewis and Clarke. The citizens of the Bepublic
had so long been accustomed to deem it their own,
and so many of their children had settled in it under
this conviction, that no Government would dare
surrender it without a war. As England refused to
allow the American claim, there seemed no peaceable
way out of the difficulty. Hostilities with Mexico
were also threatening, owing to the revolt of Texas
and the aid she had received from American citizens.
The Governors of the ditterent States were apprized
of the delicate nature of the Government's foreign
relations, and ordered to organize the State forces,
with a view to placing in the field, at short notice,
two invading armies — one to advance on the city of
Mexico from Vera Cruz and the river Sabine, and
the other to converge on Quebec from different points
on our northern frontier. At this juncture. Governor
Campbell, of Virginia, a distinguished survivor of
the war of 1812-15, appointed WiUiam Madison
Peyton to a post on his staff, with the rank of Colonel

Memoir of IViUiam Madison Fcifton. 99

of Cavaliy. He informed Colonel Peyton that he
(lid this with a tliroct view to the impending war
Avith Great Britain, Mexico, and their allies, and
])ccause of his perfect conlidcnce in his judgment
as an adviser, and in his gallantry, which had been
made conspicuous on more than one occasion since
iiis encounter with Van Bibber. Colonel Peyton
immediately accepted the position.

Durhig this ses^ion of the legislature, the county of
Botetourt was divided, and a new county formed of that
portion lying soutli of a line drawn east and west
through the sul)urbs of tlu' village of New Amsterdau],
which was called Boanoke. Colonel Peyton's home
was in the new county.

To those M'hose attention was directed to the career
of Colonel l\;yton in the legislature, it was evident from
his course during this session that he brought into the
])olitieal arena all his high intellectual qualities, and all
the grandeur and heroism of his character, lie was
soon the object of everyone's confidence, it mi'dit
;!.lmost be said of everyone's veneration. About him he
carried that })riceless tahsman, tlu^ magic of exalted
moral character; he was trusted ]>y the members from
eastern Virginia, confided in by those from the north-
west, and looked up to by those from the valley and
south-west, ami is believed to have been more com-
pletely the conhdant of the whole political secrCts
connected with the movements of that time than any
other man. All-worth}-, too, was lie of the trust reposed
in him! His heai-t was the temi)le of honour, whicli
nothing selfish or unjust could approach.

100 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

When it was ascertained that, owing to the division
of parties, no election of senator could take place
during this session of the General Assembly, a committee
was appointed, at the head of Avhich Colonel Peyton was
placed, to prepare an address on behalf of the conserva-
tive party to the people of Virginia. This gave rise to
the following document from his pen, which was Avidely
circulated throughout the Commonwealth :—

To THE People of Vihginia.*

Fellow citizens: — The term of service of one of the
senators of this State, m the senate of the United
States, expired on the 4th day of this month. In con-
templation of this event, the duty devolved u])on the
})resent General Assembly, under the Constitution, to
elect his successor, lion. William C. Kives was the
incumbent, and was put in nomination for re-election ;
and the undersigned adhered to his support with con-
stancy and zeal. A struggle, unexampled in the his-
tory of Virginia, for its duration, and the perthiacity
with which the advocates of the several candidates
adhered to them, continued until it Avas believed im-
possible to make an election; and after consuming
seven days in fruitless balloting, the order was
indefinitely postponed.

As it is determined by all parties, that this subject
shall not be disturbed during the jjresent session, the
duty of supplying the vacancy will devolve ui)on the
next General Assembly, and thus, in an especial manner,
it is necessarily and directly referred to the people.
Under these circumstances it seems to us, that propriet}'
dictates a full and candid exposition of the motives

* This addi-ess and all tlie speeches and published letters of Colonel
Peyton, engrafted in this work, are in th(! library of the British Museum,
as they originally appeared in Kichuiond.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 101

and feelings which have hifhienced us^ during the late
exciting contest, and which will govern our future
course. Whilu we did not desire to avoid that share of
the responsibility of making the election, which rested
u|jon us as a constituent portion of the legislature upon
which that duty devolves, we at the same time wish to
be distinctly understood, as not in the least deprecating
that ap})cal to the sovereign authority of the popular
will which has been produced by the extraordinary
state of parties and opinions in the legislature.
Indeed, the oidy source of regret on that score is, that
this appeal cannot be made more absolute and com])lete.
The House of Delegates, where the re-election of ^Ir.
fJives Avas repeatedly sustained by a decided pluralil}',
is subjected to the ordeal of the poi)ular suttrage every
year, whereas the Senate is only renewed every four
years, and three-fourths of that body, by its organiza-
tion are removed for the present, iVum responsibility
I'or an)- disn-gard of the popular will, which they may
have committed in the Senatorial election. That those
Conservatives Avho were members of the Senate had
no disposition to abuse that imnumity, is suiHciently
evinced by the iact that when it was proposed, in an
early stage of the contest, to p(jstpone the election,
indefuiitel}', an amendment was moved and \o\vd lur
by them, annexing as a condition, that each Senator
should resign at the end oi" the, session, and thus put
it hi the power of the peo}>le to elect a J.egislatiu'e
which would full}' reilect their wishes. Ilnd this
obtained, there would, in that event, have l)een no
danger that the action of the representatives " fresh
from the peoi)le " Avould l)e ''check-mated" Ijy a body
removed measin'al)ly from their control and who might
safely bid dehance to their wishes. 'Jhis })roposition,
however, was voted down, and even by some of those
Avho most streuuously urged the propriety and dvity of
Avaiting for '' new lights from the ])eople," before

102 Memoir of William ^Ladison Peijton.

venturing to perform the high and responsible duty of
ek'cting a Senator.

We do not mean to indulge any complaint that
the election has been postponed. Some of us at last
voted for it, from a conviction that it had been demon-
strated that the legislature was so constituted as to
render it impossible for a majority to agree upon
any individual. Claiming for ourselves to have acted
according to our honest and conscientious convictions
of duty, in refusing to be accessory directly or
hidirectly, to the defeat of Mr. Hives, we have no
disposition, even if we had the right to question, and
do not mean to censure the conduct of any one who
refused to co-operate with us in supporting him.
Recognizhig freely and fully our own responsibility
to our constituents and to public opinion, we refer
others to the same great tribunals, and leave them
to justify themselves as they may.

Our main object in this address is, to present
to our constituents and to the country our own reasons
for the course wc have felt it to be our duty to take,
and we shall await their judgment with the calm
serenity of conscious rectitude. We have no desiixi
to abate one jot or tittle of the full weight of responsi-
bility which we have assumed. It was repeatedly
in our power, during the progress of the election, by
abandoning Mr. Hives, and by throwing our votes
upon John Y. Mason or Chapman Johnson, to have
elected either one of them. We could not, however,
reconcile it with our sense of duty to do so, and
whatever of credit or blame attaches to us we are
willing and ready to enjoy or suffer it all. It is,
however, unquestionably true, and we beg it will
1)0 borne in mind, that the friends of the other
nominees stand precisely in the same predicament.
The friends of Mr. Mason could at any moment have
decided the contest in favour of Mr. Rives or Mr.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 108

Johnson, as tlie friends of the latter could at any time
have decided it by votiii<; for Mr. liiveH or Mr. Mason*

We acted in this matter with. due deliberation, taking
every step candidly and dispassionately, and now plead
our justihcation, and put "ourselves on the country."
Seeino- that the large body of the Administration party,
with which we had heretofore acted, were determined to
withdraw their conlidence from Mr. liives, and willing,
and even desir(jus to co-operate with them, so far as wi-
could, withont an abandonment (jf principle and duty,
we anxiously sought t(; know upon what grounds thos(!
professing the principles of the llepubliean party, and
determined to sustain the character of this 'Ancient
Connnonwcalth ' could aid in surrendering up our
distinguished Senator, as a victim to be sacrificed on
what was called hi debate the altar of tlie bloody
]\Ioloch of party. But wc appealed in vain — no act
could be instanced which forfeited his claims to ilepub-
lican orthodoxy. We very soon became convinced that
no just reason existed for the fury and rancour with
which he was assailed by the " sink or swnn " oracles
of the Administration party on the one hand, or by the
intolerant leaders of the Impracticable squad that
attacked him from the opposite cpuirter.

It will be r(>collected that scarcely three years have
elapsed since Mr. Rives was recalled to the Senate of
the United States, by that party in the Legislature and
out of it, who are now so industriously plotting his
downfall. We would respc^ctfulJy ask them, what just
expectation has he not fullilled ? What princi})le, that
he ever professed, has he deserted ? What pledge,
expressed or implied, has he violated ? Not one, no,
not one. He has not failed to -represent the opinions

* It will not be iknicd, tliat if those immbtrs of the legislature, who
were t'ithir eli'cted on iiccouiit of their declared preference of Mr. li.,
or under distijict pledges to sustain him, hud redeemed the expecta-
tions llnis created, the election must have been ])iomptly decided in
his favour.

104 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

of Virginia in a single particular, and no man in the
Senate of the United States has been more diligent,
prompt, energetic, able, and intrepid in defending the
principles, maintaining the interests, and asserting the
rights of the people of Virginia. It is, indeed, suspected
that in his zeal for the comity he has not been
sufficiently mindful of the interests of his party. It is
thought, that in resisting the behests of the Executive,
he has been more devoted to the duties he owes to his
constituents, the people of Virginia, than to promothig
the triumph and adding to the power and importance
of the President. " The head and front of his oliending
hath this extent, no more." Many of those, who, witli
Pharisaical humihty, claimed to be tlie especial repre-
sentatives of the Eepublican party in the Legislature,
declared that they did not oppose the re-election of
Mr. Rives in consequence of his difference of opinion
with them and the President on the leading measure of
the Administration, the Sub-Treasury expedient. Indeed
it has been announced, ex cathedra, by the organ of the
"sink or swim" party, in Virginia, that Mr. Hives
would have received the united support of that party,
notwithstanding his hostility to the course of Adminis-
tration on the subject of the finances, provided they
could have been satisfied he would have supported the
Administration in all other things.

Whether such a pledge, under any circumstances,
would have been consistent with the character of a
Virginian senator, and proper to be required by the
Legislature, or any part of it, as the conclition of their
support, we will refer to the judgment of the Public.
We are confident that no man, properly imbued with the
spirit of freedom, or duly impressed with the sacred
duties, and solemn responsibilities of a representative
of the sovereign state of Virghiia, in the senate of the
United States, would ever require such a pledge, or
justify any man aspiring to that station, in making it.

j\It'>noir of Wmiani Madison Veiiton. 105

We trust that tlie Senate of the United States -will
never be humbled into the condition of a mere political
junto to register the edicts of the President, and instead
of being, as it was designed by its organization, tlio
guardian of the rights of the States in their sovereign
capacity, degraded into a mere privy council of the
Executive, acquiescing in his demands with the humble
submission of an eastern Divan to the orders of an
Asiatic despot. We are satisiied that many of those
who raised the objection we are now considering, would
revolt at tlie hnputation that they wished or demanded
any such humiliating debasement ; and yet the avowals
of what would have been sufficient to have secured
their support and the known spu'it of the opposition to
Mr. Rives, inevitably lead to such degradation of the
Senate. No declaration of principle was re(piired of
him. His opinions, in regard to all the great (questions
of constitutional construction and practical expedicaicy,
had been long known and approved by the llepublican
party of Virginia.

It may be well to add, as an instructive fact in the
history of the late contest, that these same self-styled
SiinoiL Fares of ^Democracy, who pride themselves in
nursing their wrath against the United States Bank,
publicly proclaim, that the Sub-Treasury is a question
of minor hnportance, and the great issue presented to
the country is Bank or no Bank — that the former is a
question of expediencyj only, while the latter involves a
constitutional ])rinci})le of the utmost magnitude and
importance. With these professions constantly upon
their lips, it is impossible we can close our eyes to tlij
glaring inconsistency in which their conduct involves
them. Numerous and conclusive proofs might ho
adduced to show, that those avIio, like ourselves, utterly
repudiate a National Bank, as both unconstitutional and
inexpcidient, but who are inimical to the Sul)-Tr(!asury,
are viewed by the friends of tlu', latter measure with

lOG Memoir of WiUiam jlladison Peijton

infinitely greater suspicion and distrust than the open
and avowed advocates of a ]>ank of the United States ;
l)ut there are one or two so directly connected with the
subject of this address, that we cannot omit inviting
your particular attention to them. The uniform hos-
tility of Mr. Rives to the incorporation of a National
Bank, at all times and under all circumstances, is so
universally known to the people of Virginia, that no
man has ventured to express a doubt upon the subject ;
and yet m the late Senatorial election, a portion of the
friends of the Administration in the House of Delegates,
including two of the most distingmished members of
that party, recorded their votes for Mr. Chapman
Johnson — a gentleman, it is true, of eminent talents,
and great private worth, but the known and decided
advocate of the re-charter of the U. S. Bank, and who
has ditfered with the present and late Administrations
upon almost every question of principle or expediency,
whether practical or theoretical. It is equally notorious
that a large portion of these straight-laced la-puldicans,
did at one time meditate bringing forward, and openly
avowed their readiness to sustain, in preference to
Mr. Hives, the President of the Court of Appeals, with
all the sins of the Bank, and internal improvements by
the general Government, unexpiated and unatoned for,
<'xcept by the support of the present iinancial scheme
of Mr. Van Buren. And that, when the Van Buren
Convention assembled, containing as it did, a "large
infusion" of representative purity, "fresh from the
people," they unanimously, with cliaracteristic consis-
tency, called this same disthiguished gentleman to
preside over the deliberations of this newly-christened
"Democratic liepul)hcan States Bight" party. These
exanipk^s arc sufticient to show how little confidence
can be reposed in the professions of a disposition on
tlie part of the supporters of the Sub-Treasury, to treat
that question as one of subordinate importance to the

Memoir of JViUiam. Madison reijton.

107

Bank question, or to regard a difference of opinion witli
them, on that subject, as lurnisliing no suiiicient ^(round
for withholding from its opponents their countenance
and support. Jiut it is idle to reason upon this hubject,
when there are none so blind as not to see the plain
and palpable proofs which are every day prrsouted to
us, of the settled and ddiltcrate pur})ose of the friends
of this measure to make it the test of political orthodoxy
[Sec Note A.]

The opinion is becoming almost universal, that thero
is no necessity for the establishment of a National Jiank
to regulate thi; (auTcncy or administer the huan(;es of
the country. The system of internal improvements
by the general (lovernment, seems by common consent,
to be abandoned, and the controversy about the taritl'
for protuctiou has bce]i, it is hoped, terminated by
the celebrated Compromise Act of 18;]3. Slu)uld_ any
of these measures be at any time unfortunately revived,
we have the most abundant guarantees for his future;
course in regard to them, in the uniform coincidenc(3 of
opinion in past times, between Mr. Rives and the people
of Virginia, and in his zealous and harmonious co-
operation with th(!m in opposing these unconstitutional
and dangerous stretches of power. Indeed, ^ve may
bcddly challenge the opponents of Mr. Hives, of what-
ever hue and shade of political complexion, to point out
one single prominent measure of (i(jvernment, on whicli
he was rctpiired to act at any time since he came iuto
public life, in which, as a representative, he has nt)t
faithfully reflected the public sentiment of the Stat(.',
and discharged his duty to the satisfaction of the
Hepublicans (jf Virgiuia. In respect to no measure,
has he nuu'c unquestionably been a faithful representa-
tive of the opinions and interests of his own State, than
ui)on what was teruKnl by the Republicans, m 1834,
'• that odious Federal conception," the Sub-Treasury
scheme. lie has, witii unllinching steadiness and

108 Memoir of WHllaiii Madison Pajton.

imclannted firmness, resisted the thrice-repeated at-
tempt to enhxrge executive power and put into the
liands of the President the means of corruption, dis-
closed in a manner calcuhited to alarm the Ilepublicans
of the old Dommion, and " indicating a hostility to
State institutions, which augured badly for the rights
of the States." In this he has considerably and steadily
" walked in the footsteps of the illustrious predecessor "
of Mr. Van Buren, and maintaiiied the position which
in common with the whole Republican party, and
indeed in common with almost the entire body of the
Opposition party, he occupied in 1885. [^See Note B.]

For what, then, is he to be immolated ? Is it because
he has been faithful to his principles, or not sufliciently
submissive to party ? Is it because his i)olitical
morality is not sufficiently elastic, to enable him to
turn a somersault at the word of command '? Is it that
he prefers the service and api)robation of this good old
Commonwealth, to all the rank and station which power
can bestow, and will not " bend the pregnant Ihnges of
the knee, that thrift may follow fawnhig"? Or is it
that, like Aristides, he is to be ostracised for his very
virtues ? There are some, probably, who feel that the
daily beauty and integrity of his life and conversation
make them ugly, and who like the hump-backed tyrant,
view him as a "spider in their path, and would have it
crushed." He gloried in the proud character of a Vir-
ginian senator, conscious that he was honestly and truly
discharging the responsible duties of his station, and he
manfully scorned to make phnlges calculated to destroy
the moral force of his opposition to measures which he
deemed revolutionary, disorganizing and demoralizing,
and fraught with the most pernicious consequences to
the prosperity of the country. We see those calling
themselves Ilepublicans, although they approve the
Sub-Treasury, avowing their readhiess to give him their
support, if he would give assurances for future party

Memoir of William Madison Peijton. 109

devotion to the administration — wlien the humiliatino:

and ahnost disgusting spectacle is exhibited, of men
who agree witli him in condemning the Sub-Treasury as
I)ernicious and who have been cheering him on in
opposing it, yet demanding liis expulsion from the
senate with all the violence of "tone to hatred turned,"
only because he will not pledge himself to sustain the
future acts of the administration, and promise hi advance
to " sink or swim" with Martin Van Buren; when we find
the ultra-partisans of the Whig party requiring proofs of
liis party devotion to the interests of the opposition, as
the condition of their support ; when we see all these
things, are we not fully justified in asserting that the
great question, the vital principle, involved in this contest
is, whether the Senate of the United States should be
reduced to a mere instrument to accomplish the purposes
and execute the will of the Executive of whatever party
may be in the ascendant? He so regarded it. And
so viewing it, the contest swelled immensely beyond a
question of preference for William C. liives for his
superior talents and political orthodoxy ; it became of
infinitely more consequence than the defeat of the Sub-
Treasury project, destructive as we believe that measure
to be in a political, economical and linancial view. It
became a great question of political ethics, reaching to
the foundations of the edifice of civil liberty. It
involves the stability of the pillars on which our
Republican institutions rest. Let it be once established
as the recognised and cardinal canon of party fidelity,
that no politician shall opi)ose the will of. his partizan
chief, or stubbornly refuse to accompany his opposition
with professions of future support, and continued
allegiance, without being shot for desertion, or branded
with ignominy as an apostate, and it is obvious, that all
political responsibility of the President is at an end, and
every barrier to the possession of absolute power is
thrown down. Representative independence and fidehty

110 Memoir of Willhun Madison Peyton.

to the people are converted into treason to the Executive,
and although the externals of a Eepublican Government
may, for awhile, be preserved, we shall have established
in substance, an elective despotism hi its worst form.
The President, from being a servant of the people, and
subject, through their organized agents, to constant con-
trol and restraint, will have become an irresponsible
monarch. The Representatives of the State and of
the people deserting the high function and duty of
''eternal vigilance" upon his conduct, will be bound, at
the hazard of being exposed to the most unsparing
reprobation, as deserters and apostates, to become his
apologists and flatterers, aiding and abetting him in
each new encroachment upon the constitution or out-
rage upon the principles of free governments. As
Republicans — as Freemen — as Virginians, we renounce
and repudiate all such servility. As Representatives,
we felt that we would have betrayed tlie trust conlided
to us, if we could have consented to aid in any act
which would have sanctioned it. — \_See Note C]

Why should a Senator of Virginia be desired to give
any opinion, or express any preference as to who ought
to be elected President of the United States two years
hence ? AVhat has he to do in his character of Senator
with the election of President ? Nothing — emphati-
cally nothhig. As an individual citizen he may give
his own suffrage as every other citizen gives his, for
that individual whose election, under all the circum-
stances, will be most likely to advance the prosperity of
the country : no matter who is elected, the Senator, if
he be honest and independent, will sustain the
measures and recommendations of the l^resident, so far
as they are, in his judgment, consonant to the interests
and honour of the country, and the principles of the
State he represents.

The seductive influences and corrupting tendencies of
an overgrown and constantly increasing Executive

Memoir of irUUam Madison Peyton. Ill

patronage, are Builiciently potent in subdiiing the
spirit and weakening the intlepcndenee and lidehty of
the representatives of tlie States and tlie people. Let
us take care how we do anytliing to require them to
manifest an obsequious and deferential submission to
the Executive will, as the only passport to popular
favour. We believe that, under the circumstances
of the case, the refusal of Virginia to sustain Mr. iiives
in his present position would go far, very far, to infiise
such a spirit amongst the representatives of the people.
The State of Virginia has ever exerted a powerful moral
inlluence in the admimistration of the affairs of the
general Government. It has ever been her boast that
she adhered to certain great princi})les, and sustained
her pul)lic men so long as ihvy were hiithfal to those
principles, no nuitter from ^vhat quarter they were
assailed. The time has never been, wlaai, in the
patriotic and ehxpient language of Mr. Hives, she
did not expect her I'cpresentatives to remend>er *' that
thcij ]tatl a aiuntrij to serve as ivcH as a partij to nheii."

It was, we believe, from a conviction that the great
Conservative principle of representative lidehty and
independence was about behig cloven down, and
that a servile spirit of undeviating accpiiesec^nci! in the
opini(ms and wishes of party leaders, \vould be fostered,
by permitting Mr. Hives to fall a viethn to the furious
aiul vhidictive resentnuuit of remorsehiss partisans, that
induced many of the most induentiaT of the Whig party
hi the Legislature to prefer liis election to that of any
mail in the Commonwealtli. It was the sauio persua-
sion, strengthened by the disclosures of the feeling of
l)eculiar zeal and anxiety exhibited by the Sub-Treasury
d(>m()crats, to defeat him, and even to i)refer any one
(Wliig or Tory) to him, that fmally reconciled almost
the entire body of the Whig party to imite with us in
endeavouring to re-elect Mr. Hives. With the course of
the fragment of that party who refused to co-operate

112 Memoir of Willidm Madison Pajton.

with the rest of their brethren, and thus prevented his
election, we have nothing to do. We shall not even
impute to them the responsibilitu of defeating the election,
ho^vever justified we might be by a portion of that squad
who, with remarkable iiiodestij, have made a similar
charge against the Conservatives.

The support thus given by the Whig party to Mr.
Rives, aftbrds honourable testimony, that many of them
were willing to forego a mere party triumj)h in the
support of so important a principle as Senatorial
independence. And why should we or Mr. Rives
have any repugnance to such aid from the Whigs?
For ourselves, we avow our willingness to derive
support from any quarter, in checking the extravagant
and pernicious measures of any party, in restraining
its excesses, preventing the abuses which it may run
into, and preserving the ancient and approved principles
of the Republican party from being overwhelmed by
the wild spirit of rash innovation, and the mad
projects of radicalism and agrarianism.

AVho are these AVhigs, \^See Note B.] that contam-
mate by their support and assistance? They are
our fellow-citizens, comprising nearly one half of
the population of the State, and embracing a
full proportion of its virtue, intelligence and patriotism.
It is true, that they, like their rival contemporaries,
the Democrats, have in their ranks numbers of every
variety of complexion, from the rankest nullitier, and
Ultra State Rights men, down to the most uniform
and consistent consolidationists. If every man were
obsthiately to refuse to support for public office only
those who agreed with him in every opinion, it is
obvious that no public man ever could be elected, and
no popular Government ever could exist. AVe have
already shown that there was a great political prin-
cipal involved in the re-election of ^Ir. Rives, which
appealed with irresistible force to those Whigs who

Memoir of WiUiain Madison l\'ijton. 113

had been accustomed to denounce the i\dinmistratiou
party for its })roscriptive si)int and for the blind and
submissive devotion it Avas charged with exacting
from its members. Uesidcs the issue really was
between j\Ir. Uives and a Sub-Treasury democrat,
and it is amazing how any Whig really sincere in his
professions of opposition to the hnancial sclusmes ot
the Executive could hesitate to sustain the most
zealous, the most able, and the most ellicient op])onent
of that system. Indeed, we believe that there is but
a moiety of the " forlorn hope " of fourteen, A\dio are
opposed to the Sub-Treasury principle.

The great body of the Whig party, therefore, as Avell
as the Conservatives, had sulhcient and manliest reasons
of public duty, and obvious considerations of high
political principle, to unite them in sustaining the
election ot J\Ir. Kives. We think every true patriot,
every real republican, in fact as well as in name, had
presented to him the most cogent reasons for doing so.
The imputation, therefore, of a coalition between the
AVhigs and Conservative republicans, is as ridiculous
as it is known to be false in fact. We wooed and
courted no party. We made no stipulations. AVe
entered into no arrangements or political combhiations.
We sought for no ])le(lges of support, either from Sub-
Treasury men or AVhigs. AVe presented our candidate
as he was, an hide})endent, manly, devoted and able
representative of the principles of the State, and then
actually dohig battle in their defence, Avith the chival-
rous spirit and gallant bearing which became a A'irgin-
ian senator. AVe called u])on every Virginian, no
matter wdiat might be his l>arty, or what had been his
political associations, as he valued the ancient and
proud character of his State — as he cherished the
venerable usages of his ancestors — as he desired to
preserve the institutions of the country from destruc-
tive innovation — as he wished to control and restrain

114 Memoir of WiU'uuii MtuUson rcijtoiL.

the encroachments of Executive supremacy over popular
will — as he respected the Conservative principles of
senatorial freedom and representative fidelity, to rally
to the standard of our virtuous, eloquent and hidei)en-
dent senator, Wm. C. liives.

j\Iany, very inan}^, with noble and patriotic alacrity,
responded to the call. It is, we verily believe,
because the sentiments and feelings of the people of
A'irghiia were not truly reflected in the Legislature,
that there were not more who had ears to hear the
call and voices to auswer it.

To you fellow-citizens the appeal must now be
made. We have too much abiding ccuhdence in the
steady adherence to principle, and the noble spiiit of
freedom which animates the people of the (jld
Dominion, to have the least apprehension as to the
manner in which the appeal will be answered. The
recollection is too recent of the generous enthusiasm
with which you can^e to the rescue, and restored to
the councils of the country this distinguished citi'/en
of genius, eloquence, and virtue you are so justly
proud, to permit the least fear that you will abandon
him. On that occasion, he was driven from your
service because he was mahitaining, as you thought,
}^our principles, and faithfully representing your
wishes. NoiL\ the proofs are positive and irresistible
that he is standing upon the ancient and approved
principles of the Uepublicans of Virginia, guarding
the public domain from profligate waste, endeavouring
to rescue the Treasury from the control of the
f^xecutive, and i)lace it under the dominion of the
law. Detecting and ex])osing the first approaches
towards a meretricious and illicit intercourse between
the Administration and the Bank of the United States,
and endc;avoui-ing to restrict Executive patronage,
and prevent the corrupting tendencies of its im})roper
exercise, and, in a word, fearlessly sustahdng all those

Memoir of IVilUam. Madison Peyton. 115

measures and principles which, under the administration
of Jefterson and Madison, constituted the cardinal
doctrines of the Ue[)ublican creed. Can you be
expected to discard him from your service, to place in
his stead some complaisant supporter of the Adiiiinlstra-
tion^ who will perchance aid in fastening the odious
Sub-Treasury ujjou the country, who will leave the
public money "n the hands of the subordinates of the
Treasury, and will see millifjns of it lost in fraud and
peculation, permitted by the gross and cul])able neglect
or incompetency of the heads of the Trefisury and its
bureaus, with calm composure and unruliled d(;votion
to the Executive? Whatever may have been and
still may be your prcdilictions for the Administration,
your support is that which liberal and generous
masters will extend to faithful servants.

You require of your Kepresentatives a M'^atchful
supervision over the Executive Administration. And
Avhen it is demanded of you by the parasites and
sycophants of the Executive, that you shall expel from
your service one of your most faithful and vigilant
sentinels, because he is not sufficently devoted to the
President to comply Avith all his behests, your sentiment,
and thrice condemned by the Representatives of the
})eople. [See Note EP\ He still persists hi it, and it
has been announced by h'ni oljicial organ, that he mraus
to "sink or swim" Avith it, and been proclaimed b\ his
financial organ in the House of ite})resentatives, that
this condemned and rejected measure; nuist be submit-
ted to in spite of lamentations in Congress pr elsewhere.
That this deternunation is entertahied, is still more
decisively proved by the fact, that everywhere those
who Avill not abandon their opposition to this measure,
no matter how clearly in accoi'dance with the o})inions
of their constituents, are put imdcr the ban of the party,
and the most gross and offensive assaults made upon
their sincerity and honou]', and the Avhole i)ower and

116 Memoir of William DFadison Pcijlon.

influence of the Executive exerted to witlidr.iw the
confldence of the })('oi)lc from them.

Itecent developments shcAV, that the most offensive
oificial delinquency and defalcation pervade the. public
departments, and there is too much reason to fear that
this state of thing's has resulted from great neglect or
incompetency in those branches of the public service.
The}' furthermore prove, that there is great reason to
apprehend that this condition of things has, in many
instances, proceeded from an improper use of the power
of removal and abuse of the Executive j)atronage for
party ends: thus demonstrating the necessity for "that
reform" which was promised and Avliich is necessary to
prevent the patronage of the President from being
brought in conflict Avith the freedom of elections. All
these things make us pause in the besto^val of our
cohfldence- in the Admhiistration. We cannot pledge
ourselves to sink or swim with Martin Van Buren.
These clouds nnist be cleared away and these abuses
reformed altogetlier. A\'e are in this. Conservatives.
We desire to preserve the purity and integrity of the
Administration of the Government ; and if our democra-
tic friends require that we should make no complaint,
demand no reform, relinquish all regard to our i)rinciples
and to the safety of the country, or else be no longer ol'
their party, we can part conq)any Avith them, without
any other regret, than that reply will be, "he has been
faithful — he is our friend — the friend of the people —
• the friend of Republican principles— the champion of
Representative freedom — and the President nuist look
elsewhere, than in Virginia, for Senators to do his
bidding — to saeriflce the interests of the people in
compliance with his wishes, and thus contemn and
di.sregard the known opinions of their constituents,"

Fellow citizens, AVe constitute that portion of the
Legislature of Virginia, who have lieen denominated
conservative Republicans, and we desire the principles

Memoir of WilUaiu Jlladison Peyton.

117

of our public action to bo distinctly understood. We
wore supporters of General Jackson's electit)n, and in
most of the leadni^- questions of principle, policy, and
party action, wliicli occurred durin^^- his time, we
sustained them and harmonized with the party. We
sustained the election of Mr. Van liuren, because we
conlided in liis professions of devotion to the supremacy
of tlje popular will, and of his hostility to those latitu-
dinous constructicms of the constitution which the States
liight licpublican i)arty, of Virginia, had ever condenmed,
and because, hi general, he was pled^i^^ed to "walk in
the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor," in en-
deavourhig to prevent the exercise of doubtful and
unconstitutional powers by Congress, in limiting and
diminislung li^xecutive discretion in regard to the
management and safe keeping of the i)ublic revenue,
in '' reforming those abuses which brought the patron-
age of the Executive in conflict with the freedom of
elections," and maintainhig the usages and principles of
the licpublican party. In so far as he does, or shall,
answer these expectations, we will sustain him, but wo
are ready and determined to oppose him in all acts and
measures in conflict with these expectations, as tirmly
and decidedly as if we had never voted for hhn. We
have not been able to shut our eyes to the fact that he
has departed from these promises nnuh and widely.
lie has recommended again and again, a measure
opposed and den*)unced by the whole Itepublican party
in 1834 and 1835, as a departure from the practice of
the Government from 1789 down, condemned by public,
thc^y, who have always professed to be acting on
prhicii)le, should have surrendered themselves blindfold,
and with passive submissi(m, to approve everything, or
at least to make no complaint, no matter what al)uses
may be disclosed, what corruption may be proved to
exist, or what mischief may be perpetrated upon the
histitutions and liberties of the people. If the whole

118 Memoir of William Madison reyton.

creed of the democratic faith is reduced to the single
article of a determiiiatit)]i to sink or swim with the
Executive, we no longer hehmg to the congregation.

Fellow citizens, We adhere to the ancient and
venerable principles^ as we continue to cherish the
ancient patronymic appellation of the liebublican ])arty.
We are Republicans. Wo. need no new title or addition
to designate our political character, though we have
no objection to that of Conservatives, which has
been reproachfully attached to us. Genuine conserva-
tive principles in this country are conservative of
the established institutions and long cherished maxims
of free Government. They arc in perpetual conflict
with the restless spirit of destructive innovation ^vhich
seeks protection and sanction under the guise of some
new and popular name, as Danton, Marat and 1 Robes-
pierre perpetrated their atrocious crimes and proianities
in the sacred name of liberty and reason. Conservative
principles here characterize those who are in favour
of maintaining the rights of the States, a strict con-
struction of the constitution of the Federal Government
and of restricthig and watching with an eye that never
closes, the approaches of tyranny from tlie enlargement
of Executive power and jjatronage. These are our
principles. It is these that constitute us Uepublicans.
It is not the name, but the conformity of our practice
to our professions. Men may call themselves
"Democratic Republicans," or "Democratic States
Rights Republicans." They may be re-baptized by
every new convention at the instance of every new
convert, but if they continue to apologize for abuses,
to justify usurpations, to approve every contempt of
popular opinion exibited by the Executive, applaud to
the very echo, measures subversive of the usages and
principles of Jefierson and Madison, and of the
Republican party of 1789 to the present day, and
proclaim their determination to sink or swim with the

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 119

President, no matter ^vhat lie has clone or may do, they
may add title to titk', and addition to addition, until
their party cofi^nomen is as long as that of a Spanish
hidalg'o; and after all their real desi^^nation, their aetual
prineiples and political conduct will be comprehended
in the sin^-le word, they are suhservatives.

AVe Avill sink or swim Avitli the ])rinci]^les of the
Republican party of Virginia; we will siid; or swim
with the mahitenance of the free prhiei[)les handed
down to us by our ancestors ; we will sink or swim hi
the effort to preserve our representatives in congress
from executive control and dictation, and will sustahi
them in manfully resisting the mandates of selfish,
mercenary and imprincipled party leaders and scur-
rilous partizan editors.

These are the leading sentiments which have united
us under the designation of (Conservative lie[)ublicans,
and we cannot but believe they are the sentiments of the
great body of the enlightened, virtuous and patriotic
people of Virginia.

This address was signed by John T. Andersofi^ of
Botetourt; Jubniuid Fontaine^ of Hanover; Moses C.
Goud^ of Ohio Co. ; Joseph II. Sherreinl^ of Frederick ;
Osear M. Crutchjkid^ oi' *S'poUsyl\'ania; Thomas ShcotLs^
of Botetourt and Roanuke; David Barnett^ of ]Mont-
gomery; Joseph IT. Daois^ of Smyth; William Shands^ of
l^rince George; Joh/i (yFarrel, of ]\rorgan; George Pari.,
of Hampshire; Natha/tid J'J. \^t/i(d>h\ oi' i*rinee George ;
Jj(tr. G. ]\(i/u% of Fluvanna; and William Madison
Pei/ton^ of lioanuke and Botetourt.

Note A . — Since this address was written, a striking
illustration of the truth, of this remark has been
furnished in the proceedings of a convention of friends
of the Administration in the Frederick coui/ressional

120 ]\hmui)' of WilUani Madison reijton.

district which met for the purpose of nominating a
candidate for congress. Mr. James M. Mason, the late
memljer, a uniform State Plights liepubhcan, and a
gentleman of line talents, liad differed with the Admin-
istration on the Suh-Treasury question ; preferring the
special deposit plan, which was recommended by Mr.
Van Buren, as his second choice. Mr. Mason, in a
letter to one of his Constituents, and in an address to
the people of his district, both recently published,
distinctly avowed his preference for Mr. Van Buren over
any of those who have been spoken of as likely to bo
his competitors for the next Presidency, and declared
that, "whether in public or private life," Mr. Van Buren
should have his support, ^' earncsthj and zealoushi given."
But this, it seems, was not enough to propitiate the
convention. Mr. Mason had disagreed in opinion with
them on the Sub-Treasury question, and that disagree-
ment could not be cured by pledges of earnest and
zealous support of Mr. Van Buren. The objection was
fatal, and Mr. Mason was put aside to make room for a
Su])-Treasurii democrat, who received the nomination.
" Off with his head ! So much for Buckingham ! "

W. M. Peyton.

Note B.—The Editor of the Enquirer, * in his
paper of August 18th, 1838, in the exposition of his
tinancial views, reprints and re- asserts the opinions
which he expressed in 1834, when the Sub-Treasury
scheme was first broached, and when he charged Mr.
Leigh with entertaining sentiments favourable to it.
The immediate inducement to the expression referred
to, was a passage in a letter written by Mr. Leigh in
reply to one addressed by 26 citizens of Richmond. A
short extract from his very lengthy strictures will be
sufficient to show his opinions as the organ of the
Republican party at that day, and to establish their

* The well luiowu Thomas Ritchie

M,'iiiolr of W'ilUain Madlsua I'cijlon. Vll

identity with tliu opijiioiis iii:iiiit;iiii(;(l 1)}' i^Ii*- Hives iiiul
the Cunservativcs at jjivscnt.

"A« to the letter of Mr. Ijei,^-li," Ik; says, "it may satisfy
his twenty-six IVieaids; but it (uirtainly (lt)(!S not satisfy lis.
The letter which they have called forth, should call
forth in its turn, unotlua- letter to exi)lahi" the true
meaning of that passap;e "whicji s])eaks" of divorcing
all connection with banks, State or h'ederal. ''Do you
mean (they might sa,y) tha,t the j)ul)Ue money is to be
left in the hands of the ^Justom-house olhcers, luspini^iJilc
to tlu! President and removable by him? — If so, is J\Ir.
Leigh prepared to hicur the irresistable objections urged
by the globe — and to increase; (in so alarnung a di'gree)
the patronage, power and inlhieiice of the Executive?"

Mr. Kitchie was a faithful I'xponent of the sentiments
of the Hepublican party at that day, and it would seem
that they were at least oi)posed to a divorce of the
Government from the State Jianks.

In his paper four days afterwards, August 2"J, in some
remarks addressed to two of his correspondents,
''Attains" and ''Aiiotlwr Ihiiiocrnt," he says, they are
not probably aware of the extent to which this discus-
sion on the Sub-Treasury had been caii'ied three years
before, in 18;U. " They may iiot recollect that then-
system of Sub-Treasui'ies was advocated 1)y tlie AVliigs
three years ago, and th;tt tlu; liepublieaus tlien n^sisted
the proposition. If then we advocate a lieresy ]iow, it
was the heresy of the llepublicans in 18;]1. If it be our
thunder now, it was our tliinider, and wliaL is more
hnportant, Oicir thunder ///<■/,'. * * --^ lie, '\Atlalus,"
forgets that at every era when a National lla-nk came
into discussion, it was held not to be necessary, because
the State lianks furnished a sullicient resource.
Messrs. Madison, Jackson, and Stone suggested their
use in 1791, Messrs. Burwell, Seybert, 'l\ B. Porter
and Wright of M., reconnnended tliem hi 1811. They
all concurred in (he sentiment of ]\[r. Wri'dit, that "the

1'22 Memoir of WiUuun Madison Pcijtoii.

State Banks are abiiiulantly sufficient to supply
every requisition, if the U. S. deposits are made in
them." Not a word from any of these orators about an
Independent" Suh-Treasury system! The same ground
was taken when the second U. S. Bank was put down ;
and when the debate came on upon the removal of
the [deposits, the same ground was taken by the
Republican party, when, also, the substitute of the Sub-
Treasuries was pressed by Mr. Gordon it received the
vote of but one Republican member of the House of
Representatives. * * * The Republican press of that
day took up Mr. Leigh's speech and denounced the
scheme of resorting to treasurers, appointed by the
President, and removable at his will, and having the
public money in their actual possession, " in their
pocliets, deshs, tnmhs, and vaults." They contended
that thej present system of deposits for the public
money, regulated by la^v, as it will be, is as good for
safety and the least liable to abuse by the Executive,
of any which the wit of man can conceive ; and declared
•" that the power now exerciacd occr the State Banks is only
such as lias been exercised hij the Administrations of
Wasliinijton, the Adamses, Jefferson, }[adison and iMonroe,
but if Congress can be induced to hni)ose upon it new
and wholesome restrictions, General Jackson will glory
in it as another of the happy fruits of his harassed, but
for himself and his country, most fortunate Administra-
tion." And yet, says Mr. Ritchie, we are to give up
this system now without any imperious necessity, and
fly to the system proposed by the Whigs, and opposed
by the staunchest Republicans in 1831 !

AVe will merely add, without comment, a few more
extracts from the Enquirer, as we are anxious to derive
the full benefit of its potential influence in this appeal
to our Republican brethren.

Memoir of WiUiaiii Madison Pi'ijton. 123

From the " Enquiker."

September 8th, 1S37.— Row is it that the great masses
of the two parties seem to be resi)ectively shifting tlie
grounds they occupied in '34 — the friends of the
Administration violently assailed it — most of the .
Kei)ublicans, with the President at their head, are
inclined to support it. A better soldier than ourselves
then gave forth the most serious objections to the
scheme.

The public moneys, from the time of their receii)t
to the time of their disbursement, amounting as they
often do, to ten or twelve millions of dollars, must
remain in the hands of individuals appointed lij tlic Presi-
dent and removahle at Jiis will ! They ought not to be
kept in their pockets, chests or vaults, ^vllere they can
approach it every day and use it, without the checks of
warrants drawn, countersigned, registered and recorded,
and passing through many hands, without which (that
is their warrants) not a dollar can now be touched by
any public officer, not even the President himself."

We have no desire to see such accumulation of power
in the hands of the Executive — no wish to put the
money directly into the palms of his friends and parti-
zaus. We wish to see the power and patronage of the
Executive increased as little as possible — the powers of
the Federal government not enlarged — the purse and
sword not more strongly miited, than they are in the
hands of the President, and as few means of corruption
as possible trusted in his possession.

From the same.

September 15th, 1837. — He designates it as "a wild
and dangerous scheme" establishing two sorts of
currency — the better for the officers of the government,
the baser one for the people.

121 Memoir of William dladison Peijioii

Odoher SOlh, li'^Sy.—lle says tlic Sub-Treasury will
enlarge the Executive i)ower, already too great for a
llepulilie. Ill the same paper, speaking of the special
de})usit, he says, "such is the compromise we beg leave
to submit to all the friends of a limited Executive and a
guarded exchequer. ' '

Januarij 20th, 1838. — Speaking of the change made in
the bill from extra session to the session in December,
and of the rapid growth of Executive patronage;, which
would follow the adoption of the measure, he says: "It
has ■ already expanded from collectors to receivers and
who shall say that it shall not expand from four
receivers to 20 or 50. In fact who shall stop the
augmentation of tax receivers under the Admhiistration
of some future ambitious President ? The bill increases
the Executive patronage ]>j the a})pointment of lleceivers
Generals, Bank Coinmissionaries, and places the i)ublic
funds more immediately under tlie control of ofhcers
appointed by and removable by the President."

In another editorial of tiie 12tli September, (date
omitted,) alluding to the premium the merchant must
pay to obtain specie for his duty bonds, he says: " who
pays all these expenses? The people — for, let the
merchants, for instance, pay their bonds in specie, they
will ulthnately receive it in the advances on their goods.
A tax, then, to all intents and purposes, is laid on the
people at large, to the amount of the premium on specie,
and it goes into the pockets of every man who feeds from
tlie pu):»lic crib."

Note C. — On the 4tli of May, 1830, a select com-
mittee, raised at the histance of Hon. Thomas H.
Benton, on the subject of Executive patronage, of which
he was chairman, and Mr. Van Bureii with other dis-
tinguished gentlemen of the Jackson party, were
members, reported their vic^ws at length to the senate of
the United States. They rei)resented, with a pencil of

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 125

light, the inherent tendency of patronage to increase —
its insidiious approaclies — its ahno.st seductive and
resistless intluences, and its over])owering energy, when
it has once acquired the ascendant. AVe nuist look
forward, say they, to the time ( that period is now
arrived) when the public revenue will be doubled; wheu
the civil and military officers of the Federal Government
will be quadrupled ; when the inlluence over individuals
will be multiplied to an indelinite extent; when the
nomination by the President can carry any man through
the senate, and his recoinmendalion carrii anij measure
through the two Houses of Coiujress ; when the principle of
public action will be open and avowed, the President
icants mij vote and / icant his patronage. I will vote as he'
wishes and he will give me the office I wish for, AVhat
will this be but the government of one man ? And what
is the government of one man but a monarchy ? Names
are nothing. The nature of a thing is in its substance,
and the name soon accommodates itself to the substance.
The first Roman Emperor was styled "Emperor of the
Republic," and the last French Emperor took the same
title, and their respective countries were just as essen-
tially monarchical before as after the assumption of
them. It cannot be denied or disseml)led, that the
Federal Government gravitates to the same point, and
that the election of the executive by the Legislature
quickens the impulsion. "Those who make the Presi-
dent, must support him. Their political fate becomes
identified, and they nnist stand or fall together. Right
or wrong they must sujiport him."

What would the authors of these"' truly jiatriotic and
Republican sentiments have thought "of that political
servility which openly and unblushingly inculcates a
" sink or swim" policy ? How would these slavish
doctrines square with tlieir Republicanism, as laid down
in this report ? If Colonel Bi'nton and Mr. Van Buren
wore sincere and honest in this solemn expression of

126 Memoir of Williain Madiso)i Peyton.

their sentiments, they woiikl be compelled by their
principles, to repudiate, with as much scorn and
indignation as any Conservative, this degrading
oath of fealty to a party chief, this miscrupiilous
endorsement in advance of ojjinions and conduct
which cannot be foreseen or anticipated, this odious
and unmanly submission to the capricious and des-
potic exactions of party. If sincere, their patriotic
apprehensions for the perpetuity of our institutions
would have been greatly excited and they would have
made the very walls of the capitol tremble with
the thunder of their denunciations. They would
have told us that the prophecy and its fuliilment Avere
contemporaneous ; that our Government was a mon-
archy now. Is there nothing at this day to make us
fear that our Government gravitates to monarchy ? If
the recommendations of tlie President can carry this
Sub-Treasury measure through the two Houses of
Congress, stamped as it has becsn by the reprobation of
almost all men of all parties, throughout our extensive
dominion, and receiving especially the almost unani-
mous reprobation of that party now advocating it, what
cannot the President do, under this vassal doctrine of
blind and indiscriminate support?

Note 7). — When Mr. Ptoane was elected to the U.
States senate, the vote in the House of Delegates, so far
as the Whig party was concerned, was for Roane 24,
against him and for Judge Daniel 1(3, with some few
scattering. In the senate;, for Pioane 5 Whigs, against
hhn 2. So that he received the votes of 29, and his
competitor those of 18 only. Without the Whigs, Mr.
Ptoane would not, and could not, possibly have been
elected. [Note to Ulr. rendleton's speech'].

At the dinner which was given to Mr. Rives in the
City of Richmond, after the close of the session of
Congress, and very shortly after the election of Mr.

Mt'iitoir of ]V(l Until Madison Peyton. 127

Roane, Mr. Rives in responding to a complimentary
toast, took occasion to vindicate the principles of that
cnrrency hill, which is now so much the suhject of
obloquy among those very gentlemen who, at the time,
were paying the homage of heart-felt gratitude for
his distinguished services, and lavishing the most
extravagant encomiums upon his republican virtues.
Not a discordant note in this numerous assemblage,
disturbed the harmonious greeting and joyous gratula-
tions which animated them. It also becomes worthy
of remark on this occasion, as Mr. Rives is assailed and
condemned by many of Mr. Roane's political friends for
not repudiating the aid of the Whigs in the late
senatorial election, that Mr. Roane, who, it seems, was
obnoxious, in the estimation of some, to a similar
objection, in the course of a speech which he made at
the same dinner, with a correctness of judgment and
feeling, alike creditable to his head and his heart,
repelled this new idea of contamination in Whig
support. Among many other just and forcible remarks,
he said, " Let us never forget that our adversaries are
'bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh,' that they are
our friends, our neighbours and our countrymen." To
those who press this objection to I\Ir. Rives, we would
commend the old adage, "ye who live hi glass houses
should not tJinno stones (it ijonr neujiihuurs windows.

Note E. — The ofticial organ of General Jackson (the
Globe) in 1835, shortly after the Sub-Treasury scheme
was broached, and when it was alone countenanced by
a few ultra whigs, assailed it in the most violent terms,
as a measure fraught with mischief, and threatening our
liberties. It asserted '* that it would enlarge Executive
power by putting in its hands the means of corruption."
"That it would transfer the money directly into the
palms of Executive agents, the friends and partizans of
the President, instead of its being kept on deposit in

128 Memoir of JVillicDii j}riuUson Peijton.

banks, whence it could not be drawn for other tlian
pubhc purposes, without certain detection, and thus
exposing it to be phnidered by a liimdrt'd hands, where
ONC cannot '/fon,' reach it. ''Sal teinpora luuldutar et nos
mutamur in ill is."

"Men change witli fortune, nianners change willi clinics,
Tenets witli books, and principles with times."

W. M. Peyton.

On the reassembhng of the LegisLature, Mr. Rives
was elected and took his seat in Congress. On the 14th
of the following January, he delivered his able speech on
the Fiscal arrangements of the Government with the
United States Bank, and reviewing the annual report of
the Secretary of the Treasury.

CPIAPTER VIT.

Yielding to numerous and urgent importunities,
Colonel Peyton consented to become a candidate, the
following Spring of I808, for the House of Delegates
for Roanoke and Botetourt, and was elected without
opposition. At this time he did not seek for, nor
despise, honours. Shortly after the meeting of the
Legislature, the subject of mternal improvements
came up for consideration. On all sides the question
excited the liveliest interest. The delegates for
Eastern Virginia were as hostile as formerly to a general
tax for what they sophistically termed local improve-
ments, and under the leadership of Messrs. Yerby,
Edmunds, Venable, and others, marshalled their forces in
a solid phalanx. On the other hand the western dele-
gates were equally determined to carry their point, and
were led by the young and eloquent delegates for
Roanoke and Botetourt, Augusta, Montgomery, and
Kenawah,— Peyton, A. li. H. Stuart, AV. B. Preston,
and George W. Summers.

To understand this question it should be remarked,

ft

130 Memoir of IVlUiam Madison Peyton.

that the Vh-ginia of I808 extended from the Atlantic
to tlie Ohio, a length af 425 miles, and north and south
from Pennsylvania to Koi'th Carolina and Tennessee, a
distance of about 210 miles. Its area was 61,552
square miles, being considerably more than that of
England. With the cxce])tion of Pennsylvania,
Virgmia was the only State ^vliich extended across the
great Appalachian chain. The State was traversed from
north to south by several other well-defined mountain
ranges, among them the Blue-ridge and the North moun-
tain, which is an extension of the Kittatirmy mountain of
Pennsylvania. These mountains are pierced by numer-
ous rivers, some flowing east to the Atlantic and others
west, emptyhig into the Ohio and Gulf of Mexico.
The principal rivers Avhich rise in the gi-eat valley
between the Blue-rid«re and AUefrhanies, and find
their way to the Atlantic, are the Potomac, the James,
and the Staunton; and those which rise east of the
lUue-ridge and run in the same general direction, are the
Kappahannock, which is navigable 110 miles above its
mouth in the Chesapeake bay to Fredericksburg— the
York river, formed by the confluence of the Mattapony
and Pamunkey, each a hundred miles long, and is
navigable about forty miles from its mouth — the Black-
water, Nottoway, and Meherrhi, which, like the Staunton,
find their way to the ocean through North Carolina.
'I'he principal rivers flowing west, and emptynig
ultimately into the gulf of Mexico, are the Ohio, the
great Kenawha, which rises in the valley between the
Blue ridge and Alleghanies, the Monongehela, the

Memoir of William Madison J\'ijton. 181

Guyandot, the little Keiiawlia, and the Big-Sandy.
From this brief descri[)tit>n of the direction of the;
waters, it is seen that the State rises from the Atlantic
to the mountains, and thcj-e slopes down to the Ohio.
Divided hito four natural parts, it was also formed into
four political divisions. The first of these Avas the
Tide-water district, lying east of the lower falls of the
rivers, and consisting fur the most part of a flat country
nowhere more than sixty feet above the sea. Further
west is the Piedmont district, extending as iar as the
Blue-ridge. This is more elevated and diversitied in
its surface than the former, as it is traversed by a range
of hills parallel to the Blue-ridge, and about oO miles
from it. The Valley district extends from the Blue-
ridge to the most westernly ridge of the Alleghany
mountains; and is occupied by various chains of these
mountains, and the fertile vallies that lie among them.
The extreme west of the State is occupied by the Trans-
AUeghany district, which slopes westward and is
occupied by various branches and oifsets of the
mountains. In a country of such extent, and with such
physical peculiarities and divisions, it is not surprising
that different and antagonistic local interests arose.
Nature supplied with noble rivers that portion of the
State comprised in the Tide-water district, and lying
upon the Atlantic and the Chesapeak bay, which is
sometimes styled the American i\Iediterranean. By
these tfce inhabitants enjoyed every facility for sending
to the markets of the world the products of their lands.
The soil, too, of this district is liglit and sandy, and after

132 Memoir of WilUam Madison Peyton.

rain soon becomes firm and dry, hence little labour or
money is required to keep the roads in repair. The
people of eastern Virginia therefore asked nothing on
the score of improvements, nor did they wish to
contribute from the common treasury towards the
improvement of less favoured districts. In support of
this ungenerous and illiberal policy they adduced a
variety of arguments, some of them not without
considerable plausibility, but all really unsound. The
western people, who lived above the i'alls of the rivers,
where the streams were too small for navigation, and
where the soil is clayey and the roads in Avmter
impassible, asked, as their means were unequal to the
expense, that the State should undertake to lock and
dam the principal rivers, cut canals where required, and
construct leading roads which were necessary for the
development of the country and for its defence.
They argued that the increase in population, the
augmentation in the wealth, the multiplication in the
subjects of taxation which would result from such a
system of improvement, would redound in the end to
the prosperity of the whole State, thus benefitting the
Tide-water population. Thus was the issue made up
by the two parties, and on this question delegates were
elected from all parts of the State.

In this particular House of Delegates the party of
the west was led, as previously mentioned, by (with
others) the subject of this biography; and on the 15th
and 16th days of February, 1839, he delivered the
foUoAving speech of great force and elo(iuence in the

Memoir of Will'uun Madison Peyton. 133

General Assembly on behalf of a general scheme of
State improvement.

SUBSTANCE OF THE REMARKS

OF

COLONEL WILLIAM MADISON PEYTON,

(of botetouht),
In support of the Report and Resolutions recom-
mending A Scheme of Internal Improvement ; *
IN the
House of Delegates of Virginia, February 15, 1838.

The Internal Improvement Report being called up,

Colonel Peyton remarked, That the late hour at which
the Report of the Committee on Roads and Internal
Navigation had been called up, together with the
protracted discussion which it had already excited,
made it proper he should inform the House that he did
not expect to trespass long upon their patience. That
he would endeavour to avoid detail and unnecessary
digression, as much as possible, and confine himself
strictly to the great leading principles which were
involved. He assured the House that he would not
wander into the regions of imaghiation, in quest of the
roses and garlands of fancy, to embenish his sentiments.
He would neither stoop on the one side to cull a
flower, nor on the other to collect a gem ; but would
proceed directly to the development of his views as
succinctly as the nature of the subject would allow.

* This speech was published in Eichmond, in 1838, by Shepperdand
Colins.

