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Read before the Board of JlgricuUure of the State of JiTew Fork^ 
March 8, 1825. 


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A MEMOIB, ^c. 


The Board of Agriculture and Agricultural Societies were insti- 
tuted for the purpose of promoting tne landed, or farming interest, 
by such means and measures, as thej respectively might deem best 
adapted to that end. 

In ^ener^l, the measures which have been adopted, have been those 
of eliciting and disseminating knowledge, as to the best modes of cul* 
tivating the land; the best breed of domestic animals; the most ap' 
proved implements ; the most useful seeds, plants, and grasses ; of 
encouraging experiments in agricultural processes; the introduction 
and growth of superior aniuMUs, and practice of the best modes of cul- 
tivation; with encouragements to manufactures, by the cultivators of 
the land, or in private families : all tending, however, to encourage 
the growth of an illimitable quantity of agncultural productions. 

I nave long been of the opinion, that the most powerful inducements 
which could have been held out, have been omitted. I mean that of 
providing prompt and ready markets for these productions. Towards 
effecting ttiis object, this board, and the county societies, it is beiieY- 
ed, may do much. 

A ready demand for i^ricultural productions, at remunerating 
prices, it is presumed, is the only adequate inducement which can be 
relied upon, for insuring a careful cultivation of the land, or for in- 
creasing the quantity of its produce. It appears almost certain, that 
no bounties or encouragements, which it is in the power of the state, 
or of societies, to paycnrectly to the agriculturist, can induce him to 
make much improvement in his modes of cultivation, or to raise any 
thing beyond the immediate demands of his family ; while any surplus 
which he may raise, bevond that amount, shall tie worth nothing; or 
where it cannot be sold or exchanged, upon terms of comparative 
equality with the profits of the capitals and labour employed in the 
production of the other articles required for his support. 

That capital and labour applied to land, has become less productive, 
than a like quantitv of capital and labour applied to almost any other 
object, is presumed to be notorious, and conceded. That this, more 
tiian any thing else, has paralized and discouraged the efforts of the 
2^riculturistS| is believed, and that it cannot be removed and over- 
come by any encouragements or bounties, which it is in the power of 
the state or societies to pay directly to those concerned in its culti- 
vation. An efficient demandf must be provided for the produce of the 
land, which shall leave to the capitals and persons employed upon it, 
compensations, which shall be equal. Or nearly so, to those employed 
in producing the other necessaries of life, before the desired improve^ 
ments in the cultivation of land can reasonably be expected; and it 
is believed to be of much more importance to the farming interests oi 
this country, that thisdemaod should be provided, than to encourage 

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the growtii of larger quantities of those articles^ which cannot be sold 
at remunerating prices. 

It is held that where particular branches (rf" business are overdone, 
or do not leave to the capitals and persons employed in them, com- 
pensations eaual to that of other branches, the unproductive will 
be abandoned to the necessary extent, and otiiers taken up, until the 
compensatibns to all are equalized. 

Although this proposition, as between persons and employments 
within the same government or country, may to a certain* extent, be 
true ; still it is not so in every case ; and rarely, if ever so, when the 
articles upon which labour and capital are expended, are made in dif- 
ferent and distant countries, and exchanged through the medium of 
external commerce. Articles, upon which bat little capital or labour 
have been expended in one country, are of great price in another, 
where a knowledge of the art of making them is not understood, or 
sufficiently extended. 

The rude tribes give large quantities of valuable articles or peltries* 
for articles of trifling value, in countries where the art of making 
tbem is understood. The channels of intercourse may moreover, be 
interrupted by wars; or the wants and policy of different countries 
may alter, requiring correspondent changes in all the countries con- 
cerned in mutually exchanging their labours and products with each 
other $ particular arts, found to be of the first necessity, and difficult 
to learn or introduce at once, to the required extent, may have been 
ne^ected in a country, while articles, the product of those arts, were 
easily obtained in exchange for other products of the country. The 
neglect of those arts, and the frequency Qf those changes and inter- 
ruptions, derange the pursuits and labours of the different countries, 
alwavs affecting those most severely, whose products are least diver- 
sified, and confined to the smallest number of articles. 

The population of this country is essentially agricultural, or, per- 
haps, mof^ properly, agricultural and commercial 5 having by far 
too small a propnortion, m that intermediate and manufacturing class, 
so indispensable in every well-arranged community; and we have 
been led into these pursuits, by causes common to most newly-set- 
tled countries, between which, and older manu&cturing countries> 
commercial communications are allowed. 

During our colonial state, manufactures were discouraged, and some 
of them forbidden by the mother country, under severe penalties ; 
while labour was invited, and almost exclusively confined to the land, 
and to a litnited commerce. The mother country, |n the mean time, 
compelling'us to take her manufactured articles, in exchange for the 
products of the land, under regulations, fixed by herself, in relation 
to that exchange. 

Soon after the Revolution, the long belligerent state of Europe 
commenced, and continued, till within a few years. Through the 
whole course of these long wars, the landed produce of these states 
sold readily for cash, of was exchanged at fair prices, for the manu- 
factured articles of foreign countries, which gave to our population a 
further impulse towards the land, to the neglect of manufactures.— 
These causes, together with the abuntlance and cheapness of land, 

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^rre to tills doniitryltl^ toricultttral aM commtocial eltetbterwhicli 
it now sastams ; and has ifeeplj bxtd upon it the practice pf exchaog- 
ii^the raw produce of the land, for the naoufactared articles of fo«^ 
r^gn conotries. 

Our edacation, and all our halnts and efforts, have been devoted al- 
most exclusively to the increase of agricultural productions, alid to 
the carrying and exchan^ng those productions for an unlimited va- 
riety of foreign manufactures. A very |;reat majority of us have been 
brea to no omer calling, and still remain ignorant of any other. We 
have continued in this practice, until the habit has become settled and 
fixed, and from which it is found difficult suddenly to depart. The 
opinion was extensively but vainly entertained, that it would be very 
late before it would become necessary to depart from it. It wias pre« 
sumed, that the wants tind habits of foreign countries, bad become as 
firmly and radically fixed to the practice of exchanging th^ir manu- 
factured articles, for our bread-stuffs and provisions^asourown^ that 
the foreign countries with which we exchanged these commodities, 
could not well subsist without our agricultural productions ; that the 
'policy and interests of those countries, would ensure a continuance 
of this trade, as thereby they would retain their artizans at home, and 
find a market for much of their wool, iron, and other products, im- 
proved to the highest practicable value, by the labour of these arti- 
zans. — ^Experience has, however, realized exactly the reverse of our 

It may have been a laudable desire to be independent of ail other 
nations, which iiiduced those manufacturing countries, on their part, 
to decline taking from us the only articles which we had to give them 
in exchange for their manufactures, while on our part, we remain ^ 
radically fixed to the use of foreign commodities, that We cannot re- 
fuse to receive them, under any ofthe disadvantageous terms imposed 
by those from whom we obtain them. It is found that foreign coun- 
tries subsist very well without any, or but a small proportion of our 
agricultural productions, and the most of them are absolutely refused 
admittance, under severe penalties;* while our taste and inclinations 
for their manufactures, are not at all abate»d, nor their consumption 
limited in this country, by any other rule, than our poverty, and want 
of the means of paying for them. We could give them agricultural 
produce in abundance ; but since it is refused to be token in exchange, 
It has become of little value. With the value of its products, 
land has fallen in pricey its improvement is neglected; and tne nume- 
rous class who hold, or cult^ate land, have become disheartened, and 
discouraged. — Very many of^em are under monied engagements, 
made in other times, and with difierent prospects, when money was 
valued less, and land and landed produce much higher, than at 

It would be difficult to propose any measure likely to afford instant 
relief to the agricultural class. But it may be encouraged to hope for 
relief, in proportion as the labour and capital ofthe community shall 
become more equally distributed among the several branches of busi- 

♦ See Note A. 

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Bess, required in erodvcing and manufacturingithe artfcles of n^ces- 
stty^ comfort and luzurj, which at this time are reciuirdi, and con- 
samed in this covntry; and in proportion as the articles which maj 
conyeniently be grown in our climate, or mann&ctured from onrraw 
materials, shall ms grown^ or made at home, and not imported from 

In communities where labour and capital are equally distributed 
among all the trades and professions, to produce the necessaries, com- 
forts, and luxuries, which that communily requires for its support, 
very little embarrassment is ever found; but in those, where, from 
whatever cause, only a part, or small proportion of those trades and 
professions are found, and those the more coarse or common, leaving 
the wealthy and more fashionable part of the community, to be sup- 
plied by foreign importations, ereat embarrassments are frequent; 
attributable to the causes already noticed.— Those communities are, 
moreover, comparatively poor ; because the rich and fashionable, who 
command whatever money or means there may be in the country, 
apply that money or means at any required sacrifice, as it rdates to 
the other clashes, to the support of tne artizans, productions, and 
manufactures of other countries. As a general rule, the wealth, 
comfort and strength of a community, are augmented or depressed, 
in proportion as it possesses a knowledge of dl the arts and sciences, 
required in producing every article of its consumption, to which its 
climate is adapted, and in proportion to the industry with which those 
arts and sciences are prosecuted by that community. 

The rude tribes of this country "^possessed extensive territories of 
fertile land ; but they were ignorant of the arts of cultivation ; their 
numbers and comforts were small, and their power insignificant. The 
Tartar, or cattle-nusing regions, are more numerous. They have a 
surplus of cattle and horses, but nothing else. They feed on their 
flesn, and are clothed with their skins, and exchange a small propor- 
tion for implements of war. The people of this country have advanc- 
ed one step beyond tiiem. We have a surplus of cattle, bread-stuffs, 
provisions, and raw materials, with a few rude artizans ; and here 
we stop, unless we take in the productions of this sea and of com- 
merce. But we still remain dependent upon foreigners for nearly all 
ttte finer fabrics of woollen goods, to the amount of gB,000,000 — 
of cotton, to nearly g6,000,00(>— of silk, more than g5,000,000 — 
cutlery, hardware, iron, steel, &c. nearly 585,00(!),000; and a vast 
amount of other manufactured articles, exceeding altogether, gSl, 

A nation can never be rich, let the extent of its territory, the fer- 
tility of its soil, and number of its people be what they may, if 
its labour and capital are limited to the production of but a small pro- 
portion of the commodities required for its consumption. For al- 
thoush it may produce a great surplus of some particular articles, 
wiiich, iEit particular times, may possiess fair exchangeable values, 
still it cannot be certain of the necessary exchanges; and it some- 
times happens, that the exchanee cannot be made on any terms. Its 
surplus articles then become oflittle value, while it remains in sreat 
want of the articles for which the exchange was intended. Mean 

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fime» ifte mbject npini i^ich its capital and labour had been expend* 
ed in producing the surplus, is neglected and goes to decay. 

We have the land, and understand the art of raising bread-stuffy 
provisions, and other laoded products adapted to our climate ; but 
oitr principal customers for those articles have forsaken us. They 
will not allow many of our articles to be consumed in their countries 
on any conditions. We have no control over them. They consult 
their own interests. If we had, however, the artizans for converting 
only one of the raw materials which we raise, and Which we migirt 
readily raise to any required extent, (I mean the article of wool,1 
into .the manufactured articles of that kind, now imported, it would 
afford ^eat relief to the country. 

But it is unfortunately our case, that the large space between the 
landed interest on the one hand, and mercantile and monied on the 
other, which in all well ordered communities is filled with artizans and 
manufacturers, is left nearly vacant in this; and we, the landed 
interest, feel at this time most sensiblv the want of that class* We 
want it as the consumers pf our bread-stuffs and provisions, and for 
the purpose, moreover, of converting our wool, hemp, flax, cotton, iron, 
and other raw materials, into the manufactured articles for which we 
have heretofore exchanged those raw materials with foreigners. Our 
rent-receiving, and interest-receiving gentlemen,our cheers of govern- 
ment, professional and mercantile gentlemen, will not receive our pro- 
ducts m the shape of raw materials, at adequate prices, for their de- 
mands asainst us, nor in the shape of coarse fabrics, into which some 
few of them may be converted by the half learned artizans of our 
country, whilethey have the option of taking these, or the finer and 
handsomer fabrics of foreign countries. But were the eight millions 
of dollars, now annually paid to foreigners by this country, for wool- 
len goods, to be distributed among our own people; to the farmer in 
part for the wool, and for the bread-stuffi anci provision3 consumed hf 
the artizans while converting the wnol into articles now imported, it 
cannot be doubted but that great relief would be afforded dierel^ to 
the farming or landed interest. The same may be said in respect to 
all the manu&ctnred articles now imported.^ 

The cause of this great depression of agriculture is obvious. Tliai 
branch of Inmnessy compared t^ith. every oth^r, is overdone. Above 
eiffbty per cent, of our population, is fixed, and, from habit and 
education, confined to that profession. A due proportion, compared 
with other and better organised countries^ in this respect, would be 
much less, and that of artizans much greater. The proportion in 
each should be nearly equal ; and there is no other way in which the 
board of agriculture or agricultural societies, can as well promote 
the farming interest, as by facilitating the introduction, rise, and in- 
crease of artizans, within this state, until their numbers shall be ade^ 
quate to the demands of the country, and to the consumption of the 
l^l;ricultural productions raised in it. To effect this obUct, it will 
require not only the most vigorous efforts of this board, of the county 
societies, and of all good citizens, but the aid and protection of go- 
vernment. For t^ is most certain^ that manufachtres cannot be use' 
ftdly and readibf commenced in a country, which has been in the 

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lotion ie whai it mo^ umess the^ are projected, and d^mtki from 
the interferen^ ef fariign&r$, until theg have passed through the 
initiatory stately am have become acauay^ed unthj and in^ttueted n^. 
the different arts and ffocesses^ imispmeabU to tMhr ftqfiJtMe a»a 
u$dul prosemHonk 

it is asked by tbe oljectors to the protection nqutred, wl^ the 
capital and labour which^ is now employed in the land$ are h(^ 
deroted to manufactures, if they afford oetter empbymeut ? 

It may be anawered, tiiat the difficaltiea and losses to he encoun« 
tered, at the cdmmeocement of any newly set up hmnch of rnaau* 
facturing business, in a country where but very few of the mechanic 
arts have arrived at maturity, are much greater than meets the eye 
of a casual observer, and which cannot be overcome by any thing 
short erf* direct protection, or causes incid^tal and tantamount to 
that protection. 

It IS not only a knowledge of the practical operation,^ and applica- 
tion of the particular varts of a 'trade, about to be set up, which is to 
be learn#d, but the aid oi other and distinct bninches is to b^ called 
in, upon which the principal branch is iacidentEilly dependent. The 
tods, implements and machines of ^ branch intended to be put 
mto cperation, are to be made by another, or %&nSs9X other different 
bnoiches. If the manufacturers m these tools are net already located 
within' the country for want of emplqym^t, (and they probably are 
not^) the tools, or the workmen to make them^are to be imported 
from abroad. But should these difficulties be surmounted^ the arti- 
cles manufiEictured in the principal branchi mui|t be made in «s wot4^- 
manlike a manner, not only in every substantial particular, but as 
neat and fashionable as the article imported^ or ihe forei^ article 
will have the preference in the market. 

It can hardly be expected, that new begtnnaps can rival, at the 
commencement, old establi^ments in all these particulars. But 
should these difficulties be surmounted, there stiu remain further 
and more important embarrassments to be overcome* TheoM coun- 
try manufacturers, English in particular, who have been in the prac- 
tice of supplying, say woollen goods,^ to this countrv, have their workr 
shops and machinery erected for that purpose. The owi^rs of these 
works, and the worknten attached to them^ depend for their daily 
bread upon sales in this country. The wool-^ower, the merchant, 
and the shipper, all depend upon sales to be made here^ The usual 
quantities, to supply the ordinarv demand, are therefore made. If 
orders for them are diminished, Ihe articles accumulate in the hands 
of the manufacturer, and in the absence of orders, they are sent out 
by the manufacturers themselves, in succeeding years. These goods 
are met in our market by the like articles made in this country. The 
market is overstodced^. One, or a part of each of the quantities must 
be withdrawn, or both are to be sold at a sacrifice. Trades will 
never voluntarily agree to withdraw. Their necessities vaaj compel 
them to sell. The older establishments, with greater experience and 
larger capitals, bold on to their accustomed markets. Not s^o with 
our new beginners. All their calculations have l^en made upon 

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Abthi&if^ fhe usual market price of the article. If they camot oUate 
that, they are ruined. Their small establishments are stopped^ audi 
broken down ; and the adventurers become the victims of their patriot* 
ism or their credulity. 

England) from tlte earliest times, supplied our southern states 
with coarse woollen cloths,* called n^o-cloths.— For a few years, the 
English were excluded from these markets by the late embu^ and 
war, and manufactories for making cloths, as substitutes, were esta* 
blished in the New England states, ahd some in this state.- At firs<^ 
these cloths sold jfor about seventy-five cents per yard ; but at less^ 
before the close of the war. After the war, tney were met in those 
markets by large supplies from England, and they fell to below fifty 
cents. Orders were less frequent, or for diminished quantities, to 
England. The usual quantities continued to be made tnere and ac- 
cumulated. The market continued to be pressed with both descrip- 
tions of cloths. The price declined to forty, to thirty -five, and thirty 
cents. In 1823-4, an immense mass, probably the entire accumulat- 
ed quantity in England, was sent out, and hieing still met by cloths 
made liere, fell to twenty-five, twen^, and even seventeen cents* 
That operation broke down our manu&cturers ; they gave up the mar- 
kets to the English, who, unless the tariff of last year shall prevent 
them, will again take the market at former prices. The cotton bag- 
ging manufacturers of Kentucky, I am informed, met a similar fate 
in the decline and fall of their establishments. 