134 Memoir of WilUaiii 2Iadisun Vajion.

Colonel Peyton said lie did not participate in the
Biirprise of tlie friends of the Report at the violent
opposition which it had encountered. He thought it
^vas to have been expected, however strong might
have been the evidences in favour of its adoption. In
a numerous body like this, representing a territory so
extensive, and embracing interests so varied, he said
'it was to be expected that local considerations would
influence the course of some gentlemen, while others,
operated upon by an over-timid and over-cautious
pohcy, would be found arrayed against it, solely on the
ground of its novelty and apparent magnitude ; and
some few, perhaps, might lind an excuse for their
hostility in the extraordinary reason assigned by the
gentleman from Prince Edward (]\Ir. Venable) a few
days since : that the adoption of the proposed scheme
would defeat the improvement of the State. But, said
Colonel Peyton, notwithstanding the combination of
all these adverse impulses, I believe there is an en-
lightened spirit awakened in the land, which jannot be
repressed or fettered, but which, bursthig through all
the barriers of ignorance, is rapidly dift'using its
regenerating influences and givhig a healthy tone to
public opinion. The ball, said Colonel Pe}ton, is in
motion, receiving its impetus from the lofty summits
of our mountains. He trusted it had already gathered
sufficient veloeit}^ and po^ver to overcome and defy
all opposition. He said that the difficulties which
beset the friends of improvement at the threshhold of
their innovation upon the established policy, of the
State, ought not to dishearten them^ — that it Avas
not reasonable to expect so radical and important
a change of State policy would be aquiesced
hi without a severe struggle; and that the history
of all our sister States, which have adopted an
enlightened and liberal system of internal improvement,
exhibits a perfect identity in all the circumstances

Memoir of IViUiain Madison Piijlon. 135

attending its introduction. And Jierc, said Colonel -
Peyton, avc find tlie «ame ari^unients relied upon by
gentlemen, Avhicli were urged upon the legislature of
New York, when it was proposed to construct the
Erie and Hudson Canal on State account. And
notwithstanding the obvious necessity and utility of
that great work, and notwitlistanding it was recom-
mended and advocated by one of her most distinguished
sons, by one upon whom nature had profusely scattered
the rays of genius and the inspiration of intellect, by
the the?L reputed theorist, but now revered sage, De
Witt CKnton. I repeat, said Colonel i\!yton, that not-
withstanding it was Ijrought forward under the auspices
of this gifted individual, and sustained with all his zeal,
and all his ability, and all his influence, it was with
the utmost dithculty pressed through the legislature.
And when its adoption was pronudgated through the
country, it produced an excitement so violent and
uncompromising in its character, as to threaten with
political ostracism all those who had taken a prominent
part in its support. In the conunotion, said Colonel
Peyton, the dregs all floated to the surface. Whip
syllabub lawyers and artful demagogues sprung u})
like mushrooms in every (juarter of tlu; State, and
called upon the " dear people " to hold fast their purse
strings. They represented the legislature, said Colonel
Peyton, as adopting some monstrous Briareau scheme,
which would stretch forth its hundred arms and plunge
its hundred hands into the Ijreeches pockets of the
people, and plunder them of the hard earnings of
their daily labour, to make, hi the cant phrase of these
most special friends of the " dear people,'' " the rich
richer, and the i>oor poorer." The psuedo political
economists, too, said Colonel Peyton, of Avliom there is
always an^ over sup[)ly in every community, and
especially in every ])olitical association, fortified in
their own estimation by some absurd and incongruous

136 Memoir of William }fa,liso)i Ponton.'

dogmas of a science, the true principles of which lay
greatly beyond the reach of their intellectual visions,
urged that the State, possessing no funds, having no
hoard, nor any certain or ascertained, or even
conjectural resources, other than those anticipated from
the projected works, had no right to construct a work
at. the expense of the whole community, which was
partial in its benefits. That it was oppressing and
desolating one portion of the State to confer blessings
upon another. To these pseudo political economists,
there came, said Colonel Peyton, as auxiliaries in this
war against liberal legislation, the pseudo philan-
thropists, a class who, more anxious lor the welfare
of the the " unborn millions" who are to follow them,
than for the generation to which they themselves
belong, insisted that we had no right to transmit
these debts, incurred for public works, to posterity,
as it was imposing a burthen upon them in which
they had no voice or agency, and over which they
could not by possibility have exercised any control.
And I have no doubt, said Colonel Peyton, that these
philanthropic worthies, in their learned dissertations
at the corners of the village streets, and at the cross
roads and grog-shops of the country, gravely argued
that it was a gross violation of the great fundamental
principles of our Government, that it was neither more
nor less than taxation without representation. Such,
he said, were a specimen, of the miserable batch, or,
said he, to borrow from high authority a more
appropriate expression, the miserable rabble of objec-
tions which were urged against the enlightened policy
of the empire State. Such, said Colonel Peyton, were
the obstacles that were thrown in the way of the
steady, conestoga, onward march of the miscalled
Bceotia of this confederacy, in a system which is every
day illustrating the energy and wisdom and patriotism
of its legislation by the solid wealth and substantial

Memoir of WilUam Madison Peijton 137

blessings which it is conferring upon its citizens. And
such, I need not tell you, IMr. H})eaker, atcer what j'ou
lui\'e heard on this lloor, are the cogent arguments, tlie
mighty missiles with which we are assailed, and which
riaiders it necessary that the friends of internal improve-
ment should put on their armour and invoke the
Protecting Egis of Minerva. Survey, said Colonel
Peyton, the whole ground which has been occupied by
the opponents of our sclaane, and analyze what
they have said, and you will lind it all at last resolved
into some one of the objections which I have
enumerated, or into something which bears a str(U)g
family likeness to them. And, said Colonel Peyton, I
must say, they are only dighiihed on the present
occasicm, by their very respectable endorsement, and
the talents which they have enlisted in their support.

The tahuited representatives from Prince Edward
and Halifax predicated the greater portion of
their arguments upon the assumption, that the State
was, from its poverty, unable to construct the improve-
ments reconnnended in the report. The linancial
estimate presented by the gentlemen from Augusta, a
few days sinc(;, in his exposition of the views of the
committee, Colonel Peytcm thought entirely conclusive
upon this pohit, and he had heard nothing as yet, in
the shghtest degree calculated to weaken his confidence
in it. The objection to the calculation, in the estim.ition
of Colonel Peyton, was, that it yielded too much to
his opponents, and did greater injustice to th(^ linancial
resources of the Cononon wealth. But, said CoIojk^I
Peyton, notwithstanding this estimate, which proves
beyond doubt the entire ability of t\w. State to
accomplish the improvements prfjposed without abstract-
ing one cent from the pockets of the connnunity, we
are told by the intelligent gentleman from Plalifax,
tiiat they will create a naticjnal debt, which Vv'ill result
in national bankruptcy. This idea, mojistrous,

138 Memoir of ]]'lUia))i Madison Peijion.

illusory, and unfouiulecl as it is, in the face, too, of
the most irrefragable testimony of ligures which cannot
lie, is reiterated and echoed by the opponents of this
measure from every part of the hall, as though it was a
species of axiom. That the estimate is based on facts,
purely legitimate, and that its foundations are iirmly
fixed in truth, the abortive efforts of our opponents
to impugn and destroy them, aftbrd the highest
evidence. That all the antagonist items which are
entitled to be considered as offsets or charges upon the
internal improvement fund, are fairly and properly
stated, is not denied ; but it is pretended that the
estimate of the profits u^wn the works in process of
execution, and upon those contemplated, is extravagant.
Gentlemen, said Colonel Peyton, wiser and more
experienced than our engineers, who are generally
presumed to be the best acquainted with these matters,
and wiser and more astute than that numerous and
intelligent class of the community who have vested then-
money in many of these schemes, after a close scrutiny
into the chances of reimbursement, have come to the
conclusion, that they are all visionary speculations,
and doomed to disappoint and ruin those who engage
in them. It is true, said Colonel Peyton, as has been
said by the anti-improvement gentlemen, that consider-
able reliance is placed upon the anticipated profits from
the James River improvement. And this estimate
being conjectural, he knew of no better mode of
approximating the truth, than by consulting those who
have embarked their fortunes in it, and whose interests
have led them to examine it narrowly. The testimony
of all these, he said, would more than sustain the
humble estimate. If, said Colonel Peyton, the matured
wisdom of a Marshall in the east, and the cool, calculat-
ing, practical good sense of a Breckenridge in the west,
and the combined intelligence of the most enlightened
portions of the Btate, after a long, and anxious, and

Memoir of WilUam Madison Peyton. 130

tliorongh investigation of the utility and protluctiveness
of this work, could cheerfully embark all their available
means in it, and appeal, in all the sincerity of a burning
patriotism to their fellow-citizens to unite in its con-
struction, I think we may safely rest with this assembly
the very humble estimate which we have placed upon
its productiveness, upon this authority, in opposition
to the round and unsustained assertions of the gentle-
men from Prince Edward and Halifax. Colonel Peyton
said, that he should therefore claim with confidence
that the calculation of the profits from this work, which
had been used in the financial esthnate, and which was
confessedly so far below the estimates of persons so
eminently qualified, should be received, until sonn;
stronger argument than the empty denunciations of an
enemy, or the bold assertions of inexperience were
offered.

Colonel Peyton said, that the only other conjectural
source of revenue relied upon, is the contemplated
improvements, and these but for a v(!ry limited amount
and for a short period. He said, that the gentleman
from Halifax, in combating this source of revenue,
instead of dissecting, and sifting, and exposing the
extravagance of tlie very moderate and guarded
estimate which we presented, launched forth into a
denunciatory attack upon the report of the principal
engineer, in which the estimates were more than ten
times higher than we claimed ; and having in the
blindness of his zeal imagined that he had utterly
demolished the engineer's report^ he very gravely and
most logically concluded, that our estimate, by conse-
quence, shared the same fate. He said, that feeling
disposed to admit a paralogism so palpable, he felt
authorized, by the failure of the gentleman, to object
specifically to the dividend claimed by the friends of
the report, in construing it into an admission of its
correctness. But this, he said, was unnecessary. To

140 Memo'u' of William Madiiion Veijton.

those, said Colonel Peyton, who are familiar with the
trade and trav(d of thai section of the State, which
will he accommodated h_y tli(! South-western road, and
^vith the powerful auxiliaries \vliich it will receive when
extended to Knoxville, not only the extreme modera-
tion of om' estimate will he manifest, hut the much
derided and apparently extravaj^'ant calculation of our
chief enoineer will he found, upon examination, to he
entirely within the hounds of prohahility. Fortunately,
said Colonel Peyton, we were not driven upon the
fanciful speculations of its ardent friends for the
maintenance of our c»pinions. lu the- year 1831, a
convention was held hi the t()^vn of Ahingdon, com-
posed of dele<(ates from the city of Richmond, and all
the intermediate country to Kuijxville, in Tennessee,
who, after carefully collating all the facts necessary in
enahling them to determine Avhether the tonnage and
travel of this i-outc would justify tlui expense of a
railroad, decided most conlidently in its favour. From
the report of their i)roceedings it appeared that
even then the .tonnage transported hy w^aggons
amounted to 7,297 imports, and 00,852 exports, making
an aggregate of 67, 040 tons ; calculathig the imports
at 0 cents per mile, and the exports at o cents, it gave
nearly live hundred thousand dollars. They then
deducted one-third from this amount to cover the error
in the calculation from some of the exports and a large
portion of the imports hehig distrihuted along the line,
instead of being carried the whole way through. This
left for imports 04,71)8 dots., for exports 2()7,003 dols.,
making an aggregate of oo2,7()l dols., which, taking
the cost of the railroad from New lliver to Knoxville at
8,108,000 dols., would produce a dividend of upwards
of 10 per cent on the cost of that part of the road from
New lliver to Knoxville, or nearly 72 per cent, on
4,408,000 dols., the total cost of constructing a railroad
from Lynchbury to Knoxville. In this calculation,

DLcmoir of WiJUam ]\[adison rcijlon. 141

the tolls accruing upon tliat portion of the line
between New Eiver and Lynchburg, and wliicli
would unquestionably be the most productive,
are excluded. Nevertheless the convention had
no hesitation hi saying, upon the very meagre
information which they possessed, that this section
would yield at least 10 per cent, to the stockholders in
the then condition of the trade of the country. And
this, too, it will be observed, without relyhig upon the
profit to be derived from the transportation of passen-
gers, which of itself, I have no doubt, is justly
considered by our chief engineer as the most valualjle
source of revenue. Colonel Pcsyton said, that in
addition to the facts elicited by this convention, there
was a most important one derived from the r(;gister
kept at Inglis's ferry, on New Kiver, in the year 1830.
From this, it appeared that between thirty-four and
thirty-five thousand travellers crossed at that shigle
pohit during the year. These, said Colonel Puyton,
together with those who crossed at the numerous fords
and ferries above and below, would probably swell the
estimate to between 40 and 50,000. This travel
at the ordinary charge of six cents per mile,
would give an income of 570,000 dols., or between 18
and 20 per cent, on the whole cost of construction.
Thus showing the ability of this improvement to
sustain itself by a moderate toll upon the travel, and
consequently, removing the necessity of heavy imports
upon the agricultural and mineral products of the
country.

But, said Colonel Peyton, when you recollect that the
moment you construct this work, and thus remove the
■inonntain barriers which separate this country from
market, you at once awaken the industry and stimulate
the energies of its inhabitants, and that you develop
the varied and inexhaustible mineral and agricultural
resources of one of the fairest and most salubrious

142 Memoir of TVilliam Madison Vcijton.

portions of the State — a region whore lead, salt,
gypsum, coal, iron, and an exliuberant fertility of soil
have been lavished with almost prodigal profusion. It
is impossible, said he, to conceive the width and depth
of the stream enriched from all these prolific sources,
which will pour its golden flood upon our commercial
marts, exciting their enterprize, and re-invigorating
their languishhig commerce. Not only this, said Col.
Peyton, but when the work shall have been extended
to Knoxville, a short distance beyond our South-Western
border, it will constitute the focus of improvements,
radiating to the Atlantic on the one side, the Ohio on
the other, and the Gulf of Mexico on the third— em-
bracing within its influence two-thirds of the confederacy,
and drawing within its vortex, by the sure attraction of
its being the nearest, most natural, and direct route to
the east, the largest commerce ever enjoyed by a
railroad, and an amount of travel beyond the anticipa-
tions of the most sanguine and credulous. But, said
Colonel Peyton, I will not fatigue myself, or waste the
time of the House in proving the value and productive-
ness of a work against which not a single plausible
argument has been offered. The ingenious gentleman
from Halifax, hhnself finding that a closer scrutiny
into our estimate of the profits from the James
Ptiver and Kenawha improvements and tlu; South-
western road, was more likely to prejudice than
to promote his cause, seemed to yield the point, and
shaking the dust of the old Dominion from his feet,
he embarked upon the railroads and canals of the
great States of Pennsylvania and New York, in quest
of facts to support his theory. There, said Colonel
Peyton, entrenching himself belihid a rampart of
reports and imposing arithmetical calculations, he
seemed to defy and almost deride his opponents. Let
us, said Colonel Peyton, examine him in his new
position, and see whether it will not yield to the first

Memoir of JVilUam Madison Peyton. 143

assault. To say nothing at present, said Colonel
Peyton, of the numerous errors of fact and inference in
wliich the gentleman involved himself at every step,
there was one prominent and striking and radical
defeat in his wlioJe argument, and that was, said Colonel
Peyton, his neglect of the ameliorating influences of
these improvements upon the comfort and happiness
and pecuniary circumstances of the inhabitants of the
States] penetrated by them. He seemed, said Colonel
Peyton, to lose sight altogether of the immense enhance-
ments of individual property which resulted from them,
and the consequent increase of the stream of taxes
which would be annually pouring its golden treasures
with a continually increasing volume into the public
coffers. Not only this, but he seemed to be blind — yes,
stone blind — to the incalculable addition to the aggregate
of national wealth from the development of the rich
mineral treasures locked up in inaccessible mountains,
and which, without these improvements, were utterly
valueless. He seemed to forget, too, the extensive
nuinufactories which would grow out of the working
of these mines and cluster around every waterfall in
their neighbourhood. He overlooked, too, the immense
augmentation of agricultural products which the
stinndus of a ready market would create. And still
more, said Colonel Peyton, he excluded from view the
increase of population resulting from the combination
of all these other blessings — an increase only
limited by our mines of coal and iron, which
are said to be boundless and inexhaustible. Great,
manifold, and important, said Colonel Peyton, as
are these, the legitimate ofl'spring of a judicious
system of internal improvement, embracing as they do
all the important elements and essentials which
constitute a prosperous and happy people, under the
benign influence of free institutions, and which m
my opinion ought to be cherished as a blessing, even

144 Memoir of William Madiso)i Fi'ijlon.

if it "Was coupled with a system of direct taxation for
the reiiiiLiirsement of the debt iiicuiTed in producing
it. Great, manifold and important, repeated Colonel
Peyton, as were all these beneficial resnlts from an
improvement of the means of inter-comnumication,
the gentleman never once adverted to them, bnt
conlined himself to a cold stock-jobbing calculation
of the dividends accruing from the various works
finished and contemplated. Is this, said Colonel
Peyton, the vicAV of a Statesman? Is it the voice of
patriotism? Or is it the barking of a treasury watch-
dog, a Cerberus chained at the mouth of the vaults,
and with brute instinct denying access to all persons
indiscriminately, without respect to the character of
the claim or the applicant. Is it ])Ossible, said Colonel
Pe5'ton, that a policy so narrow and so contracted, so
miserably parsimonious and so obviously suicidal, is
to be countenanced and sustahied by the representatives
of a generous and magnanimous ])eoplc. But said
•Colonel Peyton, my feelings hsive hurried me hito
a dtgression from the point in my argument to which
1 had arrived, and ui)on which I Avish to bring the
attention of the house to bear for a few moments.

I was about to admit, for the sake of argument, and
for the purpose of exhibiting in a still stronger pohit
of view, the indefensible character of the position
assumed by the gentleman from llalifiix, that all the
ameliorating influences of these improvements upon
society — the increase of population — the augmentation
of agricultural products— the develoi)ment of mineral
treasures — the creation of manufactories and the
increase of the public revenue— that all these should be
discarded from consideration, and that we should view
it simply as a money-making, stock-jobbing scheme on
the part of the State. Even, said Colonel Peyton, in
this narrow and contracted and unstatesmanlike point
of vieA\^, if the lessons of experience are sutlered to shed

Memoir of WiUium Mddiwn J'rijlon. . 145

their broad .iiid full light upon the question, there will
be no difficulty in niahittiiiiiiig before this x\ssenibly
the policy of the system. 1 lun willing, he said, to
narrow the ground on Avhich ^ve stand, for the present,
still more, by permitting its correctness to be tested
]by the Pennsylvania system, Avhich has been so
frequently referred to and so confidently relied upon
by the opponents of improvement, as affording the
strongest testimony in their favour. I am fully aware,
said the Colonel, that I placu myself in the most
disadvantageous position in relinquishing the mass of
testimony which the triumphant success of the State
system in other parts of the Union affords, and
submitthig the question to a test, selected by our
enemies, and which wants the analogy which is
necessary to give weight to the deductions agahist us.
Those who are acquainted with the history of
internal improvements in the State of Pennsyl-
vania, know that it Avas commenced under every
disadvantage, at a time when the construction of
canals and railways were not well understood in
this country, and when, from the want of that skill,
and experience, imd knowledge which she now
possesses, she expended at least one -fourth, or six
millions more, according to the estimates of hv.v most
practical men, than would be necessary to do the same
work now. There is another circumstance, said Col.
Peyton, which weakens di ■ parallel. An inspection of
the map will satisfy ever}' one acquainted with the
geography of the United States, that in pohit of
natural advantages, she cannot compare with us. By
position, she commands the commerce of no State but
her own, whilst Virginia, from the nature of the
Carolina coast, is the natural market of Carolina
products, and from her position, possesses advantages
over Pennsylvania, in a competition for the Ohio trade,
'and superadded to this, the rich products of I'^ast

T

146

Memoir of WiUiani Madison Pviiton.

Tennessee and North Alabanifi How as certainly to her
ports as she provides an outlet lor them. JUit, notwith-
standinir all this, he hoped he Avould he ahle to satisfy
the House in a few words, that the system of i*euns}l-
v;uiia, i)rompt, hold, expanded, and in one sense,
extrava^j^ant as it had bc^en, so far from presenting a
picture to discourap^-e and (hshearten the friends of
improvement, offered every inducement and stimulus
to nicreased exertion. In looking into the Pennsylvania
system to ascertain whether the funds she has invested
in public works have been s<|uandered or judiciously
expended, it certainly affords no evidence against them
to find, that upon an expenditure of nearly 25,000,000
dols., they received during the past year of paralysis
and commercial pressure, only 075,050,49 dols. The
general plan is not yet carried out, many important
links are unfinished, which, when completed, will swell
the tonnage immensely. 44ie energy, and industry,
and enterprize of the connnunity has scarcely had time
to get under way. The mineral and agricultural
resources are just develo[>ing themselves; so that the
present tolls, handsome as they are, scarcely aflord an
earnest of what they will be, when tlie system is
complete, and has had sufficient time to work out its
great results. Equally unsatisfactory is any argument
drawn from the statistics of detaehetl works. 44iere
are so many circumstances connected with them,
special and peculiar in their character, and of which
we are ignorant, that no general arrangement can be
drawn from them upon this point, entitled to the
slightest consideration. Instead, therefore, of suffering
ourstdves to be carried away by the bold assertions of
gentlemen or specious deductions from pai-ticular improve-
ments, and sections of improvements, of which we know
nothing, or the jaundiced calculations of the jn'ofits of
a system which is imperfect and unfinished, 1 would
refer you to the testimony of the citizens of Pennsyl-

Hfemoir of William Madison Pcnton. 147

vania themselves — to the rc|)ort of the canal commis-
sion(;rs, who are entrusted Avith the control and
manag'ement of the pul)lie works, and who are lamiljar
with the hifluences, favourable and unfavourable,
which operate upon them — to the message of the
governor, Avho exercises a supervisory care over the
Avhole State, and who derives his information from
the best sources. Do }'ou iind their opinions
of the value and productiveness of the public
works according with those deduced by the gentlemen
from Prince Edward and Halifax, from their selected
statistics? Do you tind them dc^ploring the system
as one leading to natioiial bankruptcy ? No
they are proud of it, and cherish it as a ne\'er-
failin"- source of the richest blessings; as the broad
basis of individual wealth and national grandeur; as
the key-stone Avhich crowns their political edifice, giving
sti-ength and durability and finish to the structure.
Colonel Peyton said, in the report of the canal com-
missioners for the year lSo7, they say, "one aspect
of the operations of the year must, however, prove
cheerhig to every Pennsylvanian. While the revenue
derived from similar great State improvements, all
around us, has materially fallen short of last year, ours
has advanced in a ratio corres])onding with that of
former years. If avc can thus maintain our career in
the midst of such untoward circumstances, what mind
can estimate the effects that Avdll be produced by
the return of a more healthy jiolicy. If, in comiexion
with this view of the subject, the competition of the
improvements now in progress, and which will elfectu-
ally bring into use the inmiense mineral productions
of the Lykens valley, Shamokin, ]\Iahamy, Wyoming,
and the bituminous coal and iron fields of the west
branch and Juniata, be also contemplated, the result
is incalculable. J)ut little now passes on the canals of
the Susquehanna, its branches and the Juniata. When,

148 Memoir of WiUiaiH

however, the improveiiwits in progress to complete the
ori(jinal desujn of these ivorLs beijin to unfold their destined
utiliti/^ the addition to the nh-eady increasing revenue
derived from those sources^ icill be immeiise. As evidence
of this, it is only necessary to notice the rich return
which the mining operations in the Schuylkill coal
helds impart to the Schuylkill Navigation Company's
works. This improvement is only 108 miles in length,
and has produced tolls the present season, amonnting to
500,141,50 dols., up to in. loth of November.

In another part of the same report, after urging
the legislature to apply the whole resources of the
State to the completion of the system as rapidly as
possible, they remark " In relation to the ultimate
success and prosperity of the i)ul'i'!c works, the board
have expressed a decided opinion. The revenue
derived from public works is already beginning to
have a decided effect upon the fiscal operations of
the Government, and will hereafter be the main
reliance of the State. What amount of revenue will
be derived from the public works the present iiscal
year, it is difficult under existing circumstances, to
determnie. 13 ut the board feel wai'ranted in giving
the assurance, that even if the present pressure
continues, it cannot fall short of 1,200,000 dols. As
a proof that the above is not an over estimate, and
that the whole system when [)erfected will remunerate
the State for her outlay, and reward the patience
of her citizens, it may be etc. etc., (instancing the
most important improvements and the revenue derived
iVom them.) In the close of this review of the
general improvements, they say : '' There is, therefore,
no doubt, but that when the now unproductive branches
are completed, and sustain themselves, as they assuredly
null, the whole system ivill not only support itself, but
pay a handsome revenue to the State."

The governor, in his last message, sa}'s, " The

Memoir of WUiumi Madison Peijlon 149

system of internal improvement has heretofore been
the chief draft upon the Treasury. It is now about
becoming its main reliance'' * * * * " The revenue
from the public works fell 324,649,51 dols. short,
during the past year, of the estimate of the canal
commissioners. Its actual amount was 975,o50,46
dols. -But all Avho are conversant with the matter, are
convinced that it would have l,oOO,000 dols., if the
paral}sis of last May had not fallen on the energies
of trade. The estin;ate of the board for the present
year, 1,400,000 dols, hi which I concur, believing, also
that though it cannot fall materially short of that
sum, no matter how adverse the State's general business
may become, it may, and probably will, reach 1,500,000
dols., if the usual degree of prosperity be restored to
the country. The tolls of last month alone amounted
to loO,000 dols, of that sum." In another part of
his message, after a coup d'oeil at the different
improvements, he concludes thus: " Tliis view of the
subject not only enables us to calculate with certahity
or the increased earnings of the public works hereafter,
but justifies all necessary expenditure for their
completion, even ivitkout taking into account their
other incalculable advantages to the State. * * * *
Improvements thus increasing in productiveness under
every disadvantage, demand, because they arc worthy
of all the care of the legislature." Colonel Peyton,
said, I present these extracts as the testimony of the
Canal Commissioners and Governor of Pennsylvania, in
favour of a scheme Avhich has been represented by gentle-
men as a perfect Pandora's box, laden with evil, and
threatening the State 'with baidcruptcy.

I consider it, ]\Ir. Speaker, and every unprejudiced
mind must conciu- Avith me, as out-weighing all the
bold assertions and ingenious deductions of gentlemen
who are confessedly ignorant of the country and its
improvements, and as ])roving beyond all (juestion

150 Memoir of William ]\[a(lisQn Vcijlon.

the policy of the system as a mere money-making
machine. It must strike every gentleman, that no
inference prejuclical to the opinions advanced by these
Commissioners and the Governor, which are based upon
the statistics of any single impr(jvement, or any
comljination of improvements, ought to have any
influence upon our judgment. If, then it be
estal)lished, that looking only to the revenue from
the im])rovements, it is a judicious investment of
the public funds of Pennsylvania, the State we
have selected as a test of its policy in Virginia,
there can no longer be any difficulty in our embarking
in the system, even if we had no loilier considera-
tions to subserve, than those of a n:ere stock-jo1)ber.
This brings me to the consideration of the mode
in which the works shall be made, whether upon
the joint-stock or the State princi})le. And upon
the decision of this question in favour of the latter, we
believe, depends the cause of internal improvement, and
the future destiny of the State.

Colonel Peyton said, the most plausible and ingenii)us
argument which has been presented to the house in
favour of the two-fifth, and in opposition to the State
plan of improvement, was that of the gentleman from
Campbell, (Mr. Daniel,) This gentlemen in his zeal to
discover a spot on which to plant a lever to overturn the
State system, created an imaginaiy foundation of imprac-
ticable abstractions, and opened from tlunice, with no
small degree of confidence, and certainly with great skill,
a furious broadside upon that portion of the report which
recommended the construction of the South-western
road on State account. The argument of the gentle-
man was this — He set out with the extraordinary
assumption, that, upon principles of abstract justice, we
have no right to take one dollar from the treasury for
the construction of public works, that the subscription
of two fifths on the part of the State being au appropria-

Memoir o'f WiUlain Madiaoii Peyton. 151

tiou of tho piil)lic funds to i)nl)lic works, was conse-
(liK'iiti^' mijiist ; uiitl, a I'drtiori, iiiasiniicli as tlio
whole is Lircatcr iliaii a part it is a still greater
iiijusiirc for llic Slate to bear the whole expense.
The mere statement of this argument, divested
of all the so})liislry with wliieh he laid surrounded
it, ought to he sultieieiit to refute it. ihit, as
it had been the foundation of a long and ahh- iirgunient,
and had Ijeeii most plausibly and ingeniously maintained,
he would examine it fully.

The politieal ruaxini, said Colonel Peyton, upon
whieh the gentlemen has raised his superstrueture, is
illusory, and, as ap})lied by him, utterly fals(\ lJ})on
l)rineiples of abstraet justice, the (iovernnient has no
right to a})propriat(! the public funds on the construc-
ti(jn (jf })idjlic W(jrks ! Why, JMr. 8[)eaker, upon
principles oi abstract jucl ice you have no right to impose
any of those restraints upon the actions of men, or
exercise any of that control over their })roperty, which,
in the finest Governments that have ever existed, have
exerted so salutary an hitluence and ^vhich has been
universally conceded as indespensable to the existence
of society. We abandon the ludpless, inetUcient,
isolated and unsocial life of the wandering savage, that
we may, by unioji, concert, and harmony be better
protected in our })ersonal rights and our I'ights of
proi)erty, and by united counsels, and united means
and energies, effect such measures as ^vill jiromote the
})ul)lic welfare. Mixed u}) with the abstractions under
consideration, and resulting in some degree from it, Avas
another sophism e(pially exceptionable, as api)lied. He
asserted, said ('oloiud Peyton, that beyond tlui protec-
tion of the country from foreign aggression, and the
preservation of the due; administration of justice, the less
a (lovernment interfered with the labour and industry,
the pursuit and avocations of its citizens, the nearer it
approximated the fullilment of its duties and obligations,

152 ]\[etnoir of William Madison Pi'tfton.

und that any step beyond these hniits was in derogation
of certain abstract rights supposed by the gentleman to be
be inherent and inahenable, or reserved by the community.
Suppose for a moment, said Col. Peyton, that the
gentleman's argument may be placed in the strongest
point of view, that the principles involved in his proposi-
tion are true — His argument admits, that it is the duty
of the Grovernment to protect and defend the country
from foreign invasion, and that it may use the public
treasure for that purpose. Suppose then, that Virginia,
instead of forming one of this glorious union, were
isolated and independent, surrounded by warlike neigh-
bours, and subject to incursions upon the north, south,
and west, so sudden and desolating in their character
as to make the rapid transportation of troops and
munitions of war an important element of her defence.
Would not the Government, upon the gentleman's own
principles, have a right to construct roads in every
direction to promote the public welfare in this particular ?
And if, Mr. Speaker, the Government in such an
emergency would have the right to construct these
pubhc works, has she not a right, and is it not her duty
to provide before hand for the emergency, instead of
waiting till the distresses and disasters of war leave
her no alternative ? If the power belongs to the
Government in the extreme case supposed, why should
it not reside in the Government of Virginia under exist-
ing circumstances, when it would confessedly put her
in better condition to withstand foreign invasion, as
well by the economy with which her troops and baggage
would be conveyed from point to point, as by the
promptness with which they could be brought to bear
where most needed. But, said Colonel Peyton, conclu-
sive as the argument is, even in this aspect, in favour
of a system of internal improvement, we are not driven
to the necessity of resting it upon such hair-splitting
distinctions.

j\[('\iwir of ]ViU(((iii MaiJison Piijlon. 153

Every Governinont, said C'olonol Peyton, rests upon
its own principles, as ascertained by loni^' nsaj^e, or its
written charter ; and the principles of the social eoni-
])act, and the spirit of tiie constitution of Virginia,
clearly and uncMpiivocally recoj^aiize in its (lovernmi'nt
the ri^-lit to do any tiling ^vllicll, in its ^visdonl, Avill
promote the pid)Hc welfare, })rovided it is not in conti'a-
vention of the charter ado^jted as a •^•uide and limit to
its action. There is notliing in tlie constitution which
]n-ohihits the legislature a})j)ropriatii!g the })ul)H('
funds to the construction of public wtu'ks, or
in any otluir way they may deem promotive of the
public welfare. It follows, of course, that the legisla-
tiU'c have the right to do it, and that, possessing tlu^
})owt-r, there can exist under the social com})act no
abstract right at variance with the constitutional right,
and the inference of the gentleman from (]am})l)ell, that
the legislature cannot exercise it without })erpetrathig
a wr(mg — an act of injustice — is wholly gratuitous,
and unsustained by any recogni/anl, ci^il, or ])ohtical
principles, as, I trust, I have satisfactorily shown. AVc
have thus established, said (!ol. reyton, what he did
not suppose w^as ever doubted, before tlui ingenuity of
the gentleman from Campbell suggesttul it — the right
of the State to use her treasures for the construction of
jaiblic works, or for the general welfare, in any Avay slie
may decna expedient. 1 have previously shown, he
said, the policy of a system of internal improvement,
and the ability of the State to carry out the scheme
l)rop()ScHl ; and it only remains for me to olfer some
remarks as to the maimer in which it sladl ]>e done.

[The usual hour of adjourmnent having arrived, Cc»l.
Teyton gave way, that a ujotion to that elfjct niight bj-
made.]

154 Memoir of William DFadison Peyton.

Second Day.

House of Delegates of Vlnjinia,

'Fehnianj 10th, 1838.

The Internal Improvement Report being called up,
and Colonel Peyton being entitled to the lioor, he rose
and said : —

My argument not having been concluded on yester-
day, when the hour of adjournment arrived, it is
necessary that I should throw myself upon your
indulgence for a portion of to-day. I trust, Mr.
Speaker, that I satistied the house on yesterday, that
no principle of abstract right does exist under the social
compact, which contravenes the constituticm, and of
course that the act of our legislature appropriathig the
public revenues to the construction of public works,
does not violate any rigid, or o})erate any injustice, and
of course that the ingenious syllogism of the gentleman
from Campl)ell fails to prove, that because upon the
State system there would be a larger appropriation of
the public funds than under the joint-stock system, that
therefore it was more unjust and objectionable. Having
disposed of this branch of the gentleman's argument in
favour of the two-fifth, and against the State system,
it brought me to another on the same subject, in which
he abandoned in some measure his metaphysical abstrac-
tions, and treated the suljject in a more practical point
of view. The acuteness of that gentleman's mind,
enabled him to present a most imposing view
of what he considered inherent evils in the plan
of improvement on State account, and after main-
tainhig himself most ably upon general reasoning,
and entering his formal protest against deductions in
favour of either system from isolated instances, or from
any combination of cases, where all the circumstances,

Memoir of William. Madison Peyton. 155

moral, political and physical, were not well understood,
ho proceeded to adduce in support of tlie two-lifth i)lace,
the Chesapeak and Ohio canal, the Balthnore and Ohio
railroad, and several other joint-stock improvements ;
thereby forcibly illustrating, by the false conclusions to
which they led him, the truth of his promises.
I agree with the gentleman, that partial statistics
are worse than useless. It is true, that it is im-
possible to draw a comparison between works of otluu-
"States, made upon the joint stock and State principle,
without an intimate acquahitance with the topography
of the countries through which they pass— the charactci
of the works, whether they are temporary, requirini',
expensive repairs at short intervals, or permament and
sul)stantial ; their relative natural advantages — in ;;
word, all those influences, moral, political and physical,
which affect them — and hence, I ^vould depend upon n >
authority short of it. As then Mr. Speaker, there is n-)
discordance hi the views of the gentleman and mysell',
as to the character of the testimony wliicli shoul<i
influence the decision of this question, we have only tv
ap})ly the test. And at the threshhold, I would as!,
whether the gentleman from Campbell or any othei'
friend of the partnership system, has offered us ;'
particle of testimony in support of it, coming up to tli
grade which we have established ? It is doubtless fresli
in the recollections of every gcaitleman within my voic ,
that the gentleman from Campbell did not even preten;!
to it. The truth is they have none, whil
abundant testimony of the most satisfactory characU r
can be produced in favour of the State, and in
condemnation of the joint stock system. Look, Mi'.
Speaker at the operation of the miserable, crippled and
inefficient two and three fifths system, which has been
in operation in our State for the last age ! Behold it ;
glorious results ! See the extensive lines of railway;;
and canals penetrating every quarter of the State, anil

loG Memoir of DlUiam j\[ai]ison rcijlon.

(lisponsing wealth, prosperity, find happiness to its
citizens ! See your iiobh'. port at Norfolk ero\vclecl with
the canvas of every clime, and towns and cities sjjriiijj^-
in^^ up as if by maj^ac, in every quarter of the country !
l^ehold the Birmingham of America ! Your own
capital, parsimoniously husbanding every drop of her
almost boundless water pcnver, and applying it to
machinery for manufacturing the cotton of Alabama,
the wool of Ohio, and the minerals of Western Virginia !
See your treasury tilled to repletion, and the great State
of Virginia advancing abreast of the State of Pennsyl-
vania and New York, who have so unwisely and fatui-
tously adopted a system of internal improvement on
State account ! !

In the eager anticipation of beholding all these
glorious results of the system so much lauded by the
gentleman from Campbell, we ask, ^vllere are they ?
where are they ? " and echo answers, where are they ?"
No, Mr. Speaker, instead of this animating picture, we
behold the lacerating eftects of this johit-stock system.
We behold a depressing, hag-ridden Connncmwealth,
upon which this incubus has fixed itself S(j long as to
l)aralyze all her energies, and almost dry up the
fountahis of hope. A system, said Col. Peyton, which
should be entitled a system of financial phlebotomy, as
it is merely used to deplete the body politic, and relieve
the treasury when it discovers any symptoms of
plethora. It is fitly described as a silent,

insidious, thieving system, which plunders the
treasury, without promoting the puldic welfare. Millions
upon millions of the public funds are wasted in the
companies, and many of them are so utterly unproduc-
tive, that it has been reconnnended to abandon them
that the State may save the expense of printing the
aimual report of their condition ; and the whole of them
taken together do not average one per cent, upon the
capital vested. Such, My. Speaker, is the true state of

Memoir of WilUam Madison Teuton. 157

the testimony ailbrJed by our ex])erience in the joint-
stock system. After luiving- lived thron^di im age the
clierished poHey of the Stutc, it has not been abk; to
rear a singk; monument llattering to the pride, cr(;dit-
a])le to the enti'rprise, or iji any respect worthy of tlie
ancient fame of this renowned ('onnnonweaUh. The
friends of internal improvcmmt lia\ing a(|riiesced durhig
this hmg period in the hope thai some of tlie })romised
bentilits woukl be reah/cd, and lindiiig every liope
excited, the mere precursor of ruinous (hsappoJntment,
they determined, if possibh', to ri'volutionize the system.
And after the maturest rethction, and a patient and
acciu'ate examination into i\w systems (;f those States
NvOiich have be<'n most successful, they have decided
U})on, and recommended, the; State system. In
doing this, av(; ta];c the broad ground, that no
State in this conlV'deracy has ever carried on a
system of internal imj)rovement successfully, except on
State account. It is diflicult to form a s}'stem in any
other wa,y, For that cannot be calUnl a system "which
depends upon the discoirnected influences and conllict-
ing interests of an iniinity of localities. It wants an
all pervading eye, that will embrace within its visioji
th(! whole States, and a hand of judicious Ixmnty, that
will administer to its Avanls and necessities as such,
impartially. Such, is tlu^ \\hole systerii in tluiory, and
such has been its oi)eration in })ractice. In New York
their great State work was eligibly situated, as to
distribute its bkissings over every portion of the State,
and tlie origimd and wonderful success of this improve-
ment, with which all are familiar, renders it unnecessary
for me to dwell cm it. In the State of Pennsylvania —
the Flanders of this controversy — we olfer such testi-
mony hi support of the system we reconmiend, as the
gentlenuin from Campbell and myself have agreed upon
as alone admissible, Wc; olfer the testimony of the
(lovcrnor of that Commonwealth, ^vho, in his message

158 Memoir of William Madison Pqiton.

of 18BC), says, that when the works then in progress
shall have heen completed, stretching into evc.vy quarter
of her territory, and bearing her immense agricnltiual,
manufacturhig, and mineral wealth to her OAvn proud
metropolis,* and to every State in the Union, it is a low
estimate, he says, when these works are completed and
in full operation, that her clear annual income, from this
source alone, will not fall short of three millions of
dollars, a sum sufficient to rehnburse the whole debt
incurred, as it becomes one, to continue her hnprove-
ments to any extent, and to authorize the application
of one million of dollars annually to the purposes of
education. And all this, he says, with moderation,
prudence, and caution, is not more than eight, and
probably six years distant. We offer you the testimony
of the canal ccmunissioners, which I read to the house
on yesterday, in which they state, that the revenue from
the canals and railways is regularly progressive, and
that the fund arising from them is becoming the mahi
reliance of the State. We offer you the acts of the
Legislature of the State, who are sustaining and
upholdmg this stupendous fabric by prompt, bold and
generous legislation : and by implication we offer you
the testimony of the people of the State — they who are
supposed to be the victims of all the oppression and
grinding exaction which is inseparable from an
expanded system of improvement, and whose miseries
and distresses, under the system of taxation which it
is said will flow from our scheme, has awakened the
tender sympathies and sickly sensibilities of gentlemen
on this Hoor.

All these, said Colonel Peyton, are persons, who I
am sure the gentleman from Campbell will admit are
familiar with the inffuences moral, political and physical,
which affect the system and who from having

• Philadelphia.

Memoir of WiUiaui Madison Fcijton. 150

previously tried a ])artncrsliip system like ours, are
peculiarly qualilied to jud«^e of their respective
merits. In truth there is one vital and dis-
tinguishing feature in the joint-stock S3''stem, which
is sufficient of itself, if there was noiie other to
condemn it. It administers to the cupidity of indi-
viduals, and encourages them in uru'casonable exactions
upon the connnunity. It fixes a tariff upon the
agricultural and other products of the country, which
is often intermmable and always onerous. Whereas
upon the state s)^stem, the hg'islatur^ would have a
right to accomodate its tolls to circumstances, and when
the capital was reimbursed, might abolish them so far
as to reserve a tax merely sufficient to jireserve the
works in repair, or retain a sufficiency to relieve the
whole community from taxation. Sup})ose, for
example the James river and Kenawha im])rove-
ment completed, and the tolls shoidd eijual the
estimates which have been made, viz : eight hundi'ed
thousand dollars; you then have the agricultural
interest contiguous to this improvement, saddled with
the principle part of this enormous tax, through all
time — irrevocably and irremediably — when, if it were
a State work, this innnense bui'den might be removed,
when the cost of construction was returned, and thus
negatively distribute, through the connnunity, in the
most salutary form, a sum which would operate as a
bounty to that interest which is the foundation
and support of all others. AA^ith this examijle
and an extract written from a letter by a
citizen from Pennsylvania, who has long been distin-
guished for his devotion to the cause of improvement,
for his sound practical sense, and his Ultimate know-
ledge of the operations of the s}'stem in his own State
for the last oO years, I rest the discussion of the
relative advantages of the two systems. The extract
is in reply to a query submitted to him on this very

ICO Memoir of William Mddlson l\'ijton.

{)oiiit. He says, " An o]>iiiioii prevailed in our State
at that time (between 181G and 182G) that the best
n)ode for the Commonwealth to patronize public works,
was for the Government to subscribe stock in chartered
companies. It Avas believed, that the A'igilence of
private stock-holders over their own hiterests, Avould
Ije a sufficient guarantee for the faithful ap})lication of
the public funds; but experience jn-oved that the
State, as a sleeping partner, was often shamelessly
swindled, and always had the Avorst of a bargain.
Hence, Avhen what with us is technically called the
"Pennsylvania improvements," hi contradistinction to
company works, were begun in 182G, our Statesmen had
become tired of partnership concerns, and the}^ began a
system of canals and railroads, to be constructed alto-
gether by the funds of the State, to be entirely owned
by the State, and all the tolls to be collected from the
''works" to be paid into the State treasury."

Having shown in the previous part of my argu-
ment :

1st That the State has a right to a})})ropriate the

public funds to the construction of puldic ^vorks.
2nd That the estimate of the resources of the Com-
monwealth are correct, and consequently that she
possesses the ability to accomplish the works pro-
posed in the report.
3rd That it is cuiuu'nthj the policy of the State to
engage in a system of internal hnprovements, if
viewed in reference to its ameliorating inlluences
upon society, and its augmentation of national
wealth and power.
4th That even as a mone}^-making, stock-jobbing
scheme, it is a safe and profitable business on the
part of the State.
5th That the most effective mode of obtaining the
object is, by ado})ting the State principle. It
would seem now to devolve upon me to slio^v,

Memoir of WiUiain Madi^^ou Pt'ij(on. 1()1

that the improvements recommended in tlie report,

are pre-eminently entitk;d to the consideration

of the kigishiture. But this branch of tlie subject

has been so fully and so ably elucidated by

those who have preced(>d me, and will doubtless

engage the attenti(m of others who will follow

me, and who will probably be better qualilied

to do it justice, that I will save myself, and

relieve the house from a tedious discussion of it at

present.

Colonel Peyton said, before taking his seat he was

desirous of drawing the attention of i\m house, and

especially the friends of the James River and Ivenawha

improvement, more fully to a subject which has been

alluded to in debate, and which has been the topic of

considerable conversation out of doors.

There is an impression with many friends of the
James River and Kenawha improvement — whence
derived or how sustained, I am at a loss to conceive —
that the friends of the system proposed by the com-
mittee, are inimical to their work, and that the success
of this scheme will be the death of theirs. Surely, said
Col. Peyton, there is nothing in the report which coun-
tenances any such idea, nor has anything fallen from any
member of the committee on this lloor, wliich justifies
any such influence. So far from it, the r('})()rt of the
committee expressly recognizes this improvement as ont;
of primary importance — one in which tlie character of
the State is involved and to the successful c()m])leiion
of which the faith of the State is pledged. Notbing
was asked and nothing desired at present by that
company, and we could not do more tlian express the
d(^ep interest we felt in its successful issue, and reiterate
the pledge «)f the State to advance its three-fifths,
whenever the company might deem it necessary. Can
it bo behoved that the chairman of the "Com-
mittee of roads and hiternal navigation," residing

w

1G2 Memoir of William Madison Pi'ijton.

ill Goocliland, on the very banks of the canal, would
sit by and countenance a report wliicli would be destruc-
tive of an improvement in wliieli his interests and
feelings are so perfectly identified ? Can it be supposed
that I, myself, representing a constituency, every
individual of whom are vitally interested in the prosecu-
tion of this work, and representing a county which is
perhaps to be more substantially benefitted by it, than
any other in the State, would for one moment have
given my approbation to any measure which threatened
its existence ? No, Mr. Speaker. It is an idle surmise,
generated by a morbid suspicion, and kept alive by the
indiscreet and intemperate zeal of some of the friends
of that improvement. I certainly do not mean to repre-
hend the watchful vigilance of those to whom are
especially entrusted the guardiansliip of this great work.
The unsullied purity and patriotism of the amiable
gentleman who is at the head of the company, and the
deservedly high standhig of the directory, forbid my
harbouring for one moment an im})ression unfavourable
to the integrity of the motives ^vhich have inliuenced
them in their opposition to this scheme. What I mean
to say, is, that they have evinced more zeal than
discretion. They have run oif with their false impres-
sions before they have taken the troulde to acquaint
themselves with the views of the committee, and have
enlisted a feeling of suspicion and hostility among a
portion of the James river and Kenawha representatives,
which, if carried out, it requires no prophet to predict,
will eftectually close the door of the treasury to both
schemes, at one and the same ■ turning of the key. I
will then, once for all, at the request of many
members, make a ccmcise statement of our views, by
way of disabusing tlu^ minds of those who are at all
disposed to be satisfied.

The friends of the report are the fast friends of the
James river and KenaAvha improvement. They mean

Memoir of Williain Madi^ofi PrijluiL 1G3

the pledge offered in the report ;is a bona fide pledge of
the subscription indiciited, and llu;y are perfectly
Avilling to give to the friends a carte blanche after the
report has heen adopted to incorporate in the bill based
u})on the report, a section in sucli form as they may
deem best calculated to place the desired increase of
the capital stock to hve niilliuns additional beyond all
casualty, and to secure in tlie strongest manner, the
subscription of three millions on the ])art of the State,
to be paid 'j.Kirl passu with the subscription on tlui
part of the stock-hokU-rs. With these fair and
liberal propositions 1 call upon the friends of the
James river and Jvena^vha improvement, to groimd
their unnatural opposition, if the)' do not wish
to defeat that which they are attempting to preserve.
Separate yourselves from. } our ill-sorted and suicidal
alliance with the enemies ot all im])rovement, who are
using you to subserve their purposes, and who will
s})urn you when you have lost your weight and
influence by the alienation of your true friends. If
}'ou give a seliish, contracted, and illiberal vote,
strangling every other im})rovement in the State,
I ask with what faci' yon will present yourselves
at the next session of the' legislature, or at the
session thereafter, asking their :tid in the j>rosecu-
tioii of your work? J)o }ou ilatter yourselves that the
representative's from those portions of the Common-
wealth, fresh from the defeat they have sustained at
your hands, smarting under the injuries you have
inflicted upcju them, and exasperated by your monop-
olizhig selfishness, will grant you one dollar. My word
for it, if this l)ill fails by )'our votes, }'ou will have
registered the last vote — certtiinly the last general vote
of the south-west, north-east antl north-west in your
favour. 1 entreat you, therefore, by the dee]) interest
you feel in this scheme — by the deep stake the
Commonwealth holds hi it; by all the glorious results

104 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

which are expected to flow fVoin it, to pause and ponder
well before you ^ive it the liital stab. Stand forth
boldly as the friends of a liberal system and you have
nothing to fear; but shrhik back with distrust and
seliishness within your own shells, and you will
assuredly have coals of fire heaped upon your backs.
A few words more, and I leave the subject with the
house.

I hope, said Colonel Peyton, that a fair and candid
consideration of the views which I have presented, will
be somewhat instrumental in advancing a cause which
I have so much at heart, and which 1 conscientiously
believe will contribute hicalculably to the wealth, fame,
power, and prosperity of the State. The imaginative
powers are too feeble to conceive, much less to picture
forth the change Avhich a complete system of internal
improvement would bring over the land. I Avill not
attempt it. I hope, however, that the splendid results
of the experiments of our more enterprising neigh-
bours have had their influence upon the public mind,
and given the friends of internal improvement a
preponderance in our councils. If so, I trust we shall
im])rove the opportunity which it affords of fixing this
session as the great ei)och from which to date the
])rosperity of the Commonwealth ; an era which every
patriot and philanthropist will revert to with heartfelt
gratitude and the most trium[)hant feelings; as one
next only iu importance to that glorious day which
stamped our freedom with the seal of the Declaration
of Independence, in the lasting and inestimable benefits
Avhich have resulted from it to the good ''Old
Dominion," the renowned maijna mater virum', the
morning star of our political regeneration — the ''pillar
of cloud by day and fire by night," during its long and
wearisome, and eventful progress; the Corinthian
capital \vhich ini])arts grace, and beauty and hnish to

Memoir of WUlidiu Madison VcijUm. 165

the magnificent teni|)lc Avhich we have erected and
consecrated to the riirhts oi" man."

The able and animated debate of which the foregoing
was the conchiding speech, was followed by a close
vote, upon the report of the committee on hiternal
improvements, and to the lasting credit and prosperity
of Virghiia, it was carried, thus becoming the law of
the larid.

Amidst the onerous and distracting duties in which
he was involved, during this winter, it is pleasing to
state that he found time to show, by his correspondence,
that the dear ones sitting in the home circle far away,
were never long absent from his thoughts. Among the
numerous letters to various members of the family
about this time, were many characteristic ones,
addressed to the writer, then a lad at school, fnll of
good advice and affectionate expressions of kindness.*

The author has endeavourod as pre-vioiisly said by correspondence
with liis family and frii^nds in Vir<;-iiiia to jn-ocure some of these hitters,
but such was the destruction, by lire and other causes during tlio civil
war, of mansion houses, libraries, ete., tliat he has been unable to
procure any which possess particular interest.

CHAPTER VIII.

In the month of June, 1 840, my first visit was made
to my brother on his Roanoke estate. The family,
from Montgomery Hall, was about to proceed to
Iskham, on Jackson River, one of my fathers] estates,
about seventy miles from Staunton in the County of
Bath, to pass the summer. They were in the habit ol'
spending a portion of every summer there and in
excursions to the baths which exist in this part of
Virginia. Before leaving home my father sent me on
my trip to Roanoke, accompanied by one of his
favourite slaves, Ned Phi[)ps. Mounted on a hand-
some bay cob, I was followed, at a respectful distance,
by Old Ned carrying my clothing in a huge portman-
teau attached en croupe. This remarkable African, a
good, kindly, garrulous old man, had attended my
father during the war of 1812-15 as a body servant
(of which he was not a little proud) and from his
experience, age, and faithftd character, Avas ordered to'
follow me in a threefold capacity, as guide, protector,
and valet. Though, as I have stated, the grim and

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 1G7

dignified Ned started on the journey in my rear we had
no sooner lost sight of the Hall, than the sociable
instincts of the venerable negro led him to spur up
and place himself by my side. I did not object to this,
being fond of his stories, some of which ^v^ould have
done no discredit to Baron ]\Iunchausen. (3n account
of his wonderful tales he was slurringly called, by his
fellow servants, " Ned Fibs." Our familiar conversa-
tion was kept up somewhat in the style of the famous
Knight of La Manclui and his squire Sancho Panza,
until we approached a to^vn or village, when, of his
own accord, Ned would quietly drop to the rear and
never resume his former position till we had lost sight of
the last house. The force of habit was strong in old
Ned, who had learned respect for superiors, as he
said, "whde in the army." Besides he was a stickler
for the proprieties of life, and had I wished him to
remain by my side in public places he would have
refused. He was tested on this point the first day of
our journey, when near the village of Fairfield, where
1 halted to replenish my brandy fiask and tobacco
pouch for the beneiit of Ned, who was unconm:ionly
fond of both stimulants — neither of which I used.

To my request that he Avould keep by my side he
answered firmly, almost peremptorily :

" No sir, I know my right place. Massa can tell
you Ned hasn't served in the army agin the Britishers
to no purpose. He knows well enough ofiScers post,
soldiers duty, masters place and servants too." Valets

108 Memoir of ]VilU(un Madison Peijton.

have their point of honour as well as their masters
and I made no further effort to interfere with Ned.

Our route carried us by the Rockbridge^ in the county
of the same name, one of the greatest natural curiosi-
ties of our country, and through a portion of the
valley remarkable for its fertility, careful cultivation,
and attractive scenery. This was the iirst occasion on
which I had seen this region about which much has
been said and more written and which is worthy of
every praise, I shall however make no attem}jt to
describe it tourist-like. It may be pardonable, hoAV-
ever to say that so beautiful is this section that while
gazing upon it I felt — though all my days had been passed
in the midst of lovely scenery — that it was all that
fancy could conceive or poets picture : not only beauti-
ful, but a blendnig of all beauties — streams and dells,
fruit, foliage, crag, wood, water, tobacco-plantations, corn-
fields, meadows, mountains. It afibrded me the greatest
delight and I found " books in running brooks, sermons
in stones and good in everything." Ned who had often
travelled on this road liohtened the fati;2ues of the
journey by his gossip, giving the history of almost
every house and family which Ave passed. He loved
this kind of garrulity, as all negroes do, and when not
indulging in it showed his appreciation of the fine
scenery, by nodding placidly in his saddle.

During this visit of tAvo months to Roanoke a further
knoAvledge of my brother's character Avas gained.

Memoir of William MikUhoii Peijton. IGO

" He was humlilc, Kind, for^^ivin^-, mui'k,
Easy to hr vu[u■.dr^\, -liLcious, iii:],! ;
And, with all putinuv and allrcti.ni, taii-lit,
lioLukcd, jxTsuad.'d, .solaced, cuuiiSrll'd, waiu'd,
In fervent style and laauucr. All
iSaw in Lis face lUiuteiilnient, in Ids lilo
TLe path to ylcry and peijieinal joy."

The good relations which existed Ix'tweeii hiniself
iiiid I'aiiiily, and the ha|)pin(.!ss \vhieh it dilTused through
tlie home circle, was also a})|)arent. Never ^vas tiny
thing more admirahle than the manner in which he
ccmducted himself towards his AvitV', eliildreii, and
dttmesties. There was }>erhH't tolerance of each i)ther's
mistakes, lenity shown t(; hillings, meek suhmission to
mjuries, always a soft answer to turn away A\rath. All
this he mculcated to those ahoiit him hy ^Vord and
action. lie used to say to his children, l)y way
of enforcing his views, '' If yon. lay a si'ck of wood on
the andirons, and ap})ly hre to it, it will go onl ; put on
another stick, and it will hurn ; add a half-doz ii a.iid
you w^ill have a conllagration. There are oth>'r hrcs
suhject to the same (ayndiiion. l( one niemher of
a family gets hito a, [)assion and is let alone, he will
cool down, and possihiy he ashamed and repent. But
oppose temper to tempi'r ; pile on the htel ; draw in the
other memhers of the grouj), and let one harsh tinswer
he followed by another, and there will soon he a hlaze,
which will enwrap them all hi its lurid splendours."
In this philosophic and Christian spirit he applied a
sedative to those ebullitions of passion which rutlle th<i
iBcrenity of households, and infused such sweetness in

X

170 Memoir of WiUiain }[ailUon Vtijlon.

his cup of (lomostic eiijoymont, tliat I could but exclaiiu
ill the laiiguago of Cow])cr,

" Domestic happiness, thou only bliss

Of Paradise;, thou hast survived the full I"

His conduct to his negro shives was equally admir-
able. His only wish was to render tlicni happy.
Nothing which had reference to their comfort and
improvement was overlooked in liis plans for them.
To each couple a hut was assigned, to which was
attached a little garden, in which the slaves cultivated
tobacco, maize, potatoes, and where they raised pigs
and poultry. Those who were inclined to make money
this way were allowed to go every Saturday afternoon
to Big-Lick or Salem to dispose of their produce and
spend the money as they pleased. In all this he but
followed the example of our venerable father, who
treated the slaves upon his several estates in this way,
and lived the life of a })atriarcli instead of a tyrant.
Throughout the whole South, during those prosperous
days anterior to the civil war, every planter may be
said to have been either a tyrant or a patriarch,
according to the virtues or vices of his character. Both
my father and brother belonged to the latter class.
The reader will not be surprised to learn, then, that full
measure pressed down and running over seemed the
sum of his happhiess.

Among the visitors who met at my brothers this
summer, was our father, who crossed the mountains
from Lewisburg, where he was attending the Court of

9lJ

Memoir of IViUiain Madmuit Veijton. 171

Appeals, and my maternal luiclo, Colonel Lewis, \\\\o was
on his way from South Carolina to the Sweet Springs.*
Ai-riving in lloanoke, at the same time, my uncle
stopped a week to enjoy the blandishments of society
at Elmwood, and to recruit from the fatigues of his
long journey overland. Colonel Lewis was a man of
certain religious and political crochets, and the friendly
discussions which occurred bet^veen him and my father
afforded me no small pleasure. A brief account of
some of these as a sequel to this chapter ^vill not be
uninteresting, as shewing the kind of life and discourse
which sometimes prevailed in my brother's house. In
religion Colonel Lewis was a lioman Catholic, and in
politics a disciple of Calhoun, and was of course consi-
dered by our father as a muddle-headed abstractionist,
whose ideas of eternal salvation were heretical, and
whose theories of government could not be reduced to
practice without national ruin. With afi'ectionate
solicitude, therefore, for the rei>utation of Uncle \Villiam,
rather than because he fancied his soul endangered by
his adherence to the Pope or the country by the blatant
nonsense of South Carolina empiricism, he used every
argument which suggested itself to his mind to win my
uncle from his errors. Discussions thus arose, and
these sometimes became so warm on part of my uncle,
that their friends feared their polemics would some day
result in a feud. Not so, however. My father's modera-
tion was equal to his vigour, and he mollitied my uncle.

For abmlged iiedigree of tin; Lt.'wis family see appemlix C.

172 Memoir of WilUam Madison Feijton.

and soothed his discomfitures, for he was no match for
my father in argmnent,hy this st}'le of reasoning, to which
I was so often a witness that I am enahled to give the
Buhstance of it — parts of it ahnost word for word, as it
fell from his lips.

" There is no necessity Wilham," he would say, " for
difference of opmion creathig hostility. It must he
admitted by all that there is great variety in the tastes,
habits, and opinions of mankind, and it is necessary to
harmony that it should be so. That partial discord
tends to general harmony is more than poetically true,
for, if all men were to set their nihids upon living hi the
same climate, or under the same government ; or, if
all the people of a country had an unconquerable deshe
to live in the same town ; if all the inhabitants of a
town were to have a good opinion of only one physician,
or of only one preacher, or lawyer, or mechanic, or
could only relish one article of food, or fancy only the
same dress ; or if, all men were to fall in love with the
same woman, or all the women with the same man,
what would be the consequence ? Why, from a feeling
of seeming agreement, universal discord would ensue.
Even the value of truth is best appreciated by the
oi)position it meets with, and falsehood and error are
detected by the discriminating jHJwers of opposite sensa-
tions and feelings. That there should not be uniformity
of opinion upon many important subjects, such as the
theory of government, etc., must be the stamp of
heaven. For myself I claim freedom of opinion as an
inherent right, provided it does not disturb the estab-

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 173

lished order of society. I fear your nullification views,
my dear William, go this length. However, let me
proceed, no man has a right to bo oflended at my
opinion, or hold me in contempt for entertaining it, if it
does him no injury; and, what I claim for myself, common
justice, requires that I should allow to others ; and
did we well consider, that this disparity of disposition
must be the designation of an overruling Intelligence,
we surely should not suffer it to be the cause of
feelmgs of animosity to our fellow-beings, though their
political or religious opinions should be the opposite to
our own — still less such old friends and connections as
ourselves. For, continued my father, unless we had
been subjected to the same involuntary impressions and
sensations that other persons have been, which is
perhaps impossible, we can be no judges of the merits
or demerits of their opinions, or how they have outraged
truth and reason, even admitting that they are in error.
If it should be contended that truth and reason are
immutable, and when two differ upon a fundamental
truth there must be a deviation from reason and truth
in one of the parties, I would admit it to be so if the
question were susceptible of mathematical demonstra-
tion. This is rarely the case. Were I to meet a man
who should contend, that two and two do not make
four, or that the amount of degrees in the three angles
of a triangle are not equal to the amount of degrees in
two rightangles, I must justly charge him with folly or
wilful falsehood ; but, in whatever does not admit of
demonstration, our convictions are our feelings ; and

174 Memoir of William 3Iadison Feijton.

our feelings depend more upon involuntary impressions
than we are often willing to allow. Certainly truth and
reason are the most likely to prevail with cultivated
minds, for truth and reason are the most likely to
make the right impression, but we are too apt
to overvalue our own kind of knowledge, while
we underrate that of others. In point of
real utility, the Imowledge of the man who is
skilled in the breeding and feeding of cattle is more
valuable to society than is the knowledge of him who
is skilled in mathematics, yet the latter will look do\sTi
upon the former, when perhaps the only advantage he
has over him is the being able to convey his knowledge
in more correct and perspicuous language ; and, unless
we possessed all khid of knowledge hi an equal degree,
we are Hable to be imposed upon hi some things, either
by thinking too little upon them, or too much, to the
exclusion of other branches of knowledge, the posses-
sion of which, though seemingly foreign to the subject,
may be necessary to its clear elucidation ; for it is by
the possession of general knowledge only, that we can
claim a superior title to correctness in every particular.
A, may be able to solve a difficult problem in mathe-
matics : B, cannot do this, but B can make a plow
upon true mechanical principles, which A cannot ; if
C can do both, C must be superior to A or B ; but, all
mankind are in the situation of A or B — as possessing
only partial knowledge : we should all, therefore, be
mdulgent to each other's deficiencies. Still, my

Memoir of Williatn Madison Pt'ijton. 175

superior in general knowledge and learning may
bo the dupe of a Avcak prejudice, without justi-
fying an impeachment of either. "I have a brother-in-
\ law," he would look askant at my uncle when getting off
this kind of fillip, '' of whose cleverness and general
knowledge I have a very high opinion, yet in politics
we are quite opposites: we indeed worship different
idols, and the only superiority I can pretend to claim
over him is, that I can bear for him to adore his idol
even in my presence and yet keep my temper — a
compliment he cannot always repay."

"Fudge!" exclaimed my uncle, jumping to his feet, and
walking hastily to and fro across the room — "I may
warm with my subject, but as for being offended with
jou it is out of the question. I'll never so far forget
myself."

" Come, come, be seated," my father would rejoin, giv-
ing him a friendly shake of the hand, "let me proceed : of
course you will not think I wish to depreciate the value
of truth and reason; I only wish to urge, that the
seeming v^ant of them in others may be deceptions,
and should not he the cause of contempt, acrimony,
or ridicule. All are enamoured even with the shadow
of truth; and should see the substance, if in their power ;
but, placed in a variety of lights and shades, some can
only see the shadow, and mistake it for the substance."
Thus their fraternal discussions proceeded and termin-
ated in the discomfiture of my uncle, (who though a
clever man, an eloquent talker, full of confidence, and

176 Memoir of IViUiam Madison Pc'iiton.

abimclance of zeal, was no such logician as my father),
and left not the slightest pain rankling in his bosom.

Colonel Lewis had been educated by my maternal
grandfather, Major John Lewis, of the Sweet Sprmgs,
as a Presbyterian or Puritan — no man living could
have been more averse to the doctrines of the Komish
Church than Major Lewis, and to this he trained his
son. Zealous in every cause he espoused, Colonel
Lewis conceived the idea of convci-ting the Pope to
his religious views, and was making preparations to
visit Rome for this purpose, when he met a beautiful
and intelligent maiden lady, in Ne^v^ Orleans — a tena-
cious Papist, who converted him. She soon became his
wife, and he became one of the most devoted Poman
Catholics who ever bent the knee at the shrine of a
Saint. Not long after this, he commenced distributing
tracts and exhorting people to return ta the bosom of
the mother church. A room in his house, " Lymi-side,"
Monroe county, Virginia, Avas couN'erted into a chapel
for private worship, and was ornamented with
sarcerdotal trinkets, relicts, etc., and the graceful spire
of a Catholic Church soon shot above the trees of his
park-like grounds. Aided by an Irish family by the
name of White, and Leonora Stack, a sister of j\Irs.
White, and all Papists ; Colonel and Mrs. Lewis
succeeded in impressing the minds of many of the
people in the neighbourhood of the Sweet Springs,
mostly among the poorer and more ignorant classes
and ou Sundays and Saints Days, in this hitherto
thoroughly Presbyterian community, quite a respectable

Dlcmoir of WiU'inm Madhon Vcijton. 177

congregation both for nninljcrs und appearance
assembled to worshi]). The ser\'ice, too, was conducted
Avith as much ot" the splendour and magnificence of
Iiome as could Ijc imported into it. The interior of
the church is handsome, the accomodations convenient,
a sweet-toned organ sent forth its solemn tones and
novitiates chanted. Two Hoi)' Fathers took ii[) their
residence at "Lynn-side," and by their sanctihed
manners and pious exhortations, seconded by the
affability and condescending manners of Colonel and
Mrs. Lewis and the pleasing deportment of the Sisters,
and above all the charity^ freely held out to the needy,
made a decided im})i'ession on this Puritanistic
stronghold. Notwithstanding Colonel Lewis' sudden
and total change in religious faith, no one ever doubted
his sincerity, but there were not a few to combat his
views and sneer at his convert zeal. In the family
circle particularly there were frequent discussions upon
religious tenets and principles. From having despised
such myths, my imcle soon became a believer in
miracles, holy legends, etc., and I remember many
years after this an animated conversation between
himself and my father on the sid)ject.

My uncle argued -with much higemiity— for ho was
a clever man notwithstanding his crotchets — that a
belief in holy legends was an obligation im[)osed upon
all Christians, and upon the great danger of entertahung
the least doubt of their authenticity. ]\Iy father said
in reply, that he would as soon consider himself under
an obligation to beheve the tales of Baron Munchausen.

Y

178 Dfcmoir of William i\r<(dison Pcijtun.

Manldnd, lie said, in all ages had Leen credulous and
had been im])osed upon not only hi tales and roinuncea
l)ut even in histories. St. (lre,L;-ory coiidcnnu'd Livy'n
history to he burnt on aeeount of its many falsehoods,
on the plea that belief in sueh thin,L,fS was conti'ary to
the faith of your own cdiurch, William. And I say it
without intending to be impolite, but merely to express
a conviction of my mind, that no set of men are more
to be reproached for filling history with ])uerilities and
pious fictions than the Pioman Catholics. In the
middle ages they were a community Avhos(? mind.s were
filled with idle fancies, and th(\y endeavoured to stuff
the minds of other sects with the same vain imagina-
tions. In his work entitled, " Revolutions in Spain,"
Father d'Orleans invents, in one action which occurred
between the Spaniards and tlu; Turks, as many miracles
as wer(5 related l)y all the llonian histoiians put
together. The rapid inulti})licity of miracles he averred
to be interventions by the Diety in favour of the
Cliiistians."

"I may further add" — though not a pediint, my father
wns a profound scholar, and when engaged in the
discussion of a subject generally exhausted it — " Vossins,
in his ' De Ilistoricis Latinis,' audaciously assures his
readers, continued my father, that the walls of
Agouleine, in the reign of Clovis, suddenly fell to the
ground by virtue of a small vial ! With more mendacity,
Maimbourg, in his history of Lutheranism and
Calvinism, says, that, in 1547, the sun was stopped
in his course, in order that the Roman Catholics, under

Memoir of WiUiaiii Madison Pajloti 179

iliG Emperor Cliarlos V. miglit luive time to entirely
defeat the Protestants, umler the Duke of Saxony.
And Sardoval, lUshop of Pampehma, Historiographer
iloyal to Phihp III., conllrnis this statement, adding
that, during the battle, the sun was the colour of blood,
and was so seen over the whole of Spain and France,
Italy, and Germany. And, in order that his readers
should not doubt his assertion, he says, ' I saw the
miracle with my own eyes.' That was enough from a
Bishop — and the people of Spain believe his statement
to this day. The Monkish writers, who have transmitted
to us the histories of the Crusades, have inserted into
them a nniltitude of miracles, which are so contrary to
common sense, that it is useless to seek to show their
falsehood.

No sensible person in the present generation can
believe that battalions of angels, clothed all in Avhite,
descended from heaven to assist men. True, these
nien were Christians, they had good intentions in
originating the Holy War; nevertheless, in j)rosicuring
that war, they acted with such fearful crHcliy and
remorseless vengeance as to be perpetrators of airc/cioiis
crimes. Such men, even in the days (jf miracles,
would siu'cly not have been assisted by the inrci-po>iiion
of heaven? l)ut the p(!o[)le Avho lived in those da3''s
readily believed every invention that had its foundation
in piety. They also believed such folly as tales of
enchanters and deeds of sorcerers quite as nuich as
religious prodigies and miracles. It was the taste of
the age; and hi compliance with it, authors who wrote

180 Memoir of WiUiain Afadison Veijton.

the lives of the then ilhistrioiis resorted to the style
which romance writers alone now adopt. For a gi-eat
man to fic-lit a2;ainst ordinary n^.en was too insi;>-ni(icant
an achievement. lie must have an enchanter for his
adversary; then his surpassing valour and virtue were
sure in the end to attract the attention of some sage
magician, who protected him against his opponent.
Thus was the attention of the reader kept alive by
wonder at the acts of the rival enchanters, and interest
taken in the fate of an unconquerable and undaunted
hero, incessantly fighting against his evil fortune.
Hence arose such incredible stories as those of llinaldo
and Armida.

And, my dear William, a great light in your church,
j!^jobardus. Bishop of Lyons, composed in the 9th
century, a treatise, with the vicAV of combating and
dcstro}'ing all those absurd whimsies. '' Such great
folly" he exclaims, "has noAv seized the poor world,
that christians believe absurdities, which heathens
before them would never have believed."

Great, hideed, were the absurdities believed in the Dth
century; but there are quite as great extravagances in
belief in this, the 19th century — so monstrous, that one
knows not how to refute them seriously ; so irrational, that
one cannot help bemg amazed at the credulity of mankind,
and coming to the conclusion that anybody having a
design to deceive the world can easily find jjersons
ready to be duped ; for we have only to open our eyes
to see that minds are always to be found litted to
receive and believe any folly, be it ever so ridiculous.

Memoir of William Madi^^on Pcj/toti. 181

Mark the fiilacious things jK'Oplc have faith hi; true,
these people are the \ieliiris of [)rc-jiulice, and ai'e
therehy prevented i'ruui Jiiiddiig u.sc of their
common sense. Countless numbers Lehcve hi

sorcery, ^vitehcraft, vampyrism, ehdi-\\jyance, eh'ctro-
bioh')f^y, astroh)g\', I'ortiine telUng — Jica\en knows what
he.sitk's ! lle-re thcai, ai"e peophi carrying' into the
3'ears of niaturity the ]'Uiiy intulligenct's of tliat jjoi'iod
of their fives wlien, enelu.scd in a nursci'}', they IjcJicVid
as a fact every incident rekitcd in a lair} lak-, or a
giant or liol)goblin story.

Now, William, 1 cannot Hatter myself tliat 1 sliall
convince yon of any I'ri'ors, which in my oijiniuii, you
have been guilty uf in this respect. That is no reason
however, why 1 sliuuld not attempt to make you
entertain a disbelief of all foolish im[)Os>iltilities. For
example, there is the falacious science of astrology — it
has been the game of a few designers in all tiges, for
sordid interest, to have duped others and been du[>ed
themselves. In ancient times llicy were, in Alexandria,
compelled to pay a certain tax, -which was called the
" Fool's tax," because! it Avas raised on the guin that
these imposters made from the foolish credulity of
those ^\\\o believed in their })OWers of s(HJth^a)ing.
\\ I'll may believers in this science Ix; called ''Ibols,"
when they do not seem to consider that it the principles
of judiciary astrology were correct, and its rules
certain, the hands of the Almighty would be tied, and
ours would be tied also. All our actions, all our most
i^ecret thoughts, all our slightest movements would be

182 Memoir of William Ufadison Pcijlon.

cn<^Tn,vc]i ill tlie heavens in inc'fr;ice;il)le clirimctcrs,
and liberty of condnct wonld be entiri'ly taken away
from us. ^\^e should be necessitated to evil as to good,
since Ave should do absolutely Avhat was Av^ritten in the
(Conjectured register of the stars, other"\vise there Avould
be falsehood in the book, and micertainty in the science
of the astrologer. IIow we should laugh at a man Avho
thought of settling a serious matter of business Ijy a
throw of the dice. Yet the decision of astrology is
just as uncertain. Our fate de])ends u[)on ])laces,
persons, times, circumstances, our OAvn will; not upon
the fantastical conjunctions imagined by charlatans.

Suppose two men are born on our planet, at the same
hour and on the same spot. One becomes a hewer of
wood and a drawer of Avater, and the other an Kniperor.
or a commander-in-chief of an army. Ask an astro-
loger the cause of this dilference. in all probillty his
reply Avill be — "Jt Avas so Avilled by Jupiter."

Pray, Avhat is this Jupiter? A\'hy, it is a planet, a
body Avithout cognizance, that acts only by its iniluejice.
IIoAv comes it, then, that Juijitcr's influence acts at the
same moment and in the same climate in so dilferent a
manner? IIoav can that influence ditl'er in its power?
lIoAVcan it take place at all? IIoav can it penetrate
the vast extent of space? An atom — the must minute
molecule of matter Avould st(^p it, or turn it I'rom its
course, or diminish its poAver. Are the stai-s alwaA's
exercising an influence, or do they exercise it only
on certain occasions? If they exercise an hilluence
only periodically, when the particles which, it is

Memoir of Jl'iUiaiii Madison Pt'ijton. 183

coiitciuled, are tK'trieliijd from them, are coming to our
s|»lu're, an astrologxT mii>>t kuo^v the preci.se time of
th ir arrival, in oixler to decide rightly upon their effect.
If, on the other hand, the inlluences are perpetual,
with what wonderful speed they must rush thi-ough the
vast extent of sjjace ! How marvellous, too, must be
the alliance they form ^vith those vivacious passions
whence originate the principle actions of our lives!
For if the stars regulate all our feelings and all our
proceedings, their inllu(.;nces must work with tlie same
ra}>idity as our wills, shice it is by them that our will is
determiiicd.

Here is a 3'oung man who takes it into his head to
have nothing more to do with a young lady he loves,
because she bestows a tender glance on a rival. ^Vhat
a luunber of inlluences nuist be at work, and how
quickly too! As quick as the glance the lady shoots
from her eyes, as swift as the thonght of the lover who
takes offence, for it is these inihiences \\ hich determine
the lady to tenderness and the young man to jealousy.
Is this too mean a matter to considiu-? Oh, no!
Astrologers maintain that the most insignificant things
are ruled by the stars. The quarrels and reconcilations
of lovers are (juite in this way, nay they make their
best market out of them : they have no such iaithful
followers as lovers. A\'ho is so anxious to consult the
astrologer as a young man in love? and as to the fair
sex^ — we all know how much more inquisitive they are
than ourselves. No, no! the makers of horoscopes
have no such constant customers as lovers. Astrologers

1.84 Memoir of William Madison Pojton.

and lovers! Wliat a union! ]^)Olli how tlcceitful ! If the
lair would be advised, I should counsel them to f^'uard
themselves more against the predictions of astrolo'i;ers
than the insinuating attentions of ga}' and gaHant
young men.

AVhat has been said of planets may be said of comets.
For a long time it was believed, even Ij}"" the Avise and
great, that the appearance of a comet indicated evil.
Evils will certainly ha[)pen after the coming of a comet;
why, yes, just as they will happen after the rising and
setting of the sun ; for it is in the ordinary course of
things that there should always be great calamities in
some part or other of the world. The iniluence of a
comet is no greater than that of a man putting his head
out of a whidow to look at people passijig along the
street. His looks have no influence on the peo}de
passing, and they would all pass the same, Avdiether he
put his head out of the window or not. In the same
manner a comet has no iniluence over events, and every
thing would have ha})pened as it did, whether it
appeared or not.

People in the past generiitions were believers in
these influences. That su})erstition has now gone out
and is supplied by a variety of new kinds of impostures,
but there is no necessity of endeavouring carefully to
refute them!"

After this manner my father sought to persuade his
worthy brother-in-law of his illogical, cliimerical views.
Vain was the effort. ^ly uncle never recanted, but
died a firm believer in the religious tenets, principles,

Meuioir of Wmiain Madison l\'ijio)i. 185

und faith he imljihtul from tlie ^iftod hidy who became
his wife. Thou^^h iuic(mvineed by my fatlier, he must
have derived no small amount of information from his
conversations ; it cou'd not have been otherwise,
for his connnon discourse aliounded in h'arning, wit,
and knowh'(.li;-e. I shall always re;.!;ret my inability,
consistently with the scope of this memoir, to do ampler
justice to the virtues of one wlio lllled so considerable a
place in Virginia with honour and credit, and thus, while
erecthig a memorial to his memoiy dictatt;d l^y filial
alfecticm, to hold out an example of good qualities for
the imitation of others. Survivors owe this much of a
debt to de[)arted worth; and if ordinary friendship
imposes this duty upon us, how much more binding is
the obligation when the friend and survivor is a sou.

CIIAPTKR IX.

Among tlie interesting questions at this time dividing
the poUtical p:irtles in America, was that of the proper
distrihntiou of tlie money arising from the sales of tlie
piibhc hinds.

When, in 17813, the treaty was signed by Great
Britain, recognizing the independence of the American
cohniies, and the United States ^vere admitted into the
family of nations, the Confederacy owned no public
lands wliatever. It is true that lying within its borders
was a large tract of unoccupied territory, amounting, in
the aggi-egate, to about 226,000,000 acres; but this
land l)elonged to the individual States, not to the
Federal (xovernment. The English charters had given
to several of the colonies the coast of the Atlantic as
their eastern boundary, and liad detined, though loosely,
their northern and southern limits ; westward, however,
their territorial rights stretched across the continent to
tlu! Pacilic. The French possessions, on the other
hand, extended from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of
Mexico ; their eastern ])Oundary was not very clearly

Memoir of Wdl'min Madison i\'ijiun. 187

(lefinod, but" tlio line drawn not only i<j,-noi'ed the claims
of the English colonists to the Avcsti.an tcriitory, but
even infringed ui)on the limits of so)ue of the ctJonii'S
themselves. In support of their pjvti'nsions, the
French erected forts and l)lo(k-h()iisrs, ;it inter\als,
from tlie (ireat ]jakfs throiigli tin' vvesliin ]);irt of
Pennsylvania, to the Ohio ; tJi.ii along the lianks of that
stream to its junction with the Missis,si[>pi ; wlnaicu
their chain of military jiosts followed the course of the
latter river to its nioath. The Jhiglisli colojiists found
themselves, by these proceedings of the French, hcnnn(,>d
in, and, in dchance of Avhat tliey considered their just
rights, prevented all expansion westward, A conliict
between the two races w^as, under these circunu;tances,
sooner or later inevitable. A collision, in fact, took
place so earl}^ as IToo, on tlie banks of tin; Ohio,
between some English settlers iind the garrison of one
of the forts already referred to. Both parties to the
quarrel hastened to lay the stoiy of their injuries licfore
their respective goverinnents. Tlie conse(pieni\' was a
long and sanguinary ^var between England and iVance,
in which half Europe became in\'ol\'ed.

In the New World, Jjrad.lock's defeat temporarily
delayed, but could not a\('rt, the liiial cala-lrophe.
The superior nund)ers and indomitable ]es(dution of
the Anglo-Saxon in the end })re\'ailed ; Canada w^as
compiered ; and the forts on the Ohio were necessarily
abandoned. France, it is triK;, still retained Louisiana,
which comprehended not simply the present an^a of the
State bearing that name, but a vast tract of territory,

188 Memoir of William Mudison Vcijton.

extending from the Gult' to the 49° of north latitude ;
and from the Mississi})])i, on the east, to the Mexican
frontier, on the west. But, by the time the people of the
English colonies had become a nation, the French power,
in America, had been so thoroughly broken, that no
further opposition to the expansion of the Confederacy
was to be apprehended from it.

The conflicting claims of the various States to the
Western territory, derived, as already stated, from their
old colonial charters, threatened indeed to lead to
serious legal difficulties, if not to an actual collision,
between the inhabitants of some sections of the Confede-
racy: for the boundaries of several of the colonies had
been so carelessly detined, that they actually in some
places overlapped each other; and the dilflculty was of
such a nature as, apparently, to oifer almost insuperable
obstacles to a solution which should be equally
satisfactory to all parties. The question was, never-
theless, amicably settles] ; and in a manner highly
creditable to the good sense of the hihabitants of the
several States interested. Instead of wrangling with
each other as to the justice of their respective cbiims to
the unsettled territory, they all, without exception, in
the course of a few years, cnil)raced a proposition that
they should cede their rights in the land lying beyond
their borders to the Federal Government. These
cessions embraced the entire area now occupied by Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. These
various gifts placed the Confederacy hi possession of
over 200,000,000 acres of bind. In 1803, Louisiana

Meiitoir of WiUiaiii iU(iiliso)i Pei/tOK. 180

was purchased from Franco ; and this acquisition, akmc
added no loss than 1,000,000 square miles of territory
to the Union. In 1819, I'horida was ceded by Spain to
the United States making the total aggregate of lands,
acquired by the Federal Government, since the revolu-
tion to that date at a thousand milUon acres. At this
time-tha^sales of public lands produced 3,000,000 dols.
a year, and continued lo incicajc until, in 18o0, they
rose to 21,000,000 dols.

The general government was administered at this
period with enlightened economy. A lo^v tariff yielded
more than was necessary to meet the animal charges
upon the treasury for the civil, diplomatic, luival, and
military services. No taxes were levied, no debt
existed, and it became an interesting question how to
distribute the surplus hi the treasury, augmented by
the sum of 21,000,000 dols., arising from the land sales.
One party, led by Hon. Thomas II. Bayly, advocated
a reduction hi tlu! tarilf, and the ap})lication of the land
to supply the delicieiicy thus created in the ordinary
expenses of the Confederacy. The opposite party
wished the tariff loft as it was, as no one felt the
indirect tax thus imposed and the land distribution
among the separate States, according to their population
etc., with a view to its being si)ent in State improve-
ments, such as the erection and support of schools,
colleges, and the opening of roads, canals, etc., etc.
To this latter party belonged Colonel Peyton, who in
reply to a speech of Hon. Mr. Bayly delivered the
following rejoinder in the House of Delegates, of
Virginia, on the 20th of January, 1830.

190 Memoir of Williiini Mcul/.^oii I'ciiton.

House of J)i:l('(j(ites of linjiiiia,

Januanj29th, 1839.
Public Lands.

Tho Fourth Resolution being under consideration, in
the following words :

Resolved, That not only the experience of the past,
hut a wise forecast requires the speedy adoption of some
e(pntable plan providing for the distribution among the
States, in just proportions, of the proceeds of the sales
of the public lands; and this Cxcneral Assemljly d(jth
therefore earnestly urge upon Congress the innnediatc
adoption of such measures as will be best calculatial to
obtain this desirable object.

General Bayly moved to amend by striking out all
after the word resolved, and inserting "that Congress
ought to adopt some equitable plan, providing for the
distribution among the States, in just proportions, of the
nett proceeds of the public lands, or so nmch thereof as
may not be necessary, taken in conjunction with the
customs as regulated by the Acts of Congress of the
2nd of March, 1833. and other sources of revenue, to
dcifray the expenditures of the government, economically
administered."

After the Fourth resolution insert Fifth. Resolved,
"that the adjustment of the tariff, contained in the Act of
Congress of the 2nd of March, 1833, commonly called
the Compromise Act, ought to be held sacred and
inviolate."

Colonel Peyton said, that in throwing himself upon
the indulgence of the House at this time, he was
unprovided with the artiticial machinery of a set speech,
which was the best guarantee he could offer that he
would tresspass upon their patience but a few
moments. Indeed he felt that it was the duty of every
gentleman to be as concise and succinct in the ex{jression
of his views upon the resolutions as was consistent with

Mi' mo if of ll'illioin M, nitron Pnjloii. 191

perspicuity, that wc may lose as little time as possible
in coming to a det-isioii and l;iying that decision before
Congress. It was one of tliosij measures \vhich, to
make it eifective, it must be prompt. If, we dally and
disimte about abstractions much longer, another census
will overtake us, which will disclose a numerical power
in the "Western and South-western States, which
combined wdth the alliances which they nuiy contract
with Presidential aspirants, will enable them to substitute
successfully votes for arguments ( vohinta pro ratioiic)
and by a species of legalized spoilation deprive us, first
of our domain, and then, as a natural and inevitable
consequence, of our population.

He continued, and said, he should forbear at present
from presenting his views of the ini(puty of the several
graduation bills which had been discussed in Congress,
or of the very modest proposition of some of the States
to divest us, in toto, of our interest in a common fund
for which they are prhicipally indebted to our generosity
and patriotism, nor would he, at i)resent, attempt to
picture forth the desolating hilluences of either policy
upon the Old States, but conline himself in the few
observations which he should submit, to an examination
of the arguments submitted l)y the gentleman ((ieneral
Bayly) who had just taken his seat.

That gentleman opposes an unconditional and un-
qualified distribution of the proceeds of the public lands
among the several States, on two grounds — first,
because it violates one of the provisions of the Con-
stitution of the United States — and seccmdly, because
it has a tendency to revivi; the Tarilf — both of which
difficulties he proposes to ol)viate by confining the
distribution to periods when there is an unappropriated
balance in the treasury, beyond the \vants of the
Government, economically administered. In the truth
and justness of these sentiments, the gentleman from
Accomac has certainly succeeded in convincuig himself

192 ^fenwir of ll'illidiii Mudisoii Pdijton.

most tlioroiiglily ; and hence his assertion that those
are not only bhnd, hut ^vilfully blind, who do not
concur with him. It is possil)le that my mental vision
may not be as acute as that of the gentleman from
Accomac. It is possible I may unconsciously labour
under some visual obstruction which exposes me to
optical delusions, but I do assure the gentleman, that
whatever be my delects in this particular, I am, to say
the worst, fortunately not wilfully blind.

Perhaps it may be a delusion, but I am certainly
impressed with the belief, that I have a clear perception
of the fallacy of the gentleman's argument as well as
the impolicy of the plan he proposes.

In the lirst place, let us scrutinize his constitutional
argument. He contends that inasmuch as the several
States had ceded their western territory to the Colonial
Government, as a common fund to pay the debts
growing out of our revolutionary struggle, and to defray
the charge and expenditure of the several States, that
the convention of 1787, which framed our constitution,
must necessarily have had these lands hi contemplation,
when they framed that clause which gives Congress the
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and
excises, to pay the debts and provide for the conmion
defence and general welfare of the country. That,
looking to this almost boundless domahi as a source of
revenue, they framed this clause expressly in reference
to it, and that any attempt to divert the funds arishig
from this source, so as to recpiire all the expenses of the
Government to be borne by taxes, direct or indirect,
would be in violation of the constitution. This
construction, Mr. Speaker, has at least the recommenda-
tion of novelty. I am sure there is not a gentleman
within the sound of my voice, who ever dreamed of it
before — nor can I believe it will find a response in the
mind of a single member.

Can it be believed for a moment that an Assembly

Memoir of IViUlnin Madison Ptnjton. 193

^!omposcd of sncli men as prepared our constitution,
cuiikl liavc connnitted a pt)liiit'al blinidor so palpatio as
to plant ono of the main pillars of the (Sovornnicnt upon
an unsubstantial and evanescent foundation? Can it be
believed that a body, composed of the lirst civilians of
the ag'e — men whose re})utations for forecast and wisdom
shine brighter with the lapse of time — would, in framhig
the constitution of a great nation, have connnitted a
blunder so puerile and absurd as to have made the
Government depend for its support upon lands which
are every day dhninisliing in quantity, and which must
sooner or later be entirely exhausted ? Ages and
centuries are but as days and weeks in the histoi-ies oi'
nations, and it would be an indelible imputation u])on the
statesmen composing the convention of 1787, to
establish the construction contended for by the gentle-
man from Accomac. It would make them per})etuate
the incredible absurdity of providing a fund for the
support of the Government, which would be constantly
decreasing after a certain period, and which must
ultinuitely be exhausted — constructing a chart of
Government for a great nation, which it was hoped
would maintain its princi})les and its hitegral existence
dependent upon temporary and transient resources..
But, to make this (piestion still plainer, cast }'our eyes
prospectively to that period when all these lands shall
have been wrested from us by the plundering rapacity
of the West — or, to the somewhat remoter puiod, \vliei!
we shall be divested of them by the ordinary o})eration
of the present land system. Then this Pactolus, which
now pours its golden Hoods into the colfers of the
Union, will be driinl up and exhausted; and the Govern-
ment, if the construction of the gentlemen obtains, left
destitute of any mode of defraying its current ex.penses.
This, Mr. Speaker, does appear to me to l)e a complete!
rcducdo ad absurd nut, ant) of course establishes its own
fallacy. The plain, obvious, connnon sense and

AA

lOi Memoir of Will lain JlfiuJison Pajton.

universally acquiosccd in construction of the clause
wliicli gives to Congress tlu' right to lay and collect
taxes, etc., etc.; to pay the dchts, and provide for the
conmion defence, etc., is, that the General Clovernment
is to judge of the exigency, and then exercise its
discretion in raising the means to meet it by taxes,
direct or mdirect. I am free to admit, ]\Ir. Speaker,
that the ardour and ze:d which the gentleman has
displayed in the support of a proposition so untenable
has convinced me that he was sincere and honest in his
assurance to the House, that his views on this subject
were hastily concocted, llctlection, with a gentleman
of his intelligence, Avould unquestionably have exposed
its defects. The next branch of the gentleman's
argument, though more plausible, is equally fallacious.
He argues that in consequence of the increased and
incr(>asing necessities of the General GoveriinKait, and
the diminution of revenue, growing out of the Compro-
mise Act of 1833, that an unconstitutional distribution of
the ])roceeds of the public lands, would leave the
Government unprovided Avith sulhcient means to meet
its wants and drive them to an increase of duties and a
violation of the compromise. And, hence the propriety
of his amendment, which, rccognizhig the ccmstitu-
tionality of distribution, restricts it to periods when
there shall be a surplus beyond the economical wants of
the Administration, and which further protests against
any violation of the Compromise. At the first blush,
the gentleman's argument would seem to be just and
legitimate, but a little reflection will satisfy you, Mr.
Speaker, that it will not stand the test of a rigid
scrutiny.

Estal)lish the gentleman's principle that there shall
only b(ia distribution of the surplus beyond the economi-
cal wants of the Government ; that the revenue derived
from the sales of the public lands, must primarily be
exhausted in the discharge of the public liabilities

Jifiimoir of IVilUnni jlJadison Pcjjlon. 105

before the Governiiient can legitimately resort to
another source, and what would be the condition of
things? Does not the gentleman iVom Acconiac see
the constitutional as well as financial ditlicnlties Avhich
would grow out of it? With heavy recci[>ts from Lin;
sales of the public domain, such a.^ ^v'e have witnessed
for the last three or four )cars, theiv ^vonld be a sum
suilicient under an iuvno'/iucul administration of the
(.loverinnent, to defray all iLs expenses, withouL touch-
ing one cent of the revenue, derived irom inijio.-^ts
under the Comju-omise i\ct. This would j)i'oduct; a
rcdimdcuicy in the Tn^asury b}' the contiiniiil influx
irom the Customs, which :i.ceording to the geiitleJiian's
own principles, would be a violation of the spirit and
meaning of the Coni[)romist', anil un uneonstitutional
exaction, as it Avoidd not be necessary to meet tlu; '
burdens upon the revenue. Ihit these, Mr. S])eaker,
are theoretical evils, such as often play tlu; piu't of
ghosts in Virginia, haunting the imagination and
disturbhig the sickly scjisibilities of our '" unco rltjhtcoii!^^''
sti"aight-laced politicians. 'i'liey ai-e rather possible
than probable evils. JJiit tlun-e are others of a grave,
and important characti^r resulliiig necessarils and
inevitably from the i)olic3' (>{ the gentlem;in from
Accomac. The truth is, Iiowever distant .and wJileK-
separated may be the sources of owi' revcjiue, w luilier
derived from the tarilf, or lands, or excises. ;ili the
various streams are tributaric's to a connnon reservoii-,
where they all nringle together for a connnon jun-pose,
and lose the distinguishing features of tlu ir origin.
The (juestion is never raised Avhether an appi o])i-iation
shall Ije made out of monies deri\'ed from any [(articular
st)urces. The draft is on the Treasury, and the money
taken from the commingled contents ol the connnon
reservoir, in this state of things is it not as })lain as
noon-day, that there would be a constant elloi't to
raise the imposts, that the general fund might Ijc

19G Mmoir of WiUuim MiuJi^on rcijton.

augmented, and a siir|)liis ei-eatcd fur distriljution.
The iiortlicru and Avesteni States, wliich are principally
interested in tlie maintenance of tin; tarill", united M'illi
tl.ose Stati'S whose distril)utal.)le share would C(;mpen-
sate them for the burdens of the tariif, would scatter
to the winds all the parchment and moral obligations
of the Compromise Act, and com[)el an increase of
duties. Could a finer field be presented for such
combinations than the States of our Confederacy?
Are they not pc:culiarly lialjle to temptation ? Engaged
as most of them are, in de^'ising and carrying out
comprehensive schemes of general education, and in
])rojecthig and executing magnificent schemes of
internal improvement, both of which rc(juiri! the
command of enormous sums of mone\', 1 ask, would
they not yield to the seductive blandishments of their
tariff friends, and unite in a scheme which promised
to relieve their necessities and replenish their coffers V
Add to this the intrigues of p(jlitical gamljlers for the
['residential chair, who Avonld most assuredly trade
largely upon this very available and eihcient cajtital,
and none can doubt the corru[)ting hiiluence of the
measure, and its direct and inevitable tendency to
produce the very evils depi-ecated by the gentleman
from Accomac, and sought to be guarded against in his
amendment. J)Ut the gentleman linds the corrective
to all this, in that part of his resolution which
sanctified the Compromise Act. Does it allbrd the
remedy? By that Act, Mr. Speaker, the duties are to
be reduced to twenty per cent (id oaloi'ciii in l<Sf'2.
Xow if this was an imperative and unyielding stipula-
tion that there should be no articles other than those
at present embraced in the; tariff, subject to the diit}'
of 1S42, and that twenty pei* cent ad valorem would be
the duty through all time and under all circumstances,
then the genth'man's argument, that our policy
endangered the Compromise, would have some plausi-

im

Memoir of IVilliani A[a(Jis<'>n Ptijton 107

bility. l>ut such is not tlio fact. In the your 1842,
tlu' ilntit.'S, accordiiig to tlie scale a^ii'vccd U])on, will In-
Iwriily per cent. .M'icr which time it was a^/j'eed,
that it should expand or conti'act according- t(^ llie
necessities of the (i()\'ei-iLiii('iit ccoiuniilcdlbj administered.
li" the UoNei'iimiJit, aecordinu' to this tUt^pian i-tandai'd,
required a re\eiiue ^vhich this tAVenty }>er cent hll
sliorl of producing, then they wei-e autlioj'i/cd hy Ihe
('(inijiromisi! Act to J'ai.^e the duties to the point
rc((uired hv tlie expenditures. Hence, it is })erfecily
apparent, if you require an ai^solnte distribution, and
ihe necessities of <hr connlr)' should di'maiid, Mhal 1
think ver}' im[»rolta1)le, larger means than is all'orded
li\- the Customs, undci- the j-fduced iariil' of 1812, the.
duties mav he auirnu iited so I'ar as to meet llu'
exigenc^', A\'ithout violating the h.'tler or spirit (jf the
Compromise.

As a general, .-md indeed almost univi-rsal rule, prudent
indivi<luals are e('oiKimic-;d according to vhe jneans lhey
ha\'e at their (fe-po-al. As with inili\'iduah, .-o with
Covernments. 'Ihe annals of })rivate life and the pages
of history alike attest its rrnth as a general ])ro])osition.
Oiu- own Covermnent, Avho^e spirit and genius is at war
^vith e\tra\';iganee and ct)i'i-u]ition, and ^\hich should
lia\-e' Constituted the exceplion, il' any AVere exempt,
l>re,^ents in its hislory the most exact conformit)' to tlu-
maxim. In llu- infaney of our in>llluU(jns, Nvhen Ave
Avere stinted in our ri'-oui'ct s, v.e prided oui'sehcs upon
our lo publican >imitlieil \'. and tlu; moral grandeur of a
great nation di-;d;iining' (lie ostt-ntalious tr:ip];ings of
Co\erumen1al g'inndeur, but a^ we ad\anc((l in jjopnla-
tion and Avealili. the sp'iri:<n hrntit yielded to the pliiui.
j)'iilili//; st)lendour w;i> >ubsl ituled for simplicity, unlil
in the admini-iratioii ot the secontl Adams, cnu'
( ioN'einnuiital exj)enditures had reached tlu' enormous
sum ol" l;;,()()l),()()0 dols. A sum so far beyond anything
^ve■ had conceived neces-ar} for its su}>port, that he Avas

198 Memoir of JViUiain Madison Peyton.

cx])ellecl almost with one voice from the Presideiitia]
chair. So deep and pervadiii^r ^y^^ the dissatisfaction
of the people, with these wasteful expenditures of the
puhlic treasure, that each successive Administration has
made reform and retrenchment the watch words of
party. And yet, Mr. Speaker, notwithstanding we
have gone forth to the battle with ''economy"
emblazoned upon our standard, the innnense revenues
])0Uring into our cotters from indenmities, jniblic lands,
and the customs, have exercised a counteracting
influence, and our march hi extravagance has been
almost pari passu with oiu- augmeuted income. In
1836 the expenditures had reached the almost incredible
sum of 40,000,00 dols. Thus showing the tendency of
our government to spend according to its means, and
the visionary absurdity of the restraint imposed by the
terms economical expenditure.

Pour the wealth of the Indies into our Treasury,
and my Avord for it, the political doctors whom chance
or fortune may have placed at the lu'ail of uur aU'uirs,
will socm discover some happy depletive remetly for
this oppressive pletltoni. National roads, fortifications,
exploring expeditions, and the almost endless et eeteras^
which are the natural Iruit of ample means, become by
a "log rolling" combination of the members of Congress,
necessary and proper in their estimation, and professedK'
consistent with a judicious economy. Hence if the
amendment of the gentleman ((ieneral l>a)ly) s^hould
prevail, reason and experience teaching us that the
expenses of the Government will keep pace with its
income and the terms of the C\)in[)romise, according to
the construction of the gentleman, actually exhibiting
a surplus, we cannot by possibility have the distribu-
tion which he recommends in the first })art of the-
resolution, except in the way 1 have argued. The
resolutions cou})led with the gentleman's ameiidment
is either a stimulant to evil, or it is a reality. It will

Memoir of iViUicun Madison Peyton. 199

either drive us into fraudulent contributions for raising
the duties, that we inay have a surphis to chstribute,
or, according to the gentleman's own shewing, it will
be utterly nioperative and ineflectual for any object we
may have connected with the public lands. In both of
which aspects I am utterly opposed to it.

I forbear, Mr. Speaker, launching into a more
extended field of discussion, for the reason assigned
when I first rose. Already I have extended my
remarks further then I contemplated, and I hope the
House will find an apology for it in the magnitude and
importance of the subject, and the novelty of the
positions assumed by the gentleman who preceded me.

CHAPTER X.

For some years previously to 1849 the question of
popular education and Free schools had excited much
interest in Vu-ginia. One of the most earnest friends
of a general system of education -\vas Colonel Peyton,
Avlio made his views known in conversation, by
communications to the newspapers and speeches at
public meetings in Roanoke, and at a State Convention
in Richmond. He left the important atlairs of his Coal
mining and river improvement projects in Boone county,
at an inclement season and travelled nearly 4U0 miles
over the wretched roads of A^irginia, in a ricketty stage
coach, in order to attend this Convention, in which the
writer was also a delegate from the county of Augusta.
Such was the deep and enthusiastic interest he took ui
this vital subject. His private affairs Avere but as dust
in the balance, when they were in conllict Avith those he
owed to society.

From a lively recollection of his conversations and
speeches at this period, the author is able to give the

Memoir of WiUUuii Madison Peijlon. 201

following brief synopsis of his views on this interesting
question.

He maintained that popular ignorance was one of the
greatest curses that could afflict a people, and was
altogether inconsistent with the theory and practice of
Republican Government. Quoting the language of
Hosea, "my people are destroyed for lack of know-
ledge," he asserted that the ignorance which prevailed
among the ancient Jewish people was the principal
cause of their unhappiness, betraying them into crimes,
and consequent miseries. It was this ignorance, this
fatal lack of knowledge, which caused them to reject
Jesus Christ and led to tlieir destruction. He then
considered the mental darkness which prevailed among
the ancient heathen nations, and traced to it all their
wretchedness. In their depravity they departed from
the original ways of Providence, and set up false deities
to be worshipped. All true morality and religion were
destroyed amongst them, and the mass of mankind sank
into darkness and woe. In his opinion, the only way to
preserve the moral world was by a dift'usion of true
knowledge, by which men would be able to see what
was wrong. From a consideration of the malignant
effects of ignorance among the people of the ancient
world, Jews and Gentiles, he passed in review the
ignorance prevailing in subsequent ages, and finally
came down to what was called the Augustan period of
English literature, when Addison, Pope, Swift and other
writers flourished, as well as philosophers, statesmen
and heroes. Even at this period he said the mass of

BB

202 Dhiiiulr of WiUiam Madison l\ijton.

English people were steeped in ignorance, and were
considered by the educated as mere mental barbarians.
An author never thought of his works beuig read by
the debased multitude ; they were composed for the
educated few, wlio were recognised as a select com-
nmnity ; and it was one of the most remarkable
features of the times, that the cultivated part of the
British nation regarded the mental and moral condition
of the rest with the strangest indiflerence. To such an
extent did ignorance prevail among the lower orders in
England, that it might almost be called heathen at the
time when Whitfield and Wesley began to excite the
attention of the multitude to that subject. He then
passed in review its effects upon the character of the
English nation, and said that the gratification of their
senses was then their chief good. It led to a disposition
to cruelty, which was displayed and confirmed by their
practices, such as prize fighting, cruelty to horses
and the brutal way of slaughtering animals. And
what was true of them wn^uld prove true of other
people — fallen nature is the same everywhere. Educa-
tion had done much, since, the period to which he
referred, to enlighten and educate the British people, and
he trusted that Americans would not be insensible to
their example. He said it was dishonourable to a
country that the people should be allowed to remain iu
this condition, a monstrous tiling in a Kepublic which
was supposed to be governed by the people— they, at
least, ought to be able to see that it was necessary to
educate their children, unto whom they proposed in time

Memoir of JViUiant Madison Pcijton. 203

to pass the Government mul the destinies of the
country. He then consiJercd in all its bearings the
oLjectiou made to popular education hy a certain class of
thinkers — those who maintained that it would render
the common people untit for their station and discon-
tented with it, and showed the a1)surdity of this
proposition, and illustrated the advantages to a wise and
upright Government, of having intelligent citizens. Ho
usserted that no pure religion could co-exist with this
popular ignorance — that the want of mental discipline
caused an inaptitude to receive religious information, and
exemplified its truth by many striking examples.

From all these views on the subject of the disadvan-
tages of ignorance and the evils and miseries it had
entailed on mankind in the past, he went on to a
practical examhiation of the subject of free Schools in
Virginia, and maintained, That it was the intereb'i of
every member of the nation that every other numiber
should be educated. Those who declared tliat a tax
for this purpose was a hardship on those wlm had no
children, forgot that a greater hardship would I'.ill to
their share if they did not educate the youtJi of the
land, namely, that of keeping up jails, peniti'utiaries,
guards, criminal judges, and the like. If edacation
spread abroad, morality would also spread, and these
concomitants of crime w^ould not be needed. The
money thus expended among an ignorant and vicious
population would, in an enlightened community, go to
construct roads, railways, bridges, canals, and other
useful works.

204 Memoir of WiUiam Maihson rc}jton.

Many men believed that education and morality had no
connection with one another, hut he held the oi)posite
opinion. If it were false that education improves tlie
morals, why does any father desire to educate his sons
and daughters ? If his educated children were the
better for it, would not all be improved by it ? If it
were not a good thing, why are school-houses, colleges,
universities rising every where over the land ? But it
was true that education improved, rclined, and elevated
the morals of a people, and where we found a college,
there was a church, whence a divine morality was
diffused. But, he said, education meant moral as well
as intellectual development, and, in any system which
might be adopted, he would advocate the study of the
Holy Scriptures in the schools. After dilating on these
points, and declaring that after a boy was taught to
read and write he was subjected to new and powerful
moral influences, he proceeded to enter upon a more
practical branch of the subject, namely, the greater
security it gave us.

Under our system of government, he said, the people
ruled. We may, in time, come to rejoice or lament that
this is so. Suffrage is extending, the Government
becoming more democratic, property has less influence,
and numbers more and more weight. What is our
duty ? To prepare for the change by a system of
universal instruction. Then universal suffrage might
be^a blessing. There was no folly an ignorant mass,
armed with universal suffrage, might not perpetrate.
People in this condition are easily imposed on, Dema-

Memoir of IVilliani Madison Pcijton. 205

gognes would take advantage of them, lead them
astray to their own and th(3 public detrinnait. France,
he said, had been afilicted by such demagogues or
fanatics, who asserted that all property should be held
in common, and such pretended friends of the people
had inflicted the deadliest wounds upon the prosperity
and happiness of that great nation. A similar class in
the north were making an effort to do the like in Ainerica.
Only the unthinking could be deluded l>y their sojiliistry.
Sui)pose it were in their power to vote themselves a
farm to-day, might not the same power vote it away
to-morrow ? The only permanent basis of prosperity,
comfort, and hai)piness for any people, is in the
knowledge possessed by each one of his duties as well
as his rights, and the perfect security of both person
and property. In matters of government as in perst>nal
concern, justice and right are always wisdom ; that
is, nothing is truly advantageous, which is not truly
just.

The fathers of our (lovernment had asserted these
principles. Jelferson said, '" I prc!})ared three bills for
the revisal, proposing three distinct grades of education,
reaching all classes : 1st, J^'dementary schools for all
children generally, rieh and poor. 2ud, Colleges for a
middle degr(!e of instruction, calculated for the common
pnr})oses of life. 8rd, A higher grade for teaching the
sciences generally, and in their loftiest degree." " One
provision of the elementary school bill was that the
expenses of these schools should be borne by the
inhabitants of the county, in proi)ortiou to their general

206 Memoir of WiUiani Madison reijton.

tax rates." I coiisiderod four of tlieso billri (the school
bill was one) as I'onniii!^- a system whereby a i'oandatioii
would be laid for a Cloveriinieiit truly republican. The
people, by the bill for a genci'al education, would be
qualitied to understand their rights, to maintain tliem,
and to exercise with intelli<i;ence, their parts in self-
government, and all this would be eft'ected without the
violation of a shigle natural 'right of any one individual
citizen.

Education was, in his o})inion, essential to the social
and intellectual well-being of the people, and should
command the innnediate attention of the Legislature.
Otherwise the extension of the suffrage would prove a
worthless, nay a dangerous gift. Intelligence is the
condition of freedom ; and unless the enfranchised
millions are rendered, by education, capable of exercising
their right of voting with sense and judgment, the people
would become the dupes, the victims of unprincipled
demagogues.

He went on to di'clare that general education
developes new sources of wealth and utility, else why
has it grown into a maxim that " knowledge is power."
The truth is, the more you multiply knowledge, the
more you hicrease the aggregate })ower of a connnunity.
What vast sums had been added to the annual produc-
tion of manufacturing countries by the spinning-jenny,
the power-loom, the steam-engine, the railroad, and the
numberless labour-saving machines of recent years.
All this resulted from educated labour. The reason
why the useful arts advanced so slowly for centuries,

Mt'Diolr of IVllliain Madison PeijtoiL.

207

was because the labour of tlie world was performed l)y
ignorant men.

Further, he expressed the opinion that general
education increased the value of property. There were
several elements which entered into the value of
property, especially of land, besides its productiveness,
such as the virtue and quietness of the neighbouring
community, its character for progressive improvement,
etc., which makes it desirable as a residence. Many
examples were adduced from the more prosperous of the
northern and eastern States, first, to establish this
proposition, and, after further remarks, to prove that
general education diffused umong all classes will be
found to make the labour of the country more useful,
and of course more valuable. He proceeded to say that
universal education could only be brought about by
general contribution; and that this might be effected by a
broad system having due regard to the respective needs
of various religious bodies.

There were four modes of educating a people. 1.
Every parent should be left to provide instruction for his
own children. 2. The Government may aid the more
indigent alone. 3. The Government may give partial
assistance to all. 4. The Government may provide, at
the common expense, for the complete elementary
instruction of all classes, saving the requirements of
religious liberty without discrimination. He examined
all these systems in detail, and declared his opinion in
favour of the fourth. At this point he went into an
estimate of its cost, and showed that it would be light.

208 Memoir of WiUiaui Madison Peifton.

Besides, he said, the free schools would not only be
cheaper than others, but would be better. The teachers
would be more highly trahied, better paid, there would be
a judicious classification of pupils, suitable apparatus
such as black boards, globes, maps, prints, models, etc.,
to aid the teacher to explain and the scholar to under-
stand. These schools, too, would be under a vigilant
supervision, which would encourage the teachers and
stimulate the pupils. He concluded his remarks by
suggesting a plan of the proposed system, which it is
not necessary to give.

Most readers will be ready to concede, I imagine, that
the man who held such enlightened views with regard to
education was fully worthy of his age, if not in
advance of it.

CHAPTER XI.

Few readers, save those who are intimately acquainted
with the practical working of popuLar elections in
America, will be prepared lor some of the details of
this chapter. At the next election the young and
gallant delegate for Koanoke and Botetourt was
opposed by the radical party, which |)ut in nomination
an ilhterate person by the name of Prichard. Colonel
^ Peyton did not wii-h to come forward at this time. He
^ he had already seen more than enough of political life,
with its noisy ambition and its mean passions ; a life so
poor and base was unsnited to him. Of this he
frankly informed his friends. These, however, urged
him to serve another term with such pertinacity, upon
the ground that he owed it to the country, that his
disinclination was overcome. It was in a patriotic
spirit alone that ho }'i(,ilded to their importunities — the
spirit of Brutus which is thus expressed in the play of
Julius CsBsar,

What is it you would impart to me ?
If it be ought towards tlic general good,

CC

210 Mt'tnuir of ]\'l.lli(tin Madiaon l\'ijt(yn.

Set honour in ono eye .nnl ilcilli i' tlio otliei,
And I will luol: ou Lw^li iii(lillV'iviitly :
For, lot tilt' g-mlhJ ,so .s[(i\il lur, as 1 love
Tho name of honour luon; ihan 1 fear death.