There are several sets of articles, particularly all ^ose made from 
wool and cotton, which might be made here, to the extent of the home 
demand, if not for exportation, if assurance should be given that the 
present prices would be maintained. There is no want of capitak 
The requisite stock of artizans would soon appear. But adventurers 
in these pursuits are deterred, and dare not undertake themj partly 
from the apprehension, that the present protection, by way of duties, 
may be abated; but much more so, from a dread of the competition which 
they well know must ensue between themselves and the foreigners, 
who have hitherto supplied the country with these articles. The con- 
sequence to the farming and landed interest is, that the wool is 
grown in foreign countnes, instead of this, to clothe nearly all the rich 
and fashionable part of the community, and even labourers and ser- 
vants. The provisions and bread-stuffs required to feed the artizans, 
while converting these articles into manufactured and saleable goods, 
are also supplied by foreigners. The consequences to the country 
and treasury are, that we are thereby disabled to pay for, and im^- 
port, other articles which we want, And should, in that case, import, 
to the full amount of all' we could and should make of these. In 
this state, we have now more than jive hundred thousand persons^ 
clothed in the woollen and Cotton goods made in foreign countriesj 
and of foreign raw materials^ except part of the raw cotton. The im- 
portations of woollen and cotton^ exceed sixteen millions; and the 
consumption, fourteen millions. The proportion of our people who 
consume them is immense. 

These particulars are stated, to illustrate the position, that manu- 
facturing establishments, commensurate with the wants of the com* 

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munity^ cannot for a long time be expected to rise ill this country, 
unless they be shielded and protected in their infancy by govern- 
ment; but that they may, with that protection, some of them, soon 
be eipected to rise, without prejudice to the treasury, or the con- 
sumers of foreign goods, except, perhaps, a temporary rise in their 
price at the commencement. By gradually taking up and protecting 
particular articles in succession, such as could probably be supplied 
in the country, the whole would be ultimately taken up, protected, 
and made at nome. Wool, cotton, and hemp, may claim the prefer- 
ence at the present; afterwards, iron, steel, and other goods, from 
time to time, until the whole catalogue of foreign manufactured arti- 
cles are included. The farming interest and receipts into the trea- 
sury, would, at every step, be found to be promoteu and advanced. 
The farming interest^would soon find a home consumption, and home 
markets for all their productions ; and in these, irresistible induce- 
ments for further improvements in their modes of cultivation. The ca- 
pacity of the country to pay for larger quantities of the foreign arti- 
cles, still remaining to be imported, chained with the payment of du- 
ties, would fill the treasury to overflowing. 

I am aware, that I have given bqt a very inadequate view of the 
embarrassments and difficulties which attend the commencement of 
manufactures, in countries where the arts have been neglected. It|is 
not so much from the ^ant of hands, such as they are, or from the 
want of capital, that manufacturing is not commenced, as from the 
absence of the arts, and professions ; or some one, or aU of them, upon 
which a particular branch is dependent. The unskilfulness of work- 
men, and want of competition amon^ them; and above all, the pow- 
erful, but inevitable competition, which the new beginner must meet 
with in the foreigner, who has before supplied the market. These 
difficulties and discouragements in the commencement of manufac- 
tures^ are altogether such, in regard to many of them, as the uniform 
experience of every country has found it impracticMe to overcome^ 
without the aid of the powerful shield of government to protect them 
against foreign competition in their infancy. 

My recollection may fail me in an attempt to suggest the numerous 
objections which have been urged, against granting the protection to 
manufactures required of government, or the difierent interests and 
professions by which they are made. 

Among others it is held, that the country is not capable of furnish- 
ing the necessary stock and variety of raw materials; and, in parti- 
cular, that it cannot supply^the wool for woollen manufactures: 

That a certain loss of revenue, derived from imports, must be sus- 
tained, and direct taxation, to make good the deficiency, must be a 
consequence of this protection : 

That we have not the hands to spare from ihe other more healthful 
and profitable employments : 

That congress are not authorized to grant the required protection, 
by taxing the many, for the benefit of the few; nor to cherish and 
elevate one class, to the prejudice of others, ^nd particularly of the 
shipping interest, which is already established, ana in successful ope- 


( 14 ) 

The danger of smuggling; the destruction of all regular commerce ; 
the demoralizing influence of manufacturing establishments; the 
great and unnecessary injury to the farming interest, as it would be 
at their expense, more in^mediately, that the required protection must 
be granted, were largely expatiated on. 

It was asserted^ that manufactures do not require ftirther protec- 
tion ; they are doing well, and will increase as fast as the welfare of 
the country requires ; and it is held by the cotton, sugar, and tobacco- 
growers, tnat it might excite the displeasure of England, and that, by 
way of retaliation, she may shut out their commodities from her 

Many of these objections have been answered and refuted, satis- 
factorily to my mind, still it may not be improper, at this time, briefly 
to notice some of them. 

In regard to the capacity of the country to furnish the necessary 
quantity of wool. 

It is said that wool cannot be grown in this country, in sufficient 
quaatities to clothe its inhabitants. This is evidently erroneous. The 
only reason why wool has not heretofore been grown to any consider- 
able amount is, that there has been no steady or efficient demand for 
it The demand during our late war was great. Before that time, 
it was next to nothing, compared with other kinds of agricultural pro- 
due^. During the war and embargo, the quantity of wool raised, 
was very much increased; and if the growers and manufacturers of 
that article in this country, could have been then defended from the 
interference of foreigners ; and if foreign wool, in the shape of wool- 
len cloths, had continued to be excluded; before this time, the quan- 
tity of wool raised, would not only have been equal to clothing the 
entire population of this country, but bj necessary competition, the 
quality would have been improved, and its price reduced to the pro- 
per level, or below it. At the close of the war, however, the coun- 
try was again inundated with foreign wool, in the shape of woollen 
manufactures; which had the preference to the cloths made by our 
half-learned artists. The consequence was, that our new beginners 
in the woollen manufacture, were broken down and ruined. Wool 
could hardly be sold at any price. Sheep became useless to the far* 
mer ; and the flocks of sheep were killed on by thousands, and their car- 
casses thrown to the hogs. The flocks of sheep were destroyed in 
this summary way, or by peddling them about in our markets, at from 
fifty to seventy-five cen(:s per head, until the number was reduced to 
the demands of a part of our farmers, for the coarse fabrics made in 
their families, for their own use. The farmers have, however, lately, 
again slowly, and cautiously increased their flocks, apprehending in 
the mean time, another defeat, by some caprice of government, or 
change of times. The small addition to the tariff of last year, has 
increased their confidence. The flocks are now again more carefully 
attended to; but the price of wool may soon againdecline, unless the 
duties on imports are further augmented, so as to draw into the coun- 
try, or grow up in it, a sufficient stock of artizans, to make and sup- 
ply all woollen goods required in the consumption of the country; 
and unless this stock of artizans shall be enlarged, and manufacto- 

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riei of the article egtabltshed* coipmensurate with the demand of, the 
country, another slaughter and destruction of sheep may be expected. 

It is maintained, tlutt no further protection ought to be provided 
for manufacturers, because the revenue derived to government from 
duties payable on importations, will thereby be diminished, and di- 
rect taxation be resorted to, as a necessary consequence of this pro- 

. If the reverse of this anticipation be not evident at first view, it is, 
nevertheless, beyond all question true. It may be taken a^a gene- 
nd rule, that every nation imports commodities from abroad, of some 
sort, to about the amount which it is convenient for it to pay for, 
and beyond its ability to pay, it cannot for any length of time conti- 
nue to import. 

In Ensiand nearly every manu&ctured article, toother with bread- 
stuffs and provisions, are directly^or virtually prohibited. There still 
remains, however, even to England, a vast amount to be imported. 
All the articles whose growth requires a warmer or tropical climatct 
or which cannot be conveniently raised, or the value of v^^hich may be 
further augmented by the labour of her artizans. — The raw silks, oils 
and fruits of Italy; the cotton and tobacco of our southern states ; the 
sugars, spirits, dye-stuffs, and fruits of the West Indies ; the wines 
and fruits of Spain» Portuepil, and other wine-raising^ countries ; the 
teas of China; the hemp, flax, iron, and furs of Russia and Sweden; 
the timber and peltries of Canada and Norway, and a multitude of 
other articles* Her importations of some sort, taken in the asgre- 
^te trom all the countnes from which she imports, must, in the long 
run^ equal, or thereabouts, her exportations ; or she would no longer 
derive any benefit from her exportations ; other nations having noth- 
ing which she wanted, or would take in exchange. The question is, 
whether by manufacturing, she is enabled to import more ; the duties 
payable upon which, shall be productive in like proportion, to the 
smaller quantity, to which, without manufacturing, she must of neces- 
sity have been limited^ 

It is contended that she is thereby enabled to import more ; and 
to illustrate this position, the trade of England is referred to; when 
that nation did not manufacture more than this country now does, 
when she sent her wool, raw materials, &c. to Flanders, and other 
countries and received cloths, and other manufactured articles in re- 
turn ; a practice which she continued for many centuries ; in either 
of which, or even in half a century, by adopting her present policy, 
she might have greatly enlarged her number of people ; ten folded 
her revenue from duties, and raised the nation to a state of the most 
enviable prosperity. 

By reviewinff the history of the manufactures and trade of England , 
it will be found, that, at the commencement of the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, her revenue derived from customs, or duties, on all the 
imported articles, amounted to bu.t ^14,000 yearly. The measures 
adopted by that Queen, and her excellent minister, Cecil, in protec- 
tion of the manufactures and trade of her people, raised the revenue 
from this source, in her time, to more than *50,000, and for these 
plain reasons, that her nobles, prelates, and gentry, consumed larger 

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qtumtities of home^nade, instead of forei|(ii articlet; and ber f^fit 
were thereby enabled to earn in6re mon^y bjr making themt &nd to 
import and pay for a greatly increased quantity of toreisn^ artictei^ 
stilf remaining to be imported. For these facts and rejiultSy Ander- 
son's History of Commerce* for the reign of that Queen, is referred to^ 

Although much was done during the reign of that monarch, the 
trade and manufactures of England in the succeeding, as in the former 
arbitrary teigns, to the revolution, underwent many^ fiuctuations. 
From that time, the laws and regulations relating to manufactures 
and trade, could be no longer altered or changed m- political or mo-^ 
nied considerations, by the arbitrary proclam^ions of the King« Mo^ 
Dopolies were put doyvn, further prohibitions of manufactured articles 
were enacted,orenforced by severer penal ties,until nearly every foreign 
manufactured article whicn could be made at hom^, was virtually ex- 
cluded, by direct inhibition, or high duties. And it'is worthy of re* 
mark, that, as foreign manufaoturea were exctndedythe receipts fron 
duties on importations augmented, uptil in 1802, they amounted to 
more than £ 1 1 ,000,000. These results are found to follow from the Hke 
causes, in all the countricfa whose statistical records have been ex« 
amined ; and prove, it is apprehended, conclusively, tiiat the revenue 
of a country, and particularly of this country, denvedfrom duties on 
imported articles, may certainly be augmented, by gradual diminutioiis 
of the importations of manufactured articles from abroad. But these 
results may be further illustrated by the experience of this country 
nn the article of coarse cotton cloths. Before the commencement of the 
embargo and the late war, immense quantities of coarse cotton cloths 
were imported from India and England. Importations wei^ sus- 
pended by the embargo and the war. During the war, the article being 
m great demand, manufactories were establbhed, and commencea 
their operations. At the close of the war, the country was again in- 
undated with India and English coarse cotton cloths. These foreign 
cloths, meeting thoae made nere in our markets, the market was over-" 
stocked, and the goods sold at such reduced prices, that the works in 
this country were stopped, and the owners, many irf" them ruined* 
Congress, however, increased the duty upon this^ article, for their 
protection. From the quantity in the market, the effect of this duty 
was not immediately felt. 

But further importations ceased. Under the feith of this protec- 
ting duty, however, the cottou mills were again put4n operation, and 
as the manufacturers became better acquainted with their business, 
and from the competition which ensued among them, the country is 
abundantly supplied with the article, at a mudi less price than it Was 
formerly imported. The country is not only supplied, but overflow- 
ing the demand at home; it has at this time become a great, if not 
the best and surest article fo^ exportation which we have. The coarse 
cotton cloths of this country now have the preference in the South 
American markets, over the cloths of England made for like purposes: 
and they iMd fair to supplant them in all foreign markets, where the 
cloths of both countries find admittance and a market. 

By protecting the manufacturers of this article for a short time, 
(who are good customers for our bread-stuffs and provisions,) from 

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the interferenee of foreigners^ the continual drain of money to Eng- 
land and India» was not onl^ stopped, but it now enables us to im- 
port more of the articles, still remaining to be imported, to the full 
amount of kll we export of this. And it is found that we still import 
of these other articles to the foil amount of all we are able to pay 
for„and the rate of exchange remains very much against us. 

While on the subject of the manufacture of cotton, it may be use- 
ful to consider the rise and progress of the manufacture of this arti- 
cle in England. Before the English prohibited the importation of 
cotton goods, they were imported from India, and sold at about one 
third the cost of making them in England- It was seen, that under 
such discouragement, her new beginners would be driven out of the 
market, and probably, never become workmen at the trade.— She 
wisely excluded these foreign cheap goods; secured the home market 
ta her raw hands ; and gave them tne fullest opportunity to become 
adepts in the art;«the consumers in the me^n time paying more than 
double the price, at which the like goods could be had from abroad. 
The consequences resulting t6 England, are, that she is now at the 
head of that art, while none of the raw material is raised in the king- 
dom, but every fibre imported from abroad. At this time, or in the 
year 18£S, as appears from a statement in parliament, by Mr. Hus- 
kinson, her manufiicture of the article, amounted to 54,000,000 pounds 
sterling, or about 240 millions, of dollars-^er exports of the article, 
to 22 millions sterling, or about 98 millions o,f dollars — ^the number 
of families employed m this business, 500,000. Her exports in this 
article alone, amounting to about double fdl the domestic exports of 
this country, including the raw cotton of the southern stktes.^ 

Will any one say that the establishment and protection of this 
branch of manufacture, was purchased too dear by England ? It cost 
a temporary expense to the consumer, of the extra price paid for the 
home-made, over the imported article. Did her land-holders pay 
too dear for it? They now derive the benefit of a. home market for 
all the provisions and bread-stufis to feed, wool to clothe, building 
materials, &c. to supply a (arge population which never would have 
been in existence without it, and exceeding in amount, all the ex- 
ports of these articles by this country. Did her shipping and im- 
porting interestis pay too dear for it? Have they not, in consequence 
of the exports of this article, been able to pay fok*, and import, more 
than they could have done without it? Has not the national reve- 
nue, from duties on imports, been augmented by the exportation of 
this 98 millions of dollars worth of cotton goods, and the importation, 
of course, |0f a like amount in other artitles? It is believed to be 
evident, that, in every point of view, she has been immensely bene- 
fited by it. 

Her silk manufactory presents another item of surprising advan- 
tage ; raised entirely by a like policy to that observed in relation to 
cotton. The raw materials, also, wholly imported, and costing ^ 1,- 
000,000, or 4,500,000 dollars. Its produce is =g 10,000,000, or 44,- 

* See the Crisis, or a Solemn Appeal to the President and Congress, by 
M. Carey. 

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500^000 dollars; leaving JS40,000,000 to be divided between the 
makers and government The families supported bj it, are 40,000.* 
Does pot her landed interest derive ereat benefits from the suppl j ai 
these families? Is not England, enabled to import more in conse- 
quence of her exportations of manufactured silk goods ?-^But to con- 
trast the policy of this country with that of England in each particu- 
lar, would lead me into details which might become tedious. Permit 
me, however, to say, that the policy of this country, with very few 
exceptions, is that of encouraging importations of manufactured arti- 
cles, and cf discouraging manufacturers. The consequences, to the 
substantial interests of the country, are highly pernicious^ 

Our government, immediately previous to the late war, was unable 
to procure the six thousand blankets which it owed to the Indians : and 
during the war the army was every way distressed for the wantof blank* 
ets and clothins. The whole revenue which we were aUe to raise, 
from taxes of au sorts, amounted in that time to but S 35^642,488 
And by loans at usurious rates, 45,172,581 

Total, 880,815,069t 

The policy of England is directly the reverse of ours. — -She dis- 
courages the importation of manufactured articles of all kinds, and 
encourages making them at home. By pursuing this policy steadily, 
she soon raised the nation to comparative pre-eminence^ and so equa- 
lized and distributed the capital and labour of the country among 
,all the arts and professions, required in producing the necessaries, 
comforts, and luxuries, to which her climate is adapted, and wanted 
in the support of her own,, and many other nations, that she meets 
any exigency Without difficulty. She has thereby n^ultiplied the num- 
ber of her people, and increased her effective means, until she may 
well defy competition. She closed a war of twenty years, about the 
same time that our late war with her terminated. In the course of 
that time, she raised by taxes, the enormous su m of four thousand 
six hundred and sixty-three millions of dollars ; and two thousand 
three hundred and ninety rthree millions of dollars, by loans ; mak- 
ing tc^ther, seven thousand and thirty-eight millions of dollars;! 
and with much less financial distress, than we experienced in our 
short war with her. England has, moreover, since the war, remitted 
taxes, which produced S 28,237,500 annually, and has established a 
sinking fund of S 22,500,000.§ She has but to avoid, in future, un- 
necessarv wars, to discharge a debt, once thought to be so enor- 
mously large, as tp be whwly impracticable. 

Although as a general rule, the exportations of all countries are 
made with the sole view of importing other articles ; and that no 
country would, or does export articles of value, without receiving in 
return, value of some sort; and that this value usualljr consists Qf 
commodities, on which there may be, and usually are duties imposed 
and paid to government; still a particular country may be so far in 
advance of all, or many others, in regard to the arts, sciences, trades, 

* Idem. t Idem. t Idem. § Idem. 

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( 16 ) 

tnd profetiioiM required for prodacina^ manafkcttiriiH(, and traim* 
.porting aU the articles of necesgi^^ tomforty and laxuiy of the worlds 
that she will not only pay for> and import^ all the articles required 
in tt« support of that countir^ to the growth or fid>rication of which 
her cKmate is not adapted ; but hj way of return values for her ex- 
ports, ^hall receire the public securities or stocks of foreign govern* 
iraents. And thb I take to be the sitaation of England at this time. 
That natien not only pays for, and imports, an immense quantity of 
foreign articles, with its manu&ctures, but has accumulate the pub* 
Uc securities, or stocks of foreign goremments, it is said, to the 
amount of nearly two hundred million of pounds stetiing; and she is 
fiotoriomty a targe holder in the stocks of this country. 

The question, as it relates to this country, is, shall we profit from 
the example of England ? That we may do so under advantages and 
prospects altogether more favourable, and to greater effect than Eng** 
land ever did, is most certain. To arrive at the same point of eleva> 
tion, and that comparatively soon, we have only to adopt the mea- 
sures which England did, and to avoid her unnecessary wars. 

Great Britain, had she adopted her present course of measures at 
an earHer day, in relation to her manufactures and trade, and avoid- 
ed unnecessarjr wars, might probably have attained to her present 
elevated condition, in any one of the centuries since the thirteentii. 
^ It is maintained that our population is not sufficiently numerous, 
to commence manufacturing; that we have not the hands to spare 
from other more profitable and healthfol employments | that it we 
had, this surplus population would take to manliifactures as a^ matter 

It may be remarked that this olgection is usually made, wherever 
manufactures are not extensively carried on. It was so in some ot 
the old countries. It is so at this time in Poland ; in this and many 
other countries; and will probably be so in every country, until ma- 
jiufiictures are commenced in that countrv. 

'^ The labourers of this country are mostly confined to the land, from 
which many might be beneficiaHy withdrawn ; for they are earning but 
very little there. But they have not the necessary knowledge of any 
other calling ; and those who have grown old in labours upon the 
land, cannot easilv be taught a new trade: nor is it believed to be ne- 
cessary, or desiraUe that they should be. Manufactures, if they can 
find protection, will be carried on, and supplied with hands, who will 
come to us already taught, from the countries from which we have 
obtained our manufactured articles, or be made from the younger and 
growing population of this country^— By givins to the younger and 
growing population, business at hiome, we shall prevent them from 
strolling into Canada or Michigan, in search of new places of resi- 
dence ; and the strength and wealth of the old settled states will be 
augmented by retaining them, and giving them opportunities, as arti- 
zans, of obtaining comfortable livings. 

In our rage wr growing bread-stuffs and provisions for foreign 
markets, nearly 'all the lands in this state, of a good quality, with 
much of the poorer grades, have been settled. The canals, wUch have, 
to an incalculable extent, advanced the general wealth of the state, 

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bAYtf with the bene&iti CQitferred* farnished a pheAp Abd etpfldttimii 
means of getting odt of it : and we may calculate that thid means rf 
getting out of the state intoothers, or into Canada, wiU foe improv^l 
to a very great extent^ by many, who fifld themselves without era- 
ployments afibrding some prospect of profit^ and the canals tiierefoy» 
f^id tj9 that extent, become a mean of lessening, instead of augment- 
ing, our numbers, as was expected. 

But it is believed that hands could easily be (4itained, without dif- 
ficulty or prejudice to any other branch of biuiiness* They would^ 
like all otner apprentices, the most of them be unleamed^t is adrnii- 
ed. We did not feel the loss of ^ hands, nor of the capital^ which 
was drawn into the cotton manufactories. Hands, employed as manu- 
facturers, are not of the description of labourers deemedi most profit 
able at out door work. Seven-tenths of the hands employed in our 
cotton mills, would have earned little or nothing, but at some sudi 
employment. It maybe furthermore remarked, that, at the commence- 
ment of manufactures in most countries, there is a seeming want of 
hands ; but if manufactories had not been established, the hands em^ 
ployed in them might not have been in existence. 

By establishing manufactories, you enable the hands, required to 
work them, to accumulate to an extent which they never could have 
done but for their establishment The population of England must 
have remained vastly less, and that, of Flanders, much greater, had 
England been content to continue her former practice of sending her 
wool to Flanders, there to be worked into cloths, and the cloths sent 
back to England, in exchange for more wool. The population of Eng- 
land has, no doubt, been vastly enlarged, by chaining this policy. 
Retaining her wool, and refusing to receive cloths from aWoad, the 
artizans of Flanders had less todo; but it made room, and gave em» 
{rfoyment for artizans in England ; to which the artizans of Flanders, 
and other parts of the continent, found their way ; or they were sooa 
raised in England to the recjuired number. By adc^ting the same po- 
licy, we shall find that a like cause will produce the same efkd 
in this country. This change in the policy of England, may haveoc- 
easioaed some dissatisfaction at first. — The persons by whose agency 
the former intercourse had been conducted, may have apprehended 
the loss of their business, and the gentry may have been dissatisfied 
at paying, for a short time, enhanc^ prices for less fashionable goods; 
but it raised England to an elevation in wealthy strength, and politi- 
cal and civil consideration, to which she never could have attained, 
without that change in her policy. She soon found that her number 
of people; her internal and external trade ; the style of cultivating, 
and the rent of her land; and, above all, the revenue derived from 
her importations from abroad, were greatly increased and enlarged, 
and are still found to go on increasing. She had to grope her way to 
wealth and eminence, without the aid of the numerous precedents 
and examples, which, by the history of her rise, and that of other 
countries, are now afforded to us. She made some errors in her pro- 
gress, which, by these lights, we may avoid. It is worthy of remark^ 
however, that her statesmen never for a moment thought of following 
the plausible theories of the Adam Smiths, and M. Says, of the day. 


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Hiejr lodged to Ihe practical operations and resultg of measareg. 
When they found ^em prejudicial, they changed them ; and left the „ 
speculations of these gentlemen to be studied and followed by us^and 
such other nations as thou^rt proper to follow them, to the lienefit of 
England, and to their own individual ruin. ^ 

Had the double duties imposed during the late war, remained upon 
those articles of which we had commenced the manufacturer the 
slaughter which took place among the sheep in 1818,19, and 20, 
would never have happened. Our hills at this time would have beea 
covered with sheep; extensive manufactories of woollen and cotton 
goods would h^ve been in operation, with probably many others — the 
pices, like those of coarse cotton cloths, would aL this time have 
Oeen as low, or tower, than the imported— ^here would now be many 
articles, upon which the farmer might rely for money to pay his taxes 
and other demands. 

' If we had been permitted to supply the southern states with Kegro 
cloths, in exchange for their cotton, it would have^ afforded some re- 
lief to the farmer^ who would have furnished the wool and provisions 
required for their manufacture, and placed them nearer on a level 
with their brethren, the cotton-growers. 3ut, withdrawing the shield 
of government in those double duties, and thereby placing our new- 
beginners in competition with the lai^er capitals and better learned 
artizans of England, they were broken down. For want of such pro- 
tection, as shall inspire full confidence in the manufacture of woollen 
cloths, another defeat^ of the wool-growing business may be appre- 
hended. England having the artizans for converting foreign wool into 
articles of the most approved fashion, has thereby the means of 
throwing foreign wool into our markets, to the exclusion of our owii, 
in a shape so acceptable to the tastes of our people, as to insure its 
being taken in preference to that raised here: and the same may be 
said of many other articles. The farmer is, moreover, for want of 
that protection and encouragement to the required ai^tizans, deprived 
of many, and the most profitable applications of his land and labour, 
and compelled to drudge on in the old track, in poverty. 

The mechanic arts are not only the handmaids of agriculture, and 
its principal support, but they are powerful auxiliaries to €ach other, 
and to the pursuits of science generally. , 

Encouragement to the introduction from abroad, or growth within, 
the country, of a population for the purpose of converting raw mate- 
rials into manufactured a*rticles, ana making home markets for the 
consumption of agricultural productions; and this by duties on, or prohi- 
bitions of, foreign goods, is further objected to, on the ground of po- 
licy; and the writers before mentioned. Smith and M. Say, are cited 
as authorities. It is maintained by foreign commercial agents in this 
country — by our importing merchants — by the shipping interest ge- 
nerally, and the cottotn-growers of the south, that the prevailing opi- 
nion in England, and the acts of the English government are m ac- 
cordance with the theories of these gentlemen — that the English are 
doing away their protection to manufactures and trade, as far, and as 
fast as practicable — ^that they have finally become convinced that 
their protection, by way of prohibitions, bounties and duties, have 

£;,. Digitize^ by VjOOQ IC 

( 19 ) 

been of more injury than benefit to them— that their manufiu^tares 
and trade have arrived to their unexampled state of prosperity, not 
by the aid, but in despite of these regulations. The books of these 
gentlemen are in the hands of almost ^very body 5 still it may be well 
very briefly to state their leading theones, and to inquire how far the 
allegations, that England has become sick of her protections and re- 
straints, is founded in fact. To do this, however, within any thing 
like reasonable bounds, but little more can be said than to state facts 
and refer to authorities. ^ 

The leading principles of these gentlemen, are claimed to be based 
upon the natural progress of man irom the savage to the most civil- 
ized state. That men at first subsist by hunting, fishing, and on 
natural productions, without labour: from that state they pass to that 
of shepherds or herdsmen; from that to the division and cultivation 
of land : after which, manufactures are commenced as a distinct pro- 
fession. When the cultivation of the land and manufactures are fill- 
ed with capital and labour to overflowing, the nesit branch of business 
to be taken up is that of exterilal commerce, with navigation. The 
next in succession, is that of carrying the prdductions or one foreign 
country to that of another. After all these several branches of busi- 
ness are overdone, then emigration tod the establishment of foreign 
colonies con^mence: internal commerce being incidental to every 
stage. Another maxim of the authors above referred to, is, that 
the patronage and protection of government, should never be er- 
tended to any one branch of business over that of another^ nor to the 
labour^ ingenuity^ or enterprise of the citizen or subject ^ over that 
of the foreigner $ but that allj as well dtixens as foreigners, should 
possess equM rights^ and purchase where they can cheapest^ and sell 
where they can dearest^ without duties or impediments^ 

The English nation, with some temporary exceptions, practised 
for a long time, in the early part of their history, nearly upon these 
principles ; giving sometimes to the stranger, and sometin^es to the 
subject, the advantage ; and, like all other nations which still con- 
tinue that practice, were poor 5 depending upon foreigners for manu- 
factured articles, and for markets for their raw materials. Their num- 
bers were comparatively few ; their lands were badly cultivated, and 
unproductive; their foreign commerce and revenue from duties on 
imported articles, insignificant. But the English, disregarding tlieo- 
ries like those just mentioned, changed this policy* From time to 
time, they prohibited positively, or, virtuall v, by high duties, one list 
of manufactured articles after another, until the chief of them were 
virtually excluded. They put in operation their celebrated naviga- 
tion act; protected their manufactures, shipping interest and trade, 
from the interference of foreigners ; and thereby drew into, or raised 
in their country, their existing overpowering stock of artizans and 
seamen ; made good and certain home markets for all their raw ma- 

♦ The maxims of these writers allow of some very few exceptions to this 
rule ; but they are so limited and qualified, as not to alter the general princi- 
ple. — Their theories, in other respects, are not complained of; but in this, 
they are in direct opposition to the policy which has given to the manufactur- 
ing and commercial nations of Europe, their present ascendency, and which 
}s mdispensable to tke prosperity of this country. 

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( «o ) 

teraid and agricultmid prodactions; and raised their revenuey ship- 
ping, mercantile and landed interests^ far above those of any other 

It is somewhat remarkable that our first congress disregarded the 
order of time, in which the several professions should naturally, ac- 
cording to the foregoing theories, rise and succeed each other. They 
passed over manufactures, with but a slight notice in the preamble 
of a ImII, and determined that the country, whether it had any thing 
else or not, should have a competent stock of ships and seamen ; and 
to that end, and looking to foreign countries for markets for agricul- 
tural profiuctions, and for a supply of manufactured articles, gave to 
the shipping interest a powerful protection, which, with favourable 
incidental circumstances, raised it to its present state of prosperity* 

As the fact of protection to the shipping interest of this country is 
notorious, and oiily incidentally mentioned here? it^ is not deemed 
necessary to cite all the particular incidents in which, to maintain 
its just rights, the landed interest has suffered. The dispute, how- 
ever, with England, whether the ships of this country, should, on 
equal terms with their own, transport plaster from, and rye and I|i- 
dian corn to Nova Scotia ; and rum and molasses from, and corn, 
fiour, and lumber to, the West Indies, was mainly the cause of the 
extreme depression of flour, in the years 1820 and £1. England was 
willing to take our Indian meal and flour in their own ships, to feed 
their Negroes and fishermen, but not if taken in oOrs. Congress, to 
maintain the just rights of our shipping, refused to let these articles 
be taken out of the country, if to be transported in English ships ex- 
clusively to their provinces; but would permit them to be taken, to 
be transported in the ships of the two nations, without preference to 
either. The articles could not be sold unless taken in one or the other^ 
and whether taken in the one or the other, it was immaterial to the 
landed interest ^ but pending the dispute, these articles remained on 
hand, and fell below any former price since the revolution. England, 
in the course of the dispute, granted permission to our vessels to take 
then^ to England, there to be warehoused, until their vessels found it 
convenient to take them to the West Indies ; but would not suffer 
that part of the flour whith soured in their warehouses^ to he iiseaas 
sizing for the muslins and callicoes which they were making for our 
markets^ and which^ with their other manufactures^ we have continu- 
ed to take from them, until, having nothmg else which they would 
take in payment, they have drawn from us a large proportion of our 
public stocks as remittances for these articles. But to return. - ' 

Anderson's History of Commerce, in 6 volumes, McPherson's An- 
nals of Commerce, Holt's Administration of the Aflairs of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and Howe's present state of England, are re- 
ferred to, for the particular incidents of protection granted by the ' 
British government to the manufactures and trade of that country, 
from the 11th century to the present time, and for the improvements 
and benefits derived thereby, to the landed interest and revenue of 
that countiy, and in support of the policy which it is advisable for 
this country to adopt. 

Pope's British Customs, will show what were the regulations of 

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irtde, prohibitions vai duties at, and for soiAe time before Ibe year 
1819. In that vear^ verj extensive modificatiom of dutiea and pro* 
hibitions were made. These, with aubneqaent alterations, and amoont- 
ing altogether, nearly to an entire new code, have been procured bf 
our Secretary of State, and reported to Congress at its present fies- 
sion, and officially publisbed. They occupy 287 octavo pa^fts, and 
show what the English regulations of trade are, to a late period. It 
becomes impracticable to state the particular provisions, btft they 
show most conclusively, that there is no disposition existing in the 
British government towards nelaxation; but, on the contrary, a most 
cautious and n^id attention to maintaia her system is evinced. The 
number of articles permitted to be imported, nas been increased : but 
every manufactured article, of which there are a few, is subjected to 
such excessive duties, as te render the admission nettrly nominal.* 
No person,' after examining this document, can pretend that there 
exists the smallest appearance of relaxation in the British government, 
and will attribute the fallacious represetitations of a disposrtion to do 
so, to the cupidity of QHtish commercial agents in this country, or to 
self interested motives in other persons. That there are, however, 
in England and elsewhere, many persons of tbe opinion tliat the time 
has arrived, wheb it would be good policy in England, to do away 
those restrictions and protections, there is no doubt ; and to open a 
free unrestrained trade with every other nation which would in like 
manner take away all restraints, protections and preferences, and 
open an unrestrained free trade with her. Protecti(ms to manu&c* 
tures and trade, could, to all appearance, be better dispensed with by 
England, than by any other nation. What has England to fear in 
her own markets from a competition with foreign manufactures? Such 
is the immense advantage which she derives from having domesticated 
and combined within tl^ nation, all the arts, with ablest artizans in 
abundance, and with the best tools, labour-saving machines, and fix- 
tures adapted to every purpose, in every known art, and manufacture, 
that it would seem to be evident, that she hats nothing to fear in her 
own markets, from the artizans and manu&cturers of any other 

, Nations, which, like us, have not the necessary knowledge of the 
arts for manufacturing, nor the artizans; to obtain them, must do as 
England did; that is, give them substantial and efficient protection; 
but when once obtain^, the nation which possesses them, may re- 
main fearless of competition. But it may possibly be the case, that 
England, before long, will come out with a proposition, to admit our 
bread-stuffs and provisions, our lumber, and every thin^ which we 
may think proper to send her, on condition that we contmue to take 
her manufactured articles in return. If so, and the proposition should 
be accepted by our government, it ought to be looked upon as a great 
calamity. We may dien abandon all hopes of an efficient home market 
for a^cultural [n-oductions. In fine, we may make up our minds to 
remain forever poor ; with our lands badly tilled, and revenue from 
duties small. 