It Avas not upon the cards, however, that this
irreproachable gentlenian — (lils nioduruChevaHer r>;i,}'ard
sans peur tt sans reproche — should be allowed to walk
over the course. Durhig his absence liom hi'ine in
the discharge of his pul)lic duties, the metropolitan and
provincial leaders of the ])arty (jf ]\Iai-tin Van iiuren,
called in the parlance of the da}' the Locofoco or ultra-
democratic party, had been in incubation, and hatched a
plot. The manner in which this formidable })lot was
concocted, who beside 'i'homas Ritchie and Bowyer
Miller were its chiefs, Avhat class beyond demagogues
took part in it, at what precise time and u[jon Avhat
signals it was to break out, need not be recouiited.
For our purpose it is suilicient to premise, that fearing
the influence exerted against their }>arty in the
Assembly by Colonel re}ton, and the greater power he
was destined to wield, it he contimied in public life, it
was determined by the i)/t<(//, in Kichmond, acting in
concert with the local ringleaders, to bring, if possible,
his political career to an end. The party organ in
Richmond, the Jinqmrer newspaper, edited by Thomas
Kitchie, struck the first note, and the provincials lost
no time in taking up the tune aiid raising the hue and
cry in Roanoke. Ritchie was a veteran at this sort of
thing. He had long enjoyed pre-eminence as the most
wily of Southern editors, had so unremitthigly and.

Memoir of ]VilUcun MadUon Peijton "211

successfuly pulled tliu wires and directed the machinery
of A^'irghiia Locofocoism that he was a pronounced Seer
enjoying the soubriquet of " Father Ifitchie." AA hen
he took snuft' every Locofoeo in the State was supposed
to sneeze. This paternal bell-wether iigurcd in the
Richmond conclaves of the jKirty and pointed out the
road to success, and rareh' was he mistaken as to the
direction. In many respects he was an adniiraljle
guide and leader. lie united in a reniark-;d)le manner
t\\(i fort iter in re ^\n{\\ ilia .sudolter in niodo. When he
wished to carry a point he mann-uvred with con-
summate skill, in his lirst essays he was a.-, mild as
last year's hone}', spo];e in dulcet sli'ains. If his policy
failed, this tune was quickly changed. He now
uttered the hai'.di and authoritative language of a
master, tried Avhat virtue (here was in stones. Success
generally attended his btrategy. If not, sad was the
fate of his victim, if an honest and inde])endant
opponent closed his ears to his soft whispei's, he was
mercilessly put upon and huntid down. 11" an
inexperienced member ol' his party ventured to think
for himself, ther ■ ^\'as no greater crime at head-(piarti r.-.,
lie soon learned "what it was to ruii the gauntkt. lb;
was warned by the J'Jnqiiiirr that an open enemy is
better than a false fi-iend, had a lecture upon a dudas,
kiss, an essay upon sealing one's infamy, all the changes
indeed, Averc rung upon his ]K-rfid_y, his }>resumption,
and rebellion. The Avhi})pers in-baited him in the
legislative halls, denounced him in the streets, dogged
])im at his hotel — in a word, persecuted the miserable.

'212 Memoir of UllUatit Bladison Peyton.

wretch until, broken down in licaltli and spirits, the
contumacious bungler was oidy too glad to secure peace
by an unconditional surrender, by a quiet return to his
duty and allegiance. From such a contest with
Father Ritchie the inexperienced member always
retired a wiser and a sadder man. Indeed, he was
generally wise enough to appear to relish his
humble pie. He certainly always afterwards voted
for his party, right or wrong, through thick and thiu.
When he had sufficiently expiated his offence the
Enquirer gave him a cheerful pat upon the back, and,
thus kept in countenance with his constituents the
inexperienced member stood a chance of re-election,
of becoming an ex})erienced member.

Father Ritchie's watchful eye took in the entire State;
he seemed universal in his knowledge of provincial
affiiirs ; his spirit pervaded, permeated, overspread our
home politics far and wide. Whenever he saw a new
star in the political firmament, a promising man rising up
in the opposition his minions were set to work — iirst to
win him over to the Locofoco party, if successful all was
well — if not war was declared. Hostilities having thus
commenced, nothing was neglected to make the war
short, sharp, and decisive. Father Ritchie silenced tlio
consciences of some of his tools, he had some under-
strappers not altogether devoid of moral sense, by the
assurance that all is fair in politics as in love and war.
With the prescience of an old leader, he saw danger to
ultra democracy in the rise of Col. Peyton. Could the
young man be won over ? Were his convictions strong 1*

Memoir of WlUiain Madison Peijlon. 213

these were the questions to l)o settled. Flattery was
lirst tried, tlte .Kiujiiiirr declariii;^^ that the chdogate for
Itoanoke was without a rival among the young men of
Virginia, that ho was the worthy son of a noble sire,
that he was a ripe seholar and trained statesman, had
been brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, was on the
highway to honour and fame, that but a single danger
beset his path, namely Federalism, of this rock he must
beware, from such feticism turn away. Let him, said
the Enquirer, advocate, liberal principles, in other words
turn Locofoco, then every honour and reward, was his
which a grateful and admiring people could confer, etc.,
etc. It was of no avail. Father Eitchie then tried ridicule
and abuse, talked of the overweening vanity of young
men, the idle dreams of youth, and so-forth. Col.
Peyton was proof against both ; all the inshiuating
arts of the veteran, all his and his minions' violence
could not shake the resolution, or corrupt this integrity
of Wilham Peyton ; he was absolutely proof against
every threat, as against all oily llattery, and taught the
venerable Piitchie that there was at least one exception
to the maxim with politicians, " that every man has liis
price." The Enquirer then turned to its old course of
personally complimenting Col. Peyton, in order tlu; more
successfully to disguise the party movements and
privately and industriously set on the beagles of
Ptoanoke. It advised the ^vhippers-in of the peril which
threatened, and of tlie importance of defeating the
Colonel. These orders had no sooner been issued than
the pursuit commenced. The principal director and

214 Memoir of WiUiaui M/hUmu I'ctjlon.

driver on the occasion of these pi'oc(.'e(]inj^s was Bowijer
MiUcr, a young attorney, a caiidiJute lor practice iu
Fiiicastle. MilLr was aniljitious and slii)pery, not
wiiliout a certain cleverness, and an adept at political
mtrigues. He was also an aspirant for oflice, a candi-
date for anything that "paid." Previous to Colonel
Peyton's removal to the county, this provincial Machiavel
had been considered by sonic, certiiinly considered
himself, the most rising man hi the district. When
Colonel Peyton appeared, IMiller and Jiis clique sank
mto obscurity as stars disa})})ear from the sky at
sunrise. Nor was Father Piitchie ever able to do moi'C
for him as a reward for his services than to procure him
a seat in the legislature, where hu was a nobody and a
nothing; absolutely without em})loymcnt, unless Pathrr
Pvitchie should wish some one's heels tripped u}). In
this case Miller was his riglit man, and in such feats ho
always found Bowyer ecpial to the occasion.

Were it consistent Avith the plan of this memoir, I
could relate many curious e})isodes in the legislative
career of Mr. Ritchie's henchman as r.icounted by the
late George Maijse, of Bath (Jounty, who served with
Colonel Peyton and Mr, Miller in the House of Delegates,
and with the latter hi the (Constitutional Convention of
1850. Mr. Miiyse was a thoroughly honest and
conscientious man, a true patriot and warm friend of
Colonel Peyton. He thereforc3 felt and expressed no
Hinall disgust at the course of the Hnquircr and llowyer
Miller towards his friend. According to JMr. IMayse,
however, neither Father lUtchje nor Mr. IMiller ever

Aicinoir of WUlituit Mitili^nn I'lijloiu 215'

pl:i3'<'(l ut iiny buL a dmihlc tj(niic, ov set llii.ir sails to catch
any l)iit a siilc \viiul.

Alive to the Coloiicl's })('rs(tiial popularity, tlioso vllla[j;c
politicians and pct-lioiisc (];aii;i;>'();4-U(.'S ivisortcil to every
Liiek U) Compass tlieif e.iils. They i'e])res(-iite(l to the
iviasses of their party th;it it was iiecessuy to vote '* early
aiul often " aLjaiiist PryLwii, ho^\■e\er IVic^ully their
per;>o]ial rchitioiis nii^ht he ; IJiat it would not he a
vote against him indi\ idu;d]y, hut ;i,L;;iinsL his Federal
heresies, which they ihchired tended Ic^ monuri-hy. A
vote, Baid they, against ]:im is a shot in f.u'onr of con-
stiiiitional pnnciples - the ]>asls alike of our model
U(})uhlican (Jowrnment and of Um Locofoco partj^
In their heat tlu'y prouoiiiic'.'d the ''ciiadel oi' liherty "
in danger, and they cri<'d ^iloud heseeching all })atriots
to hasten to its defence. To the ignorant they })ro-
tested that it was not a (piestioji of likes or dislikes, hnt
altogether one hetween liherty and despotism. This:
Vv-<irked well among tlu! foreign elenu'ut. Nothing else
could draw this class fi'om the (lolomd's support, for
many of these p.o;)r straiigia>; I'emeiuhered him as a
heJiefactor when Ihey came hungry aiul almost naked
frcau abroad. It inlluence/l tlie more ignorant natives
also, and not another issue c(jnld, lor lu- ^VilS the idol of
tlie poor, by whom he was r.gardcd as a brother and
protector. Nor was h, said tiny, a ([iK.'siion of voting
ioY the wisest and best man. Oh, no ! Were this the issiio
thi'y too would vote for Peyton. In no sL'nse, said these
harpies, is it a nnilier of Aoiing for men, but altogethei
one of vothig for measures, "j^deasures nut men," said

'216 Memoir of IViUiaiii Madison Peyton.

they, is our inotto and ours are the only measures on
which our Government can be admhiistered without
tlie destruction of all civil, religious and political liberty.
In private they represented Colonel Peyton as an
aristocrat, whose birth, education, and training allied
him to the patrician element in society and the kingly
principle in government, that, if elected, he and his party
would labour to assimilate our institutions to those of
Great Britain. If successful in this direction, the people,
the dear people, would lose all which had been gained by
the Revolution of 1776, and shdv once more into the
condition of serfs — Old world serfs. The fastnesses of the
forests, the hollows of the mountains, the cellars and
attics of the grog-shops were penetrated, ransacked,
every bush beaten, every hole and corner reconnoitred
to bring to the poll voters against him. Thus, ignorant,
unsuspecting people, who had lived years in obscurity,
and many of whom had never so much as heard his name
were produced as plumpers against him. While the
Locofoco's were thus employed, his friends were lulled
by over confidence into a false security. They scorned
and ridiculed the opposition as contemptible — too despic-
able to be noticed ; they contented themselves, denounc-
ing it and its authors as demagogues engaged in dirty
work which was disgraceful to the country. A meeting,
however, was called of the Colonel's supporters, of the
whole people indeed, at Salem, the county-town. This
was attended by the county gentlemen en masse as well
as by all classes. Colonel Peyton drove over, attended
by his principal supporters and addressed the people iu

Memoir of IJ^iUiam Madison Feijton. 217

a speech of such ability and eloquence that, if never
before, now all opposition was supposed to be silenced.
Mr. Prichard declined speakiiig, saying,'' 1/^d was no orator^
hut tliat lohcn lie told the. 'jn'ojih' that he witc, a IjOcoJoco
straiijlit out, and icoidd ootc thnwjjii thick and thii for liis
'partij, lohdh'.r right or wronij, llteij knew wlio tlicir man was
and where to find him." Mingled laughter, hisses, and
drunken cheers greeted this enunciation of a purpose to
"go it blind" as it was termed m the slang of the day,
and respectable people dispersed to their homes, leaving
the town to a considerable extent in the hands of an
intoxicated rabble shijuting for Pritcbard and libert}^
Gentlemen returned home satistied that Colonel Peyton's
election was certain beyond an accident, and a series of
dinners took place in the county as a welcome to him
on his return. These were kept up till the day of
election. Meanwhile the Locofocos worked like beavers
in the dark; frightened the timid by stories of returnhig
despotism, bribed some by money and others by
promises, and engaged many of those known to be
certain voters for Peyton in business und(-rtakings
which were very profitabki, but which these varlets took
care should call them from the county on election day.
Those who had conscientious scruples at the prorspect of
being absent were quieted by being told that the Colonel
did not require their votes — tliat he would b(3 ekcted
by a tremendous majority. Many vvere tlms gained
over to their side through political cowardice, and others
who were paid either by money or promises. Tims by
one artitice or another, tbey succeeded on the day of

218 Memoir of Williain ]\[adlson Peijton,

election in rolling up a majority for Mr. Pricliard of
sf.i'cn votes. Colonel Peyton's friends were equally
astonished and indignant at the result. They declared
that it arose from unparalleled bribery and corruption,,
and they earnestly urged him to contest the election.
He steadily declined all such importunities, barkened
not to their counsel, declaring that he had consented to
be a candidate, not to gratify any personal wishes, but
solely to please his friends— his own tastes were for
retirement. At their instance he had come forward;
the scrutineers of the polls had declared his op})onent
elected, and with this verdict he should not attempt to
interfere. Nor did he again refer to the election nor to
the perfidious scheme by which ho had been defeated.
The pure and proud mind can never confide its wrongs
to another, only its triumphs and its happiness.

It may be safely said, however, that he was ineffably
disgusted with the excitement, intrigues, and corruption
of our politics. Brief as was his public career, he had
doubtless been long enough in the arena to be convinced
that he who aspires to be the head of a party will find
it more diihcult to please his friends than to perplex his
foes. That he must often act from false reasons which
are weak, because he does not avow the true reasons
which are strong. ' That it will be his lot to be forced
on some occasions to give his consideration to the
wealthy or the influential, although they may be in
the wrong, and to withhold it from the energetic but
necessitous, although they may be in the right. That
there are moments when we must appear to sympathize,

Memoir of William Madison Piijton. 219

Dot, only with the fears of the brave, but also the follies
vi' the wise. That he must often see some a[)|)i. aranees
that do not exist, to be blind to some that tlo. To be
above others, he nuist eondcscend at times to be
beneath himself, as the loftiest trees have the deepest
roots. And without the keenest cu'cumspection he Avill
become conscious that his very rise will ]>e his ruhi.
I'or a masked battery is more destrueti\'e than one that
is in sif^dit, and he will have more to dread from the
secret envy of his o^vn adherents than from the open
hate of his adversaries. This envy will ever beset
him, but, if determined to ])roceed in his career, he must
not ap[)ear to sus})ect it. It will narrowly watch him,
but he must not seem to perceive it. Even when he is
anticipating all its effects, he must give no note of
preparation, and in (lefending himself against it, he
nnist conceal both his sword and his shield. Let him
])in-sue success as his truest friend, and a|)i)ly to con-
iidence as his ablest counsellor. Subtract I'rom a little
great man all that he owes to o})portunity and all that
he owes to chance, all tliat he has gahied b}' the
wisdom of his friends and by the folly of his eiiemies,
and oiu- Brobdignag will ol'ten become a Lilliputian.
1 think it is Voltaire who observes, that it was very
fortunate for Cronnvell that he appeai'cil U[)un the
stage at the precise moment v.hen the pi;ople were tired
of kings, and as unfortunate for his scju, Kichard, that
he had to make good his [)rc;tentions, at a moment Avhen
the people were ecpially tired of ])rotectors.'

Having, as })reviously remarked, no taste for public

220 Mcinoir of IVilllain LIcuUsoji Peyton.

life under the conditions sarronnding it in those days,
no amljition to contest the pahn with tricksters and
demagogues and the " little great men " sent from the
counties generally, through the influence of cross-road
publicans and local demagogues, he returned to his
estate with a firm determination, in accordance with the
advice of Cato to his son, to pass the residue of his life
in the real post of honour, the private station. His
defeat, therefore, gave him the opportunity which he
coveted. It may be added as a part of his history in
this connection, that he was on many occasions, solicited
to become a candidate for sundry offices. The
prhicipal men of that section of the State united in an
effort to induce him to become a candidate for Congress.
lie declined all importunities, refused to give up the
comforts of his home again. He only is a great man,
says Steele, who can neglect the applause of the multi-
tude, and enjoy himself independent of its favour.
i\Iost truly may it be said of this excellent man, that
with him the rewards of, virtue exceeded those of
ambition. He sought to do good rather than be con-
spicuous. Notwithstanding this determination, to
which he steadily adhered, he was brought forward by
his friends in the Legislature, with whom the election
rested, for the office of Governor of Virginia, and
again for that of Senator in Congress. He would
doubtless have been chosen for one or both of these
positions, notwithstanding the hitrigues of Father
Ritchie, Bowyer, ^filler, and others of the like feather,
but for his persistent determination to refuse all such

Memoir of WiUiain Madison Peijton. 221

distinctions and his elo(|Ut;nt advocacy of the claims
of others to the vi^ry situations for which he himself
was proposed.

The reader will doubtless agree with the author, that
those upon ^vhom honours are conferred are not always
the most deservhig, and that Colonel Peyton had little
occasion to regret defeat. Wicked Ilamon was
promoted by Ahasuerus and all the king's servants that
were in the king's gate, bowed to and reverenced him.
Absalom, the rebellious son of David, stole the hearts
of the men of Israel. Herod, arrayed in ro}'al apparel,
made a speech to the people, and they gave a shout,
saying, "it is the voice of a God, and not of a man."
But what was the end of these men ? Ilamon was
hanged on the gibbet prepared for ]\Iordccai ; Absalom
was slain by the darts of Joab, and Herod was eaten
by Avorms, aixl died miserably. Mighty conquerors and
their armies have covered themselves with glory.
Ignorace has deified, and superstition worshipped them
as gods ; but had ihey met what they deserved, their
names would have been handed down to posterity with
infamy and disgrace. The fact is, the world does not
always bestow honour upon real worth ; hence the best
of men seldom enjoy its smiles, or do so only for a time.

About this period the (Governor of Virghiia appointed
him State proxy, to represent the interest of the
Commonwealth in the meetings of the stock-holders of
the James Kiver and Kcnawha Canal Company, a work
by which it was sought to connect the waters of the
Chesapeake and Ohio, and which origiuated with

222 Memoir of WilUaiii Madison' Peyton.

Washington himself. This great work was ah-eacly
completed from Richmond to Lynchburg, a distance of
between one and two hundred miles, receiving tolls to
the extent of 800,000,00 dols. per annum. With his
usual energy and fidelity to trusts imposed on him,
he devoted himself, without pay, for years, to the
judicious management of this company, attending all
its meetings and writing all the annual reports of the
board. The present (1873) secretary of that company,
William Preston Munford, once said to the writer, that he
did not know what the company would do without him,
he was the life and soul of the whole undertaking.

Previous to the election of 1844, he was invited to
prepare a preamble and resolutions embodyuig the
principles of the Whig party, and in favour of the
election of Henry Clay to the Presidency, to be
submitted to a public meeting of the Whigs of Koanoke.
This led to the following paper from his pen, setting
forth the main principles of the party, and giving, in
vigorous language, his opinion of the great Kentuckian
Statesman. The preamble and resolutions were
unanimously adopted. Mr. Clay subsequently became
the candidate of the party, but was defeated. He had
been too long ideutfied with the history of his country —
was too good and great a man to answer the purposes of
his party as a candidate.

The following is the first and an imperfect draught of
Colonel Peyton's resolutions. It was found among
some calcined rubbish, after the burning of his mansion
in 1870.

Memoir of UlUiain Madison Feijton. 223

WHIG MEETING I?^ ROANOKE.

The Whigs of Roanoke being assembled for the
purpose of party organization, and especially with a
view to forming themselves into a " Clay Club," deem
the occasion suitable for announcing the leading prin-
ciples on which they intend to conduct the coming
Presidential contest.

Acting, as they trust, in harmony with the great
body of the party throughout the union, they are anxious
to secure the moral weight which is the just reward
of elevated principles and ingenuous conduct. They
wish to avoid all surreptitious measures of assault or
defence, to come into battle openly and boldly, with
their principles emblazoned upon every fold of their
standards, thus inviting the scrutiny and defying the
power of their opponents. A victory gained by fraud
and deception would be valueless in their estimation,
since it would destroy the public confidence hi their
integrity as a party, and jeopardize the popularity of the
principles which they profess, and upon the ultimate
ascendancy of which they conscientiously believe the
stability and efficiency of our institutions depend.
They anxiously desire a just exposition of the political
creed of the opposite party, and a fair and honourable
issue upon their ^ conflicting principles. They are
confident of success if they are thus met before the
nation in a spirit of candour and fair dealing. They
beUeve if they can prevail with their opponents to define
their party faith clearly and unequivocally, and to stand

224 Memoir of WilUani Madison Peyton.

by it sincerely aiitl honestly in every quarter of the
Union without respect to the pjlitical prejudices of any
locality, that there is sufficient p itriotism, intelligence
and enlightened self-interest among the people to insure
their success. To warn the people from the rocks and
quicksands of unrestrained and licentious democracy to
the safe haven of well-regulated Republicanism. When
the honest masses understand the s[)irit of Locofocoism
abroad in the land, generating the most destructive
moral and political principles, despoiling States of their
credit, and thus weakening the obligations of common
honesty between individuals ; when they see one of the
two parties of the country, identifing itself to a consider-
able extent with these lawless repudiators and
unscrupulous " bond breakers," who, in the spirit of
wild reform and mad innovation, trample under foot
every precedent which time, experience, wisdom and
patriotism have established ; neither respecting the judg-
ment of a Washington, nor the opinion of the pure
and spotless patriots who assisted him in modelling our
institutions and giving us a hope of endming national
existence and national glory, they believe that the sober
and reflecting portion of the people will tremble for
perpetuity of our Government, and will rally to
its defence under the banner of our party whose name
is the synonyme of constitutional liberty.

Not wishing in this hasty address to elaborate the
views of the Whig party, but simply to aimounce the
cardinal features of our political faith, leaving comment
for future occasions, Ave declare,

Memoir of WiUiam MadlsotL Peijton 225

I. That we are in liivoiir of a national bank, being
firmly convinced that all the industrial interests of
the country, whether agricultural, commercial or
manufacturing, depend for much of their prosperity
upon a ch'culating medium of equal value in every
part of our country, and in sufficient abundance to
meet the necessities and convenience of trade.

II. We are in favour of a tariff, which while it
affords a revenue sufficient to meet the wants of the
Government economically administered, shall be
so adjusted as to foster and cherish our infant manu-
factures, and at the same time awaken a design for
reciprocity in foreign nations by the imposition
of counteracting duties upon the productions of
such of these as impose heavy burdens upon our
principal exports, such as cotton and tobacco.

III. We are in favour of an equitable distribution of
the proceeds arising from the sales of the public
lands among the several States, believing that the
public domain is the rightful property of the
States; as such Ave consider the authority exercised
over these lands by the General Government as
purely fiduciary, and that the terms of the trust
precludes all the graduation schemes, and schemes
of partial cession, whicli have been advocated at
different times by the respective branches of the
Democratic party. Relying upon the custums or
impot dues as an abundant source of revenue fur
the support of the Government economically admin-
istered, we wish to divert from the National

220 Memoir of IViUiaiii Madison Pcijton.

Treasury this unnecessary and redundant tributary,
and pour its rich blessings into the more legitimate
State channels, where it will dilTuse countless
benefits in restoring their shattered credit, in pro-
viding the means of general education, and in
opening up new and enlarging old markets for the
husbandman and manufacturer, by improving the
means of intercommunication and developing the
resources of our interior country.

IV. We are in favour of the one term principle — we
think experience has shewn in these degenerate
days of the Republic, that lust of office is apt to
swallow up all sentiments of public virtue, and that
where the President is re-eUgible his first term is
often engrossed by disgraceful intrigues to secure
a re-election, by the disgusting scenes of official
profligacy, and by the shameless prostitution of
offices of the highest responsibility to the unhal-
lowed purposes of party. We think that destroy-
ing all hope of re-election would, by withdrawing
the temptation, increase the chances of an
independent and honourable administration of the
General Government, a consummation most
devoutly to be wished.

V. We are in favour of a thorough rcfurm in the tone
and spirit of the Government and its officers, to
bring back the Washingtonian standard of official
qualification, and to infuse into the Government
that enlarged, liberal, and patriotic spirit which
regulated the policy of that illustrious man, the

Memoir of IViUiam Madhoii Pi'ijton. Ill

lustre of whose virtues defies the virulence of party,
and who, staudiiig- up before posterity in the full
proportions of his niuteliless wisdom and purity,
challenges the world for an equal. Instead of
bestowing ofhces, instituted for the public benefit,
on unscrupulous Demagogues, as a reward of their
sordid services, we would have them conferred on
men of elevated prhiciples and unquestionable
qualifications — men who never forget that, "they
have a country to serve while they have a party to
obey/'
VI. Finally, we are in favour of Henry Clay as our
next President. In announcing our preference for
this distinguished patriot and statesman, we feel a
just pride in presenting to the consideration of our
fellow citizens one whose virtues and services give
hun the highest claim to the lirst office in the gift
of his countrymen. Imbued with a spirit at once
bold, generous, acute, comprehensive in its grasp
and brilliant in its conceptions, yet capable of the
severest investigation and minutest detail; euuobled
by a patriotism which dilYases itself over his \vhole
country, rishig in every exigency above all mere
party considerations and sinking in the cause of his
country all the conflicting prejudices and feelings of
individuals and factions Avhieh jeopardize her honour
or her welfare. Enriched with an experience long,
active, conspicuous in its trials, embracing one of
the most eventful periods of our history and
identifying him with all the great and important

228 Memoir of William Jlladison Peyton.

measures which mark tlie era of his brilliant career!
regulated by a judgment, subtle, profound,
matured, and harmonizing with the principles of the
Whig party ; and finally, as a capital to cro^vn this
noble Cormthian column, sustained by a lidelity
and fearlessness which can be relied on to enforce
the principles we profess, we confidently recommend
him to the American people for the first office
within their gift, and as a worthy successor to the
''Father of his country."

It is obvious from these resolutions that he had large
and accurate information on political affairs; that he
knew what was necessary to make a people great,
prosperous, and respected. With what earnestness ho
denounces those miserable profligates who have brought
American credit into disrepute, and made the name a
reproach on many a Bourse by their ''bond breaking,"
repudiating doctrines. To a man however in his
station it would have been a real reproach to have
remained ignorant of the history, laws, and constitution
of his country — to have had no certain, well ascertained
policy for her wise Government.

In the political affairs of this election, he took some
part, making eloquent speeches in favour of Mr.
Clay's election at Salem, Fincastle, Danville,
Lynchbury, Richmond and other places, but he
avoided those warm and angry debates, which are
calculated only to inflame the passions and alienate
parties. He endeavoured by cool and deliberate

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 229

disquisitions on politics to enlighten the minds of the
people and lead them to a right judgment. He had
too often seen the efl'ects of ignorance, in leading the
multitude astray in national affairs, not to exert himself
to scatter its clouds. Under its influence, the best
measures of public policy had often been condemned,
and the worst obtained popular applause; the wisest
and purest of our Statesmen had been ostracised, and a
shallow and noisy race of demagogues foisted into office
and loaded with honours. He laboured, therefore,
earnestly to spread true knowledge abroad and dispel
the mists of ignorance which overspread a portion of the
people.

There are some men who appear great only while
the splendour of rank, or the bustle of station dazzles
the eyes of the spectators ; others become magnilied as
they recede from the public view, and are seen like stars
in the distant sky. Of this latter description was
Wilham Madison Peyton, a man with too much of the
weakness of humanity to have altogether escaped
censure ; but whose memory is clear of any considerable
stain.

Most interesting was it to see him in the retirement
which now followed. Here he communed with his own
heart, studied the Holy Scriptures, contemjjlated the
works of creation, and formed plans of great usefulness.
His mind was free to enter upon all these important
subjects and it cannot be doubted that he calmly con-
sidered what he would do for his own kinsfolk, friends,
and acquaintances, and also even for his enemies.

230 Memoir of WilUdin Madinon Peyton.

To a public-spirited man like liimself, it is equally
beyond doubt that he considered how he might best
serve his country and the world. And none of us are
without the power of doing somethhig for others if so
disposed. If we have wisdom, we can contrive for
them; if wealth, we can supply their wants ; if power,
we can protect and advance them ; and if piety and
goodness predominate in our hearts, we can, and do,
strive to lead them to God. Relatives claim our first
care and attention. Are they poor, afllicted, despised,
i<rnorant, or wicked? AVe should tlunk how we may
improve their circumstances, restore their health,
redeem their character, inform their minds, or
amend woes. Friends next claim our attention.
Can we make them hai)picr, more useful, or respectable?
Next our acquaintances. Tlu;y may not have served
us; but that consideration sliould not prevent our
benevolent plans to serve them — even our enemies,
should share our good will. They have used us spite-
fully ; let us try to do them good. The attempt will
prove a blessing to us, and it may be also a blessing to
them. In this spirit his retirement was spent, nor did
he forget that his country had claims upon him. He
thought how he might best serve its interests and
promote its happhiess — how eloquently the foregoing
resolutions denounce repudiation and all bond breakers.
He sought out plans of public utiUty, and exercised his
influence to carry them into effect. In other words,
without ostentation, noise, or boasting he endeavoured to
do all the good he could. Durhig his retreat he applied

Memoir of Willuun Madisun Pi'ijton. 231

himself to literary [iiid scientific pursuits with as much
earnest devotion as if his livelihood depended upon his
success. He doubtless reahzed the furce of the
remark of Hamlet,

"Wluit is a II Kin,
If bis cliii'f g(jO(l, and nuiila't of lii.s t\n\(\
Ee but to sloop and food Y :i Least no moro.
Sure be tbat made us witb bucb huge iliscourso
Looking before and after, gave us not
Tbat capability and Ood-liko ivason
To rest in us imusod.

During his scienlilic studios and investigations ho dis-
covered that cannel coal, which had nut i)roviously been
found in America, always existed in Enghuul in tlio
region of bituminous coal. From this and other cir-
cumstances he argued that search would lead to its
discovery in the bituminous coal iields of America. If
so, it would be a most important discovery. Accordingly
in the summer of 1815, he proceeded, in company
with a few practical miners ^vhom he hired for the pur-
pose, to the coal beds of the Kenawha. The party
spout some time in explortitions and researches on the
waters tributary to the Great Kena^vlia in the county of
Boone, and the correctness of his judgment was shown,
and his labours rewarded, by the discovery of probably
the most extensive cannel coal tield in the United
States. His first discovery was at a point on the coal
river, about thirty miles from its junction with the Great
Kenawha. At sundry spots on the river between this
point and the Kenawha he came upon other veins of

232 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

this mineral, varying from two to six feet in height and
thickness. After these vahiahlo findings of hiJcleu
wealth, he pm-chased 30,000 acres of this land and pro-
ceeded to develop the mineral resources of that region,
with which important work he was occupied down to the
period of the civil was in 18G1. At the spot of his
original discovery a town war laid out and in his honour
called Peytona, which is now a flourishing place of
business.

He also ascertained in his numerous experiments

with this coal that it possessed a variety of useful and

valuable properties. Among other things, that candles

might be made from it, surpassing those of wax in

hardness and beauty. Also that the tar products of

this and the bituminous coal, decomposed by the oil

of vitrol, yielded, among other valuable substances, one

now called paraffine, resembling, when bleached and

purified, wax or spermaceti ; and that it burnt with a

clear white flame, free from smoke. Since then this

substance has become widely known the world over,

and is largely used by all candle-making companies,

though at first this and other results which he

announced seemed more like the dream of a visionary,

than the sober reasonings of a modern utilitarian

philosopher. The magic of chemistry as applied by

other distinguished American and European savans

soon established the correctness of his theories. It is

probable that he himself did not forsee the value of

the conclusions he arrived at, which were certainly

pregnant with important results. But it was impossible

Memoir of W'dliaia Madison Pajton. 233

tliat a man of his knowledge could direct his attention
to such subjects without benulit arising therelVoni.

During the })eriod he was engaged in liis mining
operations he s])ent a hundred thousand dolkirs of his
private means on the improvement of the coal river,
seeking to make the stream na\ igable for steamers of
considerable tonnage and thus to avoid trans-sliipment
of cargoes from theljargcs \vhi(di left Peytona, on thuir
arrival in the Kenawha. ]\v. had not succeeded to the
extent of his wishes when the civil war })ut a stop to
his operations. A New York com])any on the joint
stock or limited liability princiidu, which had been
organized in Wall Street under his auspices, continued
through the war to work the mines upon a minor scale,
and, as far as the disorganized condition of the labour
and business affairs of the country would admit, to
carry on the Avork for improving the navigation of the
river.

The perserving energy with which he prosecuted his
labours on the Coal Kiver for many years, was the
su])ject of general I'emark. The great improvement
which took place in this remote part of the ccjuntry
in the manners and customs of the earlier iidiabitants,
in the roads and other means of communication, in the
development of industry, and the eidiancemeiit in the
value of })roporty, the legitimate results of Ids ()j)era-
tions, caused him to be considered as a public benefactor,
and his name to be everywhere revered by tlie warm-
hearted and affectionate mountaineers.

The fame he accjuired by these oj)era lions, the

F.V

234 ^f(')noil■ oj' W'iU'mm MxiIhon- Pi'ijton.

success which attended lii.s practical pursuits recalls
Sallust's remark upon Cato, iliat the less Jic coveted
glory, the more he acquired it.

Several johit-stock companies were organized in New
York under his auspices for -working the Pe}'tona mines,
which are, hi 1873, in successful operation. During
one of his business visits to New York, in 18G1, he
addressed the letter embodied in the next chapter to
his old friend Mr. Hives, on the subject of tl:e deplor-
able political situation aiid the impending crisis.

CHAPTER XII.

In the Autumn of 18G0, the United States Presidential
election occured, an event ordinary enough in itself, but
which hecame the cause, or at least the occasion, of one
of the greatest political revolutions which have ever
changed the fortunes of a nation. A revolution it was
which overwhelmed the South with disasters, greater
far than those which conquests brhig about, but which
in the slow progress of events has been succeeded by a
gradual bettering of the condition of the subdued people,
and also by the elevation of a servile race to a i)Ositiou
of political equahty with their former masters. Placed
after centuries of servitude in tliis new position, for
which they had had no preparation, it remains yet to be
proved that the African race is endowed by nature with
any great mental vigor or aptitude for intellectual labour
and improvement, such as is requisite for tliose who
are invested witli the rights of freemen and the
responsibility of self government.

The fear so long entertained by [)atriots that at some
mauspicious moment a storm would arise in the Soutli,

230 Meinuir of WilUaui Madison Pcijton.

wlioro the public mind was greatly excited by Northern
hostility to the extension of slavery, and end by
steeping the country in blood and ruin, appeared, in the
autumn of 18G0, about to be realized. The secession so
long and repeatedly threatened by South Carolina, but
which she had never seriously contemplated carrying
out, seemed at last imminent. The incredulity with
which those threats had been received by union men
north and south ; the ridicule lavished upon the so
called "Chivalry men," who were accused of indulging
in the frothy effusions of demagogues — in lo^v tricks and
bluster to keep up their credit and consequence, operat-
ing with their real grievances, had goaded the Carolinians
to desperation. The people of the Pelmetto State who
had been so long upbraided for fickleness and perfidy,
seemed at last ready for action, and a considerable
portion of the South was prepared to follow their lead.
The atmosphere was laden with electricity, the political
sky overcast with clouds — the storm ready to burst
upon the land. The immediate occasion of this
breaking out of the public fury was the election of Mr.
Lincoln to the Presidency. It does not belong to my
plan to enter into the causes and consequences of this
event. They are mentioned only in so far as they relate
to, and bear upon, the subject of this sketch. Mr.
Lmcoln was chosen on Gth of November 1800, the vote
standing thus,

For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 189, all northern
votes.

For John C. Brcckenridge, of Kentucky, 72 southern
votes.

Memoir uf Wdliani Madhon Fetjton. 237

For John Bell, of Temiossee, 39, divided.

For Stephen A Di)r.^liis, of llUiiois, I'l, divided.

The Avhole number of electors appointed to vote for
President for the United States Avas then 303, of which
a majority is 152. Mr. Lincoln was, therefore,
declared elected, and on the 8th of the following
February left his home in theAVest, for AVashiiigton. This
event increased the southern excitement ; anxiety and
alarm thickened the gloom which hung over and
paralysed trade, commerce and manufactures north and
south. The well known political views of South
Carolina filled the country with apprehensions. In
1830, that State attempted to nulhfy the laws of
Congress, to remain in the Union and yet act indepen-
dently of its authority, and a conflict between the State
and Federal troops was averted only by the firnmess of
President Jackson and the moderation of General
Winfield Scott. Again in 1850, at the period when the
admission of California was under discussion, it was
proposed in the Legislature of South Carolina that a
"Southern Congress" should be convoked to hiitiate
measures for the defence of the Sotith. A crisis was
averted, however, by the adoption of what was termed
the ''^Compromise Bill" prhicii>ally through the influence
of Henry Clay, but, thougli South Carolina acquiesced,
she Avas annoyed, discontented, irritated. All the angry
fiielings which i)rompted this course in 1850 were
intensified by the result of the Presidential election of
1860. Accordingly, the Legislature called a State
convention to take such steps as might be deemed

238 Memoir of WiUtam ^ftidison Pi'ijloit.

necessary to meet the crisis before the iiuiuguration of
the new President. Tliis convention assembled at
Cohunbia on the 17th of December, 18G1, and alter an
exciting debate passed a formal Ordinance of Secession
from the Union, in these wortls,

" We^ the people of the State of South Carolina, in Con-
vention asseinhled, do declare and ordai)t, and it is
hereby declared and ordained, that the Ordinance
adopted hij 21s in Convention on the 23rd daij of Afaij,
1788, wherelij the Co)istiiution of the United States
urns ratified, and also edl Acts and parts of Alts of the
General Assemhhj of tJie State ratifijinfj amendments
of the said Constitution, are herehij repealed, and the
Union now snhsisting between Soutli Carolina and the
other States under the name of ' tlie United States of
Ameriea,' is herehij dissolccd."

The fatal plunge was thus taken, and how to avert
the untold calamity it portended Avas the first object
Avith all true patriots, especially of Virginians, Avliose
State, in the event of hostilities, was to become " the
Flanders of the war." It was natural that the Old
Dominion should watch, with greater solicitude than
any of her sister States, the ])rogress of events in the
South. Virginia contributed more largely than any of
the original thirteen colonies to the formatioii of the
Federal Union, in fact it was mainly her work, and her
people were by a large majority still warmly attached
to it and its traditions, yet, from identity of interest on
the slave question, she felt the warmest sympathy with

Memoir of Willlnin Jfiiilisoit Vcijlou. !2o9

the States of the Soutli. All eyes were, therefore, now
turned to the Old Dominion. Upon her course in great
measure depended that of the so-called border States
of Maryland, Kentuek}-, and ]\nssouri. It rested
with Virginia and these States to say whether war
should or should not take place. Had these border
States, with an aggregate population of 4,021,879
united in upholding the Union of their forefathers, the
Cotton States, left in a hopeless minority, must have
refused to enter upon the ruinous path taken by
South Carolina. In this event the sober second thought
of the gallant, but excitable, population of the Palmetto
State would probably, a little later, have led to the repeal
of the Ordinance of Secession. Harmony would thus
have been restored. If the border States had presented
an unbroken front to the North, the civil war would
have been averted, or if not, the North, had she
entered upon the task of coercion, must have been driven
from the field defeated, and overthrown. In the
border States, however, other counsels prevailed.
Notwithstanding the earnest eflbrts of the inlluential
Union party in each, it was found impossible to band
the people together in support of a common cause.
There was a fatal division of sentiment, and, while halting
between two opinions, Maryland was overrun by Federal
troops, and was thus hopelessly lost to the South, though
many of her sons found their way into the Southern
army, and served with credit through the war.*

* That General Lee liimself believed that Maryland would havo
joined tho Southern Confederucy, but for her occupation by Federal

240 Memoir of William. Madison Ptijton.

Kentucky and Missouri fell away in the same manner.
Virginia herself was tlivided into two hostile camps. The
leaders of the secession party were Henry A. Wise, John
Letcher, J. M. Masson, James Barhour, 11. M. T.
Hunter, WiUiam Ritchie, 0. Jennings Wise, T. S.
Bowcock, James Lyons, J. ]\L Daniels, Roger A. Pryor
and others of less note. On the other hand, the leaders
of the Conservative party were W. C. Rives, Rohert E.
Scott, Labal A. Early, W. B. Preston, Colonel W. M.
Peyton, J. H. Gilmer, Alexander H. H. Stuart, John B.
Baldwin, W. T. Willey, L S. Carhle, John Lewis, S.
Mc. D. Moore, I. M. Bolts, C. H. Lewis, Joseph Segar,
Alexander Rives, J. J. Jackson, Peachy Gratton, and

forces, is apparent from the following Proclamation issued by him
when he marched the army of northern Virginia into the State in 18G2 : —

Head Quarters, Army of Northern Virginia,

near Fredericktuwa, Septtmhcr 8iJi, 18G2.

To THE PEOrLE OF MARYLAND,

It is right that you should know the purpose that has brought
the army under my counaand within the limits of your State, so far as
that i)urpose concerns youiscdves.

The people of the Confederate States have long watched Avith tho
deepest sympathy the wrongs and outrages that have been intiieted
upon the citizens of a Conmionwealth allied to the States of the South
by the strongest social, political, and couimercial ties, and reduced to
the condition of a conquered province.

Under the pretence of supporting the Constitution, but in violation
of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have been arrested and
imprisoned, upon no charge, and contrary to all the forms of law.

A faithful and manly i)rotest against tliis outrage, made by a vener-
able and illustrious Marylander, to whom in his better days no citizen
appealed for light in vain, was treated with scorn and contempt.

The Government of your chief city has been usurped by armed
strangers ; yoirr Legislature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest
of its members; freedom of the press and of speech has been suppressed;

Memoir of Willi, tm Mudism, Ptiftoit. ^1\\

others less familiar to tlu; piil)lic. Vir*;iiiiatlius torn by
liiction was soon in aims against hcrsoll". Vain were;
the efforts of the (lo\erniii('iit at Miichniond to maintain
its authority in iiic norlh-westcrn counties after the
defeat of the eonfc(h rate arjiiy uud-a- (leneral Piohert S.
(larnett, and the iiusuceessriil eaninnii-wis in th(.' Kenawha
valley of Generals ri. A. Wisi' and J. B. Floyd. The
north-western counties and tlioso on the Kcnawha
organized a new Stai*' under a- ])rovi:-.ional (loverinncnt
(June 11th 1801,) wliicli was adiiiiittd into the lY'deral
Union on the 31st of the iollowiu;^^ |)oc('ml)er.

In order to avert, if i)o,-;si])l(', a civil Vvar among
Virginians, such as thai Avdiicli soon raged among
Kentuckians, Missoiiiians, and Tcnnesseaiis, Colonel

words have boon dedaivd oluiurs \,y an arliiliaiy docici' of ilic Fcdo-al
(.•xecutive ; and citizens oidi'icd lo Li' li-iid by inilitaiy C(jiuiiiissi()n.s
for what they may dare to siduk.

Belii'ving that the i)(()|,lo ol i\I;ir;)Lnid j.osst ss a s|iirit too h;fty to
Kiihiiutto sueli a (iuvrj'iiiucnl, Ihf iwuplr til tlicSuiitli Lasoh.ii.L;- wished
to aid you in IhrowiuL;- nil' lliis fnrrii_'-n _\ okc, lo cniilih- _vnu aixaiii to
enjoy the inalii'ii all! e iij;li1s ui iwvun-n, and iv.-,1<ut tlu' iiidcpcndcuee
and sovereignty of your State

Tn (.hcdifnee to tliis \vi:.li, our ainiy h.is I'niue anions,' you, and is
prepai-(;d to assist you with (lie ))(.\vcr of lis uruis in rru; lining the
rights of whieh you' liavr i,r, i. m. unjustly il(s].olh'd.

Tins, eitizi'ns-of JMaiyhuid, is our misMiai .■;.. i':ii- ;is ynu arc eoneenied.
No resti-aint uiHiii your tVro will is inttudrd no intimiilaiinn will lie
aUow.Ml, within tlu'liiuils ot ll.is anny at ha4. ]\r:ir) lundrrs shall
once more enjoy their aiuii'nt fn rd.iui ul' tlauerht .nid s])ri'i-h. We know
no enemies among yon, ;oiil will i-iMtfcl all nt ynu in .-x n-y upinion.

It is foi-you to dVc-idc ynur .hsliny frr.ly and without ronstraint.
Tliis army will ri'Spect your cliuiie, whatcvoi- il may ],(■ ; and while tin;
southernj people will nj\)io' to wdeomr you lo your natural
]iosition among them, tiny will inl} \,< home you v.lnn you <-on<e of
your own free \s ill.

11. ]•. Li:i:, (lemTalCniiouanding.

242 j\li'))i()ir of William Madison T'l'ijloii.

i*eytoii addressed the letter Avliicli closes this clmpter,
and dated the 8th c-i Jaimaiy: 18(11, to ]\Ir. Tiives,
Avho gave it to the public ihroiigh the daily papers
and in pamphlet form. It "was widely circulated
as a political tract, and was everywhere read with
deep interest, but the v/ise antl moderate counsels
it inculcated were unavailing-. In the frenzied
condition of the public mind his letter Avas but as
a whisper in the ear of death, like the pilot's
speaking trumpet, the sound of which is drowned
by the bowlings of the tempest.

On 7th of January. 1801, the Legislature of
Virginia assembled in Pvichmoiid. Governor Letcher
in his message stated that '' all see, know, and feel
that the danger is innninent, that all true i)atriots
are exerting themsehes to save the country from
impending perils." lie proposed that a convention
of all the states should meet, and said "it is monstrous
to see a government like ours destroyed merely
because men cannot agree about a domestic institu-
tion. It becomes Virginia to be mindful of her
own hiterests. A disru})tion is inevitable, and if
two new confederations are to be formed, we must
have the best guarantees before Ave can attach Virginia
to either of them." lie charged the state of aifairs
upon the Northern States and said upon them Avouldrest
the responsibility of disunion, if it occurred. He further
declared that any attem[jt of Federal troops to pass
through Virginia for the purpose of coercing a southern

Memoir of WiUioni Madison Peiiton. 2-13

State would be considered as an act of invasion, which
would be repelled. He concluded by saying "Let New
England and Western New York be sloughed off and
ally themselves with Canada."

In the House of Delegates a committee was appointed
and instructed to bring in a bill for assembling a State
convention, and anti-coercion resolutions were passed.
In these the House declared that any attempt to coerce
a State would be resisted by \'irginia. The State Con-
vention met in llichmond, February 13th, and after a
warm discussion on the 17th of April, i)assed an ordin-
ance of secession, similar to that adopted by South
Carolina. Thus the last hope of amicable adjustment
perished, and all men, north and south, prepared for
war, for that desolating war which soon followed and
continued with unparalleled fury, down to the surrender
of General Lee and the Confederate army on the Dth of
April, 1805, at Appomatox Bridge, y.

The beginnhig of strife, says Solomon, is as the
letting out of water, so continuous and persistent is the
flow, so like to a mighty torrent, which overspreads and
carries all before it, and so fraught with ci)ns(M]uencL's
as difficult to forecast as to avert.

The history of the war, whieli Colonel Peyton sought
to prevent by his judicious and repeated appeals to the
reason and feelings of the people of l)oth north and
south, illustrates in a remarkable manner the wise-man's
saying. By that fratricidal strife moi-e than half a con-
tinent was tilled with mourning, and the wail of victims ;

214 Memoir of WiUiani Jlitilison J-'ci/loii.

"wliolu States, eacli greater in territorial extent than most
European kingdoms, were laid Avu.ite, privatv; property
to an enormous amount was destroyed both l>y land and
sea, passions, as terrific as e\er raged in the human
breast, welL.d up to the surface and spread like a
volcanic eruption over the surface of society ; humani-
tarians thirsted for human blood, the sacred office of the
Christian ministry was prostituted to a ^vild and
unreasoning fanaticism, and debt and taxation increased
with portentous rapidity. Jhit the most depressing
feature of the struggle ^\ as the enormous expenditure
of human life. Oflicial reports show that upwards of a
million of men perished on the lield of batile, in the
hospitals, and at tlulr homes from ^vounds, or diseases
contracted by exposure. And all of this Avas the result
of a war, which however it might end, could cause no
feelmgs of satisfaction or trium[)li to (,'ither party

When, however, war became inevit.ible, he embraced
the Southern cause, and sacrificed his all to make it
successful. Among his friends and fellow Virginians
who entertained similar (>})inions and were drawn against
their better judgment into the struggle, was General
Robert E. Lee, who, in a letter addressed to his sister,
dated "Arlington, Virginia, April 20th, 1801. said:

"The whole South is in a state of revolution, into
which Virginia, after a long struggle, has been drawn,
and, though I recognize no necessity for this state of
things, and would have foreborne and pleaded to the end
for redress of grievances, real or sup[)Osed, yet hi my
own person I had to meet tlie cpiestion, whether T should

Memoir of WHIkiiii Mddi^on l\ijlon. 245

take part against my native State. With all my devo-
tion to the Union, and the i'eulini|; oi' lo)'alty and dnty
of an x\merican eiti/en, 1 ha\ e not been able to make
up iny mind to raise my hand against liiy relatives, my
children, my home. * * I know you will blame me, but
you must think as khidly ol' me as }'ou ean, and lielitve
that 1 have enduavonred to (lu what I thought right. "*
What Jjce's struuirle oi'mind must have been at the
tune may be seen from tlie following pussage hi a letter
sent by Mrs. Lee, Deeember 18(>i, to a Dnion friend.
She says " my husband has ^vc^jit tears of jjlood over
this terrible war, bnt In; ]iuist, as a jnaJi of honoiu' and
a Virginian, share the destiny of his State, whieh has
solenudy pronounced for inde])endenee. "

LETTEU \niOU
COLONEL AVILLIAM iMADlSON LEYTON,

TO

lIONOUUAliLE WILLIAM C. INVES,

ON THE PUKSK\T CP.ISI.S.
InTKODUCTOUY note 15Y THE 1U)IT(»H OETUE '' N EW YoilK

Express" (NEWsi'Ai'Eii ), jn which Colonel I^eyton's

LETTER ORIGINALJ.Y AJ'J'EAItEJ), TO THE SECOND TAMiTlLET
EDITION :

" The spirited discussion which l'ollo^^^s, uj)on the
excithig questions of the conntry, has been most widely

* Si'O p. 37 "iSouthcni Griioials, wlio they ;iic, and Avhat ihey have
done. " N. Y, iSTo.

240 ]\lc'iiiuir of ll'iUiiiiii MudiHuii I'l'ijion.

circulated, and read as an eloquent expression of the
feelin«^^s and hopes of a larye — of much the largest
portion — of the American people. It is timely, earnest
and unanswerable. The first issue of copies liaving
been entirely exhausted, the autlior, at ihe request of
many friends, in various parts of the country, has
permitted a second edition to be brought out, to which
some additional notes are ai)pended. Coidd the views
he has expressed in his letter to Mr. Kives have
received their appropi-iate valuation and hdlnence, the
country woukl still continue its course of unexampled
prosperity and happiness."

The Editoi{.

Xi'lV ) 0/7.', JdHUHflJ t)tll, 1S61.

" My dear Sir,

" We are in the midst of a revolution, Ijlood-
less as yet, but no one feels assured that the rising sun
will run its diurnal coiu'se before tlie pillars of our
constitution will be covered Avith the blood of its
citizens. An unholy crusade has been preached, and
factious political combinations have been I'ormed in the
North, which are destructive of all frateiMial feelings
between the two sections, and utterly at Avar with a
fair and equal administration of the Government. A
deep and wide-spread dissatisfaction has thus been
excited in the South, Avhich has grown stronger and
stronger, fiercer and fiercer, until at last it has cul-
minated in one of the Btates loosino- herself from the

Mi'innn' c/' ll'lllinin ^fll(li'Ui)t I'rijloii. 247

moorings ol' tlif coiislitiiiion, nnd commitling her
destiny to the perilous wiives o\' Secession and lu'vohi-
tion. Other Btates are vei-ging lo ilie sanu; patli, and
their leaders, almost witli iJiic \()iee, ad\oeate tin; ])olicy
of precipitation and h; p;i;'al(^ State; action.

"' To precipitate tlu; colloii Htalts into ^e^•ollllion,' is
a remark which traces its paternity to ^,lr. Yancy, the
great leader of the disunioji niuvenient, and, ^vhatevur
of wisdom or folly attaches to il, is his l)y indisputahlo
title. It is certainly all tlit- ragi; at present. Yon see
it in relief on every ncwspajiir, side hy side Aviih the
' irrepressible conllict, ' and you hear it repeated hy
every flippant declainier, uiicllier on tlio stnnip or in thu
grog-shop, nntil, in spite of its olijectionahle clitiracter,
it has become the Shihl)oleth of the Sontli, nnd is
cherished as a master-sholve of statesmanlike policy.

What better evidence can we luiA'e of the insane .state
of the pnblic mind, than that the people slionld rally
under a sentiment so monstrous and indefensilde. For
a people to 'precipitate; tlicmseheos into revolution,' is
like a maddened horse, ^vho seizes tlu; hit in liis mouth,
and rushes headlong o\-i'r a precipice. IVrcipitancy
never acknowledges tlie reins of reason, and hasty and
impulsive action is always the sure haihinger of
repentance and remorse. A gr.'ut (|U('stion., involvhig
the late of a (lovea'mnent and thi! liap[)iness of millions,
should certainly he apprenu'lied carctully, considered
calmly, determined caut ioiir-ly, and with a full
appreciation of the wei,^lity isbiU'S and responsibilities
invohid.

248. Mi'inotr of IV ill lam ]\[a(lison Peijton.

"It is true, we liiivc been grievously wronged by
the unwarrantable and hostile interference with our
domestic institutions by the fanatical portion of the
North, and it is right that we sliould manifest our
purpose of vindicating our rights, under the constitution.
Common sense and connnon prudence would say, that,
as disunion is a terrible alternative, a gulf of evils, \vhicli
no man can fathom, we should lirst exhaust all constitu-
tional means of redress, l>efore we involve ourselves
in universal destruction, by pulling do^vn the pillars of
our temple.

"The late elections, which resulted in favour of the
Black Republican party, not because of their positive
strength, but as the consequence of our divisions, has
demonstrated that we have a great many warm and
devoted friends in the North upon whom we can rely in
any emergency. Recent developments have shown,
too, that their ranks are rapidly gaining accessions from
the moderate and conservative portion of the Republican
party and justilies the opinion that the day is near at
hand when they will be the dominant party, and
exercise a controling influence. The issue which they
have made, and upon which they stand, is the same
which vitalizes the contest between the North and the
South. When the reaction, which is now in such rapid
progress, places their constitutional party in the
ascendant, a conservative policy will be inaugurated,
and the rights of the South will be recognized,
and placed on a firm basis. They will concede all
the guarantees we require and unite with us in

Memoir of WiUiani Madison Pcijton. 24',l

maintaining the constitution, and the laws made
in pursaance of its provisions, in the true
spirit of the instrument. Can it be otherwise with a
party, which acknowledge such leaders as O'Oonor,
Dickinson, Hunt, Seynujur, and Tillmore, and snch
organs as those bold defenders of oiu- rights, the
Ilercdd^ Express^ J onriud of (Joimiwrce and Daij-Book? '^
If this is a just j/icture of the condition oi
things around and before ns, what madness i^^
it to destroy the fairest fabric of Government that
God, in his providence, has ever vouchsafed to man!
What plausible apology can be oifered for such fatuity ?
In the Gulf States, I am aware, they have schooled
themselves into the preposterous o})inion that the Union
is a galling yoke upon their necks, of whi(di they
should rid themselves, and that when freed fiom its
restraints and impositions, they will advance in wealth,
population, power and greatness, with a rapidity unpar-
alleled in the history of the world. Witliout stopping
to dissect this vahiglorious and sliallow opinion, or to
point out the thousand im[)cnlhnents to the fruition
of their golden visions, 1 would en(piire if tliere is any
respectable portion of tlu; bordia* Slave States oi
Virginia, Kentucky, Maryland, etc., who do not Ix-lieve
that all their dearest interests would be imperilled, and
all the brightest hopes and most cherishc^l memories
blighted, by the dissoluti(ni of the Union. All who knovN'

• To this list may bo adaod llio Jhiih/ AV,/'.s, ihu Frcijnan's Journal.
Stoats Ztltmuj, itud uuiiui-oiiH otlici- wccldy i>;qK'r.s, all of wIkmh luivo
maiiifftstod a libcial and ('iithiilic spiiil in this I'li ,is of tin- coujiUy.

nil

250 Mnnolr of IViUiam MadUon Peijton.

those States must admit that their response would
be one of loyalty and devotion to the Union. They have
too much sagacity and good sense, too much prudence
and virtue and patriotism to ]>e deluded by such hair
brained nonsense. They have too much gratitude for
the noble sacrifices of our Eevolutionary fathers ; they
venerate too sincerely the immortal charter they be-
queathed us, and they appreciate too highly the
manifold blessings they have enjoyed under its auspices,
to raise their parricidal hands for its destruction, until
its provisions have been perverted into an insupportable
tyranny, and all reasonable eflbrts to reform abuses
have proved abortive.