• See Note B. 

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The West India and Nova Scotia dispute, teitninated in an accom- 
modation of this kind, in relation to the shipping of the respective 
countries*"^ But it should be recollected, that navigation forms but a 
single item : our people had become thoroughly acquainted with the 
art, and largelv extended in it, before the accommodation took place. 
It is not so with manufactures : many of them are not understood ; and 
ivhoever calculates upon their rise for a long time, without powerful 
protection, will be disappointed. But the farming interest, who con- 
stitute a great minority in this country, have only to say the word, 
and their representatives in Congress will adopt measures which shall 
soon give them manufactories and safe home markets for all their 

Protection to manufactures is further oligected to, on the ground 
that congress is not authorised bj the constitution to give that pro- 
tection, by increased duties or prohibitions; nor to cherish and elevate 
one branch, where that elevation or protection may prejudice another 
branch of business ; and more particularly, where it may prejudice' 
the shipping and importing branches, already established, and in suc- 
cessful prosecution. 

To these objections, it may be replied, that, whether the powers in 
question have, or have not been delegated to congress, that body have 
uniformly exercised them for every purpose, deemed necessary in 
promoting tiie public Welfare. The power has unquestionably been 
given to congress, ^^ to lay and collect taxes, and to establish imposts ; 
to regulate the trade with foreign powers, among the several states, 
and with the Indian tribes." Another important function conferred 
upon congress, is, ^^ to provide for the public defence, and for the 
general welfare.'' 

These powers are applied at tiie discretion of congress, and include, 
not only the power required to be exercised in this particular case, 
but it is believed to be impeded upon that body as a Quty, to protect 
and promote the rights and interests of their own country, and each, 
and every class, section and individual, against the aggressions and 
cupidity of foreigners, and to regulate the whole concern, in such 
manner as to pnmuce the greatest practicable benefit to their consti- 

This will appear to have been the intention of the framers of the 
constitution, as well from the exposition given of those powers, at, 
and about the time of the adoption of that instrument, as from the 
earljr practice of that government under it, in the imposition of dis- 
criminating duties, favourable to the ships and shipping interests of 
this country; granting bounties to fishing^ vessels; prohibiting all 
trade from this country, to some others, in foreign vessels. The ton- 
nage on vessels, and duties payable on goods, were all so arranged 
and imposed by congress, and that, directly after the adoption of the 
constitution, as to ii^uce shipments in the vessels of this country, in 
preference to any other, and at a time also, when the country had 
but a very few seamen and vessels.*— By such means, congress che- 
rished and elevated the ships and shipping interelBts of this co\intry, 
to their present exalted standing. i» 


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As a farther evidence^ however, of the clear undoirtanding of the 
framers of the constitution, as to the powers vested in congress, in 
relation to the protection of manufactures, the first congress, (who 
were many of them members -of the convention which framed the 
constitution,) in the preamble to the first act passed by congress, im- 
posing duties on imported articles, the protection of manufoctures is 
stated as one of the inducements to that measure. '^ Whereas it is 
necessary, for the support of government 5 for the discharge of the 
debts of the United States; and /or rte/wo^ecfwm cmd encouragement 
of manufacturea^^^ &c. 

The framers of the constitution and membere of the first congress, 
must be presumed to be better able to determine what were the 
powers intended to be vested in congress, than the younger commen- 
tators of the present day. 

The great preference compelled and enforced by congress, to be 
given tQ^the ships and shipping interests of this country, for a time 
boreiiard upon the farming or landed interest. It was not complain- 
ed of, however, except by the southern states, which owned no ships, 
and never expected to own any. The consequences from this forced 
preference to the ships of this country, has resulted in raising up 
within it, a stock of mariners, ships, ship-builders, sail-makers, capi- 
tal, and shipping concern, such as is hardly to be found in any other. 
The institution was at considerable, but temporory expense to the 
country. We had to pay higher duties, or ship^in the vessels of our 
own country, at higher freights. Our number of vessels and seamen 
wa^ very small, and, but for the preference given by congress to the 
temporary prejudice of the landed mterest, the number of ships apd ma- 
riners might have remained small to this day. But the benefits soon 
resulting to the country, greatly exceeded the incipient expense. 
Ships and seamen multiplied $ a strong competition ensued, which 
reduced freights and charges of all kinds, to the lowest possible 
grade. It proves, in every point of view, a great benefit to the coun- 
try, in seeking for markets for its productions, and by carrying them, 
at the cheapest rates, into every part of the world, where they can 
find admittance and a market 

When congress first determined that this branch of business should 
be established in this country, and to that «nd gave it the required 

Protection, there was not only an ostensible, but an absolute Want of 
ands to carry it on. Qur vessels having the preference, those of 
other nations had less to do. Their sailors having less to do in their 
own vessels, sought for, and found employment m ours, in the same 
manner as their cloth^makers would now find employment in our 
work-shops, if congress should, by like protecting duties, cause a pre- 
ference over those of all other countries, to be given to cloths made 
- in this country, from the wool of our own sheep, and by artizans who 
should, while making them, give our own farmers the benefit of a home 
market, for the provisions and bread-stuife required for their support. 
The English cpuld not resort to our work-shops, to get back their 
cloth-makers, as they did to our ships, to reclaim their seamen j which, 
more than any thing else, brought on the late war, and thereby, inciden- 
tally, brought an expense on the country of many millions. But it 

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Im now bji^me ^vicleiit tiut congress ^^t^Ited Hie bfitA inter^t? of 
the cQuntFT^ bv instituting, and prptecting this bri^nch of n^tionflA 
wealth mi imufHrjf at mf liaeard, and at a^J given ei^penae, Tbe 
olgection, therefore, to giving protection to manufaptttres, comes with 
an ill ftrace from tbe ship owners^ who^from a like protection to ^eir 
shws, nav« become rich* 

The southern^ or cotton, sugar and tohaceorgrowiog states, com- 
plained as loudly against the protection given to the shipping inte- 
rests, as they now do of the required pro&ction to manafactures. It 
is remarkable that they never complained at the exercise of that power 
bv^congress, when applied to secure the home demand for the arti- 
cles of their chief dependence. But the exercise of this power by con- 
gress, long since produced the desired effect, as 'well upon the ship- 
ping interest, as upon the growing of cotton, su^ and tobacco. It 
has not only encouraged me improvement of their lands, and secured 
to them the home market, but it has enabled these interests to supply 
foreign demand to a great extent. They ma,j now ail tell us that the 
congressional protection is of no use to them. The coarse cotton 
clom-makers m^y say the same as it relates to that article.— ^They 
have not only secured the home-market, but considenU>le foreign de- 
mand, by the eiffect of congressional protection : but the fine cotton 
fabrics, woollen jand hempen soods, still re<)uire further protection. 
That the protection now provided for the articles last mentioned, has 
not produced the efl^ct which it has done for the shipping, the cotton, 
su^ar, and tobacco-srowing interests, is evident from the large quan- 
tises which are still imported ; and nothing more is requested than 
that it shall be increased until it has produced that effect. 

The chief agricultural articles for which there appears to be an ef- 
ficient foreign demand, are cotton, tobacco, naval stores and rice; to the 
growth of which the climate of tiie middle and eastern states is not 
adapted, and they are left without an^ commanding article for expor- 
tation. We have continued our ancient practice of raising bread- 
stuffs and provisions, in die confident expectation of foreign demand 
for them, in exchange for woollen cloths and other manufactured ^« 
tides, until, upon their being refused>^in exchange, we fihd ourselves 
suddenly reduced to poverty. The remedy is obvious. Shut out the" 
manu&ctured articles, or commence upon that plan, and from time to 

}ime progress upon it Give assurance to the adventurers in manu- 
actures, that their investments shall not b^ sacrificed : and we shall 
very soon create home markets for all the raw materials and produc- 
tions of our land, and find ourselves supplied with manufactured ar- 
ticles, upon better terms than they are now imported. The cotton- 
growers will thereby secure to themselves an enlarged home market, 
where they may be under no apprehensions of being supplanted by 
Egyntian competition, ot bj wars. 

'liie acts of England, in refusing to take the agricultural pro- 
ductions of the middle and eastern states in exchange for her ma- 
nufactures, ought to be considered by us in the li^t of friendly 
and paternal admonitions. These acts may reasonably be construed 
as saying to us, V you are of age ; you have left the family ; make your 
own clothing; your welfare demands it of us to compel you to do it; 

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jbu are capacitated by God and br nature to becc^e a great and 
powerful people, and to extend the language, the religion^ the laws, 
customs and manners of England over immense regions; and even to 
eteeed the mother country m these respects ; but you never can ar» 
rive to that state, until you ac<][uire and ciomesticate the mechanic arts, 
ujKin which that elevated station is mainly dependent Europe has 
millions of artizans who would flock to your shores ; add ta your num- 
bers; and teach your rising population the necessarv arts, if you would 
gke them protection^ until they have firmly established themselves 
among you. You have the histot*y of our rise ; avoid our errors and 
unnecessary wars ; exclude foreign nmnufactureS; and you wilt Soon 
have the necessary stock of artizans, and a home market for; all your 
agricultural productions.** 

I should consider itagreatmisfortune,if England should withdraw 
this admonitory advice, and again admit our bread-stuffs, provisions 
and raw materials. It would have a tendency to prevent us, for a 
Inn^ time, from rising to that solid and permanent elevation to which, 
by 4ter policy, we are now fast approaching, and to which we 
may very soon attain by propter management. We want, in ad- 
dition to the obstructions which she throws in the way of im- 
portations, such further obstructions raised by our government, as 
shall create the fullest confidence in manufacturing undertakings 
in this country. That done, we shall soon draw into the country a 
great addition to our present population, not of the description of 
mere ditch-di^rs, but of intelligent artizans. The inducements to 
emigrations ST this description, would probably be greater than any 
which the settlement of new lands has ever held out. 

The importing merchants, of all others, ought not to complain of 
the measures proposed. If they lose the importing profit on the par* 
ticular article for which protection is asked, they, tc^ther wiA the 
shipping mercfhants, will find an abundant compensation from the in- 
creased quantities of commodities still remaining to be imported. The 
importers will find, moreover, that most of the articles^ proposed to 
be made in this country, must still pass through their hands. A large 
proportion of the coarse cotton cloths now made in this state, are 
sent to the city of New York, in the first place; from thence they 
are distributea through the cpuntry in parcels to suit customers, or 
pass through the hands of shipping merchants to foreign markets. 
Our rent-receiving meti will find their interests promoted by these 
measures, as thereby their rents will be increased or maintained. Our 
interest and dividend-receiving men will find better employments for 
their capitals ; the salaries and fees of our officers of government and 
professional men will be better paid, and every description of per- 
sons will have tiie gratification of beholding the general prosperity of 
the country. 

It is maintained by some of the oldest and most forward manufac- 
turers, whose establishments had their rise in the early stages of the 
embargo, that manufactures do riot require further protection in this 

It is with difficulty this opinion can be reconciled with pure inten- 


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tions. In the abgence of all necessary proof, we are led to attribute 
it to th^ overbearing influence of self-interested motives. 

The manufacturer who has once passed the initiatory state, had 
rather encounter foreign competition in his particular branch, with 
the existing duties and charges i^ainst the foreigner, than the com- 
petition which he is sure must arise in this country, if the necessary 
protection to new adventurers is granted, which competition he well 
knows never can arise without that protection. 

Apprehensions are entertained in die southern states and elsewhere, 
that if we manufacture for ourselves, we shall excite the displeasure 
of England, and that to retaliate, she will exclude the raw cotton 
and tobacco of this country. 

England understands her interest too well to exclude an article of 
so much importance to her as cotton. She well knows, that, by ex- 
cluding it, she would advance our manufactures and injure her own. 
She will avoid any. manures which will reduce the price of that ar- 
ticle in this country or in France, or any other country, much below 
what it is in England ; and the price would be as much lower in this 
and every other country, than in England, as all the duty, or dis- 
couragement which she imposed on it^ wouid amount to, and a cor- 
respondent disadvantage to her manufacturers. — She has a deep in- 
terest at stake, and will continue to receive cotton from this and every 
other country where she can obtain it cheapest. 

Manufactures are objected to, as having a tendency to debase and 
demoralize the community, to increase criminality, and t^e number 
of paupers. 

There exists no natural cause for that result On the contrary, as 
they give employment to a greater variety of people, by enlarging the 
numl^r of lawful and innocent pursuits, the natural tendency must 
be to improve the habits of the people to virtue. That opinion, how- 
ever, is not a new one. It was insisted upon in England until it led 
to investigation. On comparing three of the most manufacturing coun- 
ties with three others, mainly employed in agriculture, it was found 
that the agricultural counties, in proportion to the number of people, 
exceeded the manufacturing counties in paupers, 100 per cent. — in 
criminal cases, 60, and in poor rates, 150 per cent. Colquhoun on 
Indigence, p, 272, declares that, ** contrary to the generally received 
opinion, the number of paupers in those counties chiefly agricultural, 
greatly e^Lceeds those where manufactures prevail." 

Commerce, without manufactures, may be( productive of the evil 
consequences predicted ; but manufactures have the opposite ten- 
dency. They Keep every body at work, and, of course, out of mis- 
chief. But it would be a useless waste of time tihd of words, to at- 
tempt to refute or treat seriously, all the frivolous objections to the 
introduction and proper protection of manufactures. 


The measures hitherto pursued by the Board of Agriculture and 
Agricultural Societies, may have been productive of benefits equiva- 
lent to the expense and attention which has been paid to them. But 
whether they have or not, from tjie circumstance of their distribution 

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throu^ the state, they are well calculated for prosecuting investiga- 
tioris m relation to the benefits which may flow to the landed interest, 
from the introduction or growth within the state, of a manufacturing 
population, commensurate with the wants of the community. That 
the benefits would be great to the landed interest^ the universal ex*- 
perience of all countries has demonstrated* Markets for agricultural 
produce, at fair remunerating prices, are required by the landed in- 
terest, rather than a more perfect knowledge of the art of raising it, 
or enlarged quantities for which there is no market. The agricultural 
societies may have improved the art of raising landed productions, 
and thereby may have contributed somewhat towards increasing the 
quantity. Without abandoning their duty in that respect, it is be- 
lieved that they would, to a much greater extent, promote the landed 
interest, by endeavouring to provide home markets for the sale of 
landed produce, than by their endeavours to have larger quantities 
raised, while thefre is no efficient demand for it. ' 

Foreign commerce, from the causes already noticed, is incapable 
of providing markets for agricultural produce. We are to Iook for 
home markets: and these, like every thing else, may be improved, or 
may be made. By adopting means adequate to the object, we shall 
acquire them. 

We now import from abroad and consume more than thirty-one 
millions of dollars worth of manufactured articles, and the consump- 
tion would be three times that amount if they could be obtained for 
the produce of the land at fair equivalent values. 

Give to manufacturers protection, and they will come to us from 
abroad. Give to artizans protection, and they will increase from our 
present population. Obtain the adequate number, and their consump- 
tion of agncultural produce will be immense, and much greater than 
any quantity which we have ever exported. Give to the manufac- 
turers of other articles the protection which has been given to the 
coarse cotton cloth-makers, and we shall soon have the required num- 
ber of artizans, and home markets for all our agricultural productions. 

It may be asked, what can the board of agriculture or the socie- 
ties do towards effecting measures of such magnitude, opposed by 
long standing opinions, riabits, and interests ? It may be answered, 
that both directly ami indirectly, they may do much. Information 
relative to arts, processes and trades, may be elicited, collected, and 
distributed. The natural advantages of the country for manufactur- 
ing, may be communicated to foreign countries, and to foreign adven- 
turers disposed to settle here. Strangers may be advised and direct- 
ed to advantageous locations. But they may probably, wore than in 
any other way, be useful, by inculcating correct principles and views 
through the community, as to the true interests of the country, in re- 
lation to these subjects — for it maybe recollected that public opinion, 
although fluctuating, carries every thing before it. It is the pioneer 
to almost every public measure. 

The board of agriculture and the societies, have first to settle upon 
what are the measures which may be beneficially and safely adopted. 
They may search for facts and pii-ecedents to illustrate the propriety 
of those measures. They may support and give effect to the mca- 

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sores of govenuBSoty tending to the furtherance of the main otnect. 
wherever the influence of their opinions may be extended. The 
board of agriculture will become die centre for interchanging opi- 
nions, views, and information, as to the operation of measures whicii 
mar have been adopted, and what further measures are required. 

It may he useful at this time to compare opinions, as to the articles* 
the fiiture importation of which should be prohibited, or on which, 
heavier duties should be imposed*— All these matters invite the most 
deliberate consideration of tne board* 

The articles of beer, ale, and porter; cheese* candles, and tidlow, 
in my opinion* ought strictly to be prohibited.. 