" History has been strikingly said to be 'Philosophy
teaching by example,' and I would ask if there is any
more settled and indubitable axiom drawn from the
political throes and convulsions of the world, than that
a people should never overturn one Government until
they see their way to a better ? Any Government
is better than anarchy. If there are evils in the system,
tJK^y should be probed and healed. If there are
grievances, they should strive to have them redressed.
If there are deficiencies, they should labour to have
them supplied. If there is tyranny, it should be curbed
after the manner of the patriotic barons of our Father-
land at Piunnymede ; but never unnecessarily plunge the
country into all the horrors of anarchy and civil war, with
desolated hearths, decimated families, and the prostration
of all interests, social, commercial, agricultural and
religious.

^'The probabilities arc, that the States of our confede-

Memoir of W^iUiam AIadiso)t Pi'iiton, 251

racy will never dissolve pcaccaLly, and that whenever
they do separate, they will tear apart violently. The
ties which bind us together, are not of a character to
be lightly and easily broken. Om- common origin, our
common language and institutions — with one excep-
tion— our common struggle in the Revolutionary contest,
the joint inheritance of the glory which sheds itself
over our past history, the pride universally felt in the
growth and greatness of our country, and the cherished
anticipation that the day is not distant when the United
States will take precedence of all the nations of the
earth — these constitute ties, which can only be severed
as Alexander severed the gordian knot. It will never
be done until the peo})le are maddened by a sense of
deep injury and dri\'en headlong by feelings so
exasperated as to be reckless of consequences. The
cause of irritation, unless promptly arrested, will
increase, and the spirit of resentment, retaliation and
revenge will intensify with each new complaint, until
at last violence will break the bonds of union, and
blood will flow in just such piH/fusion as the I'cspective
sections may deem sutlicient to wash out the wrongs
they have suffered. All constituted authority behig
broken down, all reverence for the past and respect for
the present beiiig swept a^vay, revolution springs up
as an indigenous plant, and seizing the charter of our
liberties, rends it to pieces, and overturning the
Government, inaugurates a reign of anarchy, bloodshed
and civil war. Such is the goal to which we are
travelling; such is the abyss to which we arc hastening.

252 Alcinoif of \Villia)n MitiUson Vcijton.

Iiideecl, WC3 liiivo rcachLcl the biiiil:, and another
step is destruction — tuiollicr sl\'}) :uid we [)recipitute
ourselves into a guii", the hiihcnidcss depths of Avhieh no
eye is keen enough to discern.

"Now, it is imdeuiahly trae, that the Northern States
are justly responsible for opeMin^- up those; fountains of
bitterness -which Hood the bind witli their i)oisonous
waters. Fanatics, inspired by a demoniacal frenzy, co-
operating with heartless deniagoj^ni s ajid corrupt Jjarty
organization, have succeeded, by a fortuitious concur-
rence of circumstances, in gainhig a political ascendency
in the North, and, prolitJng hy a Avant of concert among
the friends of the ConstiLution, have elected the
candidate of their party to the Presidency.

" Upon the temporary and [r>iiis/ritt event (Lincoln's
election) the Soutii are thrown into the most violent
state of excitement, aiul, in thoir indignation, swear
that they Vvill not submit to their defeat, but that they
will dissolve all connection with a peo[)le who have
manifested by this election a deliberate purpose to
bring them into sul»jeet;w:i, ;uid inaugurate a policy
which will undermine tdavery. Tlui oljjectiou is
certainly w^ell talcen and th.' cause of di^;content well
founded, but the reme<ly propo;;.',! })artal-:es a great deal
more of passion than tliought, more of violence than
reason, more of chiviilrous impulse than of statesman-
like prudence and wisdom.

" The President was elected by a little over one-third
of the votes polled, by a meagre plurality — and will
come into power with his constitutional advisers in the

Memoir of ll'illuiin Madison l\'ijtoiu 253

senate against liim, so that Jie will be utterly powerless
and unable to advance a single step in the administration
ofthe (jovernmont, except at the will and pleasure of
the defeated party. The rights of the South, whatever
may be the disposition of the executive, are, for the
present, perfectly })roteeted. 'I'hey occupy the vantage
ground, and risk nothing in deliberate action. In this
conditi(m of things, she should have improved her
advantage by constraining the action and policy of the
executive.

" The occasion, too, would be most oppiyrtune to
demand of the Xoi'lh a lull and distinct recognition of
the rights of the Soulh, ihe jibrogalion of all uin'riendly
laws, and tlic iinal adjuslment of all causes of
complaint and differenee. This course, taken with
determined lirnmess, would have secured unanimity and
concert of action tlu'oughout the South, and would have
commanded the hearty a})pi'obation and co-operation of
the noble body of patriotic citizens, who stood by us
with uulUnching courage in the late contest, and who
})olled more votes in oui' favour than the South gave
themselves. Js it not reasoiialde to suppose that this
j)olicy would have l)een sueci ;sfid. If otherwise, then,
when we had exhausted all constitutional means of
redress, and time and circumstunces had reiidered more
certain the iixed inu'piwe of the Republican party to
degrade and enshu'e us, to strip us of our just rights
and mahitain the control of the ([overnment upon a
sectional basis, the South woidd be prepared, upon
such corroboration, v.illi unbroken front, and with the

254 Memoir of William. MddiMii Pt'ijton.

approbation of the civilized world, to demand tlie
recognition of all their rights under the constitution, with
such ultimatum as their wisdom might suggest.

"Whether that alternative should be war in the Union
or out of it, it would be sustained with unanimity and
alacrity by the whole South, backed in all probabihty by
the great middle States, and New York, the great,
national, conservative city of the Union.

"If there is any force or truth in this hypothesis, does
it leave a single loophole to hang a doubt that a wise
comprehension of the interests of the South requires
them to pursue the course indicated ? Some would
condemn it as a Fabian policy, but such was the policy
of Washington, and such will ever be the policy of those
who think before they act, ^vho ponder well on con-
sequences before they provoke tliem, and who sound the
depths of the ocean over which they are to sail, before
they commit themselves to its waters.

" South Carolina, shutting her -eyes to all prudential
considerations, has adopted and avowed the opposite
policy. Without consultation ^vith her sister States,
without co-operation, and almost without countenance
from more than a minority of the Slave States, in
disregard and contempt of the appeals and wishes of
of those exposed and most aggrieved by northern
inteference, she has thrown herself, with lieadlong
impetuosity, into a labyrinth of inextricable difficulty,
sundering and trampling under foot the golden chain
which bound together our glorious Union, and compli-
cating the unhappy controversy which agitates the

Memoir of WUliurn ]\ladlson Pcijton. '25.^

the country, so as to lill every patriot's heart with the
utmost apprehensions for tlie issue. Slie makes no appeal
tu her erring and offendinj^- sisters. She j^ives no time
or opportunity for reformation. She leaps with one
bound to a rash resolve, and ^vith equal hasten to action.
Bhe spurns the advice of tliosc; wli.o have a common
hiterest with lier, and lh)uts, tliron^ii her organ, with
most offensive presumption, the gallant old Common-
wealth of Virginia, whose chivalry and patriotism, wliosc
justice and prudence, ^vliose steady valour and con-
summate wisdom, have Ix^en always illustrated ])y her
sons, before whosi' historic renown (>arohna alwa^'S has
and ever must ' pale her hielfectual fires.' [*S'(V,' Nole A.'\
" By this course Carolina weakens tlie cause of the
South. She creates division among those ^\'ho should
be and who would be united under a wise conduct of
tlieir difficulties. She drives olf our allies in the
North, and, of course, strengthens the power we have
to contend with. In ihie, slu; attahis nothing, and mars
everything. Slio cures no evil; she redresses no
grievance; she vindicates no right; she rights no wrong;
but on the contrary, aggravates all lu;r troubles, and
complicates her diificulties, so as to di,'fy their solution
by the wisest heads. lA^lly, madness, and a reckless
disregard of consequences, rnh; her counsels, and there
is no telling what damage she may not do to herself
and others in her indnadled fury. She may l)e likened
in her dismemberment to a planet, which, l)y some
disturbance of the forces that keep each orb in its
proper si}here, is driven through s[)ace, impelled alone

25G Jlfemoir of WiU'uiin Madison Pcijton.

in its eccentric movements by its internal fires, und
endangering- in its path the whole heavenly system.
To be tlie tail to such a comet woiihl be the hardest of
fates. It would imply on the part of Yij-ginia a want
of self respect, a lack of proper pride, a painful degen-
eracy, and a demoralization, which ill comports with
her past history.

" Without wasting more words in the discussion of the
past, or criticising what is irrevocable, let us probe the
issues as they exist, and lay them open to the core, that
we may be the better enabled to apply such remedies as
are necessaiy for the restoration of our alllicted
Government. Virginia, whose interests are our especial
object of consideration, and whose policy, by i)arity of
reason, should be the policy of all the other border
slaveholding States, is the oldest of them all, as she
is also the most populous, and of greater territory.

"She stands in the centre of the confederacy, and
represents in her staples the interests alike of the ])lanter
and the grain-grower, and not inconsiderably those of
the grazier and manufacturer. She furnished the
matchless hero who was a ' pillar of cloud by day and
of fire by night,' in our struggle for freedom; she
furnished the orator whose iusi)ired eloquence thrilled
the colonies with patriotic feeling; she furnished the
genius which penned the Declaration of Independence;
she furnished the civilian who was the chief architect
of our constitution. Out of our loins sprang Kentucky,
and her generosity gave to the Union the great Western
States, extending from her border to the Mississippi.

Memoir of Wiliiaih Madisun Piijion. 257

In all the pfitriotic iiKnomcnts wliich initiated the revo-
lution, hi all the inijasures \vhi(h marked its jirogruss,
mall the features wliich were stamped on our Charter of
Union, and in the ndmiiiistration of the Government,
she has exerted an inihience l)eyond any other State.
To love the Union, (lierefore, is vv ith lier must natural
and ahnost ine^■ital>le.

" (Jnder tlie eotistii uiion,\' iroinia has heen prus|)erous,
contented, and happy, her ehildren have *irown up
with the idea that il; a\ as as sacred as the ariv of the
covenant, and tliat under its shadow we reposed in
peace and security, and in tlie enjoyment oi all rights
and ]ri•ivile^•es consistent ^vilh the largest liberty.
All were taught to revere it as the precious legacy of
patriotism and wisdom, and to cling with hlial devotion
to the Union as the great palladium of their liberties.
\\\ the meantime, however, a cloud, Avdiich for a ^\'■hile
was just visible above the northern horizon, scarcely
exciting observation, has increased hi size until it has
bpread itself like a pdl over the political lieavcMis, and
awakened a feeling of distrust, anxiety, and ai)pre-
hension for the safety of our in.-tiiutions. A fanatical
abolitionism, which feeds upon its own ravings and
growls by what it feeds on, has adopted the pseudo-
philosophy of the Jacobins, and by connecthig themselves
with corrupt party and political organi/ati(jns, have
acquired a political ascendency in so many of the non-
slave-holding States, as to enal)le them, by the assistance
of our divisions, to elevate their candidate to the
jiresidency.

I 1

258 ^[t'mon• of W'dilain Madison Peyton.

''This is certainly a condition of tilings well calculated
to arouse the fours of the Soutli, and prompt them to
active eflbrts to avert the evil, and ward off
threatened danger. All agree that the evil is serious
and imminent, and that the measures for our protection
should be taken without delay. Postponement, now
tliat the attention of the whole nation is aroused to its
consideration, w^ould weaken our position, and we must
face the tide of fanaticism, and arrest its further
progress. In doing this it is the policy of all, and most
obviously that of Virginia, and all others than the Gulf
States, so to accomplish the desired result, as to leave
our glorious Union intact, and its stars and stripes still
floating over us as a united people.

"A great many plans have been suggested in and out
of Congress, many of which would, doubtless, be
acceptable to the great body of the nation, but none of
which will satisfy the extremists. In the desire to
please all, we offend all ; and while the time of Congress
is wasted hi first one and then another abortive scheme,
the disease is making fearful headway, and the never-to-
be-recalled opportunity for healthful measures passes by.
The face of the political heavens changes with every
circuit of the sun, and measures which would have been
efficacious on one day, have no virtue on the next.
The constitutional means which, if exercised in season,
would probably have been equal to the emergency, are
of more questionable potency since the strategic
movements at Charleston, and the impotent labors of
the Senate and Congressional committees, have brought

■tiiiso/

Memoir of )I7///((;// Mdili.~.oit Pcijlon. 2^9

the Government and ilic Ciirolinians into sncli a position
that force mnst almost necessarily l^e employed. Should
then all constitutional means he rejected as inadecpiate,
let the middle States and the l)ordcr Slave States unite
together on some just and etpiitahle basis whicli secures
the Blave-lioldin;^- States ail Wui «4iiannittM's" r^Mpiircd l\)r
the rendition of slaves, for the ri.^ht of transit ^vithout
molestation throughout thu Unioii, and for ecpnd
privileges in the territorii-s.

" The great central Union, eanbi'aeiiig the lioart and
strength of the nation, its wealth, its poi)nl:Ltioii and iis
capital, would, by the hapjjy working of tlie old eoustitu-
tion under new inlhieiiees, by its rupid grovvlh in ail
that constitutes national greatness, by i(s dignilied and
important position among the powers of the eai'th, by
the contentment, the hai)piness an<l the prosperty of its
laAv^-and-order-loving and law-abiding citizens, l)e the
admiration, as it would be tlu' model ( luvernment of the
world. Those States who in a momi'iit of exaeerlia-
tion, either from Avrongs inllieti'd ur passions and
prejudices aroused, had \vithdi'u\vn them>el\\s fi'om the
confederacy, would soon have their follies eaiH-d by
bitter experience; and feeling and eomprc liending the
disadvantages of their jiosiiion, they ^vould easil)' seek
annexation with us, and gladly enibraee the l)asis fixed
by us. Moreover, this consolidation of all the great
central States, will serve to keep apiirt il:'; belligerent
extremes of New fjiglund and the Cotton States, and
will furthermore elfeetuall}' protect tiie middle States
from the evils of anarchy and ei\ il Avar. Nor need they

200

Memoir of WilUaiii Madison PeijtoiL,

fear any serious contests ^vit.ll the States on their
northern or southern borders, as their overwhehnhig-
superiority would shield them elFectually.

" Virginia, in her exposed position as a border State,
sufiers severely, and complains bitterly of the wrongs
inflicted upon her ; but she cannot see how a separation
from the Union will redress her grievances, increase her
security, or fortify her rights. iShe cannot comprehend
how the abrogation of all compacts for the preservation
of our institutions, the brealdng down of all judicial
tribunals established for their protection, and the
sundering of all the tics of patriotism, which must to
some extent, stretch forth the arms of sympathy and
justice to aid us, will add to our repose, quiet our
apprehensions, or rid us of the vexatious annoyances
the irritating controversies, or the flagrant abduction of
our slaves, which now exist. On the contrary, she takes
warnuig from the impunity and protection extended by
Canada to our fugitives, and litiiiy concludes that
separation would strengthen the abolition influence and
power, and magnify and aggravate all the troubles which
now disturb her as a member of the Confederacy.

" The dogma of peaceable constitutional secession,
as claimed by the South, is a solecism, sul)versive of all
just authority, and revolutionary of necessity. It denies
to the Government the power of piotecting and per-
petuatuig itself, and converts what was intended to be a
perfect miion, to endure \forcvcy,' into a rope of sand,
to be separated by every^ disturbing cause. It impairs
the political dignity and utterly destroys the flnancial

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 201

credit of the Government, weakening the force of all
treaty stipulations and making it extremely difficult, if
not impossible, for loans to be negotiated to meet the
exigencies of the nation. Indeed, every fair and legiti-
mate argument, abstractly considered, is conclusive
against this doctrine.

" But the history of the formation of 'our Government
sheds its full light upon it, there is no room left for
argument, there is no obscurity in which ingenuity may
grope for specious excuses without having its nakedness
exposed. Without dwelling upon the fact, that the old
Confederation was a bond of ' perpetual union,' and that
our present constitution was intended to form a more
'perfect union,' the correspondence between the represen-
tatives of New York and Virginia is conclusive of the
question. Mr. Hamilton suggests that New York will
come into the Union, with the reservation that she shall
have the privilege of leaving it, if it should not work to
her satisfaction ; to which Mr. Madison replies emphati-
cally that this mode of adopting the Constitution has
been mooted, and it was decided that it would invalidate
the ratification, and that none could be received who
did not accept the Constitution absolutely, unqualifiedly,
and forever. This is certainly clear and explicit, and
leaves nothing further to be said. Secession, then, is
revolution, and Carolina, upon the theory of our Govern-
ment, is in a State of revolt and rebellion — so will be
all those States who follow in her footsteps. The right
of coercion in the Government follows as a corollary.
But it does not follow, by any means, that it will bo

262 Memoir of WiUiam Madison Peyton.

wise or judicious to exercise this riglit. From the
pecuhar structure of our GovernmGiit, the issue is not
exactly analogous to a rchcllious province, as our States,
in the formation of our Union, reserved a larger share
of sovereignty, and preserved more completely the
forms and appliances of an independent people than is
found in the provinces of any other Government.
Hence, when they secede or revolt, they present
themselves with the dignity of a regular Government,
which of itself gives power and respectahility, and
necessitates a great modification of the means to he
employed to reduce them or win them hack to tlieir
Constitutional obligatious. [See Note B.']

"In the existing revolution, where one State openly
defies the authority of the Constitution, and where a
great many other States, from identity of interest, com-
munity of feeling, and the strongest sympathy, are
ready, with the sound of the first Federal gun, to draw
their swords and risk their lives and fortunes Avith
Carolina. However much they may condenui her pre-
cipitancy, it would be madness to provoke a
controversy which would only drench each section with
. blood, without bringing back the dissatisfied States.
On the contrary while smoking cities and desolated
fields would mark the devastating progress of the
armies, a deep rooted and vindictive hostility would
spring up from these bloody enactments, that would
render a restoration of fraternal relations impossiljle.

"It is better, therefore, now that this dissatisfaction
has grown to such magnitude, that the States which

lUdniuir of WiUidiiL Madison l^ajiuii, 2G3

have resolved on se]»aratiuii should be allowed to go m
peace, and that all unnecessary causes of h'ritation
.shi)uld be avoided. This will leave the distracting
(juestions which divide lis, and which have produced
tliis calamitous State of things, to be settled by the
States which remain. Should they be satisfactorily
adjusted, then the (jlovernnient will move on as hereto-
fore, winnuig for itself at every .step, the ap[)l:iuse and
admiration of the ^vorld, The States, which in a
moment of excitement, had left us, linding all the
obnoxious weeds in our system pulled up, and having
their leelings of irritation mollified by time and our
forbearing policy, wouhl in all probability, resume their
position in our glorious galaxy of States. 'J'his, in my
judgment, is the best solution of our diificulties, and
the only mode of which T can conceive, to avert civil
war and the dismemberment of our Union, with its
flood of untold calamities.

''For the present, the public mind in the border Slave
States is unfortunately cai)tivaled ^vith the idea that a
bolutiou of all our troubles is to be found in tlu^ scheme
of a general "break up" and "reconstruction" of the
Union. But, with uplifted hands and an overflowing
heart, I would warn my countrymen against this fatal
delusion. We have all been taught from children to
look upon the Union as too sacred to be profaned by tho
impiety that would pluck a single star from its firma-
ment, or displace a single stone in the structure.
Would you break down this reverence for our political
temple ?

*264 Memoir of IVlUiain IMadhoa Pcijton.

"When, with ruthless vandahsm, you have pulled
down this honoured monument of the wisdom and
virtues of your fathers, under whose shelter you have
grown with unparalleled thrift in strength, intelligence,
in wealth and power, in commerce, agriculture, manu-
factures, and science, until you are recognized as one of
the greatest powers of the earth, do you flatter yourself
that those who break this crystal goblet can mend
it without marring its beauty ? Do you think that the
madness which undermines and demolishes the temple
will be a safe reliance for its reconstruction ? A cool
judgment can only yield a negative response. An
instinctive sense of the blessings flowing from our
Union, which, with patriotic people, rises to a religious
sentiment, gives it a charmed power, which exercises a
most salutary influence upon their character and
conduct. The respect, aftection and reverence, which
strike their roots in the heart of the people, and which
entwine themselves around the pillars of a Grovernment
which has aftbrded them perfect security in the pursuit
of happiness, which has opened wide the portals of
human progress, by unmuzzling the press, untrammelling
the conscience, and by making every citizen an active
agent in the double character of sovereign and subject
in its administration, thrown around it bulwarks for its
defence and support, whose adamantine ramparts can
never be scaled, until demoralization has sapped the
foundations of public and private virtue.

" In overturning this Government, then, with the
hope of constructing from the scattered elements a

Mei/io'ir of' Williiiin .M((({is,nt i'eijloii. 21)5

better, do yo\i not incur a fi'ial'di lia/iird? fs it
reasonable to exj>ect, ill t]n's>: (la)s ol" deiiiiu'i'acy ami
('arty excess, a frame; of ( uj\ I'rnnunL more jii.^t, more;
liberal, more wise, bctier jnuuldi-d to ^uit tliu diversilied
ititerests, to balance tlie conllicliii.'j; \j('\\s, and hai'monize
the disturbing- elements of the difl'erent States and
various sections, than Lhat created by those intelli'ct^ual
Titans who achiev'e(-l our lii'erlies, and ^vho i^ave tis
ihis Constitul-ion, as the' ca])-blieai ol" iheir ])alrioliv;
labours ?

" History lights up the ]>ast to little. |>nr}Hjse, and
experience enforces its lessons uscle^sh', if the people
can be led to entertain any such fallacious hojtcs.
Tear down this ero\vinn<^- work of lieioes, chastened by
a seven years' struggle of patri(jts, animated and
inspired by a just and holy cause, of men wlio with
boundless devotion, consecrated their all to accomplish
the great work, and you will lind it a labotn- of ,Sis}-phus
to retiu'n to the summit Irom ^vhich you ha\^e fallen.
You will lind that the age. alfords no anchor of hope
and salvation to supply the place of ihe immortal father
and founder of our ( lo\ ernnienL,

" 'J'hese conser\^ati\e \ie\\'s are ()ressed the more
earnestly from a conviction that the great bo. ly of the
people desire to preserve and perpetuate the Union, if
it can be done without a degrading sacritice of their
rights and honour, and that a patient, forl)caring, deter-
muied policy on the ])art of the South, resolutely
msisting on the full recognition of their rights imder
the Constitutition, as si'.t forth i:i (he re;ujlulions of Mr.

200 Memoir of ]\'iUiain Madiso/L I'cijton.

Crittenden, will be conceded and corroLorated, by an
amendment to the Constitution, making their recogni-
tion perpetual. Any i)lan, Avhicli will stay aggression,
and give the ' sober second thought' of the people time
to disabuse there minds, soothe their excited feelings,
and calmly weigh the mighty consequences involved in
their action, must have a ha[)py tendency in adjusting
all our difficulties. It is, of course, the obvious duty of
every well-wisher to the perpetuity of the Union, to
discountenance every measure which leads to collision.
Let all pour oil upon the angry waves, and the ship of
State may yet reach a safe anchorage.

'' Twenty odd years since, you unfurled the banner of
Conservatism, and I stood by j^our side in its defence ;
we have never hauled down that flag. It is the standard
borne by the juste niiUcu of every nation when evoldng
order from anarchy. It represents truth, justice, mode-
ration and courage ; and if the nation should rally under
its folds, it will be regenerated, fraternity will be restored,
and the Constitution vindicated.

*'I am, with sentiments of esteem,
"Yours truly,

"W. M. Peyton."

Note A. — Ten years since, (in 1851,) South
Carolina, mider one of her periodical excitements, waa
threatening secession, on-3 of the most trusted and dis-
tinguished of her sons, the Hon. W. W. Boyce,
addressed a protest against secession to tlie people of
his State, in which was introduced the following

Memoir of William Madi.son I'cijlon. 2G7

remark: "South Carolina cannot become a nation;
God makes nations, not man ; you cannot extemporize
a nation out of South Caruhna. It is simply impossible;
we have not the resources. ^Ve coukl exist by toler-
ance— and what that tolerance would be, when we
consider the present hostile spirit of the age to the
institution of slavery, of which we would be looked
upon as the peculiar exponent, all may readily imagine.
I trust we never may look upon the pauiful and
humiliating spectacle.

*' From the weakness of our National Government, a
feeling of insecurity would arise, and capital would take
the alarm and leave us. But it may be said, let capital
go. To this I reply that capital is the life-blood of a
modem community, and in losing it, you lose the vitality
of the State. Secession, separate Nationality, with all
its burdens, is no remedy. It is no redress for the past,
nor security for the future. It is only a magnilicent
sacrifice of the present, without in any wise gaining in
the future. We are told, however, that it is resistance,
and we must not submit to the late action of Congress.
Now I would like to know which one of these measures
we resist by secession ? It is not the prohibition of
slave-marts in the district of Columbia. It is not the
purchase of Texas territory. It is certainly not the
admission of California. Which aggression, then, do
we resist by secession ? These are all the recent
aggressions which we resist now by secession. Seces-
sion, gallant as may be the spirit which prompts it, is
only a new form of submission.

208 Memoir of IViUiani Madison Peyton,

For the various reasons I have stated, I object, in as
strong terms as I can, to the secession of South
Carolina. Such is the intensity of my conviction upon
the subject, that, if secession should take phice — of
which I have no idea, for I cannot bcHeve in the
existence of such a stupoidons nuohicss — I shall consider
the histitution of slavery as doomed, and that the Great
God in our blindness has made us the instrument of its
destruction."

Note B. — The advocates of secession claim that it is
a reserved right, in the exercise of which a State may
secede peaceably and constitutionally, without lot or
hindrance. It leads to a confusion of ideas to confound
it with revolution. Revolution is a revolt, with a view
to overturning the Government, by those Avho are its
legitimate sidjjects, and who, from dissatisfaction, have
combnied to rid themselves of its yoke. Secession, as
claimed, is an inherent and reserved State right — a
simple, natural, peaceful dissolution of a com[)aet or
co-partnership, Avhich is l)inding only so long as it may,
in the judgment or ca[)rice of the parties, be promotive
of their interests.

That this right cannot co-exist with our nationality,
is obvious. A nation is a boily politic, presenting a
consolidated front to the world, and so firmly knit
together as to be able to preserve its integrity against
any transient want of coherence in any of its parts.

It is not a mere union of independent nations bound
by a treaty, but a solid, compact, national Government,

ISLemoir of William Madison Peyton. 269

with all the great essential attributes of sovereignty,
reaching and sheltering the humblest citizen in the
remotest corner of its territory, Its national unity is
manifested in its legislative, judicial, and executive
functions — recognised everywhere as supreme within
its sphere — and hi its Hag, which is unfurled upon the
ramparts of every fort within its territorial limits, and
which floats at the mast-head of every ship which leaves
its ports. The world deals with us as a nation
possessed of political unity. It is not competent for
them to comprehend all the intricate workings of our
internal and complex machhiery. They only look to
the externals, and, recognizuig us as a nation possessed
of the usual attributes of nationality, they hold us to all
the responsibilities of such a relation.

Mr. Madison, who is the highest authority in regard
to the Constitution, as he was the chief architect of it,
says that our Government is, in some of its aspects,
consolidated, and in others confederated. He says it
was not formed by the Government of the component
States as the Federal Government, for ^vhich it was
substituted; nor was it formed by a majority of the
people of the United States as a single community, in
the manner of a consolidated Government. It was
formed by the State — that is, by the people in each of
the States, acting in their highest sovereign capacity,
and formed, consequently, by the same authority which
formed the State Constitutions. Being thus derived
from the same source as the Constitutions of the States,
it has within each State the same authority as the

270 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

constitution of the State, and is as much a constitution,
in the strict sense of the term, within its prescribed
sphere, as the costitution of the States are within tlieir
respective spheres ; but with this essential and obvious
difference, that being a compact among the States in
their highest sovereign capacity, and constituting the
people thereof one people, for certain purposes, it
cannot be altered or annulled at the will of the States
individually, as the constitution of the State may at its
individual will. If this be sound reasoning, it is clear
that we are a nation, and, within the limits of the
constitution, one people. The constitution prescribes
boundaries to our internal administration, but to the
world we present a national face, by which alone we are
known and recognized, whether it be in public loans, or
treaty stipulations, in declaring war or concluding a
peace.

During our late war with Great Britain, the New
England States, under the pressure of the Embargo
laws, which paralyzed all the leading interests of that
portion of our country, became so dissatisfied with the
burdens of the national policy, that she sent Delegates
to the Hartford Convention, to consult as to the mode
and manner of redress, and some of its members
advanced the theory that they had a right to "Secede
from the Union?" The mere intimation of such a
purpose fired the whole nation Avith indignation, and
the sti";ma of havinnf been a member of the convention
could never be effaced, but, like the mark of Cain,
followed all its members through life. The liichmond

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 273

Enquirer^ then under the able management of Mr,
Ritchie, and commanding the confidence of the
Democracy in the highest degree, commented upon
the proposed movement hi the following forcible
terms : —

"No man, no association of one State, or set of
States, has a right to withdraw from the Union, on its own
account. The same power which knit us together, can
miknit us ; the same formality which formed the limits
of the Union is necessary to dissolve it. The majority
of the States which form the Union, must considt as to the
withdrawal of any one branch of it. Until that consent
has been obtained, any attempt to dissolve the Union,
or distract the efficiency of its constitutional law, is
treason — treason to all intents and purjjoses."

The incongruity and absurdity of this doctrine is,
perhaps, made more manifest by its practical workings ;
e. g. Louisiana was purchased from the French at a cost
of 15,000,000 dols., and a dangerous stretch of
Constitutional power. But the assumption of power
was overlooked, and the debt cheerfully paid, to secure
to the United States, and especially to the vast country
growing up on the Mississippi and its tributaries,
the navigation of the Mississippi and the command of
its outlet to the Gulf. Now the doctrine of secession
would sustain Louisiana, a mere infinitesimal portion
of this great region, in seceding, and thus defeating the
whole object of the purchase. Florida was purchased
at a cost of 10,000,000 dols., and the Indians removed
at a further cost of 40,000,000 dols. or 50,000,000 dols.

272 Memoir of WiUiani Madison FajtOH:

and now that she is able to stand on her feet, she would
unceremoniously, under the doctrine of secession, walk
out of the Union, without returning a dollar of what
she has cost. Cuba we have proposed to purchase at a
cost of 120,000,000 dols,, because we view it as the
key to the Gulf, into which is poured the vast trade
floated down the i\lississippi. Yet, under this doctrine,
it Avould be admissible for Cuba to secede from the
Union at her pleasure, and sell herself, if she pleased, to
some other power. These instances constitute a sort of
red actio ad absurditm of the whole doctrine. It is
impossible that any people of half the sagacity of ours,
would ever consent to make such extravagant
purchases, unless they felt assured they were
securing a hold on them, Avhich could not be wrested
against their will.

William M. Peyton.

The spirit in which the war, that Colonel Peyton so
earnestly sought to avert, was waged, when it did occur,
by at least a portion of the North against the South, may
be conveniently referred to at this point and may be
gathered from the address of Colonel Dahlgren to the
officers and men composing his command in Virginia.
Colonel Dahlgren was killed before reaching Richmond,
and his troops dispersed. In his pocket the following
orders were found : —

Memoir of WiUiain Madison Pajlun 273

'^Tlcad (Jnartrr.-^, Third hirlsioii, Cavalnj Corps.
" Officers luul Men,

" You have been selected from brigades
and regiments as a picked command to attempt a
desperate undertaking — an undertaking, which, if suc-
cessful, will write your names on the hearts of your
countrjanen in letters that can never be erased, and
which will cause tlie prayers of your fellow-soldiers,
now confined in loathsome prisons, to follow you and
yours wherever you may go. We hope to release the
prisoners from Belle Isle first, and having sucn them
fairly started, we will cross the James River into
Richmond, destroy the bridges after us, and exhorting
the released prisoners to destroy and burn the hateful
city, will not allow the rebel leader, Davis, and his
traitorous crew to escape. The prisoners must
render great assistance, as you cannot leave your
ranks too far, or become too much scattered, or you
Avill be lost. Do not allow any personal gain to lead you
off, which would only bring you to an iguominious death
at the hands of citizens. Keep well together and obey
orders strictly, and all will ])e well ; but on no account
scatter too far, for in union there is strength. With
strict obedience to orders, and fearlessness in their
execution, you will be sure to succeed. We will join
the main force on the other side of the cit}'^, or perhaps
meet them inside. ]\Iany of you may fall, but if there
is any num here not willing to sacrifice his life in such a
great and glorioas undertaking, or who does not feel

274 Memoir of lyillliDii Madison Peyton.

capable of incetiiif;- the ciieiny in such a ilosperato figlit
as will follow, let him stc^p out, and he may j^'o hence to
the arms of his sweetheart, and read of tlie braves who
swept through the city of Richmond. We wMnt no man
who camiot feel sure of success in such a holy cause.
We will have a desperate tight ; but stand up to it
when it does come, and all will be well. Ask the
blessing of the Almighty, and do not fear the enemy.

U. Dahlgren, Colonel Commanding.

The following Special Orders were Avritten on a
similar sheet of paper, and on detached sli[)s, the whole
disclosing the diabolical plans of the leaders of the
expedition : —

" Special Orders and Instructions.
"Guides and pioneers, with oakum, turpenthie, and
torpedoes, signal ollicer, quartermasters, commissaries,
scouts and pickets, and men in rebel uniforms — these
will remain on the north jjank, and move down with
the force on the south bank, not get ahead of them,
and if the communication can be kept up without giving
an alarm it must be done; but everything depends
upon a surprise, and no one must be allowed to pass
ahead of the colunni. Information must be gathered
in i-egard to the crossings of the river, so that should
w^e be repulsed on the south side, we will know where
to recross at the nearest point.

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 275

"All mills must be bariit and the canals destroyed,
and also everything which can be used b)' the rebels
must be destroyed, including the boats on the river.
Should a ferry boat be seized Avhieh can be worked,
have it moved down. Keep the force on the south side
posted of any important movement of the enemy, and
in case of danger some of tlie scouts must swim the
river and bring us information. As we a])proach the
city, the party must take great care that they do not
get ahead of the other i)arty on the south side, and
must conceal themselves and watch our moNements.
We will try and secure the bridge of the city, one mile
from Belle Isle, and release the prisoners at the same
time. If we do not succeed they must then dash down,
and we will try to carry the bridge by storm, When
necessary the men must be liled through the woods
and along the river bank. The bridge once secured
and the prisoners loose and over the river, the bridges
will be burnt and the city destroyed.

"The men must be kept together and well in hand,
and once in the city, it rnust he (h'slrnijed, and JeiJ J)afis
and his Cabinet hdled. Pioneers will go along with com-
bustible materials,

"Ererything on the canal and elsewhere of service to
the rebels must be destroyed.

"As General Custer may follow me, be careful not to
give a false alarm. The signal otiicer must be pre-
pared to communicate at night by rockets, and in other
things pertaining to his department. The quarter-
masters and commissaries must be on the look out for

2715 Memoir of ll'illiain Madisun Pi'ijlo/i.

tlieir departments, iind see that there are no dehiys on
their accoiuit. The engineer olticer will folluw, and
survey tlie road as Ave [jass over it, etc. The pioneers
must be prepared to construct a l)ridge or to destroy one.
They must have ])lenty of oakum and turpentine
for burning, which 'svill be soaked and rolled into balls
and be given to the men to burn when we get into the
city. Torpedoes will only be used b)^ the pioneers, for
burning the main bridges, etc. They must be prepared
to destroy the railroads.

" Men will branch off to the right with a few pioneers
and destroy the bridges and railroads south of llichmoud,
and then join us at the city. They must be well
prepared with torpedoes, etc.

'' The line of Falling Creek is probably the best to
march along, or as they approach the city, Good's Creek,
so that no reinforcements can come upon any cars.

"No one must be allowed to pass ahead for fear of
communicathig news.

''Piejointhe command with all haste, and if cutoff,
cross the river above rdchmond, and rejoin us. Men
will stop at Bellona Arsenal and totally destroy it and
everything else but hospitals ; then follow oil and rejoin
the command at Piichmond with all haste, and, if cut
off, cross the river and rejoin us. As General Custer
may follow me, be careful not to give a false alarm."

CHAPTER XIII.

After tlic secession of Yh-^^-iiiia, (•25tli of April, 18G1),
Colonel Peyton, who IkkI ii}) lo this time hucJi detained
))y business in Ne^v York city, prepared to return to the
South. The Federal authorities, however, were
instructed to w^atcli his nioveuKMits and to tirrest him if
he attempted to leave the place, A friend of his
informed him of the receipt in New York of orders to
this efiect from Washington. He heard the news, not
without surprise, for up to this time he had taken no
part in the revolution exee})t to prevent it if possible,
or if not, and it should come, to mitigate its severities.
On enquiring of the Federal Marshal for the district of
New Y^'ork, as to the truth of the rumour, and, if true,
the grounds upon which tlu^ (Jovermnent basi;d its action
he had conlirmatitui of its truth. He was coiiseipuiutly
under surveillance, but w-as fillowed to go at large. The
Federal officer in New York was considerate enough to
say that President Lincoln knew that he. Colonel Peyton,
had committed no act of hostility to the (lovernment,
hut ^vas convinced that he ^vouhl, if in the South again,

278 Memoir of William Madison Peijton.

exert his influence on behalf of the Confederate States,
with which Virginia had formed an alliance. Fearing
this, the President had deternnned to prevent his return.
" If the Government was wrong in this belief " continued
the Marshal, " and Colonel Peyton would give his jHirole
that he :.ould not engage in the war against the Fedeial
Government, or in any way, by word or action give aid
and comfort to the South, he was instructed to take no
further account of his movements." Colonel Peyton
declined these terms and went innnediately to live at the
house of his old friend and fellow-countryman, Dr. J.
Marion Sims, who had been for some years a rtssident
of the city. Under his hospitable roof he remained
some months, subjected to the annoyance of constant
overlooking, but in no other way was he molested.

Daring this period he addressed the following, his
second letter, to Mr. William C. Piives, whicii was
published in the New York papers, and afterwards in
pamphlet form.

The Editor of the Islcw York Journal, introduced it
with the following remarks : —

"When Virginia was considering the position that
Commonwealth should assume in the existing dislocation
of American affairs, and when the Convention of that
State was about to assemble for the purpose, Colonel
William M. Peyton, then resident temporaril}^ in New
York, addressed a letter to his old friend, William C.
Piives, with whom he had so long and so honourably
co-operated in Virginian politics. Colonel Peyton was so
widely known for the broad, statesmanlike, cast of his

Memoir of William Madiso)i Peijion. 279

mind, and the unsullied generosity of his heart, and
stood so eminently a representative of the Virginia
school, moulded in association with the great men of
our earliest national era, that his letter attracted
unusual attention. It was reproduced, again and again,
in the journals of different places, and also in pamphlet
form. It presented the most solid arguments why
Virginia should not link her fortunes, distinctively, with
those of the cotton States, in their contemplated
revolution.

"Events have hurried on. The second letter, here
presented as a sequel to the former, is indicative and
empathic, as showing how these events have forced the
most wisely Conservative elements of the horder States,
and statesmen elsewhere, to recognize that tlu interests
of political liberty, and of the sovereignty ol' freemen
over their own forms of Government, require from
Virginia and her sister States the repudiation of the
perverted authority claimed by the Black llepublican
hordes of the North, in the abused name of Federal
power.

" Friends of the American Union, as it was, and who
desire, not party triumph, but the common good, have
solicited Colonel Peyton to furnish a copy of this second
letter for publication."

Editor.

280 Memoir of William Madison Petjton.

COLONEL WILLIAM MADISON PEYTON'S

SECONJ)

LETTER TO MR. WM. C. HIVES.

" AV/r York, Mail luth, ISGl.
" To THE Hon. Wm. C. IIives, Yiuginia.

"My dear Sir,

" Since the publication of my letter addressed
to you on the 8th of Jast .January, the nation has been
subjected to a Ciiesarcan operation, which has brought
forth a revolution of giant proportions and defiant power.
Surmises, conjectures, and vaticinations have given
way to facts, and what was speculation then, is history
now. The nation is iilled with amazement at the
portentous magnitude of the events by which it is
environed. One by one, it has seen the pillars of their
magnificent temple removed from its Southern side, until
the structure has lost its balance and threatens to fall
and crush in its ruins all who remain.

"These events have swept Southern men, who were
distinguished as Union men, into a new position, from
which they overlook the field of revolution. From
this stand point, they find the picture changed in all
its features, Avith entirely new lights and shadows,
and opening up to them a plain and unmistakable path
of duty, along which they think the instincts of
patriotism conducts them unfailingly.

•' As you are aware, the course adopted by Virginia
was not in accordance with my judgment. T believed

Memoir of Williain Madison Pcijton. 281

that a Government, which recognized so dangerous a
solecism as the right of secession, thereby admitting
its want of power to enforce the haws, made in
conformity with the charter of its being and authority,
was so entirely emasculated of all the qualities which
give force, vigour, and durability, as to be unworthy
of support or respect from intelligent freemen. I
thought it bad policy to countenance the heresy, by any,
even equivocal action, lest in the future ' it might
return to plague the inventors;' or prove to be as
the homely old English adage expresses it, ' a chicken
that would return to roost.'

" I think Virginia should liave acted more wisely,
more for her own honour and glory, and more for
the ultimate good of all, if with her prestije as the
great head of the Slave States, she had planted her foot
upon the opening lid of this Pandora's box, and taken
a position of armed neutralitij. Surpassing the other
Southern States hi her resources, in jjopulation, extent
of territory, m wealth, and in her slave interest;
commanding, in a remarkable degree, the esteem and
confidence of her sister States, North and South;
exposed by her border position to serious evils,
whether in or out of the Union; and being assured
that her assumption of the position suggested, would
be sustained by all the border Slave States, including
Tennessee and North Carolina, it seemed to me that
she would have consulted lier own interests and those
of the nation, if she had consolidated this great
central power mto an armed neutrality.

MM .

282 Memoir of WiUiarn Afadison Peijloa.

" She could tlion have dictutoJ her own terms to tlie
North and to the South ; faitli, justice, honour, would
thus have been vindicated, and tlie j^-lorious inluTitancc
from our revolutionary fatliers would have been rescued
from the ruthless tramp of civil ^var and the ^vild confu-
sion and scorching desolation of unbridled anarcliy.

" But Virginia, in convention and at the polls, has
decided differently, and that, ^vith all her patriotic sons,
ends the discussion of this, as well as all other questions
upon which her citizens were divided before she resolved
on revolution. [See Nole A.']

" She strikes now for the independence of the Slave
States, and, trampling under foot the olive branch slie has
borne so long and so patiently, and under so much
discouragement, she boldly dclies tlie (Jovernnunit, at
Washington. That she takes this extreme step under
circumstances of great aggravation, none can deny, as
a short analytic review of recent events will make
manifest : —

''First. — Mr. Lincoln was nominated for and elected to
the Presidency, mainly, if not solely, on the ground of
his hostility to slave institutions, having advocated
openly the opinion, that the nation could not exist
' half shire and half free.'

" Seeond. — He called to the first post in the cabinet the
author of the 'irrepressible eonilict' dogma, and the
acknowledged founder of the Black Rjpublican party.

" Third.— \Iq has filled all the important and
unimportant posts of the Government, foreign and
domestic, with those Ultra Republicans, wlio arc

Memoir of WiUiam Madiso7i Fc'ijlon. 283

uncomprising in their warfare, and who have rendered
themselves particuLarly obnoxious to the South.

Fourth. — lie announced, in his inaugural, that the
decisions of the Federal Judiciary had no binding force
on the executive, and thus struck from the arm of the
Soutli the only shiehl other rights which remained.

Fifth. — When efforts were made by patriotic, Union-
loving members of Congress to heal our di\'isions and
prevent the disruption of our Union, the cspeciul friends
of the administration, the radical republicans, per-
sistently resisted all com[)romises, notwithstanding it
was knoAvn that the adoption, in (^/ood fatt/i^ of the
Ci-ittenden resolutions would satisly the South, with
the exception perhaps of South Cai-olina, and this, tuo,
in the face of the strongest evidence that the North
would also acquiesce, if the people Avere allowed to
express their sentiments.

SLvth. — When Virginia, in an anxious and ardent
desire to harmonize our troubk',s and preserve thi;
Union, proposed a peace Congress, to be com})()SL'd of
Drlegates frcmi all the States, the radical republicans,
instead of co-operating with A'h-ginia in an honest and
sincere effort to compose and settle our quarrel, spi^red
no opi)ortuinty of belittling and underating, and fore-
stalling the patriotic purposes of A'irginia and her
sister border State's. The moral elfect of the action
of the convention was thus destroyed and the hopes of
its friends utterly disa[)i)ointed.

Seventh. — When the Virghiia convention was in
session, composed, as it Avas, of an overwhelming

281 Memoir of JVilliam Madison Peyton.

majority of Uniou men, aud liaying just voted, two to
ono, against the doctrine of secession, the President, in
disregard, if not in contempt of their efforts to devise
some heaUng measures, issued his proclamation, calling
for 75,000 men to suppress the insurrection.

**Wlieu this proclamation was officially announced,
the Union men were confounded, and Virginia concluded
that the administration had adopted the uUiiiia ratio,
because it was at heart opposed to a peaceful solution
of difficulties upon any of the bases suggested, and that
they were determined to coerce the South into submis-
sion to their construction of the constitution, as set forth
in the Chicago platform. That this was a rational and
just inference, all fair minds, in reviewing this synopsis,
must admit ; if so, however impolitic the course of
Virginia may be deemed, its righteousness cannot be
questioned.

" To be subjected to the rule of a Government which
tramples the constitution under its feet at every step ; a
Government inaugurated by a power avowedly and
deadly hostile to our institutions ; administered by
agents, at home and abroad, whose relations to the
South have made their selection a burning insult ; repre-
senting a party so overwhelmingly dominant in the
North, that all the conservation which survives, is in
chains too strong to be sundered ; ( certainly not, in time
to save the Constitution from the ruthless invasion of
lawless power;) is a i)olitical degradation, galling to the
neck of freemen, and hnpossible to be borne.

" The Constitution of 1787, around which clusters so

Memoir of William Aladison J\'ijton. 285

many fond memories, and tlie love of which is so deeply
lixed in the hearts of Virginians, came to us a monu-
ment of patriotism and wisdom, Avith three great
l>ranches of Government co-ordinate, hut independent.
One enacting laws in conformity with its provisions,
another executing them, and tlie third adjudging the
fact of the legal and constitutional exercise of these
functions hy the other two. It goes from us a regulator
with its halance wheel destroyed ; a ship, which has
parted with its sheet anchor in a storm; a charter,
perverted from an a^gis of protection to an instrument of
mischief and tyranny, in which the l)iiuling force of the
judiciary is ignored, and the emhlematic sword, which
justice wields hi defence of right, is wrested from lier
I lands hy the comhined power of the Executive and
Ijegislaturc, and plunged directly through the vitals of
the Constitution. It came to us a (iovernment of
checks and halances, in whicli the vicious tendencies
of democratic license, as well as those of aristocratic
pretention, were curhed hy wholesome restraints. It
goes from us, a purely popular Government, in which
the Constitution is ignored, and the will of a party, as
expressed througli the President, is suhstituted. It
came to us a henign Government, under whose wings
were sheltered im})artial]y, the whole hrood of States.
It goes from us an unnatural parent, who refuses shelter
and protection to that i)ortion of tlu; l)rood whoso
generosity has kept them poor, while it has enriched
those hy whom they are now excluded. It came to us a
legacy of self-sacrilicing patriotism, stamped with the

286 Memoir of WiUiaiii Madison Peyton.

approbation of the immortal father and founder of our
liberties. It goes from us with its features so distorted
by rude efforts to change their expression as to be
unrecognizable by its friends, and stamped with the
footprints of Lincoln and abolitionism, which have
pressed with fearful force on its very vitals. It came
to us baptized in the blood of tlie He volution, endeared
to us by a thousand sacred associations, and our fealty
was heartfelt and without reservation. It goes from us
besmeared, begrimed, and defiled by immersion in the
dirty pools of Abolitionism, so that with this stain and
odour upon it, none can touch or handle it without
pollution.

^'Against a Government thus perverted Yiv^^'ima rebels,
and it is the duty of her sons to give strength and force
to her position by every means in their power. Her
position will be a trying one, and will recpiire all her
force, moral, intellectual, and physical, to sustain her.
He has read history to poor advantage, and labours
under a lamentable ignorance of the woi-k which will
be carried out by this revolution, both North and
South, wdio expects it to be a holiday frolic or a
transient spasm, which one or two manly efforts will
enable them to overcome. Nothing short of a total up
lieaval of society need be looked for; a social and
political earthquake, which will involve in one common
ruin all the industrial pursuits of life.

Virginia has generously strapped the burden upon her
own shoulders, and should comprehend clearly the
difficulties of the route over which she has to travel, if

M('inoir of WiUiani Madison Paitoii. 287

she hopes to Bustiiiii liorsclf without hdtormo- and to get
through her journey .sufely. She ^vill he tlie Fhinders of
the contest. Her proxhnity to Wusliiiigtun ; her horder
position ; the revoU that Avili ine^■itahly occur in the
western portion of Ihe State; her resources in money,
men, and provisions, all conspire; to nialce A^irginia the
chief seat of war. She will be obliged to make soldiers
of all lier citizens capal)le of bearing arms, and thus
convert the State into one vast camp. The armies that
will be assemlded within her limits from the OonlVjderato
States and those of the invaders, will l)e quartered upon
her to a great extent. The stratagetic niuvemeiits of
these great armies, -svith their battles, will destroy, to a
great extent, her public improvements. Desolation will
follow in their train. The country will be blackened
wilJi hre and smoke. Want, misery, and destitution
will rule the hour. Here, as elsewhere, tin; stern laws
of necessity will infringe upon many of our cherised
political sentiments. The freedom of si)eech ^vill 1)0
stilled ; the press ^vill l)e muzzled ; the hahcas corpus
will ])e suspended ; private property will be appro-
l)riated arbitrarily, and all will lind an aixdogy and
justification in the old Roman dictum, "Inter anna liujes
.silent."

"But in the midst of all this gloom and wretchedness, if
Virginia is true to her ancient fame, her star will be in
the ascendant, and her escutcheon, with its glorious
motto, (Sic Semper 'iijrannis^) wdl rise with renewed
lustre from a baptism of sutlering and glory. She will

288 Memoir of IVllUam Madison Feijioii.

bo pnrgecl of corrupt politicians iind will enter npon lier
new career wiser and better for experience.
Very truly yours,

W. M. Peyton.

Note A. — The great commoner of Kentucky, Henry
Clay, and man}'' otlier of oar most distinguished
Statesmen, held, that in a contest between the States
and the general Government, allegiance was due to the
latter. Now, whilst there is great plausibility ui this
view, abstractly considered, it is obviously one of those
logical deductions which could never have any practical
force in Government. When a republic of our Union
unfurls the standard of revolution, as in the present
instance, she presents herself before tlie world, not like
a fragmentary district in a state of insurrection, without
the machinery and features of consolidated action and
rational responsibility, but with all the appliances and
forms of a regular Government, to whose authority
her citizens have always bowed in matters of separate
State interest. Iler power and her iniluence are a unit,
within her limits and her means of enforcing her
policy complete. Individual resistance would be
ineffectual and inoperative. Those refusing obedience,
would necessarily fall under the sAVord of the law,
or be compelled to abandon their property and their
homes, and to assume a position of hostile antagonism
to their friends — perhaps their families and the soil
of their nativity, containing the green graves of their
fathers. To expect this of any people is preposterous,

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 289

and those who expect any frame of Government for
the Union of these States, to awaken a sentiment of
veneration deep enough and strong enough to under-
mine and destroy these feelings in the heart of a
Yirginian, will find all their calculations, in the moment
of trial, like the fabled apples of the Dead Sea, turned
to dust and ashes.

''Whatever may have been the opinions of her sons
as to the wisdom of her policy, now that she has
plunged into this sea of revolution, they will rally to
her standard from all quarters, and whatever of energy,
or talent, or fortune they may have, will be oifered up
freely for the support and defence of their blessed old
mother.,

"W. M. Peyton."

NN

CHAPTER XTV.

From May till the latter part of the month of July,
Colonel Peyton was under surveillance, the eyes of
Argus, in New York. During tliis time he consitleretl of
different plans for effecting his escape. One attempt
to cross the Atlantic to Europe, and thence return
through Mexico and Texas, was frustrated, and he
abandoned the idea of making another eff(jrt to reach
home by this circuitous and uncertain route. While
under the hospitable roof of his friend Dr. Sims, the
long wished for opportunity occured. This was during
the excitement and exultation of the Northen people,
and consequent relaxation of vigilance, growing out of
the Federal victory at Carrick's Ford, July 15. It must
be remembered that in this North-western section of
Virginia, there was gi-eat dissatisfaction with the action
of the Government at Kichmond, a strong feeling of
attachment to the Federal Union, and it became a
matter of no small importance to both parties, how its
aid and adherence might be secured. The peop'e are
brave and sturdy, fond of war and the chase, and their

Memoir of William Madison Peyton. 291

power would be immensely felt on whichever side
exerted. The Confederate authorities, therefore,
despatched a force to this region, in April and May,
under command of Colonel (I. H. Porterficld. This
young and gallant, but inexperienced commander,
occupied the town of Grafton, on the 26th of May, and
soon allowed himself to be out-witted, out-man oiuvred,
and defeated by General McClellan. On the 29th a
large Federal force crossed the Ohio under orders from
General McClellan, and Colonel Porterfield without
givhig battle, retired 21 miles to Phillipi where his
command was strengthened, and where he ill-advisedly
determined to make a stand. Having once adopted the
plan of retreat, he should have continued it until he was
m a place of security. On the 2nd of June, the Con-
federates were surprised in their new quarters by an
attack on their position led by Colonels Kelly and Dumont,
who had marched 24 miles during the night, through
rain and mud. At 4 o'clock on the morning of the 2nd,
notwithstanding the rain, their artillery opened a
destructive fire on the Confederate camp. Colonel
Porterfield, unable in the confusion resulting from the
surprise to rally his forces, ordered a second retreat to
Laurel Hill, on the western slope of the Alleghanies.
It was effected, but not in a well ordered manner, On
the 7th of July, General McClellan, with 10,000 men,
flushed with their successes, advanced on this position
which was not assaulted, but there was skirmishing
between the respective forces on the 7th, 8th, and 9th.
The Confederate rear was now at llich mountain, which

292 Memoir of William Madison Peijtoti.

was held by Col Pegram, whose force consisted of 2000
men. Various movements now occured, the result of
which was that the Confederate commander, seeing himself
greatly outnumbered, commenced a third retreat, and on
reaching Carrick's ford on the Cheat river, determined to
make a stand. In this position, however, he was
out-flanked and compelled again to retire. At another
turn in the river, about a quarter of a mile below, the
Confederates again attempted to stand. General
Garnett, who had assumed command a few days
before, while endeavouring to rally his men, was shot dead.
The Confederate rout was now completed, and only
2000 men of the Southern army escaped. Colonel
Pegram hearing of Garncitt's defeat and death, surren-
dered his force at Beverly in these words : —

Beverly, July 12, 1861.

To THE Commanding Officer of Nouthern Forces,
Beverly, Virginia.
Sir, .

I write to state to you that I have, in con-
sequence of the jaded and reduced condition of my
command, most of them having been without food for
two days, concluded, with the concurrence of a majority
of my captains and field-officers, to surrender my com-
mand to you to-morrow as prisoners of war. I have
only to add, I trust they will only receive at your hands
such treatment as has been invariably shown to the
Northern prisoners by the South.

I am, your obedient servant,

John Pegram,
Lieut.-CoL P.A.CS. Commanding,

Memoir of Williani Madison Peytvii 293

These groat and iiiioxpcctccl kuccgssos of Iho Federal
troops, wliicli rendered it alnio.it a certainty that at least
one-third of the State of Virginia, with a population
approximating half a ruillion, ^vould adlicre to the
Union, naturally created the wilde^^t rapture in the
Northern and "Western States.

Colonel Peyton availed himself of the Northern
saturnalia to h'av(3 New York, and the f(»Uowing day
arrived on British territory, near ^Lontreal, Avithout
having met with any annoyance, having travidled the
entire way amidst bonlires, iireworks, sky-rDcliets, and
other evidences of rejoicing, Tiie wliole Ncjrth seemed
intoxicated with gladness. From Canada he proceeded,
notwithstanding his feeble health and an attack of the
gout, to Toledo, in Oliio, and then southwards through
that State and Indiana, and after numerous delays,
arising from his >ve;ik condition, and the passage of
troops and munitions to the seat of war, arrived in
Kentucky. While journeying through Ohio and Indiana,
the utmost circumspection became necessary to avoid
recognition. The Virginian accent is markedly different
from that of the Nortliern people, particularly those of
New England, who have set Jed in large numbers in this
part of the Federal Union. A Southern gentleinan can
therefore scarcely utter a word north of Mason's and
Dixon's line, or the Ohio river, withc/dt his nationality,
if I may so express myself, being known. He used the
greatest discretion, however, cultivated silence, no doubt
remembering how Peter \vas discovered to be a Clalileau,
*' Surcbj thou also art one of thcni : fur thij speech hetraijeth
thee,"

294 Memoir of Will'uDn Madison Pc'iilon.

As he approached the theatre of active operations,
his movements were more diilicult, bnt hi Kentucky he
was among friends and sympathizers. By these he
was concealed, and on favourable opportunities passed
on, from place to place, until ho reached the mountains
of East Tennessee.

Tennessee was, at this period, in the midst of a
domestic revolution or civil war among her own
children. Immediately after the proclamation of the
President, of the 15th of April, 1861, calling out 75,000
men, the excitement in this state was intense. The
Governor Jsham G. Harris, immediately called an
extra session of the legislature to meet on the 25th
of that month. His Excellency at the same time
refused to comply with the President's requisition and
said in his answer to Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary
of War: "Tennessee will not furnish a man for
purposes of coercion, but 50,000, if necessary, lor the
defence of our rights and those of our Southern
brethren." At the same time an address written by
Hon. Balie Peyton, was issued to the people, signed
by the most eminent citizens of the State, namely
Ex-Governor Neil, S. Brown, Russell Houston,
the Hons. E. II. Ewing, Cave Johnson, John IjcII,
K. J. ]\Ieigs, S. D. Morgan, John S. Ihien, Andrew
Ewing, John H. Callender, and Colonel the
Honorable Balie Peyton, in which they said :

" We unqualifiedly disapprove of secession, both as a
constitutional right and as a remedy for existing evils, we
equally condemn the policy of the Administration in

Memoir of ll'iUiani i\fiidi^on Vcijton. 205

reference to the seceded States. But while Ave, without
([ualiiication, condemn tlie policy of coercion as cal-
culated to dissolve the Union for ever, and to chssolve
it in the blood of our fellow-citizens, and regard it as
sufficent to justify the State in refusing her aid to the
(jiovernnient in its attempt to suppress the revolution
in the seceded States, we do not think it her dnt}",
considering her position in the Union, and in view of
the great cpiestion of the peace of our distracted country,
to take sides against the (!overnment. Tennessee has
wronged no State or citizen of the Union. She has
violated the rights of no State, North or Soutli. She
has been loyal to all, when Jo\ alty was due. She lias
not brought on this war by any act of her's. She has
tried every means in her power to prevent it. She now
stands ready to do anything within her reach to stop it.
And she ought, as we think, to decline joining either
j)arty; for in so doing tiiey wonkl at once terminate
her grand mission ot })eace-maker liet\veen the States
and the general Government. Nay, more the almost
inevitable result would be the ti-ansfei- of the Avar
Avithin her oAvn bonhn-s, the- defeat of all hopes of
reconciliation and the deluging of the Skate Avith the
blood of her OAvn people."

AJfairs in Tennessee Avere in hopeless confusion — the
Avar connnenced in the State at an eai-1}^ period and Avas
Avaged Avitli the bitterest animosit3^ Two of Tennessee's
favourite sons had been recentl}' killed at the battle of
Mill Spring, near her eastei'u iVontier, July 19th, namely
General ZoUicolfer, commanding the Confederate forces

296 Memoir of William Madison Peywn.

and his Chief of Staff, CiT,]vtain Balic Peyton, jun., one
of the most promising }'onng men of hi.s State, who, after
a European education, commenced tlie practice of law
at Nashville a few months previously to the opening of
hostilities. Immediately after the President's proclama-
tion he prepared for resistance. He had favoured
secession, thus differing in opinion with his distinguished
father, and volunteered at the iirst pros})Cct of war for
service in the army and was appointed Chief of Staff
to the unfortunate ZoUicoffer. Me fell fighting in this,
his first action, for the independence of this country.
The loss of these two gallant soldiers, and hy the hands
of Southerners too, for they Avere said to have been
shot by Union men enlisted in the 4 th Jventucky
regiment. Colonel Fry, contributed in no small degree
to fan the flames of hatred created by the war.*

Colonel Peyton, therefore, found the greatest
difficulty in passing through tlie Federal and Con-
federate lines, and was delayed several weeks an til the
movem<'iits of the opposing force, the Confederates
under (leneral Williams since the death of ZoUicoffer
and the Federal under General Thomas, opened the

* Tlio author has Leen personally infoi iiicd by D:ivi'l Bowon, a soldier
in the 2n(l Minesota regiment, Colunel Van Cleve, who w.is eu^^agiid
in the battle of Mill Spi'iiig, that Captaui Pi^yton killed, with his own
bands, two Federal soldiers before ho received his mortal wound.
From his (Peyton's) body was taken the sword voted by the State of
Louisiana to his fatlier, Colonel lialio Pejrton, for his gallant servicea
in the Mexican War of 1815-1847. This sword, bearing upon the blade
an inscription ordered by the State of Louisiana, is preserved among
the Ftsderal trophies of tho war in the capital of the State of
Minesota.

j\le)iioir of Will ill in Madison Pt'ijton. 21)7

y^ay for him. lie IliifLlly succoeilcd in rcuclilnij^' l;i,s
home hi A^irgiuiii. Diiriiii:- the wav, iiis heuUh avus >:(>
shattered that he eouhl render no persunal ussistaiiee
in the iiehL Bnt he dc\ otud liis ibrlnni'to iheeausc.
and, Demosthenes hke, eni[)hiycd his lime in wrilinii;
.^[lirit stirring appeals to the }»eo[)le. The snlleriiii^'s
of his wife and family, too, wui'e at times ii,'reat, result-
ing from the demands on the people lor supplies fa" the
sup[)ort of the Confederate forees, and thk- wanton
destruction caused hy the maruuding parties sent out
by the Federal Army. Jn iSlio lie and his family
lived almost entirely upon the syrup ol" the soi'gham
cane and homuiy made from hi-iiised m.al/e.

He was much alfect(.'d in nfmd and heai't by the
progress of the war in whieh his kiiulred and friends
were daily falling, and in which the peo])le of the
Confederacy were sacriiieing ail they })ossessed. A. ^vaJ^
which it was soon clear to him, Avould (;n(l disastrously
for the present gcnei'ation (>f Southerners. It is
thought that the cruel anxiety thus eau>ed led to his
premature death. .Many of his ('ai'ly friends brought
up in the same ])olitical school ^vilh himself, the
companions of his vouth, now (liat the South "was
subjugated, turned to and tollowed the triumphant
iNorth. This gi'ie\ed him to the soul. To see Ins old
iVieiuls Avheeling into line feti' the North, as soon as the
South was ovei'come, well nigh broke his heart. Tiiey
leave the South, he said, because lier fortiuus ha\e
lied from her, and he ([noted the tUi'ecting, but Inuidhl
lines of old Sir llein-y hee, vrhen deSv^rted by his laiili-

208 Memoir of WiUlain MadUon Vctjion.

ful mastiff. "There is a feeling iu luiture, affecting"
even the interest, as it is callod, oi' (hiinb animals,
which teaches them to lly from mislui'tunc. The very
deer will butt to death a sick or wounded buck from
the herd; hurt a dog, and the whole kennel will fiiU on
him and worry him; fishes devour their own kind when
Avounded with a spear; cut a rook's wing, or break its
leg and the others will peck it to death."

The civil war had much divided families, and in
various ways, and, after it was over, the murder of
President Lincoln and the indiscreet manner in which
his i^iccessor's friendslii}) was shown, increased instead
of diminished the rage of })olitical hatred. The old ties
of kindred and friendship did not regain their former
influence, and the course of some of Colonel Peyton's
friends and connections made a re-union of spirit and
sentiment impossible. No one felt this state of things,
so fatal to the kindly social relations which formerly
existed in Virginia, more keenly than he.

After the war of 18G5, ho continued to reside on his
Virginian estate, engaged in repairing the damage
inflicted by the enemy, and deriving solace in his old
age, from the society of such friends as survived, and of
his books. He had little idea that the South would
recover, iu this day and generation, from the effects of
the contest. VHien the war began, he was a man of
large estate. At its close, when so many followers of
the successful side were enriched that it gave rise to a
ne\A' term by whicli they were designated, — the
" Shoddy Aristocracy," — he was so much impoverished

Memoir of WiUiani MudiMii Pcijlun. 2i)0

tliat his descendants liavo since been oldigcd to sell all
of his estates.

Truly riches tal^o to thomsolves wings. The still
considerable means lAi him at tlie termination of
hostilities were largely drawn on by his charities.
Thousands were in a more rculncod condition than
hhnself, and to all he extended aid — was ni)])oily's enemy
but his own. His waid (;f economy in money matters
was constitutional. It is not sii]'i»j'ising, therefore, after
having kept '' open house " for so many ycsirs, and
assisted every one who applied to him in need,, that he
should leave the world oppressed with debt.

In a letter to the author, (hited in Virginia, March *,),
18G7, he says in regard to the political situaticai,

" The Iieconstraction Bill, embracing the ■ radical
policy, has passed both Houses of Congress, been
vetoed by the President, * and then passed over his
head by a two thirds vote, so that it is now the law, and
the Southern States phu-ed under a i)rovisional (lovern-
ment, in which martial law ^vill prevail, and a General
and his minions will ritle over us ' booted and S})urred.'
The next and last step which fullills our destiny, is
confiscation, a bill for ^vhich is in the coarse of incuba-
tion and will be hatched in a few days. So you see,
my brother, to what a foolish and most preposterous
war has brought our oiu-.e lloniisliing and happy coLlntr3^
There is no future for the presejit genei'ation. All is
dark, dismal, hopeless. Having sown in folly, we are

* Audii'Ns JdliiLMtii.

300. Memoir of WiUiaiii Ufadisoii I'cijton.

reaping in bitterness, we have been victimized b}^ shallow
and designing politicians, who acquired an iutluence
over the public sentiment through the madness of party
altogether disproportioned to their ability or their
patriotism. We have tmiied away from the steady and
full-orbed light of Washmgton, to follow the vjncs fatid
of the poisonous pools of party, and very naturally find
ourselves swamped and destroyed."

"I enclose you an elaborate letter from Governor
Brown, of Georgia, which is very full, on the great
question of reconstruction, and will give you all the
information attainable. It gives a clear view of our
miserable predicament and affords a striking example
of the pitiable condition, to which even our leading men
are reduced, when they are perpared to give us such
advice. Governor Orr, of South Carolina, concurs in
the main with these views and our Govcjrnor, of course.
But I do not agree with them. I prefer a course of
sullen, defiant obstinacy. I will never assist in forging
the manacles which are to fetter me."

CILVrTER XV.

(iiiis (.lesidero isiL j^nulor uut modus
Titiii c;ii'i capitis i" llor. od. lil. l.i.v.i.

On the afternoon of the '29th of January, 18G8, u
Virginian family residing on their estate in the valley
l)etAveen the Blue Jlidge and Alleghanies, IMontgoniery
county, were assembled in the drawing room, and
gathered round the wood lire wliich sunt forth jocund
sparkles and cheerful rays of heat. At this early period
of the new year, when even in our Southern climate
" winter lingers in the hij) of spring," the warm breath
of the gentle season has nut )ct nu'lted the; snow that
whitens the mountain peak and shrouds the early flower.
The family group sccmud anxious, restless, if they
had met for their usual alternuon tea and conversation,
something interfered Avith its smooth How,

At a centre tablo sat an elderly gentleman turning
the leaves of a book, fuciiig his wife, about whom still
lingered the traces of early beauty. She played with
rather than plied her work. Several boys and girls
niade up the party. These afternoon reunions, when

302 Memoir of William Madison Peyton.

the children were freed from the nursery and school-
room, were usually s\v'e(jt moments, in which the
parents were wont to enjoy their domestic happiness,
while consulting upon plans for the education and
prospects of their offspring. From time to time, a line
hoy, whose eyes bespoke a sound mind and whose rosy
cheeks were graced with the sweet smile of innocence,
ran to a window and looked down the long avenue of
trees which lined the road leading to the mansion. It
was evident that something was expected to approach
by that smooth lawn road.

"What o'clock is it?" suddenly asked Mr. Kskridge,
looking up from his book. " Half-past five," responded
his wife.

"I must go out, some accident has befallen them,"
said he, "the carriage should have returned by three,"
and rising, he proceeded to draw on a fur oVercoat.

"For heaven's sake do not expose yourself to such
weather," exclaimed the wife, "with a cold and asthma,
it may cause your death, consider that our fancy
heightens the fear of danger."

At this moment Mr. Fskridgc cast his eyes through
the window and saw in the distance his large family
coach, a most midemocratic vehicle, approaching. All
care and anxiety was at once banished. The fears
which had oppressed them were groundless. In a few
minutes, when the vehicle arrived at the front door, the
family was there to receive the expected guests. The
first person who descended with difficulty from the
carriage was a tall, handsome old man, much bent

Memoir of IViUiant Madmn Peijton. 303

with years, with snowy hair and beard; then followed
Ids wife and graiidchilchvu. Their friends rnshud
forward to embrace thtun, more after the lasliion of
lovers than mere friends. After tlu'ir Imrried, but
warm embraces, tJicy were iMJiidncted to the cheerful
parloui-, as the luggage was placed in the hall.
While divesting- themselves of their outer garments, the
cause of their detention, which was siin})ly a change of
time in running the trains, was explained.

The venerable gentleman, who had arrived on a visit
to his brother-^l-la^v, Alexander P. l^^skridge, ^vas
Colonel William M. Peyton, lie was returning home
from Almigdon, where he had gone to be with his son-
in-law, Hon. Walter Preston, who was dangerously ill,
and who died a few days after Colonel Peyton's
arrival. Availing himself of the o})portunity of passing
near the estate of his friend and brother-in-law, Mr.
Eskridge, who had years bidbre married Juliet Taylor,
sister of Mrs. Peyton, he had left the railway at tlie
nearest station, where Mr. E.'s carriage, by previous
arrangement waited to bring the party to his
mansion.

Colonel Peyton was now in his sixty-third year, but
from long sickness and nuicli dimK^stic trouble, (since
the opening of the war he had lost, by death, a promis-
ing son, three daughters, and two sons-in-law), he
ap})eared wasted, ^van, and iV^eble, bore about him the
signs of exhaustion which indicate premature decay.
Though he was appan^ntly without disease, it was
evident to those who look'ed on him, that his streiigtb.

304 Memoir of WiUiam Madison Pcijlon.

was daily decreasing ; that ho was now but a ruin ol"
luunanity and spirit, a noLler ruin than ever painter
depicted on canvas, or stone, or briclc ; the wr(>ck
of a man prematurely old, not stricken by great
sorrow, not bowed by great toil, but fretted and
mined away by daily, hourly excitements which
ceaselessly do their gnome-like work. He seemed more
than seventy, such was the silvery whiteness of his hair
and beard, the latter unshorn and descending in silken
masses to his waist. His eye, however, retained its
peculiar brightness, and beamed with a gentle light
difficult to be described, a smile played upon his lips, and
he spoke even now with a cheerfulness, during which the
lines of sadness almost disappeared from a face, which hi
repose bore sad evidences of the ravages of illness and
care.

" Though old he still retain VI
His manly sense and energy of mind."

Two days had passed since the arrival of the guests-
days during which they had talked over the past and
the present. Living a long distance from each other,
with no direct railway connecting their homes, these
friendly visits were few and far between, and of course
were more appreciated when they occurred. On the
afternoon of the third day, while Mr. Eskridge was
dressing for dinner, a servant ran to his room,
exclaiming out of breath that Colonel Peyton,
had been seized with a fainting lit. Mr. Eskridge
hastened to the assistance of his unfortuiuite

Memoir of Willlain MaiIi.^o)i Pcijlon. 305

tVioiul, whom ho Ibiiiul prostrate upon a sofa, to
ail appearance dead. His eyes were dosed, Ins face
Hushed and swollen, the blood vessels about the neck
and temples tur^ad. IJnderstandhi}^' at once the serious
nature of the attack, which lie thou<^dit was apo])lexy, a
form of disease common to the Peyton family, and which
had before threatened him, he despatched a servant
across the country in quest of the nearest sur^f( -on, while
raising the suilei'er's head and unloosc.'niui^^ liis neck-
cloth. Then applyhij^ a ligature to each of his legs,
to retard the motion of the blood from the lower
extremities, he jdacdl him in an easy position and
awaited impatiently the surgeon's arrival.

vVt the end of two houi's the doctor arrived, and
found him sulferin2[ from an attack uf saii<ruine
apoplexy accom[)anied with paralysis of one entii-e side
of the body. From the severe nature of the attack
the surgeon said there Avas little hoj)e of his re-
covery.

Mrs. Peyton, who stood by duml) with the weight of
grief for a husband, who was her honour, and comfort,
and never until that hour had l)een a sorrow to her,
hearhig this opinion, fell in speechless agony into a
chair. She soon, however, recovered her selfpossession,
and though torn by dreadfid apprehensions, Avatched,
Avith uiu'emitting care, at his sick bed. From day to day
her grief visildy increased, one tear alter another
coursed down her cheeks as she stood for hours by the;
sinking sufferer. They were those bitter teai-s which
steal sijigly from our eyes, to let us taste the bitterness

30G Memoir of WiUiam Madison Vajlon.

of every solitary drop that trickles down our cheeks, not
those salutary tears by which a kind I'rovidence
unl)urdens the heart and animates ns with streiigth to
bear ncAV griefs. In a 'io.^v daj^s death released the
sulferer, and the spirit of as true, as })ure, as loving, and
as brave a man as ever lived whigcd its way to the
regions of the blessed : a soul who never indulged a
passion unfit for the place he is gone to.

AVhere are now thy plans of justice, of truth,
of honour? Of what use are the volumes thou
hast collected, the arguments thou hast invented,
the examples thou hast followed ? Poor were
the expectations of the studious, the modest, and
the good, if the. reward of their labours A\^;re only
to be expected from man. Xo, my Iriend, thy
intended pleadings, thy intended good oliices to thy
friends, thy intended services to thy country are
already performed, as to thy concern in them, in His
sight before whom the past, the present and future
appear at one view. While others with thy talents were
tormented with ambition, Avith vain glory, with envy,
with emulation, how well didst thou turn thy mind to
its own improvement in things out of the })ower of
i'ortune; in probity, in integrity,, in the practice and
study of justice: Iioav silent thy passage, how privatcj
thy journey, how glorious thy end. Many have f
known more famous, some inore shrewd, not one so
innocent.

From a letter Avritten to the author by one of his
brothers-in-law, Colonel riohn 1). P>ald\vin, dated in

Memoir of WtUiaiii ^^ad^so)l Peyton. o07

Vir<^niiia, February IG, 1808, the following further
particulars of this iiiclauchoiy event are given : —

"We have received to-day a telegram announcing
the death of your brother AVilliani, ^Yhich occured this
morning at the residence of his brother-in-law, Alexander
I*. Jvshridge, in IMontgomery county. Colonel Peyton
liud been with his wile in Abingdon, on a visit to his
daughter, ]\Irs. Preston, Avliose husband dietl recently,
as you have probably learned, and was on his return
home, when stopping for a short visit at i\Ir. Eskridgc's,
he was attacked by ])aralysis, on ^Monday, 'iZth of
daimary. The attack was so violent as to de[>rive him
of the use of one side, and to render his speech wholly
unintelligible for more th;ui a week. After that time,
he so far recovered consciousness and voice, as to be
able to communicate wdtli his family, all of whom were
with him — but at no time I'rom his lirst seizure was there
the least hope of his recovery, or even of his living for
jnore than a very few days. J lis death, ibllowing so
soon after that of ^Ir. Preston, has, as youAvill under-
stand, overwhelmed his family with a com})lication of
sori-ow, such as rarely falls upon one liouscdiold. The
condition of Susan's health and the pressure of my
business engagements rendijrcid it impossible for her to be
with her brother in his illness— and I have n(!ver seen
Susan more distressed and grieved than by the fact
that she was so prevented."

'• The death of the Cohmel, as you may suppose,
gives us all great distress, for we at)preciated him as a

308 Monoir of Will'uvii Madison Pi'ijlon.

most noble and aftectionate, as well as a high-toned
and honourable gentlemen."

A week after his death his remains were consigned to
the earth, after the manner of the comitry, in the
private cemetery of his brother-in-law, but, as Joseph's
bones were carried into Canaan after they had been
embalmed 400 years, so his are destined to be removed,
in time, to the family vault in Augusta, or at Stoney
Hill.

Colonel Peyton's intellectual attainments would have
entitled him to hold a high place in literature and
science, for both of which he had so keen a relish, but
Providence, in granting him an independent fortune,
released him from that stern necessity for mental
c;xertion by which so many of the greatest scholars have
been formed. He had none of the trainhig of the great
master whose name is Adversity. Accordingly he
devoted his attention while living, solely to those
subjects which immediately interested him, and seemed
to be of service to his kind, without any aspirations
after posthumous fame. In his hnmediate sphere he
sought quietly and unostentatiously to do good rather
than by striking deeds to attract the attention of man-
kind, and win the fickle applause of the crowd. In this
simple, unpretendhig way, departing, he has left behind

"Footprints on tlio suiids of time."

The memoirs of such a man contain little to excite,
and less to startle, but nuismuch as the example of a
good man is of more value than the written precept,

Memoir of ]Villi(iin Mudiscni VeijtiDi. IJO'J

may tlie writer not lio^x! that ho has conferred some
l)euefit upon the puhUc, in not permitting one of so pure
a hfe, so exalted a character, and so enhghtened a mind
to descend to the grave ^vit]lout some record to do
lionour to his memory r* A man whom he h)oked up to
with no inferior veneration, nut so nmch for his great
learning and intellectual ahility, as for liis rare corn-
hiiiation of unswerving justice tempered by the most
gra(;i()us kindliness, of jjerfect unselfishness, animated
|)y the most enlarged love of mankind. Of all the
memories in our spiritual valhalla, that of William
Madison Peyton stands pre-eminent for those (pialities
which have commanded our respect and his])ired oiu"
personal attachment. Who that has had the privilegi;
of not only observing the jHiblic course of our modern
Aristides, but of sharing in the amenities of his private
life, could wish anything better for himself, than tViat
the spirit of his departed friend should be his own constant
and life-long guide; so that whenever its close may
ai-rive, he also may be deemed worthy of the eulogy so
a})propriately bestowed un him from the grand old
words,

" The just .shall bu licld in everlasting leuieixiLraiico."

Ai'PENDJX A.

ABlilDUEl) GENEALOGY, OR PEIlKJDEE,

OF THE

ANCIENT NOBLE FAMLLY OF PEYTON.

Tho Peytoiis are, says Canulen and otlier antiquarians
and historians, descended from William de Malet,
(de Graville) one of the great Larons who accompanied
WUl'uun I. to the concjuest of England. Malet rendered
conspicuous service at the battle of Hastings, 1 1th of
October, A.D., 10()6, where he l)elonged to the cavalry,
and was mace-bearer to Duke William. He afterwards
distinguished himself in the subjugation of North
]>ritain, and was reported slain with 8000 of his followers
at the seige of York. This, however, is doubtful,
Thierry, in his History of the Norman Conquest, Book
iv., says, that the Danes spared the life of JMalet, his

p . ■

312" Pedigree of tlic Pciltun FamUij.

wife ami family, and bore tlioin away in their
lleet.* Malet was Slierill' of Yorkshire, 3rd year of
William I. and obtained many j^n-ants of Lordshi[)s and
Manors from the Crown, as a recompense for his military
services, as is recorded in Dooin^daij Book, which was
completed, A.D., 1080. Among the estates he acquired
thus were Sibton and Peyton Halls in Co. Suffolk.

The first of the family on record, who assumed the
name of Peyton, according to the usage of the times,
from Peyton in Stoke, Neyland, Co. of Sutf(jlk, was,

REGINALD DE PEYTON,

second son of Walter, Lord of Sibton, younger brother
of Malet, Sheriff of Yorkshire. This Reginald held the
Lordships of Peyton Hall, in llamshold and Boxford,
iu Suffolk, of Hugh de Bigod, who was sewer to Roger
Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, and gave lands to the Monks of
Thetford, to pray for the soul of Roger de Bigod. He
had two sons — William, who held cei'tain lands in
Boxford, of the fee of the Abbey of St. Ednnindsbury,
as appears by charter of his nephew John, and,

JOHN DE PEYTON,

to whom King Stephen and his Cousin (lerman, AVilliam
de Cassineto, Lord of Horsford, granted all his lands in
Peyton, to hold, as his ancestors before held the same.
This John had four sons, viz.,

* Roe also " Saxoii Clirouicles," edited by Gibson, p. 174,, and
*' Orderic Vital," p. 512.

Pedifjrf.c of tJie Pcyloti Famlhj. 313

I. John (Sir), the elder.

II. Robert de Peyton, Lord of UlYord in ^Siillolk, antl
who assumed the siirinune of llftord therefrom, and
of whom i)rc>sentl3^,

in. Petee, Lord of Peyton Ilidl, v/ho hekl hinds ixi
Komsliot and Peyton in the time of Kinj^^ John.

IV. John, the younf>L'r, who sold to John, the eldest,
all the lands wliieh he had in Boxford, of the fee
of St. Ednmndsbury and Stoke Nuyland, whieh
their father John de iVyton. and AV'iliiani, their
uncle formerly possessed.

PtOBFJrr DE PEYTON,

Hocond sou of the foregoing John de Peyton, assumed
the Burname of Ulford hwni. that Lordship and hecann;
Piobert de Ufford, his son,

Sir Rohcrt Pcijtun dc V ijord was summoned to parlia-
ment as a baron by writ, dated loth January, 1808, the
2ud of Edward 11., and was created ]^arl of Siilfolk.
IGth March, 1837.

lie was Lord Justice of Ireland in the reign of
Henry III., and again in tlie reign of Edward 1. llt^
married Mary, widow of William de Lay, and dyuig
in the 2Gtli of the latter King, was succeeded by his
soil,

Sir Robert de Llford, hut., who was sununoned to
Parlianuiut as a Baron from the loth January, 180.S, to
lOtli December, loll. Ilis Lordship was in tlie
expedition made into Scotland, in the 31th Edwnrd i.
Ho married. Cecily, one of the daughters and co-heii's

314 Pedigree of the Peyton Familij.

of Sir Eobert de Valoiiies, Kut., Lord of Walsliam,
iiiid had issue,

Robert, his successor.

Ralph, Justice of Ireland, in the reign of Edward III.
Edmund, (Sir), who assuming the surname of
Walsham, from his mother's Lordsliij) became Sir
Edmund Walsliam^ and from hiui Hneally de-
scended—

John James Garbeit Walsham, of Knill
Court, in the County of Hereford, wlio
was created a baronet on the 15th Se})tem-
ber, 1881. He died in 1310, and was
succeeded by his eklest son,

ROBERT PEYTON DE UFFORD,

second baron, sunnnoned to rarhament from 27th Jan^
1832, to 14th Jan., 1337. This noljleman Avas hi the wars
of Gascony in the reign of Edward II., and he obtained,
in the begining of Edward III.'s reign in rajuital of his
eminent services, a grant for Hfe of the town and
castle of Orford, in the county of Sutiblk, and soon
after further considerable territorial possessions, also by
grant from the Crown, in consideration of the personal
danger he had incurred iu arresting, by the King's
command, Mortimer, and some of his adherents, in the
('astle of Nottingham. In the 11th year of the samc^
reign, his lordship was solemnly advanced iu the Parlia-
ment then held, to the dignity of Earl of Sulfolk.
Whereupon he was associated with William de Bolum,
Karl of Northampton, and John Darcy, Steward of tlie

Pedigree of the Peijlon Famllij. 315

King's liouseliolcl, to treat wiili Diivid Brecs, of Scotland,
iuucliing a league of peace and amity. And the same
year going beyond sea on the King's service, had
an assignation of £o()0 out of the Exchequer,
towards his expenses iji that employment, which
was in the wars of France ; for it appears that
he then accompanied the Earl of Derby, Ijeing with him
at the battle of Cagart. After Avhich time lie was
seldom out of some disiinguishcd action. In tiie llih
lildward III., being in the expedition made into Flanders,
he was the next; year one of the Marshals when Khig
Fdward beseiged Cand)ray : and his Lordshi[), within a
few years subsequently was actively engagud in the
wars of Brittany. In the ITtli of this reign, the Farl of
Suii\)lk was deputed to the Court of Ihune, there to
treat in the presence of his Holiness, touching an
amicable peace and accord between the English monarch
and Philip de Valois, and he marched the same year with
Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, to the relief of
Loughmaban Castle, then beseiged by the Scots. Soon,
after this, he was made; Lord High Admiral of hhigland,
and commanded in })ers()n the King's \vhoJe Ih'et
northward. For several years subsequently his

Lordship was with King Edward in France, and he ^vas
(ine of the persons presented by that monarch Avith
harness and other accoutrements for the tournament at
Canterbury in the 2*2nd year of his reign. Seven years
afterwards we find the Earl again in Franco, with the
llldck I'rifU'c ; and at the celebrated luiltle of Poictiers,
•so hardly fought and so gloriously ^von. In the following

31G Pedigree of the Peijton Famil If.

year, his Lordship achieved the highest military reuowii
by liis skill as a leader, and his personal courage at the
head of his troops. He was subsequently elected a
Knight of the Garter. His Lordship married Margaret,
daughter of Sir John Norwich, and had issue,

lloBERT, summoned to Parliament 25th of February,

1342, died in the hfe time of his- father,
William, his successor.
Cecilie, married to William, Lord Willoughby

d'Eresby.
Catherine, married to Robert, Lord Scales.
Margaret, married to William, Lord Ferrers of Groby.
The Earl's last testament bears date in 1368, and he
died in the following year. Amongst other bequests, he
leaves to his son, William, "the sword, wherewith the
King begirt him. when he created him Earl ; as also his
bed, with the eagle entire, and his summer vestment,
powdered with leopards." His Lordship was succeeded
by his only surviving son,

William de Ufford^ second Earl of Suffolk, who was
summoned to parliament as a baron, in the lifetime of
his father, on the 4th Dec, 13G1, and 20th January,
loGG. This nobleman was in the French wars at the
close of Edward Ill.'s reign, and in the beginning of
that of Richard II. In the 50tli of Edward he was
constituted Admiral of the King's whole lieet north-
ward. At the breaking out of dack Straw's insurrec-
tion, 4th Richard II., his Lordship understanding that
the common people contemplated forcing him into their
ranks, and thus to represent him as one of their leaders,

Pedigree of (he Peyton Family. 817

liastily arose from supper, and pursuing an
unfrequented route, reached the Khig at St. Alban's
with a wallet over his shoulder, under the assumed
character of servant to Sir. Roger de Bois; but
afterwards, being chosen by the Commons in Parliament
assembled, to represent to the Lords certain matters of
importance to the public welfare, the Earl, while
ascending the stej)S of their Lordship's house, suddenly
fell down dead, to the amazement and sorrow of all
persons, rich and poor, on the 15th February, 1382.
His Lordship married first, Joane, daughter of Edward
de ^lontacute, and grand-daughter, maternally, of
Thomas, of Brother ton. Earl of Norfolk, and secondly,
Isabel, daughter of Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of
Warwick, and widow of John le Strange, of Blackmere,
but having no issue, the Earldom of SajJ'olL became
extinct^ while the original Barony of Ufford fell into
abeyance, between his sisters and heirs, [refer to
children of Robert, first Earl,] as it still continues
amongst their representatives.

Ufiord— Baron Ufford.
(By writ of sunnnons, dated 3rd April, lo60, 34
Edward III.)

RALPH PEYTON DE UFFORD,

brother of Robert, first Earl of Suffolk, having served
in the wars of France and Flanders in the martial reign
of Edward III., obtained large grants of laud from that
monarch, in the counties of Berks and Dorset. Subse-
quently (20th Edward III.) being justice of Ireland, we

318 Pedigree of the Pcijton Famlhj.

are told, '' lie lanclcil in that realm, ^vith a great number
of men-at-arms and archers." This distinguished
l)ersou married, lirst, Maud, wido^v of William, >iarl of
Ulster, and sister of Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lancas-
ter, by whom he had an only daughter,

Maud, who married, Thomas de Vere, son of John de
Vere, Earl of Oxford.
He married secondly, Eve, daughter and heiress of John
de Clavering, and widow of Thomas de Audeley, by
whom he had issue,

John, of whom presently.

Edmund, (Sir), who inherited the estates of the family,
upon the decease of his brother. Sir Edmund
married Sybil, daughter of Sir liobert Pierpont,
and had issue.

Robert, (Sir), who married Eleanor, daughter of
Sir Thomas Felton, Knt., and left issue, three
daughters his co-heirs, viz,

Ella, married to Piobert Piowes,
Sybil, a nun at Barking.
: Joan, married to William Bowes, brother
of Eichard, and left one daughter and
heiress,
Elizabeth, married to Sir Thomas, son of
William, Lord Dacres,
Ralph de Ufford died in 184G, and was succeeded by
his eldest son.

John de Ufford, who was summoned to parliament as
Baron Ufford on the 3rd of April, 13G0, but dying the
following year, issueless, the dignity became extinct,

Pedigree of the Peyton Family. 319

while his estates passed to his brother, Sir Edmond
Ufford, Kut.

Sir John do Pc^yton to whom King Stephen granted
all his lands, in Peyton, dying, was sueeeded by his
(.'Idest son,

»S/^ Joiiii de Peijtun, who was Ijord of Peyton llall, in
Boxford, also possessed lands in Stoke Nuyland, in
SaltblJi. He nourished under ilenry 111. as a[)pears by
a Catalogue oi" Knights in that reign, His wite was
JMatilda de Bueiis, sister and luiir of Syniond du Notelle.
By her he had three sons and one daughter, viz.,

John (his heir),

William,

James,

Agnes.

ilis eldest son Sir John ((e Peyton, Knt., served
in the Parliament held at Wt;stnnnister, 21)th Edward L,
as one of the Knts. of the shire for Suffolk. He was
thriee married, and dying Avas sueeeeded by his son,

^^L^ Robert de Peyton^ who in many of his evidences is
styled Chavalier aiul Monsieur. He had two wives,
lir-st tiie lady Christiana de Aplel:on,wJd(jw of William de
Apleton, and heir to lands in Hanall and Poxfortl, who
died the 10th of Edward 11. circa A.l). 1281, leaving no
children, and was buried at Sloke Neyland, with great
pomp, the funeral expenses being thus set down : iifty
(piartei's of Avheat .Cd 10s., one hogshead of wdne
£53 4s., four muttons 5 shillings each, eight bacon hogs
21 shillings, ten calves, etc. His second wife was Joan
de Marney, of the noble family of the Marneys, of
La}'er Marney, in Essex, by whom there Avas issue,

820 Pedigree of the Penton Famihj.

Sir John De Peyton, (his heir),

William, from whom there was a release to his father

Robert, dated 13th Edward TIL,

John, junior, to whom William Castelayne, Joliu de
Rickell, and otters, granted the Manor of Bcedles,
Waldingfield, 5 Edward HI.

The eldest son Sir Jolm de l^eijton married Margaret,
daughter and co-heir of Sir John Gernon, Knt., of
Lees, in Essex, Lord of Wicken, in Cambridgeshire,
and of Barkwell, in the County of Derl)y, and in her
right possessed the manor of Wicken, as in the 17th of
Richard 11. he, jointly with her, held part of the manor
of Esthorpe, by the service of one Knt's. fee. lie died
in Richard's reign, his wife in '2nd Henry V. Their son
and heir.

Sir John de Peyton^ wedded Joan daughter and heir of
Sir Hammond Sutton, of Wicksho, in the Co. of Suffolk,
and thus that Estate came into the Peyton family. By
her he had

John (his heir),

Thomas,

Robert,

Margery, who married Thomas Dauheny, Esq., of
Sherrington, in Norfolk. He died 5th Henry IV.,
and was succeeded by his son,

Sir John de Peijton, then iu minority. He married
Grace, daughter of John Burgoyne, of Drayton, in
the Co. of Cambridge, and had issue,

John (his heir),

Thomas,

Pcdujret' of Uw I'l'ijinn luiiiiUij. »i'il

Aline married to JellVy I.ocktoii,

He died in the llowcr of liis uge, (ith Oct., 4 lleiiry
IV. and was succeeded by Lis eldest son,

Sir John de Peijton^ who ched a minor, 29 Oct., 11th
Henry VI., and was succeeded by his brother,

Sir Thomas de Peyton^ then 17 years of age, and
seized of the manor of Esthorpe. His mother, Grace, dying
the six of May, he was found heir to the manor of
Messing, which was hekl of the Crown, as of the honour
of Keynes, by the service of one Knight fee, also of the
]\ranor of Binchall, and the Castle. Upon the feast of
All Saints, 18th Henry \l.^ his age was })roved at
Cambridge, viz. 22 years, at which time it was sworn
by John Welford, that he was born and baptised at
Dry-Drayton, in that County, A.D. 1418, many
agreeing in the verdict, among whom liobert Chapman
alleged, that the day on which he was born, being the
feast of St. Valentine, there was a great storm, one
knew it by the great wind; another broke his leg by a
fall from his horse; another for that his wife was
buried; another, for then his lease was burnt: another
for then his daughter Margaret Avas burnt; another
fell from a tree and broke his arm; as the several
jurors deposed upon their oaths. This Thomas was
Sheriff of Cambridge and Huntingdon, 2 1st and 31st
of Henry VI., and about the 17th of Edward IV.; he
began to rebuild the Church at Isleham, agreeing then
with John Waltham, alias Sudbuiy, freemason for the
same ; in the chancel of which church he lies
interred, having a monument erected there to his

I?2'2 F('iU(jrt'i' of llie Pt'ijtnn i'lunilii.

memory. He married iirst, jMargaret, daughter and
co-heir of Sir John Bernard, Knt,, of Isleluim; by that
lady he ac(|uired the Estate of Isleham, and had
issue,

TiioiMAS, Avho married Joan, daughter of Sir James
CaUhorpe, of Norfolk, and thus acquired the manor
of Calthorpe, with other lands in that county. He
died before his father, leavhig

Robert (Sir), heir to his grandfather.

John.

Edward.

Elizabeth, married to Edward Langley, of

Knowlton, in Kent.
Jane, married to John Langley, of Lowleworth,

in Cambridgeshire.
Anne, married to John Asheby, of Hareheld,

in Middlesex,
Dorothy.
His widow, Joan, married William Mauleverer.
Margaret,
(trace.
He married secondly, Margaret, daughter and co-heir
of Sir Hugh Francis, of Gif^brds, in the County of
Suffolk, widow of Thomas Garnish, of Kenton, in
the same shire, and by lier liad two other sons, namely :
Sir Christopher, who had great posessions in Wick-
hambrook and Bury. In the 12tli of Henry of
Vni. he was sheriff of the Counties of Cambridge
and Huntingdon. He married a daughter of
Leonard Hide, of Hide Hall, in Hertfordshire,

Pedigree of die Peijlon Faiuilij. 323

but died in the 15tli of Henry VII. without
issue.
Fbancis, of St. Edmondsbuiy, heir, was ulso of
Coggeshall, in Essex. He niurried i'liizabetli,
daughter of Pieginald Broolv, of Aspallslo]i Hall,
in Sulfolk, and had two sous, Edmund, the
younger, who was (!ustonier of Calais, left no
issue. The elder son, Christopher o^ St. Echuonds-
bury, married Jane daughter of Thomas i\Jildmay,
and had issue.
Thomas Peyton died 3()tli of July, 1181, and was
sueceedcd by his grandson,

*S'//- Hubert Veijlon, of Isleham, who was Sln^riff of tlie
Counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon,- in the 14th
Henry VII. Ho married Elizal)eth, daughtti- of Sn*
liobert Clcre, of Ormesby, in Norfolk, and had issue,
Piobert, (Sir), his luar.

John, (Sir), married Dorothy, daughter of Sir John
Tyndall, Knt., of Hockwold, in Ktuit, and from him
descended a distinguished line of the family, namely,
the Peyton's of Knowlton and Hoddington. One of whom
was Sir Samuel IVyton, Kut. of Knowlton, and another
Sir Jolm Peyton, who w^as Lieutenant of the Tower of
of London, and Covenor of the Island of Jersey, from
1(308 to 1G28, having been succeeded in that otiice by
his son, Sir John Peyton, who held the post till l()o3.
Sir John died in 1G30, aged 105 y(>ars according to an
inscription on the monument of his Grand-daughter
]\[rs. LoAve, in Christ Cluu'cli, Oxford.*

324 Ped'Kjret' of iht Pcijloii l'\uiuhj.

l.VSCKIPTION FROM TOMIl, ChKIST CuURCll CaTULDRAL, OxFORD.

Neerc this place

Lyes bur}ed the body of Mrs. Alice Love,

Wife to Edward Love of Salisbury, in the County of Wilts, Gent.,

Master of the Choristers, and Organist of this Church,
By whom she had 9 children, 7 Boys and 2 Girls, 5 whereof lye

buryed by her, }e other 4 survive.
She dyed in childbed of her 7th son, the i7tli of March, 1678, ye

42 year of her age, and i 8th since her marriage ;
She was ye daughter of Sir John Peyton ye younger, of Doddington,
in ye Isle of Ely, and County of Cambridge, and Knight, being ye
first made by King James, at Edcnburgh, after his being pro-
claimed by him King of ]uigland.
Her Grandfather, Sir John Peyton, was Knighted by Queen
Elizabeth, for his service in ye fiekl, in Ireland, and made her
Treasurer in that Kingdom ; after that Lieutenant of )e Tower,
by ye space of 30 years ; then Governor of Jersey above 30 years
more, and dyed ye 105th year of his age, ye 4th of
November, 1630.
Her Grandfather by her mother was Sir John Peyton, of Isleham,
in ye countye of Cambridge, Baronett.

This Sir John was a man of strong mind and elegant
manners, of extensive knowledge, and upright cliaracter,
and governed Jersey wisely and temperately. " He was,"
to use the words of an old writer "educated after the
politest manner of the age he lived in, by serving in
the wars of Flanders, under the most able and
experienced soldiers and politicians of that time."

Amidst the sunshine of a court, and the allltience of a
large fortune, his conduct was so regular and temperate
that his life was prolonged to the age of ninety-nine
years, in so much health and vigour, that he rode on

Pedigree of tJte Peyton Fauiihj. 325

horseback, hiuitiiig, tliruo days before his death." *
It is not necessary to our purpose to follow further
this line of the family, ^vllich l)eeanie extinct in
the male line in IGSo, on the death of Sir I'homas
Peijton, who was a member of the lirst Parliament,
after the liestoration, and wlio enjoyed a Government
grant of £2,000 per anmim. It is, however,

in 1873, represented by iMnjor-denural Sir Thomas
Peyton, Barouet, ^vho sueeeeehd liiy nephew, Captain
Sir Algernon Peyton, Part., on his deatli without
issue in 1872. This baronutcy \vas revived in 1770, in
favour of Henry l)ash\V(n)d, wlio was, in the ma-
ternal line, a descendant of Sir Thouias Peyton, and
also married his female rt'i)resentative, by whom he
ae(piired large estates,

Makgauet, married to Francis Jenney, of Knotshall,
in Suflolk.

Elizabeth, married to Sir William Wigston, Knt. of
Wolston, in Warwickshire.

lie died in the i)th of Henry VIII. and Avas succeeded
by his elder son.

Sir Uobert Peyton^ knt., \\\\(j Avas Slieriit' of the
counties of Cambridge and Ihuitiiigdou in P7th and
27lh Henry N'lll., :uul a.voiiiiuuied lba( i\iii-': (o llie
seige of l')alI(\Vlie. lie Uil^ :i;',:im Sli.i ill ui llie \ A cf
Cbieen Ma.i-y. lie uianied l''r;iiiees, ilaiiglilei- and heir
of Immiku's llassyldeii, of Lilile Cheslerlord, in
i'^ssex, and ol' Steeple Marden, in ('and)ridg(jshire, and

• S.'(. Lo Qiusiic's aii,l l'\i]K'slliMnrv cf J. is,-y, fuul Tayiir's (iimlo
to the LslaiMl, also ilrpwoilli Dixon's ''il.T AlaJLsfy's Tow.r."

326 Pedigree of the Peyton Family.

in her right acquired these estates with other h^nds in
the county of Ruthmd. By this Lady (who founded the
famous hospital at Isleham) had six sons and two
daughters, viz.,

I. Sir Robert Peyton (his heir),

II. William,

III. Richard, of Little Chesterfield, in Essex,
married Mary daughter of Leonard Hyde, of
Hyde Hall hi Herefordshire. She outlived him
and married secondly Sir John Carey, Lord
Hunsdon.

IV. ClIRISTOniER,

V. Edward,
YI. John,

1. Catherine, who married M. Williams
of Oxford.

2. Elizabeth, who married Thomas Wrenne,
of Hint on in the Isle of Ely.

Sir Robert died 1st August, 1550, and was succeeded
by his son Sir Robert Peyton^ who was M. P. for
Cambridge in the 4th and 5th of Queen ^lary, and
Sheriff of the united counties of Cambridge and
Huntingdon, in the 0th of Elizabeth. He received the
honor of Knighthood from James I. at Ro3^ston in
November 1G08. He married Elizabeth, a daughter of
Lord Chancellor Rich, and aunt of Robert Earl of
Warwick and had issue,

Robert, who died unmarried,

I. John, (his heir),

II. Richard, who died without issue.

Pediiint' of the Pt'ijlun FainlUj. 827

III. Mary, who mfirrietl iirst liobert Balam, of
AValsoken, in Norfolk, and second Sir Ricluird Cox,
of Braham, in the Isle of Ely.

IV. Frances, wlio niari'ied John Ilagar, of
Bourne Castle, in Cainbridoesliire.

V. WiNFREDE, niarried first, iM, Osborne, ]>arrister-
at-law, second I\[. Herelleet, of Kent, and third
John Hornbye, of Linconshire.

lie was succeeded l)y Iuh eldest surviving son.
Sir John Peyton^ of Islehani, in the County of
Cambridge, who received the honour of Ivnighthood
from Kino; James I. He was ISherili' of Cambrido^e
and Huntingdon, in the 25tli of Piizahetli, when he
was Knighted for the Shire of the latter, as he was again
in the first of James 1. The next year he was again
Sherilf. In the i)th year of the same reign he was
created a Baronet^ viz. on the 22nd of May^ 1011^ on the
institution of the order. Sir John married Alice,
daughter of Sir Edward Osborne, Lord j\Ia}'or of
London in 1585, and the founder of the family the Duke
of Leeds; and by his said wife i\lice had issue,

I. Edward, (Sir) his heir,

II. John, died without issue,

III. IloBERT, a distinguished scholar and Fellow of
Queen's College, Oxford,

IV. Roger, who emigrated to America and was lost
sight of,

V. William, of Wablingworth, married Tabithe
daughter of Henry Payne, Es(j., of AYalthamstow
and left two 8ons. John and William,

8*28 Pcdiijrti' (if the' Pciitun lutuiilij.

VI. Thomas, shiiii at Bourge, in HollaiiJ, while
gallantly loading his forces into action,

VII. Anne, mamed to Sir Robert Bacon, Bart., of
Riborough, in Norfolk, third son of Sir Nicholas
Bacon, Bart., of Badgrave.

VIII. Alice, married to Sir John, son and heir of Sir
John Peyton, of Doddington.

IX. Elizabeth, married to Sir Anthony Irby, Knt. of
Boston in Lincolnshire, who was created Lord
Boston.

X. Mary, married to Sir Roger Meers, Knt. of
Hoghtou, in Lincolnshire.

XL Frances, died unmarried.

XII. Susan, died unmarried.

He died about the year 1G17, and was succeeded by
eldest son,

Sir Edward Pciiton, who was Knighted at White-
hall, 4th February, IGIO, and during the life-time of his
father was denominated " of Grreat Bradley, in Suffolk."
He served in Parliament from 18th of James I. to the
3rd of Charles the I. as one of the Knights of the Shire
for the County of Cambridge, and was Ciistos Rotulorum
there, of which office he was deprived by the intluence
of the Duke of Backingham, " whereat he was so much
disgusted, that he lirst drew his pen against the Court,
and writ several pamphlets with great acrimony against
Charles I. and the royalists." He subsequently sided
with the Presbyterians in the great rebellion, and so
impoverished himself in the cause, that ho. was obliged
to sell Isleham, and, drawing his son into joining him,

Pedigree of tJte Petjton FamlUj. 8'29

sold the whole estate, with the reserve only of annuities
during both their lives.

Sir Walter Scott, in his introduction to the secret
history of the reign of James tlie I. by Sir Edward
Peyton, as reprinted in 1811 by Ballantyne of Edinburgh,
in his " Historical Memoirs of the lleign of Elizabeth
and James," by Francis Osborne says. Sir Edward's
property was plundered by both parties ; for he complains
in the following treatise,* that at Broadcliock, in
Wiltshire, four hundred pounds worth of his household
stuff was seized by the Royalist garrison of Langford,
which was never restored to him, although the place
was afterwards taken by Cromwell. In short, as he
could not, it would seem, serve his party very effectually,
his attachment, as usually happens in such cases, did
not save him from neglect and injury. At the close of
the civil war, in which so many of the success-
ful side had made their fortune. Sir Edward Peyton
was so much impoverished, that \\(\ was obliged to sell
Isleham, the ancient patrimony of his family. His
eldest son, afterwards Sir John Peyton, was induced
to join in the sale, reserving annuities for his father's
life and his own. And thus this ancient family was
totally ruined."

Sir Edward Peyton was of grave and serious character,
strong religious convictions, and having long lived near
Cromwell, in Cambridgeshire, imbibed many of his
political opinions. They were personal friends, and Sir
Edward very naturally exerted his influence hi favour

* "The Divine catastrojiho of TLo Kingly fumily of the housu of Stuurts."

')oO Pcditjire of tlic i'njton h'ainihj.

of the Commonwealth. It was his ontliusiasm in thli^
cause alone, which led to his iinancial ruin, and the
removal of one of his grandsons to Virginia. For he
was as far as possihle removed in character from the
roystering, gambling, hard-drinking gentlemen of the
Dundreai-y type who flourished in the reigns of Mary
and Elizabeth, men like the famous Earl of Carlisle,
who in the early part of the era of the Stuarts, spent
in a jovial life above £400,000, and left not a house nor
an acre of laud to be remembered by. A gentleman
wlio at a later period was followed hy another of infa-
mous memory, Rochester, one of whose tits of intoxica-
tion is said, with brief hiterruptions, to have lasted five
years. Sir Edward was the reverse of these gentlemen
blackguards and gentlemen exquisites, was a regular,
sincere, and straightforward man, an honest country
gentleman — not blase, roue, epuisse, or ennuye of life,
and never thought of advancing his own interests.
Thus it is that while others waxed rich on public strife,
he grew poor. It may not be uninteresting to mention
that at the time he was made a Baronet, among other
requisites required for this dignity, the recipient
must have a clear income above all debts of £1,095,
a year, and be able to claim descent from a grandfather
who had borne arms and been under lire.

Sir Edward married lii-st, IMatilda, daughter of
Robert Livesay, of Tooting, in Sm-re)^, by Avliom he had,

John, (his heir),

Edward, in holy orders, who had three sons, Edward,
Robert and Henry,

RoBEHT, and one daughter,

Pedigree of the Peyton Family. 331

Amey, married to Henry Lawrence, of St. Ives, in
Huntingdonshire, and of ISt. Margaret's in the county
of Hertford. He married secondly, Jane, daughter of
Sir James Calthorp, knt. of Crockthorpe, in Norfolk
(widow of Sir Henry Thomelthorpe, Knt.) and by that
lady had one son,

Thomas, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir

William Yelverton, of llougham, in Norfolk, and

dying in 1G83, left four sons, William, of Dublhi

married Frances, daughter and co-heir of Sir

Herbert Lunsford, Knt. by whom he litid no mah;

issue. He died in 1G8G.

Robert, of Isleham, j\Iatthews Co., Virginia.*

"This young man," says 13. Blundell, F.S.A. *'a grand-

of Sir Edward Peyton, like Ned Poins, a younger

brother and a pro])er fcllov/ of his hands, disdaining the

life of a mere idle hanger-on to elder relatives scantily

able to support themselves, resolved to try Avhat his

* There is a tradition in tlie family in Virginia to the effect that
shortly after his arrival in the Colony, when somo distance np tlu;
river (James) on a shooting ex(nu\sion, the waters of Virginia abound-
ing in game and wild fowl, KoLert Peyton and his comi)aiiion wen-
taken prisoners by a party of huhaus, and conveyed to theu' head-
quarters in the interior. Tlie Ked-skins reduced them to a kind of
slavery. Peyton's companion was carried oil' by fever within a few
weeks. Solitary and alone in their hands, the young Englishman
revolved plans of escape and finally accomplished his wishes. He
appeared pleased with Indian lifi;, exerted himself in war, the chase
and in fishing, and entered with such spirit into their games that he
won their confidence and friendship. The savage King adopted
liim into the tribe, then as a son, then advanced him to be a chief and
finally indicated to his natural sons that they must give way to him as
his, the King's successor. His life was now far from unpleasant,
though he had to be constantly on guard to prevent being assas-
sinated by the King's sons, who were to lose their- inheritance through

332 Pedigree of ihc Peijlun Fainih/.

long pedigree, backed by u bold heart and a clear
intellect, could do in America, towards renovating liis
fortunes, and shortly after the llestoration emigrated
to Virginia, circa 16G5, Avhere the young adventurer,
inspired by that affectionate recollection of his native
land which is one of the most prominent and praise-
worthy traits in the character of our American cousins,
gave his new domain, in j\lattheAvs county, the
appellation oi' Meha?n. born by the ancestral residence in
his island home. Here his descendants flourished
becoming opulent landholders, magistrates, and
members of the Colonial Parliament."

Robert, who married in Virginia left among other
issue,

Benjamin John Edward, who married and left one
son,

Henry, born 1700, who married Miss Langley,
daughter of Roger Langley and left one son,

his presence. He was provido!.! with u wife, in the person of the
daughter of a chief living in the south-west, and in close aiuity with
his own tribe. A consolidation of the two tribes was thus thought
feasible in the future.