To inspire adventurers in the manufacture of articles made of wool, 
with the necessary coofidence, it is deemed to be proper that prmres- 
sive annual additions should be made to th^ existing tariff; and the 
same as to the finer cotton fabrics, and to articles made of hemp, and 
perhaps iron. Building-slate is another article which this country is 
capable of supplying to the full extent of the home demand, and at 
prices not exceeding the cost of that article, when the quantity 
Drought from abroad, was not met in our markets, by slate made in 
this country* It is usually brought to this country as ballast; and 
did sell, ami would now sell, above the present prices, if there should 
be none made here. But being brou^t rather as ballast, than as 
freight, it is sometimes very nrach below even the price paid for it 
abroad. Our slate-makers are then driven from the market, and their 
works stopped. Their quarries set filled up with rubbish and water, 
the buildings and fixtures go to decay, and even importations become 
more limited for want of sale. The market gradually improves to a 

E'ce, at which slate may be again made ; but on looking round for 
ids, it is found the work-people have gone off, some in one direc- 
tion, and some in other; some to Michigan, and elsewhere, and per- 
haps an entire new set are to be taught the trade, the works cleared 
out, and every thing commenced anew ; and when, perhaps, fairly 
under way, in comes another, or numerous other parcels from abroad; 
tbeprice declines immensely, and our works are again stopped. 

Tnese frequent fluctuations of prices drive our men from tins branch 
of business; well knowing that, if undertaken, they have no security 
against th^ surfeits from abroad* It would seem to be evidentiy 
proper, to protect our slate makers, when it can be done without pre- 
judice to the consumers. There can be no doubt but that they could 
and would supply the market at the average prices which the article 
would cost the consumers, if there were none to be made here ; and 
it is highly probable that a competition among them would reduce the 
price to much less. 

To effect this object, let the average price of slate in thifr country, 
be found from, say 1790 to 1800, when the article was neariy all of 
it brought from abroad : and let it be enacted, that no foreign slate 
should be brought in, when the average price, for the three preceding 
months, was below that price, but admit it when above, until it again 
declined below that price. By lulopting this rule, and trusting to the 
competition among the slate-makers of uiis country, it may reasonably 
be expected, that the cost of this article will be reduced to Jhe lowest 

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practicabte piice, and probably much lower tiluiD it erer m\\ be, JwhUe 
the existing fluctuations and discouragements are perpetuated. 


The policy and measures contended for, have intrinsic merit, and 
Hiust ultimately prevail. They are founded on the maxims and policy 
of the most prosperous nations of Europe. They come to us with th^ 
recommendation of their ablest statesmen. Either the policy pursued 
by those nations or ours, is radically wrong. The governments^ which 
Imve for any length of time conformed to th^semaxims, have become 
rich. Under ours, we have become poor, and the consequences of a 
reverse of their policy, may be seen in the poverty of all the nations 
who have neglected their admonitions ; among others, we may name 
Spain, Portugal, Poland, and our own. 

Some nations have the misfortune to labour under disabilities^ 
which may forever keep them in the back ground* Their forms ^ 
sovernment may be defective-^the freedom of the citizen may be 
limited—property may be insecure— the geographical or physical 
condition of the country may be unfavourame. In this country, we 
are opposed by none of these difficulties. Our country is rich in na- 
tural productions — with an extensive sea-coast-— good harbours— na- 
vigable rivers, with innumerable water-iallsi and is makine rapid 
advances in artificial canals. Our climate is temperate and salu«- 
briouSf-*-property secure— the government, and all its measures, are 
determined by public opinion, as they ought to be. But, in common 
with many other countnes, we entertain prejudices ithieh are fostered 
by the fluents of foreign commerce^ and inJividttal interests* A great 
majority of us are, from education and habit, agricuituraK But that 
cli^, from their peculiar situation, will be led to the investigatibn 
of these subjects. They will not much longer remain the dupes of 
cupidity. They will soon entertain feeling more friendly to manu- 
factures, and demand the attention of their representatives in con- 
jmss, to regulate all these matters in such manner as to promote 
their true interests. 

NOTE A.-^Page $, 

In the export of domestic articles, upon which the landed interest mainly 
depends, it may be useful to compare latter, with fornner years. As far back 
as the year 1790, there were exported, 

Of flour in that year, 724,623 bbls. 

Of wheat, 4,124,45& bushels, equal to bbls. of flour, - - 224,891 

949,514 bbls. 
Tn 1823, there were exported, 

Of flour, - 756,246 bbls. 

Ofwheat, 4272 bushels, equal to - - 855 

' 751,101 

Kxcess of 1790, over 1823, ' - .r 192,413 bbls. 

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Indiao com exported in 1790 2402,137 bush. 

The same in 1823, - 749,034 

Bxce88ofl790, over 1823, --.--. 1,35 U03 bush. 

There is also about a proportionate decline in nearly every other article of 
prodtice, exceptinj^ in the articles of cotton and tobacco. The latter has re- 
mained nearly stationary ; but cotton lias advanced from a mere trifle, to more 
than $ 20,000,000. In 1790, the population was less than 4,000,000; in 1823, 
it was probably 10,500,000. The exports of domestic articles, were not kept 
separately from exports of foreign articles, until 1796. In that year, distinct 
accounts of each were commenced, and have been continued. 
In 1796, the aggregate export of domestic articles was - $ 40,764,097 
Of which the proportion of cotton was 6,108,729 lbs. and of value, 

about - - - 1,500,000 

Leaving for bread-stuffs, provisions, tobacco, and all other articles, 39,264,097 
In 1823, the exports of domestic articles, were 47,155,408 

Ofwhich, there was of cotton, .... 20,445,520 
Leaving of bread-stuffs, provisions, tobacco* and all ; 

other articles, but 26,709,888 

And a diminution, falling wholly on the grain and tobacco gfrow- 

ing states, of 12,554,209* 

In the mean time, from 1796 to 1823 the population had increased, from 
about 4,750,000, to, say, 10,509,000; with probably about a like increase in the 
quantity of land brougiit into cultivation ; and some, but no very connderi^le 
advance towards manufactures; and no material alteration in the pursuits of 
the people. By extending the oalcuhitions, it will be found, that the exports 
of domestic articles, apportioned to the population, has, jn the cotton g^wing 
states, advanced; but with the bread-stuff, provision, and tobacco growing 
states, they have diminished from $ 8 20 cts. to each person, which it was, or 
thereabouts, in 1796, to $2 71 cts. per head, in 1823.f By excluding the 
tobacco growing states, the proportion #ould probably be reduced to less 
than $ 2 per head, even including domestic manu&ctures, of which, coarse 
<;otton cloths must be considerable, though the exact proportion of these is 
not known. 

The following table, will show the decline in the quantity and value of flour, 
exported from 1817, to 1823, both years inclusive : 

Fbur. Value 

1817 barrels, 1,479,198 $17,751,376 

1818 « 1,157,697 11,576,917 

1819 «« 750,660 6.005,280 

1820 «• 1,177,036 5,296,664 

1821 « 1,056,119 4,298.043 

1822 «« 827,265 5,103,280 

1823 « 756,246 5,905,195* 

NOTE B.— Page 21. 

By the British com law of 1815, wheat was not allowed to b^ imported, when 
the average price was below 80s. sterling per quarter of 8 Winchester bushels, 
or $ 2 22 cents per bushel. The law of 1815 has been repealed, and wheat 
may now be imported when the average price shall be 70s. per quarter, sub- 
ject to the payment of a duty of 17s. per quarter for the first three months ; 
after that, to 128. 

Wheat is admitted from Canada when the average price is 59s« subject to 
the same duties as foreign com. 

Before 1819, according to Pope's British customs, woollen cloths were per- 

* See M. Carey's Crisis. f Idem. % Idem. 

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( 81 ) 

mitted to be imported, on the payment of the permanent duties of £ 1. 14 shil- 
lings, equal to $ 7 55 cents per yard, for cloths of all descriptions : — to which 
had been added, during the late war §, 8^. 

By the tariff of 1819, they are allowed to be imported, on payment of 50 per 
cent, duty, on the market value. 

Articles made of leather, before 1819, were admitted on the payment of 143^ 
per cent, duty : — after 1819, they were admitted on psyment of 75 per cent, 

By the tariff of 1819, or present tariff, linens are admitted — 
Plain linen, on payment of duties £76.13.4 on every £ 100 of market value. 
If checked, dyed or striped, on every £ 100 of the market value, £ 172.10. 
Sailcloth or duck, £ 5.07.4, equal to $ 23 85 cents, to £ 9.07.00, equal to $40 
30 cents for 120 ells. 

Of the few manufactufed articles admitted, the duties are rarely less than 
50 per cent., and from that to 150. 

Cotton goods, of which there are some not prohibited, pay duties of from 
50 to 75 per cent. 

Of earthenware, there are some kinds not prohibited, which pay duties of 
75 per cent. 

Glass plates, 80 per cent. 

Hides, tanned or tawed, 75 per cent. 

paintings on glass, 80 per cent, exclusive of excise, £ 6.06.* 

But these duties must be merely nominal, beckuse no person would think' 
of sending manufactured articles to England, even if there were no duties 
charged on them. 

On the few articles which are, or can be sent to England, from the middle 
or northern states, their existing duties are enormous. 
Potash, 1 2 48 cents per cwt. - - - - or 40 per cent. 

Barrel staves, per 1000 $ 16 33 - - . - "68 « 
Hogshead staves, « 32 06 - - - - «« 88 " 

Pipe staves, " 44 44 - - - - "90. " 

Tobacco, 48. sterling per lb. equal to 88 cents per lb. or 1400 per cent. 
Bacon or hams, £ 2 16 sterling, or $ 12 43 per cwt. 
Butter, per cwt. £ 1 05, or $ 5 55 per cwt.f 

The sterling is stated in dollars and cents, as this denomination^ being our 
own currency, is easier apprehended. § 

NOTE C— Page 22. 

See the acts of Congress of 18th of April 1818, and 15th of May 1820. The 
British did not accede to the claims of Congress in behalf of our shipping, until 
June 1822. In the mean time, their West India colonies, and the farmers of 
this country, suffered severely. Wheat fell to 70 cents per bushel in 1821. The 
loss on tnis and many other articles, to the landed interest, was immense. Con> 
gress is, notwithstanding, entitled to the highest commendation for protecting 
and defending the rights of the shipping interest, let the loss or the cost of that 
protection affect whoever it might : and it is to be lamented that Congress de- 
lay extending a like protection to the farming interest, through the medium of 
manufactures. Losses of this kind are only temporary. To have submitted, 
would have been as degrading as was the proposition to suspend the non-inter- 
course law in 1812, so far as to admit of the importation from England of 
blankets and trinkets, for the purpose of pacifying or propitiating the Indians. — 
It is, moreover, remarkable, that the abandonment of this monopoly, wrung 
from the British government by the severest sufferings of their colonies, and 
conceded with so ill a grace, has been extolled and trumpeted through this 
country by her agents and satellites, as evidence of a liberal disposition in the 
British government to abandon their prohibitory ^stem altogether, t 

♦Idem. fldem. t Idem. 

§ Let it be observed, that this address was written previous to the late mo- 
dification of the British tariff. 


d by Google 

( ^ ) 


The following admirable Report of the Committee of Agriculture of the 
House of Representatives of the United States, composed of 

STEPHEN VAN R£N6S£LAER» Esq. otNwr York, . 

FRANCIS BAYLIES, Esq.ofi\^ York, 

ROBERT S. GARNET, Esq. of Fihjtma, 

ROBERT HARRIS, Esq. ^ Penmytiaarm, 

THOMAS PATTERSON* Esq. d Pemtryhmia, 

SAMUEL WHITMAN, Esq. of ConaeeHaU, 
embraces all the great principles o^ political economy^ calculated to render a 
nation great and prosperous, and forms a proper appen<^ to the preceding 

In the Houat of BepnaentaHveB, March 19, 1824. 
The committee on agriculture, to whom was referred the resolution of the 
House of Representatives, instructing them to inquire if an increase of the 
duty now establi^ed by law, on any article of foreign g^wth or manufacture, 
win be for the interest of the ag^culturist; and, if there be any such article, 
to name the same, ' together with the ad<^tional amount of duty which they 
deem beneficial to the agricultural interest, respectfully submit the following 

That, in the apprehension of your committee, whaieper increases the coniump' 
Hen of Us produetSf whether at home or abroad, necessaarUy advances tiie interest 
ef agrtdUture, He who cuhivates the soil, looks beyond the supply of his 
own wants for the profits of his labour. He looks to a market for the surplus 
products of his industry. *I%e home market, in the opinion of the committee, is 
at att times to be prefer^ to the foreign market, when the reward of agpCultu- 
ral pursuits is equal; the former is less precarious than the latter; it is, also, 
more permaneat and certain, and above the reach of restraining and prohibitory du» 
iks of foreign hostUityf and when the home market can be increased in its de- 
mands* witiiout diminishing in a g^reater de^e the foreign consumption, it 
would seem wise and prudent to promote its extenidon by every rational 
means within the ^here of legislation. 

Your Committee consider me increase of duties on many foreign articles 
now imported into the United States, would /mmio^e^Ae agriculturai prosperity 
cfthe nation. A portion of population eng^ed in manufactures would neces- 
sarily depend on the farmer for subsistence, and create a more perfect andpro' 
fitabte division of labour than nau) exists, A new market toquld be opened, and a 
new demand created, for all the raw material which new rncmufiuturestpouldcon' 
same. It cannot be denied, that if aQ tiie manufactured articles now consumed 
by the people of the Umted States, were manufactured within the bounds of 
our country, from the raw materials furnished by ourselves, the value of our 
bmds would be^ increased, and the profits of agrieuHural labour considerably aug- 
mented. Demand and consumption would be directiy extenided, and a g^at ex- 
tent ot soil devoted to the growing of products that now afford no sufEcient 
stimulus to cultivation. The soil and climate of the United States are capa- 
ble of producinji^ the various articles necessary for such manufacturing esta- 
blishments as wdl most naturally flourish in tiiis country, and of such as would 
inevitably be consumed, provided manufiicturing labour should be extended. 
By a comprehensive and ri^rous system of policy, calculated to unfold our 
agricultund resources, a spirit of emulation and industry would be diffused 
over the land: a vast and active system of internal exchange would rise up; the 
expense of transportation in heavy articles would be, in a^reat measure, saved; 
and, in fact, that which should be ardently wished for, in every agricultural 

Digitized byVjOOQlC 


country, a home market uxmld appear; this, too, would prove a market at once 

various, in point of demand, but mure, steady and un&umging. 7%e poUey^ 
the caprice, the/eliiaknesal and the hostility af other nations could not t^ect it On 
this point, therefore, the. committee cannot entertain any doubt. Tlie exten- 
uon of domestic manu&ctures, depending on the production of such raw mac 
terials as can be found in tiiis country, must increase the demand and eonsump^ 
tion of those materials, and of course secure a new and ready market* 

As to the articles of foreign g^wth, to which an increase of duty should 
apply, in order to promote Uie prosperity of our agriculture, the committeo 
need only remark, that, if the principles which they advance be sound, the 
duty should embrace every raw material fmmd or procured with ease and dteap* 
ness, and in abundance, tn the United States. 

The committee have confined themselves to the home market, in the brief 
view which they have presented. The question how far the Increase of th|a 
home market, by an increase of duty on foreign articles, would affect the de- 
mand of our ajg^cultural products abroad, leads to a new train of considera- 
tions. The first inquiiy which naturally occurs on this point is, what are the 
inducements with foreign nations to purchase the productions of our soil? 
what their motives? what the moving causes of the market which they extend? 
Is their policy founded on favour, reciprocity, self-interest, or necessity? On 
this subject, there is little ground for difference of opinion. Foreign nations 
ad not for us, but for themselves. Favour, and even reciprocity, form no basie 
for their measures towards us beyond the compass of bare expedMncy, They uriO 
consume our raw materials when they cannot do bdter; when they can, th^ will 
not consume them. When the consum|>tion of our agricultural products cornea 
in contact with any principle of poUtical economy applicable to their own 
condition, a hostile tariff meets us at their shores. Hence, the foreign market, for 
the fruits of our soil, depends but Utile on the sale which foreign manufaetureM 
Jinain this country: and. Whether we purchase more or less, foreign nations 
will graduate iheir policy towards us, by a standard Independent of any gene* 
ral system of duties which we may adopt; at least, so it appears to your com- 

How long would Great Brit^ purchase our cotton, if her own cdoniea 
could supply her demands? How many nations would consume any article 
that is cid&vated by the American agriculturist, if they could find their de- 
mand supplied on hetter and more advantageous con<Utions, by home indna- 
try ? These questions are answered by their proposition; it is, thereibre, the 
opinion of the committee, that the foreign market for our agricultural pro* 
duds, and for the staph articles of owr cohorts, in the shape of raw materials, 
vnU not be essentieUly affected by any increase of duty on those foreign manufaC" 
tures which are composed of similar materuUs, 

As to the amount of duty which should be imposed^ it must always depend 
upon a variety of considerations, which need not be detiuled: it shoM be suf- 
fidmt to secure the exclusive and constant demand of our raw materitds, and to 
sustain the American manufacturer in his pursuits,- it must be competent to build 
up and protect those manufacturing estabkshments at present in ihe country, and 
which, with a reasonable encouragement, will present a constant demand for 
those raw materials. 