His escape from captivity was thus effected. During the winter, an
expedition, under the King, advanced against tlie Whites. When the
Red-skins, after a long march through the forest, arrived in front of
the Colonial settlements, Peyton availed himself of an opportuidty
Avhen scoutuig to rejoin his countrymen. From his knowledge and
position nothing would have been easier than to betray the whole
savage force and deliver it uji to the AVHiites. This he declined doing.
On the contrary, when he was safe he sent an Indian boy to the
savages with a warning to them to be olF. The Indian King did not
remain to receive a second intimation that he was on dangerous
ground, but, like a wise man, returned the same night to a place of
security.

Pedigree of the Peijton Familij.

333

John, of Stalford Co., Virginia, born 1725, Avho
married Elizabeth a daughter of John Rouse, and
left issue,

John Rouse and Valentine, M.D.

Jo/m Bouse Peyton married Anne, daughter of Howson
Howe, and left issue,

I. John Howe, (of Montgomery Hall) born April
27th, 1778, his successor, and of whom presently,

II. Bernard Peyton, a Captain in the U. S. Army,
and afterwards Adjutant General of Virginia and
President of the Board of Visitors of the Virginia
Military Institute at Lczlngton. He married
Amanda daughter of General Moses Green of
Faquier, and left issue,

1. Thomas, a Captam of Artillery in the
Confederate Army, who married Catherine,
daughter of the Right Rev. John Johns, Bishop
of Virginia, and has issue.

2. Green, a Colonel in the Confederate Army,
and, since the war, a professor in the University
of Virginia. He married Champe, daughter
of Dr. Charles Carter of Albemarle, and has
issue.

3. Bernard, who married Estelle, daughter of
Dr. Tricon, of California, and has issue.

4. Thomas, jun., a Major in the Confederate
Army, who married a daughter of the Hon.
Dabney Carr, late American Minister Plenipo-
tentiary to Turkey, and a grand daughter of

334 Pedujire of the Peyton FamiUj.

Thomas Jcfterson, ord President of the U. S.

and has issue.
6. Susan, who married Major General W. I^.

Hagner, U. S. Army, and has no issue.
G.Amanda, married J. C. Washington, and has

no issue.

III. Gaenett, who married Agatha daugliter of W. S.
Madison, and left issue, but. only one of his children
married and had issue, viz., AVilliam, who married
a daughter of William JMvmford, and has issue.

IV. ItOUSE or RouzE, who married, first, Ann( Jallagher,
and left issue : 1st Bernard, and 2nd Ann, who
married Bronson Murray, of New York, and has
issue. He married secondly, Eliza daughter of Col.
J. B. Murray and left issue — one son, Hamilton,
and three daughters, all married and with issue.

V. Lucy, married General Green, of Hoi>kinsville,
Kentucky, and left issue.

VI. Ann Fkances, who married Robert (Jreen, but
left no issue.

Jolin Iloive, of Montgomery Hall, married 1st Susan,
daughter of William S. Madison, and by her left issue
one son Colonel William M. Peyton the subject of the
foregoing memoir, who married Elizabeth A. E. Taylor
and left issue,

1 Elizabeth, who died in her 16th year unmar-
ried.

2 John Howe, died in infancy.

3 Susan, who married Joseph H. White, and

Pedigree of the Pegton Fainily. 335

then Col. Wasliiiigton, and died without issue

living by either husband.
4 William Allan, died of typhoid fever in his

14th year.
6 Gaenett, married Wiilter Preston, and has

issue, one son Peyton, and a daughter

Sally.

6 Sally Peeston, married Tliomas C. Eead, and
left issue, one daughter, who married Dr.
William Berkeley, a descendant of Sir Win.
Berkeley, Colonial Governor of Virginia.

7 Juliet, died in her 17th year unmarried.

8 Beenaedine, marj-ied in 1872, Lewellyn, of
Albemarle County, Virginia.

John H. Peyton, married secondly, Ann Montgomery,
daughter of Major John Lewis, of the Sweet Springs,
und left issue, at his death, wliich occurred at Montgomery
Hall, 3rd of April, 1847.

I. John Lewis, born 15th of September, 1824, who
married Henrietta E. C. daughter of Colonel John
C. Washington, of County Lenoir, North-Carolina,
a relative in the 4th Canonical degree to the illus-
trious Washington, and has issue, one son,

Laweence Washington Howe, born in Guernsey,
Channel Islands, 27tli of January, 1872.
XL Yelveeton Howe, born 8th of January 1838,

and is in 1873, unmarried.
in. Susan Madison, married Col. J. B. Baldwin, a

son of Judge B. G. Baldwin, and has no issue.
IV. Ann Montgomeey, died unmarried.

o3() Pedhjree of the Peyton Fainily.

V. Mary Preston married Pt. A. Gray, and has issue
two sons, 1 Peyton, and 2 Baldwin, and daughters,

VI. Lucy married J. N. Hendren, and has issue one
son Samuel and daughters,

VII. Elizabeth married Wm. Boys Telfair, of Ohio,
and has issue two sons 1 William and 2nd Baldwin
and daughters,

VIII. Margaret, married G. M. Cochrane, jun., and
has issue, one son, George, and daughters.

IX. Virginia, married Col. J. F. Kent, and has issue
one son Joseph,

X. Cornelia, married Dr. Thomas, and has issue two
sons, 1 Peyton, 2 Baldwin,

The Peyton arms, as in the visitation of Suffolk,
Harl., A.D., 15G0, are : quarterings,

1. sable, a cross, engrailed, or, for Peyton ; 2. Gernon ;
3. Colville ; 4. Sutton ; 5. Hassingborne ; 6. Langley ;
7. Atleze ; 8. Atbridge ; 9. Langley ; 10. Francis ;
11. Lucy ; 12. Chamberlaine.

Crest — a Griffin, Sejant, or,

Motto — Patior, Potior : — I labour, I secure.

ISLEIIAM HALL.

THE PRIORY AND CHURCH,

CO. CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND.

Extract prom a MS account of a Visit to Isleiiam,
IN 1870, BY THE Author of the foregoing Memoir.

* * * *

The forenoon of the next day, the strangers, whom
the reader will recognize as ourselves, were occupied
examining Ely Cathedral, one of the most ornate and
beautiful in England. The same afternoon we set forth
in a gig for Isleham, across a region, commonly
styled the "Fen Country," though tcmi cotta drainage
has long since turned the swamp into the driest of dry
land. This district is Hat, monotonous and uninteres-
ting. There is little in it to arouse and enlighten the
imagination, or to inspire artistic genius. In our cloud-
compelling chariot, we actually scoured the Cambridge-
shire plains, though the dust was suffocating and
the heat tropical, for our steed belonged to a
class known to London cab proprietors as a retired
racer, an animal no longer fit for the Ol^iupic
games of Epsom, but who before a gig rather flies tiian
runs, and, I may add, generally leaves a visible Avrack

TT

838 . I'islt lu l-.lrlutm.

beliiiid, unlike our perisli;il»l.:' 1io})l,s iinJ alToctions. Not
so, however, in our case, we proceeded safely, passing
through two or three viUages, whose tuinl)le down
houses, or I slioukl rather say in cockney style, whose
ruined gates and walls told eloquent stories of their
antiquity. Their present desolation formed a melancholy
contrast to the cheerful cultivation around them.
There was a soothing stilhicss in the scene presented
by the champaign country which we certainly now
saw under the liappiest circumstances of season and
weather. Passing through a Hat, and so far as
picturesque beauty is concerned, a comparatively
barren region, there was yet much to amuse the eye,
and make an agreeable variety. The woods and fields
were in their mid-sunaner bloom, and the mellow light
of evening heightened the richness of their hues, and
gave an exquisite etiect to the light and shade which fell
upon the lanvtsc |.e. The air was scented with blossoms
by trees then in flower, which here and there lined
the road-sides. Hural scenes of almost every kind are
delightful to the mind, gratifying the- senses and
producing an inexhaustible fund of innocent amusement^
and I contemplated these wide plains, with their
luxuriant corn crops bendhig under the breeze, with
ardent delight. My experience, indeed, satisfies me
that there are few spots so barren as not to aftbrd
picturesque scenes,

" Believe tlie muse,
She docs not know that inauspicious spot
"SVliore beauty is thus uigyard of her store,

Visit in JshJuuii. . 330

Believe the muse, through this terrestrial wastw
The seeds of gi-ace are sown, profusely sown,
Even where we least may hope."

About sunset wo saw the graceful spire of Isleliam
Church rising hke a dream from earth to heaven, and
the hamlet shining at the extremity of the open country.

ISLEHA]\r PRIOllY.

Soon we arrived, and, traversing the grassgrown streets
of the ancient village, stood in front of, not the
venerable edifice itself, but of an old Priory — the old
Priory as it is call(;d, or so much of it as remains. This
monastery was built circa A.D. 1300. Patched up with
brick and mortar, this interesting relic of the olden
time is now used as a barn, pig-sty, and stable. Such
are the base uses to which it has come. Notwithstand-
ing its cracked and battered condition, the sight of it more
than repaid my trouble, and its situation gave rise to
many suggestive thoughts. The jolly monks of old
were not deficient in taste, and selected sites for their
monestaries with both wit and wisdom. At jn-esent there
there are neither winding paths, trees, ivy, nor water to
throw a charm around the Priory, it is left dila-
pidated and naked, staring and stared at by the
irreverant world. It once had all these adjuncts, and
might have them agahi. In its present wretched
condition it excites only ideas of solitude, neglect, and
desolation. It is worthy, however, of a word of
description. In 1791, it was first converted into use as
a barn, and has since been called the Priory barn. It

3-10 • Vuil to hU'haiu.

consists of a nave and chancel, with a circular end and
eight buttresses, two small south and one small north
window, in length about 95 and in breadth 20 feet, and
the south door has been enhirged since it was made a
barn. The walls are built herring-bone fashion. At
the west end are two heavy buttresses, between them
a small window and two round ones above. Whether
it fell into decay and the lord would not get it
converted into parochial use, when granted with its
house by Henry VI. to Pembroke College, does not at
present appear.

ISLEHAM CHURCH.

After a close examination we passed on to the village
church, which was commenced by Sir Thomas Peyton,
and the building finished by his son and executor, Sir
Christopher Peyton, A.D. 1480. It is one of the most
beautiful buildings of the kind in England, in a style far
superior to what could be looked for in so mean, though
extensive and populous, a village. The edilice is in
excellent preservation, though the exterior Avails are
green with the accumulated damp of centuries. A
servant was despatched for the verger, who is likewise
janitor, who soon made his appearance, bringing the
keys, and introduced us into the interior of the church.
It consists of a nave, with two isles and two transepts
and a choir. The nave rests on live pointed arches, on
each .side suj)]K.(h'.l l)y : k nder clustered columns.
Under the clerLoLory \wiidu,>s laiiges a fascia of
dentals and one of flowers. In the intervals between

iisit to islfJiaiit. ' 8-11

the arches are three quatrefoils, the lowermost contain-
ing shields with the same arms on both sides :

Peyton impaling a Hon rampart

Peyton quartering a lion rampart

Peyton single

Peyton impaling a saltire engrailed, a chief

Erm. Hyde.

The roof is of wood ; and between the principals are

whole length statues of angels holding shields with the

instruments of the passion. On the wooden cornice is

this inscription cut in relief on both sides :

Pray for the good prosperity of

Christopher Peyton and Elizabeth his wife,

and for the soul of

Thomas Peyton, Equyer, and Margaret his wife, father and

mother of the said Christopher Peyton,

and for the soul of

All the ancestors of the said Christopher Peyton which did make

this rofe* in the fere of our Lord, mccxvi. being the

I year of King Henry III.

Note. — The will of Christopher Peyton, of Isleham,
dated the eve of the nativite of the blessed virgin, A.D.
1505, and proved 8th of July, 1507. Provides "that he is
to be buried within the Church of Isleham, in such place
as shall seem to Elizabeth my wife most convenyeut.
Further to the high altar of the said church, for my
tithes negligently paid or forgot, 20s. To my
neveu Sr Robert Peyton, Knt., X quarters of barley,
and V quarters of whete. My wife Elizabeth to find
an honeste prieste to sing for me an hole year. To

* From this date it aijpeurs that the church was built in A.D., 121t>^
urdoss this coruice was transferred to the new from an older editice.

8-12 I'lsU Iu IsUham.

my broder flraiici.s Peyton XX sliepe, and to his wyfo
a cowe, and V conibus of nialto, and to Xplior his son
X shecpe. To Jolm IVyton, my godson, 40s. To
Edward Peyton, my ncveu, SOs. 8d." " The residue of
all my goodes I bequeath to Elizabeth my wife, my said
wife to have for the terme of her life, all my lands,
tenements, meddowes, pastures, etc., in Isleham afore-
said, and within the bounds of Fordham." He appoints
" Elizabeth my wife " Exeeutrix.]

Passing by the tombs of many others,'we arrived in
front of the manor pew. On Spandrils of archwork on
this are the arms of Sir Christopher Peyton, and the
saltire and chief erm. Hijih, his wife, held by angels ;
St. Michael and the Dragon, etc., etc.

In the south transept, on a plain low altar tomb
is an alabaster figure of a knight in armour, iu curled
hair, with a garland or corolla. Under his head a
pointed helmet, with a fillet oi jJeurs dells, a piked beard,
gauntlets, studded neck-band, and strap from his chin
to the shoulder straps ; round shoulder and elbow
pieces ; of his sword and dagger the hilts only remain-
ing ; a lion looking up at his feet, which arc under a
nich. Inscription gone, but one of the Peyton's

An altar-tomb of freestone has a slab of speckled
marble, from the middle of which has been torn a plain
cross. Under an arch in the wall at the feet ot a
headless man and woman, three boys and three girls,
with a label from the mouth of the tirst of each to a
crucifix, and under them this inscription on a brass
plate :

Visit to Jslckain. 343

Of yr charity pray for the soulcs of

Sir Robert Peyton, Knight,

Which departed to God the viii Jay of xMarch, the yere of our

Lord, MDViu.

Also for tlie soul of

Dame Elizabeth lV)ton, his wife,

Which departed to God the yere of our Lord, md*"^'^'

[Note. — The will of Sir Robert Peyton, Kiit.of Isleham,
proved the 20th of April, A.D., 1518, ordered, " That
he should be buried in Islcham Church — To the high
altar of the foreseyde churche, 20s. To the reparation of
Wyken Churche, 20s., to the intent tliat they shall pray
for the soule of my brother John Peyton. My gowne
of crymsyn velvett to be made a cope and vestment, the
cope for the p'she churche of Wyken, and the vestment
for the p'she churche of Boxlbrth, in the count ie of
Suffolk, upon eche of them being a escocheon uf my
amies and my wife's armes. I will that a remembrance
be made upon a escocheon of my father's arms, and sett
upon the wall of the churche of St. Giles, Cripnllgate,
in London. Robert, my eldest sonne, to have hd I unto
him ifyve hundred shepe of those at Wyken. Item, I
will that my flockes of shepe at Jsleham, Shi[>i)enham,
and Barton beside Mildeidiall, with all the proHtts and
increase of them, goe to the p'forming this my wyll. I
will that John, my second sonne, shall have to him my
manor in Barnham, St. Marteyn, in Siilfolk, called
Calthorppys. I will that Dame Elizabeth my Avife
have two partes of my housclold stutfe. 1 will that
Flobert Peyton, my eldest sonne, have my cliaine of
golde. Unto ifranccs Pe3'ton, wife to my saide sonne
Robert, a chain of golde. Item, that Edward, my
thirde sonne, be provided for by myn executors. To
Elizabeth, my daughter, CCC merkes. To Edward
Peyton, my brother, XX merks. To Dorothie Peyton,

;'! i.

3-14 I'isit to IsLhain.

my sister X merkes. To ft'raiicis Peyton, my uncle, my
blake gowne furred wtli bkke. To Xpfer Peyton,
Sonne to my said uncle iFruncis Peyton, X she])e. To
kepe the annirersury of Thomas Peyton and tlane his
wife, father and mother unto me. Ex'ors, Dame
Elizabeth Peyton, my wife, and William Butte, of
Cambridge. Supervisor, John Lorde Abbott ot St.
Edmund's Bury, and my welbeloved fader-in-law Sr
Bobert Clere, Knt."

N.B. The residue of lands, etc., in Isleham, Barn-
ham, Wyken, and the manors of Seyham Hall, Water
Hall, and Badleys, in Suliblk, are left to the eldest son,
Robert, with aversions to second son John and third
son Edward."]

The date has never been filled up, the plate remaining
smooth. Over this a line park, and under the east
window, a rich fascia of vine leaves and grapes, and oak
foliage above, over the space formerly occupied by the
altar.

South of this is a blue slab, with the arms of Peyton
impaling a cross flory with a mullet in the centre; and
another shield gone :

On a plate in the middle, this inscription :

Pray for the soul of

Sir Robert Pc)ton, Knight,

which married Frances, the daughter and heir of Francis Hassylden,

Esquire, deceased, wliich Sir Robert deceased the ist day of

August, A.D. u '''' '■'' '•' \vhose soli' God pardoned.

Another slab south of this has the brass figure of a
knight and lady. He is in armour, bareheaded, cropt
hair, helmet under head crested with a bear's head.

Visit In Islt'lnim. 845

pointed elbow pieces, slrait long guard, short dagger,
muzzled bear at feet, looking up. 'i'his is tlic loinb of
Sir John Bernard. On a ])late at the heatl is this
inscription,

Hie JacL't Julus iMiiiaid miles,

qui obiit XXIllI die nu-ns m;u\ ii A.D.'iii AK'CCCIJ,

l'!t D'liia Elena Swynton uxis pM.-i [nlics r>>'niartl unlit tilio et

heredis Joins IMallore iiiilit dc com.

Aloh'mt qu obiit XIII die INIe'ss Oclolnis Ad. D'no MCCCCXL.

Et d'na Elizabeth Tcdccvyh;, sccu'do uxi.s pd'ci J'.ilics 15criiard

milit qe obiit X die mc'ss Jidii .'\d. D'ni iVU CXri. XI X' q'r ajaluis

p'pici.i dc.

On another large slab are the ])rass ligurcs of
a man in plated armour, rnlf, gauntlets, cropL
hair, and divided heard, his lu^ad on a hclnu4; at
liis feet a griihn feiant; his lady reclinrs on a cushion
iu a coif and ruff, necklace of four rows of pearls, ga)wn
boddice, and petticoat: nothing at hi'r fc-et.

Peyton quartcj'ing the cross flcurx , u mnlk't in the
centre: impales per chevron .') lions rani[)art in a circle
countercharged, quartering.

1. S. a cross ingi-ailed O. Pcijtoii

2. A. three })iles wav)' 0. Geninii^

o. Quarterly, 0. and 0. a bend vairc A. and AZ.
SacLvillQy

4. Harry of HO. and (i. a lion [lassant guardaiU in
chief 0.

5. O. a fess (i.

(i. 0. a chevron (r. on a chief (J. -'> estoilcs O.
7. A. fess G. or S. in chief o I'onndcls

\v

;ML; )'/.-,// lo islrluini.

8. Az. ii lion rampart S.

IJ. G. in a borduro iiigruilcd A. fishes naiant 0.

10. Az. a (Icmi lion rampart G.

11. A. a cross V.

12. A. a cross flonrc G.

Impalino-, qnartcrly, 1. 4. quarterly G. and Erm. a
cross 0. OshoDie^

2. A. two barrs and a canton G. on the latter cross
A. Brouijhtuii.

3. A. a chevron V. Ijctween 8 annulats G.

On the fascia : on a fess bctwei^n o stars 3 ronndals,
Balam, impaling, the cross iin])ailed and tlu; cross lleury.
On the fascia in Itoman capitals, gold, on a black
ground,

Years of sixty-seven diJ pass in governing,

Botli just and wise lie was,

By ancient stock, but more by merit,

His body the earth, his soul Heaven inherit.

The cross higrailcd and cross lleury impaling,
quarterly, Erm. and Az. a cross 0. Osborne.

Quarterly 1. 4. iJarry of G Erm. and G. llusscij.

A man in a coat and furred gown and hose; his
right hand on his breast, his left hanging down holds a
bcjok; his lady wears a coif and hood, standing cape,
pinkt sleeves, and short ridlles, her apron has strings
and is hiced. Over her, the Peyton arms, with these
quartcrlugs.

1. }\ujU>n.

'2. Three piles wavy. Gcnion.

visit tu r.sh'hum. 347

3. Aclu'vrou ill three cstoiles.

4. A bear rampant iniizzled. iicrnayd.
b. A cross fleury.

G. Three battle axes.

7. A lion rampant and a Jaljel of three.

8. A lion rampant.

In tlie centrt>. oi all a mullet.
The qnarterings also hnpah; tlie siiUire cn^^raih'd and
chief Erm. llijde. whieh last coat is sill^•l(' in a luzen^-e.
Belu^v is the iirst coat of 8 (piartcrs sin,i^le, and
impaling the saltire and chief; and between them this
hiseri[)tion:

" Here under l)ctli a worthy Sijuire that Ricliard Peyton hight,
And honest gentleman, and tliird son to Roherl r\-Mon Kui-ht,
In Grey's inn, student o'i the law, where lu; a rradi r was ;
He feared God, and loved his woril, iu Inun his life did jiass ;
In practising of Justice lo 1 was Ins whole delight ;
IK: ncvi-r wronged any one to whom he might ilu right.
AVhom he esteemed an honest friend, who he might slaml instead
He never left to do him good with words, with purse and deed,
l-'ourtecn years space he married was, unto a beautiful wife,
liy parent named Mary ll}de, llu-y lived devijid of strife.
The earth him bear twice tweiiiy )ears, and virluou-^ly In; lived,
A virtuous life he did embrace, and viiluousl)- he died

Aiiiuj Domino, i 57 \
The thirtieth day of April, }'ear seventy and lour
A thousand, livi- hundred, being put to that more."

At the Sonth end of this tran.'^ei)t are two heavy
monuments with eanojaes on ionr pillars. On the
2. 3. 4. a chevron between three roses (1. seeded 0.

inj]jaling the cro.-;Ses (piarterly.

348 Visit to Iskham

Quarterly Erm, etc. the cross 0. with a crescent of
diil'ereiice, Osborne^ impaUn^- the quartered crosses.

1. Peyton.

2. The piles wavy.
8. 0. a fess G.

4. The chevron and stars in chief.

5.

(I.

7. The battle axes.

8. G. a lion rampant 0. with a crest S. under a label
of 30.

9. G. a lion rampant.

On the tomb at the head of this lies a Knight in
armour, in his hair, piked beard and ruff: under his
legs a heavy shield; at his feet a griftin 0. his lady in
ruif, coif, gown plaited, under her feet seems a fox or
wolf headless. Above the following arms, quarterly.

1 . Peyton.

2. A. 3. piles G,

3. Quarterly 0. and G. a bend nebula A. and Az.

4. 0. a lion chief over barry of G. and 0. or 2
cottises.

5. 0. a lion rampant G.
G. A. a lion rampant S.

7. Bendy of 12. A. and G.

8. 0. a bend G.

\). 0. a chevron G. on a chief G. three stars.

10. A fess, in chief 3 ogresses.

11. A. a bear rampant S. Bernard.

12. S. 3 battle axes erect. A.

Visit to IsUJuiui. 349

13. Giroime A. and (!,

14. Quarterly xV. and S. a bend of chain Avork S.

15. A. in a bordurc engTailcd G. tliree lisli naiant A.
IG. A. demidion rampant G.

17. A. on a bendG. three spread eagles 0.

18. A. a cross lienri tS.
1'.). G. alien rampant (.).

20. A. on a fess indented (1. or S. 8 bezants.

21. A lion rampant G.

Crest: a griiliu sejant, 0.
Nee vi nee metu
On the fascia the crosses quarterly single, and impal-
ing, quarterly,
1-4. Osborne.

2. Broughtou.

3. A chevron between 3 roundels.

The last quarterings single.

One of these monuments is by the impalment that of
Robert Peyton, who married the daughter of Lord
Chancellor Kicli, and "was with bis wife buried here and
the other that of Sir John Peyton, Knight and Paronet,
son of Sir Edward Peyton, Bart., author of " Secret
History of James I." and last of the family who
resided here and uncle to llobert Peyton, who emigrated
to Virginia. This Sir John married Alice, daughter of
Sir Edward Osborne, Knight, Lord INIayor of London
and afterwards Duke of Leeds.

Under a brass cross on steps between two bands
elevated, is this inscription.

350 J'lsit to hlt'ham.

Pray fur thu soul of

Elizabeth IVyLuu,

Whicl) deceased the 1\'. da)- ui" November,

the yer of oar Lord MDXVI.

on whose soule Jliu have mercy.

Under this a saltire CDgriiilod, a chief Ermine ; for
Ehzabeth Hyde, wife of Sir ('hristophcr, patron of the
church.

A large slab had a brass plate and t^v'o shields, these
are worn too indistinct to be deciphered.

Under the South window is the stone figure of a
Knight in armour, his helmet liattened at top, a lion
at his feet, and against the west wall of this transept,
headless, figures of a man and woman, and between
them three children, praying to the Deity over the latter.
Under all a plate thus inscribed,

" God have mercy on the soul of

Sir Christoijher Peyton, and P^lizabeth his wife,

Christopher deceased, the XXVII day of June,

in the year of our Lord, mcccccvii, (1507-)

This commemorates the patron of the church before
mentioned. The brackets of the roof of this transept,
have angels holding shields of arms of Pcijtun single and
impaling Hyde : which last coat is also single.

In the north wall of the north aisle is a broken
crossed legged figure in stone in armour, in a round
helmet ; a fine lion at his feet, and over him an
elliptical within a pointed arch, or very short round pillars
sided by purfled finials. This is evidently the figure, of one

\l.^it in hhliani. 851

ol' tlie Pevtoiis who ;uM';)'iii[M)iue'(l (uxliVc}' dt' Bouillon
to tlie seig-e of Jerusalem aiiJ (-nj4-;L,n*'(l in liie rout of
tlio Saracens at the battle of AscaJon A. 1). lOOl).

In the chancel, ou the iNorih side of llni eonnuunion
taV)le, are, on an ahar-tomb ^\■ilh a ;2'i"ay hlah, under a
ti'(;ble canopy ^vith blark ^hivdils in the spandrils, the
brass tio-urus of Sir 'J'lionias rr\'{oii, KniL^ht, and liis
t^vo wives, Margarc-t daii^^litcr and eo-lnnrcss of Sir
lInLi;ii l^^rancis of (iillord, in the [)arish of W'ii'khanibrook,
Suffolk. Sir Thomas Avas slurill' for Oanibi-id^-e and
llunting-don shires, lil and l\\ Ifcni'v V. and died July
,'jO, 14.S4. He is in ])lati:d armour, Avith h standing-
cape and gor^'et, bur*, hoadud, hair erojit, and has u
sword, a cross and a dasiLi-cr. Txith tho ladies have the
li'auze head dress of this eentm-y; I'Ut no wiriis appear;
one has on the cushion of her head (h'ess somethini^- like
anns, several chevronels, and a scroll impaling- harry of
<! or <S ; a rich necklace, iiu'red cape and rul'iles tcj g(jwn ;
the other has the same head dress and necklace, but no
fur to her rich end)roiilered gown; on her cushion is
inscribed '"''Ladij'' and '' 'ihij nwrcijy The hands of
both are held ii[) and spi'i;ad open, not in the usual
attitude of prayer. The in>eri[)tion is,

1 )::to jiTi) aniiiKihus

Tliomas Peyton arinii^iai ct '.\l.a-i,Tr.'t ct !\Iargaret. uxores ejus

(lui ("luidaui 'I'tionias,

ot)iit XXX die iiiLTisis Julie,

Anno Domini Rtiilimo cecci.xx.xnu i\n<')\n animnbus pTi'-'iit

d.- ano.

;>52 Visit In hi did lit.

Arms on the Bpaiidiil of the arch above a cross
ingrailed in the dexter corner a mullet of live points
PfijtoiL : single and impaling a bear rampant. Bernard.
On the corner of the cornice Pciiton impalhig a saltire,
Francis.

All through this sacred ediiice are thickly strewn the
memorials which claim the passing tribute of a sigh,
all teaching the silent lesson that man is but mortal, and
impressing on the mind the vanity of human hopes, —
that in sober truth, the path of glory leads but to the
grave.

Solemnly and sadly quitting the dim cloisters, on the
marble pavements of which the sunlight, coming through
the stained windows, cast patches of gold and purple, I
softly murmered, as I passed out of the consecrated
edifice,

The knights are dust,

And their g-ood swords rust,

Their souls are with the Saints I trust.

From the church we proceeded through the village,
passing the Priory again, and crossing a corn lield,
entered the grounds of the Hall.

The land on which the church, but not the hall,
stands, as will be seen by reference to Doomsday book,
was granted to the Peytons, in IOCS, by William the
Conqueror, who was wont to grant lands to his
favourites, in the language of an ancient bard,

From heaven to yerthe,

From ycrth to hel,

For thee and thine tlicru to dwell.

)'isit lit 1 si eh a Hi. *ti5;J

Soon we passed the loiujly moated grange and stood
before the hoary and vencrtd)le seat. Tlie first view of
the once gay and festive Hull is imposing, though it looks
like a habitation forsakt-n of men and yet not resumed by
nature. It is a large, antique mansion, a vast ]>ile, lone,
desolate and partly in ruins. The ravages of time are
strongly marked on ever)llnng about it. Tb.e old turrets
ut the corners are gone, as :dsu the am})le portico in the
centre. Many of the windows are broken and dismantled.
There is a ruinou.s gate-way here and a crunddiiig arch
there. While viewing what may jje called the ruins of
this once grand old mansion I could not help thitd;ing
of the remark of Lord Macaulay, ^vliu, when si)eaking of
the county gentlemen of the seventeenth century, said,
that they troubled themselves little abi)ut decorating
their abodes, and, if they attempted decoration, seldom
produced anything but deformity. A remark e\'en more
true of those Avho precede the 17th century.

One portion of the l)i-ick and stone skeleton is
occupied by a farmer's family, another is used as a
malthig-house, and a third as a barn, Avhile other
parts have been turned into stalls and stables. Panned
walls stretch away in ditlerent directions — here pro])ped
up and repaired — there bi'oken and prosti-ate. As we
advanced to the building, a troop of frighrened .sheep
crowded beneath one of the gateways where 1 could
not help thinking perha[)S tlu; dcjughty Knights of
old had often stood in shining armour and lu(jl;ed upon
the extensive walls now crumbling into ruhis. Lonir

)i6i ri^il lo Islrluim.

I paused and gazed upon the home of my forefathers
with a species of awe which enforced silence.
*****
The wide domain has dwindled to forty-six acres sur-
rounding the dehris, I may say, for it is scarcely more, of
the Ilalh Age and the decrepitude of age is furrowed
in deep lines upon every stone and timher. The walls
are hoary with time, the trunlcs of the trees are white
with age, and these old monarchs of the forest appear
to be in a feeble and dying condition — the ivy on the
walls has grown its growth, and is slowly dying its
death, the very dust under foot is pale and silvery, as
if the rains of centuries had washed out of it all sem-
blance of fertility."

APPENDIX P>.

ME MO 11 AN I) A OF
THE niESTON EAMILY,

liY
OliLANDO BUOWN, OF riJAMvFORT, KeNTICKV.

JOHN rilESTON,

First of the family wlio came to America, was l)urn in
Ireland, in the city of Londonderry. His lather and
three uncles were Englishmen, who served mider King
"William, and aided in defence ot" that city ANdieii besieged
by the Roman Catholics, cuuunanded hy King James,
in 1G81). He was a J'rotestaid, of ihe Ti-esbyterian
denomination, a man of strong mind and ccjrrect
principles. He married r^uzAinri ii i^vTTON, a sister of
Col. James Patton, of Domiegal, and removed with
him from Ireland to the State of Yir<.;inia, in the year
1740. Col. Patton had f n- souk; years commanded a
merchant whip, and was a man of [)ropcrty, enterprise

856 Memoranda of Oic I'nsloii Famflij.

aud influence, lie obtained an order of council from
the Governor of Virginia, under wliicli he appropriated
to himself and associates, 120,000 acres of the best
lands lyhig above the Blue llidge, in that State,
several valuable tracts of which fell to the share of his
descendants. lie was killed by the Indians at Smitli-
ileld, in the year 1753, He left two daughters, one of
whom married Capt. William Thompson, the other
married Col. John Buchanan, and from the latter
descended John Floyd, late member of Congress and
Governor of the State ofVir<;inia, James D. Breckinrido;e
of Louisville, late member of Congress from Kentucky,
and William P. Anderson late Colonel in the United
States army. John Preston, on the passage from
Ireland, lost part of his property in a storm, but being
an associate, he obtained, under the order of council
aforesaid, a valuable tract of uncultivated land, called
Robinson's^ which descended to his son, and until lately
remained in the family.

John Preston's first residence in Virginia, was at
Spring Hill, in Augusta county, but about the year
1 743, he purchased, and with his family settled upon a
tract of land adjoining Staunton, on the north side of
that town (now occupied by Gen. Baldwin), where he
died shortly after, and was buried at the Thdding
Spring Meeting-house, leaving a widow and Ave
children. Mrs. Preston, who possessed much strength
of mhid and energy of character, continued to reside
upon the plantation they had purchased, until her
children were all educated and married, when she

Memoranda <>f llw I'rctituii luiniilij. 357

rcoiovcd to Greeuiicld, the scut of her son, Col. William
Prestoii, where in 177G ^he died, aged 70 years.

TJte Cltildren of Joint moi lUiiahctJi Pm&ion, were:

1. Letitia Peeston, who was born in Ireland, iu
1728. She married Col. Uobert Iheekiiiridge, a farmer
in l)ottetonrt county, Virginia. After his death, she
removed to Kentucky, and died in the year 1798, aged
70 years. Her family consisted of four sons and one
daughter.

1st. William Breckinridge, now living, a farmer near
licxington, Kentucky, who married Miss (lilham. His
family consists of two sons and a daughter. His son,
John B. Breckinridge, is a merchant in Staunton, Va.,
and has been twice married. IMeredith Breckinridge
died unmarried,

2d. John Breckinridge (dead) married Mary Cabell,
and removed to Kentucky, in the year 1792. He was a
laywer of eminent stamlhig, ^vas a Senator in Congress,
and, sliortly before his death, v/as appointed Attorney
General for the Unit(Hl States, under Mr. Jefterson's
administration, and dii'd in 18{)(). His family consisted
of live sons and two daughtei'S. 1st -]ose[»li Cabell
Breckinridge (dead), who married j\liss Smith, a
daughter of Dr. Smith, President of Princetown College
and left one son, John C. Breckinridg(;,* a lawyer in
Iowa, and four daughti^rs: 1st. Prances Ann, who
married the llev. -). (J. Young, Presideiit of Danvdlo

* Nov/, iNlii, Gx'ii. John C. liiiickiurulgo, luiiiorly Vice rix-bidcnt.

358 Memoranda of llm Preston Fanuhj.

College, and left the following children, viz : Mary,
Caroline, Josephine, Jane Elizabeth, and Frances
Breckinridge. 2d. Caroline L., married the Rev. Joseph
J. Bullock of Frankfort, and has three children, viz :
Waller, Mary, and Cabell, all minors. 3d. Mary Cabell,
married Dr. Thomas P. Satterwhite of Lexington, and
left two children, viz : Mary and Thomas. 4tli. Letitia,
unmarried. Joseph Cabell Breckinridge was a member
of the Kentucky Bar, Speaker of the House of Bepre-
sentatives, and Secretary of States when he died in
1823. 3d. John Breckhnidge (dead), well known as a
Presbyterian Minister, and a professor in the Theological
Seminary at Princeton. He married Miss Miller,
daughter of Dr. Miller, of Princeton, and left
one son and three daughters, as yet minors. 3d.
Robert J. Breckinridge, a lawyer, and for several
years member of the Kentucky Legislature, now Pastor
of the 2d. Presbyterian Church hi Baltimore. lie
married Miss Preston, daughter of (Icneral Francis
Preston, of Virginia. His family consists of four
daughters and two sons, viz : Mary, Sally, Maria, So-
phonishba, Robert and William, minors. 4th. Wm. L.
Breckinridge, Pastor of the Lst Presbyterian Church in
Louisville, who married ]\iiss Prevost, daughter of
Judge Prevost of Louisiana, and has seven children, viz :
John Barton, Robert James, Marcus Prevost, William
Lewis, Frances Prevost, ]\Iary Hopkins, and Stanhope
Prevost, all minors. 5th James Breckinridge, died be-
fore he was grown. 0th Letitia Breckenridge, (dead)
who first married Alfred Grayson, by whom she had one

j\h'moi'iiiiihi nj' llh' Prt'sluii i'ainilij. 351)

«ori, John B. (jrayson, lui olliccr in the United States
Anny, and then married (len. Peter B. Porter, of New
York, by whom yhe h'ft a son, Peter B. Porter, and a
daughter, EHzabeth Porter, minors. 7th. Mary Ann
Breckinridge, (dead) who married David Castk'nian, a
farmer of Fayette county.

3d. James Breckinridi^-e of A^irginia, (th'ad) a
member of the bar, a general of militia and member oi
congress. lie married Miss Seidell, and leil tuiir sons

and four daughters, viz: C^are}' married Miss ;

James died unmarried ; Robert married ]\Iiss Meredith
of Kentucky, and left u d:uighter recently married, and
one son a minor; John Ihx'ckinridge, unm:irried; Betitia,
married Col. Ptobert (;aiul)le ot Florida, her eldest
daughter married Mr. Slupherd, a planter of Florida,
and her eldest son, John (iamble, married Miss Watts
of Virginia; Elizabeth Breekiiiridge married Gen.
Edward Watts of Yirginiii, a lawyer, and speaker of
the Virginia Senate, who has two sons, James and
William, both lawyers, and six daughters ; Mary (dead)^
married Mr. Gamble of Florida ; Ann married dames P.
Holcomb, a member of the A^irginia bar ; FiHzabeth
married Thomas L. Preston of iVbingdon ; and the
others as yet minors. Alarian Breckinridge, died
unmarried; and Matilda married ILirry Bo\V}er of
Fincastle.

4th. Elizabeth Breckinridge {dead), married Samuel
Meredith of Fayette count}', Ky., and left three
daughters. 1st. Letitia, who married A\'ilham S.
Dallam, and has three daughters, viz : Frances married

.'300 MciilOfdNild of IIk: I'lL'sloii I'dinilij.

Professor Peter, of tlie medical Seliool of Traiisylvaniu
University — Letitia, umiiarried — and Elizabeth recently
married. 2d. Elizabeth married dames Coleman, and
has several sons and daughters, the eldest of the latter
recently married. 3d. Jane unmarried. 4th. ]\rary
married her cousin, llobert ]>reckinrid^e of A^irginia,
and left a daughter, recently married to Mr. Burch, and
a son a minor.

5th. Preston Breckinridge married Miss Trigg of
Kentucky, and left three sons, Robert, William and
Stephen — and three daughters, Marian, Elizabeth and
Gabriella, who married j\Ir. Tarlton, ]\Ir. Dickey, and
Mr. Shot well.

II. Margaret Preston, second daughter of John
and Elizabeth Preston, was born in Ireland, about
1730. She possessed a strong cultivated mind, and
much energy of character. She married the Rev. John
Brown, a graduate of Princeton College, long and
extensively known in Virginia and Iventucky as a
Presbyterian minister of piety and talents. They both
died in Kentucky — she in the year 1802, aged 73
years — and he in 1803, aged 75 years. Their children
who lived to maturity were :

1st. Elizabeth {dead), who married the Rev. Thomas
B. Craighead of Tennessee, a distinguished Minister of
the Presbyterian denomination, and left seven children,
viz ; John B., Jane, David, Alexander, Wilham, James
B., and Thomas David and Thomas are members of the
Tennessee bar. John B. and David are married, and
have children. The names of John B. Craighead's

l\hmoninda of the Prcstun Familij. 301

I'iiildren are Jose})li and Tliomas. The names of David
Craighead's children are Elizaljeth, James, Mary,
Joanna, and Thomas, all minors.

2d. John Brown,* now the ohlest member of the
Preston connexion, lie was a student at Princeton
College, when that institution was broken up by the
P>ritish. He afterwards completed his studies at
AVilliam and j\Iary College, and for several years
practised law with success. He was a member of the
Virginia legislature from the District of Kentucky, and
was, by the legislature of that state, appointed a
representative to the old congress in 1787, and also in
1788. In 1780 and 1791, he was elected by the people
of Kentucky a representative to the lirst and second
congress under the present constitution. After Kentucky
became a state, he was three times elected a senator in
congress, and continued a member of the senate until
1805. He married JMargretta Mason of New-York,
daughter of the Rciv. John Mason, and sister of
the Itev. John M. jMason, both distinguished ministers
of the gospel. By tliis mam;Lge he had live children,
four sons and one daughter, three of whom died when
children. Mason and Orlando are now living. 1st.
Mason Brown is a judge of the circuit court of Kentuck}-,
and has been twice married — (irst to Judith Ann
Bledsoe, daughter of the Hon. <Icsse Bledsoe; by her
lie had one son, Ik'ujamin (Iratz Brown, a minor now

• Tlio Tlon. John Brown died at Frankfort, Ky., on i\u- ^Dtli of
Auguiil, ISJT, aged iSO ycai'.s.

'Uj'jJ ]\fniioninili( uf ihr J'lision fdnulii.

i'lxlug — afterwards to l\iarv ^'odcr, daugliter of Capt,
Jacob Yodcr of Speiiccr county, Ky. They have three
chikh'cii, viz: John, Margaret and Mary, all minors.
2d. (,)rlando BroAvii was edneat((l as a lawyer, and for
some years edited the Kentucky Coininonwcaltk. He
married ]\Iary W. Brown, danohter ol' Dr. Preston
Brown. They had live children, four sons and a
daughter, three of whom are living, viz: Euphemia,
Mason and Orlando, all minors.

od. William r>roAvn, Avas educated at Princeton —
studied medicine, and commenced the [)ractice in South
Carolina, Avith fair [»rospects of success, hut died
shortly afterAvards, innuarried.

4th. Mary Brown ( r/t^wr/ ), who married Dr. Al-
exander Humi)hreys, an eminent })hysician of
Staunton, and after his death removed to Kentucky
with her family, consisting of seven children. 1st.
John B. Humphreys {dead)^ married Miss Kenner of
Louisiana, and resided ui that State. His widow and
six children, who are all mhioi-s, still reside in that
state. 2d. Margaret Hiunphreys married Charles
Sproule, and left four children, Mary Ann, Margaret
Joseph and John {dead) — jMargaret married James S.
Clark, merchant of New ( )rleans, and has two children,
minors, od. James Humi)hreys married Miss Harry,
of Ohio, and left one daughter. Elizabeth Humphreys,
unmarried. 4th. David C. Hum|)hreys, a farmer in
Woodford county, Ky., married Miss Scott, daughter of
J)r. Joseph Scott of Lexington, and has four cluldren,
viz: Joseph, Samuel, Mary, and Lucy, minors. r)tlL

iMt'hioyaiaia of the Prcslon b\iiiiilii. I^Oo

Elizabeth Huinplii-Gys murricd Ivobei-t S. 'I'otkl ot'
Lexington, for iiiaiiy years clerk of tlie lioiise ul rej)-
resentatives of Iventiicky, and now a nienibur, and lias
five cliildren, viz: I\Iargar('t, Samncl, David, ]Martlia,
and Emily, all minors. Gtli. Samuel Ihunphrcys, died
mmiarried. 7th. Dr. Alex:i,ndi'r Humphreys, married
Mis3 Perrit of Louisiana, and liws in that state, having
four children, viz: f^lizabelh. l^hnhe, Amelia, and
Eiilalia, all minors.

5th. James I)i•o^vn, a distinguished lawyer, and lirst
secretary of state in Kentucky. He was lor many years
a member of the United States S(>iratu from Louisiana,
and for six years Ametieaii nhnisti'r to the court ot
France. He married Ann Hart, daughter of Col.
Thomas Hart, and sist(,'r of i\L-s. H. Clay, of Ashland,
and died at l^hiladelphia, leaving no family.

Gth. Samuel ihown {(Imd), an eminent physician,
and professor in the Medical school of Transylvania.
He married Miss Percy of Alabama, and left one son,
James P. Brown, a lawyer and [ilanter in IMississippi,
who married Miss Campbell, daughter of (leorge W.
Campbell of Nashville — and one daughter-, Susan
Brown, who married Charles d. IngersoU, Jr., of
Philadelphia.

■ 7tli. Dr. Preston Brown {,l<(i<l), of Woodford county,
Ky. He married Elizabeth Watts of Va., and left one
son, viz. : John P. W. Brown, who married IMiss Nicliol
of Nashville, and is a nu'inber of the Tennessee bar,
and has three childien, viz. : Eleanor, Elizabeth W.,
and Preston W., all nnnors ; and four daughters, viz. :

364 Memoranda of tlie Preaton Famihj.

1st. Louisa, who married Judge Rucks of Mississippi,
who has six children, viz. : Ehzaheth, Preston, Maria
Louisa, Henrietta, Marian, and Lewis Taylor, all
minors. 2d. Henrietta, who married Judge Reese of
Tennessee, and has a daughter Louisa. 3d. Mary
(dead), who married Orlando Brown of Frankfort. 4th.
Ehzaheth who married Rohert W. Scott of Franklin
county, Ky., and has five children, viz. : Preston, Joel,
John, Mary, and Rebecca, all minors.

III. William Preston, only son of John and
Elizabeth Preston, was born in L-eland, and was eight
years old when he came to America. He was a man of
strong active mind, and much energy of character— was
a member of the Virginia house of burgesses, surveyor
and county lieutenant of Fincastle or Montgomery
county, and a decided active and efficient Whig during
the Revolutionary war. He married Miss Susanna
Smith of Hanover county, Virginia, daughter of Francis
Smith and Elizabeth Waddy, and died at Sinithheld,
in June 1783, aged 53 years, leaving eleven children,
viz : Elizabeth, John, Francis, Sarah, William, Susanna,
James, Patton, Mary, Letitia, Thomas, Lewis, and
Margaret.

1st. Elizabeth Preston, married William S. Madison,
who died during the Revolutionary war, and left tAvo
daughters, Susan Smith Madison and Agatha Strother
iMadison. Susan married John Howe Peyton of
Staunton, a distinguished lawyer and member of the
Virginia senate, and left one son, William M. Peyton, a
member of the Virginia legislature, who married Miss

Memoranda of. the Preaion Fainihj. 3G^

Taylor, daughter of Judge Allen Tajlor of Bottetourt,
and has the following children, viz : Elizabeth, Susan,
Sally, Agatha, Garnett, and William, all minorti.
Agatha married Garnett re}ton, brother of John li.
Peyton, and has four sons, Benjamin Howard Peyton,
John R. Peyton, who murried ^liss A\''hite, James M.
Peyton, William P. Peyton, and Ann l*e}'ton.

2d. John Preston, eldest son of Col. Wm. Preston of
Smithiield, was a member of the Virginia senate,
general of militia, surveyor of IMontgomery county,
and for many years treasurer of Virginia. He first
married Miss Radfurd, and then Mrs. Ma)'0, and left
three sons and three daughters. 1st. William R.
Preston of Missouri, married jMiss Cabell, and has a
large family of children minors. 2d. John Ik Preston
of Barren county, Ky., was many }ears a member of
the Kentucky legislature. He married Miss Murrell,
and died on a visit to Texas, leavhig several children,
minors. 3d. Edward C. Preston, married Miss Hawkins,
and died in Louisiana, leaving one son, a minor. 4th.
Eliza Preston married Charles Johnson, a iaw}'er, and
member of congress from V^irginia.* She left one son,
Preston Johnston of the United states army, and one
daughter Elvira Johnston, unmarried. r)th. Susan R,
Preston married her cousin AV'illiam Radford, and has
two daughters, minors. Oth. Sarah R. Preston,
married Henry Bowj^er, and has three sons and two
daughters, minors. Mrs. Radfoi'd and Mrs. Bowyer

■* General Joo Jobnston of tbu CoiifedtnitL- Annj^ of the Cumberland
(ISCI), is uf Ibis stock.

366 Mcinora)i(la ol the /'/v^7o// lutnillij.

both reside at (.Jreeiilicld, the ibnuer residence ul' their
father and grandfatlier.

3d. Francis Preston, second son of CoL Wni. l^reston,
of Smithtiekl, was meniher of the Virginia Senate},
General of Mihtia, and mcmher of Congress. He
married Miss Camphell, only child of (leneral
Wilham Camphell, and left ten children, four sons
and six daughters, viz : William Camphell Preston, a
distinguished lawyer and Senator in Congress from
South Carolina, married first Miss Coulter of that State,
and after her death. Miss Davis of that State. His
only child is Sally Camphell Preston, unmarried. 2d.
Eliza, who married Gen. Edward Carrington of Halihix,
Virginia. Her children are minors. 3d. Susan married
her cousin, James jM'Dowell, and has nine children.
4th. Sarah married her cousin John 13. Eloyd, and has
no children. 5tli. Soplionisha married the Piev. Iiohert J.
Breckinridge, and has six children, Mary, Sally, Piohert,
Maria, William, and Soplionisha. Gtli. Maria ( lU'ad j, mar-
ried John M. Preston of Ahingd(m, formerly of Kentucky,
and has two sons, minors. 7th. Charles Preston married
Miss Beall, and has left no children. 8th. John S.
Preston married Miss Hampton, daughter of Gen. Wade
Hampton of South Carolina, and has live children,
minors. 9tli, Thomas L. Preston married Miss Watts
of Virginia, 10th. ]\Iargaret married Wade Hampton,
Jr., grandson of Gen. Wade Hampton, and has one son,
a minor.

4th. Sarah Preston, second daughter of Col. Wm.
Preston, of Smithlield, married Col. James M'Dowell of

MiUiiuntmhi oi'llu' l'rid<i\i Faiiitli). -'507

jjockbrklgo, V;i., an uWu'w in tlio late wiUMvitli Circat
ihitain. She left two dan-litcrs and one son, viz : 1st.
Susan married William Taylor, a lawyer, and member of
the Virginia senate. Hhc li;is tmu- sons, Dr. James
Taylor, Robert Taylor, a lawyer, Benton Taylor,
William Taylor, and one (laughter Susan, unmarried.
2d. Eliza married C'ol. Thomas ITart Benton, a lawyer,
and Senator in congress from LJissouri. She has four
daughters, Eliza, Jesse, Ann, Sarah, and Susan, and one
son, Randolph i)cnton. Jesse Ann J3cnton is recently
/narried to Lieutenant b'remont of the (Jnitcd States
Army. od. James J^d'DowiiU, member of the Virginia
legislature, marricid Miss Preston, daughter of Gen.
I.^'raneis Preston, and lias nine children, viz : Sally who
is recently married to Francis Thomas, Governor of
Maryland ; IMary, Frances, Soplionisl)a, Susan, Canty,
EHzabetli, rlames, and 'I'homas.

5tli. William J^reston, third son of C(d. Wni. Preston,
of Smithtield, late of Tjouisvilh", was for hve years a
captain in (len. Wayne's army. Ph; married ^liss
Hancock, of Virginia, and hit live daughters and one
son, viz : 1st. lienrictta (iioul)^ married Albert S.
Johnson of the Fnilcd Slaters army, recently a General
of Texas, and h-l't one son, W^illiam, and oJie daughter,
Henrietta, minors. -2(1. Alaria married John Pope of
Louisville, and has no children. 3d. Caroline (dead)^
nuirried C!ol. Abram Woolley of the United States army,
and left one son, William P. Wooley, a imnor. 4th.
Josephine (dnull, married Capt. Jason ]{ogers of tlio
Uniled States aniiv. and !< ft ii\c cliildren, viz : William,

3C8 MonorcDida of the I'rcston Fanuhj.

tSusaii, Albert S., Maria, and Jason, minors. 5th.
William Preston married Miss Wickliffe, daughter
of Robert Wickliffe, and has one daughter, Mary Owen
Preston, a minor. Gth. Susan, married Howard
Christy of St. Louis.

6th. Susanna Preston, third daughter of Colonel Wm.
Preston of Smithlield, married Nathaniel Hart of Wood*
ford county, Ky., and left five daughters and two sons,
viz. : 1st. Sarah Simpson Hart married Col. George C.
Thompson of Mercer, often a member of the Kentucky
legislature and twice speaker of the lower house. She
has three daughters, Susan, Virginia {dead), and Letitia,
unmarried. 2d. Letitia P. Hart married Arthur H.
Wallace of Livingston county, Ky., and has two sons
and two daughters, Susan, Wilham, Sarah, and Thomas,
minors. 3d. Louisiana B. Hart married Tobias Gibson,
a planter of Louisiana, now of Lexington, Ky. She has
one daughter, Sarah, and six sons, Randal, WiUiam,
Hart, Claudius, Tobias, and M'Kinley, minors. 4th.
Mary Howard Hart married William Voorhies, a mem-
ber of the Louisiana legislature, now of Woodford
county, Ky., and has three sons, George, Charles, and
William, minors. 5th. Nathaniel Hart — and Gth.
William P. Hart, both unmarried. 7th. A^irginia Hart
married Alfred Shelby, youngest son of Gov. Shelby,
and has two sons, and one daughter, Isaac, Alfred, and
Susan, minors.

7th. James Patton Preston, fourth son of Colonel
Wm. Preston of Smithfield, was a member of the
Yirgiuia senate, a Colonel in the United States Army,

Memoranda of the Pirslon Faiiiihj. 8G1)

fuid Governor of Yii'ginia. IIo maiTiocl Miss Taylor (jf
Norfolk, and has three sons and one daughter, viz. : 1st.
Wm. Ballard Preston, a lawyer and member of the
Virginia senate, who married Lliss liedd, of Virghiia,
and has one son, Waller Redd Preston. 2d, Ptobert
Taylor Preston married Miss Hart of South Carolina,
and has three children, Virginia, Hart, and James P.,
minors. 3d. James Francis Preston is a lawyer and
unmarried. 4th. Jane Grace Preston, unmarried.

8th. Mary Preston, fourth daughter of Colonel Wm.
Preston of Smithfield, married John Lewis of the Sweet
Springs, and left six daughters and three sons, viz : 1st.
Susan married Henry Massie of Virginia, and left three
dauo-hters and two sons, viz : Sarah married Mr.
Stanley of North Carolina; ]\Iary married John
Hampden Pleasants, editor of the Pichmond Whig;
Eugenia married Samuel Gatewood; Henry IMassii;
married Miss Smith, and Thomas, unmarried. 2d.
Mary Lewis married James A\'oodville, a lawyer of
Fincastle, and left one son, Lewis Woodville, unmarried.
3d. William Lewis married, lirst Miss Stewart of
South Carolina, tlien Miss Thompson of South CaroUna,
and then his cousin. Miss Floyd of Virginia. He has
often been a menJjer of the South Carolina legislature,
and has four daugliters, one of whom is married. 4th.
Ann Lewis married John Howe Peyton of Staunton, and
has nine children, viz. : Susan, married to Mr. Baldwin
of Staunton, John Lewis, Ann, Mary, Lucy, Margaret,
Yelverton, Howe, and Virginia. 5th. Sarah Lewis
married John Lewis of Kenawha. Gth. Margaret Lynn

YY

870 M'ciiii>riiiu(d of ihf I'rc^toii Juiiniiij.

Lewis married Mr. Cochi-aii of Cliarloitsville, and has
tive sons and one daii^^litci-, minors. 7th. Dr. Benjamin
Lewis niiUTied ]\Irs. Smiili of South Carolina, and lias
three children minors. 8th. Thomas P. Lewis, uimiar-
ried. 9th. Polydora married IMr. Cross, a farmer of
Albemarle, and has one (diild, a nnnor.

Qth. Letitia Preston, fifth daughter of Col. Wm.
Preston of Smithfield, married John Floyd of Kentucky,
who removed to Virginia ; was many years member of
Congress, and then Governor of the State. She
lias four sons and three daughters, viz. : 1st. John B.
Floyd, a lawyer, married Miss Preston, daughter of
Gen. Francis Preston, and has no children. 2d. William
P. Floyd, is a practising physician, and unmarried. 3d.
Benjamin Bush Floyd, a lawyer, married Miss Mathews
of Virginia, and has one child, a minor. 4tli. George
B. C. Floyd, unmarried. 5th. Letitia P. married
William Lewis of South Carolina, and has two
daughters, minors. Oth. Ijavaktte, unmarried. 7th.
Nicketti, married ]\Ir. Johnston, a lawyer of Virginia.