In fact, as to the articles of foreign ^wth or manufiMiture, which should 
be taxed in order to increase our agncultural prosperity, your committee 
would refer, generally, to the tariff now before the hou^e. The committee 
do not perceive the necessity of selecting any ^ticles, or of imposing any 
duties, beyond those embraced by that bill. 

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Th^ fbllowing plalofi^^ wa^ published in the p^azettes in the year 1819, and 
exhibits so clearly to agriculturists the intimate connexion between the 
prosperity of manu&cturea, and agriculture, that its repubtication at pre- 
sent, is deemed likely to prove ofessential benefit to the nation, by shed- 
ding strong lighjb on a subject not sufficiently understood in general, and 
on a righ^ conception of which, the prosperity of nations materially de- 
pends. \ 

4 XMogua belwten. m impmittr of £f^Usk dry goods and a farmer meiUy 

, ^tmkMfram Pmiaddjma. 

Farmer, Good moriuni^i'ilr Importer? what price wiU you give me for flour 
to day? 

Importer. I am not pti^rchasing flour, tO-day, sir. 

F' Why ? what is the reason of that? have you given up the export trade? 

/. I suppose I need not tell you that the English government have made 
ft corn bill to prohibit the importation of flour; and flour in all other countries 
of Europe, is lower priced than with us. 

F. A com bilP what sort of a thing is that? 

/ It is a law to prevent the importation of grain and flour into England, 
except in times of scarcity? and if they had not a law of this kind, you would 
ruin all their farmers, by inundating meir markets with flour and other pro- 

F, Cannot the English farmers aflbrd to sell flour at home cheaper than 
we. can afford to sell it, after hauling it seventy miles over bad roads to this 
city, and then shipping it across the Atlantic? 

/. I believe not. 

F. And how happens that? 

/. I do not understand these things very well; but I am informed that the 
English farmers have a great amount of taxes to pay to their government and 

. F. What! a jfreat amount of taxes to pay to government now, in time of 

/. Yes! they pay fifteen shillings in taxes for a bushel of salt, which only 
costs about one shilling Where it is made; and they pay taxes for both sunshine 
and candle light, and for leave to keep and ride their own horses, besides 
tithest of the pi^, poultry, hay, grain, cabbages, even their cows — and even 
cows' milk, besides poor rates, county, and other taxes. 

F. And does not the government pay the church parsons out of the general 

/.No! the parsons of the established church take away one-tenth part of 
the produce of the farmer. 

F, Why, then, the church of England parsons **reap where they do not sow?*' 

L Nay, you are mistaken; they neither sow nor reap; they send their tith- 
ing men to fetch the com out of the fields just when the farmers have reaped 
it: — and even when the sow farrows, the parson is entitled to one-tenth of the 
Htter of pigs. ; 

F, Well, if what you say be teue, we need not wonder that the poor people 
meet together in larg^ bodies to petition for reform. 

/. What I tell you is true; but I have not told you all. The English farm- 
ers pay a rent every year to the great lords equal to the value of an entire 
farm in this country. In a word, the great lords, their lordships of the church, 
the parsons, and the government, take away more than two-thirds of iJl the 
produce of all the farmers in England. 

F, And why don't the people resist those tithing men, who take their com, 
and poultry, and milk? 



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/. Ally my dear friend, it it e$My to talk tmsHrAy ia tlut countty, IrlMre evti^ 

lan has the right to carry arms. The people there have no runs. The great 
lords have made a law to transport the people for killing wud animals* such 
as hares ind foxes, and wild birds, and under colour of keeping the hares aad 
partridges for their own use, the common people ate not allowed to keep 
guns in their houses. Now if you were an JEf^kskfarmari you would be com- 
pelled to contribute for the support, and submit to the power and force, of a 
large army of soldiers, who are always ready to kill you, if you do not obey 
the laws made by the great lords. 

F, And are the English ports to be shut against my floar, and our 0^ 
ports to stand open to receive their manufactured articles? 

/. As far as I can see, this appears to be our fate. 

F. How are we to pay for their goods, if we do not sell them our products? 
Are we to carry on this trade untilthey have drawn away every hard dollar 
out of the coimtiT ? 1 say if they will not htm inyjhur^ Ifbr one wiU not have 
their cloth and I hope that you importers iriU turn your attention to importing 
fwmufacturer8i instead of manufactured ariielea, arid make a market at homc^ 
and let Congress protect us fariAers and our tnaiiufeeiurers, just in the sam^ 
manner that they protect our coasting trade. 

/. But would not our manufacturers impose upon us, atid demand high 

F, Give them fair play. Let them have their own market. Give their ma- 
chines iuxhthirda of the protection that is g^ven to our coasting vessels: and 
the competition among them will soon be such as will reduce the prides low 

/. But hoioe you forgotten the prices they charged you during the last todr? 

F, No, I have not; nor have 1 forgotten the price you and all the importen 
charged me. You importers actually charged higher prices during the late 
war, than oiu* own manufacturers charged, and that too, without' any g^ood 
reason; because you importer;? having paid no (advanced price for the goods you 
had on hand, you might have eoldfor iMvldpHceSf but you mould not* 

1. Surely we had a right to adl our goods jor the highest price we oouldobtain. 

F, Jhid did not our own numufaeturers possess the same rightf Isold my wool 
to our manufacturers during the war^formore than double thepriet Inmo^for 
it. In &ct, I cleared more money during the war -and non-intercourse, than 
I ever ctid before or since, in the same length of time; and was it not for the 
horrid idea of people killing each other, I woUld say, let u» have war forever, 
rather than this sort of losing trade we cany on now. Here I am, after hauling 
my flour seventy miles without a market, except I choose to take six dollara* 
a barrel for it. I have been fo^ish enough to vote for members of congress 
who were opposed to manufactures; but I shall know better in future. If 
John Bull uku not have my flour. Twill not have his broad-clothi and if people 
at Washing^n vote against me, I sball vote for somebody else. 

/. I am sorry tiiat you will not wear imported cloth; but I hope you will 
change your mind. — ^But whatever you may pretend to do, there are those 
whom I am sure of as customers. I mean your wife and daughters. TYssj 
will wear none of your domestic cloth. They are above that; and surely if 
j^ou consult the interest of your family, you will purchase cloth where you canr 
get it cheapest 

JP. What you say may appear plausible, and it may be true enough for a' 
Ume; but our wives and daugfhters may not always prefer foreign fa^ions and 
fabrics to the good rf their eohntry: but as to the rest of what you say, I dis- 
agree with you. In fact I had better pay a high price for home manufactured 
articles, and have them from the workshops in the valley alongside niy fium, 
than have your foreign articles g^ven me gratis, when to receive them would 
deprive those of bread who make the same kind of goods, and wbo made the 
market which I had 'at my door, during the war, for the sale of my produce. 

/» What! better be imposed upon by domestic manufacturers than have 

• N. B. This was wtitten, Nov. 1819. 


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foreign goods ^ven ym grotu? Why you ti^ like % madman! you cannot 
believe what yoii say: the thing is imposnfole. 

F. Have a little patience with me> and I will show you the effects of your 
Ipiportations upon my farm. 

I. Well, come now; let me hear it. 

F. When the manufactories were all in full operation, in our part of the 
country, I sold my produce for the following prices, to the people of the ad- 
joining factories: 

40bbls.offlourayear, at$r, * 280 00 

32 quarts of milk a day, or 11,680 quarts a year, at 2 cents a quart, 233 60 

32 lbs. of buUer a week, or 1664 lbs. a year, at 18 cents per lb. 299 S2 

140 bushels of potatoes, at 25 cents, ..... 3500 

84 do. turmps, at 18 cents, - - - - - - 15 12 

Cabbages and other vegetables, - - - . . 15 00 

360 dozen of eggs, at 10 cents per dozen, .... 36 00 

ir5 pair of duc!u, geese, hens, chickens, and turkeys, at T5 cents 

per pair, - - - - 131 25 

4600 lbs. of mutton and lamb, retailed at 5 cents per pound, - 230 00 

7500 lbs. of bee^ veal, and pork, at 7 cents per pound, retail, - 525 00 

Indian com, buckwheat, rye, and fruit, • - • - 125 00 

;l50cordsoffire»wood,at$3percoid, ^ 450 00 

Hauling do. , at 50 cents per cord, - - * . 75 00 
Hauling for the manufacture^rs, mstead of hauling my produce 

70 miles to this market, - 200 00 

480 lbs. ofwool, at 150 cents per lb. 720 00 

Tallow, hides^ and skbs, - - ... . . 150 00 

$3520 49 

The following is the total value of my produce for this present year: — 

120 bbls. of flour, at $ 6 per bbl. after hauling it 70 miles, - $ 720 00 

20 tubs of butter, 56 lbs. each, at 12^ cents per pound, * 140 00 

60 sheep, at $2 each, - - - ^ . . . . 120 00 

lO&ttedoxen, at$36each, 360 00 

17 hogs, at $14 each, . 238 00 

4horses,at$40 6acb, - - . . .^ ^ . . 160 00 

240 lbs. wool, at 75 cents per lb. - • - . . . 180 00 

250 dozen of eggs, at 12} cents per dozen, .... 31 25 
175 pair of ducks, geese, hens, chickens, and turkeys, at $ 1 per 

pair, after hauling them with the eggs to this market, - 175 00 

*2124 25 

/. But you employed more people upon your farm, during the war, than 
you now employ. 

F, Only the same persons then and now. Itself and three sons, my wife 
and two daughters, have done all the work upon our farm ever since we 
bought it 

/. I see no account of mti7<^ potatoes, turrUpss cabbages, fntit, and fire^wood 
in wmr last estimate. 

Jr. I cannot afford to cany milk, potatoes, &c seventy miles to market. I now 
keep more horses and oxen, and fewer cows and sheep . and I have more flour 
to sell. I am sorry I have killed and sold so many sheep, because our dollars 
and credit will soon be gone, and then we must make our own coats, or go 
without them. Pe<^le then will be as eager to g^t sheep as they now are to 
part^th them. 

/. There appears to be a diff^ercnce of 1396 dollars and 12 cents in the 
yearly value of your produce. Is thi^ all profit? 

F. No. 


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During the waf I fndd f 112 a yard ftxr 10 yards of bfoad^^loUi, for 

myself and three sons, each a coat and waistcoat, . . • f 120 00 
For eig^ht yards of narrow cloth, for pantaloons, $6% yard, - 48 00 

And for 24 yards of lining, at 50 cents per yard» .... 12 00 

■ i I 

$180 00 
You now offer me articles, »mi]ar in appearance, for just one-half 

price, - 90 00 

Balanceinfavour of imports, to be deducted, - . • - $90 00 


But if I were to estimate the whole of our clothing together, for wife, 
daughters, and all, I should find the expense very near as much now aa dur. 
ing the war; because some of your imported articles do not wear hidf so long 
as our own homespun stuffs. 

/. And would you suffer your daughters to wear domestics? 

F. Would I suffer! I should rejoice to see the whole of my family, wife, 
daughters, and all, clothed from head to foo^ every day, Sundays and all, in 
nothing but domestics. But you import all sorts of new-fangled fashions with 
the foreign ar^cles, and there is no end of the expense attending this ever- 
lasting love of variety and change of fa^on. 

/. There is some truth in what you say. What vnih Leghorn bonnets, me- 
rino shawls, and other foreign fallakt I find my family expenses in what is de* 
nominated clothing, nearly as great now as during the war. But if you stop 
imports, how woidd the government collect a revenue? 

jP. I would not stop imports; but if I was a. member of. congress, I would 
vote for a duty of not less than seventy-Jive per cent, on all kinds of foreign 
a^ciUtural products,^ and of not less than fifty per cent, on all kinds of foreign 
manufactured artieks. It is true, the quantity of imports would be reduced; 
but tne revenue that would be. collected upon one-Ao^the quantity of imports 
would be equal in amount to all that is now collected or more. 

/. If that could be done, 1 see no reason why it should not. I think we 
should not carry our cotton to Europe, and sell it for twenty or thirty cents a 
pound there, to be mixed with flour paste, or starched up, and pressed, and 
put up in the form of piece goods ; then brought back again, and sold from 
due to ten dollars a pound for cotton, paste, and other heavy substances, all 
mixed together. 

F, But only think of the folly of having our manufactories in foreign coun- 
tries. When my neighbours had their manufactories all in full operation, I 
received from them and their work>people — 

213 dollars a year for milk. 

159 do. do. more than I now get for butter. 
65 dollars for turnips, potatoes, cabbages, &c. 

305 dollars more for mutton, lamb, beef, veal, and pork. 

525 dollars for fii^.wood and hauling. 

200 dollars for hauling for the manmactories. 

And double the price I now get for my wool. ' 

But nnce the manufactories have nearly all been nuned by imports, I have 
not received a single dollar for milk, fire-wood, or hauling, except, alas! for 
hauling some of their furniture away from the foctories on the creek, after it 
had been sold by the sherift*. 

/. I had no idea that manufactories were of so much importance to th6 

F. But what must be the ntualion of our farmers in the states of Ohio and 
Kentucky, think you ? 

/. I scarce know what to think, or what to say. But I am sure something 
is wrong; for 1 can scarcely collect as much money as will support 'myself and 
fiunily. It is not more than three years since I could show a clear balance pf 
56,000 dollars, after paying all my debts: but now, alas, alas! if you only knew 
my situation, you would not envy the merchants. 

F. Why you astonish me! but i must go, and try to sell my flour; and I 
liope our congress will make a new law before another harvest, which vnSi setf 

Digitized by LjOOQ IC 


the wheels tad «piiidki» >Bd dMittlea, and an^^and wcnlqrtu^s^ aU to wotk 
i^n. But bdTore we pa]% kt lu just aum up and see how the account 
Yetfly amount received on one farm fnit produce when the ma^ 

nmctoriea were all hi motion» - ^3520 49 

Tdtal amount I now receire for my produce, with all the wheels, 
shuttles, andsphidlesy still as death, .... 3124 35 

1396 24 
Total amount paid for hi^-prioed doth a year during 

the war, 180 00 

Vidue of the same quantity of cloth at this present 

time, - - • 9000 

— — 90 00 

' Balance in fkvmxt of one ton, when hammers, whedls spindles, 

and rinittles were all in motion, ..... ^ # 1306 24 

If you count the number of ftrms so eircmnstanced, and add the loss toge* 
ther, then you may haye some notion of the loss imd gain to fiumers when there 
are manu&ctures at home, and when tiiey are desttoyed^ 


Mmi^abk PrineMn tfPeUHetd Ewmmy^ EsttraeMffmi^ ihepmpeetta rf 
ihe Phaaddpkla Emporium^ in 1»13, e&ied hg THOMAS COOPJB^J M. A 
ihmjudgetfike Svpreme Cmtri cfihe SMe ef Pemnsyhama, now Pruidrnt 
qfCohmlria CoUege, S, C, aoihrnf of a tract on the JIterathn of the Taif, in 
1824^ and of LtOweM sft PoUtieai Eoonomy^ 1826. 

1st Our population is becoming scattered over such an extent of territory^ 
that the nation is really weakened by it. Defence is rooire di&cuH and ex- 
pensive. Active hostility almost impossible. The communication of society, 
and of course of knowledge, is greatiy retarded. Many of our citiz^is are 
tempted to live in a half savage state. And even the adnnidstration of law, 
and the maintenance of order and necessary subordination, is rendered im- 
perfect, tardy, and expensive. 

2dly . Our agricuUviists want a home market. Manufaetwres woM wpply it, 
jSgricuUure, at great distancesfrom seaports^ languisheafor want ofthit. Great 
Britain exhibits an instance of unexampled power and wealth by means dPan 
agriculture greatiy dependent on a system of manufactures— and her agricul- 
ture, thus situated, is the best in the world, though still capable of great im- 

3dly. We are too much dependent upon Great Britun for articles that habit 
has converted into necessaries. A state of war demands privations that a laige 
portion of our citizens reluctantiy submit to. Some manufacture$ would great' 
ly lessen the evil 

4thly. By means of debts incurred for fireign manufadures^ we are almost 
again become colomsts^-'We are too much under the influence, indirectiy, of 
British merchants and British agents. We are not an independent people.— 
Manufactures among us would tend to correct this, and ^e a stronger tone 
of nationality at home. I greatiy value the intercourse with that country of 
pre-eminent knowledge and energy; but our dependence upon it is often so 
g^eat, as to be oppresuve to ourselves. 

* It i« not extmyagiiitwndK to asK]t,that Uds- brief etmr, eontaiiit more coo4 lenae, and a nxHre 
rational sdieme ofpolicy, than aU Uie writings oi all the pohtical economiits orthe new tchool united. 

t At great imp^tanec has been attaefaed to the recent opinioiM of tins eentleman agunst the pro* 
tection of manofaetares, it is theagfat proper to put the p^lio in poMcsmm of Ae opinions promul- 
K^ted by bim in 1813, so that they may compare them together, d^ciae on their respective merits, re- 
j ect the enoneoos ones, and adopt tfame founded in reason and cotnmonseiiae^ whetliier pro or coik 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


SUbtfy, 7%e sMe tfngiimkmt would impr$99 mM Hhb impfwrnm i qf rn m U ' 
fiiehtresf by means of tbe general spirit ef energy and exeitiotty wUcW tm 
Hfkere esciats in 90 high a d^tee at in a mamtfac^wing onmiryi and by tbr ge- 
neral improvement of macbinefy, and the demand for raw maitemla, 

6thly. Tbe introduetion of manufactures would eltend knvirledge of aH 
kinds, paitioularly scientifioal. Tbe elements of natural pbybsopt^ aad of 
cberoistiy, now f<»rm an indispensable branch of education among the manu- 
fteturefs of England, l^y cannot p^et on without it. They cannot under- 
stand or keep pace with the dfldly unprovements in manufactures without 
s(raentific knowledgei and scientific knowledge is not insulatedi it must rest 
upon prerious learning. The tradesmen of Great Britain at tlus day, can furnish 
more profound thinkers on phtlosophical subjects^ more acute and accurate 
experimenters, more real philosophers, thrice told, than all Europe could fur- 
nbh a century ag^. I wiih that were the case here; but it b not so. I fear 
it is not true, that we are the most enlightened people upon the fece of the 
earth; unless the fiEiciUty of poli^cal dedamation be the sole criterion of de- 
' cision, and the universal test of talent. We should greatly improve, in my 
opinion, by a little more attention to mathematioal sjid physicid science; I 
would therefore encourage whatever wouldintroduce a general taste for such 

7thly. Beetmae the home trader eofuisting in the exchange of agncuUund aur- 
phsseejhr antieka of mmMfaetme, produced in our own cowiin/, wiil,for a long 
Ume to eofne, furmsh the safest and /Ae koBtdangerous^ the least expensioe and 
the least immoral'^he most productive and the most pairiotie emplo^/ment of sur- 
plus capital^ howeoer raised and accumulated* The safest^ because it reqmres 
no navies exclusively for its protection; the least dangerous, beOause it fiir- 
nishes no excitement to the prevailing madness of commercial wars; the least 
expenstpe, (or the same reason that it is the safeM and tiie^east dangerous^ the 
least infmoral, because it fUmi^es no temptation to tl^ breach or evasion of 
the laws; to the multiplication of oaths and peijuries;^ and to the consequent 
prostration of all religious feeling, and all social duty: the moot pwducHvef be» 
cause the capital admits of quicker return; because- the whole of the capital 
is permanently invested and employed at home; because it contributes, di- 
rectly, immediately, and wholly, to the internal Wealth and resources of the 
nation; because the credits ^ven, are more easily watched, and more effee- 
tually protected by our own laws, well known, easily resorted to, and speedily 
executed, than if exposed in die^t and in foreign countries, controlled by 
fbreign laws and foreip^ customs, and at the mercy of foreign agents; the most 
patriotic, because it binds the persons employed in it, by all the tieslof habit 
and of interest to their own country; while foreign trade tends to denationalise 
the affectionis of those whose property is dispersed in foreign countries, whose 
interests are connected with foreign interests, whose capital is but partially 
invested at the place of their domicil, and who can remove with comparative 
facility from one country to another. The wise man observed of old, that 
'* where the treasure is, there will the heart be also." And time has not de- 
tracted from the truth of the remark. 

Nor can there be any fear that for a century to come, there will not hefuU de- 
mand produced hy a system of home manufaelure, for every pariide of surplus 
produce that agriculture can supply » Consider for a moment what are the ar- 
ticles that may fairly be regarded as of the first necesmty, that an agpncuhu- 
tal capitalist will require either to condupt his bu^ness w for his reasonable 
comforts. Ist. The iron manufacture in all its branches, from the ore to the 
boiling pans, the grate, the stove, the tire, the ploughshare, the spade, the 
scythe, the knife and fork, the swonl and the g^n : the copper rharmfacture, for his 
distilling vessels; for the bolts and sheathing of ships: the lead mamifaeture, 
for his paints and his shot: the Hn manufacture, for his kitchen utensils: the 
manufacturing of powder for blasting ana for fire-arms: he cannot dispense 
with the wheelwright, the millwright, the carpenter, the joiner, the tanner, the 
curriei^, the saddler, the potter, the glass-maker, the spinner, the weaver, the 
fuUer$ the dyer, the shoemaker, the hatter, the maker of maclnnes and tools, 
and very many trades and hancBcrafls not enumerated. Of all these occupa- 
tions, every one of which may be employed in furnishing articles either of ^ 

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immedittite neeairilf, 4)f feaiontble want, or of £f«<$t coimecstixm with agricul* 
ture, we have in abundance the raw materials of manufacture, and the rav 
material, uninstructied man, to manufkctdre them. Is it to be pretended that 
these occupations, idien fiSfy und^ way at home, will not fttnush a market 
lor the superfluous produce of agriculture, provided that produce be, as it 
necessarily will be, suited to the demand? Or ought this variety of occupa- 
tion, and, above all, the mass of real knowledge it implies, to be renounced 
and neglected for the sake of foreign commerce— that we may not iaterfeie 
with the profits and connexions of me merchants who remde among us, and 
that we may be taxed, ahd tolerated, and licensed to fetch from abroad, 
what we can with moderate exertion supply at home? And yet this is the 
doctrine not merely advocated and recommended among use, but likely to 
. become the fashionable creed of political economy, wherever mercantile in- 
terests and connexions prevail. It appear to me of national importance to coun- 
teract these notions. As a source of national wealth, I wpuld no more encourage 
manufiusture than I would encourage commerce. I would encourage or dis- 
courage neither: for I am persuaded that the aggregate of individu^ cotisti- 
tutes national wealth; and that a government is conceited and presumptuous, 
when it attempts to instruct an individual how he can employ his industry and 
his capital most beneficially for his own interest. 

Ma meom of national defence and national independofice^^HU a means ofpn^ 
fdgaivng among our ctHzens the most useful and oracHeal lands of knowledge — 
as a means of giving that energdie, frugal^ calculatii^, and foreseeing character 
to every branch of our naUonm industry^ that does not exist hut among a manu- 
^aetunng people^'-as a means of mudtpfying our social enjoyments ay condens* 
ing our popuuttion — and as a means ofjixir^ the consumers and the producers m 
the immediate neighbourhood of earn other-^I would encourage Me eommtf^- 
ment at least of home manufacture. Not the manufacture of gold and silver— 
not the velvets of Lyons, or the silks of Spitalfields — ^the laces of Brussels and 
the lawns of Cambray — ^not the cHnquaiUerie and bnouterie of Paris and Bir- 
mingham, but such as we feel the want of in time (h war; such as may f^riy 
be regarded as of prime necessity, or immediately connected with agricultural 
wants and pursuits. 

Stilly. I would remark, that nature seems to have furnished the materials 
of mamifacture more abundantly, in Pennsylvania in particular, than in any 
country | know of. The very basis of all profitable manufacture, is plenty of 
fuel, easily, cheaply, and permanently procurable: the next desirable object ta 
plenty of iron ore; iron being the article upon which every other manufacture de- 
pends. It is to the plentiM distribution of these two commodities, that Great 
Britain is chiefly indebted for the pre-eminence of her manufactures and her 
comimerce. I have not a doubt on my mind, but both pitcoal and iron ore are 
more plentifully distributed in Pennsylvania than in Great Britain; and that 
both the one and the other can be gotten at more eatdly and cheaply in this 
country than in that. Moreover we have a decided superiorityin the raw ma- 
terials, cotton, hemp, and flax; in our alkalies for glass works; in the hides 
and the tanning materials of the leather manufactory: ^nd we can easily pro- 
cure that advantage, so far at least, as our own consumption requires it, in 
the woollen manuPactoiy. Other branches might be enumerated wherein 
our advantages of internal resource are undeniable; but I cannot see why we 
should neglect or despise these. Nothing but a stimulus is wanted to induce 
and enable us to make a proper use of our domestic riches. But men of skill and 
men of capital fear to begm; lest on the return of peake they should be exposed, 
in the weakness and infancy of their undertaking, to contend with the overwhelm- 
ing capital and skill of the European powers, particularly of Great Britain. 
. For these reasons, I think it would be expedient so far to lud the introduc- 
tion of manufactures in this country, by protecting duties, as to afford a rea- 
sonable prospect of safety to the prudent investment of capital, and- the indus- 
trious pursuit of business; but no bounty to wild speculation, to negligent 
workmanship, or to smuggling. 

Cegrlisk, Fib, 1813. THOMAS COOPER. 

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Fourth EdUiorfy^prilSL5,lSZ7. 

It was believed that the question of the right of consress to im- 
pose duties for the protection of manufactures, was finallY settled— 
and that irritation would never again be excited on ^e subject The 
belief has proved nugatory. Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, in a 
speech manifesting considerable warmth and strong feeling, has again 
asserted the unconstitutionality of the system. 

« When in violation of the conttitution of the United States, you talked o/en- 
*' couraging domestic manufactures, did they [the southern members] not point 
** to that part of the proceedings of the convention that framed the conttitution^ in 
*' which the power to promote and encourage the useful arts, &c. bv bounties, 
'* was expressly refused to you P Did they not tell you, that the rights of one 
" part of^the community Weiie invaded by an iniqmtoua taxationf for the bene- 
**nt of a smaller part ?"—%Wr. HandUon's Speech, Jan. 22, 1827. 

This is harsh l4n|2;uage — and, even if correct, is not very deco* 
rous towards that legislature of the nation, which enacted the exist- 
ing tariff, a tariff now branded with the opprobrious and disgraceful 
sterna of ^ an imquitous taxatUm^^^ and ^* a violation of the consti- 
tution." But what shall we say of this very strong reprobation, when 
it is proved to be utterly unsound in principle ? 

Nothins can be more illogical than to style a ^^ protecting duty^^ a 
*^ bounty J^ It is an utter perversion of terms. The operation of both, 
it is true, is very nearly similar. But to insist, from this result, that 
they are the same, is just as correct as to assert that beef and bread 
are the same substances, because they equally contribute to support 
the human frame. 

On the subject of the constitutionality of protecting manufactures, 
it may suffice to refer the reader to the subsequent essay, published a 
year since, in which the sentiments of the first congress are to be 
found, fully and completely expressed, beyond the power of cavil, at 
a time when the meaning of the framers of the constitution, and the 
proper bearing of that instrument, were certainly as well understood 
as they can be at this day, by Mr. Archer, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Steven- 
son, or Mr. Tatnal. The solemn acts of legislation of that body corres- 
ponded exactly with those sentiments. They protected by duties agri- 
culture, manufactures, and commerce; but the second very inefficient- 
ly indeed*— as the manufacturers were almost wholly unrepresented. 

And however willing the world may be, to do complete justice to 
the extraordinary talents and pure patriotism of Mr. Hamilton, he 
will not be offended at the assertion, that Mr. Madison, one of the 
purest and soundest men that Virginia ever produced, is not inferior 
to him*— and when in the year 1789, Mr. Madison, and most of the 
other leading members of^^ongress, recently from the convention, not 
only admitted the right, but advocated the exercise of that right, to 
protect manufactures, surely it is among the most wonderful things 
of the present very wonderful age, that enlightened men, and en- 
lightened bodies of men, should now denounce its exercise as a vio- 
lation of the constitution. Among the aberrations of the human mind, 
this will certainly hold a conspicuous rank. 

I Mr. Madison. — " Regulations have been provided, [in some of the states,] 
''and have succeeded in producing some establishments, uhich ought not 
•• to be attowed to perish from the alteration which has taken place. It would be 
** cruel to neglect them, and direct their industry tp other channels ; for it is 
'*not possible for the hand of man to shift from one employment to another 


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(4* ) 

«« without being injorcd by tlie change. There wny he some mftnufiteturei* 
«* which, being once formed, cgn advance toward perfection without any adven* 
" titious lud : while •ther^^fir -want of Uta fostering hand of government, toitt be 
*^ unable to go on at all. LegitUttive attention rrill therefore be necessary to coUectthe 
** proper objects for this purpose,"— Uoyd'n Debates, Vol. I. p. 2$. 

ne smne,-^** The ftatea that are most advanced in population, and ripe for 
" mam(factttreSf ought to have their particular interests attended to in some degree. 
«* While these states retained the power of making regulations of trade, they_ 
**had the power to protect and cherish such institutions;^ by adopting the pre- 
" »ent constitution, they have thrown the exercise of this power into other 
** hands: they must have done this with an expectation that those interests would 
•*notben^lectedhere.'*—ldem,p 24, 

General Wa3Hington'8 sentiments on the subject, arc certainty en- 
titled to great attention. * 

In his message to congress, 1790, he states—* 

••'Their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufac- 
•« tures as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly 
*• military supplies.'* 

To promote here can have no other meaning than to protect. No 
other mode of promotion was in the power of congress. 

Again :-p- 

••The encaaragement of manvfactwres is of too inruch importance not to in- 
" sure a continuance of their efltorts in every way that shall appear eligible." 

Mr. Jefferson's views corresponded exactly With those of general 
Washington. In bis message of 1803, he distinctly recommends the 
protection of manufactures to congress. 

" To cultivate peace, maintain commerce and navigation ; to foster ourfishe- 
** ries, and PROTECT MANUFACTURES, adapted to our circumstances, &c. 
" are the land-marks by which to g^ide ourselves in all our relations.*' 

And are the overwhelming testimonies of General Washington, 
Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Madison, to he set aside bj the new-fangled 
construction of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Tatnal, Mr. Cuthbert, Mr. Archer, 
&ic. &c? Forbid it, reason and common sense. We might, if such a 
construction were attempted to be forced upon us, say with Mr. 
Tatnal, when he so violently opposed the attempt to rescue from ruin 
our manufactures, on which the middle states so mainly depend-*- 

** Shall we submit to such treatment — ^No sir, we cannot,*' &c. &c. &c. - 

But this is language we scorn to use. 

Supposing with Mr. Hamilton, however illogically, that pro- 
tecting duties are " (founties,^^ have we do precedent to plead for 
theua ? Has our government refrained from " bounties," us^the ac- 
cursed thing^^ that ** violates the constitution ?" What will Mr. Ha- 
milton say, when he reads the following section of a law, passed Jul j 

"On all pickled fish of the fisheries of the United States, exported there- 
''firom, subsequent to the last day of December, 1914, there shaH be allow- 
** ed and paid a bovhtt — ^[yes, Mr. Hamilton, a bounty,] of twenty cent^ per 
" barrel." 

It will be said, this is but a drawback oftlie extravagant and enor* 
mous duty on salt. This is no answer. It is to all intents and pur* 
poses a bounty. But I lay no sort of stress on this fact, 'fhe argu- 
ment is too strong to neecf it. 

But has the government laid no duties on importation /br the pro- 
tection of agriculture f 

The high duties on cotton and hemp, in 1789, were laid expressly 
fo encourage the growth of those articles in the south, tiie staples of 

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which were then tnest htnentably depreciated, at witneis the Ifert* 
miad uf JEdanus Burke, on the 16th of April, in that year. 

«The staple products of South CArofiha and Georgia, were haadlj worth 
" cultivation, on account of their ikll in price. The lands were certainly 
*< well adapted to M« growth rf h&mp, and he had no doubt but its culture 
*' would be practised with attention. Cotton was likewise in conttmplatloa 
'.'among' them; and tf ro6d teed could be procured, u% hopxd xiobt sucgebd. 
** But the low strong nee lands would produce hemp in abundance, many 
^thousand tons even this year, if it were not toolste in the season."— Lloyd's 
Debates of Congress, Vol. 1. p. 79. 

Mr. Tucker, another of the representatives from South Carolina, 
joined in the doleful chorus with Mr. Burke^— 

"The situation of South Carolina was mehmcholy. While the inhabiUtiti 
** were deeply in debt, the produce of the state wom daily fallings in price. Rice 
**and indigo were become so low, as to be considered by many not objects 
" worthy «>f cultivation.''— Idem, page 93. 

The duties imposed at that time on those bulky raw materials, 
cotton aiid hemp, were 150 per cent, higher than ^oae on the finest 
cotton or hempen goods. 

Cotton sells now to the south for 6, 7, B, 9, and 10 cents per lb. The 
dutj, which is actually prohibitory, is three eenUj equal to an ave- 
raflg of 35 per cent, or 50 per cent on the lowest qualities. 

The cheese imported in 18S5, averaged about 16 cents, (29,067 lbs* 
eost S4663.) The duty is nine cenUi^ equal to 54 per cent. But 
cheese in Holland is onfy, 6, 7, 8, or 9 cents per lb. and, therefore, 
so far as regards that quality, the duty is from 100 to 150 per cent. 
I trust DO man of honour will deny that this is a protecting duty. It i« 
in a great degree prohibitory. 

The enormous duties on snuff and tobacco, from 70 to 90 percent 
imposed in 1789, were intended to be, and actually were, prohibitory* 
The object was to secure the tobacco planter the consumption of the 
country, and this was effectually accomplished. 

The exorbitant duty, three cents per lb. equal to 75 a 100 per 
eent on brown sugar, a necessary of life, used chiefly by the poor, is for 
the protection of the wealthy planters of Louisiana, who^ always 
YOte en masse against the protection of manufactures, by duties 
of 25 y SO, or dS per cent TW duties on sugar operate most ruin^ 
ously on the merchant engaged in the West India trade, in which 
that article forms a chief item of remittance, and is always, or at 
least almost always, a losing concern. The attempts to reduce the 
duty to 2i cents per pound were rejected by the southern votes, which 
arctarely divided. 