10th. Thomas Ijcwis Preston, tifth son of Colonel
Wm. Preston of Smithfield, was a lawyer and member
of the Virginia legislature. He married Miss Bandolph,
daughter of Edmund Bandolph of Virginia, and left one
son and one daughter, y'va.: John Thomas Lewis
Preston, Professor in the Virginia Military Institute,
married Miss Caruthers, and has two sons and two
daughters, minors. Elizabeth married AVilliam A.
Cocke of Cumberland county, Virghiia, and has three
sons, minors.

Alcnwntitda of i]ic Predion Faniibj. 371

11th. Margaret Preston, sixth chuigliter of Colonel
Wni. Preston of Sinillilielcl, mari-icil Colonel John
Preston of Walnnt Grove, Vh-ginia, son of liobert
Preston, a distant relative, has nine sons and live
danghters, viz. : 1st. Susan {deail), married iMr. luiy of
Tennessee, and h'h two danghters and a son, minors.
\>.^. Piohert, a i)hyhieian, married Miss J\larsliall of
I'jiiladelphia, and has two daughters, mhiors. 3d.
]\Iargarct, married James White of Abingdon, and has
eight children minors. dth. Alnud, married

Miss Willey of Tennessee, and has no children.
5th. Ellen, married ]\lr. Hhelly of Virginia, and has two
children, minors. Oth. Jolm, a hnvyer, of Arkansas,
nnmarriod. 7th. Thomas, a lawyer of St. Louis — 8th.
W^alter, a lawyer, both unmarried. Oth and 10th. Jane
and Elizabeth, nnnuirried — and Francis, James, Jost;ph,
and Henry, minors.

W. i\:N'N PiiESTON, third tlanghter of Juhn and
Elizabeth Preston, bi)rn in Ireland, was a woman of
excellent understanding and unaifected piet}'. She
married Francis Smith of \'irginia, and remo\'ed to
Kentucky, wdiere she died in 1 8lo, aged 71 yeai's. ller
family consisted ol" two sons and four daughters, viz :

1st. Elizabeth, married James Blair, Ji law) er, and
Attorju;y General for ICeutueky. She left two sons and
two daughters, viz. : 1st. Francis P. lUair, the distin-
guished editor of the Clu))e, who married Miss Gist,
daughter of Gen. Xalhaiiiel Gist, and has tliree sons
and one daughu r, viz. : Montgomery, a lawyer of
Missouri. — Francis, James, and Eliz.Jjcth. 2d. William

372 Memoraiiila of llic Pri'slon Fitiailij.

Blair, a Captain iii tliu United States army, married
Miss Cragg, and left one son, Patrick S., minor., od.
Susanna Blair married Aljrani Ward, then John
Hunnicut, then Job Stevenson. She has one son,
Abram Ward, minor. -Ith Eliza Jane Blair, married
N. A. Spears, and has several children.

2d. John Smith, member of the Kentucky legislature
married Miss Hart, daughter of Capt. Nathaniel Hart,
one of the Pioneers of Kentucky, and has two sons and
five daughters, viz. : 1st. William P. Smith married
Miss Grayson, and has one daughter, a minor. 2d.
Isaac S. Smith, married his cousin, a daughter of
Eichard Hart of Henderson, Ky., and has one child, a
minor. Mucretia, Susan (dead)^ '^^^h'^ ^^^^'^j ^i^^ Letitia
unmarried.

3d. Susanna Smith, married William Trigg, of
Frankfort, son of Col. Stephen Trigg, who was killed at
the Blue Licks, 1782, and has no children.

4th. Jane Smith, married George ]\Iadison, an
officer in the late war, and Governor of Kentucky. She
left three sons and two daughters, all of whom died
young and unmarried except Myra, "svho married
Andrew Alexander, and has the following children,
viz. : Agatha Apoline, Myra, George, and Andrew, all
minors.

5th. William P. Smith, was a captain in the United
States army, and died unmarried.

6th. Agatha Smith married Dr. LcAvis IMarshall of
Woodford, and has six sons and one daughter, viz. :
1st. Thomas F. Marshall, laAvyer and member of

3Iemorandu of tlic Preston Familij. 373

Congress. 2d. Williain L. Alarshall, lawyer of Balti-
more, married ]\Iiss Lee of Virqinia, and has one cliild,
a minor. 3d. Chai-les lMar..hall (dead). 4th. Dr.
Alexander Marshall married ^liss M'Dowell, and has
several childiTn, minors. 5111 John Campbell ]\Iai\sliall —
6th. Agatha — and 7th. Edward ^larshall, unmarried.

V. Mary Pheston, fourth daughter of John and
Elizabeth Preston, Avas a wonnin of superior under-
standing and highly cultivated taste, bhe married
John Howard of A' irginia. and i-emoved to Kentucky,
where she died in 1814, havhig been born in America,
and being 74 years of age. She had one son, 1st.
lienj. Howard, a mendjcr of Congress from Kentucky,
and Governor of the Territory of Missouri, Avlien he
died in 1814. He married Miss Mason, daughter of
Gen. S. T. Mason of \'irginia, but left no children.

2d. Elizabeth Howard married Edward Payne of
Fayette county, arid left six sons, viz : Edward Daniel
M'Carty, Penjamin, Thumus JellV-rson, John P)., and
James B. Payne, all of whom married except
Benjamhi, who cUud )'oung.

3d. Mary Howard raarried Alexander Parker of
Lexington, and has one son, Richard B. Parker, who
married Miss Piice — and one daughter Mary, who
married Thomas T. Crittenden. Secretary of State,
and Circuit Judge of Kentuck)', who has one daughter,
Mary Crittenden, who married in 1'exas — and fom- sons,
Alexander P., Thomas, lienjamhi, and Piobert, the
iirst married.

4th. Sarah Howard died unmarried.

374 Mcinoyanda of the J'rcslon Famihj.

5 til. Margaret Ilowai'd married llobert "W^icklilie, an
eminent lawyer, and member of the Kentucky legisla-
ture. She left three daughters, viz : Sally Wickliile,
■who married Aaron X. AVooUey, member of the
Kentucky legislature, Circuit Court Judge, and
Professor in the LaAv School of Transylvania. She has
six children, minors. 2d. Mary Wicklifi'e, unmarried.
3d. Margaret married William Preston * of Louis-
ville, and has one daughter, mhior. dth. Charles, 6th.
John, and Gth. Benjamin, died unmarried. 7th. Robert
WickliflTe, laAvyer and member of the Kentucky
legislature.

* William Preston, now Genoval in tlu; Confederate Anuy.

[The foregoing "Memoranda" was lirst printed for
private distribution in the }'ear 1842, and, being in re-
quest by a few collectors, twenty-five copies were
re-printed in Albany, N.Y., 1864.]

AI'rENDIX

ABRIDGED P E D I G R E E

OF THE

LEAVIS EAMTLY.

The Lewis family are closcGntled from a French-
Protestant family (Lewis de Dole), which took refuge
in Scotland from the persecutions that followed the
assassination of Henry IV. of France. Lewis was a
gentleman of fortune, and married j\Iargaret Lynn, the
daughter of the Laird of Lock-Lynn, who was descended
from a chieftain of a once powerful Highland Clan. He
left by his marriage, issue, namely:

I. Thomas^ who was for many years a member of
the House of Burgesses of Virginia and of the Federal
convention of 1787. He married and left four sons, I.
John, 2. Samuel, 3. James, 4. Thomas, all of whom
married and left issue.

o70 Abri(((jcd Palitjrce of llw. Lenus Fantilij.

II. Andrew, a General in the American revolutionary
army, and the first held oilicer ever nominated by
Washington. He is the hero of the battle of Point-
Pleasant, and was at Braddock's defeat in 1755. Gen.
Lewis married and left issue. The State of Virginia
has erected a Statue of him, in the public grounds,
l-tichmond, Virginia.

III. Charles, a Colonel in the colonial service of Vir-
ginia, killed 10th October, 1774, at the battle of Point-
Pleasant. Lewis County, A'irghiia, is named in his
honour. He married and left issue,

1. John Lewis, who married and left issue, viz.,

General Samuel Lewis, of Lewiston, llocking-
ham Co., who married and left issue, 1. Hon.
John Lewis, United States senator for Virginia,
in 1873, who married Serena, a daughter of
Hon. Mr. Sheffey, and has issue. 2. His
Excellency Charles II. Lewis, ]\Iinister President
at the Court of Portugal, in 1878, from United
States. He married a daughter of Hon. John
Taylor Lomax, and has issue, one daughter, who
is married.

IV. William, a Colonel in the Colonial forces of
Virginia, and present at the defeat of General Braddock,
m 1755. He married Ann ^lontgomery of Wilmington,
Delaware, a kinswoman of General Pichard ^Montgomery,
and left issue, a large family. His son and successor
was,

1. Major John Lewis, of the Sweet Springs, who mar-
ried Mary, a daughter of Col. William Preston of
Smithfield, Virginia, and left issue,

Ahridgcd Pcd'ujn'c of the Lewis iuinulij. 377

1. Colonel U'iUidiii l.tjiin J.cii-is, who mamod l«t,
IMiss Stiuirt of S. C. iiiid Ly her \Ai issue,
Isi. Dr. James Stuart Lewis, and two daughters,
Col. Lewis manied 2iid., Letilia, dan,'_;hter of
His Excehency, Governor JcjIui Idoyd of V'-i.,
and left issue, 1st, AVliliam Lynn, manied i\iiss
Dooley, of Piiehmond, 2nd. John Fioyd, married

j\Iiss of Kentucky, 8rd, Chaiies and two

daughters, 1st. Susan married ]\lr. Fredericks of
South Carolina, and has issue. 2nd, Lctitia married
Mr. Cockes, of Virginia, and has issue.

IT. Major Thomas Pi-eston Lewis, unmarried.

in. Dr. John B. Lewis married ]\Irs. Sndtli, of South
Carolina, and left issue, 1st. Dr. dohn Lewis, of
Alhemarle, County Virginia. 2. William, 3.
Montgomery killed in the Coniederate army. d.
Aim married IMr. AVhite, of Texas, and has issue,
5. Eugenia, unmarried.

IV. ]\Iary married James L. Woodville, of Fineastle,
and left one son, Dr. James L. Woodville, of
Monroe, County Virginia, who married Mary, a
daughter of Cary Breckinridge of Botetourt, and
has issue.

V. Susan married Capt. Henry Massie of AlK^ghany
Co. and left issue, 1. Henry, who married Miss
Smith, and has issue. 2. Dr. Thomas, who married
the widow of his cousin AValler Massie, of Ohio,
and left at his death in 18()d, two children. 8 Sarah
nnlrried Bev. F. Stanley, M. A, and died without
issue, 4 Mary married John Hampden rieasants

zz

:178 Abridged l^cdiijirc of die. Lrirl.^ Fayiiihj.

and left two children, 1. James married and has
issue. 2. Ann Eliza, who married Bazil Gordon of
Fredericksburg Virginia, and has issue. 5. Eugenia,
married Samuel (^atewood, and left isssuo.
VI. Ann Montgomery T.ewis, who married John
Howe Peyton, and left issue at her death in 1850.

1. Jolm Lewis^ who married Henrietta E. C,
daughter of Col. J. 0. Washington of Lenoir
County, North Carolina, has issue, one son, born
27th January 1872, in the island of Guernsey,
Great Britain, namely Lawrence Washington
Howe l^eyton.

2. Yelverton Howe unmarried.

3. Susan Madison married Colonel John B. Baldwin
of Augusta (vounty, A'irginia, a son of Judge
Briscoe G. Baldwin.

4. Ann Montgomery died unmarried.

5. J/rt///, married Robert A. Gray of Bockiiigham
County Virginia, and has issue

6. Elizabeth married AVilliam B. Telfair of Ohio
and has issue.

7. Lucy, married Judge Jno. M. Llendren of Vir-
ginia and has issue.

8. Margaret Lynn, married George ]\I. Cochran,
junior of Staunton, Virginia, and has issue two
sous, 1. Peyton, 2. Baldwin.

0. Virginia married Col. Jos. F. Kent, of AVythe,
County Virginia, and has issue, one son.

10. Cornelia, married Dr. Thomas, and has issue,
two sons, 1, Peyton, 2, Baldwin.

Ihrtdiji'il Pc(Ji<jif(' of tin: Li'tiis lutiiiiltj. ol\)

Vn. Manjtini Li/iiu Lciri<, luiuiiccl John C!uflir;iii, of
Albciiiai'O, aihl 1ms issue, 1 ■liitl'^c Joliii Lewis CochrcUi,
wiio iiiurried the widow ol'l)c. 'I'houius 1']. iUassio, iuuiIukj
issiu". '2 Jiiiiies, wiio Jiiirriioil an liein'ss, Miss ]Vroul{>,
of Siuitli's-folly, AiiLiiista county, ;iiid liiis issue, o l)r.
ileiiiy. -lllowe I'eytou, who luaniiMl a duu-litiT of
(>e]i('ial Kdwai'd CaiTiuutiui, and has issue, f* \\ iliuun
iiynn, 0 Mary l*feslon, wih) niariied John i\i. i'l'estoii
and has issue; .ind 7 (ieoit^e Moliafti-.

Vllf. I'JtKii'iitd Lriris, wla> luan-ied i >i-. -lohn (loss, am.!
left issue. A t(deral)ly hdl history of tlie ijewis hiiuily,
will 1)1! found in •'Howe's History of Vii>:iiiia," unTler
hi ad of Auiiusta (^)unt\

APPENDIX D.

EXTRACT FROM THE
WASHINGTON PEDIGREE,

furnished to the autiioil by

John Washington, brother of the Hon. William

H. Washington, Member of Congress for the

Newbern, (North Carolina) District.

I. Sir William I^((.s///////^///, Kiiij^-lit of Packingliam,
county of Leicester, married Anne Villicrs, half-sister
of the Duke of lUickiugham, and left two sons, both of
whom settled in the colony of A^irginia,

1 . John, who married Ann Pope, and left issue one
son, namely,

Lawrence of Bridge's Creek, Westmoreland County,
Virginia, Avho married Mildred, daughter of
Colonel Agustine Warner, and dying in 1G97,
left issue, three sons, namely: 1. John and 3
Lawrence, both of whom married, and left issue.

but or them it is uimeccssnry to speak, mid
secondly,
'2. AuGUSTrNE, who nuirric<l JNIary l>!ill, of Alex-
andria, Virginia, and by her left issue, one son,
the illustrious Washington, founder of the United
States, and ealled the '' Fathei- of his Ct»\nitry."
ir. Lawrence, wiio married and h;ft a sun John, who
settl(;d m Pittsford, Noi-th Carolina, whose eldest son
John, of Newbern, N. C, married Fdizu, daughter of
Jolin Cobb, of Lenoir C^ounty, and left issue,

1. doHN Cor.B, of Vernon, near Kinston, Lenoir Co.,
N. C, a member of the North Carolina State
Constitutional Convention, of the Seecssion Conven-
tion in 18GL, ete., and J. P., who married ]\Iary
Ann Edmunds, daughrcr, o( the late Southey l)ond,
of Raliegh, oiu; oi' ilu' de'scvndants of the j\Lay-
llower Colony of " Pilgrim Fathers," anil has issue,
two daughters :

1. Maky Ann 1m):\iuni)S, who married Major AVm.
Augustus Pjlouiit, and has issue: I John
Washington, '2 Wm. Augustus, o Lli/.a. I Annie,
5 Mar)', ii Olivia.

2. Henrietta VA'w.n Clarl;, ^\■ho man-ied JJui LcinU
Peyton^ of Shirley, Augusta, Co., A'irginia,, and
h;is issue one son, xv/.: Laitirucc \\\t,'<liui,iton
Jlmrc^ l>orn in llu; Aii'^lo-normari l.,h; of Cuernsey
January 27(]i, IS 7:?.

Aiujii^tns^ M. 1). of til'.' Lnivfi'.;ity of I'arl.,^, • who
mai'ried Anna, a diiuirhter of Willi. on Li>, iiigsLou,
of the State of Nt w 'lorl:, aiid left i,',->ae a hii'ge
fiinhly.

382 Pcdiprec of llir. Wu^hiiKjton Famlhj.

I If. George^ ^vho iiuirriod tii'st Ctitheriiic, a dauglitcv
of Dr. F. Deiiuisoii, of South Carolina, and has issue,
1. (Jeorge Lawrence, who married in Cuba, and resides
there in 1873. 2. Catherine, who married Henry Lond,
of Morgantown, N.' C. He married 2nd Louisa, a
daughter of General Hernandez, of Cuba, (a grandson
of PhiUphe Hernandez, author, etc.;) and lias issue, L
Louisa, 2. Augustus, o. l^^hza, 4. tFohn. o. Annetta. He
married thh'dly Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress (jf
the late J. B. Stevens, of Newark, New Jersey, and has
issue 1. George, 2. John.

IV. Eliza^ married 1st. Franklin Grist of North
Carolina, and left issue, two children, \. Franklin un-
married. 2. Eliza, who married Dr. James Hughes, of
Newbern, North Carolina. After the death of Mr. Grist,
his widow married Dr. U. Knox, and has issue, 1.
Augustus AVashington, 2. Ehzabeth.

V. Ann^ who married James Heritage liryan, and
left issue, 1. James Augustus, who married Miss
Sheppard, of North Carolina, daughter and co-heiress
of Judge Donald, of that State, 2. AVashington, unmarried
."). Laura.

VI. SiiSdu^ who married the Hon. William A.
(Jraham, twice Governor of North Carolina, long a
United States Senator for that State, and Secretary of
State for the Navy department in the Cabhietof President
Fillmore. Governor (Jraham was the Whig Candidate
in 1852, for the Vice-Presidency of the United States,
General AVinfield Scott being the C^uididate for
President. They have issue, 1. Joseph, (a North

Pedigree of till' Wasiiuuiinii luiinihi. 080

(^u'olina Senator) wlio iu;uric(l — -— , and has issue, 2.
J.jliii AViisliingtoii, als(» a Jii.'mljcrur tla; Heiiatcui' N'orth
Carolina, wlio liian-icd a daii^uliter (j1' Paul (Jameron,
of Ilillsboro, and has issue, v). (leoi'^-c W. 4. William A;
.'». Aui^-ustus, (). Susan.

\ II. J/'^/vy, niaiTied Joseph (Irahaju oi" (^uitoii,
Arkansas, and has i.s.-^uc,

flis second son leil issue, li'oni wlioin ar^', s[)runuj
Hon. AVilhaui 11. Washington, ui' Newbern, aiul
Hichard AVashington, ol" (ujldsboro, all ol' whoiji
married and have lamilies.

1 N ]) E X,

Al.saloin, 221.

Adams, John Qiiiiicoy, 197.

Ailvico on MaiTi;i;n(', >Sl.

Advice to a son, 11, 21. Cato's,
218.

Address to the people of Virginia
on Senatorial Election, 1(H).

Advice to Children, IG[).

African Nurse, anecdote of, ,'j2.

An African Valet, lOU.

Anderson, J. T., 119.

A family group — interesting ouo
—300.

AiFectionate disposition, evidence
of his, lOo.

Afiican race, mental infi'riority
of, 235.

A good master, 170.

Addison, Jos., 201.

Aluisuerus, 221.

Ajobardus — Bishop of Lyons—
his Avise views, 180.

Alexandria, The " fool's tax " in,
180.

Alexander the Great, 20 1.

Al{;xandcr, Archibald, 108.

,, James and Josejih A.,
16.

Aid-de-Camp to Govenor of Vir-
ginia appointment to, 98.

America, official delinquencies in,
IGG.

Ambition, his want of, 55.

Anuising trial of a horse-tliief,
01.

Anderson, Joseph R., 80.

Anecdote of a gallant boy, 11, 12.
,, ,, General Andrew Jack-

son, G3.

Apoplexy — a formof disease com-
mon to the Peytons, 30 J.

Alleghany, Virginia, the distric^t
beyond, 131.

Ameliorating eftect of public
work on the population, 111.

American government, one of

economy, li)7.
Anarchy worse than the worst

Guvernment, 250.
Aiguuuiit of Wm. ]\r. Peyton in

behalf .if public works, 133— lOo
Armed neutrality recounnended

to Viigiuia in 1801, 2>Si.
Aristocracy, th(! Shoddy, 298.

Astrologers, ibolish belief in,

ISl.
Aspirations, the folly of political,

218, 219.

Paldwin Ibisco.!, G., t;, 92. His

chanieler, 9,j.
lialdwin J. 15., 210, 300.
liayly Thos. II. , 189. i:i().
liarn'ett, Davi.l, 119.
lleibu decjves of Napoleon, 1.
l)arl)0ur, Jauu'S and I'luHp, 0,

2iO.
lieuton, Thos. II., 121.
Hayard, The modern, 210.
lieauty and l)ooty, 37.
lierri;in, John M., 10.
ISeautiful Virginian scenery, 108.
lUair F. P., 3.
]5ovs, DrWm., 22.
Poyden, Itev. E., 44.
Boys, Mrs. Wm. 15.
Boom: coiuiiy, 231.
Beauuiont, Francis, (Colleague of

Fletcher), 51.
lioy, a gallant, 11, 12,
l!ii)graphy, motive for writing, 2.
Brown, JNIrs. Fainiy Peyton, 74.
Brown, Orlando, 3.

,, John, 2.

Neil, S--294.
Braddock -his defeat, 187.
British people, eaily ignorance of,

2l)2
Beale, Chas., 80.
Bowyer, llariy, 80.

!86

y^

Luk.

]!>.it.s, Julm, minor, SG. 240.

Ewwcock Thomiis, LMO.

J?unell, Cluis., S().

IScU, Jolm, 237, 291.

IJoyce, W. W., 2G0. Tfis vioAvs

;ij;'ainst Scc-cs.sion, 2(>7.
Bonier (Stnlcs, tlioir interest ini-

perillt;(l by secession, 24'J.
I5rown, Govcnior, of Georg-ia, 1^00.
JJlaekbony wine, anecdote of, 24
Jhcckcnridpo, IfoLert, J., 2, IG,

,, Major Joliu C, 2, 10.
Gary, 80.
Blackburn, General Sam., 0.

Mrs Anna, 84.
Bryan, John Rsmdolph, 17.
Bryan House, 74.
lirutus, 200.
Brobdignatrs, 219.
Burning Clients' bonds, 57. 58.
Buddha, 23

Biokeuborough, J. W., 92.
Bruce, J. E., 80.

Cato, Valerius, 24.

,, adWce to his son, 2P>4.
Campbell, governor of Virginia,

80, 98, 99.
Castlemen, T. T., Eev., 73.
Canada Conquered by the English,

187.
Carlilo, John S., 240.
CanuL'l coal discovered in Vir-
ginia, 231.
Calhoun, J. C, 171.
Catholic Clnu-cli in Monrosc, 170.
Clay, Henry, Whig Candidate, in

1844, for Presidency, 225, 228.
Claiborne, Stirling, 7.
Clients, their bonds burnt 57.
Clarke, General, 98.
Clarendon, ]!]arl of, 88.
Chesapt;ake bay — the American

mediterranean, 131.
Celsus, his advice for preserving

health, 21.
Clinton de Witt, 135.,
(!haucer, Geoffrey —founder of

English poetry, 30.
Cicero, 24.

Christ rebukes a proud mother, 9.
Coulter Judge, G.
Combat with Van Bibber, 20.

Courtesy of England, 44.
Coercion — a Gov(;rnmeut right,

201.
Coal mining in Vir'.'iiii:i, -33.
Cowper, William, I'.O.
(3arrick's ford, battle of, 200.
(njm];romise, Bill of, 1850, 237.
Comets, appearance of — once

supposed to indicate evils, 184.
Conrad, Robt. Y., 92.
Course of a patriot in the public

councils, 99.
Confi(h;nce inspired by a good

man, 99.
Correspondence, the attention of

a gentleman to friendly, 105.
Constantinople, fall of, 87.
Conservative party of Virginia,

110, 117.
Crittenden J. J., 200.
C)-ichton, James, 23.
Cromwell, Oliver, 218.
Crusaders — their superstitions,

179.
Ciutchfield, Oscar M., 95, 119.
Gushing, M., 74.

Dahlgren. Col., his diabolical
plans, 273-270.

Davis, Jos. Vv^., 119.
„ D. C, 7, 80.

BnmA, Judge AVm., 95, 150, 152.

David, King, 221.

Dani(4, Jolm M., 240.

Deprecations of Civil war, a pa-
triot's, 248.

Debt duo to the dead by sur-
vivors, reflecti(;ns on, 185.

Diath of Balie Peyton, junior,
290.

Diogenes— his opinion of the best
wine, 24.

Digressions in writing — their
value to a book, 35.

Dibden, Thos. Frognall, 50.

Dickei-son, Daniel S., 249.

Divisions anion Virginian families
by the civil war,"298.

Dinner table, the manners of a
gentleman of the " old school"
at, 87.

Duty, a conscientious man's idea
of, 59-00.

Index. 387

Domestic lifo in Eoanoko, 109. Florida, life tlioro, 52.

D'Oilcans, Father — his fictions ,, Low aequirLnl hy ITinlcd

iijVL-utions 178. iStatus, 1)S9, 271.

Diqios always ready found hy Floyd, John B., .St>, 2 11.

Charlatans, 180. Fka-ence and the Llcdici, 87.

Doug-las, Stephen A., 21*7. Fhjurnoy, Thos., W., Mi.

Fools tax in Alcy.aniliia, INO.

h'astern Enipiie, fall of, 87. Fuutaine Ed., IKJ.

I'laily, Gen. J. A., 210. Fratern;d ailrctioii, 15, l(i.

I'ldiiiundson. J. P., ,St;. Frirud.shij), an ohl autliur's id>a

I'Munnids, J. R., 12!». of, (iO.

hjducation, popular, advue:dod, Fn'c-scli<M)ls, in Va., views in

21)0, L'OI. f.ivoiii- (.r, 200, 210.

I'hioiifl, literature, Angustau Full/,, D., 7o.

period of, 201. (la..i.)ii, Williani, ID.

England, eauso of lier v.ar willi (iaiuaUd- i'nsich nf oi' tin' S.iu-

U. H. in 1812, :i, ■[. iKdriui, und<r Tiherui.s, 21.J.

Enijuirer, The liicluuond, 'J 10 Gall, Fj'aneis Jos. Co.

Eski-idge, Alexr. P., No, ;;02, liOl, Garaett, General li. fi., 211.

'M)!. titiiihinnai— the Ya-giiiian ui the

Ehuwood, lioiinoke, .S9, iK). old .soIk.wI, 11.

Fxeentive i)ow<^r, J)aiigcr of au (iduicr, T. VS''., 8(j.

ext<'ii,sion of, 100, 1 i 1. ,, J. il., 2 10.

I'^v-eeutive patronage, 121. GriKial Ivuowh'dge, valu>' of.

Eulogy on Henry Clay, 227. ITl-

Ewing, E. n., 29J. Clogghi, Wm., E. Mi.

I''vil supjjused to follow ai.p('ar- (io.ul Mom's, (1, 1 lij.

ancf of a eoniet, IM. ' (Ji'iil'clh, Dr., .Sli.

Esi%ai)e of Col. Pejtonfroiii Ncnv Gr. iiibrii r river, nauitd by John

York, 190. Ecwis, oO.

Experienced member of the Ecg- fji^y. Col. A. 8., 87.

islature, 212. ' Governnu'ul, tlie three ba-i^ on

lOxtreniist, pi'cventiMl a scfdc- whii^h all rests, !.'>.).

niont between North ami South (nattun, I'l^aehy, 210.

in 18(JI, 2J8. Greece, flight of wi.se men from

Ex])ress (Newspaiier) l']dil()r's ''i7.

intT'oduction to (Job Peyton's Gulf States, tlieir politiial follies,

letter, 2-15. 219.
,, ,, seeoiiil letter, 27S.

Hay, Gcoi-ge, G.

Fabian policy, 25-1, Habits, a boy's gooi1, (il.

Falkland, Lord, his life mvAV Hah'(Uiibe, J. P., 8(i.

^ Oxfoid, 88. Hau.dtcm, Alexr. 2ul.

Fa,ilure to securn success in life .Harrison, liandcdi.h, 8!i.

is niaiidy duo to waul of aiubi- ,, Peyton, 87.

tion, 55. Hartford convention, 5, 270.

F(!stive S(;en(i at llie " IWyaii llauion, 1^21.

liouse," 7(i, 79. "^ Hill, iiei'ry, or liury 3.}.

Federalism, a Loeofoco's liorrou^ Heallh, how to prcsiTvc, 21.

<^'l'. 21;!. Hessian pri.stniers, liuw eniphiyetl

Fitzpatiick, Mrs Lovie, ;il, .'ii. in N'iigiui.i, ;il.

Fillmon;, Presid<nt, 2li>. Han i.ou', IMr. (il.

Fir<', <le,s|rnction of family i^.tj-ers Hot Spiings, 81.

by, 90 (note). " Ho.sl, an accomplished, 87.

388

Index

Houston Eussell, 291.

Ilostia, one of the minor prophets,

201.
Holy legends and the like refuted,

177, 179.
History is philosophy, &c., 2J0
Howard, Benjamin, 3.
Howard, John, 86.
Hunter. It. M. T, 240.
Huntersville, A lawyer among his

clients there, 50.
Hunt,—, 249.

Icarius, 9.

Improvements, modem, 41.

Impression made in the Virginia

Legislature by a young

member, 99,
Internal improvements in Vir-
ginia, 131, 132. Peyton's speech,

133, to 165.
Impression made by beautiful

Scenery, 168.
Illinois, how formed, 188.
Indiana, ,, ,, 188.
Inscriptions on the Peyton tombs

in Cambridgeshire, 337.
Ignorance, effects of an early

British people, 202.
Inexperienced member of the

Virginia Legislature, 212.
Improvements in the people of

Virginian from his mining

operations, 233.
Introduction to Col. Peyton's 1st

letter on secession, -245.
„ 2nd letter, 280.
Isleham, Co. Cambribge, visit to,

in, 1870, 337.
Isleham, inWestem Virginia, 100.

Jackson, Gen. A., 61, 63, 237.

John J., 246.
Jews, ignorance, the cause of their

ruin, 201.
Jefferson, President, 3, 10. His
good rules, 11. His educational
plans, 205.
Johnson, Chapman, 0, 102, 106.
.1 ,, junior, 70, 79.

., Andrew, 299.
Cave, 294.
Jones, Sir Wm. 23.

Joseph's bones carried into
Canaan after they had been
embalmed 400 years, 308.

Joab, 221.

Kenawha river, 85

Kindly Acts of a good man, 91.

Knowledge, the advantage of

both special and general, 174,

175.
Knowledge, lack of, among the

Jews, the cause of their woes,

201.

Lands, the history of the public

of U. S. 186, 188.
Laws of wari-anty in Virginia, 7.
Langhorne, Mr. 86.
Lewis, Major John, 10, 176.

,, Ann Montgomery, 10.

,, Col. John, Pioneer, of

Augusta Co, 30.

,, General Andrew, 30.

,, Men weather, 98.

,, Col. Wm. S. 86, 171, l75,

176.

,, Hon. John, United States

senator, 240.

„ Hon. Chas. H. 240.
Letcher, John, 240, 242.
Lee, Sir Henry, 297.
,, Chas. Carter, 86.
,, General K. E. 241, 244.
., Mrs. R. E. 245.
Legislature, life in, 99.
Leigh, B. W. 120, 121.
Legal profession, to succeed in, real

merit is necessary, 48, 49.
Letter to the Author from his

brother, 299.
Lincoln, President, 252, 277.
Letters and papers lost duiing

Civil War, 50.
Lisle, Mrs., 73.
Library, the Peyton, 50.
" Little great men", 219,
Louisiana, 189, 271.
Lov(irs, the victims of astrologers,

83.
Locofoco party, 210, 215.
Lyons, James, 86.

Marshall, T. F., 3,

Lidex.

389

Madison, Wm. S., 2.

,, James. 2, 3, o, 201.— 2G9.

Marshall, Jno. G.

Maiiubourg, Lewis, liis falsehoods,
178, 179.

MacDowell, James, 2, 80.
,, Mrs. Bob., 73.

Macon, Nath., 10.

Mahomet, 23.

Massinger, Philip. 80.

Marriage, advice on, 81.

Madness of S. Carolina's political
course, 2i3<J.

Mansion, Col. Peyton's, consnniod
by lire, 90.

Mason, J. Y., 110.
,, J. M., 92, 240.

Mayse, George, 214.

Munford, Wm. P., 222.

McClcllan, Gen. G.B., 231.

Meigs, li. I., 294.

Morgan, L. D., 294.

Mercer, C. F., 10.

Mezzofanti, Guiseppe, 23.

Magnanimity, anecdote of, uO.

Montgomery Hall— life there, 28.

Moono, H. McD., 72, 240.

Monbeddo, Lord, 07.

Middle States, their political in-
fluence in Union, 2J4.

Mosby, C. L., 80.

Medici, the, 87.

,, Cosmo de, 87.

Mexico, threatened war with, 98.

Michie, T. J. 92.

Michigan, State formed, 188.

Miller, Bowyer, 210-214.

Moderation in Opinions taught,
172, 173.

Mill Spring, battle of, 295.

Napoleon, 4, 10.

National Bank, 107.

Nature, a love of, o!).

Natural Bridge, Va., 108.

Ned I'hipps, 100, 108.

Northern States responsible f(jr

the Civil War, 2J2.
Newton, Sir Isaac, 13.

Orders in Council, British, I.
Oregon, boundary line, 98.

Oratory, when an instrument of

evil, 69.
Old Chap, 78.
02)i>ortunity necessary to success,

Oliver Major, 80.

Ottomans threaten Western

Europe, 87.
Official delim|uencies in America,

110.

,, qualification, the Washing-

tonian Standard, 220.
Office holders not always tho

most deserving, 221.
" Old Domndon," 104.
O'Farrel, John, 119.
O'Conor, Chas, 249. '

Open house, 299.

Party spirit reckless in America,

02.
Patriotic si)irit, 209.
Peyton, John liouse-, 17.
,, John 10.

,, John Howe, 2, 5, 0, 9, 02,
GO, 07. Speech of against
a horse thief, — his idea of
a liildling lawyer, 78.
Elected Senator, 98. Mod-
erate opinions, inculcated
by, 172, 174. His ideas of
the power of general
knowledge, 174. A patri-
archal inaster, 170. His
discoiu-se on holy legends,
astrology and common
sui)erstitions, etc., 177,
184.
,, Henry, G.
,, Susan Madison, 8, 9.
General Bernard, 8().
,, Hon. Balio, 2i»4.

Balie, junior, his death. 290.
Col. Wm. M., his i.ddress
to the people of Virginia,
100. Appohilcd aid-

de-cani]) to lln; Governor
of Ya., 98. His want of
ambition, .05. His in-
ternal ini[)rovement
Kjieeeli, 133, 10"). Hisnum-
siou bui-nt.90. His firmness

390

Index.

and incorruptibility, 213.
His (lonunciation of repu-
diators, 225, 228. His con-
duct to friends, 220. His
discovery of Caruiol coal
fields 23 L His letters to
Mr. Rives, 2-Ij, 27»). His
second letter, 280. His em-
employment during tlie
war, 297. His deatli
and character, 30 1 , 300 .
,, Major Benjamin H, 80.
Peytona, town of, founded, 232.
Pedigree of the Peyton family, 313
,, of tlie Preston family, 3.")j
,, of the Lewis family. 375
,, of the Washington family. 380
Payne Bar, G. 119.
Parle, Geo., 119.
Paraffine discovered 232.
PeaceaLle secession an absurdity

2G0.
Pliny the younger believes a
friend necessary to our success,
77.
Phrenology, amusing anecdote

of, G6.
Party, the Conservative, of Vir-
ginia, llG.
Preston, William Campbell, 2.
,, James Patton, 2, 80.
Elizabeth, 2.
William, 2,

Wm. Ballard, 80, 129,2-10.
Robert, 80.
AValter, 8(5, 303,
Pennsylvania, her system of inter-
nal improvement commended.
145, 147.
Porterfield, Gen. Robt., 5.
Geo. H., 291.
Pocock, Ed., 23.
Poetical taste an evidence of a

refined mind, 24.
Pope Pius, IX., sought to be con-
verted, 176.
,, Alexander, 201.
Political aspirations, folly of, 2lS.
Pocohontas, C.H., Contlagratipn

of Clients' bonds, 58.
Peidmont, district of Va., 131.
Prophetical forecast of the results
of Secession, 287.

Piichard, an illiterate Locofoco,

200. His stuiup speech, 217.
Presidential election of 1800, 235.
Pryor, R. A., 210.
Plot to defeat a gentleman, 210.
Politl(!al Doctors, 198.
Popular Education, 200, 208.
Pegr.un, John, his surrender of

2000 Confederates, 202.
Presbyterian stronghold invaded

by Romaidsts, 170.
Public lands of tht! U. S., history

of, 180, 225.
Public improvements, argument

against the three-fifth principle,

154, 100.
Princeton University, course of

Study in, 17.
Popular estimate of Col. Peyton,

10, 20.
PriJeuux, 2i.

Raiululiih, Edit., G.

Thomas J. 86,
Riulford Win., HO.
Kt-puljlie, tho better days of, G2.
lii-npoasibility, (ien. Jackbou always

riadv to usHimie tliis, 04.
Ecad, T. C, HO.
Iti fonn, advocated Ly the Virf-iiiiau

Whif-s, 225.
RccoHstructiou of the lUnion, im-

pobsihlo in ISOl, 2(i;5, 205.
Rivi'S, Wm. 0. HO, <,I5, 10.-^, 210, 278,

Aloxr. hO, 210.
Repuhlie, Educatiun necessary iu, 202.
Riches fly away, (illustration), 2y'J.
Rich, mountaiu Confederates' retreat

from, 2'Jl.
Riclimond EnquLi-er, 210.
Ritchie, Wm. 240.
Rowze, Dr. L., 17.
tlous, Rouzce, iV'c, 17.
lioiuioke Co. established, 99.
Rivers of Virf,'inia, IHO.
Ritchie, Thomas 12;>, 121, 210, 311,

:j1h.

liuckbridpre, 168.
Ruimm Catholics iu the middle ages ;

178.
Runuymede, 250. '
Rush, Richard, 16.

Rules of life, Tliomns Jefferson's, 11.
Ruthn, Edmund, Commits yuicide,
'JO.

Lulex.

391

Sardoval, Bishop of Pampehma, his

fictions, 179.
Search, right of, 3.
Salhist, 234.
Seymour, Horatio, 249.
Segar, Jos., 240.
Secession, peaceable, an ahsurdity, 2G0

not a reserved right, 2G8.
Shefley, Danh, 7.
Shanks, Thos., 80, 93, 119,
Shorrard, Jos. 11., 119.
Shands, Wm., 119.
Sims, Dr. J. Miuion, 47, 278.
Sully, T., the painter, 19.
Spurzheim, Johanu Caspar, CG.
Smith, Ben., 92.
Solomon, his idea of strife, 243.
Scott, R. E., 240, 92.
Southern Congress, proposed by

South Carolina, 2}7.
Scott, Gen. Winfiel.l, 2:{7.
Sic Semper Tyrannis, the motto of

Va., 287.
Slavery, bright side of, in Va., 170.,

Cause of Secession, 252.
Stuart, Thomas J., 2S.

A. H. H., 12',), 92, 210.
Ch»3. A., 3).
Southall, V. W., 92.
Stone House, The old, 36, 3S,
Summers, G. W., 92, 129.
Sub- Treasury, 121,
Stack, Leonora, 176.
Suili-age, UuiversLl, dangerous unless

tb ' p -otil ) are educated, 201.
South Carolina, her course on socea-

sion coudomnod, 251,

,, contrastod -w ii li Virginia 251
St, Petor discoved I y his accent, 293.
Stump Speoches, 94,
Secretary of Legfii ion to Paris, 96.
Steele, Sir ilichard's idea of a groat

man, 220
Shoddy Aristocracy, 298
Swift, De.in, 201.
Superstitions, Early. 31, 33, 183.
State proxy to Jianes Ilivor and

Kenawha i'f).nal, 2 !1.
Summary of . ho causes which

justified Virginia in socoding, 282

Taylor, Sir Hy. 1,

Taylor, E. A. E., 35, 36, 80.

„ lion Allan, 35.

„ Dr. John B.,B6.
Telfair, Mrs. J., 74.
Tariff of 1840, 196.

,, favoured by Whigs, 225.

Tazewell, L. W., 6.

Thomi)son, Eliz., 35.

Tnivelliiig, a general dosiro, 51,

Trigg, Rubort, 92.

Tide Water, Virginia, 131.

Truth and reason, their value, 174

Toxian revolt, 98.

Turner, llov. Jesse, 91.

Tucker, H. St. Goo. 7.

Turks threaten Europe, 87.

3, 52.

TUtx-a-Democratic party, 210.
' U. S. (Jovernmtmt, the best ever

vouchsafed to man, 249.
Union, ii central one advocated, 259.
,; a love of among Vii-ginians,
2S5.
Unfortunates, how treated, 298.

Van Buren, Martin, 95, 210.

Van Bibber. T., Combat with, 20.

Valentine, Ed., 80.

Viniible, N. E„ 119, 129.

Voltnirr, 218.

Vossius, his false stories, 178.

Virginia, her territorial extent and
and general aspect, 131 — Her gi-eat
history and seivices, 251-5(5 ; Cannot
follow S.C. wilh self respect, 256;
State ConvtiiliDu, 218; Secedes
from the Union, 213: Her o.ximsej
position in evnt of civil ^Yar, 200,
Sho rebel'^, 2^0 ; Address to her
peojde, 100.

Virginia laiulsca]).>s 59. Early days in,
7, 8. 25, 30, 41. Want of improve-
ments in Western, 92. Valb y of,
li:i. Rivers of, 130. Natural divis-
ions, 131.

Washhigton, 224. Standard of Official

(puililication, 22'), 254.
War in the Union or out of it, 254,
Watts, E., 80.
Wesl. V, 202.
Walt,)!!, Bryan, 23.
Williamson, Capt. 39, 70.
Wieklliro, R., 3.
WiHdiam, J., 6.
Wirt, W., 0.
Willis, N. P., 17.
"Whig Socielv," 22.
Wife, choice of, fO.
Wiliner, Bishop. 86.
Wise, H. A., 24U.

„ O. J., 240.
Willcy, W.J, 210.

302 Tndc.c.

Wisconsin, of \\liat territory formed, Woodvillo, J., Bli.

1H8. Vflnf^H uf Virtjiniu, their cliaractej-,

^^'ielvf•(llless pniiislied, 221. 112.

V\h['^ meeting in Roanoke, 228. Wright, Silas, 121.

Whi))i)ers-in, political, 211. AVhite, family of papist, 170.

"Witcher, Vincent, 8G. Yerby, Mr. Delegate for Accomao,

Wise men Hy from Greece, 87. 129.

Whitheld, 202. ZoUicofler, Gen., his death, 2!l5, 2',)G.
Wythe, Geo., 6,

riinteiUiy Freilerick Clarke, Ouorusoy,

Tn 2 volumes, post 8vo. Price 21 s.

THE AMERICAN CRISIS;

OK,

Pages from the Note Book of a State A^i^ent during the Civil War.

nv

JOHN LEWIS PEYTON,

Bachelor of Laws of the University of Virginia, Corresponding Member of the

Wisconsin State Historical Society, Pelloiu of the Royal Oeographical Society

of Or cat Britain, <^c. Late Lieut. -Col. Commanding ISth N.Q. Citicago.

NOTICES OF THE PRESS.

" These volumes are compiled from the notes of the Author, who was at one
period an uccredited agent iu Europe for one of the late Confederate States,
The incidents commence from the outbreak of the war, aud there are numerous
authentic facts and data given which will throw light upou many circumstances
connected with the long struggle between the Northern and Southern States.
The descriptions of scenes visited, the reflections on social subjects, and the
statements connected with the secret history of the war acquired by tho
Author in his official capacity, are of the highest interest and importance."—
S^lnday Olserver.

" The American Crisis vises to the rank of a voluminous state paper. Colonel
Peyton's work is destined, we believe, to be the text book for posterity, as far
as regards the political questions opeucd up by this Civil War, tho most
gigantic conflict the world has ever witnessed. The Author gives very
spirited sketches of the preparations for the fight, and the interest taken in
them by the veterans of tho South. . . . Throughout he proves his sound
common sense and perfect mastery over tho difficult science of political
economy. . . . Colonel Peyton has told the history of ilio American Civil War,
its commencement, progress, and ultimate close, with precision, and with con-
eiderablo historic care. He has woven with the main thread of his story, too,
so njany strands of minor interest, so many sketches, and so many glances, at
English aud American domestic and country life, that each succeeding year
cannot fail to add to its value iis a photograph of its own times."— Jersey Express,

\iV,li

Notices (if the I'vcsiS (coiitinucd.J

'We hive seen no woik upon the Auierican Civil W:ir, more cntei-taining
and thoroughly readable than that by Coluuel Peyton. The stylo of which ia
terse and vigorous." — 'lite Cosmopolitan.

" Some of the most interesting portions of these charming volumes contain
a summary of Colonel Peyton's experiences as well in the political, as in the
literary world. His sketches are grapliic, and .beyond all controversy, life-like.
We commend these volumes cordially and conscientiously to perusal, and wo
err if their circulation be not extensive. Their Author was, we believe, some
two or three years ago resident for a little while amongst us, and has since been
for a longer season domesticated in Jersey. It is not improbable that he may,
ere long, once more be a visitor to the Channel Islands, and in that case we are
Bure that we may promise him for ourselves, and equally coutident that we may
prognosticate for him from our neighbours, a very hearty welcome. What
Sidney Smith called " stress of politics," has driven many an honoured exile
from freedom or for conscience sake, upon our shores, but surely none more
worthy of our esteem than this intelligent and gallant gentlemen of whom —
his enemies themselves being judges — the very woret that can be said must be,
' Victrix causa Diis placuit, victa Peytoni.' " — Guernsey Star.

" Colonel Peyton's book is half a narrative of his reminiscense.s of the
Great Civil War, or rather of his personal intercourse with its chief actors,
both military and political, and half a description of his experiences in Eng-
land, and his impressions of English society. lie exhibits considerable skill
in blending his adverse feelings towards Jefferson Davis (whom he regards as a
common-place politician and not a genius at all) with the necessary amount of
attachment for the Confederate cause. Some of the chapters which he devotes
to his personal observations while in this country, will be read with interest,
and portions of them with amusement. Of course he does not like Mr. Cobden
or Mr. Bright. Of Lord Russell's appearance and manner he speaks with a
contempt which is not wholly unmeiited, but ill-becomes a panegyrist of Mr.
Alexander Stephens, of whoso outer man he has given the most unflattering of
descriptions. But he is at aU events impartial in his satirical judgments.
When he presents what is on the whole a very uncomplimentary portrait of Mr.
Roebuck he is perhaps more true to life, but he makes a poor return for much
zealous service." — Daily Star.

" This subject is unrivalled in importance to Americans, and a very arduous
one vnth which to deal ; the interests involved are so manifold, and the
questions connected with it so complicated that it requires a mastei--mind to do
it justice. Colonel Peyton has taken very elevated views of all these greaj,
questions. We have rarely met with a writer who combines so much impres-
sive earnestness with bo much sound sense and masculine depth of thought."
— Gazette.

Nolices of Lite rrcss (contiiiued.)

" Here we pause, reluctantly ; — the extreme interest we take in tlio political
l)ortion of Colonel Peyton's most valuable and instructive work, lias induced us
to discuss somewhat at large what we may venture to untitle " Siutiments
proper to the present crisis," and that with reference as well to England as to
America. It is not, however, to the statesman or historian alone that these
volumes will be interesting. Their Author has mingled hirgt^ly in the best
Bociety on either eide of the Atlantic, public and private life in both hemis-
pheres, with their leading warriors, orators, statesmen ; artists and men of
letters, have come as a matter of course under his notice, and are sketched
ably by his graphic pen ; — he is in turn a Hogarth and a Watteau, as eccen-
tricities and absurdities, graces and amenities are to be .delineated. Nor is
graver information wanting ; his work is replete with historical anecdotes,
valuable statistics, aud sound and apposite reflections upon subjects of
contemporary or social interest." — Britisk Press.

" The American Crisis is a work of grout interest, writtc-n in a most spirited
and masterly style." — Thanet Advertiser.

"It is cuiious to see with what contempt this gctntlemun of high birth aud
solid position, looks down on the mushroom leaders of secession. Most of
these men are sketched by Colonel Peyton in sharp and biting acid." — i'/w
Athcnceum.

"The American Crisis is a highly entertaining work, aud one in which the
reader's interest will seldom or ever flag. Many of the sketches are hit off
with much skill and eilect." — B. Herald.

" The earlier portion of Colonel Peyton's work draws a lively picture of the
feelings which prevailed in thu south, aud especially in Virginia, during the
first months of the war. The Hanguiue advocates of Secession were full of
hope and animation, predicting a speedy triumph of their cause, which should
force Massachusetts itself to return all fugitive slaves, and place the prosperity
of New England at the mercy of the Southern Confederacy. Cobmid Peyton's
second volume is devoted, for the most part, to life in England. He gi\us us
particulars about hotels and lodging-houses, describes our railway manHgniuent
and railway carnages; sketches some of our great men: tells us about our
dinners, our evening parties, our country houses, aud our maunur of living in
them, in point of fact, is communicative to Englishman ; aud the other, ou
England for the use of Americans. But we can imagine many reasons which
may have made it more convenient for him to treat together th(( two countri(;s
which have been connected by his own experience. He is not at all a fatiguing
writer to follow ; wo may read with tolerable care what he has to tell us about
America, and may then procei'd with undiminished energy to glnice at his
remarks on a subject whii'h, after all, has an interest for most of us— our-
selves."— The Guard'-dii.

Notices of the Press (contimied.)'

•Tall of spirited sketches and interesting description."— T/ie Month.

"In the American Crisis, the author presents a canclIJ, interesting, and
Taluablo series of sketches of men, events, etc., at the commencement of the-
war of 18G1. Also a very entertaining account of the manner in which the
" Nashville," (war Steamer) ran the blockade, and got to sea, and of the life
and society of the Bermudas. His style is direct, lucid, unassuming, and at
all times full of simplicity and ease." — Southern Revieio, Baltimore.

}aONDON, Saundees, Otley AND Co., 6Q, Brook Street, W.

In Oue Volume, ilcruy Svo. Price 10s

ADVENTURES OF MY GRANDFATIIEE.

COLONEL LEWIS PEYTON, L.L.B., F.R.G.S., &c.

Author of " The American Crisis." A historical and statistical view of the

State of Illinois, <^c. Late Chief of Staff to General Domjlas B. Laijne

of Virginia.

NOTICES OF THE PEESS.

"A very interesting and remiirkaLlc worlc" — Sir Bernard Burke.

"We have rarely risen from the perurial of any work with greater satis-
faction. It ia an interesting and elegantly written volume." — Weyiuouth.
I'aper.

"Le livre est 6crit ile luiiin de mailrc. La biograpliie et les laisons qui
tienneut les lettres, sont d'un style parfait, et, en somme, le livre est des
plus int6ressauts." — Gazette de Qucrncsfij.

" The adventures are in thcmst Ives as fully fraught with interest as those
of Robinson Crusoe, or of the pioneers who first penetrated into the Far-
west, and had to combat with the teiTors of the Rocky mountains, or the
hostilities of the Red Indians. His agreable volume will give him an
additional claim to the esteem which has been already and so deservedly
accorded to his character and talents by all classes of our society." —
Giiemssy Star..

" We again heartily commend this volume to the attention of the reading
public, who will, we are sure, heartily join us in thanking its enlightened
and accomplished author for the literary treat which he has afforded them."'
— British Press.

" He has produced a very able and graphic biography. It posesses all
the qualities necessary to become popular, and there is nothing to hinder
the work from having an extensive nm."— Mail and Telegraph.

JOHN WILSON, PUBLISHER,
tW, Great Russkl Stkkkt, London, W.C.

BY THE SAME AUTIlOll.

OVER THE ALLEGUANIES

AND

ACROSS THE PRAIRIES.

PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF THE FAR WEST

ONE AND 'rWKNTV YIOARS A.CJO.
1 vol. 8vo.

NOTICES OF THE PRESS

"Colonel Peyton, who is favourably known to the British pnblic by his pro-
vious works, is an intelligent and observant traveller, who tella well what be
has seen, so that his uan-ative makes a volume of very pleasiint.ruaJiug." —
Notes and Queries.

"The production of a scholar and a gentleman. We can but recommend our
readers to possess themselves of it, assured that they will find that they have
secured a fund of pleasant reading." — United Service Magazine.

"The reminiscences are very interesting and give an excellent and truthful
idea of the North American Indians, their mode of life and Wiivfare." — The
Athenoeum.

" Colonel Peyton's work is of historical value, and we heartily commend it
to all. " — The London Review. —

"Full of personal reminiscences of an interesting character. Some of the
episodes are full of the romance of real life. He shows himself to have been
a keen observer. " — Public Opinion.

" Colonel Peyton's work is agreeably written. " — The Oiuxrdiam,.

" His chapters are fraught with a fresher interest than we get in these days
of railways and fast travelling. " — Low's Pablishers' Circular.

"This volurae,written in a very lively and entertaining style, has more claims
upon readers, attention than a glance at the title might lead one to buppose."—
Ilhistrated London Ne%vs.

Notices of the r/t'.« (continued.)

" As a useful umJ reliable compauiou, few can compare in iutorest with
Colonel Peyton, whose agreeable volume wo have read with much pleasure."
— ThelWeelcly Times.

" We commeml this volume of stirring stories to the lovers of adven-
ture. "—Lloye's Weekhj.

" An exceedingly interesting volume, abounding in pleasant reminiscences,
by the well known Coloncd Peyton, son of Senator John Howe Peyton, of
Virginia. Colonel Peyton is author of two other very clever works well
known in England, "The Ainerican Criats " and " Tlie Adventures of Mtj
Grandfather." To Englishmen the work will prove more interesting
than fiction, and Americans will find in it a living history of their own day
and generation. " — The Coitnopolltan.

" A pleasant, amusing, and charming volume." — Norwood News.

" A sprightly, chatty, interesting volume. " — Richmond (Virginia) Wltij.

"■ An interesting contribution to the history of tlio reccmt past. " — The
Courier (Georgetown District of Columbia) U. S.

"Books that illastrate the rapid growth of the gi-eat empire of the United
States are always interesting, and that is done by both of the volumes before
us (Col Peyton's) and Parker Gillmore's "A hunter's adventures in the great
West." Mr. Gillmore's work, however, is far less valuable than Colonel Peyton's.
His book is amusing as well as instructive, &<:. " — The b^xatninei-.

Ilauteville House,

Guernsey, 2 Janvier, 1870,
Mon cher Colonel,

J'ai lu avcc le pins vif interct votre excellent onvrage. Voug
m'cxprimez, sur la premiere i>age, dcs sentiments <jui me touchent vivemeut.
Jo suis votre coucitoyen en libtute et en humunite.

L'abolition de I'esclavago a rendu I'Amerique j\ elle-meme ; desormais il u'y
a plus ni Nord, ni Sud ; il y a la grande Republique. J 'en suis comme voua.

Kocevez, Colonel, mon cordial shake [of the] liand.

VICTOR HUGO.

Colonel John Lewis Peyton.

" That these works posst:ss unusual merits we feel safe in assei-ting. One
merit — it is not in our lyis a sliglit one— is, that Col. Peyton everywhere
' writes like a gentleman.' The age we live in has earned its ' fast ' and
' slap dash ' propensities into literature. llepose, simplicity, and that
charming i(ji.re.>-t'ri't; which eharaeti ri/;es the well-bred Author as it characterizes

Notices of the I'l-o.^.^ (amtinucd.)

the well-bred gentleman in society, become day by more rare. * * The style of
Col. Peyton is that of a gentleman writing for persons of culture and intelli-
gence. His descriptions and comments possess great directness and pictu-
resqueuess, mingled with a natural and agreeable humour ; and renders hia
volumes extremely agreeable reading. * * The works would prove highly suc-
cessfal, we think, if re-published in America.

John Esten Cooke,

(In the Southern Review.)