A memt>er of congress voting a^inat a small reduction of the duty 
of 75 or 100 per cent, in his own favour, on a bulky article, subject to 
heavy freight, and next hour voting against a duty of 30 or 40 per 
cent in fkvour of his fellow citizens on a light article, such as cottons, 
exhibits i, moral phsenomenon, not calculated to excite very pleasura- 
ble sensations in a philosophical mind. 

So much for the protecting duties in favour of agriculture. 

Mr. Hamilton's cfistress about the sufferings of the poor, from the 
proposed duty on coarse woollens, might be easily alleviated, and his 
mind restored to its usnal statje of serenity, by reflecting on the of- 
ten-quoted case of coarse cottons, the very high duty on which was 
oppMod on similar grounds. The article is now one hundred per 
cent better than when imported— and is sold at half the price, mak- 

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( 44 ) 

inga diSerence of seventy-five per cent, in fav&ur of the fOOTj whe 
excite so much of Mr. HamUton^s commiseratioru That is to saj, 
one yard of domestic cottons, now sold for twelve and a half cents, 
will wear twice as lone as a yard of India muslin, which was sold at 
twentj-five cents ; ana, but for the domestics, would continue at that 
price. Coarse cottons, in 1816, excited the same degree of the com- 
miserafion of some of the members of the then congress, lest the poor 
should be oppressed and injured bj high duties on the article as the 
coarse woollens do now ! 

To conclude : — 

Mr. Hamilton has expressed an idea having a close affinity with the 
threats held out by Mr. Tatnal in regard to Qie tariff of 1824 — 

«* Are you prepared," said Mr. T. «« by paamng this ihfbbnal bill, to addf 
** a paveriy which it wearing^ one portion of our couniry to the 6one.** •Is it thought 
*< that we virill tamely submit to this treatment ? J^o^ tir, we cannot. By heaven^ 
** we mil not," 

Mr. Hamilton very gravely and soberly informs us^ that the tariff 
bill ^ shook the Union to its centre.^^ This is a subject of the utmost 
delicacy, on which it is difficult to refrain from expatiating Urgely and 
severely. There is no more fertile subject of discussion for the mid^ 
die or eastern states— and none which ousht to be more carefully shun- 
ned by the southern. But it is fraught with materials for *^ spontaneous 
eombustion^^ — which do not rei|uire any agent to produce an explosion. 
The discussion is therefore waived. And woe, tenfold woe, befal the 
man who ^' casteth (d>out fire-brands^ arrows, and death^^ — ^^ andsaithy 
am I not in sport P^ But let it be distinctly observed, and let the 
observation sink deeply into the minds of those by whom the threat is 
so freauently and so wantonly broached, that it ought never to be 
pressea by any part of the Union, but more particularly by the 
southern states, which are by far the most vulnerable, and the least 
able to carry such threats into execution. The other states have 
too long and too [>atiently submitted to these very intemperate-^very 
imprudent — very impolitic— very offensive*— «nd, more than all, very 
impotent menaces— which no earthly consideration could justify— 
and nothing for a moment palliate, but the effervescence of inexpe- 
rience, or the petulance and impetuosity of tempers of morbid iras- 
cibility. For a Aousand reasons, the threats might be retorted with 
tenfold force. They ought, therefore, to be forborne for ever. 
^^ ^uousque tandem almtere patientiA no^rd .^" 

Philadelphia^ January SL5 J \%9,7. COLBERT. 

Fourth EdUioUj 4prU 25, 1827. 

COLBERT,— No. 11. 

First published Jan. 6, 1826. 

Is congressional protection of manifactures a vioUUion of the Con- 

This is an important question, which has nev^r, it is believed, been 
fully discussed. It ought to have been finally settled long since. 

Whenever, of late years, the (|uestion of protecting the industry 
of that useful and numerous portion of our citizens engi^ed in fur- 
nishing a domestic market for the flour, the beef^ the porf, the mut- 

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( « ) 

ton, the lamb, the poultiy, the v^tables, the spirits^ the cotton, the 
wool, the hides, the skins, the hair, the tallow, the timber, the hemp, 
the flax, the coals, the iron, the lead, the copper, of their fellow citi- 
zens who cultivate the soil, or explore the bowels of the earth for her 
hidden treasures, has been agitated, a formidable opposition has been 
excited among those very fellow citizens, on the ground of the con- 
stitution presenting an insuperable bar — ^tbus unwisely, as far as in 
them lay, endeavouring to depress and diminish the number of their 
best customers and supporters, and alas ! to their own most serious 
injury, but too successfully. 

In many cases the opposition to measures contemplate^ or adopted, 
arises from the address of designing men exciting the passions and 
prejudices of the ignorant and unipTormed* This is by no means the 
case in the present instance. The opposition embraces some of the 
most enlightened and estimable citizens in the United States. John 
Taylor, of Caroline, whose talents and rectitude were never called 
in question, was a leader of this school A governor of one of the 
southern states, Virginia, I believe, denounced the system in a re- 
x^ent message to the legislative body — and in the legislature of South ^ 

Carolina, a resolution, declaring such protection unconstitutional, j 

was lately passed : — t 

" Resolved, that it is an unconstitutional exercise of power on the part of I 

«« congress, to lay duties to protect domestic manufactures.** f 

While the intelligence and integrity of the opposers of protection, j 

are freely admitted , it may be confidently asserted, that an equal | 

portion of integrity and intelligence has been arrayed on the other 
side of the question. 

In this conflict of opinions, it ia well worth while to investigate 
tiie subject thoroughly, and liscertain whether there be any clue to 

guide us in our researches, and to establish the soundness or unsound- ^ 

ness of the doctrine, beyond the power of controversy. 

^ The power of congress to impose" duties, restrictions, and prohibi- u 

tions for the protectiori of our citizens engaged in commercei^ has , 

been exercised times without number, and never been once impugn- i 

ed. And it would be dtflBcult to prove that it is not equally the ri^t y ^ 

and the obligation of congress to impose duties, restrictions, and pro- 
hibitions for the protection of another dase of ciHxensj dertainly not ' •. 
less useful^ and at least ten times as numerous^* unless it can be proved 4 
that commercial men have privileges peculiar to themselves, to which 
manufacturers have no claim. \ 

In the first session of the first congress, the duties on teas import- * 

ed in American vessels, averaged 12 cents per pounds* whereas oa \ 

those imported in foreign vessels, the average was 9,7 cents— beinff a 
difference of 125 per cent Here were duties imposed solely for die i 

* By the last census, the number of citizens engaged in tbabs and commerce, \ 

was about four per cent, of our population. Herein -were included ehopkeepera of ^ 

ttff'kinda, — More than half the number are in the interior of the countrif, where , 

there is not a single merchant. Those engaged in what is properly styled " com^ 
mercCf** are not probably one per cent, of the entire population. Those employ- 
ed in manufactures were, in 1820, 14 pcx cent.*— and in six of Uie states 22 * 
per cent. 


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( 46 ) 

protection of naTigation and commerce. This single case, with im- 
partial and unbiassed minds, might probably be admitted to settle the 
qaestiop, and to put down forever the very erroneous doctrine of the 
unconstitutionality of our system. But it would be manifest injus- 
tice to confine it to this support, when others, much more cogent^ 
may be stated. 

The first congress contained probaUy one-half of the members of 
the convention fliat framed the constitution-— and, moreover, many 
of the most strenuous opposers of that constitution, eagle-eyed 
to watch and guard agMnst its violation. The former class could 
not by any possibility be mistaken as to the true intent and mean- 
ing of that instrument. In that congress certainly were men as 
high-minded, as pure, and as enlightened, as any citizens of the 
present day, without exception. In the Ibt were Madtsons, Clymers, 
Garrolls, Gerrys, Muhlenbergs, Morrises, Fitzsimonses, Ameses, 
Pages, Tuckers, Boudmots, Wadsworths, Blands, Liyermores, Good- 
hues, Jacksona, Shermans, &c. Were all these citizens so absurd as to 
mistake the intent and meaning of, or so wicked as to deliberately vio- 
late, a constitution, which they had sacredly sworn to support, and 
which so many of them had aided to frame P It would be folly to answer 
in the affirmative. Yet either they did thus grossly violate the 
constitution, or the objectiop we are discussing is invalid ; for the 
^^ protection of manufactures by duties on importation," was ex- 
plicitly avowed by most of them at various times — ^and I have exa- 
mined the debates, and believe I am perfectly justified in saying, it 
was never once opposed as unconstitutional. Various duties were, 
it is true, opposed, and some of them vehemently, on the ground of 
their assumed unequal operation — ^but no onelisped a word on the 
ground of unconstitutionality. I mi^ht refer the reader to the debates 
of the first congress, to decide this important point. But the book is 
scarce,and,even if otherwise, few would take the trouble to examine 
it. I hope, therefore, I shall be pardoned for a pretty coraous collec- 
^on of extracts, which, I trust, will be found to establisn trresistiblj 
the sense (^ that congress on this subject. 

Mr* Clynter ** did not object to this mode of encouraging roanufkctures, und 
« obtaining revenue, by cGonbining the two objects in one bill : he was iatujkd 
** that a poUHedl neeeaaUy existed for both the one and the oMer."— Lloyd's Debates 
of Congress, vol. I. p, 31. 

Mr. C. " hoped gentlemen would be disposed to extend a degree of patronage te 
*'a manufactute [steel] which a moment's reflection would convince them was 
«< highly deserving protection."-^ldem, page 69. 

Mr. Carroll «• moved to insert vnndo-w and other glass.' a manufacture of this 
'* article was begun in' Maryland, and attended with conmderable success. ^ 
*< the legislature reas to grant a small eneouragement, it -motUd be permanently esta- 
"M»Aci/"--Idem, p. 94. 

Mr. Wttdsrworih.^^** By moderating the duties, we abalt obtain revenue awl 
**giv€ that encouragement to manufactures which is intended.'* — Idem, p. 128. 

Mr, .Ames '* thought this a useful and accommodating manufacture [naifo} 
'^ which yielded a clear gain of all it sold for, but the cost of the material } the 
<< labour employed in it would be thrown away probably in many instances. 
« ♦ • • • He hoped the article would remain in the bill."^Idem, 81. 

The same. — "The committee were already informed of the flourishing 
*' situation of the manuftcture, [nails ;] but tfaey ought not to join the gentle- 

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** mftn from South Carolina, (Mr. Tucker,} in concluding that it did Mi thert- 
**fore deserve legi9tatix)e protection ; he had no doubt but theconuHitteevouldcon- 
** cur in laying a tmall protecting diOtf infttvour ^thU mamrfacture,*^ — Idem, p. 82. 

Mr, Fitznm^8 *< was willing to allow a amall duty, because it was the po- 
^* licy of the stales who thought ii ^oper in this manner to protect their manu- 
*'/acmre».»'— Idem, p. 83. 

The aame.-^** It oeing my opinion that an enumeration of ailicles wUl 
" tend to clear away difmmlties, 1 wish as many to be selected as possible ; for 
*'this reason I have prepared myself with an sidditional number; among these 
^* are some calculated to protect the produotions of our countiy, tjid protect 
•* our infant manufactures.^* — ^Idem, p. 17. 

Mr. HartUy. — ** If we consult the history of the ancient world, [meaning Eu- 
*«rope,] we sh^llsee that they have thought proper for a long time past to give 
*' great encouragement to estabHth manufactures by laying such partial duties on 
** the importation of foreign goods as to give the home manufactures a considerable 
** advantage in the price when brought to market. ••• I think it both politic and 
"just, that the fostering hand qf the general gvoemmmt should extend to uU those 
<< manufactures -which will tend to national utiHty. Our stock of materials is, in 
** many instances, equal to the g^atest dehiand, and our artisans sufficient to 
•* work them up, even for exportation. In those cases, /raAre it to be the poHcy 
** of every enlightened nation to give their manufactures the degree of encourage^ 
** ment necessary to perfect them^ without oppressing the other parts of the com- 
*• munity; and under this encouragement^ the industry of the manufacturer -mil be 
** employed to add to the -wealth of the fiott'on."— Idem, p. 22. 

Mr. White. — ** In order to charge specific articles of manufacture so as to en- 
•* courage our domestic ones, it will be necessary to examine the present state of 
•'each throughout the Union." — Idem, p.' 19. 

Mr. Boudinot. — <* I shall certainly move for it, [the article of glass,] as I 
" suppose we are capable of manufacturing this as -well as many others. In fact, 
** it Is well known, that we have and can do it as well as most nations ; the 
** materials being almost all produced in our country."— Idem, p. 28. 
* The same. — « Let us take then the resolution of congress in 1783, and make 
" it the basis of our system, adding only such protecting duties as are necessary 
*' to support the manufactures established by the legislatures of the manufacturifig 
'•»<o/c«."— Idem,34. 

Mr, SinrUckson *' declared himself a friend to this manufitcture, [beer,] and 
** thought if the duty -was laid high enough to ^ect a prohibition, the manufacture 
** -would increase, and tf consequence the price be lessened,** — ^Idem, p. 65. 

Mr. Lawrence " thought that if candles were an object of considerable im- 
" portation, they ought to be taxed for the sake of obtaining revenue ; and if 
"they were not imported in considerable /quantities, the burden upon the 
** consumer would be small, -while it tended to eherish a vabiabie manufacture.**^^ 
Idem, p. 68. 

Mr. Madieon *' moved to lav an impost of eight cents on all beer imported. 
** He did not think this would g^ve a monopoly; but hoped it tuould be euch an 
** encouragement as to induce the tnanufaeiure to take deep root tn enety state in 
"Mc «w«w."— Idem, p. 65. 

3^.1Fitz8imon8' ** moved to lay a duty of two cents per pound on tallow 
"candles. The manufuctore of candles is an important manufacture, and far 
** advanced to perfection. 1 have no doubt but in a few years we shall be able 
•* to supply the consumption of every part of the continent." Mr, Fitzsimons 
stated timt Pennsylvania had imposed that duty, and added ** under th« ope* 
** ration of this small encouragement, the manufacture has gained auisidera- 
** ble strength * * * It will be poUiie in the government of the United SteSs to am" 
^< tinue such duties until their object ia aceompliahed.** — ^Idem, p. 67. 

The same. " Suppose 5 per cent, were imposed [on unwroug^t steel] it 
** might be, as stated, a paitial duty — hnttooulanot the evil be soon overhakmced 
'' by the establishment of such an important manufacture?** — ^Idem, p. 69. 

Mr, Bland " thought a duty on nails an unequal tax—burdening the south- 

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*^ era stately but not felt hf the nortlieniy who made only enough for their 
** own consumption.**— Idem. 

Jl^. Bland. ** When he looked «t the list of articles, he saw some calculat- 
'< ed to g^ve encourufement to home manufactures. This might be in some 
'< degree proper. But it was a well known &ct, that the manufacturing arts 
'< were only in Uieir infanpy, and ftr from being able to answer the demands 
•« of the country.**— ^fem, p. 39. 

Here, as I have stated, are objections to duties on account of their 
oppressive tendency, but not. a word in denial of the constitationality 
of the svstem. . 

Mr. Sherman *< moVed £x cento per lb. on manufactured tobacco; as he 
<« thought the dtUy aught to amomi io a prMbiti&n, On mujf ten eente. — ^Idem, 
p. 93. , ' 

I trust these extracts, to which copious additions might be made, 
are abundantly sufficient to settle this question forever. But this is 
not all. The predimble of the second act of congress, dated July 20, 
1789, signed by General Washington, president of the Federal Con- 
vention, and president of the United States, isjn the following words: 

" Whereas it is necessary for the support of government — for the discharge 
"of the debts of the United States, and the ENCOURAGEMENT AND PRO- 
o TECTION OF MANUFACTURES, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and 
** roerobandize imported." 

The practice of government durins the whole of its existence has 
been conformable to these views: and surety, therefore, x>bjections at 
present on the ground of unconstitutionality are wholly out of time 
and place, and utterly untenable. COLBERT. 

PkUadelphia^ Jan. 7, 1826, 

P. 9. March 29, 1827. A curious fact on this sutgect, deserves tor 
be noticed, to show the extent to which party passions often lead the 
best of men, patticukrly when collected m masses. While Mr. Giles's^ 
famous resolutions were lately pending in the legislature of Virginia^ 
one of which denounced the exercise of the power of protecting manu- 
factures as unconstitutional, the writer of these essays sent a copy of 
them to every member of that body, in the hope that the overwhelm- 
ine evidence they contain, of the untenable nature of Mr. Giles's re- 
•olutioD, would prevent^ its piMsage. But the hope was vain. 
The resolution passed by a large majortfy, in spite of the testimony 
of General Washington, Mr. Madison, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Ames, Mr. 
Wadsworth, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, &c. &c. 
It therefore follows, I repeat emphatically, if tiie resolution of the 
legislature of Virginia be correct, that either those elevated cidzens 
were grossly ^norant af the plain meamng of the constitutMn, or 
perjured tiiemselves by a bareraced violation^ it. To the world at 
Urge an appeal is made to decide the question between that illustri- 
ous band of statesmen, and , Mn Giles, Mr. Haiidltvg} Mr. Tat- 
nal, Mr. Hayne, Mr. Archer, and Mr. M*Ifeffie* 

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